THE RISE & FALL OF THE Late eminent and Power­full Favourite of SPAINE, Don Jaspar de Guzman Conde, Duke of Olivares and S ^t LUCAR.

DON Jaspar de Guzman, son of Don Henry Count de Olivares, was born in Rome at the time that his Father was there Ambassador from Philip the second▪ and it was noted as an unlucky presage that he drew his first breath in the Palace of Nero▪ [Page 2] which gave occasion to some Wits to style him the Nero disguised; because his actions were always very cruell, yet with­out shedding blood; his deliberations violent, but without noise; his carriage courteous, but without love▪ his words very fair, but without effect.

Being the third Son of his Family, he be took himself to the study of the Law at Salamanca, where he was Corrivall with three Learned persons for a Preben­dary at Sevill, which he obtained. Not long after coming to Court at the time when Don Balthazzar Zuniga was in favor with Philip the 3 ^d upon the fall of the house of Lerma, he easily crept into the favor and familiarity of Philip the fourth; then Prince; and complying in all things with his humor, became absolute master of his Will, by that time the death of his Father had made him absolute Monarch of Spain.

To assure himself in this height of Ho­nor and Power, he held at a distance from his Majesty the Princes of the blood; particularly Prince Philibert de Savoy, and [Page 3] it is believed, that jealous of the vivacity and Noblenesse of spirit which began to shine in the Infante Don Carlos (who was idolized by the Spaniards) he hastned his death As for the Cardinall Infante Don Ferdinando, he speciously pretended that it was necessary he should be employed in the Wars of Germany, and afterwards in the Government of Flanders. Sent most of the A Grandee of Spain, is any Noble­man that hath the priviledg to be alwayes covered in the Kings presence, as all Noble­men had be­fore the time of Charls the fifth. Grandees and persons, whose parts or power gave any occasion of jealousie to the Conde Duke, to Employ­ments farre from the Court; thereby so powerfully suppres­sing the worth of all other, that none being left to oppose him, he became the sole Arbi­bitrator of the Monarchy, and absolute Master of his Masters will.

As for the Queen, whom the the Laws of God and Man forbad to bee separated from her Husband; she was kept in such awe and subjection by the Dutchess of Olivarez, her first Lady of [Page 4] Honor, that though she had the Title and outside of a Queen, she was little better than a slave to the Duke; who would often intimate to the King, that no other ac­count was to be made of a Woman, but as a thing necessary to propagate the spe­cies.

Now although some rigour should bee used in the examination of all the actions of the Conde Duke, it will not be denyed but that he had most rare endowments for a Minister of State; for the zeal and pas­sion he had for to Aggrandize his Master and his Dominions, knew no bounds; He gave himself wholly to the transaction of publique Affairs; insomuch that he would not allow himself one hour of Recreation; He was the declared enemy of all Presents, not suffering any of his servants to sell his Favor, or their Credit with him: But on the contrary spent of his own Revenues for the service of the King, professing that all he had was devoted to the publique good, and that hee did nothing but to augment the grandeur of the King, and to serve the State. Yet some that would [Page 5] seem to see farther then vulgar eyes, say, That the reason why hee received no pre­sents, was, because hee conceived that to be the only way to continue in favor; and that by other ways being as covetous as cruell, hee found out the true secret of heaping up treasure, without appearing ambitious. To this end he got into his hands! Commanderies of all the three Orders of Knighthood, which were worth to him 40000 Crowns per an'; made him­self great Master of the Kings Wardrobe; Master of the Horse; & Great Chancellor of the Indies, which three Offices were worth him 200000 Crownes per annum; but much more considerable were the vast sums received from the Indies; for when the Fleet set sail from Sevill and Lisbon, he caused to be shipt abundance of Corn, Wine, and Oyle Custome-free, which he sent from his County of Olivarez; and selling the same in the Indies at four times their worth in Spain, caused the Moneys to be employed in Spices, Jewels, Indi­goes, &c. which are there at a low price, bur of great value in Europe; so that [Page 6] without cousening the King hee hath this way gained many Millions which Wise men perswade themselves were never spent in the Kings service.

As for his zeal to augment his Masters greatness; some are of opinion, That the excess of so eminent a Vertue was in him a Vice which produced great Mischiefs; for he was so passionate in the pursuance of that designe, that he feared not to dis­content the People, the Nobility, the Princes, the Queen her self, so hee might content the King, and carry on his de­sign.

First, for the People, whose Love is the main foundation and strongest prop of Monarchies: This blind passion carryed him away so far, as to endevor to abolish in Spain divers priviledges and Liberties, to the end hee might render the King more absolute over his Subjects: Hee extorted from the Laity and Clergy, by the Mediannates, an invention of his own, which was the Payment of half an years Revenues of all Offices and Benefices that were bestowed; also by abasing and rai­sing [Page 7] the value of Coyne, an intollerable grievance to the Subject; and by many other Impositions, raised above Two hun­dred and sixteen Millions of Gold.

Such like endeavours were the first ground of the totall revolt of the Catalo­nians, who together with the people of Aragon, had so great Priviledges and Liberties, that they passed rather for a people recommended then subject to the Kings of Spain; whence it hath ever been Arcanum Imperii amongst the Kings of Spain to endeavor to infringe those Privi­ledges that rendred suspitious the Loyalty of those people: Insomuch, that in all the Wars with France, the Kings of Spain durst not suffer their Armies to march that way. Those of Aragon, in that notable business of Don Antonio Perez, were by Philip the second, not without much craft and force, brought into abso­lute subjection: but the Catalonians con­tinued stedfast in the maintenance of their Priviledges, and very difficult to be redu­ced to such subjection; because being borderers upon France by sea and land, [Page 8] they could commodiously receive thence assistance or succour. Nevertheless the said zeal of the Conde Duke put him upon that attempt, so that at a Parliament holden at Barcellona, the chief Citie of Catalonia, the jealous Catalonians took no small distaste that the Duke endeavoured to invade their Privileges, by not suffering their Commis­sioners to be covered in his presence, which had used to be covered in the Kings pre­sence. After this the Duke proceeding in the like attempts to diminish their Priviledges, & yet to keep them in obedience, quartered Souldiers upon them after the fashion of Lombardy; but the Catalonians not being able to endure the insolence of the soldiers, took Arms, killed & drave away their sol­diers, killed also their Vice-Roy, the Conde di Coloma, & put themselves under the pro­tection of the French. Thus was lost the most populous part of all Spain, a Coun­trey above 800 miles in compass, and the onely Countrey of all Spain wherein is to be found all materials necessary for ma­king and rigging ships: The Castles, Ma­nors, Villages, great Towns, and Cities stand so thick, that they seem rather one [Page 9] continued Citie then a Province.

To this may be added the inexpressible losse of the Kingdome of Portugall, with all the dependencies upon that Crown in the East and West Indies, Africa, and Ter­cera Islands, by the miscarriage of the Conde Duke in discontenting that Nation, which shall be related at large as a most remarkable History. There have ever been a certain Antipathy & enmity betwixt the Spaniards and Portugals, as great as be­tween the Spaniard and French. But since they have been subject to the Kings of Spain, have been so averse from the Go­vernment that the Parish Priests and Prea­chers at the end of their Mass and Ser­mons, were wont to exhort the people publickly to say two Ave Maries, to the end that it would please our Saviour and the blessed Virgin to deliver them from the Tyranny (as they termed it) of the Ca­stillians, expecting always some favourable occasion to make an universall Revolt.

Notwithstanding, in the year, 1636. the new Tax called the Fifth part, was generally imposed, that is Five per Cent. [Page 10] upon all Estates and Merchandise; which being judged not only very grievous, but also most unjust, gave occasion to all the Southern part of Portugall to rise in arms, and had no question set the whole King­dom on fire, had it not been quencht by the great care of the Infanta Margarita of Savoy, the Kings Aunt, then Governess.

The Court of Spain observing here­upon the inclinations of that people to an universall revolt, resolved to use the best means to secure it: In the first place, to allure forth the great Duke of Briganza, who for Riches, power, number of Te­nants, affection of the people, and kin­dred, was the chief Nobleman not onely of Portugall, but of all Spain, and (which was more then all had an undoub­ted right to the Crown of Portugall, and therefore certainly it was a cruell pity in Philip the second, to seiz upon this King­dom, and yet to leave the pretender to the Crown, not onely alive, but greater and higher then ever he was: It being an infallible Maxime, That nothing can bee sufficient to secure his Loyalty, who hath [Page 11] power enough to justifie disloyalty To make sure of the Duke, they first offred him the Government of Milan, which he modestly refused, resolving not to stirre forth of Portugall. Hereupon the Conde Duke was resolved to try all ways imagi­nable; to which the Rebellion of Catalo­nia seemed to offer a fit opportunity for this design; for the Conde Duke politickly gave out that the King was to goe in per­son against the Catalonians; and there­fore that all the Nobility in the Kings do­minions were to appear within 4 Months at Madrid, to wait upon the King in this Expedition. But the Duke of Braganza wel knowing the affection of the Portugals and suspition of the Castillians; to the end that hee might take off the one, and assure the other, retires himself to his Countrey house, there to follow his hunt­ing, excusing himself to the Conde Duke, that his affairs at present were in so bad a condition, that hee could not appeare a­broad with that splendor and dignity that became a person of his Quality; and that he was confident he could doe his Ma­jesty [Page 12] better service by staying at home when all the rest of the Nobility were gone forth. This answer much augmen­ted the former suspitions of the Conde Duke: wherefore he resolved to make use of the most exquisite dissimulation that ever he had done in all his life; and because it was a most ticklish affair, an extraordi­nary caution and subtilty was necessary: First then, the Conde Duke by Letters as­sures the Duke of Braganza he was well satified with his reasons, and of his good inclination to his Majesties service. Se­condly, to make a shew of true amity, see­med to be very compassionate of what re­garded the Dukes Interest. Thirdly, he assured him that the King was very well content that he should continue there, & to restifie unto him the confidence and trust was reposd in him, made him General of all the Militia of Portugall, leaving it to his choice to reside in what place he plea­sed neer Lisbon; and to supply his present necessity, sent him 60000 Crowns.

This Intrigue of the Conde Dukes ap­peared to those that saw onely the out­side [Page 13] of the business, so strange and so pre­judiciall to the Kings interest, that they cryed out, This was the very way to lose all, the rather because by calling back the Duke from his retired life at his Countrey House, he was now exposed to the view of the Lisbonians, in whose thoughts the House of Braganza hath ever been repre­sented as right heir to that Crown, that his presence must needs augment the hopes of the Portugals, and new kindle their desires to have a King of their own.

Lastly, That the Militia of Portugall was put into those very hands that aspired to the Scepter: but this kind of dealing was the Conde Dukes ordinary course, who was oft heard to brag, that he gained much more by such counterfeit Caresses, then with downright threats. It was ne­ver Olivarez intention to trust the Duke, but to carry the business so, that the Duke might trust him. And indeed what grea­ter testimony of confidence could have been imagined, then to send the Duke neer Lisbon, give him the command of all the Forces, and supply him with moneys. [Page 14] All these crafts and subtilties no doubt would had bin enough to have charmed the Dukes spirit, and to have made him to confide in Olivarez, but that the parti­cular acquaintance hee had with his deal­ings, had instructed him to stand upon his guard. In the mean time the Infanta Margarita upon whole shoulders all the good and bad events of Portugall was like to fall, amazed at these manifest opportu­nities of Revolt were offered to the Duke, advertised the King thereof by divers Let­ters, whereunto she received cold answers full of Riddles and darkness; the obscu­rity whereof a little after seemed much greater; For, without giving her any no­tice, all the Spaniards that kept Garison in Saint Johns Castle, which commanded Lisbon, were drawn forth, at a time when the safety and security of the whole King­dom depended upon that Castles strength, and that strength upon the fidelity of those Spanish souldiers; but it was a strata­geme wherein consisted the last attempt of Olivarez to secure the Duke; and that his cunning might not be discovered, but lie [Page 15] hid for a time, staid till Summer, 1640. before he would invite afresh the Duke to come to Court, which he did at length by a large Letter; wherein after ample testi­monies of affection, he much commended the Loyalty of the Duke, his vigilance and diligence in his Office of Generall; and the happy effects of his authority over the Portugals; then represented unto him the sad condition of the Monarchy, by rea­son of the disorders of Flanders, disasters of Italy, and the great preparations of the Turk; but chiefly because of the most powerfull Enemies the French, already entred into Spain by the assistance of the Catalonians: that the onely way to save the Kingdome, was to chase away these last, but that this could not be well effe­cted but by a vigorous assistance of all the Grandees of Spain, of which he was the chief; He might by his presence, and with a good number of his Tenants, give example to others; and that to this end his Majesty expected him every moment, with design to Honour him, and conferr upon him priviledges and dignities of [Page 16] high concernment. Now although the Duke was reputed a man not very well versed in the world, yet he carried himself with so much wisdom and discretion, that after he had supplied the King with a con­siderable number of his Tenants and Friends, he refused to goe in person; but using craft against craft, retired himself to his Countrey house, that so he might take off all suspition of jealousie, that he plot­ted any thing against the State. The Conde Duke in all this used all fair means, be­cause he saw there was no hope of prevail­ing otherwise, insomuch that by reciprocal dissimulation each of them laboured to give testimonie of singular affection and perfect confidence.

The Infanta vigilant upon all ocasions, observing these proceedings, and fore­seeing what would be the issue, wrote to the King and to Olivarez very urgent let­ters, protesting that if speedy remedy were not taken, the Kingdome must needs be lost; The King hereunto gave no answer▪ but Olivarez in his Letters useth her like a silly woman, fitter to govern a Family [Page 17] then a Kingdom, bidding her, that if she comprehended not the mysteries of State, at least she should not discover them. In the mean time Olivarez sent secret Instru­ctions to Don Lopez de Ossis, and Don An­tonio de Oquendo, after they had relieved Flanders with men and money, to put in with his whole Fleet upon the Coast of Portugall; and so soon as the Duke of Bra­ganza should come aboard the ships, ac­cording to the duty of his place, and new office, they should set sail and bring him away to Cales; but that great Fleet was ruined by the Hollander upon the Downs in the year 1639. Hereupon it being thought necessary to weaken the Portugals by draining the Kingdom of superfluous humours, a great number of Souldiers were drawn forth, which inflamed more those ill humors, that had been much stir­red by the divers discontents and distaste which generally was taken against Vascon­zellos chief Secretary of State, who ta­king upon him the manage of all affairs, leaving to the Infanta onely the bare Title of Vice-Queen, governed absolutely ac­cording [Page 18] to his own will and pleasure, being a man of unsufferable petulancy, and set as controller of his Mistress actions, and in Madrid the Principall affairs of Por­tugall were menaged by Don Diego Sua­rez, father in law to Vasconzellos: These, with some other miscarriages, were the true occasions of that generall revolt, which was contrived in few days, and exe­cuted in fewer hours. For as soon as some of the chiefe Nobility privatly met toge­ther, began the discourse of the many grievances, intollerable taxations, pride and arrogancy of the Castillians that were Officers of State, in particular of the ty­ranny of Vasconzellos, their Liberties vio­lated, their Clergy impoverished, their Nobility destined for the slaughter, their Countrey ruinated, and all their Privileges engraven upon a Marble pillar, exposed to the publick view, violated and infringed, &c. It was proposed at the same privat meeting to change it into a Common­wealth; But the Archbishop of Lisbon with powerful reasons made abortive that designe, and set their thoughts upon [Page 19] endevouring to win the Duke of Braganza to accept of the Crown, the Dukes name was John son to Theodosius, son to Kathe­rine, who was daughter to Edward, son to Emanuel King of Portugall: so it was a­greed that one Don Gaston Cotigno should make this Overture to the Duke, who went immediatly to his Highness at His Country house, and there told him of the generall discontent of the people, of the generall consent of the Nobility and Clergy to receive Him as their King; and that the present conjuncture of affairs see­med to invite Him to embrace without delay so profitable and necessary a design, for that now the House of Austria was at a low ebb, distracted with Wars on eve­ry side, all the Forces of Spain employed against Catalonia; that they could not want assistance from France, and others that were jealous of the greatness of that House; that now was the time for him to recover that Right which hath been so long detained from his Ancestors; that Fortune seldome offers a man a Kingdom; that this opportunity being let slip, in vain [Page 20] might He hereafter hope for the like, or for succor from the Portugals, when Hee shall be clapt in prison at Madrid; that if He would not take it upon Him, the whole Kingdome was resolved to change it into a Republick, and then He should not only be equalized with the rest of low Condition, but hated by all, and looked upon as one who refused to bee an instrument of His Countries Liberty, and so should bee the most unappy man amongst them.

