Lib. 1. cap. 1. §. 4.

SIR WALTER here speak's favo­rably of Eugubinus and Mercer's opini­on, [That the Empyrean Heaven is an uncreated light]. A conceit derogato­rie to God's Eternitie, and Infinitie, as if something which is not God should bee equal with him. Secondly it's repugnant to Scripture which affirm's all things to bee created by God. Thirdly it's [Page 2] against the nature of that light, which whether it bee a corporeal or spiritual substance, cannot bee eter­nal, except it bee God, much less if it bee an acci­dent which is alwaies posterior to the substance, but becaus at last Sr Walter retract's this opinion, I will saie no more of it.

Lib. 1. Cap. 1. § 7.

ARistotle calleth Light a qualitie inherent to a dia­phanous bodie, but this, saith Sir Walter, should bee rather a vouched of the heat]. Aristotle saith in­deed somtimes that Light, or Lumen (for Lux is that which is in the lucid bodie it self) is [...], somtimes an act, habit, or qualitie: [...], but still [...] of a diaphanous or transparent bodie. For Light is not the qualitie inherent in a solid, dens, or opac bodie; but in a diaphanous. And if there were not transparent bodies, there should bee no light at all; for the light wee see (or by which ra­ther wee see) here in the aër, is not that which is in the bodie of the Sun, but the intentional species of that light. Therefore Aristotle was not in an error, but Sir Walter; who will have heat to bee the inherent qualitie of a diaphanous bodie; wheras solid and dens bodies are the proper subjects of heat intensive, and not diaphanous, which transmit it, except the dia­phanous bodie bee inclosed by solid bodies reverbe­rating the heat.

Lib. 1. cap. 1. § 10.

THe Peripatetic Doctrine of the first matter is mis­understood by Sir Walter and others, [When they suppose it to have no beeing at all, but potenti­al, and that it is against reason to make form which [Page 3] is the caus, subsequent to the thing caussed, and that all forms are in the first mover] had hee well dige­sted Aristotle and his Scholar's Writings, hee might have found, that though the matter was not [...], not the particular entitie which it is to bee, when, with the form it make's the composi­tum, yet it hath its entitie before the form, for els how could it bee principium, and a part of the compo­situm and basis of the Form, and subject of material substances, and caus of composition, (all which Ari­stotle acknowledgeth) if it had no entitie. Shall wee saie there is no entitie in the brass till it receiv the form of a Statue? Sure the brass hath its entitie be­fore it receiv Cesars form: so hath the first matter its own beeing, before it receiv's the beeing of the form -that it hath actually; this, potentially, so that the form it self is but potentially, till it bee united with the matter; and as the matter receiv­eth from the form that beeing which it had nor, so doth the form from the matter that substance or basis in the compound which it had nor. 2. Though the caus is not subsequent to the effect, yet the form is subsequent to the matter, for it is not the caus of, but a collateral caus with the matter of each compositum. 3 Though all Forms bee in the first mover, as inthe ef­ficient, yet they are not debarred from beeing in the first matter, as in their subjection.

Lib. 1. cap. 1. § 14.

PRedestination is onely of Men] then Angels were not Predestinate: But the ^* Apostle saith, That the good Angels were Elected, and consequentlie Predestinate: Election beeing a branch of Prede­stination; and doubtless Adam, if hee had not fallen, had been Predestinate notwithstanding to a greater degree of happiness, as the Angels were to the grace [Page 4] of confirmation, and a higher degree of glorie by CHRIST, and so saith ^a St Austin. The evil Angels also were Predestinate becaus they were Re­probated, Reprobation beeing the other species of Predestination.

Lib. 1. cap. 1. § 15.

FOrtune is not antient, for Homer maketh her the daughter of Oceanus] This is no argument, for by the same reason wee may saie the floods and rivers are not antient, nor anie thing els, seeing ^* Homer make's these to bee the children of Ocea­nus.

And all things have their original from water, if you will believ Thales. This wee know, that in the be­ginning the Spirit moved on the waters, that they might bee fruitful in the generation of fishes, which are no less ancient then other creatures. But if by Fortune wee mean God's Providence, wee may af­firm her to bee as ancient as God himself.

Lib. 1 cap. 1. § 1.

THe Soul is wholly in the whole bodie, and whol­ly in everie part, which that it is otherwise then potentially true, all the Aristotelians in the world shall never prove] Anie Aristotelian will easily prove it; but prejudicate mindes will not easily assent to it. For if the Soul bee the form of everie part, it must bee actually in everie part, or els everie part is not informed, and consequently som parts are dead, as [Page 5] beeing without sens, life, and motion: for how can they have these qualities, without they have the form actually, from whence those flow? If the Soul bee in the foot potentially onely, it must follow that the foot is no essential but accidental part of the bodie, and that the matter of the foot is not the second, but the first matter; seeing the form is there onely potentially: and that the heart is onely and properly man, seeing there onely the Soul is actually: It is the actual, not the potential presence of the form that make's the compositum, and give's to the matter beeing, and de­nomination. It is so in physical forms, much more in man's soul which is metaphysical. For in everie cole of the fire, the whole form of the fire is actually, or els it could not actually bee hot: neither can wee saie, that a part of the form is there, seeing forma con­sistit in indivisible.

Lib. 1. cap. 2. § 2.

IN sleep the Mens or Minde resteth, and not the­Soul: during which time it is but habitual, and in mad men this Mens is extinguished] In sleep, the minde is not onely habitually, but also many times actually operative: for not onely in humane dreams, but in divine, chiefly the minde receiveth il­lumination from God and his Angels, and not the phantasie alone, and to saie that the minde is extin­guished in mad men is in a manner as much as to saie, the soul is extinguished: for the minde and soul is one and the same in substance; and if wee take the minde for the facultie of understanding; yet this is not extinguished in mad men, onely the exercise, use or practice is hindered, becaus the phantasie is vitiated, from whence the minde receiyeth the species or phan­tasmata.

Lib. 1. cap. 1. § 13.

TO this river of Pison Ptolomie give's the name of Basilius, or Regius] not to all the river of Euphra­tes, or Pison, but to the middle channel thereof, where it mingle's it self with Tigris, close by the citie Apamia, for the river had one channel by Babylon, the other by Seleucia, and the third or middle was called the King's River, becaus it was digged by the King's Command. ^* [...], and so that river is cal­led by the Chaldeans Naar Malcha, and near Apamia, [...] saith Ptolomie, is [...], the commixtion of the King's River with Tigris.

Lib. 1. cap. 7. § 7.

NOah was called Prometheus, for stealing away Jupiter's fire. Fire beeing taken in that place for the knowledg of God] I think ra­ther that hee was called Prometheus from his wisdom and fore-sight, or becaus hee was an Astronomer, or by reason of his skill and observation of fierie Mete­ors: and becaus hee taught men the use of fire, hee was said to steal away the fire of the gods. The Ea­gles eating of his heart may signifie the manie fears and cares hee was subject to both before the Flood, and all the time hee was in the Ark, and afterward: but of Prometheus I have spoken enough ^* els­where.

Lib. 1. cap. 7. § 10. † 3.

Lubra is a Synagogue, whence the Latine word delubrum may seem to hee derived] Delubrum which wee take for a Church, or Temple, is rather from [...] to take, receiv, or contein: for by rea­son of the Greek's inhabiting Italie, the Latines de­rived manie words from them. But the ancient Latines having no commerce with the Egyptians, it's un­likely that delubrum should bee from the Egyptian word lubra. Now delubrum properly is not the whole Church, but that part or Chappel of it where the image of som god stood, called also penetrale; and becaus in that place the Priest used to wash himself, therefore from diluo it was called delubrum, as polubrum from polluo. From this Cerimonie then of washing, or from the image of the god which stood there, came the word delubrum, quasi dei labrum; as candelabrum. For labor or labrum is from [...] as Poet. 3. c. 80. Scaliger sheweth, and on Festival daies they used in honor of their gods to crown those Chappels or delubra, with garlands of flowers, but not the whole Church, as Aen. lib. 2. Virgil sheweth

Now that the image of a god or goddess stood in this part of the Temple may bee seen in Aen. lib. 2. Virgil, who speaking of Minerva's Temple in Troie, placeth the image in the delubrum, which hee calleth arcem, becaus it was the highest [Page 8] and strongest part of the Temple, for which caus they kept their treasures in those places.

Lib. 1. cap. 7. § 10. † 2, 3, 4.

SIR Walter will not have the Ark to rest in Arme­nia, as the received opinion is, but in som part of the Indies; becaus (saith hee) it's unlikely, that in a 100 years they would staie so long from Shinar, beeing not above twentie daies journie from the hills of Armenia. 2. Becaus the East was peopled before anie other Countrie. 3. Becaus Semiramis found great resistance by the Indians. 4. Becaus the Vine grew not naturally in Armenia, but in In­dia where Noah planted his Vineyard] But these reasons are not of that validitie, as to make us re­cede from the generally received opinion, which is, that the Ark rested on the hils of Ararat, which the Chaldee Paraphrase call's the hils Carduaeni. And so the Chaldees call Armenia Cardu, where Ptolomie's Gor­diaean or Cordiaean mountains are. This wee know that in Isa. 37. and Jer. 51. Armenia is called the land of Ararat, and here the Ark rested, Gen. 8. and the place in Armenia where Noah came out of the Ark was called [...] as Josephus saith.

Abidenus ^* report's, that in his time som part of the Ark was extant in Armenia. So Nich. Damasce­nus lib. 96. that upon the great hill of Armenia cal­led Baris a great part of the Ark was remaining. And Cartwright in his travels, that there are manie ru­ines to bee seen in the hillie countries of Armenia, [Page 9] which were thought to bee the buildings of Noah's children, who durst not venture to com down into the lower Countries, fearing they might bee sur­prised by another Deluge. This hill Baris on which the Ark rested may bee so called, either becaus in the Armenian tongue it signifie's a going out, for there Noah came out of the Ark, therefore the Greeks call it Apobaterion: or els from Berith in Hebrew, which signifieth a Covenant, becaus there God made a Covenant with Noah and his posteritie. These hills also where the Ark rested were called Cordiaei or Car­duthi, which are placed by Xenophon, Pli­nie and Strabo near Tygris in Armenia, Xenoph. lib. 4. Plin. lib. 6. cap. 13. which Countrie in Jeremie is called Mi­ni also, so that Armenia seem's to bee Strab. lib. 16. Jet. 51. 27. made up of [...] Har-mini, the Hill of Mini. In these hillie Countries both of Arme­nia and along towards the Indies, Noah's posteritie conteined themselvs for about a 100 years: all which time they durst not venture to dwell in the low Countries, therefore fearing least they might bee surprised by another Flood, would not trust themselvs to the low vallies of Shinar, though it was so near them. We read of divers Plantations near the Sea coast, where the Planters contained themselvs, and durst not in manie years adventure far into the land. Wee know how long is was before the Ro­mane Colonies would venture over the River of Rhene, Danubius, and Euphrates: Therefore to saie that the Ark rested not in Armenia (becaus Shinar beeing so near Noah's children would not have been so long from it) is of no force: nor his other rea­sons taken from the populousness of the East, and resistance made to Semiramis. For I denie not but Noah's posteritie might enlarge their Plantations towards the East, but yet still keeping the hillie Countries, yet it will not follow that the Ark rested [Page 10] there, or anie where els then in Armenia; and as for Noah's planting of his Vineyard in India, not in Armenia becaus this Countrie is too cold for Vines, is an opinion altogether groundless: For first, how knew hee that there were not as well in Armenia, as in India wilde Vines, for of those Noah made his Vineyard, by pruning, cultivating and dressing of them. 2. Wee know by relation of Travellers, Historians, and Geographers, that in Armenia are plentie of verie good Wines, and contrarie in India there are no wines, or verie scarce, so that they sup­plie the want of wine, with the liquor of the Palm­tree, and with a drink brewed of Rice and Barlie. 3. It is not altogether the coldness of the Countrie that hinder's the growing of Vines, but the nature of the Soil, and manie times excessive heat is an im­pediment; so is the unseasonableness of the months of Julie and August by reason of too much rain that hinder's the maturation of the grapes: for Spain and Italie, which are fortie degrees in Northerlie Lati­tude from the Line, being forth excellent wines, and yet New Spain in America, which is nearer the Line by twentie degrees produceth no wine, as Jos. Acosta witnesseth. So Chile which is a cold Coun­trie in comparison of those nearer the Line, yieldeth excellent wine, and abundance, beeing fortie de­grees off Southerly Latitude from the Equinoctial.

Lib. 1. cap. 7, § 10. † 4.

