I.
How History ought to be written.

THere is not any thing more difficult, than for a man precisely to Affirm, which is the best way of writing History. Every one ought to follow that which he finds most in use in the Age wherein he writes, and most conformable to the Gust and Inclinations of the People to whom he writes. But is that enough to please Posterity? That is an hu­morous, severe, and incorruptible Judge, who gives its approbation onely to true Merit. Let us therefore endeavour to find out the ways, whereby we may deserve its Suffrage. When a men writes nobly, with a constant Current of sound Sence, Purity, and Simpli­city of expression, he always pleases, what Language soever he writes in. These are uni­versal Principles, which are suitable to the Humours of all Nations: for there are no other general Rules in the world, than those of Reason and sound Sence. 'Tis by these [Page 4] that Thucydides, Xenophon, Salust, Caesar, Ti­tus Livius, Buchanan, Mariana, and such others have always pleas'd, though they writ in Times, and amongst Nations of so diffe­rent a Genius; insomuch that a man may be assured of pleasing when he writes as they have done. For what Grandeur, what Judg­ment, what Politeness, but above all what a sincere Simplicity is there not observable in the works of those great men!

II.
What it is to write Nobly.

A Man must therefore beset himself to write nobly, when he makes it his busi­ness to write History. For when a man fan­cies himself speaking to all the World, and to all Ages, he assumes a Character which gives him Authority to lift up his Voice, —genus hoc scri­bendi incitatum atque elatum esse debere, quis ignorat? Cic. ad fam. epist. 7. l. 6. Addidit Historiae majorem sonum▪ vocis Antipater, caeteri non [...]xor­natores rerum, sed tantummodo narratores fuerunt. Cic. de Orat. l. 2. be­cause [Page 5] he speaks to Kings, Princes, and the Grandees of all Countries and all Ages, and is become in some manner the Master and Instructor of all Mankind. There is not any thing therefore more essential to History, than for a man to give his Discourse a noble and lofty strain, to speak as he ought to do. So that the Historian quits the mean and fa­miliar Language, that by the Excellency of Expression he may answer the Excellency of the things which he has to say. He accu­stoms himself to make noble Reflections on whatever comes into his mind, that by the choice of Words he may make it his design to give weight to his Thoughts, and vigour to his Discourse, by a careful quest after whatever may heighten and ennoble it, in order to the bestowing a Character of Grandeur on all he says. The Models in this kind of writing are Thucydides amongst the Greeks, and Li­vy amongst the Latines. They are the one­ly Authors, who have been able to keep up that lofty Style, with the same spirit and the same tone, without falling into the mean and vulgar way of Expression; upon which ac­count they have had but few Imitators. He­rodotus, out of an humour to keep too close to Homer, would needs sometimes dwindle in those passages which required Elevation▪ as Longinus has observ'd. Tacitus, who ma­ny [Page 6] times is great onely upon the score of his being concise, is not a very good Model to be propos'd to any; for the Grandeur of his Style has not any thing that's natural. And in the general it is requisite, that we distin­guish between the counterfeit Grandeur and the real. It is not in the affectation of far­fetch'd Terms, nor in lofty Expressions; 'tis not in an overflux of big words, nor yet in the sumptuousness of discourse, that we are to make that Excellency of Style to consist, which History requires: wherein Ammianus Marcellinus, Lampridius, and most of the Hi­storians of the lower Class, were deceived. It consists in a lofty Expression, Magna, non nimia; sublimis, non abrup­ta; fortis, non temera­ria; seve­ra, non tri­stis; gra­vis, non tarda; lae­t [...], non lu­xuriosa; plena, non tumida. Fab. l. 12. c. 10. but modest, and in a Discourse capable of keeping up the highest matters, and raising up the weakest. It consists, in fine, in that temperament of Grandeur, which Quintilian gives true Elo­quence. It is not sufficient for a man to be ingenious, but he must have a particular Ge­nius, to write after that manner, and to give a cer [...]ain Elevation to what he says, by the Choice of the Terms, and by the Grandeur of the Sentiments. That Talent is so rare, that if we dash out of the number of Histori­ans those who have not written thus, the List of the true ones will be very small.

III.
What it is to write with a constant Contexture of sound Sence.

TO write with that Contexture of sound Sence, is to go directly to the main end, in what matter soever a man writes, without wandering or amusing himself by the way. It consists further in an Exposal of things with a kind of Prudence and Reservedness, with­out abandoning himself either to the heat of his Imagination, or the vivacity of his Wit. It consists in the suppressing of what may be superfluous in the Expression, such as are those Adverbs and Epithetes, which extenu­ate things in aggravating them; in not lea­ving any thing that is insignificant, languish­ing, or fruitless; in a generous Retrench­ment of what ought not to be said, how plau­sible soever it may be; in attributing always less to what is splendid than to what is solid; in not discovering any thing of fire or heat, where he needs express onely what is to be done seriously and in cold bloud; in exami­ning all his Conceptions, and measuring all [Page 8] his Words with that aequilibrium of Sence, Delectus verborum habendus, & pondera singulorum examinan­da. Fab. l. 10. c. 3. and that exquisiteness of Judgment, which lets nothing slip but what is exact and judicious. It consists, in fine, in having the strength to resist the temptation, which a man naturally has to make ostentation of his Wit; as that impertinent Historian does, who in the De­feat of the Parthians by the Emperour Seve­rus, Lucian. de conscrib. Hist. makes Osroes escape, by getting into a Cave planted about with Laurels and Myr­tles, wherein he makes himself ridiculous, while he thinks to be divertive; which is one of the most slippery places that an Au­thor could fall upon. And that senceful Spi­rit, that Character of Wisdom, which Histo­ry requires, is a kind of Attention over ones self, which does not allow it self any Exag­geration, and which takes continual Precauti­ons against those daring Imaginations where­to he is subject, whose Mind is too quick and volatile, or over fertile; that he may set down great things in few words, as Salust does, who holds great Councils, gives Bat­tels, takes Cities, conquers Kingdoms, with a shortness of Discourse, and a swiftness of Expression, which is understood at half a word. Tacitus has all the Sence that is re­quisite, answerably to his close way of wri­ting; but he has not enough of it to be intel­ligible. A man is sometimes put into an im­patience [Page 9] at the Precipitations of that Au­thor, who loses much of his Gracefulness, and falls into Obscurity, meerly upon this score, that he will needs confine in too few words what ought to have a greater Extent. The humour he has to be too concise puts me out of all humour, by reason of the little In­struction he gives me, in things which he does not sufficiently unravel. Polybius and Appianus are sometimes too liberal of their Discourse: and there is a kind of Judicious Taciturnity, which raises a better compre­hension of the Grandeut of the things which are spoken of, than all the words that are too weak to do it. 'Tis a Master-talent to suppress what cannot well be said; and it is the principal part of an Historian, to distin­guish between that which admits of Extensi­on and Restriction, and so to give every thing its just measure, that there may be a strict observance of decorum. For Livy, as dif­fus'd as he is, does not tire out the Reader's patience, because he is judicious where he seems to be most tedeous. But Thucydides, keeping too closely to sound Sence, does sometimes fall into a kind of harshness and drought, which a man would hardly pardon in him, were it not for the Purity and Ex­cellency of his Style. So hard a matter is it to write with a strict observance of Sence, [Page 10] without losing somewhat of those Beauties, which might be imployed if a man were not so prudent. But however let an Author be still of this persuasion, that the greatest Beau­ty of any Production is always the sound Sence of it: men are wearied with all else, but sound Sence never tires them. It is by this constant current of sound Sence that Philip Comines, notwithstanding the impure and unrefin'd Language of his Age, has me­rited the esteem and approbation of ours. But of all the modern Historians there is not any one has writ with a greater observance of the senceful Character, than Mariana in his History of Spain. It is a Master-piece of the last Ages, onely upon the score of that Quality. There is observable through that whole Work a wise Precaution, which never allows him to expatiate too much in the most plausible passages, nor yet to betray any negligence in those that are not such: and that so judicious an Evenness of Hand, which is always the same in the inequality of the matters, treated of by that Author, is but little known to the Historians of these last times. But the Talent of a senceful Re­flection on things is not sufficient, without that of purely expressing them.

IV.
What it is to write Purely.

AN Historian, Historico sermoni de­cus concili­et perspicu­itas propri­etásque verborum. Ben. de Hist. l. 1. who makes it his design to be read by Posterity, ought to study the purity of writing. Without that insinuating and inveigling quality, a History is likely to be but of a short continuance. 'Tis through this very want of Purity of Style, that so ma­ny Greek and Latin Historians mentioned by Photius and other Collectors of Libraries, Quid tam necessarium quàm rect▪ locutio? Fab. l. 1. have been lost in the general Wreck of so ma­ny other Works, and that of an almost infi­nite number, whereof Vossius gives us an account, there are remaining onely such as have written rationally enough to deserve reading. Curae mag­na sentien­di & lo­quendi, sed dissimula­tio curae praecipua. L. 9. c. 4. A man therefore ought not to concern himself in the writing of History, if he be not a perfect Master of his own Lan­guage, and critical in the Purity of it. For when a man has once propos'd to himself the Instruction of others, his business is to ex­press himself clearly, that he may be under­stood; and when he once speaks well, he forces the Audience of all people; besides [Page 12] that, it is to be imagined he says nothing as he should do, when he speaks not well; and this Clearness of Expression, Nihil est in Historia pura & il­lustri bre­vitate dul­cius. Cic. ad Brut. which is the greatest divertisement of History, cannot be found but in a pure Style. This Purity consists principally in the Propriety of the Words, in the natural disposition and distributi­on of the Phrases, and in the prudent and moderate use of Figures. In sententia nihil absur­dum aut alienum, aut subin­sulsum; in verbis nihil inquinae­tum, abje­ctum, non aptum, du­rum, longè petitum. Cic. de opt. gen. Orat. The Style ought not to admit of any thing that is improper, far-fetch'd, harsh, mean, over-daring, or ob­scure. Herodotus had this Purity of Style, and excells therein above all the Greek Au­thors, as Caesar does above all the Latines. Mens minds grew rustly in the subsequent Ages, wherein there was not any remarkable track of the Purity of the Ancients. But Q. Curtius, out of a desire to be too polite, has lost somewhat of that grand and majestick Air, which is so becoming in Salust and Livy. Certain it is, that he flourishes too much in certain passages; as for instance, in that of the description of the River Marsyas, at the entrance of the third Book; in that of the Adventure of Abdolominus, who of a Gardi­ner became a King, in the fourth; in that of the Siege of Tyre, and several others; wherein there is observable an Affectation of Elegance not consistent with the Gravity of History, which cannot admit of any thing [Page 13] that is affected. Moreover, that Purity of Elocution, which is so necessary to History, ought to be kept up with an observance of great Sence. Non debet quisquam, ubi maxi­ma rerum momentae versantur, solicitus esse de ver­bis. Fab. l. 8. c. 3. For there's nothing so flat or insipid, as Elegance void of things, and such as says nothing. Nay, it sometimes hap­pens, that an over-studied Purity of Discourse in great Subjects, abates some­what of their Grandeur, as it appears in the History of the Indies by Maffae­us, and in the Wars of Flanders by Cardinal Bentivoglio. Both those Authors made it too much their business to please by the Polite­ness of their Discourse; not reflecting, that the most adorned Beauties are not always those that are most taking, Vt monili­bus & mar­garitis, quae sunt ornae­menta foe­minarum, deformantur viri; nec habitus triumphalis, quo nihil augu­stius, foeminas decet. Fab. l. 11. c. 1. Ornatus omnis, non tam suâ, quàns rei cui adhibetur, condition [...] constat. Ibid. and that the most sumptuous Ornaments disguize the Wear­ers, as soon as they are excessive and dispro­portionate.

V.
Of the Simplicity of Writing.

THere is also a further Obligation incum­bent upon an Historian, to observe a Simplicity of Elocution, to avoid the Air that is pompous and affected, both which are con­trary to the grand Character which History is to look after; in regard that whatever is great ceases to be so, as soon as it is devested of that Simplicity which it ought to have; and what is joyntly simple and great doubles the Grandeur of it, and becomes sublime. Nor is there any thing that instructs better, Si oratio perderet gratiam simplicis & inaffe­ctati colo­ris, perderet & fidem. Fab. l. 9. c. 4. or more cajoles the publick Belief, than that Simplicity of Style, which was so much culti­vated by the Ancients, and is so little known to the Moderns: whatever exaggerates has a counterfeit Air; and Nature, which ought to be imitated in all things, expresses her self with as much simplicity as may be. But to make a full discovery of that Simplicity, which is so necessary to, and consistent with, a Grandeur of Style, it is to be observed that there are three sorts of it, to wit, a Sim­plicity [Page 15] in the words, such as that of Caesar; a Simplicity in the Sentiments, such as that of Salust; and a Simplicity in the Design, and in the Distribution of the Design, such as that of Thucydides, In judicio de Thucyd. so much celebrated by Dionysius Halicarnassaeus. Those Authors of the Moderns, who have come nearest that Character, are amongst the French, Philip de Comines; Guicciardine amongst the Italians, Buchanan amongst the Scots, and Mariana amongst the Spaniards: most of the others endeavour not to keep themselves up by the Purity, Politeness, and the other Ornaments of Discourse, but onely when their Abilities will not reach to the observance of that Sim­plicity; and they paraphrase the truth, when they have not the strength to deliver it na­ked. Happy is that man who can arrive thereto when he is concerned to write; ig­norant persons may understand him, while the intelligent are charm'd with him. But there is not any thing of greater difficulty to attain, than that even and natural Air, which contributes so much to the Simplicity of Style. There is an extraordinary Genius requisite in him who would speak things sim­ply, without falling into the mean and fri­gid Style. For when he studies Simplicity, there is not any thing he ought more to fear than Meanness of Expression. But wherein [Page 16] does this admirable Simplicity consist, which is the sovereign Perfection of a great Work, and what is meant by writing simply? In this, that a man should make use of the most proper and most ordinary words, but yet such as are full of great sence, as that Prince does, Homerus brevem quidem, cum animi jucunditate propriam, carentem superfluis, eloquenti­am Mene­lao dedit, quae sunt virtutes generis primi. Fab. l. 12. c. 10. on whom Homer bestows a concise, pleasant, and significant Eloquence, without any superfluity. It is for a man to think and speak pertinently what he has to think and say, without giving too great a Vivacity to his Expression, as Strada does; and without giving too much Lustre to his Conceptions, as Grotius does. It consists in a mans having ordinary and natural Sentiments, without ma­king so many Ratioecinations and Reflections, as Davila does, in his History of the Troubles of France, for when a man is so much taken up with Ratiocination, it is not Nature, but Art and Study that speak; and those so much studied Discourses smell of the School and the Declamation. Exponere simpliciter & sine ulla exorn [...]atio­ne. Cic. de Invent. l. 2 Nor. dice­re ornatiùs quàm simplex ratio veritatis ferat. Cic. de Orat. l. 1. Xenophon [...]is illam jucunditatem inaffectatam, quam nullae affectat [...] consequi possit, ut ipsae sermonem Gratia finicissè videantur. Fa [...]. l. 10. c. 1. It consists in not intermixing more Ornament in the Discourse than the Modesty of Truth can well bear withal. It con­sists in expressing that natural and simple Air [Page 17] of Xenophon's, which all imaginable Affectation cannot come near. It consists, in fine, in be­ing Master of that miraculous gift of Re­trenching what is superfluous out of the Dis­course; which Phocion was so excellently possess'd withall, and of whom Demosthenes, as great a Student as he was of that Simplici­ty, was wont to say, when he saw him ascending the Theatre to refute him, Plutarch. See the Iron Instrument which is to cut off all the super­fluity of my words. The better to establish this Character, which besides a great stock of Wisdom and sound Sence, require [...] great Exercise and much Meditation, a man ought to avoid being conversant with those Au­thors, whose Imaginations are over fertile, and so to shun that profusion of frivolous Con­ceptions and forc'd Expressions, and that Fu­stian way of writing into which men are apt to fall, when they are not exact Pursuers of sound Sence, and have not their Minds well poised. For Models in this way of writing a man is to propose to himself onely the Anci­ents, and amongst them he is to make choice onely of the most Eminent for the Simplicity of their Style. Herm. de Idaeis l. 2. Hermogenes proposes Theo­critus and Anacreon for great Models of that simplicity, of which their Writings are a sufficient Testimony. Herodotus seems to Longinus to be over-daring. Dionysius Ha­licarnassaeus [Page 18] charges Thucydides, as simply as he writes, with inserting too many matters of fact in some of his Narrations. Xenophon and Polybius are too full of Moralizations, and many times break off the Thread of the History by their Reflections. Diodorus Sicu­lus intermixes too much Learning in his Di­scourse. Plutarch may pass for a great Ori­ginal of that simplicity which we look after, for he has observ'd it in all he has written. Titus Livius does not appear to me more admirable upon the score of all his other great Qualities, than he does upon this. The current of his History is like the course of a great River, which glides away majestically; whereas the History of Tacitus may be com­pared to a rich and plentiful River, but sub­ject to Inundations: he is not sufficiently well poiz'd in what he thinks, and he is many times forc'd and harsh in what he says, mere­ly because he is not simple. Mariana is one of the most accomplish'd amongst the modern Historians, because he is the most studious to express himself simply. For there is not any thing of this simplicity of Style to be found in great Subjects, but what is always at­tended with Grandeur and Excellency. Those are the Qualities from which proceeds that primitive Ground [...]work of Perfection which History requires, and which may be call'd [Page 19] (as I may so say) the first Elements of that Beauty which it ought to have, and which ought also to be more predominant in the Fancy, and in the whole Character of the Historian, than in his Style and Discourse. Take now the other Lines which are to be added thereto for the completing of it, and which I briefly hint at, observing no other order than that wherein they present them­selves to my mind. I begin with the matter and form, that is to say, with what is most essential to History.

