A REPLY TO THE TWO ANSWERS OF THE NEW TEST.

In a Letter to an Eminent Person of Quality.

Filii hominum, usque quo gravi Corde ut quid diligitis vanitatem, & quaeritis mendacium.

Psalm. 4.2.

LONDON, Printed in the Year, MDCLXXXVII.

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

HOnest and Impartial Reader, (if thou art so,) I thought it meet to anticipate thy Judgement in a Preface, that thou may'st not be surpriz'd to find so many bitter, and harsh Expressions, un-becoming the milde temper of a Christian; And I do assure thee, (what ever Thou, or the world may think of me,) much against my natural genius, for Cogito Cogitationes Pacis; But by this you see how easily a Man may be de­bauchd from his natural Inclinations, by bad Example. It may be the story of the Nags-head may more than ordinarily scandalize thee; But know it's a tradition as old as the Church of England her self. Thus heing before­hand admonish'd, turn confidently over the Leaves, read, and judge as thou pleasest.

A VINDICATION of the NEW TEST of the CHURCH of ENGLANDS LOYALTY, &c.

My LORD,

HAving by your Lordships Command, Perus'd the several Answers to the New Test of the Church of England's Loyalty; a Paper that (as it seems) has put our Reverend Ch. of Eng into so great a ferment of heat and passion, that bare Billings-gate Language is now too good for Popery and Papists, although His Majesty be of that Profession. I shall, in pursuance to your Lordships Commands, give your Lordship briefly my Sense of the Three Papers.

The sole design and drift of that in-offensive Paper, Intituled the New Test of the Church of Englands Loyalty, was as (I humbly conceive) to shew that the Ch. of Eng. was not the sole, or only Loyal Party of the Nation; Or indeed rather, that true Loyalty was not so incon­sistent with the Doctrine and Practice of the Dissenters from her in point of Doctrine and Worship, as she so confidently (but as falsly) pretends: But if there have been at any time failers in point of Duty and Loyalty in the Dissenters, so there have been now and then in the Ch. of Eng. both in her Minority, Meridian, and now in her Declining Age; and this by several undeniable instances to all, (but those who have no foreheads:) The aforesaid Paper clearly De­monstrates, as your Lordship I am sure is sufficiently convinc'd; and indeed, (my Lord) that I may not dissemble my own satisfaction therein, those instances of that Paper so far prevail'd with me, (it containing nothing but matter of Fact, faithfully Recorded by Pro­testant Historians themselves) I could not but judge it un-answerable; so indeed I thought those Answers to it, being such nauceous, scurrilous, trifling stuff, deserv'd none: But seeing your Lordship judges other­wise, I shall consider these Billings gate Answers, and then submit my sense of them to your Lordships more judicious censure.

I shall not then disown, but there was in that Paper of the New Test, &c. some severe (yet true) reflections on the Church of England's Loyalty, yet far short of Doctor Sh's. invectives in his Pulpit, as also in his Printed Sermon, (although false,) which He and the rest of those sort of Hackney-Scriblers of that Communion, do daily throw so liberally on the Church of Rome, although as yet no abhorrence is [Page 2]declar'd of them by the Grand Jury of His Majesties most Loyal Borough of Southwark, as there was upon that innocent Paper of the New Test, &c. as also of the Queries, Licensed by an Authority far superiour to that of a Grand Jury of the Borough of Southwark; but that is the old sincere way of Answering of the Protestant Church of England to her Adversaries, when she is pinch'd in matter of Fact, as witness the like stigma to Mrs. Cellier's Book, because it could not otherwise be refuted, For though the Times be now far different (God be thank'd) from those then when she Writ her Book, yet the Ch. of England's way of Answering when she is gall'd, is still the same, to get some Grand Jury (no matter whether it be their Province, or no,) to Vote it a Libel, and her Adversary is then (as she thinks) for ever silent; In the interim, (she like Sampsons Foxes, with fire-brands at her Tail,) runs up and down the Kingdom with her pestiferous virulent Libels, every where fastening Lies and calumnies upon the Doctrine and Practice of her Fellow-Subjects who are not of her Communion, only to render them odious to the Government; vainly thereby thinking to support her Nags-head Grandeur.