IN Alexander's time Learning had not travelled so far to the West as Rome. Alexander esteeming of Italie but as a barbarous Countrie] Pythagoras had planted his Philosophie in Italie almost two hundred years before Alexander was born, therefore Italie at this time was neither ignorant nor barbarous: nor was Rome at this time a village, as Sir Walter will [Page 11] have Alexander to esteem of it, but a great and warlike Citie, beeing now above three hundred years old, and victorious over their neighbors, as the Romane stories can inform us: neither was it the meanness of Rome, nor barbarousness of Italie that kept off his conquering Armie from thence, but the hardiness of that people, the valor, prowess, and strength of that Nation, on whom Alexander durst not adventure; for if hee had, hee should have found other manner of men then his loos, effemi­nate, and unskilful Asiaticks; a people alwaies more fic to serv, then to command; apter for Venus, then Mars; so that the Romans themselvs never made [...] state in Asia, but they stil lost much of their Masculine virtues. That the antient Italians were a hardie manlike people the King of Poëts tell's us. Virgil Aen. lib. 9.

And so the same Poet elswhere sheweth what men. Italie brought forth. Virg. Geor. 1

[Page 12] Such was the valor of the Italians, that the Ro­mans spent as In Proaem. Florus sheweth above four hundred years in subduing them, whereas they brought in subjection all the rest of the World in the space of little more then two hun­dred years. Doubtless had Alexander encountred with the Gauls, Germans, and Britains as Cesar did, hee had found more work for his Macedonians, then hee did among the Perlians. Therefore however Sir Walter preferr's the Eastern parts of the world, to the Western, in civilitie, arms, magnificence, learning, &c. yet wee finde the contrarie, and so did Pompeie, whose vaste Eastern Armie was forced to yield to Cesar's smal Western Forces. And the Turks know whether the Asians or Europeans are fittest to make his Janisaries, or to which hee is most beholding for support of his Monarchie. For civilitie and learning wee finde that the We­stern Greeks did civilize and instruct the Eastern Asiaticks. The Gauls were ever more civil then the Germans, though more Eastward: as for the stories of China I give little credit to them, nor do I be­liev that Printing and Artillerie, with other Arts, were so manie years among them, before wee knew the use of them, no more, then that the World was created so manie thousand years before Moyses his computation which is the belief of the Chinois.

Lib. 1. cap. 9. § 2.

THe joining of Cottages together in one common field or Village the Latines call Vicus] This word Vicus did not onely signifie a Countrie Cot­tage, or Village, but also a Street, though in a Ci­tie. So wee read of Vicus sceleratus, Vicus Cyprius, and divers others in Rome and the word vicatim by Jullie is used for going from street to street. And [Page 13] Vicinus was hee who dwelt in the same street, as Vi­canus was used for a Farmer, or Countrie-man: now pagus did signifie a Village consisting of divers Cot­tages not only from [...] a Well, which was in com­mon to them all; but as I think from the old word page to bargain, or covenant, becaus they covenant­ed one with another to live justly and peaceably to­gether or from pango to set, graft, or plant, the proper work of husbandmen; whence com's the word Pa­ganus, which at first signified a Countrie-man, then it was used for those in the Citie which were exem­pted from war, or had never used their Arms: hence among Christians paganus signified a Heathen, such as never fought under the Banner of Christ: or becaus Christianitie was first professed in Cities, and late received by the Countrie people: or be­caus Christianitie drove away Gentilism out of all civil and populous Cities into remote and obscure Villages.

Lib. 1. cap. 8. § 15. † 1.

ASSUR, the second son of Sem, was father of the Assyrians] This Countrie was so called, not onely from Assur the first planter thereof, but also from [...] Ashur, that is, blessed, 2 Kings. 18 ver. 10. for it was happie in bread wine, oil, and ho­nie; it abounded also with excellent fruits, hence Assyrium amomum in Virgil; Assyrium gramen in Sta­tius, and Assyrii odores often in the Poëts; and be­caus of the abundance of silk there, Assyriae vestes are taken for silk garments, and Assyrius tapis is a kinde of Jasper stone. This Countrie also was called Atyria, from the Chaldee word [...] Atur, for the Chaldee useth to change the Hebrew [...] into [...], so they saie Cuth for Cush: It was called Adiabene [...], as if the access to it were difficult, [Page 14] by reason of the manie Rivers thereof; som of which are [...] Impassible: yet this Countrie was not impassible to Xenophon and Alexander in their expeditions.

Lib. 1. cap. 8 § 15. † 1.

Lud, the fourth son of Sem, gave name to the Ly­dians in Asia the less, is the common opinion, but I see not by what reason hee was moved to stragle thither from his friends] The same reason might move him to plant in Asia the less, far from his friends, which hath moved manie Europeans to plant in America, much farther from their friends; to wit, conveniencie of habitation, sweet­ness of aër, fertilitie of soil, and such like motives. Now the Lydians which came of Lud were of old called by the Greeks Maeones, and Lydia Moenia, as Lib. 1. Herodotus Lib. 13. and Strabo shew. And Claudian think's they were so called from Maeon the antient King of Phrygia, and Lydia.

Afterwards they were called Lydians from Lydus the son of Atys, as Lib. 1. Herodotus and Lib. 1. Di­onysius Alicarnassaeus affirm. Hence At­talyda, a town in Lydia, was so called from Atys and Lydus. But the Greeks are children in Antiquitie, and fabulous; therefore doubtless the name of Lydia was more antient, and either planted by Lud, or by his Children, who from their Father's name might call it Lydia, which is ordinatie. Near, or through this Countrie of Ly­dia did flow the winding River Maean­der, as Lib. 5. [...].19. 29. Plinie sheweth. Lydia persu­sa flexuosi amnis recursibus Maeandri: and perhaps the [Page 15] Countrie might bee called Lydia, or Ludia from Lud, which in the Phaenician tongue signifie's Binding, Winding, or Turning; for divers Countries are named from their chief Rivers; and becaus the River was called Maeon, the Countrie might bee called Maeania. These Lydians were verie antient among the Greeks. Attys, Tantalus, Pelops, Niobe, Ara­cbne, were Lydians; and about the time of Jephthe 1200 years before Christ, the Lydians were masters of the Sea, and a war like people, as may bee seen in Ezekiel 27. 10. These sent plantations into Caria, Peloponnesus, and Hetruria; and into Africa too: These are commended for their Isa. 66. 9. Jer. 46. 9. Herod lib. 4 skill in Archerie, the Asiatick Lydians were good spear men, and excellent hors­men, as Herodotus sheweth. [...]: but after Cyrus had disarmed them, they grew effeminate, and gave themselves to all luxurie and delight. So that [...] was to plaie the wanton; and effe­minate voluptuous men were called [...]: and hee that sold or made sweet oils was call'd [...]: and becaus the Lydians were the Inventors of manie games and sports, which the Romanes made use of, they called all plaies and games Ludos, and Plaiers Ludiones.

Lib. 1. cap. 9. §. 2.

TOwns encompassed with Walls were called oppi­da, ab opponendo, or ab opibus] Not one'y from opes wealth which for safetie they brought thither; and from oppono, becaus they were able to oppose their enemies, but also from ope help, becaus they were able to help one another I euer beeing united in a Town, then dispersed, and living asunder: hence came the word opisices Trades-men, whose [Page 16] abode and use are most in populous Cities, as stan­ding most in need of their help; and becaus Towns were secured and fenced by walls, trenches, or dit­ches; they called these fences muros, or moenia, à muniendo; and the Towns urbes, ab orbe, becaus they were encompassed with a plough, which by Varro is called urbare: and the furrow which the plough made, was the foundation of the wall to bee made.

Lib. 1. cap. 10. § 2.

NImrod was the first King of Babel, and it agreeth with reason that Ninus should bee the third] Sir Walter here would make Nimrod, Belus, and Ni­nus three distinct Kings of Babel, alleging no rea­son for his opinion, but contradicting Eusebius, Hierom, Austine, and the most approved writers up­on no ground: whereas it is generally affirmed that the name Nimrod which signifie's a Rebel, was changed by his son Ninus and his posteritie into Baal, or Bel, or Belus, which signifie's a Lord, this beeing a title of honor, that of ignominie: besides, the Scripture acknowledgeth no King of Babel be­fore Ninus but Nimrod; nor do historians men­tion anie before Ninus, but Belus, their manners, dispositions, and actions are the same: they are both said to live about two hundred years after the Flood, and to have reigned then in Babylon: both are said to bee the Founders of that Citie: both the Inventors of Idol atrie, for the names Beliel, Bi­elphegor, Beelzebub are from Bel, or Belus; both are described to bee men of cruel, fierce, and warlike natures, and ambitious in propagating their Em­pite: And whereas Sir Walter saith, that if St Au­stin [Page 17] had thought Nimrod and Belus to bee the same, hee would have rather called him Nimrod with the Scripture, then Belus with the Gentiles: This is no­thing, for St Austin direct's that work of The Citie of God to the Gentiles, and confuted them, therefore hee had reason rather to use the name Belus, which was known to them, then the name of Nimrod which they knew not: and who know's not that Saint Austin, through all that Work, make's use of the Gentil-Stories, and therefore had reason to use their own names: It is true there was another Belus cal­led Belus Tyrius, far later then Nimrod, famous a­mong the Phenicians, of whom the Poët.

Lib. 1. cap. 11. § 1.

ZOroaster, King of the Bactrians, Vincentius suppo­seth to bee Cham the son of Noah] This cannot bee, though both were wicked men; the one in mocking his father, the other in finding out Magi­cal Arts. For Zoroaster was King of Bactria, as is supposed, but Cham's lot fell to bee in Africa far from Bactria: therefore prophetically hee was cal­led Cham, from [...] Cham, that is, Heat; and [...] Chum, that is, Black, as beeing the father of those black people, who inhabit the hot Countrie of Africa; this blackness, and heat, beeing a part of his Curs. Again, Zoroaster was the Inventor, as som think, of Astrologie, or at least a great lover of it; therefore they called him [...] a Star-gazer; or [...] becaus hee honored them, and sa­crificed to them. But Cham, as the Chymists will make us believ, was the Inventor of their Art cal­led Alcbimia, from the Arabick article Al and Cham, [Page 18] as if it were Alchamia, but indeed it is from the Greek [...], becaus they are still powring, infusing, distilling, and extracting: or from the Arabick word Chema, to Hide; hence Alchimia is a Hidden Art, and so it is, if either wee look upon their do­ctrine, or practice, all is hid; and so was the know­ledg, or use of it, till of later years, for the first that mention's it, is Julius Firmicus to the Emperor Constantine.

Lib. 1. cap. 8. § 9.

MOntanus for Tharsis in Cilicia, understand's Car­thage in Africk, but hee was much mistaken in that conjecture] This town, which bear's the name of Tharsis Javan's second son, is by som taken for the metropolis of Cilicia called Tharsis; which word also signisieth the Sea: Som take it for Ophir, becaus Jehosophat's ships were appointed to go to Ophir. 2 King. 22. 48. and in Chron. 20. 36. 37. it is said, They were to go to Tharsis: The like is said of So­lomon's ships, as wee have shewed upon Genesis. Now Ophir was in the East Indies, so then Tharsis must bee there, which place is likely to bee Tapiobona, or Su­matra, called Chersonesus, or aurea terra; and it is not unusual for one town to have two names, nor for two or three towns or places to have the same name; Ophir then, and Tharsis may bee two names of one place. Others will have Tunis and Tharsis all one: but it is most likely that Carthage (not that of Africa, but that of Spain) was a Colonie of Tharsis, or Tyrus: for the Isle of Cales, or Cadiz, and Countrie about Batis was called Tartessus from Tharsis: and wee finde that the Phaenicians had great commerce with Spain, becaus that Countrie abounded in silver, iron, tin, and lead, which was the merchandise of the Tyrians, as may bee seen in Ezech. 27. 12. besides the Temple called Gadita­num, [Page 19] near Hercules his pillars, as by divers Autors thought to bee built by the Phenicians, and that Countrie of Spain to bee subdued and peopled by Hercules Tyrius, not Thebanus as the Greeks Appian in Ibericis. Theophrast de vit. Apollonil lib. 2 cap. 14. Arrianes lib. 2. would have it: for the Tem­ple that stood there, was built after the Phenician manner, and after the same manner were the sacrifices, and sole­mnities performed. Lastly, the word Iberia, by which Spain was called, is a Phenician word, from the Hebrew Eber, or the Childee Ebra, which signifieth a passage, or the bound and end of a thing, intimating that Spain is the bound or end of the Earth, beyond which these was no passage nor navigation; yea, the word Spain is Hebrew too as Bochartus Geog. sac. lib. 1. observeth: for Saphan is a cunnie, and Spain was called the Coun­trie of Cunnies, for it abounded with them: so that the Islands called Baleares, now Ma­jorca and Minorca, were so infested with them, that they were not in a long time habitable. To con­clude, I believ there was one Tharsis whither Salomon's ships went, in the East, another on the Mediterrane Sea, whither Jonas fled.

Lib. 1. cap. 12 § 1.