VI.
The Matter of History.

THE Matter fit to exercise the Art of an Historian is of a vast extent, since it is to comprehend all the Actions of Men, relating to Peace, War, Counsels, Negotia­tions, Embassies, Intrigues, and all the diffe­rent Adventures which are occurrent in Hu­mane Life. Cicero requires two Qualities in the matter of History, In rebus magnis me­moriâque dignis historiam versari. Cic. de Orat. l. 2. Historiam assuetam discurrere per negotiorum celsitudines, non humi­lium minutias indagare causarum.— Ammian. Marcell. l. 26. that the things should be great, and that they should be worthy to [Page 20] be communicated to the publick. No man has better explicated the Choice which an Historian ought to make of his Subject than Dionysius Halicarnassaeus has done, in the Preface of his History, and in his Judgment upon Thucydides, where he prefers the Choice which Herodotus had made of his Subject be­fore that of Thucydides, for the Reasons he alle­ges for it. But as it happens many times, that what is false has the Air of what is true, so there is a great perspicacity and discernment requisite to separate the true Motives of im­portant Actions, from those which are onely colourable and pretentional, and prudently to make choice of the matter, which wholly derives its Beauty and Curiosity from the di­sciplination and distribution of the Circum­stances, and from the Order whereto what is too indeterminate ought to be reduc'd, by restraining it within the natural extent of the Limits which it ought to have. When it shall have been so reduc'd, let the Historian become Master of it, Equidem non affir­mare susti­neo, de qui­bus dubito, nec subdu­cere quae accepi. Curt. l. 9 by a profound Medita­tion of his Subject, whereof he ought to have a perfect information and knowledge: and withall let him be sufficiently exact and religious, never to abuse the Credulity of the publick, by entertaining it with his own Conjectures instead of Truths, or giving it certain things for doubtful ones. Let him [Page 21] read as much as possibly lies in him, to the Source of the Instructions which he has been supplied withall, in order to his making a just discernment thereof. Let him not ad­vance any thing upon common Reports, whose Authors are always uncertain. Let him not affirm things but upon very sure Memorials, and very faithful Relations. Let him not be too slightly confident of the sincerity of those Historians who were his Predecessors, lest he be led out of the way by following ill Guides. Let him make a great distinction between Relations which are partial, or suspected of Prepossession, and those that are not such. Let him always stand upon his guard against the Partialities of those who furnish him with Memorials, in regard that Preoccupation ne­ver makes any but false Histories. Apud He­rodotum sunt innu­merabiles fabulae. De Leg. l. 1. Herodo­tus, whose History is so fabulous, according to the sentiment of Cicero, had onely wret­ched Memorials to work upon, as Josephus pretends. Thucydides, desirous to make his advantage of the others miscarriage, con­fin'd himself to the History of his own time, Marcel­lin. in vi­ta Thu­cyd. not trusting any other person, and writing onely what he had seen himself, or learned from creditable persons, and out of Memori­als which he got together with great cost, not onely on the Athenians side, but also on that of the Lacedaemonians, that he might [Page 22] have the Informations of both Parties. Xeno­nophon, Polybius, and Procopius, took in a man­ner the same course. Dion Cassius acknowled­ges in his History, that he spent ten years in preparing the Materials of it. Salustius maria transgressus dicitur, ut oculis suis crederet de conditioni­bus loco­rum. Pe­trar. Petrarch af­firms, that Salust went into Africa, to ob­serve himself the Situation of the places, whereof he was to give an account in his Hi­story of the War of Jugurth, as being un­willing to trust any but his own Eyes. For the most important matter of all is, for a man to be assur'd of the ground-work on which he writes. Lucian makes him a frivolous Hi­storian of his time, who writ the War of Armenia upon common reports, having not seen any person who had been in Syria, where the Battel was fought. In Praefat. Hist. And Vopiscus could not be induc'd to write the History of the Emperour Aurelianus, but upon the As­surance he received from Junius Tiberianus, Minister of State, that he should be furnish­ed with good Memorials. Nor is it suffici­ent for a man to be himself concerned in Af­fairs, but he must also have a Character of Spirit fit to communicate them to others. Hist. l. 12. Po­lybius affirms, that Calisthenes was a Witness of the Engagement between Alexander and Da­rius, in the narrow place of Cilicia; yet he does commit very great Absurdities in the description of that important Battel, merely [Page 23] out of his ignorance of Military Affairs, and the order which was observ'd in the Engage­ments of that time. A man ought therefore above all things to be very well assur'd of his matter, which he never fails of if he have a good Apprehension; but he may be defe­ctive in point of Assurance, if he have not the discernment requisite as to the matters of fact, which are advanc'd. How many false Memorials are there produc'd, because the Sources thereof are spoil'd by interessed per­sons? And if there be not any thing more common than the Materials design'd for Hi­story, for all may be good in order thereto: it may also be said, that there is not any thing more rare than that Certainty or Assu­rance whereby they ought to be attended, in order to their being proper for it, and which is hardly found, because there is a Preoccu­pation of all sides. Upon which account we ought to esteem that sentiment of Boccalini, Raggua di Parnas. as to this point, when he advises a man not to write any more than what he has seen, and not to suffer any thing to be publish'd till after his death: by which means he is assur'd of what he says, and Prepossession has no part therein. But let a man be careful above all things to pitch upon great Subjects, such are as capable of keeping themselves up by their own stock and strength; a lofty matter [Page 24] gives lustre and weight to the words; and in low Subjects Art must play its part, and sup­ply their weakness.

VII.
The Form of History.

THe Form which ought to be given to Hi­story is that which is most essential thereto: 'tis this onely makes it great or little, and it is by this we discover the mea­sure and extent of his genius who is the Au­thor of it. The person therefore who would write well must have a mind susceptible of great Idea's, and capable of Elevation; to the end that making himself Master of his Subject, he may invest his matter into what Form he pleases. 'Tis by this draught that Livy gives his History a Character of Gran­deur, which has not any thing like it in all the other Historians, by imprinting upon all the Subjects whereof he treats, the Colours whereof they are capable, according to their own worth. 'Tis thus that he gives the last Kings of Rome all the Arrogance which their absolute Independence inspir'd them withall; [Page 25] that he diversifies the Spirit of the Republick by the uncivilliz'd Vertue of the first Consuls, by the popular Insurrections of the Tribunes, by the Austerity of the Government of the Decemvirs, by the Luxury and Delicious­ness of the last Consuls; that he distinguishes every Age and Period of Time, by the ge­nius which had been most predominant there­in, without confounding the different moti­ons of that genius in the different Circum­stances of Times, which have not any thing of resemblance; and that he always keeps himself up at the same height, by the great representations he makes of the things where­of he treats. On the contrary, Tacitus gives all his matters in a manner the same Form; all is done in him by Political Considerati­ons; the persons he speaks of have always their Apprehensions disconsonant to those of other people. It is not their own Character that makes them act, but that of the Histori­an, who by the limits of a Mind too much restrain'd within it self gives always one and the same Figure to his Expressions, and the same Circumference to his Conceptions; there is a general resemblance and conformi­ty in all. The Political Reflection is the mo­tive and general decypherer and disentangler of all things. If Augustus makes choice of a Successor at his death, 'tis onely that he [Page 26] might be the more regretted that he gives them a Governour of the State more wicked than himself. Tiberium ascitum, quod ejus arroganti­am intro­spexerit, & comparati­one deterri­mâ sibi gloriam quaesivisse. Tac. Ann. l. 1. If Tiberius makes Piso Gover­nour of Syria, 'tis done onely to set a Spy over Germanicus, who governed Egypt, whose glo­ry gave him some umbrage. If the flatteries of Dolabella displease him, the reason is, be­cause they are not smart and ingenious enough. Of his sending Sylla into Exile the reason is, that he look'd upon his Taciturnity as proceeding from Dissimulation and Reser­vedness. Dolabella in absur­dam adu­lationem progressus. Tac. Ann. l. 3. The Modesty of that Emperour is onely a smother'd Ambition, his Favours are onely so many Snares, his Moderation is onely a scornful Fierceness, and his Religion is onely a supercilious Personation of it. 'Tis an argument of the Indignation of the Gods, Suspecta­bat Sullam, socors ejus ingenium callidúm­que simula­torem in­terpretan­do. Ann. l. 13. that Sejanus becomes the Emperour's Favou­rite, and is advanc'd to the Ministry of State. Arruntius poisons himself upon a political account, to avoid falling into the hands of a Master more brutish than Tiberius. He finds Wit even in the Stupidity of the Emperour Claudius, and Delicacy even in the Debauches and Brutalities of Nero; and he represents as a refin'd piece of Prudence, Tempori­bus Nero­nis sapien­tia pro in­ertia fuit. Id. the bestial humour which was observ'd in some people under the Reign of that Empe­rour. In fine, all the Characters resemble one the other, Nature has no part in any [Page 27] thing; her Sentiments are always forc'd therein, and the same genius reigns all over, by the impression of the genius of the Histori­an, who is in a manner always the same per­son. Mariana takes a larger Career; the Romans, the Carthaginians, the Christians, the Arabians, the Moors, the Mahumetans, make all different Figures in his work. The Spirit of the Author is not diffus'd into the other Spirits, otherwise than to distinguish them according to their Character, making his way always by paths, as different as the different Subjects whereof he treats, do require it. It may be also said, That amongst the Moderns there is not any History greater upon the score of its Form, than that of Mariana.

VIII.
The Design and End of History.

THe main Design of Romance is onely to divert, Alias in Historia leges obser­vandas, ali­as in Poe­mate; illa ad verita­tem quae­que, in hoc ad delecta­tionem re­ferri plera­que. Cic. de Leg. 1. and that of History to instruct. And this is properly their essential differ­ence, the later having not any thing which it proposes to it self, but the Instruction of the Publick. For as it does not labour onely for the present, so its prospect ought not to be confin'd to the present time, which is transi­ent, but to be directed to Posterity, which continues always. What Extravagance were it then, for a man to think of diverting onely the Age he lives in, when he may benefit all Ages? These are the Reasons which Lucian uses, to oblige the Historian, to mind onely what is beneficial, and to regulate the Hearts and Dispositions of men, by the Instructions he gives them. It is a great mistake (says he) to pretend that History may be divided into two parts, the Beneficial and the Diver­tive; for the Historian ought to mind onely the Benefit which may be gain'd from a sin­cere and true Account of Affairs; and if he [Page 29] inserts any thing that is Divertive, it must not be out of any design to corrupt the Truth, but to embellish it, and to render it the more acceptable. And to justifie his senti­ment, he alleges the Extravagancies of the Historians of his time, who made themselves ridiculous by following other Principles. He­rodotus made it his business to please the Age wherein he writ; Graecis hi­storiis ple­runque poe­ticae similis est licentia. Fab. l. 2. c. 4. but his Sincerity was so cried down in subsequent times, that he occa­sioned the Fidelity of the Greeks to be su­spected in point of History, in the time of Quintilian. Photius mentions an Historian named Damascius, who could think of no other way to please, —& quicquid Graecia mendax Peccat in historia— Juv. Sat. 10. than by relating things incredible. And Seneca complains, that in his time there were some Historians, who had no other Expedient to signalize them­selves than by fabulous Narrations: that was always the gust and humour of the meaner sort of people, who are pleas'd with Fictions; not that of Persons of worth and abilities, who love onely the Truth. Quidam incredibili­um relatu commenda­tionem pa­rant, & le­ctorem ali­ud acturum, si per quotidiana duceretur, miraculo excitant, & op [...] suum fieri popul are non putant, nisi mendacio asperserint. Senec. Qu. Natur. l. 7. In the subse­quent Ages the Arabians intermix'd so many Fables into their Writings, that they spoil'd most of the Historians of their times, by the humour then predominant, of intermixing [Page 30] surprizing Adventures in all their fabulous Productions. It was their Perswasion, that in order to Divertisement there was a necessi­ty of telling incredible things. That Fancy infected some of the modern Greeks; whence it comes, that the knowledge we have of those Ages by the Byzantine History, is not of the surest, because the Authors thereof seem to be of a Character not very exact. And when a man writes according to their Memorials, he ought to be very well precau­tion'd against so false an Idea, to merit belief; inasmuch as the falshood spoils all, and makes onely a Fable of the Truth. Nay the truest things ought not to be related, when they once appear incredible or extraordinary, if a man gives them not an Air of truth, or at least a Colour of probability. This is done by Thucydides; and though he found Hero­dotus in so great esteem, as that some gave his Books the names of the Muses, Lucian. de Hist. con­scrib. he made it his business to speak onely the truth, without minding how he pleas'd. Vtilitatem juvandi praetulerunt gratiae pla­cendi. Plin. praef. hist. nat. de Thucyd. & aliis hist. I had rather (says he) displease by speaking the truth, than divert by relating fables; in regard that by displeasing I may possibly benefit, and I may haply prejudice by endeavouring to divert. Let therefore this be granted, that there is not any thing so ex­cellent in History, as what is real; and that Truth being the greatest divertisement of it, [Page 31] that very Historian who would endeavour to divert, ought to advance onely what is true.

IX.
That Truth is the onely means, where­by History advances towards its end; and how it is found.

TRuth being the onely means, whereby History may securely instruct, ought also to be the principal rule of it, that it may be the ground-work of the publick belief, as it ought to be. But where is it to be found? Is there any thing in the world that lies more conceal'd than Truth? For besides the Clouds and Mists whereby it is naturally sur­rounded, and sometimes rendred inaccessi­ble, it is also begirt with all the Disguizes, which mans Heart is capable of. And if the ordinary Ignorance of those who write, and are so short sighted as to the prospect they should have before them, be an obstacle to the knowledge of Truth, their want of Since­rity, [Page 32] or voluntary Insincerity, is a much grea­ter. For how many false Judgments do men make by the false prospects which Passion or Interest gives them, and by the preoccupati­ons which Error or Opinion are wont to in­spire prepossessed Minds withall? In fine, Truth being of a nature so unknown to men, either by reason of its own obscurity, or by the weakness of their abilities, or want of attention, there is not any thing more diffi­cult, than to communicate it to the publick in its purity, and without any adulteration. And as it is continually corrupted and pro­fan'd by the baseness of Flatterers, most Histo­rians being ordinarily Court-Pensioners; so a man ought to bid defiance to hope or fear, as soon as he has once concern'd himself in writing, that he may have the courage to be a constant deliverer of the truth. But if it suffices not that a man be willing to speak it, he must also be able to do it, by searching after it in the purity of its source, by seeking it in the most curious Closets, and by con­sulting the Instructions of those who have been concern'd in the Affairs, so to unravel what is most mysterious in the most secret In­trigues. The Historian above all things must well study Man in general, make a discovery of his disposition by the most fantastick and most unexpected passages, find out the great­est [Page 33] weaknesses of his heart, dive into his true Sentiments, that he may not impose false ones upon him; and judge of him by those natural and unforeseen motions which he is guilty of, when he least thinks of them. 'Tis by this means that he descries the real Sentiments of the Soul, the Heart having not the time to re­collect in order to its disguizing of it self: for it forces it self as soon as it comes to reflect, as Tacitus offers it to our observation in Agrip­pina, Agrippina pavor & consternatio mentis emi­cu [...]t, quam­vis vultu premere­tur. Octa­via, quam­vis rudibus annis, dolo­rem, chari­tatem, affe­ctus omnes abscondere didicerat. Ita post breve silen­tium repe­tita convi­vi [...] [...]. Tac. ann. l. 13. and Octavia the Sister of Britannicus. For as soon as he was smitten with the Poison which Nero had ordered to be given him at the Banquet, wherein he procured his death, Octavia was troubled as well as Agrippina; there was a visible Consternation in their Countenances; but whereas Octavia was in hopes of being married to Nero, and that Agrippina his Mother, a Woman naturally ambitious, was desirous to reign, their poli­tical Reflection reassur'd them; and not to give any disgust to the Emperour, who rid out of the way his Rival to the Empire, they smother their Sentiments, silence their grief, and continue the Repast with the same Gaye­ty of Humour, as if nothing had happen'd, while the Prince gave up his last gasp in the Antichamber. Now this must be look'd on as a great piece of Contrivance in an Author, who would give us an exact account of those [Page 34] whose History he relates. But this is a Con­sideration not much heeded, and is the reason that we have so few Histories. There is a Character of Spirit proper for the delivering of things as they are, which is not common; it is one of the Talents of Thucydides, Rerum ge­starum pro­nunciator sincerus Thucydi­dides. Cic. de clar. orat. the most faithful and most sincere of all the Hi­storians: he has a gusto and liking for the Truth, and a discernment to distinguish be­tween that which is true and false, together with an Accuracy of Spirit, which has gain'd him the approbation and esteem of all Nati­ons. Dionysius Halicarnassaeus commends him above all things for his keeping close to the Truth, In judicio de Thu­cyd. alledging that he never spoke any thing against his Conscience: wherein he has surpass'd Herodotus, whose design it was one­ly to please. Scribe se­cur [...], dicas quod velis, babiturus mendacio­rum comi­tes quos Historicae eloquenti [...]e miramur autores. Vopisc. praef. hist. For Strabo affirms, that he in­termix'd Fables into his History, out of a pure frolick to render it divertive. The Hi­storians of the lower Class became so great Flatterers, that their defect in point of Fide­lity diverted Vopiscus from writing the Hi­story of his own time; but the Governour of the City, a Favourite of the Emperour's, in a Discourse he had with him as they walk'd abroad, took off that scruple by representing to him, that the most considerable Historians had been deceiv'd in many things. Apud Flori [...]. S [...]. P [...]llio affirms, that the same thing has happen'd to [Page 35] Caesar in his Commentaries, because he took not the leisure to examine what he said. Now if the greatest men are subject to these miscarriages, what will be the case of the ordinary sort of Writers? Neminem scriptorum, quantum ad histori­am perti­net, non aliquid esse mentitum. Vopisc. ib. And if Truth does not always make a discovery of it self in its purity to extraordinary Genius's, how shall it expose it self to me [...]ner persons, who upon the very score of their Quality cannot deliver any thing without changing the Cir­cumstances thereof, either by diminishing or augmenting the Objects? For there is not any thing of greater rarity than an exact Character, and such as is fit to communicate things as they are: they are not said other­wise than as they are conceiv'd; they are not conceiv'd, but answerably to the frame of the Imagination: and of several per­sons who may have seen the same thing, there are not many times two that de­liver it after the same manner, every one relating what he had seen according to the Idea he has taken thereof, and suitably to the frame of his own Apprehension. The Talent therefore most requisite in an Histori­an, is that exact and faithful Inclination of declaring the truth, in all Circumstances con­ducive to its making an Impression in, and meriting the belief of the publick. But it is not yet sufficient to History, that it commu­nicate [Page 36] what is true; there is further requi­site a certain manner of Expression to speak it well, and that is called the Style. Let us now see which is the most convenient to History.