After a long silence, the Duke told him He thanked him and the whole Nobility for their affections toward Him, but that this was a business of such weight, that it required a more mature deliberation; That he knew well, that this was an Affair of that kinde, that knew no medium betwixt the Crown and the Halter. The next night communicating the whole business to his Wife, who is sister to the Duke of Medina Sidonia, a Woman of a Manly courage, fit for such a bold Enterprise; and wavering with Himself whether Hee had better consent to the Nobility, or fly to Madrid, his Wife thus briefly spake to [Page 21] him; My Friend, if thou goest to Madrid, thou runnest the hazard of losing thy Head; if thou acceptest the Crown, thou runnest the same hazard; If then thou must perish, better dye nobly at home, then basely abroad: At which words the Duke was so animated, that he came forth of his Closet, and bad one of his Confi­dents goe and acquaint the Nobility, that he was resolved to undertake the same En­terprise, and run the same hazard with them all; whereupon, immediatly, (for this business could not suffer delay) the Nobility about Midday dispersed them­selves into severall places of the City, as they had agreed, some amongst the guard of Swisses; some towards the lodging of the Infanta; some to the Castle; others to the Spanish Fleet in the Haven; others to the Spanish Corps de Gard before the Kings Palace; and others to the Lodgings of Vazconzellos: And at the hour appointed, a Pistoll being shot off near the Palace, the next fell upon the Swisse guard; and others hearing the noise of them, fell on in their appointed stations, made themselves Ma­sters [Page 22] of all in a moment, without killing but one Swisse who made resistance, be­sides Vasconzellos, who was killed in his chamber, and thrown down out of his window to be a publick spectacle to the people. Others presenting themselves be­fore the Vice-Queen, she told them, That if this insurrection had no other aim but to revenge themselves upon Vasconzellos, she assured them upon returning to their obe­dience, to gain a generall pardon from the King. But she was answered, That as for their most unjust grievances they had now received satisfaction upon Vansconzellos, and had no other King but Don John the fourth. Hereupon the cry went all over Lisbon, God save King John; and from one of the clock till three all shops were shut; but then all were again set open with so great joy and content of the Citizens, that all rancor and malice set a-part, the most inveterate enemies embraced one another with tears of joy. The Infanta for more security they removed away from the Palace to the House where an­ciently the Infanta's of Portugal were wont [Page 23] to dwell, leaving her some Souldiers to guard her. The Archbishop of Lisbon went in solemne procession through the Citie, and to encourage the people, and fix them the better in their resolutions in chusing a new King, made use of one of the nails wherewith Christ was nail'd to the Crosse, which he carried in his hand, thereby authorizing this insurrection with an act of Religion, to intimate to the peo­ple, that all was ordained by the speciall providence of heaven, and that in defen­ding the cause of Braganza, they should defend the cause of God: To corrobo­rate which conceit, they made use of cer­tain old Prophesies and new Prodigies, that in the person of this Duke was verified a certain apparition of Christ to King Al­fonso just as he was ready to give battell to the five Kings of the Moores, by which he was promised not onely victory, but that he and his generations should reign to the sixteenth Generation, at which his Race should be thought extinct, but should flourish again when it should be least of all thought upon: They made [Page 24] their observations also upon the day, being the first of December, on which day the Citie was recovered out of the hands of the Moors, and seized upon by Philip the second, so that it was a day fatall to Lis­bon. Amongst other prodigies that were given out to keep the common people the better in their loyalty to their new King, one was, that the next day in the chamber where Vasconzollos was killed, there were found so great a number of Bats, that none could enter into the room. Also, that the plot should be kept secret so long time, for it was plotted some weeks before it was executed, was reckond as a great won­der, that among so many persons of diffe­rent degrees, kindred, age, rich and poor, the design should be kept undiscovered. Another as great a wonder was that Lis­bon, a Citie so wonderfully populous, and the whole Kingdome should with one uni­versall acclamation accept of the Duke, not one person gain-saying, That all the Forts and Castles garrison'd by Spaniards, should be delivered up without resistance, and that all the Spaniards also should be [Page 25] sent away, and the quiet of the Kingdome setled without the effusion of more bloud then of two or three persons. The Mar­quess de la Puebla, kinsman to the Conde Duke, with some other of the principall Spaniards, were secured as Hostages for those Portugals that should be found at Madrid, or else where in the Catholique Kings dominion. Thursday following the Duke made his entry into Lisbon, with the generall acclamations of all sorts, crying, God save King John, all the Canons dis­charging, Bells ringing, with Bonfires and Fireworks for three nights following. And the more to gain the peoples affecti­ons, divers impositions were taken off, pri­soners set at liberty, and Offices confer'd upon the Race of those whose Ancestors had enjoyed the same under the naturall Kings of Portugall.

All sorts of Men, Clergy or Laymen or women, brought in their Plate, Gold, Jewels, &c. to make money for the main­tenace of this new Kingdome. The Cler­gy brought in as a gift six hundred thou­sand Crowns, the Nobility four hundred [Page 26] thousand, and the people one Million of Gold.

The 15 of December the King was sworn, and January the 28 following, was delared and confirmed in a generall As­sembly or Parliament of the Three States, Lords Spiritual, Lords Temporal, and Commons of that Kingdom.

The King sent a courteous Complement by some Nobles to the Infanta Margarit of Savoy, assuring her of all civill usage befitting a Princess of her quality, desiring her withall to forbear all discourse where­by she might instill into his subjects hearts any opinion prejudicial to his most just and righteous cause. But she notwithstanding, with much boldnesse, after many expressi­ons of thankfulnesse to the Duke, fell into a large and grave exhortation to tho [...]e Nobles to lay aside all vain hopes, and re­turn to their true allegeance, not doubting to obtain pardon, but the Rubicon was al­ready passed; nor is any Rhetorick power­ful enough to perswade a King to quit a Royal Scepter.

The King was about 37 years old when [Page 27] he was proclaimed King, affecting always a plain Garb and sober diet, often saying, that great personages ought to be affable, and that any clothes becom them, and any diet nourisheth them; he is very active of body, few there are that can outrun him; and indeed he hath run wel that hath gained a Crown. He hath [...]y his wife the sister of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, many sons and daughters.

Thus was the Kingdom of Portugal, the best pearl in the king of Spains Crown, utterly lost. It is for wealth, power and commodity of situation, above all other that Kings Dominions; It is 350 miles long, and about 12 [...] broad, lying all a­long upon the Sea, thick peopled and po­werful at Sea. With it revolted all the Tercera Islands, all the East Indies, all up­on the coast of Africa, but onely one Town called Ceuta, which is the onely place that belonged to the Portugall Kings, that is now in the hand of the Spa­niard.

Immediatly Ambassadours were dis­patched into England and Holland, but [Page 28] chiefly into Catalonia, to offer them all aide and assistance possible. The newes of the generall Revolt of Portugall stroke a generall sadness in all the Court at Ma­drid, onely the Conde Duke came laughing to the King (some would thereby collect, that the Duke took great delight in cha­stising the people, and imposing new Laws) and demanded of His Majesty las Albri­cias, as they call it, that is A reward for bringing of good news, for that His Maje­sty was now absolute over Portugall, (the People having forfeited all their Priviled­ges by their Rebellion) and lawfull Owner o [...] all the Estate of the duke of Braganza, and all the Nobles his followers, to dis­p [...]se amongst his Loyall Subjects: Al­though others imagine with more reason, that the Conde Duke inwardly resented that business more then any man; but accord­ing to his manner, would set a good face on it.

After so many principall Feathers had been pluckt out of the Austrian Eagle; as if the world had conspired to leave Her sta [...]k naked, some nearer home began to [Page 29] be plucking likewise. The Duke of Me­dina Sidonia, whose sister was now Queen of Portugall, with some other disconten­ted Nobles of Andaluzia (the next best Countrey that the King of Spain had at this time) resolve by the help of the Por­tugall, their next Neighbour, and the assi­stance of the French and Dutch fleet, then near upon that Coast, to Cantonize all Andaluzia, and Medina Sidonia to bee Head thereof; unless the King would bee perswaded to change the present Ministers of [...]tate, and require a [...]ust account of so many Millions gathered of the People; which if He would doe, they would then continue his Loyall Subjects: But the Conde Duke by his cunning extinguished this fire in the Birth, for with much sweet­ness and fair words, without the least vio­lence, he drew the Duke of Medina Sido­nia to Madrid, and secured his person (as he stands at this day in Valliadolid) and sent another Govern ur with such instru­ctions, that he satisfied or terrified all tur­bulent spirits.

[Page 30]These many disasters one upon the neck of another, awaked the Court of Spain▪ and so startled them, that they now be­gan to double their diligence and circum­specti▪ insomuch that the Councell of State sate constantly morning and Eve­ning, to provide against the many storms that threatned on every side. Not long before the disgrace and death of the Conde Duke, was discovered the unparaleld For­gery of Michael de Molina, and his Trea­chery in giving informations, some false and some true, to most of the Ambassa­dors of Forraign States; which for its extraordinary strangeness (for it is Exem­plum sine Exemplo) shall after this Relation be fully rehearsed.

But to proceed, nevertheless the Conde Duke cast all the miscarriages in Portugall upon the Infanta; and laboured as much as possibly hee could to hinder her from coming to Court, lest she should justifie her self, and cast (if not suspicion upon his Loyalty, yet at least a foul blot upon his Reputation; therefore she being sent out of Portugall, was by Olivarez means con­fined [Page 31] in Estremadurae, and afterwards at Ocania near Madrid, where shee was not allowed necessaries; which made her at length privately fly away to Madrid.

Besides the Infanta, he had also much discontented the chief Nobility, who afterward all helped to pull him out of his seat; for he never thought himself suffici­ently assured in the Kings favor and com­mand of the Kingdome, unless after Tar­quins example▪ he abased (instead of cut­ting off) the Heads of the Grandees; the house of Lerma, the house of Toledo, the Duke of Alva, the duke of Ferrandino, the duke of Hijar, the dukes of Maqueda, Lemos, Fuentecalida, Altamire, &c. All either ruined or disgraced by the Dukes means. Onely the Conde de Monterey, and the Marquess de Leganes were thought worthy by Olivarez to have part in the Government, two Men of mean extra­ction and Fortune, by their prodigious exactions (for which they were called Los dos Ladrones, the two Theeves) raised to incredible wealth. Whereat the prime Nobility of Spain were so much incensed, [Page 32] that they all withdrew themselves from Court, none waiting upon the King at Table, at Chappell, nor in Hunting; so that Olivarez now was said to bee sole Servant, as sole Master of his Catholique Majesty; at which time he was in his third Seventh year, or grand Climacterical of his Favor, for he declined and fell soon after, beyond the hopes and expectation, but on this side the desires and wishes of the w [...]ole Monarchy. Because the Fall of this huge tall Cedar was so late and emi­nent, the manner of his Fall, the Ropes and Engines made use of, together with the Persons that put their Hands to this work, shall bee more particularly rela­ted.

The favour of the Count Olivarez, duke of St Lucar, which had continued twenty two yeares, had cast so deep roots in the heart of the King, that all the world belie­ved it to be as immoveable as the old Oak that resists all storms; and that it was never to be shaken, neither by the Winds of Envie, nor the Whirlwinds of persecu­tion, nor yet by the Tempests which of▪ [Page 33] ten arise in Kings Courts by the conspira­cies and conjurations of those who are ambitious of rule; that which upheld this common conceite was the naturall incli­nation which the King had from his youth to the person and rare endowments of the Lord Duke; an inclination which proceed­ed as some judged rather out of a kinde of respect then bare amity, because the affec­tion towards him which upon all ocasi­ons he expressed was not a token of singu­lar love only, but of a certain fear to doe any thing that might give the least disgust to him, which was no small diminution of his Royal greatnes, and seemed to over­throw the very order which Nature and the lawes doth establish twixt King and subject: insomuch that some out of respect to his Majesty would not question his pru­dence, but rather believe and publish that this so strong passion could not be effected without some kind of witchcraft; but the Dukes known vertues were sufficient to convince such popular slanders.

The first motives of the disgrace of the Lord Duke, were the unfortunate successes [Page 34] of the Monarchy of Spain, whilst he had the managing thereof. In the losse of Or­mus, Goa and all those other vast dominions in the East Indies, the losse of Brasile and the Terceras Ilands, of the Kingdome of Portugal and the Principality of Catalonia, the two most populous and fertile parts of all that Continent: of Rossillion and a part of Burgundy: of Hesdin and Arras in Flanders, of divers strong Towns in Lux­emburg, of that most important Place Bri­sach: The impoverishment and almost ruin of the Kingdomes of Naples, and Sicily, and of the Dutchy of Milan: the losse of above two hundred ships at sea: the ex­torting from the subject by First fruits; One part whereof was employed to­wards the raising of Armies that were soon lost, and to rigge Navies that were soon destroyed; the other part hoarded up in the Coffers of the Vice Royes, Go­vernours, Generalls and other Ministers of state, his creatures. [...]ll these things laid together made the world desire to see the recovery of these losses built upon his ruins, by his fall to see the rise of the Monarchy, [Page 35] and by his disgrace and ruin to set up the reputation of the King and reformation of the State.

But desires effect little, there must be vigourous endeavours to remove such a favourit, with a resolution to ruin or be ru­ined, no medium there; Chi vuoll appicar il sonaglio alla gatta? when none other durst venture to hang the bell about the Cats neck, it was undertaken by the Queen.

It happened that the King going in per­son to his Army in Catalonia, the Queen was left Governesse at Madrid, where she had opportunity to employ and make known her rare qualities and endowments; for abateing the austere gravity of the Spa­nyard, and mixing it with the courtesy of the French; she oft visited the souldiery about Madrid, discoursed with the Cap­tains, took order for their pay, encouraged them to serve faithfully the King, caused Justice to be administred with integrity, gave often audience to all sortes, discon­tented none in the raysing moneyes, and in all affaires behaved her selfe with such an heroick discretion; that all men esteemed [Page 36] her the most deserving Queen that ever Spain had, the fame of her merit that had been buryed so many years, arrived to the Kings eare at his return to Madrid, where shee took occasion to speake of the Interest of the Monarchy, of the losse of Kingdomes and ruin of Armyes, the want of money, the continuall complaints of subjects: and that the King might not imagine she spake in opposition to the Duke, shee authorized all with the testimo­nies of some of the principall Ministers of state, who had already agreed to second her so soon as she had broken the ice; a­mongst whom was the Count de Castrillo, who was the more forward herein, not on­ly because he was a lover of the Publick, but also because he was brother to the Marques de Carpio who maried the Dukes sister, whereby he had Don Lewes de Haro (the present favorit) who was the only ne­phew of the Duke, yet disinherited by him to the end he might advance his bastard.

The King considering their discourse, began to be perswaded at length that if the Duke had any longer the Managery [Page] of the state all would come to ruin; here­upon every day abateing the fervour of his affections towards him, he would some­times reproach the Duke that hee was ill informed, and sometimes that hee was a most unfortunate man: The Duke fore-seeing his declination, demanded leave to retire himself from the Court; whereto the King answered coldly, my Lord, we ought both of us to devise some remedy for these misfortunes. In the mean time it was noysed abroad that the favour of the Duke was so shaken that one shock more would down with it to the ground, all men blessing and commending the Queen, crying that the Isabells were ever fortunat to the Monarchy of Spain, Isabell of Portugall wife of King John the 2 ^d o­verthrew the insolent favour of Alvares de Luna, and discharged her husbands King­dom of the tyranny of that favorite: Isa­bella de Castile demonstrated to Ferdinand her Husband that in the Kings Court, the Kings favourite ought to be none but the Queen that the subjects were born only to obey and the King to command: and that the happy removall of this most puissant [Page] favourite could bee hoped from no other hand but of Isabella de Burbon.

When a Tree is falling, every one cryes Down with it. A Lady that was once the Kings Nurce, Donna Anna de Guevara, partly out of zeal to the Kings service, and partly to be revenged on the Dutchess, as the King was to pass by night from his Lodgings to the Queens, she put herself in the passage, casting herself at the kings feet, & having protested that she was not there to demand any grace at his Majesties hands, but to render to the Crown of Spain the greatest service that it could re­ceive; she said that her motherly affection enforced her to discover to his Majesty what perhaps many others durst not for hu­man respects. The King giving her leave to speak freely, she represented unto him the generall affliction of his people, the cala­mity of his Kingdoms, the abuses com­mitted in his Revenues, the many losses on every side, and the sad condition of the whole Monarchy of Spain shewing him, that these evils were the judgments of God upon him, for suffering the government of his Kingdoms which God had appointed [Page 39] for him onely, to continue in the hands of another, that now it was high time that his Majesty should be out of his minority, and that he should not incense the wrath of God against him, by suffering his poor subjects to be abused,; at least that he would have compassion on the Prince his Son, who ran an hazard to be simple King of Castile, or lesse; concluding, that if she had offended his Majesty by her liber­ty of speech, she was ready to receive punishment, being well content having given her milk for the good of her King, to sacrifice her blood for the good of the Realms of her Prince. The King having hearkned unto her with much attention, answered, Haveis hablado verdades, You have told me the truth.

After this appears upon the Stage (for perfecting the Catastrophe of the Dukes Tragedy) the Infanta Margarite de Savoy Dutchess of Savoy, who had been so roughly handled by the Duke both before & after her leaving Portugall, being secretly come from Ocania, where she had been in a manner confined, and arrived at Court, the [Page 40] Duke did his utmost to debar her audi­ence with the King, and to discredit her in the Councell of State, and would not vouchsafe to visit her. Neverthelesse the Queen invited her to come to her Lodge­ings, and took order that she should have opportuity to speak with the King for two hours space.

The Infanta gave God thanks for her safe deliverance out of the hands of the Portugals, that after so great sufferings, she might once more appear in the presence of his Majesty, to make known her inno­cence, and the failings and errors of o­thers, made a brief Relation of all things past in Portugall, making it appear that she was innocent, and that the losse of Portugall was to be attributed to the care­lesnesse and negligence, if not to the in­tention of the Duke. The Queen in the mean time failed not to help out the Infan­ta in all her discourse, which left so deep an impression in the heart of the King, that it may truly be said, That the mor­tall wound was given that very day to the favour of the Duke. To dispatch him [Page 41] the sooner, it was represented to the King what little respect the Grandees bare now to his Majesty, not waiting upon him as they were wont, but all retiring them­selves. The King asked the Marquess of Carpio what was the reason hereof? Who replied, That being little accounted of by the Duke, they judged it more meet to forbear the services they owed to his Majesty, then to lie under the suspition of the Duke, and to give him occasion by their residence at Court, to make them feel the effects of his jealousie. To help forward, there happened a memorable ac­cident in Segovia, where six men masked entring by force into the Governors house, who imagining them to be Robbers, offe­red them money, and all that he had, so they would not defile his wife, and de­floure his daughters: One of them answe­red, That they were not come to rob him, but to serve the King, and delivering a pa­per into his hands, told him, that if he would save his life, t he should go imme­diatly to Madrid and present this Writing, not to the Duke, but to the King [Page 42] himself, that it contained affairs very secret, and of great importance to the State, and to the service of his Majesty; and would not depart till they saw him upon his way to Madrid, threatning to kill him if he performed not that whereto he was ob­liged as a subject, and as a Minister of the Kings. Being arrived, he had audience of the King, and so was sent back to his Go­vernment. It was judged by the circum­stances, that the contents of the Writing was very prejudiciall to the Duke.

