CHAP. I.

GOD hath neuer left himselfe without witnesses, but from time to time he raiseth vp instru­ments to publish his grace, en­riching them with necessarie gifts for the edification of his Church, giuing them his holy Spirit for their guide, and his truth for a rule, to the end they may discerne the Church which began in Abel, from that which began in Caine: As also teaching them to define [Page 2]the Church by the faith, and the faith by the Scriptures, strengthening them in the middest of their greatest perse­cutions, and making them to know, that the crosse is pro­fitable, so long as the faithfull change by that meanes earth for heauen, and the children of God are not lost when being massacred and cast into the fire by a course of iustice, we may find in their bloud and ashes the seed of the Church.

That which hath bene obserued in all ages, hath after a more particular manner appeared amongst those Chri­stians that are called Waldenses, who were raised in a time when Satan held men in ignorance, hauing wrapt the greatest part of those that call themselues Christians in that great sinne of the world, I meane Idolatrie, Kings and Princes imploying their authoritie for the establishment thereof, appointing all those to the slaughter that would exempt themselues from the wounds due vnto Idolaters.

This was about the yeare of our Lord a thousand one hundred and threescore, at what time the punishment of death was inflicted vpon all those that did not beleeue, that (the words of consecration being pronounced by the Priest) the body of our Lord Iesus Christ was in the Hoste vnder the accidents of the bread, the roundnesse and whitenesse, yea the very bodie, as great and as large as it was vpon the crosse, the bread vanishing, and being transsubstantiated into the flesh of Christ. At what time it was likewise enioyned to adore the Hoste, to crouch vnto it, to bow the knees before it: yea it was called God, and men did beate their breasts before it, and locked it vp in a boxe to worship it, as they still vse euen at this day.

This doctrine being altogether vnknowne to the A­postles, who neuer spake word of any such mysterie, as al­so in the Primitiue Church, wherein there was neuer any [Page 3]Doctor that taught this expiatorie sacrifice for the li­uing and for the dead, occasioned many Christians to enter into a detestation thereof, chusing rather to suffer a temporall death by resisting such Idolatrie, then by con­senting thereunto to suffer in hell.

Peter Valdo a citizen of Lions shewed himselfe most couragious in the opposition of this inuention, Guido de Pe­rignan in the flower of Chro­nicles. taxing therewithall diuerse other corruptions, which with time crept into the Church of Rome, affirming that she had lost the faith of Iesus Christ, that she was that whore of Babylon, that barren fig-tree, which our Sauiour had long before cursed.

That we were not to obey the Pope, in as much as he was not the head of the Church.

That Monkerie was a stinking carrion, and the marke of the Beast.

That Purgatorie, Masses, dedication of Temples, worshipping of Saints, commemoration of the dead, were no other then the inuentions of the diuell, and the snares of Auarice.

Valdo was so much the more attentiuely hearkned vnto, See the Sea of Histories, fol. 203. Claud. Rubis in his histo­rie of the Citie of Lions. p. 269. because he was in high esteeme for his learning and pie­tie, as also for his great bountie towards the poore, not onely nourishing their bodies with his materiall bread, but their soules with the spirituall, exhorting them prin­cipally to seeke Iesus Christ the true bread of their soules.

Many Historiographers do write, Lois Cam. in his hist. of the orthod. bre­thren of Bohe­mia. p. 7. Guido de Pe­rignan in his flower of Chro­nicles. that he had a reso­lution to leade an vnblameable life, approching as neare as he could to that of the Apostles, & that vpon a mourn­full vnluckie accident that fell out vnexpected, and it was this. Being one euening in the company of some of his friends, after supper passing the time with talke, and re­freshing themselues, one of the company fell downe dead [Page 4]vpon the ground, The Catal. of witnesses of the truth. p. 535. Simon de Noion in his booke of the names of the Doctors of the Church. with which sudden accident all that were present being strangely affrighted, Valdo amongst the rest was touched to the quicke, and by this dart of Gods iustice was wrought to an extraordinary amend­ment of life, applying himselfe wholly to the reading of the Scriptures, seeking in them his saluation, and some­times consulting the writings of the ancients, he continu­ally instructed those poore people that resorted vnto him for almes.