The New Test taxes her of acting in her Infancy, contrary to what she now so much values her self upon; as the setting up the Lady Jane Gray in her opposition to Queen Mary's Lawful Title to the Crown; and the Answerer is not so ingenious as that of Pedius impersius, Fur es ait Pedio. Pedius Quid? crimina rasis Librat in Antithetis.

What now? doth our Learn'd Author of the first Answer Reply; but that it was dubious where the Title lay; as if there was so much to be said on the behalf of the Lady Jane Gray's Title, that it was not easily discernable in those days, (that is, when the Protestant Church was in her Minority;) who had the better Title, the Lady Jane, or Queen Mary, which is as much as to say, it was not easie to judge in the late Times who had the better Title to the Crown, Oliver Crom­well, or King Charles the II.

Secondly, The New Test charges her with the barbarous Murder (under a mock form of Justice) of Queen Mary of Scotland, (our Gracious Sovereign's Great Grand-mother,) without ever as yet shew­ing any resentment of that horrid Fact, by any one of her Members in Print; to this our Loyal Church of Englands Answerer, vouchsafes to give us no other Reply, but bare-fac'd, to own, and justifie the Fact, by insinuating, that she was a Subject to Queen Elizabeth, and deservedly suffer'd for Treason.

The Author of the Second Answer (after he had saluted the whole body of the Roman Catholicks, by those mild and modest appellations [Page 3]of the Calves of the Hinde, &c. gives us to understand, that the Ch. of England is to be understood under a two-fold capacity; first purely, as States-men, abstracting from this or that Communion of Christians; which is as much as to say, the Ch. of Eng. is not always bound (according to the Ch. of England casuistry) in her publick Councils, to act as Christians or always to follow the Dictates of Conscience and Honour; but may, and ought sometimes (as often as the Exigence of State for the support of the Mother-Church of England requires,) to act sometimes the Matchi­vilian, and sometimes the Christian. These are his words, Page 5. continually Plotting (he means the English Catholicks,) against her Life and Dignity, and setting up the Queen of Scots Title against her, forc'd the Queen, and her Council (of which I am sure, some were of the Dignify'd Clergy,) (which it had not been necessary, I am sure the Members of our Church would have thought it most inhumane) to take away the Life of that unfortunate Princess.

Now pray my Lord, would not Caiphas his Expedit Hominem mori ne tota gens pereat, seem as well to have justify'd the Jews Crucifixion of our Blessed Saviour, as our Learn'd Author's pretended necessity to justifie that barbarous and unparallel'd Murder of the most Vir­tuous, and Absolute, (as Independant of any Power on Earth,) Princess Mary Queen of Scotland, who was Born, and Dy'd with a better Title to the Crown of England, than that so much magnify'd Protestant Queen Elizabeth, who put her to Death: But the then Earl of Kent, who was one of the Commissioners (and most eager in the Prosecution of her, to see that Fatal Sentence) Decreed in a Church of Englands Privy Council, confirm'd also by the Authority of a Ch. of England Parliament, (where, and no doubt there were Lords Spiritual con­curring in their Votes, as well as Lords Temporal, as they were Voting up Oates his Ʋtopian Plot,) Executed on that Pious and Saint-like Queen; understood well, the necessity of putting that Queen to Death, when he had told her plainly in these words. Your Life will be the Death, and your Death will be the Life of our Religion.

Now if this worthy Author would be but Ingenious, he could not but own, there was no other true necessity of putting this Sovereign Princess to Death, but that which the Earl of Kent did there express; but her being a Papist, and Lawful Heir to the Crown, and that this was consonant to the Maxim of the Ch. of England in its infancy, appear'd by the proceedings of our Church of Englands first Prelate, Arch-bishop Cranmer, who, after solemnly having taken his Oath to Henry VIII. on his Death-bed, that he would be true to his Will; im­mediately after Edward the VI's. Death, did by himself, and Bishop [Page 4] Ridley, influence and comm [...]tate [...]dley Duke of Northumber­land, to raise an Army to oppose Queen Mary's coming to the Crown, and Proclaim the Lady Jan [...]; which accordingly was done, and all in favour of the Ch. of England who was but just then fledg'd with Sacriledge, Rapines, and Spoil of the true Catholick Church.