Hereunto may be added one thing more that might probably have a strong influ­ence upon the spirit of the King for the re­movall of his Favourite. The Marquess of Grana, Ambassador in Madrid for the Emperour, bringing with him the here­ditary valour of the House of Caretti, the courage, prudence, and conduct of Af­fairs whereof he hath given sufficient te­stimonies in the military imployments which he hath had many years in Italy, in Flanders, and in Germany, together with his great gift of five Languages, which he speaks as if they were all naturall, hath [Page 43] gained him a great esteem with all men. And the liberty which he used in speak­ing of the affairs of the State (although it proceeded from the natural ingenuity and zeal towards the interest of the House of Austria) rendring him odious to the Duke, whose ears had been accustomed to hear onely applauses full of flattery, and not the plain sincere truth, having now an opportunity to revenge himself with Ju­stice, did it to the purpose: For having re­ceived a letter from the Emperour to the King, that the affairs of the House of Au­stria grew worse and worse every day, so that if speedy order were not taken, all would be ruined, that his Majesty ought to consider wel the quality of the person that had made him lose Portugall, Catalonia, and so many other Dominions, &c. He presently communicates the same to the Queen, together with his instructions, that he had a part of what he should doe there­in (for the Letter was open) and so had au­dience of the King, where it may well be imagined with what violence and ardor he prest the affair against his enemy.

[Page 44]To all these assaults that came upon the neck one of another, this was none of the least, that the Prince Don Balthazar Carlos the only son of the King, was now going into the fourteenth year of his Age; yet to the great astonishment of all the world, he continued under the tuition of Women, without any Officers and servants given him, after the manner of Princes; whereas at the same time one of the Kings base sons of the same age had a Court formed him, was declared Generalissimo of Por­tugall, Prince of the Sea, and Grand Prior of Castile for the order of Malta, and na­med Don John de Austria, and had the Marquess of Castanieda given him for his Governor; whereat the people murmured greatly: For this Don John was begotten upon a Woman of base Extraction, cal­led la Calderona, a Comedian, not hand­some, but of extraordinary pleasantness; who is since made a Nunne. The Youth being of excellent parts, and like to make a gallant Man, was much affected by the King, though he be quite of another com­plexion.

[Page 45]The King having before been earnest to have formed a Family and Officers for the Prince, the Conde Duke alwayes hin­dred the same; because first, hee feared that the Prince, who was of a most lively spirit, would then finde out that abroad, whereof the King was kept ignorant at home. Secondly, to gain an opportunity by prolonging the time, for Don Henry his Bastard to fashion himself for the Court, and by his Match and Honours conferred upon him, be at length reputed fit to bee Governor to the Prince, and succeed in the grace and favour of the King. At length the King being earnestly sollicited by the Queen, formed a List of the Servants that were to serve the Prince in his Court now to be erected, because he was of the Age of Fourteen years; giving notice to the Duke that provision might be made of al things necessary for a Court: The Duke tooke the List and changed a great number in the same, which displeased the King ex­tremely, having been before for other rea­sons sufficiently moved; after the King spake of the Princes Lodgings, desiring to [Page 46] know the Dukes Opinion; who answered, That his Highness would be very well in the Lodgings of the Infante Cardinal deceased: But why my Lord (replyed the King) will not He be better in those Lod­gings you are in at present, which are the very Lodgings that my Father and I had being Princes? The Duke was with this struck dumbe, perceiving well that his dis­grace drew neare: for certain it is, That his extreme insolence hastned as much as possible the Resolution that the King had taken: For that very Evening his Majesty wrote him a Billet with his own Hand, whereby hee forbad him to meddle any more in the Government; and from hence­forward hee should retire to Loeches, not farre from Madrid, untill farther Order should bee given. The Duke read this Billet without any disturbance, resolving in a matter of that weight not to discharge his minde but to his Wife only, to whom he sent the Note by a Post to Loeches.

Next day she came weeping to her Hus­band; and after two houres discourse went to speak with the King, who soon dis­patcht [Page 47] her, the same day shee cast her self with teares at the Queens feet, beseeching her to intercede for them, in consideration of the many services and sincere faithful­ness of the Duke her husband.

The Queen gave her a short answer, Lo que han hecho Dios los vasallos y los malos sucessos no lo puede deshazer el Rey in ye. What God, the people, and evill successes have done, the King nor I can undoe. This businesse was not known Friday and Saturday to any but Don Lewis de Haro, of whom the King made use to talk with the Duke about some secret affairs. This Don Lewis de Haro is Nephew to the Duke, but so hated by him, that lately his mother dying, who was sister to the Duke, he would not once send to visit him; not­withstanding Don Lewis carried himselfe so Nobly in this occasion, that casting himselfe at the kings feet, he beseeched him that in regard the Dukes removall was irrevocable, yet that it would please his Majesty at least that it should be done with all the mildness, and with as little diminution of his Honor, as the Justice of [Page 48] his Majesty could permit. The King hereupon granted that the Duke should continue three days in his Palace; that hee should assist at the Councels and Assem­blies, and give Audience for his particular affairs: Also, it was permitted to the Duke, that in presence of the chief Nota­ry, and of Secretary Carnero, hee should review all his Papers, and burn what hee pleased; which he did: Though the King were thought too indulgent therein.

The same day, as some came to have Audience of the Duke, he bad let them know, That he was a little indisposed, and suffred none to enter. Saturday morning the King sent to demand the Key where­with he entred the Kings Lodgings at his pleasure; but hee sent to demand Audi­ence of the King, which Hee granted him in publick before the Patriarch, and divers Gentlemen of his Bedchamber; where he spake more then a quarter of an hour; and whereas the King was wont to heare with attention those that spoke, hee now seemed to be careless of what the Duke said; who having made an end, went immediatly in­to [Page 49] a Junta, where he shewed himself as ri­gorous as ever; and handled so roughly two of the Secretaries, that they said af­terwards one to another, Que Diablo tiene el Conde en la Cabe [...]a nos ha tratados como trapos viejos. What the Devill aileth the Count? He hath handled us like Sculli­ons. The same day some Ambassadours demanded audience of him, but had not admission under pretence that he was not well. Finally, that evening being St. An­thonies day, the disgrace of the Duke be­gan to be noised in the Palace, but with such excess of joy, as that the next mor­ning was found a paper stuck up at the Palace gate with these verses;

[Page 50]Next day being Sunday, the joy was so universall, that had it not been a little curbed by the fear that men had that the Duke by his craft would regain the Kings favour, there would have been publick fires of joy; however all that day the Fruterers & Bakers threw their Wares to those that would have them, without ta­king any money, to testifie their excess of joy and contentment.

Munday the King, Queen, Prince, Infan­ta, and Dutchess of Mantua, passing all in one Coach towards the Carmelites, a great multitude of people followed, cry­ing, Viva el Rey por lo que ha hecho viva el Rey y muer a el mal govierno. God save the King for what he hath done; let the King live, and the ill government die. There ar­rived also an infinite number of people to participate of the common joy which was taken for the disgrace of the Duke.

Tuesday the Dutchess with extraordina­ry submissiveness, attempted again to make an accomodation, but all in vain, whereat the Duke was so enraged against the Queen, whom he looked upon as the [Page 51] sole cause of his disfavour, that as soon as the King was departed to goe to the Escuriall, he carried himself in the Coun­cels and Junta's in such a manner that he made the world believe he was yet to stay, which not onely cooled the generall joy, but amazed the Queen so greatly, that that night she wrot a most pressing letter to the King concerning him.

Thursday evening, the King returning towards Madrid, met on the way ten Grandees of Spain, and asked them what was happened at Madrid, that made so many come together? Don Melchior de Borgia answered him, That the time was how come, that his Majesty might know the true devotion of the Grandees towards the Crown, and that if heretofore they had not waited upon him according to their obligations, his Majesty knew well [...]he reason of the same.

The King being arrived at the Palace in Madrid, asked whether the Duke was [...]etired, it was answered, No. The King [...] a chafe turning to Don Lewes de Haro, [...]ying, Que aguarda el hombre, la fuerca? [Page 52] What doth the man stay for to be thrust out? Hereupon the Duke seeing no more hopes left, prepared himself to be gone, spending the whole night in viewing his papers, and burning a great part of them. In the mean time the people longed to see the day of his departure, and one more im­patient then the rest, set abroad this Di­stick;

Friday about one of the clock after­noon, he departed not without much arti­fice; For fearing to be torn in pieces by the people, having caused Coaches and Mules to stand ready for three dayes to­gether before he intended to depart; But as the Coaches with six Horses waited at the great gate of the Palace, he went forth by the back gate behind the kitchin, and put himself into an ill-favoured Coach drawn with four Mules, where having drawn the Curtains, and placed [Page 53] himselfe between two Iesuits, as if he had been going to execution, he took his way by the street of Atocha, at the same time that his Family in his velvet Coaches pas­sed the ordinary way, where they were met with a company of Boyes, that think­ing the Duke was there, discharged a showre of stones at the Coaches; but being shewn that the Duke was not there, they ceased; so that the Duke by this subtilty arrived safe at Loeches, a place whereof he had the Royalty.

In the mean time the Dutchess conti­nued at Court, governing the Prince and little Infanta; but without once entring in­to the Queens chamber.

Now the consequences of this disgrace of Olivarez, are many, and those very re­markable. In the first place, the King hath thereby recovered the credit and re­putation which he had utterly lost in the opinions of all men as well forraigners as sublects, who saw him so wholly led a­way by the will of the Conde Duke, that he seemed rather a Subject then a Sove­raign.

[Page 54]But on the Saturday after the departure▪ of Olivarez, the King called a Councell of State in his Lodgings, where he spake so judiciously, that all admired his ability, and testified by their tears their great affe­ctions and respects towards him: The sub­ject of the Kings discourse was to advertise the Councell how he had deprived the Conde Duke of his dignities, not for any crime that he had committed, but to sa­tisfie himself in giving satisfaction and con­tent to his subjects; That his desire was, That the memory of the Conde Duke might be kept in esteem among all men for the good services which he had so faith­fully rendred to the Crown so many years, protesting for the future, not to give the Title of Favourite to any of his subjects, but to assist himself in all Councels, and that all weighty affairs should pass through his own hands, commanding to every one of those there, to speak their opinions freely without partiality at all times, and not to conceale the truth from him. Whereto the Cardinall Borgia, as head of that Councell, answered, That they would [Page 55] give obedience to these his Majesties com­mands, as to Laws Divine.

Next day his Majesty having called to­gether all his Gentlemen of his Bed-cham­ber, whereof most are Grandees of Spain; he demanded the assistance of their Te­nants, Friends and Kindred, for the speedy settlement of the kingdom: Which toge­ther with other testimonies of prudence and care that his Majesty manifested, made all men say, It was now the time that Phi­lip the fourth deserved the surname of Grand, which had been given him by the flattery of Olivarez, at that time when he caused his Majesty to lose his Domini­ons and Reputation.

Next day the King caused all his plate to be coined into money, by whose exam­ple also the Nobility and Commons sent theirs to the Mint, and all contented them­selves to be served in earthen ware.

The next consequence of Olivarez dis­grace was the advancements of di­vers Noblemen to their dignities, and the pulling down of the Favorites of the Conde Duke.

[Page 56]The third effect, and perhaps that which Olivarez resented most of all, is the mise­rable condition of his Bastard son, a busi­ness of that strange and extraordinary car­riage, that it is worthy a large Treatise, but was briefly thus: The Conde Duke being at Madrid twelve years before he was in favour at Court, fell in love with Donna Marguerita Spinola, whose Father was a Genoway, and mother a Spaniard. This Lady, though noble and rich, yet was not free from temptations, amongst which ri­ches and honour are the most efficacious. Don Francisco de Valeasar, Alcalde of the Court and Palace, one of the highest pla­ces of Judicature in Spain, although he had a wife, one Donna Marguerita to his lust, maintained her and her family at his char­ges, and with profuse presents and Iewels, kept her wholly to himself. At length Oli­varez with much difficulty, got a share in her also; and she soon after had a son na­med Julian, which none then made doubt to be the son of the Alcalde, who neverthe­lesse understanding that others had had a finger in the pye as well as himself, took no [Page 57] affection to, nor care of the child; so he was brought up idly by the mother untill the age of 18 years; at which time his mo­ther dying, and he finding himself without father or mother, went boldly to the Al­calde, and besought him to declare him his son, that so he might not be exposed to the world without Father and without Name; protesting that he would never lay claim to any thing, but onely under the name of Valeasar he would get his living with his Sword. The Alcalde wholly uncer­tain that he was his child, would not be in­duced to declare thus till upon his death­bed, and then rather out of charity then belief that he was his son. So then by the name of Julian Valeasar he went first into the Indies, where for some Roguery he was condemned to be hanged; but be­cause the Vice-king there was a great friend to the Alcalde, he gave him his pardon. Thence he went into Flanders and Italy, where he served as a common Souldier, but was very debosht and of rude behaviour. In the mean time Olivarez having no fur­ther hope of children, sent to search out [Page 58] this vagabond Valeasar, who he remem­bred was born at the time that he had to do with his mother; but before Valeasar could be found, he had married D. Isabella de Azueta, a common Strumpet; never­theless November 1641. to the astonish­ment of all men, Olivarez owned him for his son, and declared him so by a pub­lick act by the good will and pleasure of his Majesty, wherein he names him, Don Henry Philipe de Guzman, heir apparent of the Count de Olivarez, and of the Dutchy of St. Lucar, so soon as it shall please his Majesty in acknowledgement of his ser­vices, to make him a Grandee of Spain; because the Title of Duke in Castile is not given but to those that may stand covered in the Kings presence.

Olivarez advertized all Ambassadors and Grandees hereof, to the great displea­sure of all his Family and Kindred; then resolves to marry him with one of the prin­cipall Ladies of Spain: To which end he cast his eye upon the first: Lady of the Court, Donna Juana de Velasco, daughter to the Constable of Castile, who for No­bleness [Page 59] of blood is not to be equalled by any the Subjects of that Kingdome. For he shews in the Arms of his Predecessors, five Royall Quarrers. To accomplish this match, it was necessary to annull the for­mer marriage by an order from Rome. The Pope deputes the Bishop of Avila with full power, who notwithstanding the Pro­tests of the woman, gave sentence against her, because she was not married by her own Parson, although some more conscien­tious Divines gave their opinions in favour of the woman, and that the marriage was good and valuable; but the authority of the Favourite prevailed over these reasons, and the marriage was solemnly broken. In pursuance whereof Olivarez treated for a match with the said Lady, and in spite of her Father and Kindred, obtained her for his Bastard. And here one might ob­serve the base spirits of Flatterers, for all the Grandees, all the Nobility of the Court, all Officers of State, went to give Don Henry el para bien, or joy of his mar­riage, treating him by the Title of Excel­lency, and giving him respect fitter for a [Page 60] King then a subject. In the mean time he became so rediculous a personage in his carriag, that not being accustomed to such ceremonies he often fell into great absur­dities which made some Italians say, Don Harrigo era un Facchino vestito da ReSpag­nuolo. That Don Henry was a plowman dressed like a King.

A Pallace was provided for Duke Hen­ry, so rich and sumpteous that never any, Grandee of Spain had the like, Presents were sent him from all persons and all Pla­ces, the Duke of Medina de las Torres sent him a present valued at twenty five thou­sand Crownes. Don Henry received the Habit of Alcantara with a Commanderie of ten thousand Crownes and was decla­red a gentleman of the Kings bed chamber with promise to have the Charge of Presi­dent of the Indies and all to make way for to be governour to the Prince for which porpose the Prince was kept under the government of the Duchesse of Oli­vares and no Court formed longer then the ordinary and accustomed time. Now the hatred was so generall and so great a­gainst [Page 61] D. Henry who could not forbear his base carriage and behaviour that the people sang publickly.

The declaring of this Bastard heir to O­livarez, greatly displeased the Marquess of Carpio, who married Olivarez sister, because hereby was dis [...]inherited the right Heir Don Lewis de Haro, son to the said Marquess, already declared so, an honest Gentleman, and of good parts, and at pre­sent sole Favourite in the Court of Spain.

Upon the fall of the Conde Duke, Don Henry immediatly lost the Title of Excel­lency, his great train, and the Kings favour, and from a great Idoll became a Man of [Page 60] [...] [Page 61] [...] [Page 62] Clouts, scorned by all men. The Con­stable intended to take home his daughter, and to declare the former marriage valu­able. But some Nobles with whom he ad­vised thereof, telling him that he should forbear such attempt; for the former mar­riage being declared valuable, his daughter will be declared an Adulteress; whereto he answered, I had rather Donna Juana were taken for my daughter and a Whore, then chast and wife of such a Fellow.

Not long after D. Henry died without issue, and his Father the Conde Duke of grief ended his dayes at the House where he was confined; the one ending like a Co­met after a great blaze for a short time; the other like a Candle, after a long time in a snuff.

Exemplum sine Exemplo: OR, The unparallel'd CASE OF Michael de Molina Executed at Madrid in the Year 1641. Faithfully Translated out of the SPANISH.