NInive was built in the plains of Assyria, on the banks of Tygris long before Ninus's time] Nini­veh, or Ninus, for so this Citie was called, from Nim­rod's son Ninus; though not hee, but Nimrod built it; and the whole countrie of Assyria is called in Scri­pture. The land of Nimrod. Mich. 5. 6. Somtimes fathers called their Cities, not by their own, but by their son's names; so Cain called the town hee built from his son's name Henoch: and in Hebrew Niniveh is as much as N [...]nave, the habitation of Ninus, as Geog. sac. l. 4 cap. 20. Bochart obser­veth, [Page 20] but there is great diversitie of opinions among writers concerning the siituation of Nini­veh; som placing it near Euphrates, others near Tygris, but 'tis likely there were two towns of this name: one near Euphrates called old Niniveh, in Philost. lib. 1. cap. 13 & 14. where Apollonius travel­leth from Antiochia to Mesopo [...]amia through old Ni­uiveh: the other, which was the great Niniveh, of three daies journie (for the circuit of it was about threescore miles in compass) stood upon the West side of Tygris: or els Niniveh stood on Euphrates as Diodorus lib. 2. cap. 1. saith: becaus Euphrates and Tygris in one place are united, and so have but one name. It is now called Mosal, and is the chief seat of the Nestorian Hereticks. This Citie was famous, not onely for the magnificence, riches, and great­ness thereof, but also for antiquitie, becaus it was extant in Abraham's time, as Eusebius witnesseth: here dwelt Phul, Tiglath. Pileser, Shalmaneser, Senna­cherib, by whose arms Samaria was exhausted, and the Israelites translated into into Assyria, and Media, yet this vaste Citie was at last so destroied, as like­wise Isa. 47. 7. 8. Seleuc. Nica­nor. Babylon, that thought her self eternal; and Seleucia, built by Seleu­cus Alexander's successor in Syria and Babylon, that as Nrh. 1. 8. & 3. 17. Nahum the Prophet foretold, the place where it stood should not bee known, and as Lucian saith, [...], &c. there not anie mark or footstep to bee seen of it.

Lib. 2. cap. 1. § 10.

THis Amraphel was not at this time the greatest Monarch, for the vallie of Pentapolis was sub­ject to Chedarlaomer King of Elam, or Persis] This contradict's Scripture, historie, and reason, for Am­raphel [Page 21] i, still first named by Moyses, as beeing the greatest Prince. Histories do show us that the Kings of Shinar, or Babylon, were the greatest Monarchs of those parts, and that the Persians had no greatness till Cyrus, therefore Amraphel King of Shinar must bee greater then Chedarlaomer King of Elam: And it is not unlikely but this might bee Nimrod as the Jews think, for hee might bee yet alive; and it is usual for one man to have two or three names, though Elam here might signifie Per­sia, as I do believ it doth not, but rather it was the name of a town in Assyria, as Saint Hierom think's; or in Persia, as others; yet Persia at this time was of no great esteem: as for Sir Walter's reason that Chedarlaomer was the greatest King, becaus to him were subject these five pettie Kings, or Majors of towns, it is very weak, for so hee might as weil in­fer that Porus, was a greater King then Alexander, becaus hee had divers pettie Princes under him, not subject to Alexander; or that Herod, to whom this lake of Sodom, or countrie of Pentapolis was subject, was greater Prince then Augustus Cesar.

Lib. 2. cap. 2. § 4.

EGypt is now called by the naturals in their own language Mezre] So the Arabians at this daie cal it Meser, and the Egyptian's first moneth of old was called Mesori; in Scripture it is called somtime Masor, as Isa. 19. 6. The rivers of Masor shall bee dried up. Kimchi explain's it the river of Mizraim, or Egypt. So Kings 19. 24 Mich. 7. 12. in two other places; but wee Translate the word Masor Forts, or senced places, for so indeed the word signifieth, and Egypt was naturally fortified from the North by the sea, from the South by the cataracts of Nilus, and mountains of Ethiopia; from the East and West by de­sarts. Or Egypt may bee called Masor from the [Page 22] narrowness thereof, for it is narrow and long from the sea to Syene; and becaus Egypt is divided into two parts, to wit the bigher, where Nilus hath but one channel, & the lower, where it is divided into di­vers channels, called by the Greeks Δ delta, from the triangular figure it make's, hence it is called Mis­rajim in the Dual Number.

Lib. 2. cap. 2. § 6.

IN the reign of Hercules and Typhon seven years were spent] This was that Hercules who made an expedition into Spain, and erected those Pillars at Gades, called by his name, There a temple was built to him, and sacrifices offered, after the man­ner of the Phenicians. Typhon, for his wickedness and crueltie, was called a gyant by the Grecians. Hee made War against the gods: hee travelled in­to Caucasus, and at last was struck down by Jupi­ter's thunder, and died near the lake Serbonis, as Apollonius witnesseth,

Therefore Plutarch relate's, in Antonio, that the Egyptians called this lake [...] Ty­phon's exhalations The gyant also Typhaeus, who rebelled against Jupiter and is buried under Aetna in Sicilie is called Typhon, and somtimes Briareus. For these three are taken promiscuously one for ano­ther. Typheus is called by Pindarus P ithia. [...], hundreth headed: and by Aen. 6. In vit. Apol­lonii l. 5. c. 6 Virgil, Centum g'minus Briareus. e Apollodorus make's Typhon to have [...] the n ture both of a man, and of a serpent: Hyginus make's him the childe of earth and hell, having a hundred dragon' heads growing on his shoulders. e Philostratus make's Typhon [Page 23] and Enceladus all one, beeing fast bound under the hill Aetna, [...]. But of Typhon wee have spo­ken more f elswhere. f Mystagng. Poēt.

Lib. 2. cap. 3. § 4.

MOy is a voice expressing water, bises as much as drawn out thence] Philo Josephus, and Clemens Alexandrinus will have Moses to bee made up of [...] water, and [...] preserved,: but indeed hee was called [...], becaus saith Pharaoh's daughter [...] I drew him out of the water; so that the name of Moyses is made up of the Hebrew word [...], which is never used but for drawings out of waters, as Exod. 16. 15. Psal. 18. 17. so Isa. 63. 11. Moscheh ammo, hee drew out his people. But though this word bee Hebrew, and retained in the Scriptures, yet it is not likely that this was the name which Pharaoh's daughter gave him, but rather, shee bee­ing an Egyptian, would give him an Egyptian name, whereof M shes is the interpretation; which name, it's likely Moyses's parents gave him, when hee was circumcised; that hee might by this name bee put in remembrance of God's mercie towards him who drew him out of waters, that hee might af­terward draw his people out of afflictions, which are called waters in Scripture: and of this historie it seem's the Greeks were not ignorant, for by them Moyses is call'd g [...], that is, Aquigena, or Water-childet and in­deed Scalig. de emend. temp. what they write of Bacchus is meant of Moyses: for they say that Bacchus was born in AEgypt, inclosed in an Ask, or Chest, and exposed to the waters: so that Orpheus call's him [...] for Moyses, and [...] Law Law-giver, and giv's to him [...], intimating the two tables [Page 24] of the Law: hee is called also [...], and is commended for his beautie, and militarie valor; hee is painted too as Moyses, with two horns, and a dog was said to bee his companion: for Caleb Moyses com­panion in Hebrew signifie's a dog. Lib. 1. strom, Cle mens Alexandrinus think's that Moyses was called by his parents Joachim, and that now in heaven hee is called Melchi; but on what ground this conjectore is built I know not. They are also mistaken who think that Moyses was the same Mne­ves in Biblioth. l: 1, p. 59. Diodorus; for this Mneves is said by him to bee the first Law-giver amongst the Egyptians, whereas hee saie's that Moyses receiv'd his Laws from Jao or God.

Lib. 2. cap. 3. § 8.

THe Greeks write the Sea Erythraeum, from Ery­thras or Erythraeus a King] I think rather that this King was so called from the Sea, then the Sea from him; for princes and people are called from the places where they dwell, ordinarily: as Mithridates was called King of Pontus, not pontus the Sea, or Countrie of Mithridates: though I denie not but somtimes Princes call seas and lands by their own names: as the mouth of the streits is called fretum Herculeum from Hercules. Now this Sea is so cal­led in Greek from its red color, and this King was named Erythraeus from it: and so perhaps might the Phenicians and Edomites bee thus called, not be­caus they were redder then other people, but becaus they dwelt not far from the red sea, for Edom signi­fi th red, (I know most derive this apellation from Esau's red pottage which he coveted so greedily) and so the Phenicians are called from the red color, saith Strabo, becaus the sea is red. [...].

Lib. 2. cap. 3. § 8.

FRom these apparences of redness by the shadows of those stones, sands, earth, and clefts, I suppose it first took the name of the red sea, becaus in ma­nie places it seemeth to bee such] It is not called the red sea onely from the appearance or similitude of redness, for so the whole Ocean sea is called red, becaus it appear's so when the skie is red in the mor­ning, or evening; hence the [...]d sea is called mare purpureum, and rubrum by the Virg. Geo. 4. Aen, 7. Poëts.

So Euripides call's the sea [...] but the Persian Gulf is called the red sea, becaus the water in manie places is indeed red, when in a storm the water is troubled, and mingled with that red earth, sand, & slime which is in the bottom thereof, and this is oftentimes, becaus that sea is shallower then other seas are. So I finde that not onelie the Arabian Gulf is called the red sea, But also the Persian Gulf by Act. 1. Scen. 1. Seneca.

Now wee know that Tigris and Euphrates run not in­to the Arabian, but the Persian sea. So Plin. lib 6. cap. 24. divide's the red sea into two baies, the one called the Persian, which is in the East; the other the Arab [...]an: and if the red sea was so called from King Erythras, then the Persian should bear this [Page 26] name; for Curtius and others, place his tomb, not on the Arabian, but on the Persian gulf. I finde al­so that the dead sea, or Asphaltites is by Hesychius cal. led the red sea, [...], becaus of the red bitumen which is found in and about that Lake.

Lib. 2. cap. 4. § 3.

Eusebius thought Sinai or Horeb were distinct hills, Hierom to bee but one] They were but one in bulk, but distinct in the tops, and names, the one beeing called Horeb, that is, Desert; the other Sinai, that is, a Bush: for it was not (it seem's) at that time fre­quented, but a desert, becaus full of Bushes and trees, or becaus superstitious people held it formidable, supposing som Dietie had dwelt there, therefore durst not com near it; this kinde of superstition was called [...], and it was ordinarie among the Gentiles to believ that their gods dwelt on mountains; and in groves, so Virgil. Aen. 8, speaking of the Capitol.

And perhaps for this caus Horeb was called the mountain of God, or els for the height thereof; so tall Cedars are called the Cedars of God, or rather by anticipation, becaus God was to reveal his wil, and glorie there to Moyses: and it might wel bee called God's hill for this caus, as the place where Jacob wrestled with God called Peniel, and where [Page 27] hee saw the vision of the Ladder, Bethel, God's hous: for not onely upon this hill did God appear to Moyses at this time, when hee kept sheep, but also when hee gave the Law. Here it was where was that rock which represented Christ, which bee­ing struck by his fathers rod yielded fountains of li­ving waters. Here Moyses by holding up his hands overcame Amalek: here Moyses conversed with God without food or drink fortie daies together: here Moyses broke he two Tables of the Law, and slew the Calf worshippers; and here did Elias enjoie the sight of God.

Lib. 2. cap. 4. § 2.

WHen Moyses married the daughter of Jethro, hee would not (had hee found them Idola­ters) made her the mother of his children] Hee might have found her an Idolater, and afrerwards convert her, for doubtless Jethro could not have been Priest of Midian had hee not been an Idolater, for they were such: yet afterward, by Moyses's means and miracles, hee was converted to the true God, as appear's by his own words, Exod. 18. Now (saith hee) I know that the Lord is great above all gods gods, &c. Therefore Jethro offred sacrifices unto the Lord, and therefore, upon his conversion, hee received a new name, and was called Hobee, that is, loving, becaus hee testified by his conversion how much hee loved God, and his Law. Now that Jethro was Priest of Midian is plain, both by the 70 Interpreters, and Latine Interpreters, by Lib. 1, de vit: Moys. Lib. 2, Ant [...] Philo also and Josephus, though the Chaldee Paraphrase call him Prince of Midian; indeed hee might bee both, for Melchisedec was King and Priest, and [Page 28] among the Gentiles it was usual for the same man to bee both.

And so the Hebrew word Cohen signifie's both: for David's sons were called 2 Sam, 8. Cohavim, that is Princes, as the 70 interpret it; for the Priests were not of the tribe of Juda, but of the tribe of Levi.

Lib. 2. cap. 4. § 4.