But rather than Rebellion, Murder, Sanguinary Laws Enacted by a Ch of England Parliament, made against God Almighty's Priests, should want an Apology, our Learn'd Author tells us.

First, They were meer Acts of State, and the Ch. of Eng. may in some cases divest her self of the Christian, to act the pure Politician, especially when she apprehends a Caiphas's Expedit, or an absolute necessity, such as was in the fore-mention'd Case of Queen Mary of Scotland, and the apprehension of the then Earl of Kent, (as I said before;) Your Life will be the Death, and your Death will be the Life of our Religion.

Secondly, He tells us in the Fifth Page of the Second Answer, that as to the Sanguinary Laws made against Priests, they were not made or consented to by the Convocation, nor were they ever made Canons of their Church, as if the Ch of Eng. was not then in Being: But when some few of the Nags-head Gent. are met forsooth in Convocation, (and yet their Edicts and Canons need the Confirmation of Lay-Authority, before they can pass for currant Coyn,) or that their Voting these San uinary Laws in the House of Lords, by all the Bishops, was insignificant to the charging of them with making of those Barbarous Savage Laws, because not Enacted in their Convocation, or by their Convocation made Canons of their Church; which Answer seems to me like one of our Dear Joys Witticisms; (to return upon this Gent. in his own Dialect) and yet in the Seventh Page of the Second Answer, our Convocation Gent. seems to approve them, (though not made or consented to by the Convocation) by comparing all those against whom they were made, to devouring Weesles, Hawks, Owls, Buzzards, and carrion Crows, (you see my Lord, on whom the spirit of meekness doth rest;) themselves to tame innocent Pidgeons.

Who would not now nauceate this insipid Scribler, to prove that Dudley Duke of Northumberland (was not of the Communion of the Ch. of Eng. when he rais'd the Rebellion against Queen Mary; gives us no other reason, than because, when taken, he offer'd (to save his Life) to embrace the Communion of the Church of Rome; so true a Son of our Church he was, (says this nauceous trifler.)

O! wonderful sly insinuations! Pray did not Cranmer your first Ch. of Eng. Arch-bishop do the same? if the Queen would have spar'd [Page 5]his Life, which he had forfeited to the Law for High Treason; and yet I am confident he was never the less Ch. of Eng. Man, (and ever so re­puted by the then Ch. of Eng. when he was in Rebellion against his Lawful Soveraign Queen Mary; and I pray God to preserve every Mem­ber of the Ch of England in their Duty and Allegiance to their Prince when of a different Religion,) for otherwise, if once obnoxious to the Law for Treason, and taken, I fear (if by that trick they can save their lives) they will not much scruple to follow their Archbishop Cranmers Example, in offering to embrace (as this Pamphleteer hath it,) the Communion of the Church of Rome. For it is too well known, that of Three Thousand and upwards of Benefic'd Parsons of the strict Dis­cipline of the Ch. of Eng. when those unhappy troubles began in King Charles the I's. Reign, there was very few more then Three Hundred who refus'd to comply with those ungodly times, in Praying and Preaching up the Cause; (the Cant of those days) against their lawful Soveraign; For it is observ'd that of all Sects of Christianity, the Ch. of England find themselves most uneasy in Persecution, and do least of all affect Martyrdom.

I shall only give one instance more of the Ch. of England's Loyalty towards a Prince of another Belief, and that shall be in Dr. Ridley, first Bishop of Rochester, then of London, and Canoniz'd by John Fox a Ch. of Eng. Martyr, (and put in his Calendar with Red Letters for the 19th. of October as such,) although executed for Treason, (as appears by the Acts and Registers of those times,) for joyning with Cranmer in that notable, wicked and barbarous Conspiracy, and Treason, for the Extirpation of all King Henry the VIII's. Children, but especially by that pestiferous Sermon made by him at Pauls Cross, upon the 16th. of July, 1553. after King Edwards Death, of which John Stow Writes thus; The 16th. of July being Sunday, Doctor Ridley Bishop of London, Note: PLACE="marg" Stow An. 1553. Page 1035. by the Command of the Council Preach'd at Pauls, where he vehemently perswaded the people in the Title of the Lady Jane, and inveighed earnestly against the Title of the Lady Mary, &c. He also, (with Cranmer) influenc'd the Rebellion of Wyat; But for these, and the like peccadilloes of the Ch of Eng. against Q. Mary, and rather than Queen Bess should want an Advocate, our Convocation-man has always a ready Answer, that these were no Convocation Acts, (still confining the Ch. of Eng to her Convocation,) as if any thing that was acted by her to the scandal of her neighbours, and had not the ratification of this infallible tripos, was to be re­puted altogether foreign to the Ch. of England as no way concern'd in those extravagant actions, or ever made Canons of their Church.