MIchael de Molina, born of honest parents at Cuenea, a City in the Kingdom of Castile, bred there in the Jesuits Colledg, and after at the University of Alcala de Henares; to try his fortune, went thence [Page 68] to Court, where to gain a living spee­dily, he undertooke to give secret intel­ligence to the secretaries of the seve­rall Ambassadours then residing at that Court; and to give the more credit to his reports, gave out, That he was ser­vant to Andrew de Rojas, Cavalier of the order of Santiago, and secretary of the Councell of State: insomuch that he forged letters, feigned discourses, framed intelligences fitted for the pur­poses and affayres of the Ambassadors wherewith he dealt, counterfeited the Kings hand, invented Cyphers, made consultations and orders to the number of 345 severall Papers, and all with that dexterity, that he deceived and a­bused not only the secretaryes of the Emperour the Venetian, and French Ambas­sadours, but also and most of all, Don Lorenço Coqui, secretary to the late Don Lorenço Campegi, Nuntio to the Pope; in whose house he was at length appre­hended; upon whose apprehension and search of his papers, he told the officers That if the tenour of those papers [Page 69] should be looked upon as jests and con­ceits, he should not speed so ill; but if as a crime it would appear so great that one life would not be enough to pay for the same. And his Majesty take­ing notice that the busines was of that importance that the like had not been heard or found in any History, Com­manded that there should be on pur­pose a Court of Justice composed of two of the chiefe Nobility, and two of the Cheife Judges, before whom when the said Michael de Molina was suffici­ently convinced, and had made a large confession (which for its matchlesse strangenes shall be verbatim set down) he was sentenced as followeth;

IN the town of Madrid July 31 1641. the Lords of his Majestyes Counsell, who by particular order have taken cognizance of the accusation given in by Don Marcellino Faria de Guzman At­turney, nominated by his Majesty▪ for this cause against Michael de Molina late of Cuenca, prisoner in the Gaole of this [Page 68] [...] [Page 69] [...] [Page 70] Court for offences and high treason committed by him, whereof he hath been accused, doe condemne the said Michael Molina to be hanged on a gal­lowes, and his goods to be confiscated to the Kings use, the execution where­of they leave to the Lord Judge D. John de Quinnoues; and this is their will and pleasure.

This sentence was made known to the prisoner upon the first of August, and execution done accordingly in the Plaça Major of Madrid, the third day following; at which time and place the Proclamation usually made at the exe­cution was thus;

THis is the Justice which the King our Soveraigne Lord commandeth to be done upon this man, for having committed high treason, and published falsities, forgeries, and horrible cheats on the affaires and grave ministers of state; for which he commands that he be hanged by the neck till he die, to the [Page 71] end that it may be to him for a punish­ment, and to others an example; then concludes, Quien tal haze tal pague, He that thus doeth, let him thus pay for the same. As he stood upon the ladder ready to be turned off, he delivered in writing to father Andrew Emanuel of the Society of Jesus, a declaration, the contents whereof ensueth word for word;

LOyall subjects of our soveraigne Lord the King, I am Michael de Mo­lina born at Cuenca, the grievousnes of my crimes is so great, that a punishment can hardly be invented to equalize mine offences against God, against our soveraigne Lord the King whom God preserve, against the Emperour, against my native country; against the Lord Duke de Olivarez, and Sant Lucar, against the most grave, faithfull and loyall Mi­nisters of state, whom I have discredi­ted with my forgeries and lies. The clemency of the King our soveraigne (whom God preserve) hath been very e­minent in sentencing me so mercifully, [Page 72] God grant, to whom I now goe to ren­der a strict account, that there be found mercy for me in the life to come, and that I then pay not for the clemency shewed me here. I do here declare and confesse upon mine own free will, that not having the feare of God nor man before mine eyes, I have been the cause of the gretest part of the mis­chiefes that this Monarchy suffereth, and of those calamities and miseryes which you faithfull people yet suffer, for which I humbly beg pardon of all those that are absent, as well as of you here present. For I am the man that feigned that the King our soveraigne Lord (whom God preserve) and the Emperour, instigated thereunto by the Lord Duke of Saint Lucar, and fomen­ted by him, did plot the death of our most holy father Urban the 8 ^th Pope, head of the Church, and vicar of Christ, for which purpose I invented and con­trived orders of the King our soveraign, and of the Emperour, letters from the Duke, Orders, instructions and [Page 73] judgments of the Counsellours of State with letters from Vice Royes and Em­bassadours, with purpose to abuse and deceive the Nuntio and the Embassa­dours of severall Princes, and thereby to get money from them, not caring for the dammage might arise and ac­crue from thence to the world, and to this Monarchy; and not contented here with, I invented that in case the said death could not be effected, that then endeavour should be to call a Councell, and to depose the Pope, or make a schisme in the Church. I inven­ted and forged, that the Lord Duke did by order from the King, the Em­perour and the Counsell of state, ende­vour to kill the Cardinal Richelieu, Fa­vorit to the most Christian King of France; for which purpose, and for the death of the Pope, I feigned persons that were to have been instruments of the same; I gave notice to the Ambassa­dours hereof shewing them letters and Orders which I feigned as I judged meet. I made them believe that I was [Page 74] an Officer of the Counsell of state, and that by that means I came to the know­ledg of these plots and conspiracies, whereby I have disturbed the world, caused jealousyes and suspitions a­mongst all the Princes of Europe, and the mischiefs that this Monarchy now suffereth. I also advertised the Em­bassadours, and the enemies of this state, of letters, consults, orders and de­crees made by the King and Counsell for driving the French out of Piemont, the Correspondencies of the Cardinal of Savoy with the subjects of that state for effectuating the same; the com­ing of Prince Thomas from Flanders to Savoy for the same purpose, and to lay siege to Casal, of an Army to be raysed and maintayned in Alsatia; of an inten­tion to kill Duke Bernard de Weimar Ge­neral of the Swedes, the intentions of the King our Soveraign, with the states of Venice and Genoa concerning Piemont and Casal; the purpose of supplies which both states of Venice and Genoa would send to France and Holland; and [Page 75] the intentions of the Pope to assist France against Spain; the intent of Eng­land to [...]gue with Spain; the purpose that the French and Hollanders had to joyn their fleets to hinder all succours of Flanders, and to surprise the plate fleet, and infect the coasts of Spain; the design that the Hollander had upon Antwerp in the year 1638. the successe of Fon­tarabie; whereupon I feigned letters from the Prince of Conde, and from the Duchesse de Chever [...]use; also concern­ing the imprisonment of Don Gualterio Peni Secretary and Resident for France in this Court, with whom I had intimate friendship, which was the ground of all these disasters: of the secret com­pliance between the Cardinall Infante, and the Prince of Orenge: of the con­spirarcy by the Prince of Orenge to kill the Cardinal Richelieu; the design of Holland, that the States of Flanders should be independent of Spain, and our King should renounce his right to the Cardinall Infanta to the end the Hollanders should receive him, and [Page 76] subject themselves to him: of the ca­pitulations and agreement twixt the King our Sov: and the Duke of Mode­na, whereby I feigned that the said Duke was to assist with six thousand men, at his own charge, against France; and that the King was to give him the charge of Viceroy of Catalonia, and twen­ty thousand souldiers to enter into France by Catalonia which was the first ground of the warr at Salsas and Perpig­nian the key of Catalonia; of the gene­ral resolutions of the year 1639. in or­der to the affayres of Germany, Flanders, and Italy: of the purpose to take away the Nuntio's Court in these kingdomes for the disorders and excesses of the same: of the great resentments of the King our soveraign against the King of France, for his leagueing with the Swedes, his confederation with the Turks and Protestant Princes of Germany, for his protection and league with Holland; for his commerce with Venice and Genoa to the great discommodity of Spain; for the disunion which he endeavoured to [Page 77] make between Spain and England: of the resentment that the King our Sove­rain had against the Pope, for his ami­ty and assisting of France; and not his endeavouring rather as a father of the whole Church to pacify the warres by all meanes possible; of the design of changeing the commanders in cheife of all the Emperours armies and the Spa­nish, thereby to make the people despe­rate, because of the failing of faith and credit; of the recruiting and arming the Gallies of Spain, Sicily and Naples for the maintaining commerce, secret intelligence in Toulon and Marseilles: of the capitulation of the Venetian with the grand Turke, and the meanes whereby they drew the Turke to assent to their demands, and the little securi­ty the Turke had from them: all which I invented, feigned and contrived; to­gether with many more letters, Cy­phers, Papers, &c. without any intelli­gence, correspondence, or amity with any officer or Minister of state of this kingdome, but that I alone without the [Page 78] helpe or assistance of any other have feigned and invented all the foresaid designs, whereof I gave information to the Nuntio and his secretary, to the said Ambassadours, and to Monsiuer de Peny with whom I have kept correspon­dence in France since the breaking forth of the warre: the which as a truth I sweare before God, and declare it for discharging my conscience; I aske of God forgivenes, also of the King our soveraign (whom God preserve) of the Emperour, of the Lord Duke, a­gainst whom I directed most of those forgeries, of the Duke of Medina las Torres, of the Marques of Leganés, of the Duke of Villahernosa, of the Count of Oniate, of the Marques of Villa Franca, of the Marques of Mirabel, of the most illustrious Lord Inquisitour Generall, the father Confessour of the most Eminent Cardinals, the Cardinal Borgia, and Cardinal Spinola, and Cardinal of Sando­val, of the Lord Don Geronimo of Villa­nueva, Pronotary of Arragon and secreta­ry of state, of Don Andrew de Rojas se­cretary [Page 79] of state, of the Ambassadour of Genoa, and of all the rest whom I have falsely defamed by these forgeries and Impostures; and also I aske pardon of all the faithfull and loyall subjects of these kingdomes, charging them to take example by me. And to the end that it may be manifested to all times, I thus make declaration, that God may pardon me, and for the satisfaction of this, and all other Nations which I have disturbed with the wickednes of my in­ventions. In witnes whereof I have hereunto set my name, Dated in the Plaça Mayor, and place of Execution in Madrid, the 3 of August 1641. Thus ended Michael de Molina, in whom the Refran or Spanish proverbe was verified.

Quien en un ano quiere ser rico al medio le ahorcan, He that will be rich in one year, shall be hanged at halfe yeares end.

THE RIGHT & TITLE OF The present King OF PORTUGALL Don John the fourth: With the most memorable Passages of his raigne.

FOr the more cleare disco­very of the Title whereby the present King of Portu­gal, holds that Crown, it will be necessary to know the fundamental constitu­tions of that Kingdom, as well as the pe­ [...]igree of that King.

[Page 84]In the year of our Redemption 1139. an Army of four hundred thousand Moors under the conduct of five Kings, threat­ning as a vast deluge, to overflow at once all the Country of Portugal were totally discomsited by a small handfull of Chri­stians, in the plains of Ourique, where im­mediatly before the battel the people chose their Generall, Don Alfonso for their King: (for before they were under the protection of the King of Castile & Leon) who after the fight called an Assembly of the three Estates in the City of Lamego, where was solemnely enacted as follow­eth.

In the name of the most holy Trinity Father, Son, and holy Ghost, Amen.

I Alphonso sonn of Count Henry &c. by the grace of God lately advanced to the Royall Throne have called together the Bishops, Nobles and Deputies of Cities in the Church of Saint Mary Almacave in Lamego; where sitting upon my Royal Throne without any ensignes of Royalty my Deputy Lorenzo Venegas stood up an [...] spake thus. You are assembled by the [Page 85] Authority of King Alfonso, to see the Popes letters, and resolve to confirm him for your King, whereat all with one voice cried, We will that he be our King. The Deputy demanded, shall he only be King and not his sonns after him? They an­swered he, so long as he lives, and his sonns after his death, then said the Deputy give him the Royall ensignes: we give them, answered they, in the name of God: So the Archbishop of Braga, placed the Crown upon the Kings head; who drawing his sword said; Blessed be God, that hath been my helper, with this sword have I deli­vered you and overcome our enemies, and now that you have made me your King, let us make lawes, for the government of the Kingdome, they answered, so will wee dread soveraigne, we wil make such lawes as shall seem good to you, and wee and all our children and posterity are wholy at your command, we will first make lawes for the succession of the Crown as follow­eth.

1 God save King Alfonso let him be ma­ster of the Kingdome: and after him (that [Page 86] there may be no trouble of choosing a King) let his sonn raigne, after him his grand child, and so from father to sonn in secula secu­lorum.

2 If during the fathers life the eldest sonn die, the next brother shall be King, and so forward.

3 If the King die without sonns having a brother, he shall succeed, but not his sonn af­ter him unlesse the Parliament will have it so.

Then Lorenzo Venegas, the Kings Deputy, desired the States, to aske the King, if the daughters should enter into the Succession, of the Kingdome: after some debate thereon it was resolved. Be­cause the daughters are of the Royall stock as well as the Sonns, they should succeed on this manner.

4 If the King have only Daughters, the eldest shall be Queen, after her father, upon condition that she be married to a native of the Kingdome, and that he be a Nobleman, who shall not take upon him the name of King, untill he hath a sonn born: nor wear a crown on his head, nor take the right [...] of his wife.

[Page 87]5 Lastly which most concernes the en­suing discourse it was thus enacted.

Sit ist a Lex in sempiternum, quod prima filia Regis accipiat maritum de Portugale, ut non veniat Regnum ad extraneos & si ca­saverit cum principe extraneo, non sit Re­gina, quia nunquam volumus nostrum Reg­num ire for de Portugalensibus, qui nos sua fortitudine Reges fecerunt sine adjutorio ali­eno per suam fortitudinem & cum sangine suo. That is,

Let it be a law for ever, that the Kings eldest daughter marry a native of Portugal, that so the Crown may never descend to strangers, and in case she should marry to a Prince that is a stranger, let her not be Queen for wee will never have our Kingdom, goe out of the race of the Portugals, who have made us Kings, by their own valour, without for­reign assistance, by their own valour, and with the effusion of their own blood.

This law was put in execution after the death of D. Fernando the 9 King of that race, whose daughter, Donna Beatrice, be­ing married out of Portugal to the King [Page 88] of Castile: D. John, the first was exclu­ded from succession, and a new election made; from which new election, (that we may hasten to our purpose) lineally de­scended, D. Emanuel, the fourteenth King of Portugal, who had six sonns and two daughters in this following order.

• 1 The Prince D. John.
• 2 The Infanta Dona Beatrice, married to the Emperour Charles the fift, by whom she had Philip the second.
• 3 The Infanta Dona Beatrice, married to Emanuel Duke of Savoy, by whom she had Philip Duke of Savoy.
• 4 The Infanta D. Lewis who left only, Don Antonio illegitimate.
• 5 The Infante Don fernando died with­out issue.
• 6 The Infante D. Alfonso Cardinal Archbishop of Lisbon, and Abbot of Alco­baza never married.
• 7 The Infante D. Henry, Cardinal and Arch bishop of Braga.
• 8 The Infante D. Edward, who left two daughters, the eldest was Mary, married out of the Kingdom to Alexander Farnese [Page 89] Duke of Parma, the yonger was Catherine married in the Kingdome to John Duke of Braganza.

After the death of King Emanuel suc­ceeded his eldest sonne Don John, called King John the third: whose only sonne, that had issue called Prince John, dieing before his father, left D. Sebastian who suc­ceeding his Grandfather was slain before he was married, in that Signal battell in Africa; famous for the deaths of three Kings anno. 1578. where were unfortu­natly lost with their King, most of the Nobility, and Flower of Portugal, Up­on the death of King Sebastian, the crown returned to the eldest survivour of his Granfathers brothers which was D. Henry, the Cardinal, whose function; (for he was a priest) rendred him as uncapable of mar­rying as his age, (for he was 67. years old) rendred him unable for generation, so that during his raigne which lasted not two years, the chief discourses, and debates not only of Portugal but of all Christen­dome was: who rightfully and who probably should succeed King Henry. There were [Page 90] some pretended right but wanted power, others had power, but wanted right, and there were some pretenders that had nei­ther right nor power.

First, The People claymed jure Regni, to have the right to elect their own King.

Secondly, the Pope challenged jure Di­vino, to be the arbitratour, (if not do­nour) in all controversies for Crownes, and that Alfonso, the first King, to obtain the title of King, became Tributary to the sea of Rome.

Thirdly, Don Antonio illegitimate sonn to the Infant D. Lewis, pretended that his mother was lawfully wedded (as well as bedded) with his father.

Fourthly, Catherine de Medicis widow of Henry the 2. King of France as descen­ded from the King of Portugal D. Alfonso, the 3. and for that all since that King have raigned unjustly.

Fiftly, Philbert Duke of Savoy sonne to Beatrice, younger daughter to Emanuel, would not lose a Crown for want of lay­ing claym thereto, knowing that of all the pretenders that were not natives he was [Page 91] looked on as the fittest to resist King Phi­lip not only for his personal valour but al­so for his dominions, bordering on the Dutchy of Milan which in case of need he might invade by the assistance of the French, his neighbours upon the other side.

7 Reinuce the yong Prince of Parma laid claim to this Crown in right of his Mo­ther Mary, lately deceased; alleadging that jure primogeniturae the male line was to be served before the female; so that untill the line of his Grandfather the Infante D. Ed­ward, were wholy extinct, neither Philip the 2. nor the Duke of Savoy could have any right

Seventhly, Catherine Dutches of Bra­ganza pleaded that in all successions there are to be considered these four qualityes, in the persons pretending; viz, th [...] line, the degree the sexe, and the Age, that the bet­ter line is first to take place, although o­thers should have advantage in the other three qualities. That in succession of Crow [...]es the last possessour is to be suc­ceeded jure hered latis which allow [...]s the [Page 92] benefit of representation, that she represen­ting the Infante D. Edward, the better line did by her representation, precede Rainuce (for the law allows not a Grandchild that benefit,) and by her better line exclude King Philip who descended from a daugh­ter, lastly by the fundamental Lawes of the Kingdom, she was to be preferred be­fore all other the pretenders, for that she was both born and married within the Kingdome.

Eighthly, Philip the 2. after all resol­ved that so faire a Crown, lyeing so con­veniently for him should not escape him; yet (because force is of harder digestion) first to make triall of the most gentle meanes to effect his proposed ends, to this purpose, he employes the best wits of all the Vniversityes in Christendom to prove his, and disprove all other claymes.

After much bickering, it was alledged in favour of King Philip, first against the Prince of Parma and the Dutchess of Bra­ganza, that successions of Crowns were to be decided by the Law of Nations not of the Empire, upon which onely her [Page 93] jus representandi patrem was grounded, that the neerest male in degree to the last possessour ought to succeed, that the In­fante D. Édw. being deceased before his brother Henry was King, could have no right in himself, therefore could derive none to his posterity; for nemo dat quod in se non habet: That it was very unrea­sonable that Catherine should be lesse pre­judiced in her self for her sex, then King Philip should be in his Mother.

