RIbier, Du Chastelet, The Author of the French Politician, and other Libellers in France, have had the Confidence of late to pour out such a torrent of Injuries, shallow Pretensions, and Titles to England, that a Sub­ject long acquainted with their Ways, thought himself bound in Duty and Faithfulness to his King and Countrey, humbly to lay some of his Observations before them; whereby it may [Page 2] possibly appear, that France is not so much our Friend as she of late pretended: That these Pretensions of hers are not the meer Aca­demick Notions of some private Speculatist, but the sense of their Rulers; that they do but watch their Opportunity to put these and o­ther Claims into Execution against us. And therefore if this be in some manner made ma­nifest, that we can never have a fitter op­portunity than now to be before-hand with them, in entring into a Confederacy and Arms, if need be, with our Neighbours, against these Common Enemies, least when they have too much weakened the rest, they become too strong for us alone, especially at Sea.

Let's then observe, That it hath been of late a Practice of France, to make use of such Title-Broachers, as her Trumpets and Heraulds, a little before she's resolved to invade any Countrey, to publish some Right, forsooth, to those Na­tions whom next she intends to set upon a­gainst Right and Reason, thereby to raise the Valour of her own Men with the specious­ness of Justice in their Vndertaking; to di­vide the Minds and Resolutions of some on the future Enemies side: to suspend also the hands of her Neighbours, from intermeddling in a Quarrel which seems so plausible, or at least so doubtful; and that surely France (think they) [Page 3] cannot be unjust or rash in Actions, whereof she is ready to give such a fair Accompt to the World before-hand: And it is Prudence first to see what her Adversaries will answer her; so say they. And thus France leaving the Matter dormant, for a while, as if she thought no more of it; before, or as soon as her Ad­verse Party makes an Answer to her Mani­festo, she suddenly and unexpectedly comes and makes her Reply with her Sword; there's that she would be at, from the very beginning; let your Defence to her claim be never so strong and just. Tush! that was but an Amuse­ment, and her Inter Arma silent Leges, scorns to be bawked with such Ponctilio's.

All observing Persons might be furnished with Proofs enough of this Maxime, in the late Conduct of France toward her Neighbours; but here are some whereof I had a nearer occa­sion than many to know the particulars.

Cardinal Richelieu, who as it is known first laid the Design of making his Master the Su­pream Monarch of all Christendom, before he attackt Spain, in order thereunto encourages Cassan to write his Book of the Pretensions of France, upon all or most of the Kingdoms and Principalities of Europe; which he goes about to prove of each one in particular, ei­ther [Page 4] by former Conquest, by Alliances and Successions, by Clauses in Treaties, and such other obsolete Titles. However this Pretension Writer so tickled the French Ambition, and gave such seeming Colours to those Designs they would be upon otherwise, had they no ground at all; that the Cardinal ordered a pre­sent of Sixteen thousand Livers to be given to that Author; and so sent his Generals to go and pursue with the Sword these goodly Claims and forgotten Inheritance of the French Kings.

Arroy, Du Puy, D' Aubery, and others, had no worse recompence, and were set on before these late Wars against Germany and Flanders; for to forge Titles to these Countries their Master had with himself determined to invade. They have done it however, but were smartly answered by Lisola and Ramos; and though Monsieur D' Ambrun bragg'd then at Madrid, that Ramos was the only Man Spain had to maintain its Interest upon the point of the Devolution; but that the King of France could make out his Right at the Head of Sixty thousand Lawyers▪ yet his Master scorn­ing to stand to make good this French Gas­conade, rather chose to speak at the Head of more than Sixty thousand Armed Men: While his Ambassadors were thus drolling and cajolling [Page 5] with their unwary Neighbours; and Amusing them with fair Pretences and Promises of Pro­ving their Right by Lawyers and Mediators. But alas! with France it is too scrupulous a Nicety, so to depend on the Decisions at the Bar, or on those at Munster, Breda, or Nimeguen either; her King will plead his Rights but with the Mouths of his Cannons bravely, Alexander like; and he's told he hath more Right to all Europe than this Young Grecian had to Asia.

For Patru in his New Law Book left this on Record as a perpetual Maxime to be followed by France, which he oft before maintained in open Parliament, That the Word Kingdom, with them, doth comprehend generally all the Lands, Principalities, and Dominions, which Fortune, Success and the Valour of the French Monarchs, can add to the Sacred Subjection of the Flower de Luce. And as Rivers and Rivo­lets, by entring into the Sea, lose themselves presently, with all their particular qualities, as soon as they are incorporated to the Noble Ocean, so all conquered Provinces and Nations, do lose their peculiar Names, Priviledges, and Prerogatives, to be made Members of the First Monarchy of the VVorld, and of its Laws and Privileges.

Pray tell me where this Maxime will not [Page 6] reach, or be made to stretch rather. For as the Habit in any unjust Course will mortifie the remorse, and check the Sense of all other Law, that may dictate the contrary; so France, by a long practice of following these boundless Maximes, is become as it were accustomed to think that her Conquests must be as large as her Ambition; and that those Nations do really belong to her, she and her Mercenary Pens had but a Fancy of Right unto in the beginning.

But what of all this, you'll say; these are but general Presumptions and Jealousies, when France puts in no Claim against England; I never heard of any, I can't fancy which way. Then hear further:

The fore-mentioned Ribier (among the rest) sets out this Title of France to the English Crown, as you may more fully see in his French Book, and in the following Discourse; And one is in right of the Dolphin Lewis, Son to Philip Augustus, who by the Popes means, and of some of the Rebelling Lords, entred and was Crowned here in England, and ravaged here a good while; designing by a general Massacre of all the English Princes and Peers to shorten his Conquest: till one of his French Cabinet Councellors could not die quietly till he revealed this horrible Project to some of the English Nobility. Such a Right [Page 7] as this, with such other, the French Kings are put in Remembrance of in their Coronation Oath.

Such another Claim they lay to Scotland in Right of Francis the Second, who married Mary Steward Queen of Scotland; and though she had no issue by him, yet 'tis a Maxime with them, That the Crown can lose none of the Rights it once had, and that no Aliena­tion can be made from it, but it still Reinters.

By a Sequel of the same Maxime, they go on and say, That Ecclesia est si [...]u [...] Minor. That no Aliena­tion can be made from the Church no more than from Minors. But Ireland belong'd to the Church of Rome, to which the Natives gave them­selves up long ago; now the French King is Eldest Son of the Church, and her Heir: Nay it's said, that his good Old Mother either sold or gave him that Kingdom, when she could make no­thing of it her self; and may he not then claim it upon as good and better Grounds than Spain took and kept Navarr from its Lawful King, being an Heretick; of which that Wise Granam deprived him by no other Right then by that by which she pretends to disposess Heretick Kings.