Secondly, by endeavouring in Page 4. to invalidate Queen Mary a Title to the Crown, as born of an incestuous bed, justifying Henry the VIII's. insatiable Luxury, which, and which only Midwiv'd the Prot. Rel. into the World, and gave occasion for that thread-bare Scoma, the Prot. Rel. came out of Harry the VIII's Codpiece; and justi­fying Queen Elizab's. Title with the most impudent lies that ever were yet heard; And I am confident future Ages will blush, as well as this present, I am sure does, to think that there should be a Ch. of Eng. Man so brasen-fac'd to broach such impudent Assertions knowingly, &c. as witness the Records and Histories of those times: But, I find, that by the same way the Ch. of Eng's. Doctrine came amongst us, by the same Artifice it must be Propagated; but God I hope, in his due time, will detect them, and their little Convocation Forgeries, that the meanest Capacity of this Nation shall no longer be Impos'd upon at this rate. He tells us then, that Queen Elizabeth was born in Wedlock after a most solemn Divorce, grounded upon one of the justest causes that could be (the Ch. of Eng. (and an unlawful Pruritus. This Gent. I warrant you knows where,) viz. the nullity of his former Marriage with the Lady Ca­therine of Spain (thought so at first,) by Cardinal Wolsey, (the cor­ruptest and most ambitious States-man, and as shamelesly debauch'd Church-man, wholly addicted to carnal pleasures, and slavishly obse­quious to his Master's King Henry the VIII.) nay by the Pope himself, who, had he not been over-aw'd by the Emperour, would have de­termin'd the Marriage lawful; Nay, (says this well-read Gent.) did not he sign a Bull to that purpose?) I dare appeal to this Gent. himself, (says he) whether there be not a far more Reason to believe it unlawful, for a Man to Marry his Brothers Wife, then there is to think it lawful? (Truly I am of his mind, if carnally known by the Brother before his Death;) if otherwise, I must crave leave to dissent from this Learned Gent.) Now if this Question must be determin'd in the Affirmitive, does it n [...]t directly follow, that Queen Mary's Legitimacy was more uncertain, and consequently her Title did far more need a prop to support the weakness of it, than her Sister Queen Elizabeth's did: Henry the VIII. her Father knew this well enough, and therefore settled the matter as well as he could (as well as the Ch. of Eng. was,) by Acts of Parlament, which Right (says he) I shall not dispute, (no I hope not, for if those Acts of Par­liament be once again call'd in question, I know full well what be­comes of the Ch. of Eng.

Thus does this Gent. argue who could now, (considering the impu­dence of this Gent. refrain from exclaiming here with Juvenal, Difficile est Satyram non scribere; for why should this Gent. think his ipse dixit [Page 7]is sufficient to pawm these Forgeries upon Mankind; is it not suffici­ently known how, and on what motives that Divorce was first manag'd, or on what occasion that Conscientious Prince began to have his first scruples concerning his former Marriage, (who as our own Protestant Historians testifie,) never spar'd Woman in his Lust, or Man in his Fury: The story in short is thus:

Henry the VII. having begot on the Body of his Queen two Sons, Arthur and Henry; Prince Arthur at the Age of 14 years and two Months, was Marry'd to Catherine the Daughter of Ferdinand King of Spain: Now this was done in November, and in April following, our new Royal Spouse departed this life; Henry the VII. being unwilling that so much money, (as he was yearly to pay her for her Dowry,) should go out of the Kingdom of England into Spain; Married her, (by the Permission of Pope Julius) to his Second Son; who aster co-habiting with his Queen 20 years, and having issue by her, pretends at last to scruple his Marriage to that virtuous Princess, occasion'd by his debauch'd Affections to Anna Bullen; now some of his Favourites being infected with the Lutheran Heresie, (which about that time got footing in England,) and affecting Novelties, and change, as well in State, as Religi [...]n; observing the Kings Amours and Carresses towards Ann Bullen, and his cool and indifferent carriage towards his virtuous Queen, did by sly Insinuations and Arguments, seem to confirm him in his pretended scruples, hoping thereby (in case the Pope would not gratify his beastly Passions) to make him fall out with that See, and introduce a change in Religion, as well as in State; (which had its desir'd effect:) For accordingly, forthwith under the greatest shew of Holiness and Reli­gion imaginable, he inform'd Pope Clement (who was then Pope) of his scruple; who by advice of the Conclave, deputed Cardinal Campegius into England to hear the Cause; and joyning Cardinal Wolsey with him in Commission, both men of extraordinary parts: I could wish they had been of as much integrity, and that they had been but half as zealous to serve God (as Cardinal Wolsey said of himself, when he fell into dis­grace with the King,) as they were to serve that sensual Prince.

In fine, after Cardinal Campegius was come into England, the King applies himself to him, telling him how unfortunate he was, having the most virtuous Princess in the World for his Wife, should (now after Twenty years co-habitation with her) be troubled at last with scruples, as to the lawfulness of his Marriage with his Brothers Relict, occasion'd (as he said) by the French Kings raising some doubts about the Legitimation of his Daughter Mary, when he Treated about Marrying her with the Duke of Orleance; From that time, he said he could not rest, (or believ'd he ever should,) until his Holiness should rid him of that scruple: However, (said he) be the issue what it will, he was resolv'd to submit to the Sentence of his [Page 8]Holiness's Delegates, provided the Sentence be just; (that is, you may be sure, in favour of a new Marriage already design'd with Anna Bullen;) And therefore hop'd they would not give ear to foolish stories and rumours, (for he perceiv'd the people began to smell his design, and already to talk pretty freely of his Amours with Anna Bullen.)

After this Harangue, the Cardinal repair'd to the Queen, Citing her to his Court; she answer'd but little; Than, that Pope Julius, her Father Ferdinand, and Henry the VII. had sufficiently consider'd this difficulty; and had had the opinion of most of the famous Prelates and Divines (whether consider'd for Piety or Learning) of the Christian World, before she was Marry'd to the King; As for her part she bore too great defference to the Catholick Church, to refuse to submit to her Sentence; And therefore for her Advocates, chooses Warham, Arch-bishop of Canterbury; West, Bishop of Ely; Fisher, Bishop of Rochester; the Bishop of S. Asaph, with several other Professors of Divinity, and Canon, and civil Law: To be short, after long altercations with the Kings Council, the Queens Advocates alledging the want of Age, and health in Prince Arthur to know his Wife; Besides the Queen appeal'd to his own Conscience, whether she came not a pure Virgin to his bed: Yet the Kings Passions growing more unruly, and the flatterers of the King in his Passions, increasing, with the corruption of those times, forc'd the poor Queen (even by the private advice of the De­legates themselves,) to appeal to Rome, where the Pope having a true state of the posture of Affairs in England, re-calls Campegius, and takes cognisance of the Cause himself: This put Henry the VIII. into so great a fury, that (what he had long before resolv'd on,) in November following he privately Marries Anna Bullen (which was to few known before she was perceiv'd to be with Child,) and in April following by Proclamation, was declar'd Queen of England, and the former Marriage void, and that none hereafter should call Queen Catherine Henry the VIII's. Wife, but Prince Arthurs Widow. This hast'ned the Sentence of the Pope; (having maturely debated the Case, with the best and ablest Divines of Christendom,) in favour of Queen Catherine;) which put the King into such a passion, that presently he exterminates the Popes Authority in England, and as many as acknowledg'd it, or refus'd to approve of the Second Marriage, to be hang'd, drawd and quarter'd; (the first steps made toward the Church of Englands Religion.) The Pope, after several Pious (though fruitless Admonitions) Excommunicates him. This is all the Bull (that ever I Read of.) the Pope was ever dispos'd to send him in favour of the Second Marriage.