Next, it was alledged against the Queen of France, that prescription of a­bove 300 years (whereas Lawyers allow 100 years a sufficient Title for any King­dome) lay most evidently against her.

Against the people it was answered, That untill the Royall Line of a Kingdome be quite extinct, there can be no right of ele­ction in them.

But the main Argument whereby King Philip confuted these and all other pre­tenders, was his sword, wherewith like a­nother Alexander, he cut that Gordian knot; wherefore not to lose time nor op­portunity, whilst the University invented [Page 94] the most powerful Arguments, he made all preparations possible for a powerful Army to be ready, in the mean time wrought so effectually with Father Leon Henriques, a Jesuit, and Confessor to King Henry, and Frier Ferdinando Castillo a Do­minican, that all intentions prejudicial to King Philips designes were craftily diver­ted, as from declaring the Dutchess of Braganza next heir, whereunto King Hen­ry was most inclinable; also from marry­ing in hopes of issue, whereto he was once so farre perswaded, as to endea­vour a dispensation from Rome; but his hopes and intentions were soon after cut off by death: the newes whereof arri­ving to King Philip, he marched away immediatly with an Army of above twen­ty thousand old Souldiers towards Lis­bon, where he found no other resistance but Don Antonio, one of the forementio­ned pretenders in the head of a popular tumult, rather then a regular Army, which being soon discomfited, and the suburbs of Lisbon sacked, to gratifie the Souldi­ers, he easily made himself Master of the [Page 95] whole kingdome: But before this could be brought about, Pope Gregory the 13 had sent Cardinal Riario Legat into Spain, with order to disswade the Catholique King from raising Arms, and so to passe into Portugall, there to arbitrate the right between all pretenders. Philip to a­void this, and yet to approve himselfe (as he always profest) a most obedient son of the Church, he gave secret order in all places where the Legat was to passe, that he should be entertained with all respect and magnificence possible, and thereby be so dexterously detained, that the kingdom might be possessed by him before the Le­gat could arrive at Gourt, which was acted accordingly, and the Legat wel satisfied in his entertainment, though not in his negotiation.

When the Nobility and people of Por­tugall saw themselves thus unawares yo­ked by the Castilians against whom above all other there was ever a certain antipa­thy of nature, they were exceedingly dis­contented, but seeing there was no hope to withstand so great a Potentate as Phi­lip [Page 96] the second, reputed at that time not onely the most prudent (or rather crafty subtile man) but the most puissant Mo­narch that later ages have produced, they all submitted to the King, who the bet­ter to win them, condescended to meet that submission, and be sworn in an As­sembly of Estates, to these capitulations following,

• 1. That his Majesty should observe all Lawes, Liberties, Priviledges and Customes granted to the people by former Kings of Portugall.
• 2. That the Vice King, or Governor, shall always be the Son, Brother, Uncle, or Nephew of the King, or else a Native of Portugall.
• 3. That all chiefe Offices of the Church or State shall be bestowed upon the Natives of Portugal, and not upon strangers. Like wise the Governments of all Townes and Places.
• That all Countries now belonging to Portugall, shall so continue to the commodity and benefit of that Nation.
• 5. That the Portugall Nation shall be [Page 97] admitted to all Offices in the Kings House, as well as the Castilians.
• 6. That because the King cannot conve­niently be always in Portugal, he shall send the Prince to be bred up amongst them.

At the end of these Articles was ad­joyned a blessing to those Kings that should observe them, and a curse to those that should violate them; adding more­over, That in case (which God forbid) that his Majesty which now is, or his Successors, should not observe this agreement, or should procure a dispensation for this Oath, the three States of the Kingdom might freely de­ny subjection and obedience to the King, without being guilty either of perjury or treason. This clause, although it was not printed with the Capitulation made in the first Assembly of Estates, yet is re­hearsed by divers Authors, amongst o­thers by the Author della Legge Regia di Portogallo stampata in Madrid.

After this accord, the Cardinal Albert, Archduke of Austria, son to the Empe­our, and neph [...] [...] King Philip, was placed as Vice- [...] of Portugal, yet durst [Page 98] not his Majesty leave the Kingdome so soon; for he perceived a general discon­tent to continue amongst them, insomuch that the Preachers would ordinarily in their Sermons vent speeches clearly ten­ding to sedition, which made the King oft complain, that the Portugal Prea­chers had waged the hardest warre with him; but yet that he looked upon them as crack't brain'd, adding sometmes with much mildness and patience, Pues dexaldos por que usan a los privilegios que han los locos. Once Father Lewis Alvarez a Jesuit preaching before the King on St. Philips day, (about the time that it was argued by some Lawyers, that the Dut­chess of Braganza in the succession of this Crown, did fully represent her Father) turned towards his Majesty saying (as it runs in the Gospel for that day) Philippe, qui videt me, videt patrem meum, making a discourse thereon in favour of the Dut­chesse Title; whereat the King not see­ming to be moved at all, keeping his wonted gravity, said, If the Pope, who had Christned this Father another Saint [Page 99] Paul (for so he was esteemed) had known him better, he would have stiled him ra­ther a Spirituall mad man. Another time the same Father preaching before the Arch. duke, took his Text, Surge, tolle grabatum tuum, & ambula, turning to the Duke, said, Sir, the meaning hereof is, Arise up, take up your pack, and be gone home. Moreover in the Chappel of the Duke of Braganza, they were wont to sing the Lamentations of Jeremy (where­in the Prophet represents the oppression and scorn which the Israelites suffered while they were without a King of their own) applying all to themselves and the Castilians, as Aquam nostram pecunia bi­bimus, because of the Excise upon their Drink, and most other necessaries impo­sed by King Philip; and Servi dominati sunt in nos. And again, Cecidit Corona ca­pitis nostri, alwayes ending with Recorda­re Domine quid acciderit nobis: Intuere & respice opprobrium nostrum; Haereditas no­stra versa est ad alienos.

In the mean time some comforted themselves with expectations of a change [Page 100] by the return of D. Sebastian whom they would not yet believe to be dead; others believing that he was indeed killed in the battell of Africa, yet that he should be re­stored miraculously. Some gave great credit to old Prophesies, especially to that of an Hermit to King Alfonso the first, that he should overcome the Moors with their five Kings, and that in the sixteenth Generation his line should fail for a time, but that then God should have compas­sion on them. And to a letter of St. Ber­nard wrot to the same King Alfonso, the originall whereof was by the last King of France given to the Ambassadour of Portugall, 1641. the tenor of it was, that he rendred thanks for the lands bestowed upon him to build a Monastery, that in recompence thereof God bad him declare unto him, that there should not fail a na­tive of Portugal to sit upon that Throne, unlesse for the greatness of their sins God would chastise them for a time: but that this time of chastisement should not last 60 years. Other Prophesies there were of one St Gil a Dominican, and Simon [Page 101] Gomez, both living and reputed for Saints. But whilst the people busied their heads with these expectations, King Phi­lip proceeded sensim sine sensu to establish and confirm his right and power over the kingdome, and to break those shackles of Soveraignty wherewith he was fettered, whose footsteps his son King Philip the third followed exactly, though not with that craft and dissimulation as his Father had done; yet during their reigns it must be acknowledged that of many Articles some were observed; but as soon as Phi­lip the fourth at present King of Spain, was warm in his Throne, it was resolved by the Count de Olivarez, Duke of Saint Lucar, that the best way to continue that Nation in subjection and peace, was to abolish all their priviledges, which were but so many encouragements to oppose the Kings designes; in pursuance where­of the Dutchess of Mantua was made Go­vernor of Portugal, although she was nei­ther Daughter, Sister, Aunt or Neece to the King; the great Offices were bestowed upon Castilians, Italians, and other For­reigners; [Page 102] pensions out of the Bishopricks, and other Ecclesiastical promotions, were also given to strangers; the governments of Castles and Towns were put into the hands of Castilians: new Impositions were laid upon the people, the Revenues of the kingdome were imployed for the use of the Court at Madrid, &c.

And that this design of Olivarez might be no way hindred, the Nobility, and ablest men of the Kingdome were drawn forth some to Court, some to employ­ments in Warre, and some to prisons, where they were destined to slaughter, as appeared by a Letter written from Ma­drid to Vasconzellos his Agent at Lisbon, where he saith, por los cuernos de los Fidal­gos que ya stan aqui, bien puede V. M. rezar un pater noster por sus almas; mus por a­quellos, que no han querido venir, me reco­mendo. As for those rascally Gentle­men of Portugal which are here already, you may bid God have mercy on their souls; but commend me to those that would not come. But this hard dealing with the Nobility already called forth of [Page 103] forth of the kingdome, and the calling for more gave the first occasion to some of the Noblemen to assemble together where they resolve Not only to stay at home, but to have a King at home; whereupon the Duke of Braganza, Grandchild of the fore-mentioned Katherine, by the name of Don John the Fourth now raigning, was advanced to the Crown, as is at large re­lated in the life of Olivarez, and therefore needs not here to be repeated: Only here­unto shall be annexed the most memora­ble passages that have happened since hee came to the Crown.

The Kingdome of Portugall having been possessed by three Kings of Spaine, successively from the yeare 1580. untill the year 1640. not full sixty years, ac­cording to the prophecy of St Bernard; for before Philip the second was received and sworn their King, it was April, 1581. whereas the present king of Portugall, Don John the fourth was proclaimed on the first of December, 1640. being then at Villaviciosa his Country-house; upon the fifth of the same Month, without any [Page 104] pomp or guard, he entred into Lisbon, yet with so great security, as if he had been guarded with a most invincible Army; whereupon he said, That to be King and Soveraign of the Portugall Nation, there was no neeed off any other Guard or Armes then the hearts of the people. So soon as it was known in Lisbon that the King was arrived, the concourse of People was so great before the Palace, and the joy so extreme, that for a time they seemed to be transported out of themselves, some leaping, others dancing, some kissing the Kings hand, others throwing themselves down at his Foot; all shouting and cry­ing, Viva viva el Rey Dom Joam el quarto nosso Senhor; God save the king D. John the fourth, our Soveraigne Lord. That Evening all the Cannons were discharged, and so many Fireworks and Lights, that the Night was turned into Day, whereat a Spanish Gentleman said, Es possible que se quita un Reyno a el Rey D Felipe con solas Luminarias y vivas sin mas exercito in po­der. Gran senal y efeto sin duda del brazo de Dios todo poderoso. Is it possible that [Page 105] king Philip should be deprived of a whole kingdome with only Lights and Fire­works without a powerfull Army. Cer­tainly this is an evident token of the Al­mighties power.

Upon the fifteenth following was the King solemnly crowned, in the great place before his Palace, upon a Theater, wheron was raised a great Scaffold, and upon that a lesser, whereon was placed three steps higher a Chaire of State under a Canopy all covered over with cloth of Gold; about Midday came forth his Majesty in a Suit of Chesnut-coloured Velvet em­broidered with Gold and Buttons of Dia­monds; about his Neck a Collar of great value, whereunto hung the habit of the chief order of Knighthood, called, El Orden de Christo; He was girded with a gilt Sword; his Robe was cloth of Gold lined with White, wrought with Gold flowers; his Train was born up by the Lord Chamberlain D. John Roderiguez; before his Majesty was the Sword borne by D. Francis de Mello Marquis of Fer­reira high Constable of the kingdome; [Page 106] and before him the kings Banner display­ed by Fernando Telles de Meneses as knight Marshall, and before him the Marquis of Govea D. Manrique de Sylva Steward of the kings House, with all the Grandees, Nobility and Gentry; before all went Por­tugall king at Arms, with the Heralds, Pur­sevants, &c.

His Majesty being sate in his Chaire with a Crystall Scepter in his right Hand, whereon stood the high Constable, and behind the Chair the Lord Chamberlain: There was placed before him a Table co­vered with cloth of Gold, with a Cushion thereon, and upon the cushion a Cross of Gold with a Missall; then the Archbi­shops of Lisbon and Braga, with the In­quisitor-Generall, kneeling down upon a Cushion, made his Oath to the kingdome as followeth:

WE swear and promise by the grace of God, to Rule and Govern you well and justly, and to administer unto you Justice as far [Page 107] as Humane frailty will permit; to maintain unto you your Customes, Priviledges, and Liberties granted unto you by the Kings our Prede­cessors. So God help Us, and this his holy Gospel.

After this taken by the King, the three Estates, Clergy, Nobility and Commons swore Allegiance to his Majesty in these words; One for every Estate said:

I Swear by this holy Gospell of God toucht corporally with my Hand, that I receive for our King and lawfull Soveraign, the High and Mighty King Don John the Fourth our Soveraigne, and doe Homage unto him according to the use and custome of his Kingdome.

This Ceremony being past, Francis de [Page 108] Lucena, Secretary of State, standing in the middle of the Scaffold, with a lowd voyce declared, That his Majesty accep­ted the Oath and Homage which they had made. Then the King at Arms ha­ving cried O yez thrice, Ferdinando Telles de Meneses, knight Marshal, with a lowd voyce said, Royal, Royal, Royal, for the high and mighty Lord King John the fourth our Soveraigne; and the Heralds with all the people ecchoed, Royal, Royal, Roy­al: Then all the Drummes, Trumpets and Fifes sounding, his Majesty came off the Theater, and mounting on Horse­back, rode under a most rich Cloth of State towards the great Church, with all his Grandees and Nobles before him bare headed on foot. By the way in a great open place were presented unto the King, together with an eloquent Harangue, the keyes of the Citie; which being re­turned, his Majesty rode forward with in­credible acclamations and applause, the Ladies out of the Windowes throwing down Flowers and sweet Waters upon their heads with a thousand benedictions, [Page 109] &c. In this pomp his Majesty was re­ceived at the Cathedral Church by the Archbishop in his Pontificalibus; whence (his devotions being ended) he returned to his Palace with the like solemn magni­ficence.

The kingdome of Portugall being thus established, care was taken to give timely notice hereof to all places under their sub­jection in all parts of the world, so that not long after the King was with unex­pressible joy proclaimed in the Island Ma­dera, in Porto Santo, in Mazagan and Aer upon the coast of Africa, in the Island of St Michael, in the kingdome of Angola, in the Tercera Islands, (although the Gover­nor there made some resistance at first) in Brasile, in all the East Indies, and as far as China.

On the 8 of January following, with the like pompous solemnity the three E­states took an oath to the Prince in these words: We acknowledge and receive for our true and Naturall Prince, the high and excellent Prince D. Theodosio, Son, Heir, and successor of our soveraign Lord the [Page 110] King, and as his true and naturall subjects and vassals, we doe him homage in the hands of the King; and after the death of our so­veraign Lord the King, we will acknowledge and receive him for our true and naturall King and Soveraign of those kingdomes of Portugal and Algarbe, and beyond sea in Africa, Lord of Guine, of the Conquests, Na­vigations, and Commerce in Ethiopia, Ara­bia, Persia, India, &c. we will obey his Commands and Decrees in all and through all both high and low, we will make war and maintain peace with all those that his High­ness shal command us. And all this we swear to God upon the holy Crosse, and the holy Gospel.

Next day the King being placed on his Royal Throne, there was an Assembly of the three estates in their rich Robes, where D. Emanuel de Acugna, Bishop of Elvas, made a most eloquent speech, the substance whereof was, That one of the first Laws of Nature was, the uniting of men together, from whence Cities and kingdomes had their original, and by which they after defended themselves in [Page 111] warres, and maintained themselves in peace; that for this cause his Majesty had called this Assembly to consult for the better service of God, defence in warre, and government in peace, that there could be no service of God without union in Religion, no defence without union a­mongst Men, no Regular government without union of Councels: That his Majesty did expect to be informed by his loyal subjects, what was for the good of the State; That they were to render thankes to the Almighty, who had given them a King that would govern by the known Laws: That his Majesty did not esteem those Tributes lawful that were paid with tears, and therefore did from this present take off from his subjects all tribute that ever have been imposed by the kings of Castile; because his Majesty will not reign over our goods, nor over our heads, nor over our priviledges, but over our hearts, hoping that you will find out a more sweet expedient to defend your Countrey against your potent ene­my, who threatneth to make us all slaves, [Page 112] and to destroy and annihilate our Nati­on. Let us therefore considering his Ma­jesties goodnesse, and our own honour, ma­nifest at once unto the whole world, that as never subjects had such a gracious king, so never king had such loyal subjects.

Then standing up the most ancient officer of the Chamber of Lisbon, in the name of the three Estates (who all stood up likewise) returned humble thanks to his Majesty for his gracious bounty, profes­sing withall, that they did not onely offer up their goods, but consecrate their lives to his Majesties service, that his Majesty might freely dispose of the one and the other to his service, according to his plea­sure, &c.

In pursuance whereof they voted, that two millions should be presently levyed by the kingdome; but his Majesty not being willing that any money should be imposed upon the subject as a tax, all men strove who should advance most freely, so that in few dayes, there were brought in 4 millions of gold, not to pay souldiers (for all offered their service to pursue the war [Page 113] gratis at their own charges) but to main­tain the splendor of the King and King­dom.

The next resolution of this Assembly was to dispatch Ambassadors to all States of Christendom to enter into confederations for the better establishment of the King­dom, and reputation of the King.

In the first place his Majesty conside­ring how much it did import to corre­spond with Catalonia, that so they might joyntly not only defend themselves, but also molest Castile, which being as it were between the two arms of Portugal and Catalonia, must needs be easily incommo­dated by them both at Sea and Land; thither was sent Ambassador Father Igna­tius Mascarenas a Jesuit, with another Father of the same Order, to offer them all assistance and supplies for their mainte­nance and defence against the Catholick King, which Ambassy did so incredibly rejoyce and encourage the Catalonians, that the very next day they obtained a most signal victory by couragiously defending themselves against the Spanish [Page 114] Army of 25000. men under the conduct of the Marquiss de los Veles.