It was by that Right she sent her Nuncio to display the Banner of Rebellion in Ireland in 41, and another Nuncio in or about 78, to raise the same Tragedy. Was it not by this Transport [Page 8] or making over of Ireland to her most Christian Son, that the Titular Bishop Talbot, undertook with others in Seventy three to prepare a Sea-Port Town in Ireland by Bribe or Stratagem to Receive a French Army, and to have Irish e­nough secretly enlisted in a readiness to meet them; when they Attempted first to Kill the English Agent, who came to disclose their De­signs, and prevailed with Secretary Perridge and others to Post after him; Swearing, That if they met Everard, he would never come to Eng­land to tell Tales; as even Sir Edward Hunger­ford, who chanc'd to meet them remembers. When upon another sham Accusation they thought they had procured his Mouth to be for ever stopt in the Tower, then I say they went on still with their Design in Favour of France; and some others, unknown to the former, who since deserted their Camps, disclosed that the said Talbot and others, were in 78, carrying on the same Treachery as securely as before: And some, even in this very Month, came from Ireland, and Accused, as is said, before the Coun­cil, those very Persons, with other Titular French Agents, as Plunkett, Molony, &c. of which some were, as it is known, in great Favour and Correspondency with the French Court.

But supposed the French, had with the Papists conceived such a Design on England or Ireland, [Page 9] yet you say the Possibility of putting it into Execution, will still hinder it and make it A­bortive. That the Landing of any Forreigner would be the Uniting of all our Divided Par­ties together against them; that they would be met with as Vnaminous a Resolution as when they were thought to have Landed at Purbeck Island last Year. And besides that, we would Clap up all Papists in such a Juncture that they are disarmed: And even the French themselves are sensible of this▪; therefore their Fleet and Back is Turned from us toward Italy and Germany.

Though it is not my Design to dispute much about the possibility of an Attempt, which I wish might be for ever impossible; yet for conscience sake, and to remove our Countreymens too much security, I say that neither you, nor any man, can know all the Papists, French, and other disaffected, prae-ingaged, Innovators, and Pensioners in Eng­land, who Protheus like, can shape themselves to all Figures: therefore how can you secure them all; how can you disarm them totally: And can you Answer for the Sentiments and Interest of all the different Parties in England, and spe­cially in Ireland, which side they would in­cline? In Ireland, where to one Protestant there are three Papists, can you vouch they'll sooner joyn with an English Heretick than [Page 10] with a French Catholick? So many Ignorant Blind Zealots, so many Priest-ridden Furies, so many outed of their Estates on former De­linquencies, so many Thousands of Frenchi­fied Officers and Cashiered Soldiers and Tories straggling there, shall they, think you, sooner joyn with English, against whom they have a blind Antipathy, than with those whom they look upon as damned Miscreants, Tyrants, Vsurpers of their Countrey and Religion, than with the French Romanists, whom they would welcome as Saviours and Restorers of their All: Nay as they think they lost all by the English, they'd venture all they have, viz. their Lives, for the French or other Foreigner. Neither can we be aware of all the Arms they may have hid, they may have Conveyed to them se­cretly; of all the Arms their fury could make use of in an uproar? What Store of Arms needed they for the Massacre of the Danes, or for the Massacre of the Protestants in Ireland? And can't their Holy Father enjoyn again, on such an Occasion, a Third Massacre to be prepe­trated to the full Honour of the Holy Trinity in Three Persons?

In a word, what need we so much Dispute Touching the Impossibility of an Invasion, to render our selves more secure, when our own Histories do convince us how often, to our Cost, [Page 11] such a thing hath been done, which we could not prevent, when for our sins God would suffer it to be, by some Art we could not fore­see till done. And not to mention our Gene­ral Conquests, can we forget that same in King Iohn's Time, those other Landings of Spaniards and Italians in Ireland in Queen Elizabeth's Time, at the Invitation of the Pope and Papists? But you'll say we were then less Powerful, we were then more divided, we have stopped those Gapps; and it may be too they have re­fined their Pollicies and Ways of Attacking to the height of your Preparedness: and what ever our Power is now, I am sure the French were never more formidable and more fit to struggle with us. And our secret Divisions are near as great as our open ones were then; a little Spark from abroad, would perhaps, make it break out into a Flame; and our secret Enemies are no less dangerous than open ones: These can be known and met withal, but those cannot; and would be ready at a Watch-word to follow on the back of us; arising, as it were, out of an Ambuscado.

Yet all this, dear Countreymen, is said to cau­tion and not to dishearten us, and to Unite and prepare us; as Fencers do shew the several Passes that can be made upon us, for to be ready to parry 'em, if need require.

[Page 12]My Design is not to dishearten, but to awaken and unite, to shew that this is the Greatest Plot of all, viz. to work our Disunion, which makes all others successful.

For I do not presume to say, That the French are just now ready for us, or preparing against us, but that the French do presume to set up Claims to our Countrey is apparent to the World in their Books and late Manifesto's; and give out mean, contemptible Characters of us, to seek to raise the Spirits of their Natives to triumph over us; that whether such things be done in Joke or Earnest, it is by such Artifices they began the Conquest of our Neighbours; its plain that they never let any of their Pretensions die, but watch fit opportunities for the execution of them; that the extraordinary number of their present Ships, is not answerable to any Design they might have on any Inland Towns or Places in Italy or Germany. What use is there of Ships to sail on the Land, that if there were no other Attempt against us, their Fleet is such, that it ought to breed Jealousie and Fears of Encroachments upon the Right of our Soveraignty on these Seas, on our Plantations, Sea-port Towns, and our Inward and Outward Trade and Comerce; on the Rights and Priviledges of our Neighbours, who for these many Ages stood as our Bulwarks and Banks against the swellings of this ambitious [Page 13] and active Nation, never so powerful as now. That his strengthening and manning his Sea-port-Towns ought to be taken notice of, his turning out of all Protestant Officers from off his Ships. The Sums of Money he returns to Rome, the Pray­ers they make for his Designs there, the uncon­cernedness that Rome and other Popish Neigh­bours are in touching his vast Preparations. The strong Leagues he makes with Swedeland and Denmark, and with other Princes; wherein he strives to prevent us. All these Considerations, I say, should make us quickly to Re-unite among our selves, Prince and People, Dissenters and Prote­stants; and I dare say, if a War were thought fit to be made with France, in Vnion with our Neigh­bours, there would be no better means to Re-unite us all; for this is the grand Plot of all other Plots; to keep us still disunited, to open a gap and inlet in our Body for a Foreigner.

Yet after all, knowing that the main dif­ficulty will still lie herein, to perswade us that the French are not so much our Friends as we believe them to be; and fearing we should be thought to wrong that Nation rashly or ground­less, I will more particularly quote some of the Authors of the French Politick's Policies, which he proposes to his King, and will confirm by ma­ny Secret and Publick Transactions and Matters Fact, that in their continual Practice they do fol­low [Page 14] these Maximes I will not insist on the means he offers of enslaving his own Country, let them look to that, of raising more the No­bilities power over the People; of devesting of the Parliaments Prerogatives to invest the King therewith; of bringing down the Clergy, that he make the Leeches of the Publick Revenue disgorge: Let him, I say, suggest means of Arming at Sea, without charge to the Crown, of improving of Trade, and the Colonies and filling of the Kings Coffers: But what hath he to do to be a Pedagogue to his Ambitious Prince, for to inslave other free Nations that have nothing to do with him.