X.
The Style proper to History.

THe Style is the Form of the Discourse, and the Manner after which a man writes: the most proper to every one is that which is most conformable to his Genius, and he ought to follow it without any violence. So that a Style having an intermixture of se­veral Styles is always vicious. This is a defect of Strada in his History of Flanders, who by the excellency of his Imagination, and by his great Reading, had fraught his mind with different Characters. Verum ip­sum in scri­bent is sin­cerita [...]e candoreque elucet. Melch. Can. in loc. Theol. l. 11. c. 6. And that intermixture which is observable in his man­ner of writing, how pleasant soever it may be, abates somewhat of its perfection. Ma­riana, a person of the same Society, has more substance, and is more even in his Style. But the most proper Style for an Historian is that which hath most the Character of Truth, and [Page 37] wherein that natural Lustre of Sincerity, which ordinarily attends Truth, is more con­spicuous: for what has that Air is easily cre­dited. De con­scrib. hist. The Style of History (says Lucian) ought to be clear and natural; in as much as clearness is the rule of what it ought to speak, as truth is the rule of what it ought to think. The Discourse of it ought to be free, Quan­quam vin­cta sit, so­luta videri debet ora­tio. Fab. l. 9. c. 4. though it seem to be restrain'd; and it does not so much require Numerousness, as a rotundity of Style, that it may have that unconcernment which renders it natural. But in regard the Historian ought to read the ancient Authors, in order to the framing of a Style according to his Genius, we shall give him here what he shall find observable in that Study, Historia non tam fi­nitos nu­meros, quàm or­bem con­textúmque desiderat. Ibid. for his fra­ming to himself a Method proper to his De­sign. The Style of Herodotus is gentle, even­ly flowing and pleasant. That of Thucydides is more noble, and implies more Grandeur, but it is not so natural: nay, he has some harshnesses which render him obscure; and he is less remarkable for Numerousness and Rotundity than Herodotus. Xenophon writes with an insinuating and milde Air; In Herodo­to omnia leniter fluunt; tum ipsa dialectus habet jucunditatem. Ibid. Thucydides praefractior, ita nec rotundus, in eo orbem orationis desi­dero. Cic. in Bruto. Obscurus est, quia pressus. Ibid. his Dis­course, [Page 38] which may be likened to a pure and clear Water, has nothing comparable to it in Antiquity, Tribus li­bris de bello civili Cae­sari falsò asscriptis nihil duri­us, nec can­dori Caesa­riano mi­nus conve­niens. Flo­rus Sabin. in calum. Ling. Lat. unless it be the Style of Caesar; for there has not been any thing writ in the Latine Tongue of greater purity. The Ob­servation of a modern Critick, who takes no­tice of a difference of Style in the Books of the Civil Wars, which he pretends are not written so purely as the War of the Gauls, is a delicacy beyond my apprehension: I am not so subtilly observant as to find it so; and I appeal to the Sentiment of Suetonius, who makes no distinction between them. I must acknowledge, that I am extremely taken with the Elegance and Simplicity of that Author; no person ever had the Talent of writing more clearly. Genus ora­tionis fu­sum, & cum lenitate quadam aequabili pros [...]uens, sine judici­ali asperi­t [...]e, & sententia­rum forin­sium deu­ [...]eis prose­quendum. Cic. de orat. l. 2. But the Transcendency of Livy's Discourse puts me into an Ecstacy; it is near two thousand years that that Histori­an has been heard with respect by all peo­ple, upon the score of that Majestical Tone wherewith he speaks, which has been the ad­miration of all Ages. Nor is my mind taken up with any thing so much as that admirable choice of words, always proportionate to his Sentiments, and that Expression of Sentiment always conformable to the things whereof he speaks. In fine, he of all the Authors has best pitch'd upon the Style which Cicero ad­vises of History; and he is that great Model [Page 39] which Buchanan, Mariana, Paulus Aemilius, Paulus Jovius, and all those who have out­lasted their own Ages, have propos'd to themselves, as to the manner wherein Hi­story ought to be written. Tacitus is not so proper for that purpose; for he, by reason of his startling and surprising Sallies, may be compar'd to Lightning, which does not so much lighten as dazle. Paterculus and Flo­rus have made a kind of intermixture of the florid, delicate, and divertive Air, with the meaner sort of writing. The Authors of the History of Augustus, Salustius rerum Ro­manarum [...]lorentissi­mus autor. Tac. hist. l. 3. as Ammianus Marcelli­nus, Lampridius, Spartianus, Julius Capitolinus, Vopiscus, and the rest, have degenerated into the frigid and impure Style, which has not any thing of that noble Simplicity of the pre­cedent Ages. Salust has somewhat of Gran­deur and Sublimity in his way of writing; Salustio vi­gente am­putatae sen­tentiae, & obscura brevitas, fu [...]re pro cultu. Sen. l. 11. [...]. 114. in which respect Quintilian compares him to Thucydides. Quintus Curtius is conspicuous and florid. And upon these two ways, which are in a manner the two onely rational ones, that a man can make use of, he may examine which of the two is the most proper for Hi­story: and that question is the most important of any that can be made upon this subject.

XI.
Whether the Noble Style, or the Flo­rid, be more proper for History.

IN a question of such consequence as this, which is not yet well decided, it will be sufficient to allege the Reasons which may serve for the decision of it, when a man has not the Authority to decide it himself. Verba ex­cerpsit Sa­lustius ex originibus Catonis. Suet. in Aug. Sa­lust has a certain Grandeur in his Style; but he has some harsh Expressions, which render him dry in some places, because he had de­rived that unpolishedness from the original Expressions of Cato; which gives a Serious­ness to his Discourse, and that has the Air of Severity. Salustius scriptor se­riae & se­verae orati­onis. A. Gel. l. 17. c. 18. On the contrary, there is not any thing more polite than Quintus Curtius; it is a flower of admirable Expression, which extremely pleases the Virtuosi. But the busi­ness now in hand is to examine, whether the harsh Style of Salust, how harsh soe're it may be, is not more sound and more proper for History, it giving (as indeed it does) Weight, Vigour, and Grandeur to the Dis­course. [Page 41] Has it not even its Beauties and Ex­cellencies? Is it not in that harshness of Style, that we sometimes find those fierce and daring Graces, which Demetrius Phalereus says that Homer has so well express'd, in the Adventure of Polyphemus in the Odissey, Ib. l. 9. where­of he is the first Author, as Demetrius pre­tends in his Treatise of Elocution: that is to say, those Graces which have nothing of softness or effeminacy, and which please with­out any affected and superfluous dress. The same Author cites several Examples of them taken out of Xenophon, who has the art of making those things pleasant, which have not ought intrinsecally [...]o recommend them. In this does properly consist that austere Style, which Hermogenes prefers before the soft Style, De Id [...]is▪ l. 1. c. 5. & l. 2. de In­vent. when he says, that an absolutely sim­ple Narration has many times more force and vigour, than that which is adorn'd and flo­rid; inasmuch as the severe Style may have Grandeur, and the milde Style cannot ascend above Mediocrity: and for this reason does he place sound Sence, how much soever it may admit of negligence, amongst the quali­ties of the noble and elevated Style. This (says he) was the Character of Pericles, whom Demosthenes propos'd to himself, in the Ac­quest of that vigorous and vehement Elo­quence, wherein he has excell'd. Hyperides [Page 42] (says he elsewhere) is chargeable with Neg­ligence, but yet he has Grandeur: his Style is rough, dry, and Sceleton-like; but it is no­ble and sublime. Austerus Graecâ consuetudi­ne. Cornel. Front. de different. vocum. For that Austerity of Style, which was the true Character of the Greeks, is onely an exactness of sound Sence, and an adjusted and correct Reason, which (with­out minding what glitters) aims onely at what is solid; it has nothing that's counterfeit in its Sentiments; all its Attention is wholly bent upon a Sobriety of Discourse, which has not any thing but what is senceful and sim­ple. Artis seve­rae si quis amat effe­ctus, men­témque magnis ap­plicat, pri­ùs more f [...]gali [...] ­tis lege pol­leat exa­ctâ. Petr. And this is also the Style which Plu­tarch attributes to Demosthenes, and which Dionysius Halicarn [...]ssaeus does not distinguish from the grand and sublime. 'Tis in fine that Vigour of Expression, which gives the Dis­course an Air of Excellency and Majesty, whereby it becomes great and solid. 'Tis thus that Caesar has somewhat that's more no­ble in the simplicity of his Discourse, than Tacitus has in all the pomp of his words; and there are some Negligences in the ancient Authors, Si juve­nes verba atroci stylo effoderent, jam illa grandis oratio haberet majestatis su [...] pondus. Ibid. Histori ca locutio, ubi munditiem retinuerit, majora ornamenta non requirat; simplex, pura, naturalis [...]it, nec Atticam sic [...]itatem referre possit. Beni, [...] hist. l. 1. which are equivalent to all the ex­actness and regularity of the Moderns. Not [Page 43] but that the florid Style may be of use in those small Histories, which cannot keep themselves up by their own intrinsecal worth. The Princess of Montpensier ought to be writ with all the Elegance that Art is capable of; but the History of the War of Paris and of our last Troubles in France, ought to have a greater Air of writing. In small Subjects there is a Delicacy requisite; in great ones, Vigour and Dignity are re­quired. Let Paterculus be polite and orna­mental in the Character he has taken; but let Livy be transcendent and serious; in as much as ordinary Beauties stand in need of Ornament e're they can shew themselves, and the great ones, who have their Attractions within themselves, need it not. Not to urge that Truth, which is the Soul of History, is apt to fall under suspicion, when she is once too sumptuously adorn'd; nor that Negli­gence has more of the Air of Sincerity. And this is what's particularly to be observ'd upon the account of Style, after the general Noti­ons I have given thereof: but whereas it can­not be put in use otherwise than by Narrati­on, let us examine how that ought to be.

XII.
Narration.

HIstory (properly speaking) being onely a recital of things past, Historia narratio rei gestae, per quam ea quae fa­cta sunt dignoscun­tur. Isidor. l. 1. Orig. and in the or­der they came to pass, ought to be a conti­nued Narration. So that there is not any thing more essential to it, than that a man know well how to relate; but there is not al­so any thing more difficult. For what Art is there not requisite to prevent the distraction of the Reader, and to keep him in a conti­nual posture of Attention? Expositio praeterito­rum tempo­rum. Fab. l. 4. c. [...]. What Prudence is there not requisite to mingle and scatter up and down those Colours, which are fit to put things into a state of Verisimilitude, and to intermix ever and anon those Insinuations, Custodia fidelis re­rum gesta­rum. Tit. Liv. l. 6. those Explications, those Graces, that Fire, that Vivacity, which keep the Narration from languishing? What Dexterity is there not requisit [...] [...]or a man to display his Art and Wit in what he says, and ye still to conceal it; and by a great variety of Expressions, Fi­gures, Conceptions, to scatter Ornaments up and down upon the Passages that are capable [Page 45] thereof, Dare ora­tioni varios vultus; gaudent enim res varietate. Fab. l. 9. c. 2. yet without ever discovering them? What Discernment and Recollection is there not requisite to know what ought to be said and what ought not to be said; to speak, and to be silent; not to stick any longer than is fit upon the places he is to pass through; to expose things at large or minutely, accord­ing as necessity or decorum require; to dilate, and abbreviate them; to heighten by a hap­py Expression the Passages which are not hap­py of themselves; and never to tire out the Reader by an excessive Uniformity? In fine, what Judgment is there not requisite accurately to distinguish between what suits well, and what does not? For 'tis upon this that the whole Beauty of Narration, and all the Grace of History depends. But Narrati­on is complete, when it has not any thing that's superfluous. Thus you have in a word that whereto the Perfection, which it is capable of, may be reduc'd. The Precepts of Cicero and Quintilian say no more; Circumcisa expositio rei quae su­pervacuis caret. Fab. l. 4. c. 1. after whom I have not any thing to say. For when the Superfluities are once retrenched, when those needless Circumlocutions and those Epi­thets, which are introduc'd merely for osten­tation, and all those frivolous Ornaments of Discourse are suppress'd, every thing hastens to its period. Vigour, Smartness, Dignity, all is kept up in it, and nothing languishes. [Page 46] As to this point Thucydides surpasses Herodo­tus, Densus, brevis, semper in­stans sibi concitatis affectibus Thucydi­des. Fab. l. 10. c. 1. who is too diffusive in certain Passages, wherein he gives too much scope to the Ex­cellency of his Imagination. Salust is an Author of an exact and concise Character; he is principally recommendable upon the score of the swiftness and rapidity of his Dis­course; 'tis that which animate [...] it, and makes it so lively. The Narration of Caesar is ad­mirable for its Purity and Eloquence, Thucydides verbis ap­tus & pres­sus. Cic. de Orat. l. 2. but it is not lively enough; and it is defective as to that force and vigour which he quarrell'd at in Terence. As for Titus Livius, he has an Air of relating things which is very insinua­ting, by reason of the intermixture he makes of small things with great ones in his Narrati­on: Immorta­lem illam Salustii ve­locitatem consecutus Livius. Fab. l. 10. c. 1. in as much as an over-long Continuation of great things spends the Spirits, by reason of the Attention they require, and small things give them some relaxation. 'Tis ac­cording to the same Method that he diversi­fies his Adventures, that he makes a vicissi­tude of mournful and pleasant things, that he disposes what is splendid and what is hea­vy, [...]lla Salu­stiana bre­ [...]itas, quâ nihil apud aures eruditas per [...]ectius esse potest, captan­da. Ibid. Livius in narrando mirae [...]uc [...]nditatis▪ clarissiimique candoris, ita du­cuntur omnia, tum rebus [...] personis accommodat [...]. Ibid. according to a wise and judicious Tempe­rament, [Page 47] to keep the Reader in breath by that variety. For a Narration grows flat, when it has not a diversity of Accidents, Adventures, Figures, and Expressions. Nay, a man must give certain Intervals to things, that so the Reader may have time to breath, and not smother his matter, by an over-intermixture of Occurrences one with another. This is a defect which Dionysius Halicarnassaeus reproa­ches Thucydides withall, Thucydides creber re­rum fre­quentiâ. Cic. de Orat. l. 2. Tract. de Judic. Thucyd. in a Narration of the third Book of his History, wherein he so intermingles the different Interests of the Athenians, Lacedemonians, and the other Na­tions of Greece, that he somewhat confounds the several species, by a Narration over­charg'd with matter. And this is a defect ordinary enough in fertile Wits. Rerum ra­tio ordinem temporum desiderat. Cic. de Orat. l. 2. Though the order of the times be the most natural to Narration, in regard it discloses things in the series wherein they happen; yet is there however an order of reason in the distributi­on of Occurrences, which ought to be the particular Study of the Historian. In rebus magnis me­moriâque dignis, con­silia pri­mùm, dein­de acta, postea eventus ex­pectantur▪ Ibid. It is one­ly by this concealed Order that he ingrati­ates himself with the Reader, makes him take the same prospect of things as he had done himself; that he instils into him his own Sentiments, when he makes him see men act­ing naturally as they ought to act, and that he shews him their Manners, their Concepti­ons, [Page 48] their Designs, their Motives, their Acti­ons as they are in a kind of dependence one upon another, and in that natural Order, wherein there is an exact Correspondence. The Historian, who knows how to manage this without confusion, is a great man. This is the way that is pleasing, and not those ex­traordinary Emergencies, after which a man runs when he has no Judgment. For there is not any thing more taking, than to see men act in that order: that alone well deliver'd keeps the Mind attentive. As to which par­ticular Livy has been the most succesful, be­cause he has best followed that Order, by pursuing the course of his History with an in­tertexture of Discourse, and an always equal and even Concatenation of Actions. Cap. 18. Longi­nus has not forborn to observe, that Thucydi­des does sometimes discompose things that were well concerted, merely that he might surprize by his disorder, and so diversifie his Narration: nay, he often relates things past in the present time, in shewing them as if they then actually passed; which raises a greater Expectancy and Attention in the Reader. Tacitus has his frequent Sallies, and does not make a consequential delivery of things. That great Sence pent up in few words has not the extent it should have, to be proportionate to the Apprehension of his [Page 49] Readers, which is many times o'repressed therewith: and as he is not natural in what he relates, nor ever hardly humanizes him­self, so he does not instruct as he ought to do. For instance; when upon occasion of the Papian Law he explicates the Origine of Laws; or when he elsewhere describes the Privilege of Places of Refuge, he does not go to the Source of the things; he does not clear up any thing to the bottom, or he does it amiss; as when he would explicate the Re­ligion of the Jews, in the fifth Book of his History. Nay, his very Style is no way fit for it, which is a great defect in an Historian, whose principal Function is to instru [...]. But after all a Narration is good, howe're it be made, when it pleases.