The next was a most solemn Ambas­sage to the most Christian King Lewis 13. for which high employment were chosen two personages of great worth, D. Fran­cisco de Mello and D. Antonio Coello de Caravallio, the one for his exquisite judg­ment and experience in State affairs, and the other for his noble spirit and eminent knowledg in the Civil Law, most fit to undertake so important a charge. These two personages attended with a magnifi­cent train landed at Rochel, and upon the 15 of March made a most solemn entrance into Paris, being met and conducted by 134. Coaches, besides much Nobility on Horseback unto the Palace appointed for Extraordinary Ambassadors, where they were entertained in a sumptuous manner at the Kings charges, from thence were they carried by the Duke of Cheureuse and the Count of Brulon in the Kings Coaches un­to his Majesty then at St Germains to re­ceive their first Audience, which was per­formed with extraordinary respect, for [Page 115] upon the Ambassadors entrance into the presence chamber his Majesty rose out of his Chair and came forward three steps to receive them, nor would the King suffer them to deliver their Ambassy vncovered, or to kiss his hand at their departure, but insteed thereof embraced them in his arms with a chearfull countenance, pro­mising them all the assistance that lay in his power: From the Kings presence they were conducted to a Dinner provided for them, and after that to the Lodgings of the Queen, who sitting in a chair without armes rose up, and coming forward two or three steps received them most courte­ously, not permitting them to speak untill they were covered: Amongst other dis­course, D. Francisco de Mello told her Majesty, that he feared his Embassy would not be acceptable, for that his Master had deprived her brother of one of his Kingdoms, whereto her Majesty replyd, that although she was sister to the King of Spain, yet she was wife to the King of France, and thereupon began to speak Spanish, which the Ambassador obser­ving, [Page 116] demanded wherefore her Majesty had not vouchsafed them that favour sooner, it being a language better under­stood by them? the Queen answered, for fear they should be daunted to hear her speak Spanish; the Ambassador to im­prove the jest replyd, Como a tam grande Senora, si, pero como a Castillana, no. It was true considering her greatness, but not her Countrey, whereat her Majesty smi­ling went on promising them all favour, and wishing many happy dayes to King John and the Prince his son: thus having delivered to her Majesty a Letter from the Queen of Portugal, they took leave to go visit the most Eminent Cardinal Ri­chelieu, who being advertised of their coming, came forward to the third cham­ber to meet them, and there received them with expressions of great affection, after which he conducted them into his own Chamber, where all three being sate his Eminence (a personage for his most admirable abilities worthy to live many ages) discovered divers affairs of importance to the Ambassadors, and they o [...] [Page 117] the other side made his Eminence understand how highly it imported that the two Crowns of France and Portugal should be united by an indissoluble league and amity, considering that the primary and principal aim of the house of Austria (whose branches were spread over Europe) was not only to be the greatest, but the only Monarch of Christendom, for which end it never made scruple to usurp Kingdoms and States upon the weakest pretences imaginable, as have appeared in the Kingdoms of Naples, Sicily and Navarre, the Dutchy of Milan, and seve­ral other States more lately in Germany, the seizing upon the Valtelline, that so (be­ing Master of that passage) he may upon any opportunity lead an Army of high Germans into Italy: Moreover conside­ring the vast power and interest this Fami­ly hath, not only in all the other States of Italy and Germany, and in the Low Coun­tries, but also in almost all America; it must be confessed that they have a large foundation of their imaginary universal Monarchy, yet no one thing gave them [Page 118] so great hopes as the possession of Portu­gal: First because by the addition of that Kingdom, they became absolute Masters not only of all Spain, but of all the East Indies, of all the Eastern Trade, of Ethi­opia, Persia, Arabia, China, Iapan, and all that incredible wealth that was raised out of the Portugal Traffique, whereby the Austrian greatness (if not their Mo­narchy) was principally sustained, there­fore that it much concerned all States to endeavour not only to put a stop to the growth of that monstrous tree, but to cut off some arms thereof that it may the less damnify and annoy the lesser trees that grow by it: that to do this none was more concerned or more able then the Kingdom of France united with the Kingdom of Portugal, which having bin reputed the right arm (as Catalonia was the left) of that huge Austrian Colossus and now separated from it and joyned with France, will be able to do as great service against it, as ever it hath been for­ced to do for it, not only by assaulting the Spaniard at home in his own house [Page 119] but by intercepting the Plate-Fleet which coming from the West Indies, must neces­sarily pass by the gates of their Enemies (the Tereera Islands) and so run a hazard to be lost, or else be at the charges of an extraordinary Convoy. Having thus discoursed with his Eminence of those and other weighty affairs, he was pleased to offer not only all the assistance of the most Christian King, but that he would dis­burse of his own for the Service of Por­tugal, that he would presently send thi­ther a Fleet of twenty Sail with his Ne­phews Admiral and Ambassador extra­ordinary: whereupon the Ambassadors taking leave, they were accompanied by his Eminence as far as the stairs, which the Ambassadors endeavouring to hinder, the Cardinal told them that the Ambas­sadors of Portugal were to be treated with no less respect then those of the Emperor or Pope. Some few days after in the house of the Grand Chancellour, there was appointed a Junta of the Ambassa­dors with his Majesties Commissioners, together with the Secretary Chavigny, [Page 120] where was soon concluded a peace and league between the Crown of France and Portugal, and the Ambassadors with much courtesie and satisfaction dismissed.

It very much concerned the kingdome of Portugall to maintain amity and peace with the Crown of England, not only for the Navigation and Commerce of both States, but also for other particular ends in the present conjuncture of affairs, prin­cipally to break the good correspondency that was at present maintained between the Crowns of Spain and England: For this purpose in March 1641. were dis­patcht for England Don Antonio de Alma­da, and D ^r Francisco de Andrada Leiton, personages of great abilities, who arriving safe (in spite of the Dunkerkers that chased them) in England, were received with demonstrations of great courtesie (not­withstanding the earnest labouring of the Spanish Resident to the contrary.) It is true, that his Majesty of England was so tender of his honour and conscience, that he answered D ^r Antonio de Sosa, Secretary to the Ambassadors sent before to make [Page 121] way, that he would be first satisfied by what right and title his Master was made King of Portugal, before he would accept of the Ambassage. Whereupon the Secreta­ry (being one of the most exquisite wits of this age) in the space of twenty four hours, drew up and presented to his Maje­sty a writing, which declared at large what here in substance ensueth.

Upon the death of King Henry the Car­dinall without issue, many pretended (toge­ther with the Infanta Donna Catherine, Dutchess of Braganza, and Grandmother to this present King) to the Crown of Portu­gal, but all their pretences wanting foun­dation, soon fell, except that of Philip the second, King of Spain, who propt up his with force.

King Henry was Uncle, equally neer to both, but with this difference, Catherine was the daughter of a son named Edward, and Philip was sonne of a daughter named Isabella, brother and sister to King Henry.

King Philip pleaded, that he being in e­quall degree with Catherine, was to be pre­ferred for his sex.

[Page 122]Catherine replyed, That the constitu­tion of that kingdom allowing females to succeed; and withall, the benefit of represen­tation in all Inheritances, she representing Edward must exclude Philip by the very same right that her Father (if he were li­ving) would exclude Philips mother.

This conclusion is infallible in jure, where­to Philip answered, That succession of king­doms descending jure sanguinis, there was allowed no representation.

Catherine destroyed that foundation, al­ledging, That the succession by the death of the last King, was derived jure haereditario, & non sanguinis, because the succession of Kingdomes was to be regulated by that an­cient way whereby all things descended by inheritance. The other way of succession be­ing not known until later Ages, nor ever practised either in Spain or Portugal in such cases.

Briefly, in behalf of Catherine it was ur­ged (which by the Castilians can never be denied or answered) that she was no stranger, but a Native of the kingdom, to whom alone (according to the Laws of Lamego) the [Page 123] Crown of Portugal can appertain.

This is the simple Title of the House of Braganza, against which the Castilians have forged a thousand Titles for the House of Austria, as being the tenth or twentieth Grandchild of such a King, or such a Prince, &c. which if sufficient Title against the next allies, certainly the King of Castile is not onely King of Por­tugal, but all Europe (for there is scarce a Prince from whom he is not descended) and happily this is the ground whereon he builds his hopes to be universal Monarch, unless perchance he may esteem himselfe so by Will from Adam, as some have ima­gined.

When the King had received and de­liberated upon the writing, he gave order that they should be conducted to London with all solemnity convenient, & disposed of in a Palace ready prepared for them; after which with great ceremony they re­ceived audience of his Majesty in a most stately fair Hall, where his Majesty was placed on a Throne raised two steps, on each side Latices, within which stood his [Page 124] Nobles; at the Ambassadors entrance, as they made their reverence, the King uncovered himself and would not be co­vered untill the Ambassadors were so too: To the Proposals made by Don Antonio de Almlda, the King answered he should be very glad to find out a way to be friend to the King of Portugal, and to renew the an [...]ient amity of the two Crowns without [...] with Spain.

Some days following the Ambassadors went to visit the Queen, who being pla­ced under a cloath of State (upon the en­trance of the Ambassadors) rose up and came forward down as farr as the Carpet extended, making a low reverence at all three times, that the Ambassadors bowed, and being come neerer, her Majesty made them be covered; then uncovering them­selves again, they spake with their hats in their hands; which ended, the Queen told them, that she much desired to keep strait amity with her Majesty the Queen of Portugall, &c.

Don Alon so de Cardenas, Ambassador Ordinary in the Court of England for the [Page 125] King of Spain, laboured still by friends, by moneys, by promises even to to the restitution of the Palatinate, so that the peace might not be made with Portugal, but in vain; for upon the 13 of June 1641 the peace was concluded.

The Commerce and correspondence that have always been between the king­dom of Portugal and Denmark, induced King John to send Ambassadors thither; but the greater correspondence with the House of Austria, and some dependence upon the Emperour, hindred the recep­tion of that Ambassage,; yet the King, and all the principal of the kingdom, de­siring not to break with Portugal, gave all other satisfaction possible by extraor­dinary courtesies and respect to the Am­bassadors, who from thence went into Swethland, where they were received with much solemnity and rejoycing by the whole kingdome. Their reception at the young Queens Court at Stockholm, was ve­ry magnificent, where a league was soon concluded, and the Ambassadors dismis­sed) as the manner is there) with chains of [Page 126] Gold, and her Majesties portrait in a Me­dall of Gold. With the like readiness did the States of the Low-Countries receive the Ambassage brought thither by that wor­thy personage, Tristano de Mendoza Hur­tada, and a Truce of ten years made with Portugal; not a peace because the Hol­lander having conquered many places in Brasil, Angola, &c. whilst those countries were under the King of Spain, that neither side might be prejudiced, the King of Por­tugal would not approve of the conquests, because they were places depending on the Crown of Portugal; nor could the States promise restitution, because they now belonged to their West Indy Compa­ny, who since have often violated the Articles of this Truce, to the great dis­honor of the States, to whom (so long as they neglect to punish the transgressors of their own Capitulations) no State will treat or trust for the future, seeing them so shamefully break their word without the least occasion given

It was long debated in the Court of Portugal, whether an Ambassage should [Page 127] be sent to his Holiness at Rome, or else a more opportune conjuncture of time ex­pected. Some were of opinion that an Ambassage was to be sent thither without further delay, because thereby they clear­ly testifying their duty and respect to his Holiness, as he was Head of the Catho­lick Church, Portugal should gain his good favour, and an acknowledgement that his Majesty Don John was rightfull King of Portugall, which would be of very much importance to the affairs of the Kingdom.

But these considerations seemed to o­thers rather things desirable then feasable. First, because the King of Spain was at present powerful at Rome to oppose the reception of their Ambassador. Second­ly, because the Pope, although he was ne­ver in heart a Spaniard, yet he would ne­ver yeeld to shew himselfe an enemy to the Catholick King. Moreover, the Spa­niard cunningly fomenting the opinion which all the world had entertained, That his Holiness did in all things incline to the French interest, would from such a recep­tion [Page 128] draw as much as they could ever ask or desire; for this cause the Pope (that he might not seem their enemy) alwayes granted them what ever they demanded: Therefore it was alledged, That it would be better first to sound the mind and in­clinations of his Holiness, then to run the hazard of some disgrace and afront to his Majesty and the whole Nation. And in case the Pope should resolve not to re­ceive the Ambassage, to whom could they appeal for the injury done to the Crown? We see many Popes so bewitched with the interest of their own families, as to give occasion to the world to believe, that their aim is not what is absolutly the best, but what is best for themselves. An ex­ample hereof we have in Pope Gregory the thirteenth, so affectionate to the kingdom of Portugal at first, that he imployed the utmost of his power to hinder King Phi­lip the second from usurping it; yet short­ly after, for the interest of his own fami­ly, approved all that was done by the same King. Who hath more to give, or at least to promise, then the Catholick King? [Page 129] Therefore in any business of competition, he must necessarily have the advantage a­gainst all others.

Nevertheless the French promising their assistance at Rome, and their intercession with his holiness, it was at length resol­ved by the major part, that an Ambas­sage should be speedily sent to Rome.

His Majesty hereupon made choyce of D. Michael de Portogallo, son to Count Vimioso of the blood Royall, Bishop of Lamego, and Pantableone Rodriguez Bi­shop of Elvas, personages of abilities suit­able to so high an employment. Upon the newes of their landing in Italy, the Spani­ards in Rome on the one side, provided to oppose their entrance, at least hinder their reception; the French, Portugals and Ca­talonians on the other side, resolved to venture their lives in the Cause: His Ho­lines fearing a petty war should be kindled in his own bosome, and the dishonor that would accrue to him in case that the per­son of an Ambassador should be violated as it were in his own house, gave order to all his Officers & Guards to prevent al in­tended [Page 130] violences. Whereupon the Spani­ard openly protested, that if his Holiness received the Portugal Ambassador, they with their Ambassadors, would immedi­atly leave Rome. Notwithstanding all op­positions, in Novem. 1641, the two Portugal Ambassadors being met by divers Cardi­nals, Princes and Cavaliers well armed, entred into Rome, and were conducted to the palace of the French Ambassador, who with much courtesie received them at his gate, always giving them the pre­cedence.

Hereupon the Spanish Ambassadors, the Marquess de los Velos, & D. John Chiumaz­zero, scattered abroad their Manifestos, wherin they labored to prove that his Ho­liness ought not to receive the Ambassa­dors of the Duke of Braganza (as they stiled him) First, because he was a tyrant and usurper of a kingdom that had been in the quiet possession of the Catholick kings the space of sixty years: Secondly, be­cause the Duke was a Rebell, and a perju­red person, having before sworn alle­geance to the Catholick King: Thirdly, [Page 131] that the reception of these Ambassadors would be very much prejudiciall to the Catholick King, by giving encourage­ment to others to attempt the like Rebel­lions, &c.

The Ambassadors in the mean time lost no time in endeavouring by them­selves, and by the French Ambassa­dour (who had expresse order for the same from his master) to incline his Holiness to admit their Ambassage; but his Holiness, who had ever shew­ed himself very timerous to give any disgust to the Spaniard, lest they should take occasion to do his Holiness a displea­sure, or revenge themselves hereafter upon his Nephews, resolved to refuse the Am­bassage, pretending certain violations of the Church Rites in Portugal, and that he was much unsatisfied in their King, for his detaining in prison the Archbishop of Braga, and other Ecclesiasticall persons, although his Majesty had most just cause so to doe, as shall hereafter appeare. So soon as the Spaniards understood this reso­lution of his Holiness, (whilst the Portu­gals [Page 132] were labouring to prove their cause by Declarations, Allegations, and Argu­ments, as well Political as Legal) they resolved to make a quick dispatch of the business, and for that purpose had drawn together above two hundred Banditi with intent o seize upon the Bishop of Lamego, and carry him away to Naples, as they had done the Prince of Sans, who was there put to death: but the Marques de lo [...] Veles was understood by some of his ser­vants, that it would be better taken to give the Portugal Ambassadors some high affront upon some encounter in the streets which being communicated to the rest of the Nation, (whereof there are alwaye many in Rome) some to obtain dispensations of marriage, others to get spiritual livings) they flocked to the Spanish Ambassadors Palace well provided of Army and (that they might not be looked on a Souldiers) went under the name of Foo [...] men to the Marquess, whereof the Po [...] taking speciall notice, made it known the Marquess that these proceedings in peaceable Citie, were much distasted; an [Page 133] at the same time sent a Messenger to assure the Bishop of Lamego that he should not fear any thing, for that upon the word of his Holiness, he should walk the streets un­touch't: yet upon the 20 of August 1642, the Bishop going to visit the French Am­bassador, was followed by a Spy of the Marquess to see whither he went; which being observed by some of the Bishops retinue, they sent a counter-spy to see what they did at the Marquess House; and finding there great preparation of Coaches and Men, news thereof was brought to the French Ambassador, whereupon the French, Portugals, and Ca­talonians were soon assembled with their Pistols and Firelocks to convoy home the Bishop, who by the way after Sun set was met by the Marquess guarded with [...]bove sixty Footmen and eight Coaches, full of Captains and Officers called hither from Naples, besides divers others, and subjects of that Crown. So soon as they spied the Bishops Coach, the Spaniards [...]ried aloud, Si fermassero all▪ Ambasciatore [...]i Spagna, that they should stop for the [Page 134] Ambassador of Spain, whereto the Portu­gals answered, che si fermassero loro, that they should stop: whereupon all leaped out of their Coaches with their naked swords, and making a stand, discharged one Gun, which was followed by both sides with a most gallant volley of shot: There were slain on the Portugal part, a Knight of Malta, and one Lacky that be­longed to the French Ambassador, toge­ther with one Italian and a Portugal Page, besides divers wounded. On the Spanish part there were eight slain in the place, and about 20 wounded, the Marquess leaving his Coach and Horses dead, crept forth not by the Boot, but behind the Coach, between the two wheels, and fled into the next shop without his hat, without any colour in his face, or spirit in his body, and from thence was carried to the Palace of the Spanish Cardinal Albornoz, his Coach standing upon the place till the next day. The Bishop of Lamego went back to the house of the French Ambassa­dor, and thence to his own House. His Holiness much disquieted at these insolen­cies, [Page 135] commanded a guard of Souldiers to be presently put upon the house both of the Marquiss and the Bishop, who not long after was by the King of Portugal called home, after he had again pressed and urged the Pope (by a large memorial of the reasons wherefore he ought to be received) and had been again refused.