THe other Etymologie à ligando is no less agree­able to the nature of a Law] The Etymologie will not suffer that Lex should bee à ligando, though metaphorically the Law binde's, and Laws are called bands. But Lex is rather à legendo, which signifie's both to read, and to choos: for Laws were publickly read, proclaimed, and proposed for all men to bee read: and becaus Law givers and people did choos what they would obeie, what a­void, they were called Leges à legendo; Legis na­tura in delectu non jus, whether it bee from jussum becaus comanded, or from Jovis, becaus all Laws are from God; hence jusjurandum, quasi Jovis ju­randum. I saie jus is the rigor of the Law, which the Greeks call [...]: hence Acribodicaei were the rigid exactors, and interpreters of the Law; but aequum is the moderation of that rigor, or a correction, called [...], and such mo­derators were called [...], and [...] to moderate the Law. As for Fas, it was so call'd of fando from speaking, whence come's the word fatum, which indeed is, whatsoëver God hath decreed and spoken concerning us. Quid aliud est fa um quàm quod de naoquoque nostrûm deus fatus est. Min. Faelix octav.

Lib. 2. cap. 5. § 9.

NO man knoweth of Moyses's Sepulere to this daie, which hapned Anno mundi 2554] God would conceal Moyses's Sepulere, least the Jews, who were prone to Idolatrie, might worship him for the true God: for if they stuck not to worship a Calf, they would have made no scruple to worship Moyses his bodie; and this was the occasion of that Alrercation between Michaël and Satan, mentioned by Saint Jude, whether out of Tradition, or out of that Apocryphal book, called Asscensio Moysis, is uncertain. This is certain, that the Gentiles did usually deisie their Law givers, and such as had don anie memorable acts amoug them; therefore doubt­less the Jews would not have been backward to af­ford the same honor to him who had deserved it far better then they, if wee consider the excellencie of the man, and of his Laws, his miracles and fa­miliaritie with God: his own gravitie, to whom in this regard, all the Heathen Law-givers com far short'n for hee lived before their first Divines, Linus, Orpheus, and Musaeus, about four hundred years before the Trojane Wars; four hundred thirtie three years before Homer; five hundred years be­fore the Seven Wise-men of Greece, who flourished about the Fiftieth Olympiad above a thousand years: Pythagoras, and his succeeding Philoso­phers were much later then the Grecian Wise-men. The most antient Historians of the Gentiles do make honorable mention of Moyses; as Berosus the Chaldaean; Ptolomie, and Manetho, Egyptian wri­ters; and among the Greeks Artapanus, Eupolemus, Trogus Pompeius, Diodorus, Morbus, Numenius, Py­thagoricus, who called Plato the Affrick Moyses.

Lib. 2. cap. 6. § 4.

PRometheus was bound to the top of Caucasus, whose entrails beeing devoured by an Eagle, did signifie his inward care hee had to investigate the natures, motions, and influences of the heavenlie bodies] Though this may bee true, yet I think rather was meant by this fiction that hee and his children seat­ed themselvs in the Countrie about Caucasus, who were much troubled, both with the barrenness of the soil, and vexed with the multitudes and rapa­citie of Eagles who commonly frequent such hillie and rockie Countries: and it is more likely that Atlas, who Eupolemus in b Eusebius think's to bee the same with Enoch, was Lib, 9, praeparl Evang. the Astronomer, then Prometbeus, whom som think to bee all one with Magog the son of Ja­phet: for to steal fire from heaven, and to animate stones, and metals, and claie, hath no relation to Astonomie, but rather to Mechanical trades, manie of which are helpt & effected by fire, and metals are melted & made into Statues; his animating of claie, may also signifie, that hee infused knowledg and civilitie into men, without which they are little better then dead claie: but of Prometheus wee have ^c spoken elswhere. Now Atlas in supporting the heavens, in having daughters called by the names of constellations, Hyades, and Pleiades is more likely to bee the Astronomer.

Lib. 2. cap. 6. § 6.

MErcurius was called Trismegistus, or ter maximus, and of the Greeks Hermes] Hee was called ter maximus, as beeing the greatest King, the greatest Priest, and greatest Philosopher that ever was in Egypt. Also becaus of all the Heathens (if hee was a Heathen, and not the same with Moyses) hee had the greatest knowledg of the Trinitie; for his excellencie hee was deified after his death, and a Citie erected to his memorie called Hermopolis: hee was called Hermes the interpreter, or messenger of the gods, becaus of his eloquence and excellent knowledg in divinitie. It was hee that first divi­ded the daie into twelv hours, by observing a cer­tain beast which made water so often in a daie. Hee was said to have wings, to shew the fame of his worth, by which his name was carried everie where: of his manie arts which hee found out ^e I have shew­ed elswhere.

Lib. 2. cap. 7. § 2.

BUt for the extent East and West, if Perah bee taken for Eupbrates, then the land promised stret­cheth it self both over Arabia Petraea, and the De­sert, as far as the border of Babylon, which the Israëlites never possest, nor at anie time did so much as invade or attemt] In David's and Solomon's time, the Israëlites both attemted, invaded, and possessed these Countries, as the Scripture sheweth. 2 Sam. 8. & 1 Chron. 18. For David went with his Armie to subdue all toward Euphrates, and then hee subdued the Philistins, Idumeans, Moabites, Am­monites, Seba, and all Syria, as far as Euphrates. [Page 32] And so of Solomon, 1 King. 4. it is said, That all the nations and kingdoms, from the river to the confines of Egypt, were under his jurisdiction, and served him all the daies of his life. And so much God promised to Abraham, G. n. 15. then to Moyses, Exod. 23. and after him to Joshua, Josh. 1. there­fore Vadianus was much mistaken, in thinking that by the river Perah was meant Jordan, seeing Perah is never used but for Euphrates, neither can bee shew that Jordan was called Perah. I confess the Israëlites did not possess anie long time these coun­tries, becaus of their disobedience, Idolatrie, and other impieties, but to saie they never possest them, is to nullifie or denie God's promises, and to con­tradict the sacred Storie.

Lib. 2. cap. 7. § 4.

THe people Ituraei were placed in the bounds of Cele-Syria, and Arabia deserta; they were valiant and warlike men, and excellent Archers, of whom Virgil.

This passage, as manie other, Sir Walter borrow's from Vadianus, and hee from Plinie, who placeth these Ituraei in Syria: but Probus in Scythia, and Ser­vius in Parthia, which is most likelie, for Ithura, or Ithyra was a Citie upon mount Taurus towards Par­thia. Now the Parthians were famous among the Romans for their skill in Arching, and excellent bows and arrows: hence their best bows were cal­led Parthici, and Ithyraei, and so were their arrows, as their best bow-strings were called Getici nervi, and their best quivers Sarmaticae Pharetrae: so Ituraeus ar­cus in this place of ^d Virgil is the same with Parthum [Page 33] cornu in another place, for hee speak's of no Ar­chers so much as of the Parthian. ^e

Of these Parthian or Ithurean arrows Lucan lib. 7. speake's.

Vopiscus also g speak's of three hun­dred Ithyraean Archers, and h Tullie In Anteliano. 2 Phil. Cur homines omnium gentium maximè bar­baros eum sagittis deducis in forum: these cannot bee understood of people in Palestina, though Antonie had made War there, but of Parthia against whom hee fought; which the Romanes alwaies accounted a most barbarous people.

Lib. 2. cap. 8. § 2.

THat fiction by Virgil of Aeneas and Dido must bee far out of square]. I do not see by what Ju­stin, Orofius, Velleius, and others do write concerning the time of the building of Carthage, that Virgil is out of square, for that part of Carthage which was built by Dido was Byrsa, so called from the Ox hide with which shee measured the ground, and by by him, as also by the inhabitants, the out-build­ings were named Magalia, or Magaria rather, that is, Cottages, and this Byrsa was the cietadel, yet somtimes bearing the name of Carthage, by which the whole citie was denominate; and which som derive from Charta: therefore though that Carthage [Page 34] mentioned by Justin and others was not built till 228 years after Aeneas, becaus Alba longa, built by Ascanius, stood 300 years, and Carthage was built 72 years before Rome, which beeing substra­cted from the 300 there remain's 228 from Aeneas to the building of Carthage: I saie, though this bee true, it will not therefore follow that Byrsa, which was also called Carthage, was not built by Dido 228 years before New Carthage, which was built 72 years before Rome: neither was Dido the first builder of Carthage, for De Bellis P [...]is Appian tell's us that the Phenicians built it 50 years before the captivitie of Troie, un­der the conduct of Xorus, and Carchedon; so that shee found the Phenicians there, and perhaps Cad­mus was the first builder thereof; for in Silius the Carthaginians are called gens Cadmaea: but I finde three Carthages, or three parts of one Carthage, the one called Cothon, or the harbor, for all plantations at first are built upon the shore, near harbors; and it's like that this part was built before Dido came; the other part was called Byrsa, built by Dido; at the third, which incompassed Byrsa, was named Maga­ria, and the whole citie, Carthage, from [...] or Carcabe, which in the Punic-tongue signifie's a Head, becaus of the Hors head found there, of which the learned Poët ( Aen. 1.) was not ignorant, when hee write's,

Hence then it appear's the Prince of Poëts was not mistaken when hee make's Dido, who lived in the time of Aeneas as the builder of one part of Car­thage, though the other part might be built long after by som other, whose founder, becaus Historians [Page 35] know not, they erroneously asscribe the work to Di­do, who was dead long before.

Lib. 2. Cap. 10. § 3.

— NEar to which are the gardens of Balsamum, the best that the world had, called Opobalsa­mum] The Balsamum is not called opobalsamum, for that is properly the tree, this is the liquor or juice which distill's from the tree. Juvenal. Sat. 2.

The wood or bark of the Balsamum is called Tylo­balsamum, the fruit Carpobalsamum, and the liquor Opobalsamum: and Balsamum is as much in Hebrew as the Lord, or Chief-Oil, for so is Baal-shemen. as exceeding all others in smell and virtue: the tree then is never called Opobalsamum, but the liquor is by Virgil as well as the tree, or shrub called balsa­mum.

And though som take [...] to signifie the fruit, or feed, yet [...] is properly the hole which the Hus­band-man cut's in the tree, to let out the liquor.

Lib. 2. cap. 12. § 2.

DAvid changed the name from Jebusalem, the citie of the Jebusites, to Jerusalem] This citie was called Jerusalem long before David's time; for it was so called when Adoni-bezec was King thereof, Jos. 10. 1. & Jos. 18 28. Jebusi is there called Jeru­salem. So Judg. 19. 10. And I do not finde that this citie was ever called in Scripture Jebusalem, but ei­ther [Page 36] Jebus alone, or Salem, till it was called Jeru­salem. And doubtless Salem and Jerusalem was one and the same citie, as appear's by Psal. 76. 2. In Sa­lem is his tabernacle, and his dwelling place in Sion: for the Temple, and a part of Jerusalem stood upon Sion; therefore I make no question but that Salem whereof Melchisedec was King, was the verie same with Jerusalem: for the Chaldee version call's him King of Jerusalem, and Bell. Jud. lib. 7cap. 18. Josephus make's him to bee the first builder of it. Therefore though S. Hierom, in his Epistle to Evagrius, by Salem understood Sichem in Samaria where Jacob dwelt, and John baptised; yet in his Hebrew questions hee approv'es of the com­mon opinion, to wit, that Salem Melchisedec's eitie, was the same that Jerusalem was.

Lib. 2. cap. 13. § 7.

IT is thought that the name of Monie was not-heard in Greece, when Homer did write, who measure's the value of gold and brass by the worth of cattle, saying, That the golden armor of Glaucus was worth a hundred Beevs, &c.] It is unlikelie that the name of Monie was not heard in Greece when Homer lived, whereas it was used in countries not far from Greece long before Homer: for Abimelech gave to Abraham a 1000 shekels as the Chaldee ex­presseth that place, or a 1000 didrachms, as the Greeks translateth it, Gen. 20. So wee read that A­braham bought for monie a Burial-place. It is not likelie then that in Homer's time, Greece beeing so flourishing a countrie, and having commerce with neighboring nations, should want the use of Mo­nie, and although Homer speak's of a hundred Beevs, and not of Monie, yet hee may bee under­stood to have spoken of monie stamped with the [Page 37] image of an Ox: for at first the usual stamp upon monie was Cattle, hence pecunia à pecus: So Jacob's hundred Lambs, with which hee bought a plot of ground, Gen. 33. may bee meant of so manie pieces of silver, bearing the stamp of a Lamb; for monie is named from its stamp. So a hundred Angels si­gnifie so manie pieces of gold having their picture: the efore Bos doth not onely signifie an Ox, but also the coin that bear's the picture of the ox: hence was the proverb, Bos in linguâ, for one that was tongue tied, beeing corrupted with monie. And not onely was pecunia called so from the picture, but also from the skins of cattle; for monie ancient­ly was made of leather: And so wee may conceiv that Queen Dido encompassed the ground on which Carthage was to bee built, with an ox hide, that is with monie made of the ox hide: this kinde of mo­nie was cascalled nummus scorteus [...], for anciently they called all thing, made of skins scoxtea; hence scortum a where, in which there is nothing commendable but her skin.

Lib. 2. cap. 16. § 6.