XIII.
Transitions.

THe great Art of Narration, and one of its principal Beauties, consists in Trans­itions. And indeed those delicate and natu­ral Windings, those happy Devolutions from one subject to another, which make the Pro­secution of the Discourse engaging; those insinuating Attractions, which conduct the Reader's Mind from object to object, and give him a spacious, yet divertive, Prospect: in fine, all that admirable oeconomy of Trans­ition, is that which is most delicate and most sprightly in Narration, which looks always as it were forc'd, never easie and natural, with­out that Art. It is not enough for a man to understand speaking well, in order to the attaining of this; but he must be eloquent, absolute Master of his Subject, and perfectly know the Connexions and Dependencies of it; for the most proper Transitions ought to be rather in the things themselves, than in the words. So that those Excursions out of Kingdoms into Kingdoms, out of Nations [Page 51] into Nations, out of Ages into Ages, with­out any method or management, are great Deviations and Sallies, in a History any thing well regulated, wherein every thing ought to be disposed and adjusted, as we find in the Structure of a great Palace, the Propor­tion and Correspondency of whose parts make one of its greatest Beauties. For History is as 'twere a Body, consisting of its several Members by a natural Connexion. As to which particular the History of the Schism of England, by Sand [...]r [...]s, is very defective amongst the Moderns, as that of Florus and Patercu­lus amongst the Ancients. Xenophon­tis fluens, & sine sale­bris oratio. Cic. There is not any thing more connected, or more gently flow­ing, than the the Discourse of Xenoph [...]n. Livy has those qualifications in a greater measure; his Narration is an admirable Concatenation, in regard his Transitions are not so much in the words as the things. Salust is not of so even a thread. Tacitus is less even; if he has any Connexions, they are forc'd, and the thread of his Discourse is much interrupted; which startles the Reader, who cannot follow that Author but with loss of breath. The most difficult Transitions are those which are in the most common things; for a man must keep up himself with an Expression that has not any thing mean in it, notwithstanding the meanness of the Matter; nay find out an [Page 52] Expedient to connect things that have not any mutual dependence. 'Tis also in those places that a man ought to use his greatest art and wit. The Reader's Mind is so deli­cate, that it is not always turn'd as an Au­thor pleases. And therefore those Wind­ings, which it is to be conducted from Ad­ventures to Adventures, ought to be prepar'd by secret Co [...]catenations. For in short, it is many times subject to a ridiculous Coyness, and is in so fantastick an humour as renders it intractable. But what artifice is there not requisite to diversifie those Transitions, be­tween which there should never be any re­semblance, that so he may always supply the Reader with new Idea's, by not placing the same objects before his eyes? Herein ought the industry of the Historian to be much ex­ercised; for in this consists that Graceful­ness of Narration, which alone can make it pleasant and attractive.

XIV.
The Circumstances of Narration.

IF a Narration becomes pleasant upon the score of its Transitions, it becomes pro­bable upon that of its Circumstances. For nothing renders a man more concern'd than a matter of Fact well circumstanced, which be­ing over-clouded and obscure, as it is in it self, is cleared up by particulars, and by that means becomes sensible, palpable, evident; and there's no way to make one apprehend the progress of great Enterprizes and import­ant Affairs, but that of unveiling them by the different degrees of their Circumstances. So that the art of exposing the Truth in all its dependences, by decyphering what is par­ticular therein, making one of the greatest Beauties of History, the Historian ought to study it with all the care imaginable. Take then what there may be to be observed there­in. The grand Secret is, to know how to make a prudent and judicious choice of the Circumstances, fit to give a greater Idea of the thing, to imprint in them that colour [Page 54] which engages Credulity, and by that mi­nute dissection to render them capable of fastening on the Mind. A Collection of great and small Circumstances methodically inter­mix'd one with another, is of that nature when they are well chosen. For the great Circumstances raise admiration, and the small ones create diversion, provided they be well chosen, without being aggravated. But, though a Matter of Fact, which is not ex­actly particularized, does not make any im­pression; yet is it requisite, that a man should avoid all those mean, frivolous, and minute Particularities, which debase a Sub­ject; for he becomes childish, and indeed ri­diculous, who insists too much on small things. Such was that impertinent Historian menti­oned by Lucian, In cons [...]r. hist. who makes a very particu­lar description of the Parthian King's Vest, and of the Roman Emperour's Buckler, whilest he is describing the Engagement. Others (says he) not minding essential things, spend their thoughts on what makes nothing to their purpose; as he, who having said a word or two of the Battel, which he was to give an account of, falls into a description of the most extravagant Adventures of a Moorish Knight, that could be imagined. Thus does Procopius in his Secret History, forget to circumstance what is important, and is very careful in cir­cumstancing [Page 55] what is not so. A man ought therefore, in the relation of a Matter of Fact of consequence, to know how to set off to the best advantage the Circumstances which are most proper to clear it up, and to heighten it, by distinguishing that which is essential from that which is not. The most complete Model we have in History of a great Action related in all the Circumstances capable of giving it weight and grandeur, is Hannibal's March into Italy, described in the 21. Book of Livy's Annals. It is in my Judg­ment the most accomplish'd passage of his History; and there are few things of that force in Antiquity. Never did greater De­sign enter into a Soul more extraordinary, and never was any thing executed with more confidence or more resolution. His business was to come out of Africa, to pass through all Spain, to climb over the Pyrenaean Moun­tains, to cross the River Rhone, which is so large and so rapid near its falling into the Sea, and whereof the Shores on each side were planted with so many Enemies; to open a way through the Alps, where none had ever passed before; to march all along upon Precipices, to dispute every foot of Ground he was to go, with People posted every where in continual Ambuscado's, amidst Snow, Ice, Rain, Torrents; to defie Tempests and [Page 56] Thunder, to engage against the Heavens, the Earth, and all the Elements; to have at his heels an Army of an hundred thousand men of different Nations, but all dissatisfied with a Captain, whose Courage they could not imitate. There is a Consternation in the hearts of the Souldiery; Hannibal is the one­ly person undisturb'd; the danger which surrounds him on all sides, raises a trouble in the hearts of the whole Army, but he is not mov'd thereat. All is set down in a minute Particularization of dreadful Circumstances; the image of the danger is expressed in every word of the Historian; and never was there any Representation more complete in Histo­ry, nor any touch'd with stronger colours, or more lively. Nor is there any thing better circumstanc'd in Tacitus, Annal. l. 11. than the Enter­tainment which the Empress Messalina made for Silius, her Gallant and Favourite. 'Twas a kind of Vintage in all the Ceremonies, the season of Autumn being favourable thereto; Joy, Pleasure, Effeminacy, Lasciviousness, Impudence, Debauchery, all is describ'd with an exquisite delicacy and elegance, and all is particulariz'd succinctly, sencefully, and related in a smart and lively manner: and there is not any thing more judiciously plac'd, to render by so frolicksom a Pourtraiture the Death of Messalina, which follows soon af­ter, [Page 57] more tragical and more full of horrour. In fine, there are some happy Circumstances which give a Grace to whatever they are applied to; they must be known ere they can be imploy'd. Sometimes things become great­er by their Circumstances than they are in themselves. Let us seek out those Circum­stances which are joyntly capable of pleasing and instructing, and so prevent the Reader's being wearied out. Let us imitate D'avila, who so excites Attention by the art he has of Circumstancing what he says. And yet exces­sive Particularizations tire the Mind: let us therefore make a distinction between import­ant and necessary Circumstances, and those that are not such. Let us consult Lucian, and his Discourse upon History; he is a great Master in it. But to make a Narration com­plete, we are to joyn to the Circumstances of the things which it says, the Motives of the Actions which it relates; for the Motives well couch'd down render a Narration as curious, as the Circumstances render it probable.

XV.
Motives.

TO relate the Actions of Men without speaking of their Motives, is not to be accounted writing of History. Who does so, demeans himself as a Gazetteer, who thinks it enough to deliver the Events of things, without advancing to their Source. As Cae­sar, who simply gives an account of his Mar­ches and his Encampings, without acquaint­ing us with the Motives thereof: all in his Narration is too simple and too superficial; and true it is, that he writes onely Memoirs. It is therefore by this Particularization of the Motives which put men upon Action, that History becomes it self curious, and that it keeps it self up, especially in important Af­fairs. He therefore minds onely the Superfi­ciality of things, who relates how they pass'd without going to their principle. Rerum ra­tio vult, ut quoniam in rebus magnis consilia primùm, deinde acta, postea eventus expectantur, in rebus gestis declarari, non solùm quid actum aut dictum si [...], sed quomodo; & cùm de eventu dicatur, ut causae explicentur om­nes, &c. De Orat. l. 2. Reason re­quires (says Cicero) that as in great affairs the [Page 59] designs should precede the execution, so the Hi­storian should give an account not onely of the events, but also of the motives; and that report­ing what has been done, he should explicate how and by what means it was done. Tacitus says somewhat much to the same purpose; that the Historian is concern'd not onely to re­late the Events of things, but also to disco­ver the Ground-work and Principles thereof, and to give some account of the Motives. 'Tis by this that an Historian distinguishes himself, and becomes considerable; and no­thing is more divertive in a Narration, than the decyphering of what is secret and of im­portance, in the designs and intentions of those whose Actions it divulges: and as Hi­story has not any thing curious comparably to that, so are there not any Historians of any fame, who have not endeavoured to sig­nalize themselves upon that score. For no­thing does more excite the Curiosity of men, than when they have discover'd to them what is most conceal'd in the Heart of man, that is to say, the secret Springs and Resorts, which make him act in the Enterprizes, which are ordinary to him. It is therefore by this Re­ascension to the Cause that we discover the genius of those persons who are spoken of, that we find out the predominant humour which puts them into action, what things [Page 60] they are capable of, and that we light on the truth by diving into their intentions. But with how many Falshoods are Histories fraught upon this plausible pretence? And into how many errors have fallen, and do daily fall, unjust, unfaithful, and interessed Historians, who carried on with the Career of their own Conjectures, communicate their own Visions to the publick, in explicating the Designs of those whom they discourse of. As for example, that Pericles occasioned the Peloponnesian War, upon the score of his Amours to the Curtezan Aspasia. That Xer­xes carried into Greece that dreadful Army, of which Historians give us an account, onely out of a design to eat Figs there. That An­thony lost the Empire, onely to avoid losing Cleopatra. That Francis the First of France had no motive to bring an Army into Italy, but the fair Eyes of a Milanese Lady named Claricia. There is not any thing more dan­gerous than this sort of people, who make it their business to search into mens hearts, to guess at their thoughts; who say all they know, and all that comes into their Minds, out of a fear of being defective in telling the truth. This is one of the great Miscarriages of D'avila, whose Reasonings are pertinent enough, but whose Conjectures in the Mo­tives of the matters of fact which he alleges, [Page 61] have but little truth in them, if we refer our selves to the Sentiments of ancient Courtiers, who had a true account of things from their Fathers. 'Tis therefore when all's done, onely an Action well disclos'd as to the Mo­tives, and a Secret well div'd into, that gives a great Idea of the Ability of the Historian; that creates a Judgment that he speaks as a person well inform'd, and is a great beauty in a History. Haud fa­cile animus verum pro­vides, ubi officiunt odium, ami­citia, ira, at­que miseri­cordia. Cae­sar. apud Salust. in Catil. But let an Author, who is subject to guess at things, be always on his guard against his own Prepossession; let him not hearken to his Affection, nor to his Aversion, that so he may avoid Artifice, and those Colours which he is apt to give things, to turn them to that side for which he is pre­possess'd; let him not introduce supposititious Falsities, to justifie his Conjectures, and to bring things to the posture he would have them in; let him not alleviate or aggravate any thing, as Tacitus does, who spits his venom every where; or as Paterculus, who scatters Flowers on all sides; let him not make men have worse intentions than they have, as Herodotus does, when he says that the Persians were called into Greece by the Spartans, because they could not any longer resist the Lacedemonians▪ nor yet endure them, In Herod. as Plutarch reproaches him with it; nor let him excuse unjust actions by good in­tentions, [Page 62] as that Callias of Syracuse did, who justifies all the Actions of Agathocles, because he was kind to him, Excerpt. const. ex Diodoro. as Diodorus observes; nor as Paulus J [...]vius has done in respect of Cosmo de Medicis in these last Ages. There are in all Historians some Miscarriages of this kind, because there are few among them who have their heads steddy enough to oppose their Prepossession. But though the Motives in great persons ought regularly to be more excellent, and indeed greater than the Acti­ons; for the Motives depend on them, where­as the Events do not; yet is there no great mistake (the Condition of Grandees consider­ed) in putting into the Scales of their Coun­sels and Deliberations, some Grains of the Vanity and Weakness whereof they are ca­pable. For it happens many times, that most men determine what they intend to do upon impertinent and ridiculous Motives. There are infinite Examples of it which I omit, to avoid being my self infinite upon this Subject. It is principally requisite, that there be a discovery of the Vanity, the Malice, the Ig­norance, the Extravagance of Man's Spirit, which are as it were the Principles thereof, in order to a full discovery of his intentions, and e're we can [...]ive into the weakness of them, which is the grand principle of his Malice; and a man must not be ignorant above [Page 63] all things, that the Slothfulness of most Gran­dees, in examining what is of greatest con­cern in Affairs, and the impatience they are in to see the issue of them, is the Wheel up­on which is carried about what is most essen­tial in their conduct. These are they who ought principally to be known, in regard that being (as they are) the grand Actors upon the Theatre of the World, all things are re­gulated according to the fantastick humour they are in; but it is not to be affirmed, that a man's Reason always hits upon the right, when haply he may have done it once by pure chance. There are some Historians in this Age who have lost their Repute by the ex­cessive itch they had to intermingle their own Conjectures in all occurrences, and to com­municate themselves to the publick, toge­ther with their Histories. As Herrera does, who says that the Duke of Parma did not what he could against the Dutch, that he might according to policy keep them the longer upon the stage. There is not any thing more opposite to the Spirit of the Hi­storian, who ought to be faithful and sincere, than those Conjectures which are made at random without any ground; and all those Deductions grounded upon simple Conje­ctures are either uncertain or frivolous. And this I conceiv'd observable upon the [Page 64] points of Transitions, Circumstances, and Mo­tives, wherein the principal artifice of Nar­ration consists. Take now what is to be thought of its parts, which are the Figures, the Passions, the Descriptions, the Orations, the Reflexions or Sentences, the Characters of persons, the Digressions, and whatever may enter into the oeconomy of the Discourse, whereof History ought to be compos'd.

XVI.
Figures.

HIstory does not make use of Figures, but onely to animate and enliven it self. The Orator who designs to impose, does speak for the most part figuratively, the better to set the Ressorts of his Art on work: but the Historian ought to demean himself otherwise. That very Simplicity of Expressi­on which Truth requires in History, is not compatible with those Figurative Airs, which would offend its candour and ingenuity. Lu­cian, who is admirable upon all other ac­counts, is not so much upon any, as against those vain Ornaments of Eloquence, which [Page 65] do not become History. Luc. de cons [...]ri [...]. [...]ist. If you bring in too many of them, says he, you make it like Hercu­les dress'd up in the ornaments of his mistress: which is the greatest Extravagance imagina­b [...]e. It is yet much less capable (adds he) of those glittering Flourishes which some use in Poesy, to cause those Emotions which it ex­cites in the Heart, which stir the Soul, and raise a disturbance in the Mind by the agita­tion of the Passions. History, which is simple and natural, and would not have me believe any such thing, ought to leave me the free­dom of my Heart, that I may pass a more so­lid judgment on what it tells me. Flo­quence, which by its proper Character is a delusive art, may attempt upon my Liberty, by endeavouring to persuade me whether I will or no: But History, which confines it self within the limits of pure instruction, can­not with any decorum make use of Figures upon any other score, than that of devesting the Discourse of its natural frigidit [...], and making it less wearisom. 'Tis onely thus that Herodotus, Thucydides, and Xenophon keep the Readers Mind vigilant; nor is it ever to impose upon the publick, that Salust, Livy, and Mariana speak figuratively. Ta­citus is not so scrupulous; he has the Air of a man, who designs onely to dazle: the boldness of his Metaphors, and of his other [Page 66] Figures, renders his Expression as if 'twere serew'd up, and of difficult comprehension. Caesar is in the other extreme; Caesar scripsit Commenta­rios qui nu­di sunt, absque om­ni ornatu orationis. Cic. in Brut. it is a naked Discourse, without Figure, destitute of all ornament. Not but that a figurative Ex­pression seasonably made, does sometimes please more than the proper words, in regard it creates Images that are more lively and pleasant to the Mind, and gives a vigour and generosity to the Discourse; and there is a wise and judicious confidence of Style, which is allowable in those places, where there should be an excitation of the Spirits. But it is requisite, that the Figures to be well imployed should affect Shamefac'dness and Modesty, not assuming to themselves the li­berty of those Sallies of Poesy, or the nobler sort of Eloquence. Let them not (says Lu­cian) be too splendid nor too far fetch'd, un­less it be in the description of a Battel, or in an Harangue, wherein the Historian (says he) may unfurle the Sails of his Eloquence, yet without spreading them too far.