About this time was with much arti­fice contrived and most shamefully effe­cted the imprisonment of that most gal­lant Prince, the Infante Edward, called by the Portugals Don Duarte brother to the King now reigning, who for divers years (before his brother had any thoughts of a Crown) had served the Emperor in his Wars with eminent gallantry, and as e­minent success. Upon the newes of the revolt of Portugal, this Prince was in the Emperors service, being resolved there to continue untill he was betrayed by Don Francisco de Mello a Portugal then Ambas­sador in the Emperors Court for the Ca­tholick King, who notwithstanding all his obligations to the house of Braganza, yet with intent to build his fortunes upon [Page 136] their ruine, most earnestly sollicites the Emperor to seize upon his person and de­liver him up to the King of Spain, alleadg­ing how much it concerned the Interests of the Catholick King, that the person of Don Duarte should be secured, and how much it behoved his Imperial Ma­jesty in this particular, to shew his affecti­on to the Catholick King his brother, and to the whole house of Austria, shew­ing that this Prince was the main prop of the house of Braganza, that God had left this only remedy in the hands of the house of Austria whereby Portugal may be redu­ced to obedience, that it would be a great error not to make use of this opportunity, that if he should escape out of their hands, he might by his great insight in Warlick affairs assist his brother, and thereby much infest the Catholick King.

The Emperor having heard this dis­course of Mello, was at first so farr from being perswaded, that he answered him, he abhorred the breach of publick Faith, and the violation of Hospitality, that this would be against the Liberties of the [Page 137] Empire, and against his own honor to im­prison a Prince for no fault; but on the contrary, that had deserved so well of the Empire, and to whom his Majesty con­fessed himself very much obliged.

The Arch-Duke Leopold, brother to the Emperor, did so farr detest the moti­on, that he said he washt his hands of so foule and shamefull an act, yet Mello not at all discouraged pursues his design, cor­rupting with sums of money the Count of Tratmansdorff, and some other pensio­ners to the Crown of Spain; but they at length ashamed of the imployment, Mel­lo resolves upon a more subtil invention, which was to perswade the Emperor to hearken to one Father Diego de Quiroga, who of a Souldier turned Monk, and was now Confessor to the Empress; this Fa­ther being wont to give his opinion of such actions as these according to the rules of Interest of State, would per­swade the Emperor not only that with good conscience he might secure the per­son of Don Duarte, but that for divirs reasons of State he ought to do it: His [Page 138] Imperial Majesty at first very unsatisfied in the business, was resolved not to do it, but by the importunity of Mello and the ghostly perswasions of Quiroga, he was at length induced to alter his resolution, and to give order to D. Lewes Gonzaga that he should go to Leipen the Princes quarters, and to summon him to Ratisbon: in the mean time to prevent the ill impres­sion that this would cause in the minds of all men of honor and honesty; it was reported abroad that D. Duarte was fled for some misdemeanor, and thereupon proposal was made of sixteen thousand crowns to any man that could bring him alive or dead; of which the Prince being ignorant escaped very narrowly the hands of some of those people that went search­ing for him in hopes of the proposed re­ward; when he was com to Ratisbon he was cast into a vile prison appointed only for persons of mean quality, and all his Ser­vants imprisoned, D. de Francisco de Mel­lo not content herewith, now sollicites the Emperor afresh that he may be deli­vered into the Spaniards hands, and sent [Page 139] prisoner to Milain, whereto his Majesty would not hearken, but on the contrary sent a message to D. Duarte, promising upon his word not to deliver him into the hands of the Spaniard, but to procure speedily his liberty. But his ill usage in­creasing, D. Duarte made all the means possible to get audience of the Emperor, which would never be granted, nor was it any wonder, for there is no face mere ug­ly or more terrible to the offender tehn the face offended; hereupon the Infante made his protestation, calling God and man to witness the wrong and injurie done unto him by the Emperor, to whom he was neither subject by any obligation or birth, that when his brother was made King of Portugal he was in the Emperors service, wholly ignorant of any designe of his brothers, that if the King of Spain was offended, he might revenge himself upon the person offending that that business no way concerned the Emperor: All which particulars were acknowledged by his Imperial Majesty, by a messenger sent to Don Duarte in prison, assuring him again [Page 140] that he should not be delivered into the hands of his enemies, yet that his liberty could not be granted for some reasons of State, whereupon D. Francisco de Sosa Coutigno Ambassador extraordinary from Portugal to Swethland in the name of the King his Master, represented at large to the Diet at Ratisbon the whole procee­ding, requiring justice and libirty for the Infante; But nothing can prevail against Interest, the effects of all Manifesto's, Pe­titions and Intercessions were that the In­fante was removed from place to place, and sent farther off where he had still har­der usage, only the Emperor seemed yet immutable in his resolution not to deliver him into the hands of the Spaniard untill the most powerfull means in this world to conquer all difficulties was used, which is money; for upon promise of forty thousand crowns the Emperor (contrary to the immunities of the Empire, to the rules of hospitality, to the priviledge of free Princes, to the Law of Nations, and contrary to his word and promise so of­ten reiterated) yeilded that the most in­nocent [Page 141] Prince should be sent whether the Catholick King should think meet: so he was hurried away towards the State of Milain to remain prisoner in that Castle; by the way as he entred into the Spanish Territories he was received by the Count de Siruela the Governor of that state, wherethe Commissary of the Emperor took his leav to return, to whom D. Duarte said openly, Tell thy Master that I am more sorry that I have served so unworthy a Prince, then to see my self a prisoner sold in­to the hands of my enemies, but that the just Judg of the World will one day suffer the like dealing towards his children, who are no more privildged for being of the house of Austria, then my self that am of the blood royal of Portugal, and that posterity will judg of him and of me.

The Emperor in his instructions to those that convoyed the Infante, gave ex­press order that in case their prisoner made any attempt to escape, they should kill him upon the place. Being arrived at Milain, he was clapt up in the prison where all the Rogues and Banditi are [Page 142] to be kept, with a guard in the same cham­ber so rude that he could hardly take any sleep.

Any man of honor would have been pierced to the very soul with this harsh treaty, how much more a Prince of so high blood, who knew himself descended from so many glorious Kings, and allyed to the greatest Princes of Europe, for which cause the Kings ever treated the house of Braganza much different from the Grandees of Spain, giving them the respect due to soveraign Princes, in so much that Philip the second who desired to a base that Family, always received the Duke of Braganza under the same cloth of State within the Royal Curtain in all publick Assemblies, allowing him always a chair with a cushion, and as oft as he went to visit his Majesty, he would go to receive the Duke as farr as the middle of the chamber: Besides, the Princes of this Family had always a guard of their own to wait upon them even in the Kings Court.

This then was the reward of that un­fortunate [Page 143] prince, for having left his Coun­trey, Kindred, Friends, Interest, fot ha­ving served the Emperour eight yeares at his own proper charges, for having ven­tured his life upon all occasions with the formost, expecting no other pay then thanks, and no other recompence then honor.

Yet there wanted not some to defend the Emperour in this action, alledging that it was no new thing, for that Charls Duke of Burgundy had in the same man­ner delivered up the Count de St. Paul to the King of France, who put him to death; whereunto it was answered, That all the misfortune of that Prince is by Philip de Comines, and others, attributed to that foul fact, Ex isto tempore, saith one, nihil Carolo prospere successit, sed calamitati ac­cessit calamitas, donec victus ab Helvetiis ad Nanecium miserrime trucidatus est.

When D. John the present King of Por­tugal, had been fully informed how his brother was treated, he was resolved to revenge himselfe by Arms; but the Casti­lians beginning to make incursions upon [Page 144] all the borders of Porougal, diverting his thoughts, made him look neerer home to put the kingdome into a posture of De­fence, to fortifie his chiefe Townes, and to train up all the people to the use of Arms.

The Castilians in the inroads that they made into Portugal▪ laid all waste before them, spared neither sex nor age upon the taking of any place, which so inraged the Portugals, that to revenge themselves, they did the like in an incursion into Ga­litia.

During these extremities of Barbarisme upon the confines of the kingdome, there was wonderful tranquillity and unanimity at home; onely some few thought them­selves so farre obliged to the Catholick King, as to re-establish him in his Throne, amongst whom D. Sebastian de Matos Archbishop of Braga, a creature of the Count de Olivarez was the principal, who at the beginning of the revolt opposed himself so much, that divers Gentlemen were once resolved to send him after Vaz­conzellos. This Prelat having imparted [Page 145] his designe to D. Lewis de Meneses Mar­quess de Villa Real, an ambitious man, and to his sonne the Duke de Camigna, both discontented becaus they thought themselvs not preferred according to their merits, perswaded them that it was a most un­worthy thing to suffer themselves to be subject to a fellow-subject, but rather re­turn to the obedience and loyalty of their ancient Soveraign, who is able to bestow upon a deserving man more in one day, then the Duke of Braganza in an hundred years, &c. Insomuch that they were soon gained. Next, the Archbishop draws in D. Augustine Manuele, a man of noble blood, excellent parts, necessitous, and ne­ver yet employed in any business; all notable motives to make a man embrace desperate designes. After him was assaul­ted Pietro de Baeza, an upstart Christian (as they call those Christians whose ance­stors were once Jewes: this Gentleman famous for his vast riches and his great intimacy with that eminent Favourite, the Count Olivarez, was wont to say, That Olivarez favour would one day advance [Page 146] him either to high honor or else to a high gallows; which proved precisely true, as will appear anon.

These, with some few other Conspira­tors, oft assembled themselves privatly to consider how their designs might be spee­dily put in execution; for which purpose some were of opinion, that many more were to be drawn into the plot: But then it was feared on the one side, that there­by the design might be discovered; on the other side that there was a necessity there­of, for that without communicating to others, the business rested onely in the Idaea. Others advised that the assistance of the King of Spain was to be got in readi­ness; but that then the King of Portugal would make as great preparations, and so render that way difficult; yet some re­plied, that thereby the Spaniard by way of intelligence might be the more easily let in, but that seemed as difficult, be­cause the whole Militia was in the hands of persons most trusty to the King. Ano­ther time they had thoughts of taking the King out of the way by some sudden vio­lent [Page 147] death, which by some more moderate was opposed, and that rather some way was to be invented to cause his Majesty to renounce his title to the Crown, and to re­tire himself out of the danger represented unto him. In this wavering condition most of them inclined to a mediocrity, al­though the same in all eminent attempts is the very stepmother of good success. Moderate resolutions are the most of all pernitions where a designe is to begin with execution: Yet some more valorous and less wary then the rest, were of opinion that they should presently set upon the the work, and leave the successe to the dis­position of Fortune, insomuch that of ma­ny Irons that were in the fire, none was yet hot.

Amongst the conspirators, divers of them (notwithstanding his Majesties ex­press prohibition) kept secret correspon­dence with the Court at Madrid by the means of divers persons much suspected. The King of Portugal (who had alwayes an eye upon the Archbishop of Braga, and the Marquess de Villa Real, knowing their [Page 148] disaffection from the beginning) at length intercepts some of their Letters, wherein was discovered the names of the conspira­tors, and the whole treaty; wherefore his Majesty desiring to secure all their persons at once, without any noyse, gave order that by sound of Trumpet and Drum (as the custome is) it should be proclaimed, That his Majesty intended to goe abroad forth of the Citie; whereupon all the Nobility (out of their great affection to his Majesty) were soon assembled to wait upon him. When the King saw them all ready, he commanded first to call a Councell of State, where some of the conspirators assisted; being there sate, he caused them all to be arrested one by one without the least disturbance, which cer­tainly could otherwise have been hardly prevented; for if the conspiracy had been known before the persons were in custody, there would not have been so much dan­ger of their escape, as to have been imme­diatly (without expecting the course of justice torn in pieces by the people. Be­sides, the wisdome of his Majesty would, [Page 149] that by the usual forms of Justice their crime might be as manifest to the world as their punishment.

So so on as these were safe in prison, his Majesty proclaimed a pardon to all com­plices of this conspiracy that should come in within four days and confess their fault, but the diligence of the King had been so exquisite, that there was not one man left to take the benefit of that grace.

Not many days after, they were all solemnly arraigned, found guilty of high Treason, condemned and executed in manner following.

Upon the last of August 1641. the Marquis de Villa real, the Duke de Camig­na his son, the Count de Armamac and D. Augustin Manuele were led along a Gal­lery made of purpose to the Scaffold, whereupon were built two stories one a­bove another, upon the uppermost there were placed two chairs, upon the second story one chair, and upon the Skaffold it self another.

First was led forth the Marquiss in a [Page 150] long black baies cloak, and his servants in mourning, who after he had prayed for a good space upon his knees, rose up, and having made a long speech, deman­ded if there were no hopes of pardon; up­on which all the people cryed out, let him die, let him die for a Traytor, then the Ex­ecutioner according to the manner, with a loud voice proclaimed, This is the Ju­stice that the King our Soveraign Lord com­mands to be executed upon the person of Don Lewes de Meneses sometime Marquiss of Villa Real, that his throat be cut as a Traytor to his Majesty, Nobility, and people of this Kingdom, that for his crime his goods be confiscated, and his memory banished out of the world. Whereat all the people cryed Justice; which the Marquiss hea­ring, with much gravity demanded par­don of all the spectators, desiring them to assist him with their prayers to God for a pardon of this and all his other sins, then turning to a father Jesuit his Confessor, prayed him that in his behalf he would present himself at his Majesties feet, and beseech him out of his goodness that he [Page 151] would vouchsafe to forgive him this hai­nous offence committed against him and the whole Kingdom: after which, sit­ting down in the chair, his arms and legs were tied to the arms and legs of the chair, then leaning his head over the back of the chair, the Executioner with a knife cut his throat, after covering him with a black silk.

In the same manner upon the same Skaffold appeared his son the Duke of Camigna, attended with all his servants in mourning: passing by his fathers corps, he kneeled down and several times kissed his feet, begging of the people the suffrage of one Pater noster for his fathers soul; then sitting down in the other chair af­ter the proclamation of the Executioner, received the same punishment. The Judg­es would have had both their necks to be cut behind, but his Majesty would not give way thereunto, being a punishment too ignominious in Portugal for persons of their quality.

After these appeared the Count of Ar­mamac attended with one only servant, [Page 152] who in the chair placed in the lower story received the same punishment: as also D. Augustin Manuele upon the skaffold below.

The same day Pietro de Baeza, and one Melchior Correa de Franca being drawn at an horse tail to the place of execution, were hanged upon a gallowes extraordinary high.

Upon a lower gallowes in the same place were hanged Diego de Brito Nabo, and Antonio Valente: the quarters of these four last mentioned were hung up at the gates of the City, and their heads set up near the frontiers of the Kingdom.

In September following, for the same crime, were likewise executed, Antonio Cogamigno, and Antonio Correa, the later of which, all the time of his imprison­ment was an example of penitence, feeding only upon bread and water, and whip­ping himself every day, with continual prayers to God for pardon of that and his other sins.

The Archbishop of Braga, the Bishop of Martiria, and the Bishop of Malacca, [Page 153] and Fryer Emanuel de Macedo (although they were complices in the same conspi­racy, yet because they were Ecclesiastical persons) were not put to death as they de­served, but reserved in prison untill the Popes pleasure were known concerning them.

The Archbishop during his imprison­ment, did oft acknowledg his offence by Letters to his Majesty, desiring that him­self might suffer, so that the others might be spared, in regard that what they had done was rather in obedience to him, then ill will to his Majesty. Upon his death­bed in prison (which happened about three years after the fact committed) he gave order that so soon as he was dead, his last Will and Testament should be carried to the King, wherein he besought his Majesty that he would vouchsafe of his goodness to pardon him the Treason committed by him against his Majesty and his native Country, and that he would let his body be buried without the Church of any parish of Lisbon, without any in­scription or tombe▪stone, that so there [Page 154] might remain no memory of a man that had been a Traytor to his King and to his Country. A good example of Christi­an humility, and of admonition to others not to meddle with the like affairs; for attempts of this nature are like hot irons, which insteed of heating, scorch the hands of those that handle them. This so exemplary punishment and rigorous justice inflicted upon the forenamed de­linquents, did not only establish the King­dom, and secure the Family and Person of the King, but also strook a terror into all the Kings Enemies (if there were any left) and excited the Kings friends to love him and watch over him the more dili­gently.

The mutual incursions upon the fron­tiers between the Castillians and Portugals still continued with great animosity and violence.

About this time (although there was a truce concluded, between Portugal and Holland as afore expressed, and a great Navy sent from Holland to assist the Por­tugal against the Spaniard) yet there pas­sed [Page 155] high acts of hostility between the two Nations in Africa and America beyond the Line; for the Hollanders see­ing the disunion of Portugal from Castile, made all possible haste to finish the conquest of those parts before a per­fect peace should be concluded with Por­tugal, that so in the Treaty they might pretend reason that all things should con­tinue in the state they were then found: to this end during all quiet and peaceable commerce between the two Nations in the Kingdom of Angola, the Hollander surprised the Portugals that were Gover­nors of the place, killing divers and rob­bing all of the great wealth there found, of which perfidiousnesse, and of the barba­rous usage towards the prisoners there ta­ken, complaint was made to the States at the Hague, but without any satisfacti­on.