This Politician then tells his King, That Spain is slow and stupid, and are not sensible of any smooth trick he may put upon 'em, but only of Affronts upon the Punctilio of Honour, yield 'em in that a little. He incites his Master to fill Portugal with Soldiers, to act in due time; and that the French Queen her self ought to second this by her Friends in Spain. He ad­vises him to sow Divisions 'twixt the Prince of Orange and the Hollanders and the English, on the other side. To bridle Spain, and set these Nations to weaken and undermine each other. Let the King endeavour (saith he) to break their Leagues and Allies the one from the other, by feeding them with promises of ima­ginary [Page 15] supplies on that condition, and of joyn­ing the French Fleet to theirs; but they must have Orders to Act but for a shew and not in earnest.

Now he comes to propose the ways of un­dermining England. And first he calls her Perfidious, and without Faith or Trust. That France ought to make no Treaty or Peace with her, but on advantagious and ambiguous terms; yet he wishes his Master to dissemble with England for to devour her the last. He then begins to declare by what Artificers this King must be brought to conceive Jealousies of his English Subjects and Parliament, and the Parliament likewise of the King; and to bring about that they may not abide the one the other, nor close one with the other.

In keeping the English thus in Feudes among themselves (saith he) the French will have time to push the Wheel of their Interest forward, and pro­mote their own Designs abroad and against us without controul or suspicion, and then it will be easie enough to find a pretence to break openly with us, either on the account of the Title of France we take, and that the King of England must be put to it to renounce the same; as Queen Elizabeth forced Francis the Second of France and Queen Mary of Scotland [Page 16] to quit the Title of England, they put in the Stile, &c. or else to pick a Quarrel on the Point of the Precedency of our Ambassadors.

Then he comes to shew after what manner France must seize on Scotland, seeing that thence first sprung the Fire (as he says) that set Eng­land on a Flame. Then he doubts not but that Ireland will carry things very far of it self. Afterwards that Sects must be set at variance, one English with another; by which means Ger­many, and the Seventeen Provinces were put to Confusion.

That the King of England must be made a Favourer of the Catholicks, and Letters to be framed which must be interpreted for the pro­ving of it. Then that the Hollander must be flat­tered that the French will make the Trade fall from England into their hands. That Belle Isle, or the Island of Rhe may be given to the Knights of Maltha, who must demand of Eng­land to restore the Commanderies and Bene­fices they formerly had here.

But this Author finding that his Master would be too much fettered, by seeking out Pretences of Right to Countreys, tells him plainly that he needs such and such places more; and that's reason enough (for their Conscience.) He [Page 17] needs (saith he) to get Strasburg, the French Comty, the State of Milan, and of Gene, Por­tolongone and Piombin; for to reduce Suisser­land, Savoy, Tuscany, Madera, Parma and Rome it self; that Sardinia, Naples, and Sicily would follow of themselves. But that in fine, Fontaraby, Navarr, Majorca, and Minorca, would fit him mighty well toward his Uni­versal Monarchy Undertaking; but he's a Fool, could not he have put him on the Conquering of Spain at his first step, and so all these same subordinate States would fall to him by course.

Being then in Employ at the French Court, we were told that his Majesty of Great Britain, as soon as he read these pernicious Maximes, lookt upon one of the Colberts, then here Am­bassador, angrily saying, He well perceived that France did not coaks him but to destroy him. But that they bragg'd that Colbert put it handsomely off, by saying, That this Book was composed by Lisola the German, and to defame France; which incited the Curious to Examine whether that were true or not, but they found that the stile and manner was quite different, and that these Maximes were but for the ad­vantage of France alone.

This Manuscript of the French Politician, [Page 18] had lain long in the French Kings Cabinet, whence an Officer was found to have stollen a Copy of it; then it was printed clandestinely, and care was taken for the suppressing it.

But to evince it more closely and undeniably, that that Book, with the other, which I quoted above, came out of the French Mint, that's out of their Cabinets; I'll manifest it by their late Practice in every one of those Maximes, that are set down in the French Politician. It's true, that Mareschal Villeroy, a great Statesman, was wont to reduce the main Stratagems, by which they wheadled their Neigh­bours, to these two, Par Finance & Finesse, that is by Money and Cunning and Conney too, which is one of their chief Nets to catch their Neighbours in. But to come to particulars, Their chief Arti­fices for dividing and undermining their Friends, may be reduced to these following: 1. By Sinons or pretended Fugitives. 2. By Pentioners in our Councils. 3. By Alliances and French La­dies. 4. By breaking open and diciphering our Secretess Letters. 5. By sending Auxiliaries that favour our Enemies. 6. By Ambiguous Treaties, to gain time and advantage of breaking them. 7. By spreading Slaunders and fomenting Jea­lousies betwixt the Kings and their People. 8. By entertaining a secret League with the Turk.

[Page 19]Now to begin with those more general and remote means, which France takes to divide her Neighbours in their Leagues and Amity. She usually calls in the Turk upon the back of 'em; and this most Christian King will not stick to enter into secret Covenants with that An­tichristian Tyrant against the rest of Christendom. I need not mount up so high as Francis the I. Henry the II. and other their Successors, who openly brought in the Turk against Charles the V. and other Emperors; publick Histories can bear me Witness in it. Rincon and Fregose were taken by the way, seized with Instructions from Francis the I to Soliman, to excite this Infidel to War against the Christian Princes; and when any of Francis his Neighbours would upbraid him with such Antichristian Treacheries, he could put it off but with a Drollery: What, says he, May not I, when beset with Wolves, call in for Dogs to help me. But to come to our times, What made the French to be the occa­sion of the loss of Candia, and to yield the ad­vantage at Gigerys and Hongary; but for to manage the Turkish Amity to oppose him to the Emperor, if he proffers to stir or to enter into Tripple League. They sent some Supplies, 'tis true, to dazzle the World, but when La Feuil­lade (who knew not the Secret) brought his. Men to an Engagement, he was opposed by [Page 20] Coligny; who had Orders to do things but for a shew. Besides, the King sent Counter Orders with some of the major Officers, which they were to read, but when they came to Candia; Monsieur De Louvas hindred many of the most valiant and considerable Officers, Gentry and Soldiers, to go thither, even as Voluntiers. In fine, The Divisions, Counter-seasons, and wilful Misunderstandings of the French with their Al­lies, in that occasion, did more to the loss of the City, than the Batteries of the Turks, who had spent some score years in vain toward the Conquest of that place, but could never get it out of the Venetians single hands, till these double-dealing French Friends came into help more toward the losing of it than the main­taining it; so that the Venetians might have had more reason to send back these French Supplies than they had in returning home Prince Alme­rick of Modena's Succours upon some such su­spicion.

And the Turkish Embassador (a thing very un­usual to be sent from the Ottoman Grandeur) who afterwards was dispatch'd to the French Court, unriddles the Matter, and though the King made the difficile and scornful with him, yet he sent Orders to caress him and make much of him in secret; as looking upon the Mahumetans to be one of the chief Supporters of his Crown and State.