XVII.
Passions.

THe Passions are also one of the great Beauties of Narration, when they are seasonably intermingled, and judiciously treated therein. Nor do they indeed require that heat which ought to attend them upon the Theatre: they ought to appear in ano­ther Air, for they are not represented by way of action, but onely related. An Hi­storian may give his Discourse a dress of Pas­sion, but he ought not to be in any himself. Thus does he study Man with all possible dis­quisition, to discover in his heart the most se­cret Motions which Passion is capable of ex­citing therein, to the end he may express the trouble and discomposure of it. This partly and pathetically done, is a great divertise­ment in a Narration. Thucydides has treat­ed that part better than Herodotus, for he is more eloquent and more pathetical, accord­ing to the Sentiment of Dionysius Halicarnas­saeus; Epist. ad Pomp. & de virt. Serm. though Herodotus does sometimes be­tray a greater vivacity. Hermogenes propo­ses [Page 68] an admirable Model of a tender, affection­ate Narration, in the death of Penthea, Queen of Susiana, which is related in the seventh Book of Xenophon's Cyrus. 'Tis one of the most excellent passages of that Author; all is related therein with a great tenderness and insinuation. Affectus eos praecipue qui dulcio­res sunt, ne­mo histori­corum Li­vio m [...]gìs commenda­vit. Fab. l. 10. c. 1. Quintilian pretends, that of all the Historians Livy has most signallized him­self, by those tender and delicate ways of Ex­pression, wherein he has treated of the gentl­est Motions of the Soul; the violent carrying away of the Sabine Virgins, those Tender­nesses which they made appear to disarm the Romans their Husbands, and the Sabines who were their Fathers; the death of Lucretia, and her body expos'd to the publick, to stir up the people to a Revolt from the Tarquins; Vetturia at the feet of her Son Cariolanus, who was come to besiege Rome, to appease him; Virginia stabb'd with a Dagger by her own Father; the Consternation of Rome after the Battel at Cannae; and a thousand other passages of that kind, set down in his History with the most delicate Airs, and the most pa­thetical Expressions that can be imagin'd, are excellent Examples of it. And it is in this Historian that a man ought to study the Air of treating the Passions, as they ought to be treated in History; for he animates him­self onely in those places, where there is a [Page 69] necessity of heat and fervour. Tacitus minds not the husbanding of his fire; he is always animated; nay the Colours he makes use of are always too strong: and in regard he is many times too expressive in certain things, and does not make a natural Representation, he moves not the Reader. I say nothing of the other Historians, most of whom under­stood not the Passions, nor the manner they ought to be treated. 'Tis a singular kind of Rhetorick, which requires a great Senceful­ness, and a very exact knowledge of Moral Philosophy. But if we would please, let us be sure to avoid those dry Narrations, which do not excite any tenderness by those passio­nate Airs which Nature requires.

XVIII.
Descriptions.

THe Affectation which most Historians seem to have for Descriptions, has some­what decry'd the use of them amongst the Ju­dicious: nor is there any thing so childish as an over-gawdy Description in a serious Hi­story. An Author cannot be too circum­spect in the use which ought to be made of them. The Principle which ought to be therein observ'd is, that there's no more re­quisite than what is necessary, to create a clearer apprehension of the things, the know­ledge whereof is essential to that which a man writes. Such is the Description of the Island of Capreae in the fourth Book of Tacitus his Annals; for it specifies the Reasons which Tiberius had to retire thither, towards the end of his days, which makes it necessary: and being short, elegant, polite, as it is, ha­ving nothing superfluous, it may be said, that it is as it should be. The description of the place where Jugurtha was defeated by Me­tellus in Salust, Sal. in bel. Jugurth. contributes to the better [Page 71] comprehension of the Fight. We find there an account of the Gallantry of the Romans, as also of the Experience of the King of Nu­midia, by the advantage he had taken in post­ing himself in the upper Grounds; and the whole Relation of the Battel is better under­stood by that Representation of the place, which the Historian sets before our eys: as he does also the Description of the place where Hannibal attacqued Minutius, in the 22. Book of Livy's Annals, which is a passage very well couch'd. Descriptions may also be allow'd in a great History to render the Narration more divertive, provided they be to the purpose, and without that superfluity wherewith they are ordinarily attended in young Historians: the affectation they have to make an Ostentation of their Abilities that way, occasioning sometimes their falling into Childishness, which are to be pitied. Nay, Lucian quarrels at the over-tedeous Descrip­tion which Thu [...]ydides makes of the Plague of Athens, De hist. conscrib. in the second Book of his History; and it is possible he may have some Reason for it; for that Author (as wise as he is) gives too minute a Particularization of that Distemper. But it is with much more ground that the same Critick exclaims against the impertinent Historian of his time, who took so great a pleasure in making great Descrip­tions [Page 72] of Mountains, Cities, Battels, which [...] all the Snow and [...] North. Nor indeed is there any thing so frigid, as a Description too far­setch'd. The Military Machines of Caesar are describ'd in his Commentaries with too great a particularity of Circumstances, in a subject so mechanick as that is. It would seem that great Commander, whose Reputa­tion in the management of Military Affairs is well established, had a desire also of acqui­ring that of an excellent Engineer; wherein there appears too great an Air of Affectation, in a person so judicious as he was. The De­scription of Africk in Salust's Jugurth [...]ne War, is over-circumstanced; there needed not so much to have been said, to set out the Limits of the Kingdoms of Adherbal, and Ju­gurtha, which was the business then in hand. What occasion was there of describing that whole Countrey, and distinguishing the Manners of the Inhabitants, with so much particularity? It is requisite therefore that Descriptions should be necessary, exact, suc­ [...]inct, elegant, not sought for, and that they have not any thing that clashes, nor that there be discover'd a vain desire in the Author of making a greater shew of his Wit than of his Subject; that so they may be such as they ought to be, and such as those of Livy, who [Page 73] is to be the Model, which they are to pro­pose to themselves, who would make them well.

XIX.
Harangues.

I Find the Sentiments of our Masters much differing as to this point. Herodotus, Thu­cydides, Xenophon, Salust, have principally signallized themselves by their Harangues. Thucydides has therein excelled the rest: the Discourses which he makes the principal Actors of his History deliver, as Pericles, Nicias, Alcibiades, Archidamus, and whole Nations, whom he introduces speaking by their Deputies, are admirable Lectures for the Orators of all Ages; and it is principally in that School that Demosthenes had his In­stitution. Polybius is more reserved; he does not make Scipio speak so much, though he might justly have done it, In sermoni­bus effin­gendis Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, Salustius, [...] vadentur: ea causa est cur Caesar Commentarios scripsit, ut id omitteret, in quo alii laborârunt. Bisciol. l. 7. hor. subcaes. as having always accompanied him in his Wars. Caesar is yet [Page 74] more reserv'd, for he does not in a manner make any of those Harangues, pretending they derogate from the truth of History; and making it his business onely to write plain Memoirs, that so he might be the more sim­ple in his Discourse. Dionysius Halicarnassaeus brings in Brutus making a great Exhortation upon the death of Lucretia, to animate the people to revenge: and the Harangue he in­troduces Valerius making upon the Form of Government, which was most convenient for the State, in the seventh Book of his Histo­ry, is of a great length. Josephus, Appianus, Dion Cassius, Procopius, are great Discour­sers, as were also Thucydides and Xenophon, who had taken that Idea of Haranguing from Homer. And indeed if we examine the ground of those Discourses, especially of those which are made by chief Commanders, to encourage their Souldiers to fight, we shall find but little likelyhood in them. Trogus with much reason reproaches Salust and Li­vy, Trogas re­pre [...]endit in Livio & Salustio, quòd con­ciones & orationes operi suo inserendo, historiae modum excesserint. Justin. l. 38. Livius, Thucydides, interserunt conciones, quae nunquam ab iis, qui­bus sunt attributae, cogni [...]e fuerunt. Scal. Poet. l. 1. with the immoderate excess of Harangues in their Histories. Accordingly all those Discourses made by Grandees have an Air of [Page 75] Fiction: for upon what Memoirs could they have been taken? Besides that, it is not likely a Warriour should speak as an accom­plish'd Orator. So when Pericles in Thucydi­des commends those Souldiers who had been defeated and killed by the Boeotians, his Ha­rangue is supposititious; as is also that which Salust makes Catiline speak to the Conspira­tors, which in all probability was secret, and not much thought of before hand. And this is some part of Beny's Argument in his disap­proval of that Abuse. Ben. l. 2. de hist. Thucydides, who was a judicious Author, grew sensible of it in his last Books, wherein he Harangues much less than in the precedent. But it is a Lesson of Nature; for there is no account made there­of, if they who are concerned therein are not introduc'd to speak them; for there is not any thing else does so much animate the Narrati­on, which is apt to become frigid by too even a thread of Discourse. There is therefore a mean or temperament to be observed: A short Discourse pertinently made in an Hi­story, by an Author fit to make such a one, and such as may be conveniently applicable to the person and the subject then concerned, may have its peculiar beauty, being set in its proper place. But those formal Harangues at the head of an Army, when they are just ready to engage, and those tiresom and pro­lix [Page 76] Deliberations, which are made upon the Affairs whereof they speak, are now in a manner obsolete and out of use in well-digest­ed Histories; and the wisest Authors chuse rather to introduce the persons concern'd speaking indirectly, and saying the things in general, without engaging themselves to speak the very wo [...], as Livy has done at the beginning of his History, by the Embassa­dors whom Romulus sends to his Neighbours. Most of the Harangues in Salust are always admirable, and never pertinent nor to the purpose. For nothing can be more excellent than the Discourse of Marius; it is a most solid piece of Morality upon the subject of Gallantry: all is rational in it, and Antiqui­ty has but few Discourses of that vigour in order to the persuasion of Vertue; but that is not in its proper place. And the Air wherewith he makes Cato and Caesar give their Votes in the Senate, is not (as great as it is) proportionate to the rest of the Histo­ry. For the same reason the great Discourse which Dion Cassius makes in the 56. Book of his History, upon the Commendation of Marriage and Celebacy, is not very perti­nent. There is not any thing comparable to the Harangue which Tacitus brings in Tibe­rius making in the Senate, upon the Refor­mation of Luxury and Riot, in the third [Page 77] Book of his Annals: never did Historian make a Prince speak with more Dignity. The Harangues of Agrippa and Mecaenas to Augustus, the one advising him [...] quit the Empire, and the other to keep it, are admi­rable in Dion Cassius; but they are so long, that they take up the whole 52. Book. In a word, to put a period to this Article, I am of Cicero's Opinion, who speaking of the Dis­courses of Thucydides, De Thucy­dide oratio­nes, quas interposuit, laudare so­leo; sed imitari ne (que) possim si ve [...]im, ne (que) velim ss possim. Cic. de clar. Orat. wisely says, I find them very excellent; but I could not do as much my self if I would, nor would I do it if I could. And this is the best that can be said as to that point: for in fine, Harangues are always sub­ject to be tedeous. And 'tis a pleasant hu­mour of Boccalini, who makes an ancient man to be condemn'd, by way of Penance, to read one of Guicciardine's Harangues, because he had read a Madrigal in the Parnassus with his Spectacles on.

XX.
The Characters of Persons.

POurtraitures do very much imbellish an History, when they are well done: but the Romances have spoil'd us upon that score; for we make too many of them, and such as are not like any thing. We amuse our selves in representing at random the external Ac­complishments of the person, which is not the business to be done. Explicen­tur homi­num ipso­rum non so­lùm res ge­st [...], sed vi­ta ac natu­ra. Cic. l. 2. de Orat. Of what concern is it to me, to know whether Hannibal had a fair Sett of Teeth, provided his Historian dis­cover to me the Grandeur of his Genius, pro­vided he give me the Representation of a bold restless Spirit, of a Person of vast Projects, of an undaunted Courage, and all that animated by an uncontrollable Ambition, but kept up by a robust Constitution, Lib. 21. as Livy has de­scrib'd him? Thus does Salust create in me a great Opinion of Catiline, by the Pourtrai­ture he makes of him at the entrance of his History. And when I see that resolute Soul­dier raising Armies in his Closet, going to the Senat in a silence, which denotes Reso­lution, [Page 79] to affront the Consul, slighting and scorning his Invectives, putting Rome into an Alarm, making Italy tremble; in fine, da­ring that which no private person ever durst; I am not surpriz'd, after the Description which the Historian has given me of him. I see a man of capacity and conduct, who stirs all without shewing himself, because he had laid his design well. Pompey is at a great di­stance with the best Forces of the Common-wealth, engag'd in an important but obsti­nate War; Rome is full of disaffected per­sons; the neighbouring Provinces are full of Malecontents; there is an universal disorder in the Commonwealth, by reason of the over­flux of all vices predominant therein; and all things seem favourable to Catiline's design, in the conjuncture he takes for the execution of it. Thus may a man guess at what will hap­pen upon the War between Adherbal and Jugurth, after the description which Salust gives of both their Genius's: thus have I a perfect knowledge of Scylla and Marius, ac­cording to the Idea he has given me of them; and take a pleasure to see flowing down from a source, which that Historian has discover­ed to me, the result of the great Actions of Jugurth, who gave so much trouble to the Romans, after the Representation he has made me of that Chieftain's courage and con­duct. [Page 80] 'Twas thus the Ancients intermingled in their Histories such Pourtraitures of per­sons, whom they would give a particular Character of, to distinguish them from others; which is a thing of great Ornament in a Work, when 'tis pertinently done. For when the Historian has well establish'd a Chara­cter by those essential and distinctive lines, all goes the better; every thing is more easily apprehended in the Narration. But it is a Master-piece for a man to attain that resem­blance, which consists onely in those singular and imperceptible Touches, by which alone Nature is express'd, and which are hardly found, otherwise than by a particular search into mens hearts, and a discovery of all the Recesses thereof, to get a perfect knowledge of what lies conceal'd. But what vivacity of Spirit, and what perspicacity is there not re­quisite to do that? Take here then what is to be observed therein: The Pourtraiture or Character ought to be real; and so Xeno­phon is defective in the Pourtraiture he has made of Cyrus, wherein he has given us a Hero in Idea. It ought to resemble the per­son represented; in which case Tacitus is not exact, who makes it his business rather to fol­low his own genius, than to imitate Nature; endeavouring rather to make beautiful pie­ces, than good draughts; provided his re­presentations [Page 81] please, as that of Sejanus, in the fourth of his Annals, he minds not how little they resemble, for he makes him more wicked than he was, if we may believe Pa­terculus, who much commends him. There ought not to be any Pourtraitures made but of the most important persons; as to which particular Salust is mistaken in the Pourtrai­ture of Sempronia, who comes but indirectly into Catiline's Conspiracy. But though a man ought not to amuse himself too much in describing the external qualifications of the person, yet may it be done upon certain oc­casions, when it is conducive to a better dis­covery of the genius of those who are spo­ken of. And indeed there are many ways of representing persons. Livy speaking of Lucretia, who was so beautiful in the eye of her Husband, giving no description of her Countenances gives an account onely of her Vertue, and in two words sets down the greatest Idea which could be given a vertu­ous Woman. Taictus describes Tiberius onely by his Actions; and 'tis by those that he makes a discovery of him. Lucretiam no [...]te serâ non in convivio luxúque, sed dedi [...]am lanae inter ancillas sedentem inve­niunt. Annal. l. 1. Oppress [...] in [...]lclin [...]is par [...]sitos suos violis & floribus, sic ut animam [...]l [...]qui effaveri [...]t. Lampr. in Heliog. Lampridius [Page 82] gives us a description of the fantastick hu­mour of the Emperour He [...], when he tells us, that, after he had glutted his Para­sites with good cheer, he caus'd them to be smother'd in great heaps of Flowers. Proco­pius describes the Empress Theodor [...] by her Venereal Debauches. The Historian of Wences [...]us thinks it enough to pitch upon one debauch'd act to give a Pourtraitive of that Emperour: He order'd (says he) his Cook to be spitted and rousted, because he had not roasted a Pig, which he intended to eat of, to his mind. But the hest way of describing is that of discovering the secret motions and inclinations of the Heart, from which we may derive a better knowledge of the per­son; 'tis thence alone we ought to assume that Air which distinguishes; to give a man a Character▪ built upon the ground work whence it is taken. All the rest ought to be but of little account in a serious History, which cannot admit of any thing but what is judicious. Nor do I like those copied Pour­traitures; made up of an intermixture of se­veral pieces, such as [...] has, which he has taken out of Tacitus; nor such as that of Walste [...]n in [...], which is compos'd of most of the excellent Pourtrat [...] of Anti­quity. A man ought not to amuse himself in taking of Copies when he draws by the [Page 83] Life, and thinks to make an Original. In fine, History is the most faithful representation of the persons of whom it speaks; for nothing makes a greater discovery of their Character, than the Consequences of their Actions.