In the mean time the Catholick King was very sollicitous for the recovery of Portugal; for the effecting whereof, he did not consult only with his greatest Statists at home, but also with those abroad, from [Page 156] one of whom he received this ensuing Letter

By the Letter which your Majesty was pleased to write unto me on the 6 of March past, I am commanded to deliver my advice touching the best expedient for the recovery of Portugal. Sir, the Clemency used by King Philip the second, your Majesties Grandfather towards the Kingdom of Por­tugal, was a fatal presage of the present ca­lamities, and future destruct on not only of Spain, but the whole Spanish Monarchy, be­cause that Kingdom was only in name, but never really Conquered, remaining rich and aboundant with the same, if not greater priviledges then before. The Grandees and Nobles at home, the people not at all crushed, and (which is more then all) the Go­vernment in the hands of natives, and all his Majesties other Subjects excluded from all places of power, honor or profit. Sir, the holy Scripture which is the mirror and rule of our actions, teacheth that when Sal­manasar conquered the Kingdon of Israel, he did carry away not only the Royal Family, [Page 157] but transported all the Nobility and People into divers Provinces of his own kingdoms, and into the new Conquests sent new inhabi­tants; yet the Israelites were never such in­veterate enemies to the Assyrians, as the Portugals with Divellish madnesse have shewed themselves against the interest and conveniences of this Monarch.

Moreover, in the same Scripture it is read, That Nebuchadonosor having con­quered Jerusalem, transplanted all that he found in that kingdom, leaving onely a few miserable inconsiderable people to remain there.

So Athalia Queen of Judah, saw no other way to preserve a kingdom newly conquered, but by extinguishing all the generation upon whom the Jews could cast their eyes in hopes of revolt.

And Jehu King elected by God, extin­guisht all the family of Ahab, together with all his dependents, friends, and acquain­tance, not sparing so much as the Priests.

These, Sir, are the Rules that the holy Scripture teacheth to be practised upon the Families and People that abhor the dominion [Page 158] of their own Soveraignes.

It was, Sir, very fatall to stand expecting and hoping for better times and opportuni­ties for the securing of Portugal.

In the year 1638. observing the ill affe­ction of that Nation, my advice was, that without any delay that kingdome was to be secured by force of Armes: others were of the same judgements, but Fate would have it that (for fear of new troubles) by delayes way should be made for a Rebellion, then which there could not have been a greater, although that form of Government which was expe­dient for the Spanish Monarchy, and was alwayes held necessary for preserving that Crown, had been put in execution with the greatest violence imaginable.

But when a Jewel is gone, the main inqui­ry should be by what means it may be found again, not how it came to be lost.

The first means then of recovering that Crown, may be (what your Majesties Grand­father made use of) to buy your rights of your own subjects by Gifts and Promises, wherein your Majesty is to be as prodigall as the Por­tugals are insolent in expecting and deman­ding; [Page 159] and indeed experience teacheth, that that Nation is so addicted to their own inte­rest, that more may be effected this way then by a powerfull Army; to him will they be subject who wil give most, or from whom most can be expected; herein prodigality wil be good husbandry: For when Portugal shal be returned to the obedience of your Majesty, all that wealth which hath been bestowed a­mongst them, wil return likewise.

The second means is by force of Armes; but this wil be difficult at present by reason of the severall engagements of this Monarchy elsewhere. I suppose, Sir, that in case Por­tugal should be conquered by force, all their conquests in the Indies, &c. wil remain in their hands; for thither wil they all fly, and from thence they wil be alwayes ready to as­sist our enemies: wherefore it would be very expedient for your Majesties service, that a Truce were first made with the Hollanders upon condition that they make warre upon the Portugal in the Indies, and have what ever they can conquer: Whence will arise this commodity, that they will want the wealth of their conquests; your Majesty being [Page 160] disengaged with the Hollander) wil the soo­ner conquer them at home, and the Hollan­der wil onely come to receive to day at the hand of your Majesty, what to morrow the Portugal must deliver up unto them. At the same time the Hollanders and Flemings may scour the Coasts of Portugal, and the English be invited to a more frequent navi­gation into the East Indies and China, whereby the Portugal Trade there may easily be ruined.

The third way is, That the Pope be per­swaded to thunder his Excommunications against the House of Braganza, and against the whole Kingdom as perjured, and pertur­bators of the publick peace, animating all Christian Princes to assist in the regaining that kingdom, upon pretence of advancing the Catholick Faith.

Moreover, diffidencies and jealousies be­tween the Duke of Braganza and the people, may easily be fomented by the means of Mer­chants, strangers, and by Flemings and Bur­gundians, under the name of French. And to effect these diffidencies the better, a Trea­ty may really be begun with the Duke, which [Page 161] being discovered by the people (though it be before the Duke could know therof) they will destroy him and all his Family; and in such case the civill dissentions will open a way for your Majesty to recover your right: Despe­rate evils must have Desperate remedies, the kingdome of Portugal is the canker of the Spanish Monarchy: therefore,

Let not your Majesty defer the right reme­dy: the greatest rigor is here the greatest charity, and to have no charity is to have much prudency: to bury this Hydra in its own ashes, will be triumph enogh: to live without this arm is better then to have it employed against its own head: Let your Majesty never believeor hope better of that nation, then you have seen these 60 years past; never think to keep that Countrey if not planted with other people, the detesta­tion against your Majesties government is hereditary.

The interest of the King, Sir, it very ample, and hath no bounds against Re­bels, every action is just and honourable [Page 162] that tends to the recovery of the Kings right.

Moreover, a Truce is to be made with the Catalonians, wherby they being freed from the tumultuous courses of warre, will have time to take notice of the French insolencies, and growing weary of that yoke, wil at length easily embrace the next opportunity to return to their obedience; which once effected, will make the whole people of Portugall waver between hopes and fears, and beget variety of opinions amongst them, which for the conquering of kingdoms (the Emperour Ju­lian was wont to say) is much more advanta­geous then the power of an Army, as the Grandfather of your Majesty found in the succession of Portugal. To this may be ad­ded, that it will be very expedient, that your Majesty name Bishops to dispose of all Go­vernments and Offices of that Crown to the the most confiding persons in that kingdom; for this will beget distrust amongst them all, and the ignorant people not knowing whom to trust, will put all into confusion, whereby your Majesties service will be more easily ad­vanced.

[Page 163] Thus in obedience to your Majesties Com▪ mands, I have imparted my weak advice wherin if I have erred, your Majesties good­ness will attribute it to my want of abilities, n [...]t of affection. God preserve the Catholick and Royall person of your Majesty, as the Christian world, and [...]e your Majesties sub­jects have need.

But to return to the affairs of Portugal, which were at this time a little discompo­sed by the generall discontent and distast taken at the Secretary of State, Don Fran­cisco de Lucena, who having lived long in the Court of Spain, was at length by Oli­varez means made Under-Secretary to Vazconcellos, and for his readiness to proclaim King John, and his abilities in that place, his Majesty continned him there, relying upon him with so great affe­ction and confidence, that although some had advertised his Majesty that he held correspondence with the Court at Madrid, yet he would not suspect his integrity, un­till the whole three Estates being again assembled upon urgent occasions, openly [Page 164] fused all Acts that should passe the hands of Secretary Lucena, and gave his Majesty to understand, That untill Lucena were brought to triall, there should be no further proceeding in the Assembly of Estates: whereat his Majesty was much moved; yet out of his prudency resol­ved to give satisfaction to his subjects by delivering his Secretary up to justice; but that he might have a fair procceding, the King sate in person during the examinati­on of witnesses: in the mean time by the Post came secret information to his Maje­sty, whereupon were imprisoned the bro­cher and three servants of the Secretary, together with an English Monk, and a Cavalier of the habit. Not long after Lucena was arraigned and found guilty of betraying his trust, intelligence with the enemy, negligence of timely advertising the Infante Don Duarte to retire out of Germany, &c. for which he was con­demned and executed in a publick place in Lisbon, where he protested to the very last his innocency touching any treachery to­wards his Majesty.

[Page 165]With the death of the Secretary the three Estates were satisfied, and according to his Majesties command had assembled themselves Septem. 18. 1643. taking their places in their wonted manner, the Dukes upon velvet Chairs without Armes, the Marquesses upon Forms covered with red Cloth, the Earls upon Forms covered with ordinary Cloth, the Prelats apart upon Forms covered with velvet, and all the Deputies of Cities and Towns upon plain forms, in order on both sides; with a passage in the middle. Being all sate, Don Emanuel d [...] Acugna, Dean of his Ma­jesties Chappell, rose up, and after reve­rence made to the King placed upon his Throne, delivered an elegant speech, the sum whereof was,

That in the space of 60 years that the Kingdom was under the power of the Kings of Castile, there had been but two assemblies of Estates, the first to enslave them, the next to abuse them. But since they were under the obedience of the present King (whom God preserve) within the space of two years, they have had two Assemblies, the former to settle [Page 166] their liberties, the present to beget a right understanding between the King and his people, wherein they had all freedom to demand what ever was necessary, that the world might see that they are now no longer slaves but children, no longer strangers but natives, and that they are under rather a loving father, then a severe soveraign.

In the former Assembly (said he) his Maje­sty took all the Customs, and left the defence of the kingdom to your hands, you ordered what seemed good unto your selves, you made choyce of a general assistance by way of con­tribution; but in the levying thereof the first payment was found uneffectuall, the second unequal, the third unsufficient, whence arose some complaints, some imagining that the fault procceded from the unequal division of the contribution; others from the change of value in money and commodities; and others from the disorderly gathering and dis­bursing the whole. I may easily say, if there were any error committed, yet it might be excusable for that, Never had any weighty affair its conception and perfection at once; Then shall errors cease to be in [Page 167] Government when men shall cease to be in the world. These things are to be endured with the same patience that Drowths, Dearths, Inundations, and such other disor­ders in Nature; for the wit of man cannot hold forth a remedy for all diseases: But certainly there will be no ground of reprehension (though much of admiration to him that shall consider how his Majesty entred up­on a Kingdom exhausted by the Castilians of money and other necessaries for offence or defence, and yet how in lesse then one year and a halfe we should want neither shipping nor Artillery, nor Horse nor Arms, nor For­tifications nor Armies upon the Frontiers. Three powerfull Fleets put to Sea, divers ho­norable and extraordinary Ambassages, be­sides many other secret (yet necessary) expen­ces, all which will astonish any understanding man. Now to [...] the end that the people may have full satisfaction, his Majesty commadded that (before farther proceeding) it be made appear particularly how all the money received hath been laid out, and then it is expected, and the present state of affairs requireth, that we all contribute liberally, [Page 168] considering that these charges are but for a time, but our liberties are for ever, that we shall never have a better opportunity to de­stroy our enemy, that Nature teacheth to ha­zard an arm to save the whole body; the Merchants at sea cast away one part of their goods sometimes to save the rest; we are now on shipboard in a storm, our goods, our lives, our liberties, our honour, our Countrey, are all in danger.

Moreover, the barbarous usage of the King of Castile towards the Infante Don Duarte, calls upon this Assembly for re­venge, that we spend not onely our mony, but our bloud in affection to him, and that we make our enemies spend theirs in satisfaction for him, &c.

The three Estates encouraged by this Harange, took a good order for the re­dressing of all grievances, and advancing his Majesties service, that soon after an Army of twenty thousand Foot, and three thousand Horse were upon their march with the King in the head thereof, resolved to make the feat of war in Castile, which was performed with much gallantry, and [Page 169] as much success. In the mean time news was brought to his Majesty of the birth of his second sonne, but first child after he came to the Crown, for which cause he was baptized with as great pomp as could be devised, and was named Alfonso.

About the same time there arrived from the Indies some rich Galeons, that brought news with what generall applause and ex­cesse of joy his Majesty was proclaimed throughout all those Countries.

But because all men understand not how considerable the severall dominions be­longing to the Crown of Portugal, and now in the possession of King John are, I thought fit here to make a brief narration thereof.

The Crown of Portugal at this day enjoys considerable estates in the East Indies, that they may be called a mighty Empire; for, to say nothing of Madera, Tercera, and St Michael Islands, so long time possessed by the Portugal nation, they have made them­selves masters of many strong places in A­frica, as in Guinea, in the kingdom of Con­go and Angola, the great Island of St. Lau­rence, [Page 170] of Soffala, and Mozambique on the Continent, thence passing the mouth of the red Sea, they have setled a Trade with Socatra and Calaiate; thence passing the Bay of Persia, and the mouth of the great river Indus, which gave occasion of the name to those countries, they subdued Ca­lecut, Cochim, &c. the Island of Goa, Cial, Daman, &c. thence towards the river Gan­ges, they conquered Ceilam, Malacca, Su­matra, Solor, Larantuca, &c. thence farther forward they entred into the kingdome of Pegu, into Juva major and minor, into the kingdome of China, where they held a strong place called Macao. In summe, the Kingdoms, Provinces, Islands Cities that the Nation of Portugal hath conquered a­broad, may be compared to the ancient Roman Empire; nor hath their valour been much inferior to that of the Romans if we consider the warre they have made with the King of Cambaia, who for puis­sance, riches, and military courage surpas­passed Xerxes, Darius, or Pyrrhus, the warre they have made with Isamalucco & Idalcam in the kingdom of Decam, both [Page 171] equall to mighty Kings, whose Armies consisted of Persians, Turkes, Janizaries; Arabs, Moors, and the best warriers of all the East: the warre they have waged with the Moores of Malacca, Sumatra and Mo­lucco, who were as well provided of Artil­ry, as any of the Princes of Europe; also with the Kings of Bengala, Peug, Siam, & many other formidable powers. It is true, that during the time that Portugal was under the Catholick Kings, many places were lost, yet there remains to this day un­der the command of K. John the fourth, above fifty Towns and Forts accounted impregnable, as Mozambique, Cuama, Mo­nomotapa, Mombaza, Mascale Diu Damam, Bazain, Chiaul, Onor, Barcelor, Mangalor, Cananor, Cranganor Cochim, Coulam, Nega­patan, Meliapor, the Isle of Ceilam, the kingdome of Jafanapatan, the Cities of Manac and Nombre de Jesu; then more Northward, Azarim, Danu, Agazim, Maim, Trapor, and many other places: in all which are maintained Governors and Souldiers, besides in the head Citie Goa, there is a Viceroy with all Courts of Ju­stice, [Page 172] whither many Kings of the East send Tribute and Ambassadors to maintain amity with the King of Portugall, inso­much that the Portugall Trade extends it­selfe into the East neer four thousand leagues, by which are maintained all the Garrisons, all the ships (whereof there are oftimes two or three Fleets) and much wealth sent home every yeare. Upon the coast of Africa the Crown of Portugall yet possesseth divers places so well forti­fied, that the neighbouring Moores could never yet recover them.

In America; the famous country of Brasile belongs to the King of Portugall, one thousand foure hundred leagues on the coast thereof containing 14. governe­ments whereof the head City is Saint Sal­vadar.

But to return to the Frontiers of Portu­gal, where we left the Portugals and Ca­stillians making inrodes, wasting the Country, surprising the Towns, ofts kirmi­shing, but never yet in any set Battel, untill the year, 1644. where both Armies met upon the borders of Portugall, in a plain [Page 173] called Campo-Mayor. The Spanish Army consisting for the most part of strangers, was under the conduct of the Marquess de Torrecusa, and the Portugal Army, consisting of Natives, with some few Hollanders, were under the command of Matthias de' Albuquerque: The batail was fought with as much order as courage on both sides, but the Spaniard being more numerous, especially in Horse, after seve­rall furious charges put the whole Army of Portugal into disorder, seised upon all their Artillery and Baggage, killed Albuquerques horse under him, and took many prisoners; yet after all, the Generall being mounted upon another horse, rallied some of his best Souldiers, and charging afresh, recovered all, put to flight the whole Army of their Enemies, and chased them above 3 miles. Of the Spanish Army there were slain 1600 men upon the place; amongst whom was the Lieutenant General, the General of the horse, and the General of the Artillery, 5 Campmasters, 2 Adjutants of horse, 3 Sergeant-Majors, 23 Cornets, the Count de Montixo, toge­ther [Page 174] with very many Cavaliers of the Or­ders of Saint James, Calatrava, and Alcan­tara; there were taken 4000 Armes, and above 1000 Horse. Of the Portugal Army were slain not above 300. amongst whom 2 Campmasters, and one Sergeant Major, one Captain of horse, and eight of Foot; but there were taken prisoners di­vers Noblemen, Commanders, and Offi­cers, which were hurryed away by the Castillians in their flight.

Not long after was imprisoned in Lis­bon, the Marquess de Montalban, D. George Mascarenas, Lord Treasurer, President of the Councell of the Indies, and a Coun­cellor of State; together with some others, upon suspition of a conspiracy against his Majesty; but upon Examination it being discovered that the suspicion was cunning­ly raised by the Castillians, with intent to deprive his Majesty of the service of his most able Ministers, and to make the World believe that the Portugall Nobility were discontented with their King, they were set at liberty, and their honors repai­red by his Majesties Proclamation.

[Page 175]In this condition stood the King and Kingdom of Portugall in the year, 1644. and in this condition it may probably con­tinue for many years:

First, because the Catholick King will not probably quit his pretences here, soo­ner then he hath done in the Netherlands.

Secondly, because the Nation of Por­tugall beareth such extraordinary affection to the whole Family of their present King, and such exceeding hatred to the Castillians, that they will choose rather to be extirpated and destroyed, then bee brought again under the yoke of the Ca­tholick King.

Thirdly, because the Catholick King is not able (during the warr with France) to gain any thing upon that Kingdom ei­ther at home or abroad, as hath bin evi­dent ever since King John the Fourth came to that Crown.

Fourthly, because it is so much the in­terest of France to keep the Crown of Portugall apart, that the peace with Spain will never bee concluded without inclu­ding Portugall.

[Page 176]Lastly, supposing that by all the States of Christendom, contrary to their owne interest, the Kingdom of Portugal should be abandoned to the fury of the Spaniard, and granting that Philip the second made himself master thereof by force; yet if their then impuissance and distractions be remembred, and their present power and unanimity be consider'd, it must necessa­rily be concluded, That the Re-union of Portugal with Castile is morally impossible.