[Page 21]And as the French will be Friends with the Turks to use 'em against their Enemies, so with those they pretend openly to help, as their Friends, they deal as with Turks in effect, by un­derhand Conspiracies; I mean in their Auxiliary Supplies to their Allies: Their Succours tend but to leave 'em in the lurch, to be desroyed by their Concurrents; that when he hath ingaged the Frog and silly Mouse to a Fight, to weaken the one the other, he, the French Kite, might the more easily snatch 'em both away in his greedy Talons. Besides what we alledged above of his treacherous Auxiliaries to Hongary and Candia, we may intimate those he sent some years ago to help Holland against the Bishop of Munster; and a little afterwards on the same Claims sets Mun­ster again Holland; and when it came to the push, leaves him to the mercy of the Hollander, all he sought for, being but to seek to destroy these two (Supporters of Flanders ) the one by the Hands of the other. His Design was the same touching England, when of late he sent his Fleet to assist us against Holland, with secret Or­ders to d'Estree ▪ to leave the English and Hol­lander to destroy each other.

While France, both at the Treaty of the Pire­nees, and afterwards, had sworn a firm Offensive and Defensive League with Spain; they under­hand sought to weaken their Allies, by sending men and money with Colbert, Schomberg, and [Page 22] under Turenne's Name, as Voluntiers to the Por­tuguezes, till a Ship that was taken by the Spani­ards, happily discovered that the Portuguezes were stirred up and incouraged by the French in their Attempts against the Catholick King. France, by reason of a French Princess, seem­ed to be the greatest Friend in the World to Po­land, but to shew what Friendship that was, they manage with Swedeland that Treaty of Stumdorff seemingly in favour to the Polanders, but in effect very prejudicial to them, and in the mean time Avagour, Lombres, and Bezi­eres, are imployed to set these Crowns toge­ther by the Ears, and to perswade King Cazi­mer of Poland to lay down his Crown, to make way for Conde, Newburg, or for some other Vota­ry of France. Moreover, while this coaksing Na­tion did hugg the Emperour, he finds such Papers in the taking of Muran, a Fortress in the Vpper Hungaria, which manifestly shewed that the French had in the mean time incouraged the Hun­garians in this Rebellion.

3. Another Artifice of theirs is to send out Si­nons, or pretended Fugitives, which are forsooth banished from their Court, yet these are in a se­cret Intelligence with them to send to 'em all Fo­reign Intelligences, by seeming to betray France to that Nation whereunto they fly. Thus have we known and seen Monsieur Gourville to be ba­nisht, as it were upon the account of Foucquet to [Page 23] Brussells, Madrid, and the Hague. There to screw himself into favour, he communicated to 'em some empty Secrets, to hide from them the true State of Affairs of France. His Couriers did seemingly go from Paris to Flanders and Hol­land, and backward again; and in this Hurry, Course and Intercourse, he fed the Spaniards but with Chymera's, and sent an Accompt of their re­al Designs into France: But after all, when this Impostor was found out by the Spaniard, he was as heartily wellcommed at Paris, as if no grudge had ever been; and from Intendant of the Prince of Conde's, he was received into an inner favour. I could mention the Guizes in former times, who were banisht, to gull the Protestants, and some of late sent into England, and perhaps the Earl of S. (who in their Language makes sixteen) is this last month fled hither into England, upon no other occasion.

4. What should I run over the particulars I above promised to demonstrate, when all observing persons may prove them to themselves. When his late breaches of the Treaties of the Pyrenees, of Breda, of Westphalia, and of Nimeguen, do shew that France values no otherwise such Ties, than Lisander did the solemnest Oaths, that is to deceive men thereby, and to get a fit opportunity of breaking them to his advantage. But we intend to set forth shortly an Abstract of the Treaties of France with the House of Austria in this last Century, and the Reasons of the Alternative Growth and Decline of each of these, and therein it will from the words of the Trea­ties and Impartial Historians appear, how far the [Page 24] French are to be trusted to in this point of Transactions and Covenants.

5. Now as to the use they may make of Emissaries and Pensioners abroad, to make Factions in the Neigh­bouring Courts; the clear-sighted know that Monsieur Vaubrun was sent into Germany but for to stir Serin and Ragotzi, against the House of Austria. Each one may perceive that the Prince Furstemburg, who is in Bavaria, does act in consort with the other Furstemberg, that re­sides in France: And that Monsieur Gremonville was the occasion of the Revolt in Hungary; for which and seve­ral other Divisions he wrought in Vienna, he was expell'd more civilly than he deserved.

The Archbishop of Gnesne and the Mareschal Sobieski, were the Pensioners that France bragg'd of in the Court of Poland; and of some also in ours, which could be named, but that a respectful tenderness for my Countrymen makes me more reserved, and shall shut them up in my own Breast, hoping they have since re­pented of such base and unnatural Treacheries, toward their generous and gracious King, and dear Countrey; especially knowing some of 'em to be dead, and others almost dying: which were mentioned in Parliament.

6. Now touching French Princesses they match out, to have occasion thereby to divide their Neighbours, God forbid that I should think that all the Ladies of that Rank were Fredegonde, Brunehaut, or Helena like, but that as this la­ter was the occasion of the subtle Grecians getting foot into the Trojan Territories, and [Page 25] of imbroyling and ravaging it by long Wars; so I observed that most commonly those French Prin­cesses are Engines of State, to carry along with 'em abroad Corresponding Colonies of that rest­less, ambitious, and intriguing Nation, to make the interest of that Court where they go to bend to that of their Native Countrey, which they ever love best. I'll but glance at Examples. The very memory of Mary of Nevers is odious in Poland, by whose occasion that Country was brought into such inward Disturbances and Fa­ctions, that not long ago King Cazimir himself at last was fain to quit the Crown for a quiet Coole in the Abbey of St. Germain at Paris But the observant in Publick Affairs may find fresh Presidents hereof in Tuscany, Portugal, and perhaps England not long since; and I am affraid that Lady they of late sent to Spain, will be the pretence in time to come, of making more Demands than that of Mastrick, which they would now go about.

7. Hitherto we have toucht of the Causes or Instruments the French do make use of, now of the Effect, which is Divisions in Foreign Courts, either to cut out work for such at home, that they may be no Obstacle to the Carier of the French Conquests; or to make a Breach among us, at which they may creep in more easily. For the proof hereof, for brevities sake I'll refer you to what I hinted above, touching the Divi­sions [Page 26] the French Emissaries wrought in Poland in and before the year 71, and likewise about and before that time in Germany, when their Agents swarmed there to sow those Seeds of War which we have since seen sprung up to such a height as cannot be yet cut down nor extirpated possibly by all the hands in Europe. Colbert the Junior (as I mention'd before) not long since carried away Corn and Coin, viz. Thirty thou­sand Crowns into Portugal, by way of Loan as it were, to raise the Countrey against the Spa­niard, and so make a Diversion from Flanders. But the Instructions and Covenants whereby the French required some Sea-port Towns on the Coast of Spain to be given to themselves (as I warrant you they'll serve no Friend for nothing) these I say were seized in another Ship that straggled into the Spaniards Nett, where all the Mine was discovered. Such was the Distur­bances they wrought in Lorrain, that the late Duke (somewhat guilty thereof himself) dole­fully cried out, That the Neighbourhood of France was a smoke that would drive him out of his own Countrey and Estate.