XXI.
Reflections and Sentences.

THis Article will much exercise our Dis­cussive Faculty, as being that which makes the whole Delicacy of History, when it is treated with that tenderness which that Subject requires. But what deviations and mistakes are there not to be avoided, in a track wherein a man cannot walk too simply? Xenoph [...]n, Polybius, and Tacitus are very libe­ral in point of Reflections. Thucydides, Sa­lust, and Caesar are more reserv'd. What side should we take [...] so great Examples, up­on so different a [...]onduct, and in a matter so important? Certain it is, that what beauty soever History may expect from these sorts of Ornaments, there is not any thing rela­ting thereto, that ought to be better or more cautiously manag'd. For in a word, to mora­li [...]e upon all things, and without [...] [Page 84] to put the Adventures which present themselves, great and little into curious and political Reflections, implies a quitting of the Character of an Historian, who ought simply to relate what he has to say, without shuffling into the Relation what comes into his own Head. Nor is there any thing more capable of altering the Truth, or at least of en­tangling it, than those subtile Conceptions which an Author thrusts in of his own, and which the Reader has not the ingenuity to unravel, from that part which is purely histo­rical. It is therefore wisdom in an Author, not to be ridiculously over-conceited of his own sence, that so he may act the part of a Philosopher indifferently, upon whatever presents it self to him, as▪ Ammianus. Mar­cellinus, who plays the Philosopher too much, out of a mis-understood Affectation to appear Learned. Livy keeps on his way, without stopping at any thing; he says what he knows upon the things he speaks of, and he leaves the Reader to make Reflections himself, Deos esse non neglige­re humana; superbi [...] & crudelitati, [...]. Annal. l. 3. and does not prepossess him with his own; and when he does so, 'tis in few words, but noble and great ones: as for instance, what he says of the Crime and Punishment of Ap­pius, who had forcibly carried away Virginia. It is a great talent in an Author, to know how to find work for those who read him, by [Page 85] giving them matter, that they may deduce Consequences from it, and take those Pro­spects to the things he relates, which they shall think fit. For every Reader would have the freedom of think what he pleases upon what is presented to him, and not be pre­possessed; and the use of that freedom is one of the greatest divertisements he takes in his reading. Let us therefore retrench those profound and abstracted Reflections, if our design be to please; let us not subtilize so much in what we write, but let us endea­vour to be simple and natural. Let us speak the truth without commenting upon it, if we have the steddiness and strength of inge­nuity to do it. Let us above all things avoid those usual Moralizations upon Fortune and her inconstancy, whereof some Books are so full. Let us not involve our selves in those over-sententious Sayings, which aim onely at splendour and decoration. Let us re­nounce those Clinchings, and all those delu­sive Sentiments, which some Authors of mean parts exercise upon words. Curandum nè senten­tiae emine­ant extra corpus ora­tion [...] ex­presse. Petr. But if we make an intermixture of Reflections in our Dis­course; let them be naturally deducible from the ground of the Subject▪ let them not be too subtile or over-studied; let them have less Splendour than Solidity; let them come nearer the ratiocination of a wise Politician, [Page 86] than the affectation of a Declamator; let them not be either too frequent, and without an apparent connection, but enchac'd, or in­ter woven in some manner in the body of the Work. In fine, let them not have that forc'd Air of Reflections, which creates an ill Opi­nion of him who makes them. As to this particular Tacitus, Machi [...]vel, P [...]lus J [...]vi [...], D'avila, and most of the Italians and Sp [...]i­ards, are excessive. Besides, let not any one amuse himself in making those curious Refle­ctions, whether upon a political or morel ac­count, unless he have a perfect knowledge of the person he speaks of, as also of the Illu­sions of his mind, and the Weaknesses of his heart; for it is by that knowledge that good Historians are distinguished from mean ones, as Plutarch in his Lives. Salust, as great a [...] Endeavourer of Simplicity as he is, amuses himself too much in declaring against the cor­ruptions and immorality of his time; he is al­ways incens'd against his Countrey, and al­ways disgusted with the Government; he creates too bad an Opinion of the Common-wealth, by his Invectives and Reflections up­on the Luxury of Rome. And indeed, though [...]ere be not any thing of falshood in what he says, yet he devi [...]ces from the spirit which first [...]nimated him. Nor would D'avila be so much a Declamator, if he did not some­times [Page 87] forget that he is onely an Historian. It is also requisite that a man should be deep­ly skill'd in Morality, e're he can make per­tinent and seasonable Reflections; for true Morality is the Ground-work of good Poli­cy. And so it may be said, that Tacitus his Politicks are many times false, because his Morality is not true; wherein he attributes too great a Corruption to men, or he has not sufficiently that talent of implicity he ought to have: there is not ordinarily any thing natural in his Reflections, because there is not any thing innocent; he envenoms all, and gives all things the worst Gloss that may be. By those ways has he corrupted the Minds of many persons, who imitate him in this par­ticular, not being able to do it in others. And this is what I conceive observable as to the use of Reflections upon the score of Histo­ry. A sententious Saving may be seasonably put into the mouth of a person, whose Cha­racter qualifies him for the speaking of Sen­tences. In my judgment Mariana and Stra­da have not been sufficiently careful in this particular. Nor is there any kindness to be had for that over-serious sort of Writers, who will not be put out of their track; and who to give an Air of greater importance to what they say, multiply Sentences upon Sen­tences, Reflections upon Reflections, and [Page 88] by a ridiculous Gravity play the Cato's upon trifles. An excessive humour of subtilizing in these over-sought Conjectures, is apt to degenerate into a delusive delicacy of wri­ting; and Reflections are not good but when they have least the Air of Reflection.

XXII.
Digressions.

DIgressions have also their peculiar grace, when they are made where they ought to be, and not chargable with any indeter­mination or want of connection, inasmuch as they give the Narration that variety which is requisite to render it divertive; but there ought to be a prudent distribution and inter-mixture of them. A man is apt to be misled when he leaves his Subject; for wanting the requisite recollection, he is apt to take the wrong course; and for a man to quit the matter he had propos'd to himself, without any Precaution, and so to go and seek out Adventures, onely to give his Reader a more spacious prospect, does not so well stand with the Character of an Historian, as it [Page 89] does with that of an Adventurer, who minds every thing, purposely to thrust into his Narrative whatever comes in his way; he takes Cities, gives Battels, and makes Ad­ventures every where; as Herodotus does, who is continually starting out of his matter by over-frequent Digressions, and those many times forc'd, though he had taken Homer for his Patern, who is a great Master in it; for though he often takes a high soaring flight, yet he pursues his course directly enough to his mark, without deviating by introducing things that are incongruous. Thucydides is more regular than Herodotus; he keeps close to his Subject, without starting out of it. The Conspiracy of Harmodius and Aristogi­ton, in the sixth Book, is one of those Digres­sions wherein he has most excell'd. Xenophon endeavours to imitate him; if he sometimes miscarries, as he does in the fifth Book of the History of Cyrus, in the Adventure of Pan­thea, yet that Adventure has a natural con­nection with the body of his History; Pan­thea having been taken by Cyrus in the De­feat of the Assyrians, and King Abradaras her Husband having engag'd himself in the Party of Cyrus, and been made one of the Generals of his Army. True it is, that I would not be answerable for the other Di­gressions of that Author, which have not that [Page 90] absolute connection to the Subject they ought to have in his other Works. Polybius & Salustius ita peccâ­runt, ut nullam un­quam veni­am impe­trârint, dum digre­diuntur, &c. Ex Se­bast. Mac. Polybius has frequent Digressions upon the point of Poli­ticks, the Science of Military Affairs, and the Laws of History, which seem not very necessary. Salust is sometimes chargeable with the same fault; upon which score a mo­dern Critick blames them both. Photius does very much commend the Digression which Dionysius Halicarnassaeus makes in his seventh Book, in describing the Consequen­ces of Aristomedus his Tyranny. The Que­stion about the Phoenix handled in the sixth Book of Tacitus his Annals, upon occasion of the News which was brought to Rome of a Phoenix that appear'd in Egypt, in the Reign of Tiberius, is within the rules of a just Digression. The Question is search'd into by the different Opinions of Naturalists upon the Bird; its Qualities, its Figure, all is there describ'd in few words. A Flourish of that nature well plac'd is of great Orna­ment in a Narration, and it excites the Curi­osity of the Reader, and keeps his Mind vi­gilant and attentive. Nor is there any thing gives the History of Mariana that Air of Grandeur which it has, so much as the Art which that Author has of introducing into it, by the means of Digression, whatever passes in the world that's considerable, whatever is [Page 91] admirable in fabulous times, and whatever is remarkable in Greece, Sicily, and the Roman Empire. There you have a very particular account of the Republick of Carthage, which it will be hard to find better couch'd any where else: as also of the Sieges of Sagun­tus and Numantia, of Hannibal's Passage into Italy, the series of the Emperours, the first setting up of Christianity, the Preaching of the Gospel, the Conquests of the Arabians, and several other Imbellishments which are of the sublime Character. 'Tis a genius ever minding transcendent matters, which yet have a constant dependence by something to the History of Spain. No Historian ever honour'd his Countrey by any Work so much as he has done, for he makes whatever was transacted of any great account in the world contributory to the Honour of his own Countrey. But as there are few Authors who have that vigour of genius, as to follow the thread of a History with the same breath, and to keep themselves close to the same Sub­ject, without starting from it; so are there but few Historians, who do not sometimes forget themselves by being overseen in their Digressions. I shall not trouble myself to observe them, they are obvious: for no­thing is more rare than that exactness of senceful Connection, which knows how to [Page 92] keep close to its Subject. This I shall onely af­firm, Nihil mi­nùs quasi­tum à prin­cipio huj [...] operis, quàm ut plus justo ab rerum ordine de­cli [...]arem, varietati­búsque di­stinguer [...]o opera, le­gentibus veluti di­verticula qua [...]rerem. Lib. 9. An­nal. that Livy has not more carefully avoided any thing, than those Deviations which divert­ed him from his matter in hand, as he declares himself; in regard that nothing does so much betray a want of Judgment. But we might find even at this day in some of our Historians, that ridiculous humour which L [...]cian censur'd [...]n those, who in his time writing the Wars of the Parthians, shuffled into their Narrations the fondest and the most extravagant Imagi­nations in the world, onely to make them the more divertive, making their Excursions out of Country into Country, out of Ages into Ages, out of Adventures into Adventures, without any discernment. It ought there­fore to be laid down as a certain Rule, and such as is not to be dispenc'd withall; That Digressions ought always to have a Connecti­on by something to the principal Subject that is treated of; Luc. de conscrib. hist. as it has always been observed by that Judicious Historian we mentioned before: and it must be strictly examined, whether there be not at the bottom some na­tural incompatibility between them and it; otherwise they are no way proper thereto, for nothing is more essential to Digression, than the Rapport which it ought to have to the Subject, and the great mystery is, that a man precisely know how far it ought to be ex­tended, [Page 93] for it has its natural Boundaries, which must not be exceeded. And what makes this measure the more difficult is this, that the extent which must be given it ought not to be always the same; for it ought to be great or little, proportionably to the greater or lesser Connection it has to the principal part of the History; and this very Discernment is the Rock upon which most Historians are [...]ast. For there are not any, who in the Digressions wherein they engage themselves, do not exceed the Limits they should have observ'd, by reason of the diffi­culty there is in the exact and regulated Ob­servance thereof. And in this particular we may be somewhat censorious upon Mariana, who in the beginning of his History has taken great compasses and windings, in order to the carrying on of his main design: as to this he stands in some need of Apology, and I cannot undertake his Vindication. The onely Model to be propos'd as to this point is Livy, Vt qua [...]rere libea [...] qui eventus Ro­manis re­bus, si cum Alexandro fore [...] bella­tum, futu­rus fuerit. Annal. l. 9. who makes no deviation out of the Roman Hi­story, so much as to deliver his Sentiment up­on the Success of Alexander's Arms, in case he should have come into Italy, without taking great Precautions, and without preengaging mens minds by very elaborate Excuses. The discourse he makes upon that consideration is very curious, and very pertinently apply'd.

XXIII.
The Eloquence proper to History.

HIstory ought to be eloquent, that so i [...] may not be wearisom, and in this ought its Art principally to consist; and this is its or inary effect. But there is also an extraordinary one known to very few per­sons, to wit, that of not speaking ought that is true, but what has withall the Air of truth, that it may merit Credibility, in the things that are more difficultly credible. The Elo­quence which knows how to give things the right prospect they ought to have, is parti­cularly applicable in this case; and the accu­rate distribution of matters in that admirable order and compagination, which gives them ve [...]similitude, is its principal work. The Historian has his matter given him by the Memoirs wherewith he is supply'd, but the distribution of it is his peculiar province; and to manage that as it ought to be, he should not so much reflect on what he says, as on the manner how he says it; for in this as well as in the other parts of Eloquence, the manner [Page 95] is all in all. And this is properly the use which the Historian ought to make of Elo­quence, which alone disposes every thing in­to its proper place, that it may there have its effect. Thucydides omnes di­cendi ar [...]i­ficio vincit. Cic. de Orat. l. 2. This is the great artifice of Thu­cydides, who (as Cicero affirms) surpass'd all the other Historians by his Eloquence. Quin­tilian does not speak of that of Livy, but with admiration. And it is indeed by that admirable quality that those two great men have so highly distinguished themselves from the common rank of other Historians: Tito Livio mirae fa­cundiae vi­ro. Fab. l. 8. c. 1. for it is Eloquence that gives a man the talent of expressing himself. He who most clearly ex­presses himself is most persuasive, and it is onely persuasion that imprints on things that tincture of Truth, Livium su­prà quam dici potest eloquen­tem. Fab. l. 10. c. 1. which they have not but by deriving it from the Air that is given them, and from the position and prospect wherein they are plac'd. Accordingly there cannot be any thing more eloquent than the Description which Salust makes of the State Rome was in, Livius elo­quentiae & fidei prae­clarus im­primis. Ta­cit. Annal. l. 4. when Catiline design'd to be­come the Master of it. And when that ad­mirable Author represents the Common­wealth corrupted by Luxury and Avarice, weakned by the weight of its own Grandeur, you have the expressions of the most exqui­site Eloquence that is to be found in History. It is in those draughts and representations [Page 96] that Art ought to shew it self, when a man is Master of it: and the Historians of the first rank are full of them. 'Tis this sort of Elo­quence that ought to be interwoven with Hi­story, that it may be animated by its fire and spirit; for without that every thing lan­guishes. And those different Dresses which ought to be given to the Narration, to ren­der it delightful; all that artifice of Transi­tions, those so delicate and so passionate Sal­lies, which smite the Reader's tenderest part; that intertexture and compagination of the most memorable Matters of Fact, that regular distribution of Circumstances, and all those conspicuous passages which excite Ad­miration, are onely the effects of that sin­gular sort of Eloquence which is proper to History, and ought sometimes to take a soar­ing flight when occasion requires. But it must be the discerning Perspicacity of the Hi­storian, that shall distinguish those passages. There reigned amongst the Greeks, and in­deed amongst the Romans, a kind of Elo­quence in the Harangues of the persons whom they introduc'd speaking, which pro­ceeded from pure Ostentation, and made a greater shew of the Historians Ingenuity than of the Truth of the History, and where­in they made it not so much their business to instruct, as to dazle and amuse the Reader. [Page 97] That Eloquence is grown obsolete amongst those of the Moderns, who are of soundest Judgment, because it had a certain Air of Affectation, and that such as are able to di­scern do fancy onely what is natural. Salustius in bello Ju­gurthino & Catilina­rio, nihil ad historiam pertinenti­bus princi­piis usus est. Fab. l. 10. c. 8. The Prefaces of Salust, which are large Discour­ses well-couch'd, instructive, and very elo­quent, seem to me to be of that kind, as be­ing a sort of Common-places that have no Rapport to the History. Possibly that Au­thor had some Pieces in store, which he made use of as occasion required; as Cicero did, ac­cording to his own acknowledgment; I have (says he) a Volum of Prefaces always ready for the occasions I may have of them. Habeo vo­lumen Pro­oemiorum; ex eo elige­re soleo, cum ali­quod [...] institu [...]. Ad Attic. l. 16. ep. 6. I should never have suspected Cicero guilty of that foresight, had he not bragg'd of it himself. It might do well in an Orator, who many times speaks in publick, and has not always the leisure to prepare himself: but it is not to be allow'd in a History, where a man is Ma­ster of himself and his time. For in short, all those Discourses how plausible soever they may be of themselves, are no longer such when they are out of their proper place, and as soon as they make any discovery of Affe­ctation. And thus much as to the Eloquence of History.

XXIV.
Other Imbellishments which may be imploy'd in History.

THere may be yet other Beauties and Embellishments fit to be us'd in the Stru­cture of History, in order to the making of it more cheerful and sprightly, either when it is apt to languish, or when it is carried on with too even a thread, by long-winded Re­lations, which are not sufficiently diversified. But of such Embellishments, those which make the greatest shew do not always produce the greatest effect. There is always somewhat that's counterfeit in what is most glittering. A mind which is limited takes no pleasure in too much lustre; and that consideration ought to oblige an accomplish'd man so to husband those Embellishments, as not to be prodigal of them, and to proportion himself to the capacity of man, whom excessive Light dazles; besides that, when these Beauties are too frequent, they rather astonish than delight. There are some, which being not [Page 99] so obvious, give a greater satisfaction to the more delicate sort of Readers, by whom they are observ'd, though they are not so by the ordinary. Men still discover new Graces in them, which keep them up, and are of lon­ger continuance than what makes a sudden impression, by its being too much expos'd to Apprehension. These sorts of Beauties do sometimes consist in certain sudden turns of Eloquence or Wit, which have somewhat that's surprizing in them, and produce an unexpected effect in the passages wherein they are plac'd. Of which take these Ex­amples.

Porsenna King of Clusium besieges Rome; Caius M [...]tius being much troubled at the danger his Countrey was in, by reason of so pressing a Siege, goes over into Porsenna's Camp, and kills his Secretary who stood by him, thinking he had kill'd the King himself. The Murtherer is seiz'd, and a Fire is pre­par'd to make him discover his Accomplices. Upon which the undaunted young man held his hand in cold bloud over the live Coals, till it was quite burnt off, Sen [...]s quam vile corpus s [...] [...]is qui magn [...]m gloriam v [...] ­dent. [...]. Liv. Ann. l. [...]. without any shrinking, and said to the King, See now how de [...]picable Life is to those, who lo [...]k at great fame. This Sentence spoken with an undaunted Spi­rit, changes the face of things: the Mur­therer, who was before odious and detesta­ble, [Page 100] raises amazement in the minds of the Spectators. They look on him with a kind of respect, and he is sent back with an Elogy, whom they were but just before ready to take off by exquisite torments. 'Tis but a word that makes that change; and that word thus plac'd is of great Ornament in a Narration, and has a marvellous effect. Upon the ta­king of Tarentum by Fabius, Hannibal, though wholly defeated, had this excellent Saying, which still argued a victorious mind, when in commending the Enemy, he took oc­casion to commend himself also, [...] Romani suum ha­bent Anni­ [...]alem. An­nal. l. 27. The Romans (says he) have also their Hannibal. A bold demeanour in a person discomfited. And these Touches are frequent in that Historian. Nor is there any thing that raises a greater Idea of those who are made to speak thus, when they speak well, nor yet of him who does make them speak, when he does it perti­nently.