This is a true Narrative (Collected out of the best Historians of those times,) of that business. You see now my Lord, the sincerity as well [Page 9]as impudence of this Scribler; The just Cause (as our Author hath it) of the solemn Divorce, (viz. the Kings inconstancy or brutal Passion for Anna Bullen,) the Bull that the Pope was to sign (as he tells us,) to have determin'd the former Marriage unlawful, (viz Excommunication on the King, and afterwards by succeeding Popes on his spurious Race, by A. Bullen;) But I see this Author takes a great deal of satisfaction in him­self, that he is born without a forehead, for then he thinks he may write any thing, and be as little thoughtful whether he be believ'd, or no.

However, (to do the Church of England right,) I think he is the first Church of England-man who ever preferr'd Queen Eliz's. Title to Qu. Mary's. or that ever alledg'd that Qu. Mary needed a prop to support the weakness of it: I am sure her Father thought otherwise, when in his Will he order'd her Succession before Q Eliz. (notwithstanding the great passion he had for her Mother;) and indeed there are but few Protestants, who when they write or speak of her Mother, give her any other Title than that of Anna Bullen. So much more Modesty and Candor have the generality of Protestants, than this Convocation Scribler hath in his foolish Answer; and yet after all, he thinks (I warrant you,) he hath shown so much cunning in his Answer, that he doubts not, but amongst the perpetually mistaken Mobilee, he may have the same Encomium, that the unthinking Rabble in Persius's time, gave of Pedio's defence to his Accusation.

—Doctas posuisse Figuras.
Laudatur. —

Says the Poet:

I have one thing more material to consider, (and then I have done,) which is in page 5, of the first Answer, and the only thing (in both) that looks like an Answer, although grounded on a mistake; For the New Test does not deny, but that a Catholick Parliament was then sitting at Q. Mary's Death; nay, that Q. Eliz. her self (during Q. Mary's Reign) was also a Catholick, (at least in outward appearance;) and so indeed, (as the Answerer hath well observ'd) could not be rais'd to the Crown by a Protestant Parliament But though Q. Eliz. in outward appearance was a Roman Catholick, when she came to the Crown; yet finding her self now in Power, she daily discover'd her Inclinations towards the Ch. of Eng. Religion; and knowing the weakness of her Title in com­parison with that of Q. Mary of Scotland, rais'd this prelatick Protestancy call'd the Ch. of Eng. as a prop to support the weakness of her Title: This is the sense of what that Paper objects to the Ch. of Eng. and whereas in page 5. of the same Answer, he hath these words, Behold here an [Page 10]incomparable sort of Loyalty, to set up the Title of a B—d, and murder the Legitimate Heir: It means no more than the horrible practice of the Ch. of Eng. of those days, who, knowing full well the weakness of Q Eliz. Title, as the justice of Q. M. of Scotland, influenc'd Q E. by their new Ch. of England's casuistry, to raise and foment a Rebellion in Scotland, against Q. Mary their lawful Sovereign, and then to invite her into England, (to shun the rage of her Rebellious Subjects,) and there force her to renounce her Title to the Crown of England, (which was her undoubted right,) during the Life of Q. Eliz. But not being content with that, they never ceas'd till they had depriv'd her of her Life, for no other reason, but that of the Exclusioners, because no Papist should Succeed to the Crown) as they had before forc'd her to divest her self of her Right: In fine, the story in short is thus:

‘After Q Mary's Death a Catholick Parliament then sitting, where the Spanish Faction being most prevalent, meerly out of a Reason of State, when oftentimes the greater Party Ou [...]-votes the better, (as appears by the Exclusioners in the late Parliament,) considering Henry the VIII's. Will, and in opposition to France, the next Lawful Heir being then Marry'd to the Dauphin of France; and fearing that at the same time England might become a Province to France, did raise this illegitimate Princess to the Crown, who was then in out­ward appearance a Roman Catholick, and so by consequence gave no jealousie to the Parliament of any change in Religion: But as soon as she found her self a Crown'd Head; she presently (considering with her self,) that if the Power of the Spanish Faction should de­cline in England, or think fit to take other measures in her Councils; the weakness of her Title might be question'd, (which soon after hap [...]en'd,) turn'd her self a Protestant, and immediately rais'd this Prelatick Protestancy, called the Ch. of Eng. (as the New Test hath it,) as a prop to support the weakness of her Title; and they mutually suggested to those pernicious Councils, (as a prop also to support their Infant Church) by wiles and tricks to force that incom­parable Queen Mary of Scotland, to Renounce her Lawful Right to the Crown of England, (during Q. Eliz. Life,) and then afterwards to Murder her; that the growth of Protestant Religion might not be obstructed by a Popish Successor. This last it is that the New Test charges upon the Ch. of Eng. and not the raising of her to the Crown, which the Catholicks are not so dis-ingenious to deny, was done by the Spanish Faction of an English Catholick Parliament, though that Faction foon after, (though too late,) perceiv'd they should not find their account in it. So true it is that of Seneca Concilium malum [Page 11]consùltori Pessimum, and the Scylla they thought to shun, (by raising that Illegitimate Lady to the Crown) they soon after split upon; For Q. E. nourishing the hopes of the young Duke Alonson, that he should be her Husband, wrought France into a strict League of Friendship and Amity with her, (so that now she thought her self secure against the secret matchinations of her enemies (both at home and abroad,) put the Spaniard upon that memorable (though suc­cessless Invasion of 88.’

Thus my Lord, your Lordship hath the true account, and reason of raising Queen El. to the Crown, which yet nevertheless is not approv'd of by the Catholicks, but only shews, that no sort of Men, let them be of what perswasions they will, can plead exemption from all humane infirmities; neither ought personal errours (of some few) to be thrown upon the Doctrine, and practice of the whole Church of which they are Members; And if the Ch. of Eng. Scriblers, had been so candid as to have acknowledg'd this Truth, there needed not have been this Reply; for we know the Bishop is yet living, who made Oates (for his Ʋtopian Plot) his Chaplain of Honour, Authorising him to wear the Scarf, the usual insigne of a Doctor; Another Prelate is also living, who shut up the dores and windows of his House against the Duke of York when in his journey into Scotland, he was to pass by it; A third is also living, who deny'd Berry the Sacrament (in Newgate) when he was to be Executed, (because Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey had kill'd himself,) and he would not Damn himself, by owning that he had kill'd him, and acknowledge himself to be privy to Oates's Plot, of which, he knew, and believ'd as little as he himself did; A fourth, Bish. also there was, (though since dead) who (when Oates had accus'd one Preston, a Married Man, before the House of Lords, that he had been his Ghostly Father,) in a rapture of joy, to consider how the Church of England should flourish by these lies, came and publickly kiss'd, and hugg'd Oates; Nay, we know when their whole Bench Voted the Catholick Lords out of the House, and for no other reason, but because the Catholick Lords Voted Them in, (O rare example of Gratitude!) and because his Majesty should have fewer friends in that House upon a pinch; And yet God forbid that these, and the like personal failings, should be laid upon the whole diffusive Church of England, (so universally spread over the face of the whole Earth;) no, God forbid.