What should I mention the Jealousies, Dissen­tions and Divisions, which we with tears behold here to be wrought by them in our England and its Dependants, when any unbyass'd con­sidering person may perceive that they strive to repeat the Scenes of the late Intestine Tragedy, [Page 27] wherein that Wicked French Embassadour Mon­sieur de Thou, by his Agents confessed and re­pented too late, to have acted here the Pro­logue, by traducing, blasting, and heightning in that moderate Royal Martyr a propensity to Popery, forsooth, by mis-representing the King to the People, the People and Parliament to the King, by unsuspected Instruments; by contri­ving means to divide the unwary Protestants about Formalities and petit Differences, about Indifferent Things, wherein it is impossible to unite 'em in, no otherwise than by Charity, Meek­ness, and Patience; for Persecution is observed to increase Proselites, and make 'em more zea­lous and vertuous; which otherwise without op­position would languish and decay: but if the work be of God, as Gamaliel said, that can­not be destroyed by Men by all art or power. When by such Artifices the French and Jesuit had blinded some Dissenting Zealots with speci­ous Pretences of removing evil Councellors and of some Incroachments, then things being ripe, the greedy Lawless Souldier is brought on the Stage, to make our King and People bleed toge­ther, without seeing the Hook, but too late; when at first moderate and impartial Counsels might have healed things, if they might be suf­fered to come to an understanding; and to touch the Root of the Disease; Sed quid haec ingrata revolvo.

[Page 28]But remember in a word, That whether Times tend to a further Dis-union of Spirits, or to a thorow Union, yet in either Juncture the Judg­ment of God and Man will soon find out those base Sinons, those Incendiaries, those French Pensioners and Lawless Statesmen, that seek to divide the good Father and his poor Children, and to rent miserably their own Mothers Bowels for private ends by unworthy Policies. And those Persons or Party (whatever it be) which recede most from French Devices and Popish Forms, and shall in their plain meaning and counsels, tend but to close to the honest Fundamental Laws of their Countrey and of the Gospel, after a sim­ple, loyal, and charitable Interpretation; they and only they shall prevail and be in request with their King and Countrey at the long Run, for that God will be above Man. In fine, I refer to the Reader to judge, and to our Superiors to deter­mine, Whether the mean proposed in the follow­ing Discourse (which lay by me) be so seasonable or practicable, which however I meant to be of this use, to make a Diversion of all Englishmens in­ward bitterness and choller, against a more fit Object and Enemy; that they may cease to look upon one another with a sharp Eye, but look off rather towards abroad, whence the Spring of our Divisions come; viz. from France and Rome.

THat the greatest dangers of Spain were from England, by reason of our power at Sea, and that we could block up the Spanish Ports at pleasure; this our Mon­sieur believed as firmly, as if it had been an Article of his Creed, and that the Plot, as he had laid it, in its success was Infallible.

'Tis a Truth. But if it were some years ago the Interest of this Crown to accord to that Maxim; Time, and the present weaknesses of Spain (sinking [Page 2] under its own burdens) have turn'd the Ballance, and made it impracticable. The Face and State of Affairs are now very much changed. Henry the Seventh was too nearly allied with the House of Burgundy, and Ferdinand the Catholic, not to have oppos'd the Cabals, which were then formed against Mary, to bereave her of the Low-Countries. His Son Henry the Eighth followed the same Coun­sels; and if at any times Charles the Fifth was travers'd by him, it arose from that just Apprehen­sion he had of his growing Grandeurs; Fortune being more favourable to him, than to Francis the First, whose loss had been a fair Step unto his own.

Queen Elizabeth harboured the same Jealousies; for Spain, puffed up with a long continued course of prosperous successes, was not arriv'd to that pitch of Declension we see it now adays. And if Charles the First beheld with an Eye of Envy the progress of France, Charles the Second might do it also, his Fear being much more warrantable, because that Kingdom is grown more powerful, more formidable than when his Father reigned. And there be Arguments of Glory, Revenge, and Interest for my Assertion, all which, according to the best of my judgment, are strictly interwoven one within the other.

Glory demands the continuance of the ( triple) League; because this had twice bridled a Prince who had slip'd out of it, and who, without this [Page 3] Restraint, would have over-run all bounds by reason of his unmeasurable Ambition, the sole and unvariable Rule of all his Undertakings. Besides, it can be no dishonour unto England to be reproach'd of France, as heretofore, of slackness in assisting her, and that we loved to prolong and foment her Civil Wars, if not to make them perpe­tual.

Revenge is yet another and stronger Motive to invigorate us in our conduct, whether you reflect upon what is past, or on things present. For the present, 'tis well known that the French promises are only tendred us for the better inabling them to play their own Game; and the mischiefs they are now a brewing, should now inspire us with a greater abhorrency of their greater masqued Vil­lanies.

Moreover, those brave Methods propounded by our French Politician for the subversion of this King­dom, whose Glory Eclipseth theirs, are no longer with any patience to be endured.

Add farther that injurious manner wherewith they treat England, because it carries the Ballance of Europe, and supports the Oppressed against their Violence and Tyranny.

And could we not remember those Invectives wherewith they have wounded the whole Nation, yet this should be considered, that they never spared the Sacred persons of our Princes.

[Page 4] Ribier is pleas'd to strew these sweet Flowers upon Henry the Eighth, viz. That he was the most Infidel and unconstant Prince of his Age, full of Ten­tation and Double dealing, whose Soul Symboliz'd with the Seas environing his Island.

And the fore-mentioned Author of the French Politicks adviseth, that the King now reigning should be voic'd a Roman Catholic, thereby to procure him his Subjects hatred, and to Augment it be feigned Letters written to some of the leading Protestant Lords, to render them suspected, and procure their Ruin by a Maxim, which with extream imprudence they themselves have divulged to the World.

These Counsels and Invectives were all forged by them, because Henry would not turn the Scales wholly of their side to destroy Spain and England in consequence thereof, which without this invin­cible Obstruction, must have been together by the same Torrent overwhelmed.

And as to what concerns Charles the Second, that general interest, in which insensibly he is engaged, affords Alliment to a damn'd Plot, which is by them secretly carried on against him. But I pass this by, and come to the Question under debate.

And it is this: That the Consideratian of what is past should so far influence a potent Prince, who hath his Sword in his hands, as to carve out his own satisfactions from them, whose insensibleness of doing wrongs raiseth them to such a degree of Insolence, as to deride us.

[Page 5] Aquitain, Normandy, and their dependant Pro­vinces, together with Guysnes, Ardres, Bouloign, and Calais, ancient Demeans of the Crown of England, are such important pieces, and their Con­quest so easie, that they will surrender themselves as soon as England shall seriously invade them; pro­vided, that the Obligation of the League and Powers composing it, remain firm and inviolable; and that from a meer defensive War we become Aggressors, and despoil him of those Trophies, who, after the glorious Example of his Ancestors, hath enlarg'd the bounds of his own Dominions on the wrack and losses of his Neighbours.