Take yet another Instauce of it out of Ta­citus, in that famous Treat which Messalina made for her Gallant, in the very height of the Enjoyment, and the Debauches of that Entertainment, they sent up to the top of a Tree a simple person named Valens, and one ask'd him what he saw, A Tempest (said he) rising in the air, and seeming to come from Ostia. That very word spoken by an inconsiderate [Page 101] person, begat such a pensiveness and perple­xity in their minds, as occasion'd a general disturbance, though it had been said with­out any design. For it prov'd a Prognostick of the Emperour's return, who arriv'd short­ly after, and wearied out with the infamous Deportments of the Empress, order'd her to be stabb'd. These Touches having some­what in them tending to prodigy, are orna­mental in History, as being by their smart­ness and pi [...]quancy apt to keep the mind in a continual posture of Vigilance. There are a thousand others, which the Historian may make use of, in order to the giving of his Work the greater sprightliness, which I do not pretend to give a particular account of. 'Tis enough that I have hinted at what may give another face to Affairs, raise other Con­jectures, and occasion other Idea's and Senti­ments. In short, all those delicate Touches, and such as are capable of making a kind of Revo­lution in the mind of the Reader, and so to put it into motion and exercise, being always real Embellishments, are always apposite and to the purpose. What is of greatest im­portance is, that they be plac'd after such a manner, as that they seem to be enchac'd in the Narration, there to have their de­sign'd effect; that is to say, that they be con­ducive to give the subject matter a certain [Page 102] Alacrity, when of it self it becomes dry and unpleasant.

XXV.
The Sentiments which ought to be conspicuous and predominant in History.

THere are some Sentiments which are fit for the Theatre, and are not so for Hi­story; in regard that Poesy speaks things as they ought to be, and History as they are. Accordingly those Historians who give their Hero's such exquisite Sentiments, are not al­ways the most judicious; and whatever is not grounded upon sound Sence, how plausible soever it may otherwise be, is not always the best. So that Quintus Curtius is not al­together in the right, when he represents Alexander as a person so admirable. He ne­ver makes him take the most prudent course that might be taken, but the most heroick and the most hazardous. He looks upon dan­ger as what has something of Charm in it; [Page 103] and he does not so much love Conquests, as the Glory of Conquering. He may surprize Darius by attacquing him in the night-time, and by that means conceal his own weakness, the Enemy's Army being twice the number of his. But that great man, whose thoughts are less bent upon conquering, than upon ha­ving his Valour admir'd, engages the King of Persia in the day-time, resolv'd rather to perish gloriously, than to overcome by sur­prizes. Darius after his Defeat proffers to divide Asia with him, and proposes to him an Intermarriage with his Daughter; but Alexander would rather make his way to Fame through danger, than to gain prehemi­nence with tranquillity. He hearkens not to those Proposals, and would not have any thing but what is extraordinary. 'Tis true, his Historian does him much honour, but in that great acquest of Glory is there not some defect in point of Verisimilitude? Does he not make his Hero more daring than pru­dent, and represent him rather as an hazard­ous Adventurer, than a person of great Am­bition? No doubt he thought that the more plausible way, but he has thereby gi­ven us occasion to doubt whether it be [...] Ro­mance or a History he hath left us; so far has he overshot himself as to that point. Of so great concern is it, that an Author keep▪ close [Page 104] in all things to Reason, which ought to re­gulate his Sentiments, and follow rather the nature of the things, than the charming Idea's of his own imagination. Let not History therefore by any means countenance those ri­diculous projects for the acquest of an imagi­nary same, which occasion unsettled minds to commit so many miscarriages, inasmuch as most of them go but blindly in the pursuit of true honour, because they know not what it is. Let it not inspire a solid man with the Sentiments of a Palladin or Knight Errant, nor attribute the Vertues of a Romantick He­ro to a true Courter of Honour. Great per­sons are apt to frame to themselves Idea's of Reputation according to their own Fancies, and answerably to the bent of their own Va­nity. But the Publick Interest ought to be more dear to him who governs, than his own Fame; and the true Honour of a great Prince is, that he be lov'd rather than fear'd. These are the Sentiments which ought to be most predominant in History, that so it may be a Lecture of Clemency to Princes, and a Rule of Reason and sound Instruction to all peo­ple. Let not the Historian therefore be mis­taken, let him in the first place be able to di­stinguish between true and counterfeit Ho­nour in the Maxims of Life, that so he may not commend any thing but what is com­mendable. [Page 105] Let him undeceive people of their Errors, without becoming himself a Slave to popular Sentiments. Let him not suffer them to judge of things by their events, without reascending to the sources, that he may acquaint them with the Principles there­of. Let him be careful to do justice to true and false merit, that so he may not impose any thing upon Posterity, which is apt to cre­dit what is said without examining it, and to keep to the literal sence of what it meets withall. Let him never make a discovery of great Emergencies, without some advertise­ment of their Causes, and without laying open the secret Contrivances and Ressorts by which they were compass'd. That many times is something very inconsiderable; but men take a pleasure to see great effects arising from small principles, as Dionysius Halicarnass [...]u [...] informs us in the fifth Book of his History, up­on occasion of the Revolution of the Regal Government at Rome, caus'd by the insolence of young Tarquin, and the haughty deport­ment of his Father. And this is the Spirit which ought to be predominant in History, and these the Maxims which the Historian ought to observe. We come now to see what kind of genius he ought to have.

XXVI.
What Genius the Historian ought to be of.

IT is not to be imagin'd, that any thing considerable can be written in History without a Genius▪ this is that which does all in all in this Art, as well as in the others: and it is onely by this that some Historians may be distinguish'd from others. A mean Genius shall make but a small matter of a great Sub­ject; and he who has a great Genius shall make great things of a small subject. He therefore who would write History well, ought to have an universal and comprehensive Spirit, and such as is capable of great Idea's, that he frame to himself a great Draught and Design of what he intends to do. Arduum videtur res g [...]stas scri­bere, quòd facta dictis exaequenda sunt. Salust. Prooem. Bell. Ca­ [...]i [...]in. Magnum quid Historiam rectè scribere, & summi Oratoris propri­um. De Orat. l. 2. History (says Cicero) is a work of great importance, [Page 107] and not to be attempted but by a person above the common rate of men. And when Lucian, who was one of the greatest Wits of his Age, which produc'd so many celebrated men, acknowledges that his Genius was too weak for History, and not able to reach that Perfection which it requires, he puts me into some astonishment, and raises in me a very great Idea of the difficulty there is for a man to acquit himself well of that charge. For if that Author, who has not written any thing but what is admirable, and who gives Rules for the writing of History, so senceful and instructive, ingeniously confesses, that he is not himself capable of supporting the weight of so great an undertaking, what are we to think of those persons who become Hi­storians on a sudden, without ever having any knowledge of what is essential to History? As it happen'd (says he) in that War of Ar­menia, mention'd by him, which begat so many Authors, who out of a pure it [...]h of writing would needs be dabbling upon that subject. That will not do the work, says he; for there is nothing more difficult than for a man to labour for Eternity, as Thucydides has done. For what vigour of Mind is there not requisite to deliver the truth, without paraphrasing upon it, as they do, who have not their Souls great enough to observe the [Page 108] Rules of a candid simplicity, and to relate things as they are? What unbyass'd Con­stancy is there not requisite to unmask the Vice, which is naturally conceal'd in the ar­tifices of Dissimulation? What Penetration and Perspicacity is there not necessary to dis­cover the recesses of their Genius, of whom a man is to speak without amusing himself about the external consideration of their persons, which does hardly ever signifie any thing? But when his work is to make a distinction between whole Nations and Ages, by what is essential in their Character, what steddiness of Apprehension is there not requi­site? As for instance, in a relation of the Civil Wars of Rome, not to confound the Spi­rit and Humour of the Commonwealth, with that of Monarchy, the Independence of the one with the Dependence of the other; not to attribute in a History of France the Man­ners of the Age of Lewis XIV, which is no way superstitious, to the Age of Lewis XI, whose Character was Superstition it self; not to make Charlemaign such a one as Henry III, and to denote the times and persons by what is particularly remarkable in their difference. What Principles of Equity should not a man have for the exact Administration of Justice to Vice and Vertue, for the distinguishing of true and apparent Merit, and for a man's [Page 109] accustoming himself not to look on the Actions, without reflecting on the Persons? What Judgment is there not needful for a man to pitch upon the right side in all things, to display things in their best sence, to be al­ways tending to what is most solid; so to interpose his own Sentiment upon the mat­ters of which he discourses, as not to force the Reader by Prejudgments; not to descant upon the passages that seem delicate, but with that delicacy of Reflection, which can­not be the effect of any thing but an exquisite sence; not to charge his Discourse with too much matter, such as many smother the smart­ness of it, without allowing therein some place for what Reflection he might make himself, or giving his Reader a convenience to make any; to be able to find out the real Knot there may be in every Affair, without any danger of mistaking, and so to clear the difficulty; not to make a recital of great Events upon frivolous motives; not to conceal false Conceptions of things under a pompous Expression; to avoid what seems to have too strong a Scent of Study, and whate­ver has a forc'd Air; and to follow in all things that Beam of Light and Intelligence, which gives an Idea of the discernment of the Historian, by raising a good opinion of his Capacity and Endowments? So that the [Page 110] part most necessary to History is Judgment [...] The Orator may break forth into Sallies of Eloquence, such as are lively and slorid, and [...]un the hazard of taking those boldnesses, which may prove succesful in a great Con­course of people, who are not taken with any thing so much as Confidence. The Poet may expatiate out of his subject, and not have his Wits always about him: But the Histori­an, who speaks in cold bloud, ought ever to be Master of himself, have the command of his thoughts, and not speak any thing but what is judicious. In short, there is not any thing requires so great a stock of Senceful­ness, so much Reason, so great Wit, so much Judgment, and so many other qualities, as History, if written as it ought to be; and yet when all is done, a fortunate Disposition en­rich'd with all these Accomplishments, must have one additional Perfection, to wit, that of a particular Conversation of the greatest per­sons. 'Twas by the familiar acquaintance which Polybius had with Scipio and Laelius, that he became so excellent an Historian. We have in Thucydides and Livy the accomplish'd Models which History requries; Antiquity has not any thing of greater perfection in that kind; and there is hardly any thing to be wished for in either of them, unless it be that Thucydides is yet more sincere than Li­vy, [Page 111] and Livy more natural than Thucydides [...]Tacitus is admirable in his way; Lapsuis pre­fers him before all the rest, but all are not of his Sentiment. It may be said in the gene­ral, that he is an Historian of a particular Method by himself, who has great beauties, together with great defects; but his defects are somewhat shadowed under a Grandeur of Genius, which is conspicuous in whatever he says; as also under somewhat of the sub­lime Character, which exalts him above ma­ny Authors, who are more exact and more natural than he is. He has his Adherents and his Admirers. 'Tis true, he pleases those who are talented with the imaginative part; but as to those who are more for Judgment, and such as affec [...] Sencefulness rather than Embellishment or Eloquence, they are not so well satisfied with him.

Amongst the Moderns I find Mariana, D'avila, and Fra. Paolo, of an admirable ge­nius for History. Mariana has the talent of reflecting and expressing excellently well what he thinks and has to say, and of giving a Character of Grandeur to what is transacted in his mind. D'avila does circumstance things well, reasons appositely enough upon the Subjects he treats of, and gives his Dis­course that evenness of thread and intertex­ture, from which it derives that insinuating [Page 112] Air, which is observable in him above the rest. Fra. Paolo, in his History of the Coun­cil of Trent, gives what colour and prospect he pleases to what he says; never had any man that Art in a more eminent degree than he has. He also makes a discovery of a vast Capacity, in the talent he has of making pro­found Researches into the points of Do­ctrine whereof he treats, in order to give his Reader an exact account of them. Never did Author write with more artifice, or greater smartness of wit, nor yet with less reason and truth. He is a passionate Author, who imploys his Art in concealing his Passion. He would be pleasant and drollish upon all occasions, that he might not be thought an­gry and out of humour; but he falls by that means into another default. He is too much given to Raillery in a Subject so serious as that which he treats of; for Passion spreads it self through all he says. And so that Histo­rian, with all his great genius, is the most vi­cious Character that may be seen in the way of writing History, wherein there is not any thing less pardonable than Animosity. When an Historian has once the repute of being pre­possess'd with some Passion, he is no longer be­liev'd. And this Reflection gives us occasion to examine the Morality which is requisite in him who makes it his business to write.

XXVII.
The Morality of the Historian.

WHereas every one frames to himself a Morality according to his Genius, there is a discovery made of the Spirit and Humor of an Historian by his Principles. This must in the first place be laid down as granted, that there are few of them so generously minded, as to be free from all Hope or Fear, and un­concernedly prefer Truth before their Inter­est, which later is the most universal Source of all the false Judgments which men make of the things whereof they take upon them to speak. This therefore ought to be the first thing that is taken into consideration, when a man makes it his profession to instruct the publick; and it is the first Maxim that an Historian ought to propose to himself. This being well established, his thoughts must be bent upon the gaining of Credibility in mens minds, and to give an Air of Truth to what­ever he says. And to this principally ought all his Morality to be levell'd, and that the Historian will never do but by a solid Esta­blishment [Page 114] of his Reputation: and it is not by Protestations of being sincere that he shall give proofs of his sincerity; but it is done by making a discovery in all his words of the steddiness of his Heart, and the unbyassable Integrity of his Sentiments. Accordingly nothing ought to fall from him, but what bears the Character of Reason and Equity. The love he ought to have for Truth should be the rule and standard of all his Expressi­ons, and all his Idea's. Let him always speak as a just and vertuous man, and never let any thing slip from him which may be injurious to Modesty and Integrity. Let him be severe and inflexible in the Sentiments which the most exact consideration of Honour can in­spire him withall; and let there never appear any thing in his words which may occasion any distrust of his Candour and Ingenuous Deportment. Nequa su­spicio gra­t [...] sit, [...]e­qua simul­tat [...]. Cic. de Orat. Let it be believ'd that he speaks what is true as soon as he speaks it; that persuasion being grounded on the assurance men have that he is uncapable of imposing. He can never do amiss who has laid such good Principles as these.

'Tis by such an unblemish'd Morality that Thucydides establish'd the Reputation of his Sincerity in all subsequent Ages, and that he has gain'd the belief of all people. 'Tis by a love to Religion, and a respect for the Gods, [Page 115] which is conspi [...]uous in the Works of Xeno­phon, that whatever he says is credited; men being easily persuasible, that a man who has the love of Piety so deeply engraven in his heart, cannot utter a Falshood. Polybius is more a Libertine; he treats as fabulous things the Sentiments which the people had of the Gods and of Hell, pretending quite to discredit them. And it is also by an un­blameable Morality that Lavy is more per­suasive, than by his great Accomplishments; nay through all the Intrigues, Interests, Passi­ons, and other irregular proceedings of the men whom he decyphers, he lets you see a certain thread of Probity, which discovers him to be yet a more honest man than a good Historian. In the darkest recesses of their Hearts whom he describes, you may behold the clearness of his own; and amidst the false Lights which he discovers in their Conduct, he always takes a true prospect of things him­self: he makes sound Judgments of every thing, for his Soul is as steddy as his Mind is well balanc'd.

Tacitus is a man of a quite different Cha­racter: he is a great Wrester of things to what sense he pleases himself, and one that shrouds a malicious Heart under a very ex­cellent Wit. He is always mistaken upon the point of true Merit, because he is not [Page 116] acquainted with any but what proceeds from subtilty; and it is rather some political Re­flection than the pure truth that makes him speak. Besides the ill thoughts he has of his Neighbour, whenever he has any occasion to speak of the Gods, he makes not any discove­ry of Piety or Religion, as may be seen in the Discourses he has upon Destiny against. Providence, in the sixth of his Annals; and he imputes all things to the Stars and to Chance, upon the occasion of Thrasullus, who being Astrologer to Tiberius, was become his Confident at Capreae. So difficult a mat­ter it is for a man who is not vertuous to make a good Historian; for the Principles of the one are not compatible with those of the other.

When therefore an Author takes Pen in hand, he immediately puts on the Character of a publick person; and he again degrades himself from that Honour, as soon as he as­sumes the Sentiments of a private man, to mind himself, and to revenge his own quar­rels. This was the case of Procopius, who being exasperated against the Emperour Ju­stinian and the Empress Theodora, hearkens to his passion, and corrupts the Truth. Or else he is apt to follow his own Preoccupati­on, as Eusebius and Theodoret did, who made use of their Histories to establish their own [Page 117] Errors, or to flatter those whom they would please, as Buchanan did, who in his Histo­ry of Scotland took occasion to blast the Re­putation of Queen Mary Stuart, purposely to gratifie Queen Elizabeth of England. And as Fra. Paolo did, who makes his History of the Council of Trent a Satyr against the Ro­man Church and Religion, in whose conduct he makes a great discovery of little Cheats and Frauds, only to revenge himself upon the Pope, who did not advance him to the Dig­nity of a Cardinal, after he had put him in some hopes of it.

Paulus Jovius was a man who did things pursuantly to his Interest, a Pensioner of Charles the Fifth, unjust, malicious, and a great Flatterer. The Pourtraitures he has made of the most considerable persons of his History, are so many pieces detach'd from it, which he dress'd up into Lives of Illustrious Men, out of the pure design of getting Mo­ney; and they are writ answerably to the Rewards he received for them. Guicciardine betrays the Passion he has against all France. Sandoval makes Charles the Fifth pass for a most Catholick Prince, while in the mean time he foments Heresie in Germany, onely because Pope Paul the Third had disgusted him. Cabrera celebrates Philip the Second of Spain for his Piety, though he favour'd [Page 118] Queen Elizabeth against the Pretensions of Mary Stuart, whom he hindered from being Queen, because she had a kindness for the French, and by that means obstructed the Settlement of the Catholick Religion in Eng­land. Herrera is a superficial Writer, and partial in the Concerns of his own Nation. In short, there are hardly any Historians, who have not their Inclinations and Aversions; they think it a bard task to devest themselves of their Sentiments, and they make Elogies or Satyrs according to the dispositions of their own Hearts.