THe third was the overtaking of a swift hate. The sixth was the taking of Diomedes his Mares] I think this was the Printer's fault, not Sir Walter's; for it was a Hart, not a Hare that Hercules overtook. as for the mares of Diomedes, I finde them onely so called in Apollodorus, and Albericus, for in all others, both Poëts, Historians, and Mythologists that I have read they were horses, and not mares; whose names are set down by Hyginus, cap. 30. Thus Rodarius, Lampon, Xanthus: and Dinus: And for the Hart, I finde in Virgil, Diodorus Siculus, and others, that it was a Hinde, commended not so much for [...]tnes, as for strength: therefore Virgil, in A. n. 6. [Page 38] call's her aerepidem cervam, the brasen footed Hinde, which som have taken for aêripedem aërie footed, or swift-footed, but the Greeks call her [...], an epithite which Homer also give's to horses, and Pindarus giv's to the Colchic Bulls [...] brasen. Hoofs.

Lib. 2. cap. 7, § 9.

DAvid left to Solomon for the building of the Temple a hundred thousand talents of gold, & a 1000 thousand talents of silver: a matter, but for testimonie of Sc igture, exceeding all belief] Doubt­less the word Checler which wee translate Talent, must sign fie som other piece of monie, or els the Hebrew Talent was less then wee usually make it; for the greatness of the Talent was according to the greatness of the mina, of which the Talent was made up: and the mina was in greatness and smalness, ac­cording to the drachma, which in som places was more, in som less. Now everie ordinarie talent con­ceived six thousand drachma's, the great talent eight thousand, and the drachma was the eighth part of an Ounce, worth seven pence half penie of our mo­nie: the mina conteined one hundred drachma's: but the talent seem's to bee of no great value of old by Homer, in Iliad. 23. who reckon's it amongst those things which are of no great esteem, as a captive woman, a mare, a kettle, and in the fourth place two talents of gold: and perhaps the Hebrew ta­lent was of the same value that the Sicilian was, to wit of six drachma's: or the Neapolitane, of three onely. De praep. lib. 3. cap. 14. Eupolemus in Eusebius make's the talents which are mentioned in the buildings of the Temple to bee all one with the Sicle, that is four drachma's, and so the Sum mentioned in Scripture is not so vaste as ma­nie [Page 39] take it; nor is it likely that David, whose con­dition was mean when hee came to the Kingdom, who succeeded Saul, an unforunate and poor King, who lived continually in Wars, and still had occa­sions of expending monie, I saie it is not likely that hee should attain to greater treasures then ever anie Prince had before or after.

Lib. 2. cap. 22. § 8.

TO asscribe to Fortune the effects of another man's virtue, is an argument of malice] If by Fortune here is understood that blinde Idol of the Gentiles, then to asscribe the effects of Virtue to For­tune, is not so much malice as madness: for such a Fortune is nothing. But if, with wise men, wee mean by Fortune God's Providence, then to as­scribe the effects of virtue to Fortune, is not malice but wisdom. For even the Gentiles did acknow­ledg (I mean the wiser sort) that Fortune ruled all things. Salust. in Cat [...]line. In omni re dominatur Fortuna. And though Tullie in his Oration for Marcellus doth asscribe som of Cesar's succesful actions to Fortune, som to his own Vir­tue, yet David asscribe's all his victories to God, not to his own hand, or strength, or police, or sword,; for indeed of our selvs wee can do no­thing, not think a good thought; seeing it is in him wee live, and move, and have our beeing: there­fore let us not sacrifice to our own nets, or turn in­cens to our own arme, for what have wee which wee have not received: everie good and perfect gift is from above: which the Heathen Poët ac­knowledged. Lib. 4. cap. 2.

[Page 40] But if it bee malice to asscribe the effects of another man's virtue to Fortune, then is Sir Walter guiltie of this malice, for hee write's of Alexander, that Fortune and Destinies found out and prepared for him without anie care of his own, both helps of men that willingly offered their necks to the yoke, and kingdoms that invited in their own conquerors. And when hee write's for the Romans hee asscribe's all their distasters to their carelesness and cowar­dise; but their Virtues to Fortune, more injuri­ous to that noble people then a Cisero was to Cesar his enemie; who though [...] Pro Marcel. hee consesseth that Fortune claim'd som share in his victories, yet in his virtues of mercie and clemencie shee had not anie Interest. Illa ipsa rerum humane­rum domina Fortuna inistiu se societatem gloriae non of­f [...]rt: tibi cedit, tuam esse totam & propriam fatetur; nunquam enim te merit as cum sapientiâ tommiscetur, nec ad confi ium casus admittitur.

Lib. 2. cap. 23 § 5.

THe Olympian games took name not from the hill Olympus, but from the citie Olympia] But in­deed these games were not called Olympian, either from the hill Olympus, or the citie Olympia, but from Jupiter, to whose honor they were instituted by Hercules and his four Brothers: therefore these games were called Quinquennales. Now Jupiter's name was Olympus, as Virgil in Aen. 10. sheweth.

And by the Greek Poëts Olympius: So Sophocles in Elect. [...]. And so Homeria Iliad. 6. [...]: And Jupiter was so cal­led from him that had the government and Educa­tion [Page 41] of him: and these that assisted him against the gyants are called Olympii, from assisting Jupiter, or Olympus; and heaven is called Olympus from Ju­piter, not Jupiter from it: for God is all light as the Word sheweth, and that originally the heaven hath no light but from him, not hee from it; and as heaven, so the citie, was named from him, becaus there stood his Image and Temple.

Lib. 2. cap. 23. § 5.

THe Rewards given to the Victors, were none other then Garlands of Palm and Olive] These were not the sole Rewards, for they had also Sta­tues erected to them, which by Pausanias lib. 5. are called [...]; although hee shew's in lib. 6. that all the Victors had not Statues bestow­ed on them, except such as were eminent, divers of whose Statues hee mentioneth, aud it is record­ed that the Olympian Grove was full of these Sta­tues. The Victors also had this honor for a reward, that with great solemnitie, their praises were pub­lickly proclamed three times, and they were carried home to their own cities by their fellow-citizens, not through the gates, but on a bridg made over the walls. Neither were their Garlands meerly of Palm and Olive, but of Gold also inter-woven be­tween the leavs, or els all of Gold; therefore Pindarus call's these games [...]: except by Golden Garlands hee mean's comlie and fair Garlands.

Lib. 2. cap. 23. §. 5.

THese games were exercised from everie fourth year complete] They were exercised everie fift year; therefore they were call'd Ludi Quinquennales, [Page 42] and so Olympias is taken for the space of five years. Ovid. de Pont. lib. 4. El 6.

So the Poëts make Olympias and lustrum, which was the space of five years, to bee all one. By the Greeks it is therefore called [...]: but yet in respect there are but four years complete, the same space of time is called [...].

Lib. 2. cap. 26. § 7.

I Think that this Image did represent Sennacherib, and that the Mous in his hand did signifie, the shameful issue of his Expedition] I do not think that the Egyptian, would honor Sennacherib so far, as to place his Image in the temple of Vulcan, one of their chief gods, especially hee beeing their immortal enemie; therefore it is more likely that this was the Image of Vulcan, who held a mous in his hand, to shew, that not onely by his help these mice were sent to defeat Sennacherib, but also to let us see, that the main caus of generation and multiplication of Mice is heat, whereof Vulcan was the god: for which caus also, in Apollo's temple, tame mice were kept and fed, and hee was called Sminthius, as Aelian de Animal. lib. 12 cap. 5. shew's, which signifies's a Mous in the Aeolian and Trojan language, becaus hee was held the god of Mice, for by his heat Mice do engender and multiplie.

Lib. 2. cap. 28. § 5.

PEriander was one of the seven Sages, but a cruel Tyrant] This Periander that was King of Co­rinth [Page 43] was not one of the seven Sages; for there were two of this name, the one was a Tyrant, the other one of the Sages, as Diogenes Laertius sheweth out of Sotion, Heraclides, and Pamphila; but Neanthes saith that these two Perianders were cousin germans, and indeed it is unlikely that the Grecians, who hated Tyrannie as much as anie other nation, should so far honor this cruel Tyrant, as to reckon him one of their so much renowned Wisemen.

Lib. 3. cap. 1. § 2.

THe Septuagint, who translated the Old Te­stament, did also turn this book of Daniel] The Septuagint translated no more of the Old Testa­ment but onely the five books of Moses, commonly called the LAW: so saith Josephus in Prooem. Antiq. and the Talmudists affirm the same, and so doth Aristaeus de 70 Interpret. who was one of those Em­bassadors which Ptolomie the son of Lagus (as Ire­naeus thinketh) or rather of Ptolomie Philadelphus his successor, (as most suppose) sent to Eleazer the High Priest about this Translation, som 290 years before Christ. Of this opinion is Oz. de vita Moysis. Philo also, and so is Saint Hierom in his Hebrew Questi­ons, and on Ezec. cap. 5. and cap. 2. Mi­cheae: yet somtimes hee nameth the Greek Transla­tion of the Prophets, and call's it the Septuagints, becaus it then went under that name; and so may Justin, Irenaeus, and Epiphanius beee understood, when they speak of the Septuagints Translation.

Lib. 3. cap. 1. § 2.

THe Book of Daniel, so much I mean as is found in the Hebrew, is Canonical] But the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh chapters of [Page 44] Daniel are not found in Hebrew, and yet they are Canonical, for they are in the Chaldee tongue, which is so far different from the Hebrew, that when Daniel came to Chaldea, hee was fain to learn that tongue: and Jeremie, Chap. 5. tell's the Jews that God would bring a Nation upon them, whose Language they did not under­stand. Therefore Rabsaces was desired by Eze­cbia that hee would no speak to the Jews in the Hebrew, but in the Chaldee, or Syriac tongue, becaus they understood it not: but after the Captivitie, the Jewish tongue was called the Syriac, as beeing made up of the Chaldee or Syriac, and Hebrew: So much then of Daniel as is not in Greek is Canonical.

Lib. 3. cap. 1. §. 7.

THe numeral notes [...] 5 expressing 26, &c. and [...] standing for 23] Here the numerical fi­gure 5 is put for the greek letter 5: but this was doubtless the Printers ignorance: yet I do not finde that the Greeks reckoned by their letters, as Sir Walter set's down here; for they do not write 26 by [...]5 but by [...], which among them hath the valuati­on of 20, and 5 which is 6, so [...] is not 23 but [...]; for [...] is 2, and [...] 3, which joined together make but 5; but this kinde of joining letters is not used among the Greeks.

Lib. 3. cap. 10. § 11.

NEar the river Phasis the Chalybes were seated These were the Chalybes of Scythia, called by Plinie, Armenochalybes. Somtimes (saith Strabo) they were called Chaldaei, and Halizones in Homer. Chaly­bes and Alibes are thought to bee thesame. These [Page 45] were thought to bee the first inventors or users of steel, or the hardning of iron into steel: but Gre­gorie Nazianzen make the Cyclopes the first inv ntors; but indeed Vulcan, or Tubal Cain rather was the first, before the Flood; perhaps after, these Chalytes (from whom steel is called Chalybs) were the first that made use of it. There were also in Spain a people called Chalybes, from a river of the same name; of these Justin speak's in his last book; Virgil and Mela in his first book. These Asian Chalybes are cal­led by Atschylus [...], workers in Iron, becaus they prepare it for steel; and the Countrie hee call's [...].

Lib. 3. cap. 1. § 1.

Macedon, so called of Macedon the son of Osiris] I think it was rather called Macedonia from Ma­kos, or Mekos, that is, Long, and hedone, Pleasure, be­caus of the long and continuing pleasures of Tempe in Thessalie, which was a part of Macedonia; hence Macedonia was call'd of old Edonia: it was called also Maketia, and the inhabitants Macetae, of whom Auson, declar urb cap. 2. — Maceturr (que) attollite nomen. And Philip in A. Gellius l. 9. cap. 3. is called Terrae Macetiae Rex, King of Macetia, that is Macedon per­haps, from the Hebrew Chittim; for Alexander of Macedonia is said in the first book of Macab. l. 1. c. 8. 5. to com out of the Land of Chittim: [...] And Persius, whom the Romans subdued, is called [...] King of the Citei; and Isaiah tell's the Tyrians, chap. 22. ver. 1. that their destru­ction should break out Meeret Kithim from the land of Chittim, for Alexander overthrew Tyrus. I know also that It lie is called Chittim in Scripture, but of that I will not now saie anie thing. This re­gion of Macedon had other names, to wit, Emathia, [Page 46] and Emonia, from Emus King thereof, and husband of Rhodope, who both, for their pride, were converted into hills of their own name.

Lib. 3. cap. 1. § 11.

NEbuchadnezzar lived, and fed himself after the same manner, and with the same food that beasts do; not that hee was changed in figure external] If hee was not changed in his outward shape, why should Daniel, writing his historie, relate it so; it is more consistent with an historical phrase and de­scription, to affirm hee was truly metamorphosed in his external figure, then the other was: it agrce's also more with the omnipotence of God, who when hee is displeased with sinners can change them into beasts, and when hee pleaseth, restore them again to their ancient shape: This also is consonant to other transformations in Scripture, as of Lot's wife into a Pillar of Salt: of Moyses his rod into a Serpent: of water into wine: of dust into lice, &c. If wee saie that Nebuchadnezzar's change was not in external figure, so wee may affirm that Lot's wife was not truly transformed in her outward shape.