But and if this Design be delay'd, and leasure given France to debase Spain, then all must yield to the rapid course of that Nation, who is now making Chains for us, nay, carrieth them with her, to bind and enslave such who shall first make head against her, and at long run, of all those who either secretly or openly maintained or abetted this horrible Design against the common and public safety. And let her Neighbours be once brought down, England devested of her Friends will be little more than the work of one day, and must fall in that very moment she is Assaulted. The pretext is ready, either England shall lose the Title of France, or France will usurp that of England. I'le explain my self somewhat more largely.

[Page 6] Faance being now rid, and standing in no longer fear of her Competitors, will infallibly break with England, imitating herein Queen Elizabeth, who quarrell'd with Francis the Second, for Entituling himself Heir of that Crown she possessed, and where­of she was exceeding jealous, Mary of Scotland having furnished her Husband with a Title. But sup­pose this colourable pretence be neglected, yet will he serve himself of one more remote; for who so hath a mind to pick quarrels, and wage War, will never talk so big and loud, as the whole World may hear him. I'le not lead you far to fetch an Instance.

Lewis, Son of Philip Augustus, King of France, reigned in England, maugre all the oppositions of King Iohn, who was deposed for his Tyrannies. At length Iohn having recollected his miscarriages, reconciled himself with the Pope, becomes his Tributary, demulceth his Holiness with his golden Promises, and profound Submissions, and Lewis unfortunately loseth his newly acquir'd Crown. 'Tis true, he bequeathed the Right thereof (such an one as it is) unto his Successors; who preserve it carefully, and assert it publicly, in a formal Prayer sung in these express words at their Coro­nation, viz. That he will never relinquish the Scepter of the ancient Saxons, Mercians, and other Princes, who have reign'd in England. And therefore the Kings of France, since Lewis the Eighth, may with more justice, say they, assume the Title of Kings of England than the Kings of England style themselves Kings of France.

[Page 7]It was Ribbir that set up this imaginary Title, and suggested unto France a pretext and ground for falling out with England upon the first and next favourable opportunity. I have given her the first Intelligence of the Thunderbolt: England may yet in time avoid it.

Is it to be imagin'd that Lov [...]is, and many great ones, whose Fortune and that of their Friends depends upon Warlike Employments, will not now stir their King to those new attempts against England, (in case they want other Employment) shewing unto him the easiness of it, from the Divi­sions, Jealousies, and Unprovidedness that England is in, and the many secret Friends they have here. But in case they did alter these Measures, or not now execute them, yet seeing our forwardness, and our Spirits, Eyes, and Arms, to be up and ready for them; that, I say, will make still our condi­tions better with them, whether we stand their Enemies, Friends, or Neuters; otherwise they will be more apt to slight both the one and the other.

But lastly, let's give Interest leave to follow Revenge, and shew what Measures we ought to take from the Consideration of this cogent Topic. I confess the Motive is interwoven with that of Glory; but yet more firmly, because it runs on two Prin­ciples, and both of vast weight and consequence; the one is particular and private Interest, the other is more general and public. This last aims at the common Repose of Europe, and its care and per­petual [Page 8] endeavour must be to restrain the Ambition of those two great Potentates, who court the Empire, which cannot be effected without conser­ving England's Peace at home, and confining those two inraged Neighbours to their just and respective Bounds, that if one of them should win any thing from his Rival, he may not presently invade England, who became an idle Spectator of their Actions, without cherishing their mutual Enmities, and giving a Curb to their several Enterprizes. If Reason of State speaks loudly in deaf Ears, Glory doth it in shriller and clearer Terms.

But over and above this general Peace of Europe, wherein I could wish England were occupied, there is somewhat in special that should rouse her up from her present Lethargic drowsiness, viz. That France brags how facil it is to blind her Eyes, and cause her to take what new Measures she plea­seth.

You will say these are points of grand Impor­tance. Convince England of them. Well! I shall debate of both immediately.

Let's first touch at this of the common Safety, and we will in the next place consider of the proper means to bound France, that she may not abuse their Credulity, who can certainly and abso­lutely mortifie her.

Marillac, Ambassadour for Francis the First, thus writes to his Master from London, that the English were displeased they had suffered the French to for­tifie [Page 9] Ardres, and that before it was too late, they would hinder the finishing those Fortifications: Adding, ‘ That they were vext to the Heart that the King had fortified Ardres, and that they repented very much to have permitted our men proceed so far, that yet notwithstanding they had time enough to reduce matters to their former state, because they had been informed that Ardres could not yet in one whole year be so repaired, but that it might be as easily forc'd.’

But if Ardres, which is no more than a shadow of what France possesseth in the Low Countries, did heretofore strike a Jealousie into England, should not that gross multitude of important Towns, and the Thirds of a large and vast Estate, render her now by far much more jealous? especially since it hath given such fearful and violent shocks unto the whole Land, made another Neighbour Republick tremble, yea and it trembles to this very day at their near Approaches; the French Armies being led on by a mighty Captain trained up in the School of business, enur'd to Hardships and fortunate Suc­cesses in all his Conduct and Administrations. And Ardres (to lay nothing of Calais and Graveling) is something less than Dunkirk, if it be considered according to the present Estimate that France doth set upon it. These two places are the two Ports, from whence one day the Storm shall be wasted over into England, if England suffer France to in­corporate the Naval Forces of Holland with her [Page 10] own, and to inoculate that fair Bud into her Impe­rial Crown. Persons of the weakest Understand­ing may without difficulty penetrate into the Issues and Successes of such an Union.

And let it be remembred, that France was for­merly invenem'd against England for redemanding Calais, and having once got it out of the Spaniards hands, she wanted neither Armies, nor any other considerable means, to make a sure and speedy Con­quest of other places.

If Fear then bounded their proceedings, because it was not so easie a matter to dispossess the English, where once they had got footing; yet was it easie enough to disseise and unroost others, either by Force or Treaty, as they did justly enough by that of Vervins; yet now the Tables are turn'd, for they once understanding that Spain is brought up­on her knees, the Conquest of that and England will not cost much time nor pains. The Balance being now removed, their Forces augment daily, and like a violent Inundation carry all before them. It's true, this is yet impossible if England do not stand neuter, while other Nations are entering in­to more than a Triple League; which to effect the one and hinder the other, they turn every stone, they embarrass all Affairs, they support the In­trigue with a thousand hopes, and those hopes with a profuse expence of Treasure, which forceth a passage through those fordid Souls, whose sole Inter­est is their private Gain and Advantage. And that [Page 11] which is most surprizing is this, they engage the Favourites, who are Lords of th' Ascendant at Court or elsewhere, and at this rate believe them­selves potent enough to give what Laws they please to all politick Transactions, if so be the true In­terest give ground unto the false, which is cheat­ing, changeable, and infallibly destructive to them that do embrace it.

And by these means they of late cut the Gordian Knot of that Triple League, as if they were cock­sure beforehand of their designs, and their business were already done unto their hands; Pomponne was dispatch'd into Swedeland, to disengage that Crown from the League by the golden promises of Con­quests, Pensions, and Presents, which will go very far in a poor Countrey, and remove whatever Ob­stacle stands in his way to the Empire of all Eu­rope.