But there are few Authors of such a Cha­racter as Thucydides was of, Marcellin. [...]. who out of an unbyass'd sincerity commends Pericles in whatever he did that was commendable, though he had been ill-treated by him; and always does justice to the Athenians, who had banish'd him into Thrace, where he dy'd. He was a man without any passion, who pro­pos'd to himself onely what judgment Posteri­ty should make of his Work, and was reso­lutely bent to stick to the truth; wherein he has shewn him a better-principled man than any of the others, for his Fidelity and Pro­bity is remarkable through all his Work.

Titus Livius is more favourable to Pom­pey than to Caesar, Dion more favourable to Caesar than to Pompey. An [...]i [...] Marcellinus [Page 119] is a perpetual Adorer of Julian the Apostate, and a great Declamator against Valentinian his Successor, because he was a Christian. Eusebius never shews Constantine but with the best side outward; Zosimus shews him onely with the worst. P [...]ocopius [...]oliz'd Belizarius; Eginart had the same Venerati­on for Charlemaigne, Sandoval for Charles the Fifth, Strada for Alexander Earnese. In s [...]e, every Historian makes himself a [...] [...] accord­ing to his own fancy, whom he looks on [...] his Creature; and to make him the more beau­tiful he endeavours to make him the more ad­mirable. And this is it that raises a suspicion of most Histories, because all Historians have their passions; and there are few of them sin­cere, because there are few but follow the bent of some Interest. On the other side, they who are not sway'd by interest, are apt to be blinded with the desire of pleasing, and the care they have of their Reputation, in­clines them to other Extremities. Josephus in the History of the Jews, Josephus non tam stud [...]bat vera scribe­re, quàm credibi [...]i [...]: [...] c [...]usa fuit, cur praeterierit miracula, quòd apud infideles [...] [...]rant habitura; & narravit fabul [...]s, quas pu [...]vit iis magis probabiles fu­turas. Leo Cast. disp. de transl. sacr. leg. c. 36. suppresses true Miracles to humour the Pagans, who would not have believ'd them; and supposes things less true, because he thought them such as were suitable to their gust and capacity. This [Page 118] [...] [Page 119] [...] [Page 120] is the way to destroy, and not to establish; things ought to be related as they are, since it is so much the worse for the incredulous; for nothing more misbecomes a man, who makes it his profession to give the publick an account of Truth, than thus to profane it. In short, let there not any thing of Servility or Meanness appear in the Sentiments or In­clinations of the Historian; for nothing cre­ates a worse Opinion of his Fidelity. But though I do not approve the Flatterers of great men, such as Eusebius was, who will not have us see any thing but what is com­mendable in Constantine, who in the mean time had great defects; yet is it my judg­ment, that they ought to be indulg'd in cer­tain things. For though a man ought to say nothing but what is true, yet all truths are not to be spoken. Quintus Curtius might have forborn the Infamies he spoke of Ale­xander; there are some Heads so privileg'd that they require respect; let us therefore treat them honourably, and not be charge­able with any insolence towards them. We may relate the Vices of their persons, but let us not say any thing that may scandalize their Dignity, or abate ought that is due to their Grandeur. Tacitus says so many dirty things of Tiberius, that Boccalini cannot endure him for it. What Lampridius relates of the [Page 121] Emperours Heliogabalus and Caracalla, has made his History despicable; and Platina dis­covers but little judgment in his way of treat­ing the Popes. All will not be of my Opini­on, but the wise will; and it is my persuasi­on, that how meritorious soever it may be for a man to be sincere, he would be ridiculous if he were so in all things. But it is to be con­sider'd withall, that praises are never well made, because they are not made with the delicacy that is requisite; that Commendati­ons are made upon indifferent passages, and not upon those of which men were more like­ly to be sensible and mov'd thereat; that the publick is always in an ill humour against Commendations, which it hardly ever ap­plauds. The securest way of Commendation is, onely to make a sincere recital of com­mendable Actions. Lucian. de conscrib. hist. All know the Adventure of Aristobulus one of Alexander's Command­ers, who read to him the History of the Bat­tel which that Prince had gain'd over Porus. Alexander, who was sailing on the River Hy­daspes, highly disgusted at the [...]latteries of that Historian, snatch'd the History from him and flung it into the River, adding that he should be serv'd so too, for being so impu­dent as to commend so ill, attributing to him imaginary Exploits, as if there had not been real ones enough. This is a rough draught [Page 122] of the Morality which I should wish in an Historian; or at least these should be my Principles, if I had any design to concern my self in the composing of a History, and thought my self of a Genius vigorous enough for it. In short, I would be modest after such a manner, as that there should always be an appearance of Candour and Moderation, ne­ver any vanity in my Sentiments. Upon which consideration I can hardly bear with the Extravagance of that Historian mention­ed by Photius, who preparing himself to write the History of Alexander promises, that his style shall not be inferiour to the transcendent acti­ons of his Hero. But after all, a man's edge to writing is soon taken off, when he has seen the judgment which Dionysius Halicarnassaeus passeth upon Thucydides, if he be any way stock'd with a senceful Apprehension of things: for there is no Author, though ever so judicious, but may dread the Censures of that Critick. And these are the Sentiments which I have gather'd by the reading of Hi­storians. I am not so vain as to pretend, that I lay them down for Maxims; they are onely Conceptions, possibly not well digested, which may become good by the good use which may be made of them. In the next place you have the Sentiments which may be had upon the most considerable Historians.

XXVIII.
A Judgment of Historians.

HErodotus is the first that gave a rational Form to History, and it is his Elogy that he chalk'd out the way to others. His Style Dul [...], candid [...]. [...]usus He­rodotus. Fab. l. 10. c. 1. is pure and elegant. Lib. 3. Athenaeus cele­brates him for the Charms of his Discourse. His subject is of a vast extent, for it compre­hends Nations, Kingdoms, Empires, the Af­fairs of Europe and Asia. He is not very exact in what he says, because he grasps at too much matter; but I find him of a more than ordinary sincerity, inasmuch as he treats the Greeks and the Barbarians, those of his own Countrey and Foreiners, without any discovery of Partiality. In Hero­doto. I find also that Plu­tarch treats him with too much rigour, when he would have him accounted a person of an evil intention in most of his Conjectures; but that he is not favourable to him proceeds from pure Animosity, and merely because he had ill treated his Countrey Boe [...]tia in his Hi­story.

[Page 124] Thucydides is exact in his manner of wri­ting, Laudatur ab omnibus act rerum explicator sinceras & gravis—Hujus ne­mo neque verborum neque sen­tentiarum gravitatem imitatur. Cic. de opt. orat. faithful in the things he relates, sin­cere, unsway'd by Interest. He has Gran­deur, Excellency, and Majesty in his Style. He is always austere, but of an austerity which has nothing but what is great; and his subject is indeed not so large, and more limited than that of Herodotus. 'Tis merely out of a spirit of Partiality, that Dionysius Haelicarnassaeus prefers Herodotus before Thu­cydides, because the former was of Halicar­nassus: but for my part, I find him the most accomplish'd of all the Gre [...]k Historians.

Xenophon is pure in his Language, natu­ral and pleasant in his Composition. He has a freedom and facility of Spirit, a Mind fer­tile and full of many learned Discoveries; his Imagination is clear, and his Periods are of a just Intertexture. The decorum of Mora­lity is not always exactly observ'd in his Hi­story, wherein he makes ignorant persons and Barbarians speak like Philosophers. Cicero tells us, that Scipio could not give over read­ing him, when he had once got him into his hands. Longinus gives him a Character of Spirit, by which he makes him a fortunate Reflecter on things. He is, all consider'd, a very accomplish'd Historian; and 'twas by [Page 125] the reading of his History that Scipio and Lu­cullus became such great Chieftains.

Polybius is an excellent Discourser; he has a fair stock of good and noble things, but that stock is not so well husbanded as that of the others before mentioned. He is however esteemable by the Idea which Brutus had of him, who in the greatest perplexity of his Affairs pass'd away whole nights in the read­ing and study of him. His design was not so much to write a History, as an Instruction for the good Government of a State, as he declares himself at the end of his first Book: and so he recedes somewhat from the Character of an Historian; which obliges him at the beginning of the ninth Book to make a kind of Apology for his way of wri­ting History. His Style is chargeable with somewhat of negligence.

Dionysius Halicarnassaus in his Book of Roman Antiquities, discovers a great Sence fulness of Expression, much Science and Ratio­cination, which is not common. He is exact, diligent, judicious, of greater Veracity than Livy, and very ponderous.

Diodorus Siculus is a great Character, but one that comprehends too much matter, being [Page 126] consider'd as a Compilator out of Philistus, Timaeus, Calisthenes, Theopompus, and others.

Philo and Josephus have some Touches of a very extraordinary Eloquence. They are two Jews, who were over-desirous to please and humour the Pagans, by servilely accom­modating themselves to their gust and senti­ments.

Arrian is but a Copyer of Xenophon, and an affected Imitator of his ways. He has made seven Books of the Conquests of Ale­xander, as Xenophon had done of the Con­quests of Cyrus.

Appian sponges upon all the Greeks; and out of that intermixture he has fram'd to him­self a Style which does not resemble any of the others. Alienorum laborum fucus. Ani­mad. ad Euseb. Scaliger calls him, The thievish Drone of other Historians. He has taken out of Plutarch what was excellent in him; but after all, he is a great Magazine or Stock of Matters.

Dion Cassius has lost credit with many, by the extraordinary things which he relates, without any discerning Precaution; for he is so far from keeping close to the truth, that he is at a distance from the likelyhood of it, as [Page 127] in that passage of the sixty sixth Book of his History, where he affirms, that Vespas [...] heal­ed a blind man by spitting upon his eyes.

Procopius is exact in what he advances, be­cause he accompanied B [...]lizarius in his Wars, and was a Witness of his noble Actions; but he is somewhat too dry in his History of Per­sia, which has the Air rather of a Journal than of a History. He satisfied his passion in the writing of his Secret History, but he hearkned to his Moderation in suppressing it; for after his death some took occasion to pub­lish what he had carefully conceal'd during his life, wherein he is not wholly in excu­sable.

Most of those who have written the By­zantine History, have either copied one out of another, as Agathias, Cedrenus, Joannes Cu [...]opalates, or are not very exact; and they have nothing that approaches the Dignity, the Excellency, the Discernment, and the Fi­delity of the ancient Greek [...].

Amongst the Latines Salust is conspicuous for the Grandeur of his Air, Subtilissi­mus brevi­tatis artifex Salustius, proprietatum in verbis re [...]inentissimus. Gellius. the Steddiness [Page 128] of his Thoughts, and his admirable Sence. No man has better express'd the senceful, ac­curate, and austere Style of Thucydides. He is sometimes harsh in his Expressions, but yet he is not faint or flat. Salustius homo ne­quam, sed gravissimus alienae lu­xuri [...]e ob­jurgator. Lact. de falsa relig. l. 2. His Conciseness takes off somewhat of his Perspicuity. He has no­thing that is counterfeit in his Procedure, and he gives weight to whatever he says. His Sentiments are always excellent, though his Morality was not good; for he perpetually rails against Vice, and always speaks well of Vertue. I find him ever dissatisfied with his Countrey, and one that is apt to think ill of his Neighbour: All else consider'd he is a very great person.

Julius Caesar had the noblest talent of ex­pressing himself of any man. The Pedants have reason to admire him, for the inimita­ble purity of his Style; but I admire him much more for the exact comprehensiveness of his Sence, for no man ever writ more pru­dently. He is the onely Author amongst them all who does not speak any Impertinen­cies. He speaks of himself but as of an in­different person, and there is nothing but what is suitable to the wise he has taken upon himself. 'Tis true, he is not absolutely an Historian; but it is true withall, that he is a great Model for the writing of History. [Page 129] 'Tis a great repute to that admirable Author, that Henry IV, and Lewis XIV of [...] implove [...] themselves in the [...]ranslation of his History of the Gaulish War.

Livy is the most accomplish'd of all, for he has a [...]l the great parts and perfe [...]ions of an Historian; the Imagination excellent, the Expression noble, the Sence exact, the Elo­quence admirable. His Mind will not admit of any but great Idea's, he fills the Imagina­tion of his Reader by what he says: 'tis by that he makes his way to the Heart, and moves the very Soul. And he is the greatest Genius for History, and one of the greatest Masters of Eloquence that ever was. In T [...]o Li­vio putat inesse Pol­lio quan­dam Pata­vi [...]ita [...]em. F [...]b. l. 8. c. 1. I do not comprehend what Asinius Pollio means, when he attributes to him a Provincial Air, and such as hath a little smack of Lombardy. His great talent lies in making what he says to be felt, by making those who [...]ead him to participate of his own Sentiments, by inspi­ring them with his Fears and Hopes, and by communicating to them all his Passions, by the Art he has to put all the most secret re [...]or [...] of mens hearts into motion.

Tacitus describes things after a way differ­ent from all others, but he confines himself too much to great Affairs, that he may avoid [Page 130] condefcending to small ones, which yet ought not to be neglected. He thinks well, but he is not always happy in expressing himself clearly. He plays too much the Philosopher. His Decisions of things are high and daring; had he the Destinies of men in his hands, he would not speak otherwise; and he always moralizes on the Extravagances of others, sparing none, and speaking ill of all Mankind. How many Minds has he spoil'd by the fancy of studying Politicks, which he inspires into so many people, and which is the vainest Stu­dy of all? 'Tis upon this rock that so many Spaniards, as Antonio Perez; and so many Italians, as Ma [...]hiavel and Ammirato have split themselves. 'Tis onely by the Lustre of his Style that this last so much pleases the higher sort of Wits, and so little those that affect what is Natural; for by the subtil­ty of his Ratiocinations and Reflections he tires them. He is so obscure in his Expressi­ons, that a man must be well exercised in his Style, ere he shall be able to unravel his thoughts. His way of Criticizing is delicate of it self, but it becomes Rustical by the de­sire he has to criticize upon every thing. Evenit nonnun­quam ut aliquid grande [...]uvenlat, qui semper quari [...] quod nimium est. Fab. [...]. [...]. c. 13. His perpetual assuming of great Sentiments must [Page 131] introduce somewhat that is sublime; 'tis by this onely that he imposes, and 'tis not so much to please and to instruct that he writes, as to raise Admiration. There is in him some. what that is great and extraordinary, which excuses most of his De [...]ects. But there are so many things to be said upon this Author, as well to his advantage as disadvantage, that there would be no end of them. 'Tis a kind of humour that is of no use but onely for Ostentation; and it contributes but little to the ordinary Conversation of men.

Quintus Curtius is commendable for his sincerity; he tells the good and ill of Ale­xander, without suffering himself to be pre­occupated by the Merit of his Hero. If there be any exception to be made against his History, 'tis onely that of its being too polite; but yet he has excell'd in this particular, that he describes mens manners with a delightful and natural Air.

This Character of Perfection, which is re­markable in these great men, was not to be found in the subsequent Ages. Justin, who becomes a Compiler, out of a desire to raise himself to an Historian, gives but a transi­ent account of matters. He knows much; he delivers things sencefully enough, and he [Page 132] has amass'd many Occurrences, which with­out him might have been lost.

Most of the Authors of the History of Augustus have confin'd themselves to the writing of Lives, as Plutarc [...] an [...] Herodian did amongst the Gre [...]ks, and Suetonius and Cor [...]elius Nepos amongst the La [...]e, and by that means have degenerated from the Cha­racter of Historians. Who came after them were but simple Chronicle [...]s, Copiers, Ab­breviators, and Compilers, who had no Re­putation but what they deriv'd from the gross knowledge they gave of their Age, wherein the Star of History was not [...]orunate, as ha­ving nothing that's delicate or in [...]eed ra­tional.

Nor was there much Sincerity found amongst the modern Greeks, who must needs introduce Visions and extraordinary Adven­tures to satisfie their Genius. The love of Learning, which has reflourish'd in the last Ages, hath raised up, together with the re­vival of senceful writing, a flight of Historians, who by the Study of the Ancients, whom they took for their Models, made a greater noise than their Predecessors.

[Page 133] Amongst those who have most signalized themselves may come in Com [...]es, and what is singular in him is, that he writes sencefully and is sincere. Paulus Amilius speaks pure­ly, but he is superficial. Paulus Jovius fol­lows onely his own Passion and his Interest.

Machiavel is exact enough in his History of Florence; in the rest his Wit has the pre­dominancy over his Judgment. He does not absolutely do justice to Cas [...]ruccio Castrucci, whom he treats as an Enemy to his Countrey.

Mariana in his History of Spain has not been surpass'd by any modern Author, either as to the Grandeur of his Design, or the Ex­cellency of the Style.

Buchanan is too servile an Imitator of Livy; whatere is good in him he has filch'd from the Ancients. He writes sencefully, but has no great Elevation in his Sentiments. His long Citations of the third Book do not generally please, no more than do the Parti­cularities he brings in, in the second Book of the notion of the Country whereof he speaks.

[Page 134] The Germans have vast Projects upon their History; but nothing reduc'd within the na­tural order, which an exact Design would re­quire.

We find is most of the Spaniards a Spirit of Partiality for their Countrey, which ren­ders them very suspicious.

The Italians are well furnish'd with parti­cular Histories of the different States where­of Italy consists; but they have no complete Body of History. There begin now to ap­pear amongst us some rays of hope, that some accomplish'd Historian will rise up, by the Approbation which the Publick gives those who write at this time.