Lib. 4. cap. 3.

THe last act of Demosthene's poisoning himself, ar­gue's som valor in him] This last act argued no valor, but cowardise in him: for it is a cowardly trick for a souldier to fling down his Arms, and run away out of the Camp, without leav of his General. Everie man is a souldier in this life, placed in his proper Station, by Almightie God the great Gene­ral; which station, if hee forsake without leav, hee is a coward. Such a coward was Demosthenes, who [Page 47] never more deserved the name of Ripsaspis then now. Such a coward was Cato uticensis, as Saint Austin de civit. Dei lib. 1. prov's: Such was Brutus, and even Hannibal when hee poisoned himself; for these out of pusillanimitie, durst not look their enemies in the face, and rather then they would shew anie courage in enduring the disgraces or tor­tures that they might bee put to, did cowardly run away out of their life. Hee is manlie couragious that can endure miseries. Fortiter ille facit, qui mi­ser esse potest. Such couragious champions was Christ, such were his Aposties and Martyrs. If wee would behold a brave couragious Romane indeed, then look upon M. Attilius Regulus, who rather then hee would kill himself, and die like a coward, did volentarily profer himself to the Carthaginians to endure all tortures. This cowardlie trick of self murther is more proper for women then men: and indeed wee finde in histories more women guil­tie of this vice then men, as Lucretia, Cleopatra, Dido, and her sister Anna, Phyllis Amata the wife of Latinus, Iuturna the sister of Turnus; Sappho, the Lesbian; mad Jocasta, the daughter of Creon; Phaedra, the step-mother of Hippolitus; Dejanira, the wife of Hercules; Statyra, and Roxane, the sisters of Mithridates; the Lemnian Virgins who usually hanged themselvs, and multitudes more. And when wee read that som valiant men have killed themselvs, wee must know that they never did this, but when they had lost their masculine courage, and were becom cow­ards, and effeminate, as Sardanapalus and Hercules, who sate spinning and carding among women. This cowardise of self-murther was so hated by the Athe­nians, that they did not bestow on such the honor of burial: and the Lemnians used to drag the naked bodies of self-murtherers up and down the streets. The Prince of Poets placeth them in Hell, [Page 48] bewailing their cowardise, and wishing they were again upon the earth, to endure all miseries.

Lib. 1 cap. 1. § 3.

HEe recovered the citie Crenides (somtimes Da­tus) and called it Philippi] Where this citie of old stood, it is much controverted. Florus, Ovid, and Servius, place it in Thestalia; Plinie, and Mela in Thracia; but Ptolomie in Macedonia, and so doth Saint Luke, Act. 16. nor is it certain whether there were not two towns of that name in those countries. Near to Philippi were those spacious fields called Philippici, where Cassius and Brutus were overthrown by Octavius and Ant nius. But why the Poëts should call the Phaesalic field, where Pompeie was overthrown by Cesar, Philippici, I could never yet understand, seeing these fields are manie miles distant from each other, except there were two towns of that name: Here at this town Paul and Silas were imprisoned and whipt: from hence hee wrote his second Epistle to the Corinthians, and to the Philippians hee wro [...]e one of his Epistles. This town was a Colonie of the Romans, and was cal­led of old Crenides, from the manie springs of water, or els veins of gold it had, which much enriched Philip, whose monie, called Philippici, was coined here. It was called also Datus from the riches; of which town came the Greek proverb [...] when they meant plentie of all good things.

Lib. 4. cap. 2. § 7.

ALl men that know Egypt, and write thereof, affirm that it never Rain's there] All men do not write so, Seneca indeed write's, Nat. quaest. l. 3. that it never or seldom rain's in that part of Egypt which is near Ethiopia, and that the rain which fall's there doth the ground but little good, as bee­ing more accustomed to the waters of Nilus then to the rain water: And whereas all write that Egypt is subject to clouds, and that it thunder's often­times there, it were miraculous if it should never rain, being there are the same causses of rain that are in the countries round about it; therefore to saie it never rain's in Egypt, is as true as that of Plinie, who af­firm's that it never rain's in the court of Venu's temple in Paphos, nor near the image of Minerva by Troas. Lucan indeed write's, that Egypt doth not need rain so much rain as other places becaus of Nilus.

But Travellers, who have been there, finde, that when it rain's there the people are subject to Cat­thars, and other infirmities, and likewise that the Northerlie winde which use to be drie in other pla­ces are alwaies moist there: but Herodotus lib. 3. tell's us of a showre of rain which fell at Thebes in Egypt in the daies of Psammenitus which was held a wonder: But I hold it no wonder for him to credit this fable whose whole book is full of such stuff, for Pigafet­ta saith it raineth oftentimes in and about Alexan­dria. It seem's most have been of opinion that it rain's not in Egypt, becaus Nilus overflow's it, and [Page 50] supplie's the defect of rain; but then by the same reason they may conclude, that it doth not rain in those countries of Africa, through which the river Niger floweth, nor in America, where the rivers of Amazones and Guiena run, which have their yearlie overflowings as Nilus hath, and so hath Menan in Pegu, and Sian in Asia, and yet it raineth in all those places.

Lib. 4. cap. 2. § 15.

WEe may give credit to Writers, making men­tion of such Amazons] I see no ground why wee should give credit to those Autors who write of the Amazons, seeing they never saw anie, but only write upon hear-saie: & wee know how manie fictions and fabulous stories are communicated by traditi­on from one to another. It is true, there have been in all ages warlike women; but that there should bee a particular race of women, who domineer'd over their husbands, commanding them to spin and card, and look to houshold business, whilst they did wage watts abroad; that give themselvs but once a year to copulation, that onely educa­ted their daughters in militarie emploiements, and either killed or maimed their ions, that cut off their right brest and such like stuff, is all ridiculous, and no more to bee credited then the stories of tbe Gor­gones, Harpies, and Sirenes: for to what end should they cut off a pap or breast, seeing the breast is no hindrance to shooting; for wee read of women that have been excelient Archers, and yet have had both their breasts: neigher do I think that they were called Amazones from [...] and [...] the pap, but from [...], and this from the Hebrew Mazzah, which is a cake, or loaf made of meal and water, or milk, which the Amazones never used, but conten­ted [Page 51] themselvs with Snails, Lisards, and such kinde of food; therefore poor people that could not reach to eat bread, were called Amazones. And the less credit wee are to give to them that write of those Amazons, becaus they cannot agree where they dwelt: for Diodorus placeth them in Lybia, and in the Atlantic Ocean; Trogus, and Justin make them Scythians; Ptolomie, and Curtius place them near the Caspian sea; others will have them to dwel near the river Thermodoon: Goropius will have them to bee Cimbrians, or Sarmatians: Lopez will have them to bee in Congo, and in America, where the river of Amazons is so called from this fiction: others again bestow upon them a great part of the Kingdom of Monomotapa: but the truth is, they were never anie where; and of this minde is Strabo, lib. 11. Diodorus Siculus, lib. 2. cap. 11. and Palephatus, lib. 1. of whose opinion I am, That the Amazones were nothing els but Thiacian men close shaven, and wearing long garments like women, which gave the occasion to this Fiction.

Lib. 4. cap. 2. § 21.

THe Thunder and Lightning with which Bacchus and Hercules were beaten back from the assault of the Citie of the Oxydracae, may well bee understood of the great Ordnance that those people had then in use, for the Eastern people had the use of Canon long before Alexander's time] This is a meer fan­cie without anie ground, for what antient writer did ever understand by thunder and lightning our Ordnince: which was not the invention (as som think) of the Eastern people, but of the Western, who have been ever more ingenious, and have found out in a manner all Arts, Sciences, Laws and Re­ligion. For is it like lie that before Alexander's time [Page 52] yet before Baechus and Hercules, the Indian should have Ordnance, and neither the Persians their neigh­bors, nor Alexander, who went so far into the Indies, and who was so curious and ambitious of all know­ledg of arts, should be ignorant of this art of Artille­rie, so useful for his victories; and that the Romans, who extended their Trophees so far Eastward, should never mention this art, or know the use of it, who were so ingenious in all militarie engines. For what is spoken of Claudiana tonitrua, or Salmoneus his lightning and thundring, is nothing els but bran­dishing of torches in the dark, and rumbling with stones or iron upon brass, which will make a hide­ous nois. Therefore doubtless this invention, which was never mentioned by anie antient writer, is not yet 300 years old, found out, as som saie, at Mentz, in Germanie, others in Phrisia; but I rather think it was found out in Italie, the land of all inventions: for I finde the Italians have been ever the most wit­tie people for invention in the world; and that besides shooting with guns, they have invented divers other waies of using gunpowder. Again, the word Archibugio a harquebush, is Italian, made up perhaps of Arco a bow, and buso a hole, or hollowness, becaus it is as a hollow bow, or a bow with a hole, out of which bullets are discharged, as darts flung from a bow. It is then more probable that guns is a late Euro­pean invention: not Asiatic; for the Turks, more Easter; then Germanie, or Italie, knew not this art till they learn'd it of the Western Christians, and doubtless that Monk the Chymist, who found it out first, was either a Germane or rather an Italian living in Germanie, for the Germans are better for imitation then invention.

Lib. 5. cap. 1. § 1.

I Think it was a great part of Rome's good for­tune, that Alexander came not into Italie] I think it was rather Alexander's good fortune, for hee would have found great ods between Italian and Persian Armies: as good souldiers as Alexander have com into Italie, but they had better staied out of it. For neither Pyrrbus, nor Annibal got anie thing by their coming thither, they both indeed got victories, but they had better been without them; for Pyrrbus in his last victorie, having lost all the strength and flower of his Armie, cried out, That such another victorie would bee his undoing; so that hee was fain to leav Italie with loss: and when hee saw the valor and invincible courage of the Romans, whose dead carcasses laie on the ground, retaining threatnings in their countenance, and their swords in their hands, none of them having wounds but in his breast, hee cried out, O! how easie were it for mee conquer the whole world if I had such souldiers: and so little did hee trust to his own strength, when hee saw those unconquered spirits of the Romans, that though hee was victor, yet intreated for peace, which notwithstanding was denied him, & a peremptorie command sent from the Senate, that hee should depart with all speed out of Italie. And victorious Hannibal confessed that hee had to do with souldiers (meaning the Romans) that were neither content with bad nor good fortune, for when they conquered, they prosecuted their victo­ries; and when they were conquered, they renewed their forces: nay I may truly saie, that though the Romans were manie times beaten, yet they were never conquered, becaus like the giant Antaeus, the [Page 54] oftner they were flung to the ground, the greater strength they gathered. Alexander, who chased thousands of Persians like sheep before him, should have found one Horatiue Cocles who would have re­sisted him, and given check to his victories; and I believ, had hee seen Mutius Scaevola burn his own hand in the fire, hee would have as much adm red him as Porsenna did, and would have been glad with him to have made peace with the Romans. I doubt mee, if Alexander, for all his courage, would have rid into the firie gulf, to save his countrie from ruine, as Marcus Curtius did; or would his Macedons have devoted themselvs as the Fabii and Decii did. It is true that Sir Walter saie's, the Ro­manes were beaten by the Samnites, but hee should have remembred, that a Roman, taken from the plough, beat again the Samnites, and brought them into subjection. What undanted spirits had these men, when having lost all, and Annibal rea­die to enter at one of their gates, they were then bu­sie in sending an Armie away for Spain out of ano­ther gate. And when in the Punic War their Fleet was running away, they ran into the Sea, laid hold upon their ships, and brought them back: And who could have more courage then that Roman, who having received manie wounds, and lost both his hands, yet with his teeth so set upon his enemie, that hee bit off his nose, and both his ears. Or that Romane, who beeing left alone upon a rock in the British sea, and beset by manie Britains, hee killed and wounded manie of them, and at last leapt in­to the sea in his Armour, having flung away his target, and swam safe to Cesar, craving pardon for the loss of his target. Innumerable examples might bee brought of this sort, even of common souldiers, not to speak of their great commanders, the Fabii, Marcelli, Scipie's, Camilli, Cesars, and manie [Page 55] others, the meanest of which migbt bee equalled to Alexander. Talibus viris, non labor insolitus, non locus ullus asper erat. Salust. Such little regard did the Romans make of all Hannibal's victories, that when hee was set down before the citie with his Armie, they publickly sold that plot of ground, and a Ro­mane bought it. I believ the Gauls were as stout souldiers as ever the Macedons were; but what they got by their coming into Italie their posteritie will not brag of.

Lib. 4. cap. 5. § 7.