My Lord, I shall only now sum up all the matter of Fact contain'd in the New Test, leaving it to any Impartial judgement, whether these Two Gentlemen have given them an adequate Answer: The New Test [Page 12]tells the Ch. of Eng. first, that she must not appropriate to her self (alone) trus Loyalty, which is certainly true, for the Papists, and others come in for a share with them; Secondly, that most of the Members of the Church of England have been Loyal. That (as God would have it these Two Gentlemen seem to allow of; but then by return of their ingenuity) they will allow none of the Communion of the Church of Rome to have been so, (if acting according to the Principles of that Religion,) and then instances in a fabulous story of Du Moulin, (as like that of Lucians vera Historia, as one Apple ever was like to another) as that of the Jesuit throwing up his Cap on the Scaffold for joy when K. Charles the I was Beheaded; this Fable he thought would get credit amongst the Rabble, and serve for an Answer, as often as the Catholicks tell the Church of England, how the Dean of Peterborough at the Execution of Q. M. of Scotland, who, after the Hang-man (in a Ch. of England zeal,) repeated these words (the usual Cant of those days,) Long live Q Elizabeth, and so let the enemies of the Gospel perish. Thirdly, he objects to the Ch of Eng. that the endeavo. ring to force an universal Conformity to her Liturgy and Discipline, occasion'd the late Civil War: And is not this clear by Rushworth's Collections, and other Protestant Historians of those times? Fourthly, the New Test objects, that the Church of England set up the Lady Jane in opposition to Q M. the Lawful Heiress to the Crown, and is not this also testisy'd by Doctor Heylin, and other Writers of those times? Fifthly, the New Test says, that Q Eliz. was a B—d, (though some what unmanerly in the expression,) and doth not an Act of Parliament (the sole Creation of the Church of England,) as another (for ought I know may annihilate it,) still unrepeal'd, witness this? Sixthly, The New Test object, that the Protestants maintain the Title of the B—d Q E. (as a prop to their Church of England) in opposition to the Lawful Title of Q. M. of Scotland, whom (after they had forc'd her to renounce her Title to the Crown, during the life of Q [...], they barbarously Murder'd her, because a Papist; And is not this also evident by the Histories of those times, as also the Speeches of the Dean of Peterborough and the Earl of Kent, as is before related? Seventhly, The New Test again objects, ‘the making those Sanguinary Laws, and that senseless Atheistical Test, whereby Gods Priests (as often as the Church of England shall think fit for their diversion) are inhumanely Massacred, and the King depriv'd of the service of the best of his friends;’ and do not the Acts of Parliament (as yet un-repeal'd) also witness this too: Again, this Test objects, ‘that Transubstantiation being a probable opinion at least, as held by so many Learned Men, throughout the whole world, it would be a [Page 13]great temerity in any Man to swear there is no such thing, and is there any rational man who thinks it not so;’ neither will the scribling Author of the Second Answer page the 9th. (by saying the same Ar­gument runs for Mahometism,) evince the contrary, or ever pass for so much as for a probable opinion.

Thus my Lord, your Lordship sees I have consider'd the most material Passages of these silly Papers, not being able to guess why the New Test should occasion so much heat in the Church of Englands Party, against poor innocent Dissenters, unless coming out presently after his Majesties Gracious Declaration for Liberty of Conscience, which hath par'd their nails; that they should not hurt their neighbours, and put the rest of mankind (of his Majesties Dominions, on the same level with the Church of England) and this my Lord, I apprehend is the only reason of this great heat of theirs, and I see as little reason why that in-offensive Test, (undeniable in matter of Fact, should pass so severe a Censure of the Grand Jury of the Borough of Southwark, and these two scurrilous Answers (with that of Mrs. James) should pass unre­garded; but wonderful are the influences of prejudice and passion; (especially when rais'd some what more than ordinary with good Vict­tuals and good Wine;) but that I may free this Gent. from the suspi­tion of any ill design, the Author of this New Test had, in speaking so plainly, I do here declare, I should renounce my Religion to morrow, if I thought the principles of it could influence his Majesty to break his word (so solemnly given) to the Church of England for Protection of them, although the Catholicks are commonly traduc'd, that ac­cording to the principles of their Religion, Faith is not to be kept with Hereticks, which if I thought so, I swear before the Almighty God, should rather turn Mahometan than be of it: So on the other side, the Church of Englands Religion (having found so much dis-inge­nuity in their Writings) should be the last (of all the Sects of Christi­anity) should God (whether for my own Sins, or the Sins of my fore-Fathers, (permit me to Apostatise from his true Faith) I should ever embrace. Nay rather, anima mea sit cum Philosophis; (as indeed more rationally,) and this I vow by the living God. Thus my Lord, having comply'd with your Lordships Commands, I submit my sense of these three Papers (as my self) to your Lordships most judicious Censure, and Subscribe my self as (in all duty, My Lord, your Lordships most humble, and (eternally) oblig'd Servant,

Philalethes

POSTCRIPT

SInce this Reply came to the Press, the Author understood another thing called an Answer, hath been freely Published; But finding it contains nothing material more than what was in the Two former; (except the Letter of Secretary Walsingham, whose Integrity and honesty being Calculated to those times,) he thinks this Answer may also sufficiently serve for That, or any thing else they can pretend to for an Answer to the New Test, &c.

Farewell.

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