The worst is, that in France at those times they did publish this Negotiation, branding England with the goodly Names of Unconstant and Perfidious. Which brings to my mind a story of the Viscount of Narbonne, who told an Englishman, ‘That six hun­dred Tun of Wine and a Pension had quickly sent them back again to England.’ The other answering, ‘It was a Tribute and no Pension.’ This was in the Reign of Lewis XI. who disengaged England from succouring the Dukes of Burgundy and Bretaigne. The Jest was biting, but 'tis the usual Coyn where­with France pays such whom it openly flatters, that [Page 12] so she may if possible ruin and strangle them the more cunningly.

A League with England blocks up the Spanish Havens, so faith du Plessis; and the French are hot and intent upon it. Truth is, the Daughter of Time and Time must discover the events of this Maxim. Onely let me add by the way, that if France cannot prevail with England to do this Jobb for her, she will tack about and treat with Spain upon other terms, that relinquishing the Spanish Netherlands she shall be recompenced more abun­dantly with the: Spoils of some other parts of Eu­rope, which France will conquer for her. We will unriddle this Mystery, and let England seribusly con­sider.

Castillon in his Embassie for Francis I. writing from London adviseth his Master to a League with Spain against England; ‘For (saith he) I would ever counsel your Majesty to quit other designs, and accord with Spain, and to give this Kingdom in preys, which may be with more facility and less expence effected, than to take Calais; for the expence cannot last above one moneth or six weeks at the most. Divide England between you, and let each take those parts of it which lie most commodious and convenient for him.’ And in the close he subjoyns, ‘Your Majesty may keep Wales, and Cornwall, and Scotland for yourself, and leave be sorry remainders unto the Emperour.’

There be three things worthy our observation from this Embassador [...]s advice. The one is, that [Page 13] France believed she might cheat Spain into this treacherous Conquest, provided Spain would but sacrifice to her Covetousness and Ambition the Low Countries. The second is, that Spain keeps fast and faithful to the Publick, and prefers it before her own private Interest. And then lastly, because of this Phantastick League England must immediately and infallibly be conquer'd as soon as invaded, espe­cially let her be once abandon'd of her Allies, and that France have brought Spain and Holland upon their knees, and hath united their scattered disjoynt­ed Naval Forces with her own. I trust my Senti­ments are plain, so plain that the meanest Capacity can comprehend me.

Alliances betwixt Crowns bring little profit to the People. This is visible in the Matches between the two Royal Houses of Prance and England; for no sooner was Henrietta Maria wedded unto King Charles but State Interest and the Capricious Hu­mours of the Favourites interrupted that Peace, which a long time before had continued between both Kingdoms, and by the Marriage was sworn to be perpetuated. Experience also of what had past might have render'd Spain more advised, and to have avoided that snare, into which she ran through false Maxims, with a great deal of Joy.

The onely quote one passage out of the Memoirs of the Duke of Sully, he then writing to Henry IV. about his Intrigues with spain tells him; ‘That the growth of one Prince is the diminution of another; [Page 14] that no Parentage, Affinities, Leagues, Peace, Treaties, Agreements, Oaths, or reciprocal Promises, could ever yield sufficient Precautions for time to come against In­terest of State.’

I could wish this Memoir affixed on the Cabinet of Madrid for their future Reformation, and that in time to come they would take other Measures; sith Lewis XIV. adheres most pertinaciously to the Maxims of Sully, and that after a Treaty sworn with the greatest seriousness and solemnity, and a Cession of all Rights made and verified in due form of Law. For instead of observing it they are now debating other Rights, and demand an hundred things, which being refused, they take up Arms, and proceed to the worst Acts of Hostility, leaving us without hopes of any Calm to follow upon this Storm, which menaceth with an universal Deluge all the Netherlands.

Give me leave to subjoyn one important Advice unto England: ‘The Right of Edward III. (saith Laboureur) is not worth the mentioning, were it not to tell the world how unrighteous the English are in their pretentions to it, and to manifest what necessity lieth on us to keep that Nation at a bay, at a distance from us, which is naturally quarrelsom, born our Enemy, and that will borrow Assistance whereever she can get it, and take up any the least pretext in the world to subdue and ruine us. Robert Abbot of La Celle re­proach'd an English Prelate with this, that his Coun­trymen in their Inclinations resembled that Element [Page 15] which did encompass them, that is to say, they were cruel, proud, unconstant, and seditious.’ These are noble Elogies indeed conferr'd upon your Friends, Monsieur, in a time of perfect peace, nay upon your best and most potent Friends, to whom you have in this present Juncture of Affairs your Recourse, and who are guilty of this very great Oversight, to suffer themselves to be charmed by your Flatteries and Cozenages.

When as Queen Elizabeth redemanded Calais for just Reasons she then alleged, the French resolved rather to endure a War, wherewith she menac'd them, than to surrender it: ‘Because ( saith the same Laboureur) there was a double danger, one to suffer our ancient Enemies to get footing in the Conti­nent of France; and then too because they are Here­ticks, who would always have a Faction in the State to revive their old Quarrels at pleasure; and that it more concern'd us now than heretofore, to shut them up with their new Religion on the other side the Sea.’

This was done in the Sale of Dunkirk, and if any other place offer it self to purchase, France will be no Higler, but purchase it at any rate, supposing she be discharged of her Wars with Spain. Again, Queen Elizabeth insisting still upon the Restitution of Calais, and speaking of it unto Sancy, he after several shifts and excuses, ‘By God, Madam, ( quoth he) can Tour Majesty be so simple as to imagine the King my Master would give you Calais again?’ Which [Page 16] Answer touching her to the quick, she demands Bou­loigne in lieu of it. The King, who foresaw the Consequence of the English setting footing once more on French Ground, commanded her to be told, ‘That he had rather the King of Spain should give him a Box on the ear, than the Queen of England should give him a Filip.’ And in troth she had not Calais when the term of Eight Years was expired, although according to Treaty it was then to have been surrendred, or Hostages and sufficient Securi­ty for payment of Five hundred thousand Crowns promised her in case of Non-performance. But as usual they fail of their Words, and the good Queen onely recovered Six score thousand Crowns at the Treaty of Troys.

Thus Calais is once again become French. France loves her own Repose and Glory too much ever to part with it; and the Subjects as well as their Prince are too much in love with it, to suffer it slip out of their hands. I speak but the very words of the Car­dinal of Lorrain; ‘There is no Frenchman ( saith he) but would rather hazard his Life, than advise the King to surrender Calais, and would not more willingly sacrifice his whole Estate, than once give his consent thereunto.’

This was spoken like a true Frenchman, and their Neighbours should resent such daring Expressions as tenderly as they themselves do, if there be any thing of credit in what S'aavedre reports, ‘That the Prince's Acquists enhaunce his Dread and Reve­rence, [Page 17] but what he forgoes redounds to his contempt and scorn.’