THese years of the Greeks were not reckoned in all countries from one beginning, as appear's in the difference of one year that is found between actions related by the several Autors of the two books of the Machabees] I finde the Greeks had three computations, the one was called AEra Seleuci Ale­xandrina, which began An. mundi 3638 Martii 15; and becaus the Jews used it, it was called AEra Se­leuci Judaica. Their second Computation began An. mundi 3639, a year after the other, and was much used in Syria; it was called Antiochena. The third Computation called Chaldaica, becaus used by the Chaldeans, had the same beginning with that of Antioch, An. mundi 3639, save onely that the Chaldeans began their reckoning from the Spring, the Antiocheans from the Autumn of the same year this Chaldaic reckoning, was called also AEra Macedonica, and AEra Graecorum, becaus used by these Nations. Now this word Aera is made up [Page 56] of the Capital letters of A. ER. A, that is Annus erat Augusti, for so they used for brevitie to write onely the Capital letters; but at last the Clerks, or Secretaries join'd the letters leaving out the points, and so was made up the word Aira.

Lib. 4. cap. 1. § 4. † 1.

SIcil was first inhabited by Giants; afterward the Sicani, a people of Spain, possessed it; then the Siculi, out of Latium, invaded them] I think the first inhabitants of Sicilie, and other countries, were called Giants, not becaus of their huge stature and deformitie, (though I denie not but som tall men have been in all ages) but becaus rheir origi­nal not beeing known, or whence they came, they were supposed to spring out of the earth, therefore called Gigantes, and Aborigines; the Greeks also called them [...]: but that the Sicani came out of Spain I cannot admit: for Diodorus lib. 5. a Sicilian born, shew's that these Sicani were natives of Sicilie, which hee proveth out of Timaeus Sicu­lus, who lived under Agathocles and others: and these Sicani were said to descend from the Cyclopes, Lestrigones, who all affirm to bee the first inhabi­tants of Sicilie. Besides, there is no such river in Spain as Sicanus, of which they saie the Sicanians had their name. There was indeed the river Sicoris, perhaps the same with Segre in Catalonia, but there was never anie such river in Spain as Sicanus, nei­ther could these Sicani com out of Spain, but either by shipping, which not was then known to them, or els through manie warlike nations in Italie, which without subduing of them, they could not have free passage. As for the Siculi which passed thither out of Italie wee finde no certaintie, but that rather they were the Ligurians, under a Commander whose [Page 57] name was Siculus, the son of Neptune, and brother of Italas, as wee may see in Silius lib. 14.

Therefore I think rather with Geog. sac. par. [...] lib. 1. cap. 300 Bochar­tas, that the Sicani neither came, nor had their name from Siculi, but from the Hebrew Sekenim, that is neighbors, becaus these Sicani were next neighbors to the Poeni in Sicilie. So from Siclut, that is perfection, is the name Sicilie, becaus that I stand for perfection and excellencie of all things was hold the chiefest: So Laestrigon is from Lais tircan, that is a biting Lion, becaus perhaps those people were fierce like Lions, and so they were cal­led Leontini. And Cyclopes is from the Phenician word Coek lub, or Lelub, that is the Baie of Lybia. for the Baie Lilybaeum, oppositeto Lybia, was first pos­sessed by the Phenicians and Lybians.

Lib. 5. cap. 2. § 4.

THe Romanes entertain'd the proffer of those Mercenaries that were fled out of Sardinia and they denounced War against Carthage, under a shameless pretence, that the preparations made for Sardinia, were made against Rome it self] Sir Wal­ter is too peremptorie in condemning this noble people of injustice: hee should have remembred that all Justice, and all Laws are not alike, nor of the same kinde; there are militarie laws (and yet just) repugnant to the civil law; there is a justice of dominion in Principalities and States, which among private men were injustice; it is an unjust thing to punish children for the father's offence, and yet it is justice in matter of treason: it is injustice [Page 58] for a private man to entertain another man's fugi­tive-servant, or a debtor, or a criminous person; & yet it was not unjust for the Hebrews and the Romans to have their Asyla, Sanctuaries, or places of Refuge for such. It is not lawful for private men to carrie away maids violently and marrie them; yet it was lawful in the Romans to do so to the Sabine Virgins, beeing necessitated thereto, for the uniting of these two nations, and the avoiding of bloodshed. A private widow may lawfully marrie; but not always the widow of an Emperor or King, becaus by such marriages, the peace of the Kingdom or Empire may bee endangered. That which in other governments is tolerable, was not tolerated in the Athenian Democracie; among whom it was lawful, by their Ostracism, to banish anie person more eminent than another in virtue or wealth; becaus the presence of such a man might endanger their peace, and form of government; neither should a wise man take it ill, to bee banished even for his excellencie, so long as his banishment tend's to the common good, which hee should prefer to his own private interest. The bodie natural is better'd somtime by Phleboto­mie, and the tree by the loss of som branches. It is certain that the safetie of the people is the Supreme Law, and therefore it was no injustice in the Ro­mans to accept of Sardinia, beeing invited thither both by the Carthaginian Mercenaries, and the na­tives. For it was lawful for them to undertake the pro­tection of the miserable; but such were the Cartha­ginian subjects, who endured an insupportable sta­verie under their tyrannical yoke; whereas the Romane government was much more gentle and milde. Again, the Romans knew (notwithstanding there was a League between them and Carthage) how maliciously that citie was bent against Rome, envying her rising glorie, and laboring by all [Page 59] means to suppress it when anie opportunitie presen­ted it self, though at this time shee could not, bee­ing much weakned by her Mercinaries, and rebel­lious subjects. It had been madness therefore in Rome to suffer so potent, so malitious, and so faith­less a citie as Carthage, to seat herself in Sardi­nia so near them; who, upon all occasions, would have been readie to cut the Roman's throats: there­fore it was both prudence in them to prevent such a mischief, and justice towards their subjects to keep under their enemies, and to observ their old Rule, Nè quid Respublica detrimenti capiat. It's true that the wrong don by Carthage, upon the Roman Mer­chants, was satisfied in respect of their goods, but the Romans did not know that their Merchants were drowned by the Carthaginians, till after the peace was made; therefore in this regard they had reason to seiz upon Sardinia. I know that the Romans did not alwaies help those that implored their help after this manner, for when the Campanians sought their aid against the Samnites, they were refused, becaus the Samnites were their old and true friends, therefore the Romans would not force them by arms, but entreat them by their Legats to abstain from wronging the Campanians. But the case was otherwise with Carthage, which never was a true friend to Rome, but still emulous of her greatness, and still laboring to bring her under, and her power was to bee feared, whereas the Samnites had not that power to hurt the Romans, which Carthage had. Again, if the Romans had been base, as Sir Walter would have them, they would have accepted of the proffer of Sardinia, when Carthage was in so low a condition, that shee was resdie to bee de­livered up to the Mercenaries, which they generous­ly refused, and gave assistance to Carthage, pro­hibiting their Merchants to carrie anie he por pro­vision [Page 60] to the Carthaginian rebells, as Polybius l. 1. shew's. But Sir Walter saith that this courtesie of the Romans proceeded from hope they had that Carthage either would have submitted to them, or els to the Rebells: but I wonder how hee came to know the Roman's minde so well, seeing Polybius, out of whom hee hath the historie, speak's no such thing, nor doth hee give them that ill language that S ^t Walter doth, (which ill beseem's an historian) but hee still mention's them with great respect, which wee ought all to do, seeing God used them as instruments to free us from barbatism, and to cultivate us with knowledg and civilitie: besides, Dio Diaconus, Orofius, and Victor witness that Sat­dinia was the Romans, not extorted by fraud, but yielded by the League made with Luctatius. Again, Florus tell's that serpente bello, during the war Sar­dinia was annexed to the Empire. Lastly the Car­thaginian Embassadors confess to Scipio that they had unjustly broken the peace with Rome.

Lib. 5. cap. 3. § 10.

THe greatness of the Roman calamitie appeared, when the golden rings were powred out which were taken from the fingers of the Roman Knights, whereas the chief onely of that order were accusto­med to wear that Ornament] This was no mark to know the greatness of the Romane calamitie; for though at first golden rings were permitted onely to Embassadors to wear, and that onely in publick, not in private houses: and though afterward it was law­ful onely for the chief of the order of Knighthood, yet all Knights had this honor at last to wear rings, whereby they might bee distinguished from the Ple­beians. But in Hanaibal's time, even the Plebeians also wore them, as Plinie lib. 33. 1. sheweth. Al­though [Page 61] I do not think that all promiscuously wore them, but such onely as were ingenui: for servants wore iron rings, yet somtimes they were permitted to wear gold rings, when their masters pleased, as may bee seen in Plaut. in Casinâ; for Stalino pro­miseth to his servant Perdalisca, Annulum in digito aureum, A gold ring on her finger, which was not ordinarie, for servants might have and possess gold rings, but not wear them: yet the Libertines, or those that were manumitted, had leav to wear them in the Emperor's t me, as may bee seen in Sueton. in Vitel. who shew's that Vitellius bestowed gold rings upon his Libertine. And Herod. in Sever. Severus permitted even the common souldiers [...] saith He­rodian. The greatness then of the Roman Cala­mitie, could not bee known by the rings, nor was it an argument of so manie knights stain, as there were rings taken: for 1. All used rings promis­cuously. Then 2. One man might have manie rings, for they used to have their summer, and their winter rings, of which Journal Sat. 1.

This hee call's aurum semestre. 3. When Hannibal plundered towns, hee found divers rings laid up in cabinets. 4. Livie, out of whom Sir Walter hath this historie, make's mention indeed of bushels of rings, but hee doth not saie with Sir Walter, that they were taken from the fingers of the Roman Knights.

Lib. 5. cap. 3. § 21.

IT was a barbarcus custom of the Romans, to insult over the calamitie of mightie Princes, by leading them contumeliously in triumph] Sir Wal­ter cannot look upon the Roman glorie but with a squint eie; had hee lived in the Roman's time, hee [Page 62] would have been a fit man to have accompanied the triumphant Chariot, and to have abused the Empe­rors with uncivil language, as the custom was then, to abate their pride in the midd'st of their glorie. But for the Romans to lead their captive Kings in triumph, was no barbarous custom, nor did they contumeliously insult over them: In this custom they shewed both justice, mercie, and prudence: justice, in punishing them after this gentle manner, who had wronged them or their confederates; mer­cie, in that they spared their lives whom they might have slain by the law of Arms, beeing their cap­tives; prudence, for by this custom they caussed o­ther Princes both to fear, and love them. For they did not contumeliously lead them as Sir Walter saie's, but honorably, permitting them to wear their Crowns on their heads, and to walk along in their Princelie robes; nay, the meanest of their Captives that were led in triumph, were bravely and richly attired, as Josephus tell's us, de bell. Jud. l. 7. c. 24. What if they had used their captive Kings as Adoni­bezee did, who cut off the thumbs and great toes of so manie Kings, causing them to gather up meat under his table: Or as Sapores the Persian King, who made Valerian the Roman Emperor, his foot-stool as often as hee took hors, and at last stead him alive. Or as Tamerlain used Bajazet, who carried him about in an iron cage. Or as Selymus used Tom­ombeius, the last King of the Mamalucs in Egypt, who first tortured him, then carried him up and down the streets disgracefully, upon a poor base Jade; at last strangled him, and hanged up his bodie on an iron hook, in the verie gates of the citie, as a disgraceful spectacle. Or what if the Emperors had caussed their Kings to draw their triumphant Chariors, as Sesacus, or Sesostris did; ^* [...] [Page 63] [...], &c. using his captive Kings instead of horses. Lucan. lib. 10.

If, I saie, the Romans had used their Kings thus, Sir Walter might have justly complained of their bar­barousness. What would hee have said of Joshua, who hanged up the King of Ai upon a tree, and trod upon the necks of five Kings: and how would hee have liked of that Scripture phrase, Of binding Kings in chains, and Nobles in links of iron. Though victorie, as Tullie pro Marcel. tell's us, bee of it self insolent and proud, yer I dare saie, that never people used their victories with so great moderation as the Romans did, whose glorie it was

Lib. 5. cap. 5. § 2.

THis was that Seleucia whereto Antigonus, who founded it, gave the name of Antigonia; but Se­leucus, getting it shortly after, called it Seleucia] Here is a double mistake: for 1. Antigonus did not found Seleucia, but Seleucus, as all Historians af­firm; who write, that hee built one Seleucia in Syria, near the mouth of Orontes, which is largely described by Polibius: The other Seleucia hee built not far from Babylon in Chaldea; which citie was afterward called Babylonia, as beeing made up of the ruins of it; and robbing that antient citie both of it's name, wealth, and inhabitants. The town that Antigonus built, was called by him, Antigonia, and it stood in Macedonia as Plinie sheweth, Antigonus the son of Gonatus built it, Mantinea also in Arcadia [Page 64] was called by Aratus, in honor of Antigonus, Anti­gonia. There was also in Syria, near Antioch, ano­ther Antigonia. I read also, that Troas was called Antigonia, and afterward Alexandria 2. The other mistake is, that Seleucus, getting the town of Antigonia, called it Seleucia: whereas as Diodorus lib. 20. sheweth, Antigonia did not stand long, but was utterly destroied by Seleucus, who carried away thence, the inhabitants to that citie which hee had built, and which by him was called Seleucia. Appian tell's us that Seleucus built nine cities, called from his own name Seleucia: The two chief were that of Syria upon the sea, and that of Chaldea upon Tygris. Hee built also sixteen Antiochs, called so from his father's name, and six Laodicea's, from his mother's name; four from his wive's, to wit three Apanea's, and one Strato­nicea.

Lib. 5. cap. 5. § 2.

THe Parthians were commonly subjects to those that ruled in Media] They were not so long subject to Media, as to Assyria, and Persia; for they were under the Assyrians above a thousand years, under the Medes they were onely three hun­dred fiftie years: For when Arbactus translated the Empire from the Assyrians to the Medes, then Par­thia became subject to Media: but after Cyrus re­moved the Empire to Persia, the Parthians were subjected to the Persians for two hundred and fiftie years. After them, they were subjected a while to the Macedonians, after Alexander had subdued the Persian Monarchie: but shortly after his death, un­der Arsaces, they became a potent and free King­dom; with whom, both Seleucus and Antiochus were glad to make peace. The Roman Armies under [Page 65] Crassus and M. Antonie were defeated by them; but at last they were forced to submit to the Romans, and to send back to Augustus the Roman Ensigns ta­ken from Crassus, and to receiv what Kings the Ro­mans did name them. About 226 years after Christ, they were subject to the Persians again, till the Sa­racens prevailed in those parts: And lastly they became subject again to the Persian, and so they re­main to this daie.

Lib. 5. cap. 5. § 4.

THe Roman Embassadors discovered their inten­ded mischief against Hannibal, and the malice of their Senate] Here again are the Romans bespat­tered with the name of malice against Hannibal, the firebrand both of his own Countrie, and of Italie. It was no malice, but justice in the Romans, to have that Incendiarie cut off, who was not content with the mischief already don by him; but his restless spirit was working new plots, and becaus hee could not pre­vail with Carthage, to involv her in a new war with Rome, hee entertain's secret correspondencie with Antiochus, which the Romans knew well enough, and therefore sent their Embassadors to Carthage, to have him punished, which his guiltie conscience fearing, fled secretly to Antiochus, shewing, that hee meant to put in execution what hee had long in­tended, to wit, the raising of an Armie both by sea and land, to invade Italie; by which hee procured his own ruine, and destruction also, when hee so­licited. It had been happie both for Carthage, and Antiochus, that Annibal had never been born: or that hee had been delivered up to the Romans, when hee sate down before Saguntum; for so the vast ex­pence, both of blood, and monie, might have been saved. It hath been held ever better policie for one [Page 66] to perish, then unitie, Pereat potiùs unus, quàm uni­tas: and therefore Hauno was doubtless a better Patriot then Hannibal; for the one endeavored to preserv his countrie by Peace, the other ruined it by War.

Lib. 5. cap. 5. § 4.

THe Romans were not bound in honor to make War with Antiochus, that sought their love, and never did them injurie] Hee sought their love in­deed, but it was to ruine their confederates; and did hee never anie injurie to the Romans? was it not an injurie to invade the towns of Ptolomie their confederate, after hee had received warning from Rome, not to meddle with them. Was it not an injurie to invade and take som towns of Philip, which belonged, by the right of conquest, to the Romans, who subdued Philip. There was no rea­son why the Romans should beat the bush, with such infinite cost, and trouble, and Antiochus catch the Hare. Was it not an injurie to Rome, for Anti­ochus to keep secret correspondencie with Hannibal, and to entertain him so roially, that was their mor­tal and sworn enemie? doubtless had Sir Walter been a Roman, or an impartial Historian, hee would have acknowledged these to bee great inju­ries, and that the Romans in point of honor, and justice, had reason to reject his friendship, which tended onely to his own benefit, and their pre­judice.

Lib. 5. cap. 5. § 9.

NOt onely the Prophesies of Sibyl, wherein CHRIST was so plainly shewed, but even the books of Hermes are no better then counterfeit [Page 67] pieces; entertain'd at first by the undiscreet zeal of such as delighted to see Christian Religion strengthned with forrain proofs] The first I finde, who question'd these Prophesies of Sibyl, concerning Christ, was Celsus the enemie of Christ. I finde them here questioned by Sir Walter out of Casaubon; but why they should bee questioned, I finde no reason, but onely becaus Idolatrie was advanced in Rome, by the books of Sibyl. This is a weak reason, for though the Sibyls had been Idolaters themselvs, wee have no more caus to suspect their Prophesies of CHRIST, then the Prophesie of Balaam who was an Idolater, and yet none of the true prophets did speak more cleerly of Christ then hee did: Becaus Satan is the Autor of Idola­trie, shall wee therefore reject his testimonie of CHRIST, when hee acknowledgeth him to bee the Son of GOD; or question that piece of Scripture? But to mee it seem's strange, that men of judgment should think those Oracles of the Sibyls to bee soisted in, or forged by Christians, seeing they are mentioned by Tullie, and Varro, who were dead before Christ was born. Tullie speak's of these Acrostics which contein the letters of our Saviour's name; and Lib. 2. de divinats shew's, that Sibyl was not out of her minde when shee made them. Hee speak's of a certain King, mentioned in Sibyl's verses, by whom the Romans must bee saved. Besides, how could anie Christian insert these prophesies into the Sibyl's books, which as Suetonius in vitâ Octav. saith, were so carefully kept by Augustus, that hee laid them up in two gol­den cabinets in Apollo's Temple. And what im­pudencie had it been in Christians, to foist in such Oracles into Sibyl's books; for in the time of Ju­stin Martyr, and Lactantius, who set down these Oracles, the books of Sibyl were generally known, [Page 68] and copies of them everie where; so that such a for­gerie could not but bee known, and it had been both a confirmation of Gentilism, and a weakning of the Christian Caus, when it should have been known that they supported their Religion with such forgeries: and it had been a vain thing for Christi­ans to confute the Gentiles, who rejected our Scri­ptures by their own Oracles, if there had been none such to bee found in their Sibyl's books. See Just'n Mart. Origen; Lactan. Clem. Alex. Austin. &c. Again, the Emperor's finding that the Christians had made use of those books to confute their Idolatrie, and that di­vers Gentiles, by this means were con­vinced, they commanded that none should read those books under pain of death. And indeed wee read that Secundianus, Vecianus, and Marcellinus the Orator were converted to Christianitie, by reading the fourth Eclogue of Virgil, which hee took out of the Sibyl's books: and therefore it stood with the wisdom of God, to use the testimonie of Hea­thenish Oracles against themselvs, and to beat them with their own weapons, to make them inexcusable. And no less vanitie is it, to question the writings of Hermes, or Mercurius Trismegistus, so called for his great learning; or from the knowledg hee had of the Trinitie; who for his admirable learning, was worshipped as a god among the Egyptians: I saie, to question his writings, which have been received from age to age, and so often cited by ancient, and modern, Heathenish, and Christian writers, and give no reason why they should bee question'd or suspected, argue's vanitie and self conceit; for so wee may question anie thing that hath been written, and so all men must becom doubtful Academicks. I know the age in which hee lived may bee questi­oned, som making him no older then Diogenes, o­thers more antient then Moyses, which is like­lie, [Page 69] becaus hee is by som said to bee the son, by o­thers the scribe of Saturn, and the first that taught the Egyptians knowledg by Writing; in all which learning of the Egyptians Moyses was skilful: but to question his doctrine without anie ground, is not allowable.

Lib. 5. cap. 5. § 9.

I Am persuaded that this inscription Simoni de san­cto, was by som bad Criticism taken amiss, in place of Semoni Sango] Here Sir Walter will not believ that there was ever at Rome anie Altar erected to Simon Magus; becaus Suetonius, Tacitus, Dion, and Seneca make no mention of it. I would know whe­ther these mention all the Altars, Temples, or Ho­nors that were given in Rome to each particular god, which almost were numberless. Shall wee saie, that there were no more gods, sacrifices altars, and tem­ples then what they mention, wee should finde but verie few in Rome; but what if these have not mentioned this honor, yet manie grave and learned Autors have for their sakes, then wee may credit it, till wee know the contrarie. The Roman Histories make no mention of Simon Magus at all, nor of his Concubine Helena, or Selene, nor of his damnable doctrines; shall wee therefore conclude there were no such persons or doctrines in those times. Yet Dio Chrys. orat. 21. speak's of one (whom hee name's not) who was entertained by Nero, for promising hee would flie in the aër. And Suetonius relate's of one, who like Icarus would needs flie, but hee fell, and bespattered Nero's chamber, or his pavillion, or chair of state with his blood. Now that this was Simon Magus, all the Christian Historians do agree. And surely Irenaeus, and likewise Justin Martyn in his Oration to Antonius the Emperor, and Tertullian [Page 70] in his second Apologetic had been vcrie impudent, to accuse the Romans of such gross Idolatrie, in ere­cting an Altar to Simon Magus if it had been no such thing: it had been easie for the Emperors to have refuted this lie. As for the conceit of Semani Sango it is vain, for Justin Martyr in Apol ad Anton. pium sheweth, that hee, to whom the Altar was erected on the bank of Tibris between the two bridges, was a Samaritan, [...] born in a village called Gitton. But Sangus was a Sabean, and the first King of that Nation, as St Austin lib. 18. de Civit. sheweth; from whom, or as others think, from his son Saba, the Cures were called Sa­beans. And as Romulus, the first King of the Ro­mans; so Sangus, the first King of the Sabeans, were honored at Rome in the Palace: Sangus having his Chappel over against the Chappel of Quirinus, as Livie lib. 8. sheweth: and it had been absurd to erect an Altar to Sangus, with this inscription Semoni Sango; for Semones were the pettle gods of Rome, called Dii minorum gentium à seminibus, becaus they had care of Seeds; as Priapus was one of their Se­mones: so that they had not merit enough to ad­vance them to heaven. But Sangus, as well as Romu­lus, were gods of a higher degree; and if wee will believ Festus, Sangus is all one with Hercules, who is called Sangus; Sancus, or Sanctus, à sanciendis foe­deribus; and so it seem's by Propertius lib. 4 Eleg. 10. in these verses.

And whereas in Livie it is written Simonis Sangi, it should bee read Sabinus Sangus; for his name was Sabus, or Sabinus, and from him the Sabins took their name, as Dempster sheweth out of Silius Italicus, Punic. l. 8.

Som will have this Sangus to bee Dius Fidius. But this conceit of Semoni Sango, Sir Walter borrow's from Cerda upon Tertullian; yet Cerda leaveth it as a meer conjecture, without farther urging it.

Lib. 5. cap. 5. § 11.

— OF him Daniel gave this judgment, In his place shall start up a vile person, unworthie the honor of a King, Dan. 11. ver. 2] Here again Sir Walter is mistaken, in saying that these words were spo­ken of Seleucus, the eldest son of Antiochus, where­as they are spoken of Antiochus Epiphanes, the younger brother of Seleucus; for hee was a most vile man if wee look upon his sacrileges, his injustice, and crueltie in murthering innocent persons; his le­vitie, and seurril carriage, recorded by Historians; and therefore unworthie of a Kingdom, though his flatterers called him Epiphanes, that is Illustrious; whereas hee was more justly styled Epimanes, a mad inconsiderate wretch: This is hee that came in peaceably, and obteined the Kingdom by flatteries, Dan. 11. 21. for hee cheated young Demetrius, his brother Seleucus's son, and deluded the people, ma­king them believ that hee aimed not at the King­dom, but at the tuition of the young King. With the arms of a flood shall they bee overthrown from before him, and they shall bee broken, yea also the Prince of the Co­venant. Dan. 11. 22. that is, they that opposed him shall bee destroied by the force of his armes, as with a floud, even his brother Seleucus, who made covenant with him to invade Egypt, upon pretence of assisting Pyscon against Ptolomes Philometor. In the [Page 72] 23 vers his deceitful working with his brother is foretold, for hee poisoned him; and hisgoing up into Syria; and this subduing of Syria is more fully exprest in the 24 ^th vers: in the 25 ^th vers is set down his going against the King of the South, that is Egypt; to wit, against Ptolomie Philometor, his Ne­phew by his sister Cleopatra: and in that same vers, and 26 ^th is shewed how Ptolomie was overthrown by Antiochus, and betraied by his own friends and ser­vants, that eat of his bread. In the 27 ^th vers is set down the paccht peace, and dissembling love of these two Kingdoms to each other: in the verses following is expressed his Sacrilege in the Temple of Jerusalem, and his second invasion of Egypt: by all which it appear's, that the King, described here in Daniel, is Antiochus Epiphanes, and not Seleucus; who is de­scribed in the 20 vers that hee should bee a raiser of Taxes, and in few daies should bee destroied, neither in anger, nor in battel, for hee was poisoned by Heliodorus, upon the advice of Epiphanes his brother: this Seleucus, raised heavier taxes, and reigned but a shorttime, not above seven years saith Josephus.