Francis I. would never engage himself with Charles V. against England, fearing left in the Con­quest of this Kingdom it should happen to him as it did in the Conquest of Naples, between Ferdinand of Arragon and Lewis XII. The Emperour being un­able to brook an Equal, and himself a Superiour. Besides, Francis should have drawn upon himself a more potent Enemy, than him of whom he was rid: the Leopards of England being no less ter­rible than the Eagles of the Empire, or the Lions of Castile. Yea the Spaniards stifly seconded the English in their demands of Calais, confessing, ‘That they ought not to abandon them, and that if they were not protected, they very well knew Spain would be next ruin'd; so that their own Losses would be greatest.’ This is written by the Cardinal of Lorrain.

Spain then reason'd solidly and judiciously. In prospect of this, Henry VIII. coined Medals of Gold, on whose Reverse a Hand appeared out of a Cloud, holding a Pair of Balances in equilibrio; the two Scales whereof signified France and Spain, with this Motto, He wins on whose side I turn.

Queen Elizabeth governed her self by the same Maxim, and assisted Henry IV. so long as he was weakest, but seasonably forbore when once she saw him start up beyond his just and proper bounds; and at that time told Sully, ‘That neither France nor England, nor any others, had any thing to do with the [Page 18] Low Countries; and that she would never endure the French King should gain so much as one inch of ground there.’

And when as Pope Clement VIII. told Cardinal Ossat, that England hated France implacably; he re­plied, ‘At this time England hates Spain more; and that they ought now to regard the present state of Affairs, which had united both French and English against a common Enemy by one common Interest, which was evermore the strongest and securest band among all States and Princes.’

This Reason which once serv'd the turn of France, shall at another opportunity do Spain a kindness; ‘Because Kingdoms are not to be reputed strong or weak as they be in themselves, but as they hold comparison with their Neighbours, and from proportion wherewith they are adjusted one unto another.’

Du Plessis sent this Message to Walsingham in Eng­land, not to abandon Henry IV. nor the German Pro­testants. Let's see whether we may not use those self-same words to evince the true Interest of Eng­land. Charles I. was convinc'd of it, and Charles II. hath been also, and will be possibly yet more, when like a great and deep Statesman he shall be pleased to penetrate into the future. And it is not to be doubted, by the way he begins to take, and by what he had done formerly in Person at the Head of his Army, that he will not suffer himself to be over­reach'd by false Reasonings, nor give his Slanderers occasion to say of him as of his Grandfather King [Page 19] Iames, ‘That he knew not how, nor ever cared to manage businesses, nor would once put his hands to dispatch them, till such time as both means and oppor­tunities had quite forsook him.’

I don't doubt but that Charles, our gracious King who now reigneth, will recollect what happen'd, how, and by whom, unto his Father; and what manner of Treatment he met with­all in France, even with no less than Banishment. And for all possible Allurements from the French, he may be fully confident of receiving the same measure from them again, if the same occasi­on were, which God forbid; or if he quit Spain with his own true Interest, and that of his King­dom, which subsists by Commerce, to imbrace the Humours and Private Interest of half-sighted and corrupt Ministers. France debitting none other Commodities than her Brandies and Apish Gew­gaws, in lieu of those substantial Merchandizes England hath of her own, and importeth for all Quarters of the habitable World. And when Re­alities are forsaken, and Deceits and Cheats taken, immoderate and restless Spirits do ordinarily take hold of such sensible Arguments, to alienate and imbitter the Hearts of the People; which though frequently too too querimonious, yet gracious Prin­ces without humouring them in all their childish Cravings, will nevertheless comply with all that shall be manifestly for their solid Good.

It were a pleasant story to relate the Civilities of [Page 20] France to Edward IV. who being at a pinch, and driven out of his Kingdom by a Competitor, and applying himself to one of their Kings for Assist­ance, could get none other Answer than this; ‘ That the League was made with the King of England and his State; but he being no longer King of Eng­land, France could not without violating the Articles of that League imploy their Arms against him, who was then actually possessed of the Crown.’

They discharged themselves of him very hand­somly, and 'twas a fine piece of Raillery. God forbid we should be misinterpreted to give these as sawcy Omens, that which we give as plain and sincere Items, not to rely upon the French Amity, which will prove a broken reed in case of need, as former and later Examples convince us. Yet this Fear is groundless in our days ( thanks be to God) for Charles is a Prince so August, of so much Justice, and withall so well acquainted with the World as to that point, that he will not neg­lect the Glory redounding to him from those Victo­ries he may atchieve with a wet Finger, by tread­ing in the Footsteps of his renowned Ancestours. ‘ Above all it's then most needful to use such means, when as a Sovereign Prince is grown so puissant by his Arms, that the progress of his Victories do make him terrible to his Neighbours.’ The Duke of Roan gives the same Advice in his Interest of Princes.

[Page 21]Thus I have endeavoured to lay open Monsiuer and his Policies, if our Eyes will be but open to see 'em. And though we have proposed such ways and measures of attacquing the French in part of their own Dominions, which may not be deem­ed to be at this Juncture so practicable, as if we should rather go about to weaken 'em by help­ing their Enemies and our Allies; yet that is an Executive part, and fitter for other persons to di­rect and prescribe. Our Design here being onely to make such an Answer as we thought the fittest to brow-beat that domineering Nation; we judged that the aptest and shortest way to refute their Contumelies and shallow Pretensions on Eng­land, was plainly to raise a Counter-battery of other Pretensions on France, which are more grounded; to speak to them like Britains, or old Englishmen, to borrow some strong Arguments ad hominem from both the Edwards Quiver, to manifest that we are not so weak as to stand a scanning it with 'em Scholar-like with a weak Pen; but rather Man-like to shew, that we are more ready to make an An­swer with our Swords, and with the point of it to prick this Bladder of Ambition, which so vainly puffs 'em up in conceit above their Neighbours, whom they so presumptuously despise, slander, and would trample under; as if they forgot that the English are the same when e're put to it, that they felt 'em to be at Poictiers, at Guyenne, and many other places in France, in the days of old.

[Page 22]But if they or any of them in England will take offence at any thing that's said here, we say 'tis but a Retaliation to their Writers. If they say, that their Writers spoke but their private sense, then let this pass for such another piece. For I protest no publick or private person ever moved me to it, but the meer disinterested Affection I bear to my Coun­trey; and I am so far from having any particular grudge against the French on any account, (such as the Common People usually have they know not why) that I declare they have been far more just and grateful to me than England it self. But let that pass; and if the French will or must own, that the French Politician, and these other Defamatory Memoirs, came from the Closet of publick persons, and were spirited and are followed by such in their present courses; we Englishmen do likewise for our parts (whatever has been here said by way of Argu­ment, and to shew Frenchmen that we want neither Eyes, Feeling, nor Courage) submissively and whol­ly leave it to our Sovereign and his Counsellors, to return a more fit and publick Answer to France in this point in their own due time.

For we are not unsensible, that those that sit in eminent places have a larger and clearer prospect of things than others; so that the word of Command and Motion is to be always expected from them as from the head: but sometimes persons that stand on a far lower ground may have a more particular knowledge of some Gaps and Precipices which are [Page 23] just within their own reach and precinct. And even a Courrier or Scout may without reflexion to his Generals, make a report touching the matters of fact he has observed in his course on the borders of the Enemy, and also what he thinks of their next Mo­tions, by what he hath heard or seen among them­selves.