The Archbishop of Lions called Iohn de Belles Mayons, being aduertised that Valdo made profession of teaching the people, boldly blaming the vice, luxury, excesse and arrogancie of the Pope and his Clergie, inhibited him from teaching, especially for that being a lay person, he exceeded the limits of his profession and condition of life, and therefore that he should not continue therein vnder paine of excommunication, & proceeding against him as against an Hereticke.

Valdo replyed, that he could not hold his peace in a matter of so high importance as the saluation of men, and that he would rather obey God, who had enioyned him to speake, then man who had commanded him to hold his peace.

Vpon this answer the Archbishop endeauoured to haue him apprehended, but that could not be, because Valdo hauing many kinsfolke and friends, was beloued of many, and so continued closely in Lions, by the fauour and protection of his friends for the space of three yeares.

Pope Alexander the third of that name, hauing vn­derstood that in Lyons there were diuers persons that cal­led into question his soueraigne authoritie ouer the whole Church, fearing that this beginning of rebellion [Page 5]might giue some blow to his supreme dignitie & power, cursed Valdo and his adherents, and commanded the Archbishop to proceed against them by Ecclesiasticall censures, euen to the vtter extirpation of them.

Claud. Rubis saith, Claud. Rubis in his hist. pa. 269. that Valdo and his followers were wholly chased out of Lions, and Albert de Capitaneis saith that they could not be wholly driuen out. Other things we could not learne of this first persecution, but onely that they that escaped out of Lions, Albert de Capit. in his booke of the originall of the Vaudois. who of Valdo were called Waldenses, followed him, and afterwards did spread themselues into diuerse companies and places.

CHAP. II.

ALbert de Capitaneis saith, that Valdo retired himselfe into Dauphiney at his departure from Lions, and Claud. de Rubis affir­meth that he conuersed in the mountaines of the said Prouince, with certaine rude persons, yet capable to receiue the impressions of his be­leefe. And true it is that the Churches of the Waldenses which haue continued very long, and whereof there are yet a greater number then in any other place of Europe, are they of Dauphiney, and the bordering race or linage of them, that is to say, those of Piemount, and Prouence. Vignier saith, that he retyred into Picardie, Vignier in the 3. part of his hi­storicall Biblio­the que. pa. 130. where in a short time, he did so much good, that there were diuerse persons that did adhere vnto his doctrine, for which [Page 6]shortly after they suffered great persecutions. Dubranius in his historie of Bo­hemia. Booke 14. For as Du­branius saith sometime after, King Philip Augustus en­forced by the Ecclesiasticall persons, tooke armes against the Waldenses of Picardie, razed and ouerthrew three hundred houses of gentlemen that followed their part, and destroyed certaine walled Townes, pursuing them into Flanders, whither they were fled, and caused a num­ber of them to be burnt.

This persecution enforced many to flie into Germany, where shortly after they were grieuously persecuted, namely, See the Sea of Histories. in the countrie of Alsatia, and along the Rhine by the Bishops of Mayence and of Strasburge, who caused to be burnt in the towne of Bnigne thirtie fiue Burgesses of Mayence in one fire, and at Mayence eighteene, who with great constancie suffered death. And at Strasburge fourescore were burnt at the instance of the Bishop of the place. These persecutions multiplied in such sort by the edification that they receiued who saw them dye, praysing God, and assuring themselues of his mercy, that notwithstanding the continuall persecutions, there were in the County of Passau, and about Bohemia, in the yeare one thousand three hundred and fifteene, to the number of fourescore thousand persons that made profession of the same faith. Math. Paris in his historie of the life of king Hen. 3. in the yeare 1223. They had likewise goodly Churches in Bulgaria, Croatia, Dalmatia, and Hungarie, as Math. Paris reports, instructed and gouerned by one Barthel­mew borne at Carcassonne. The Albegeois on the other side professing the same faith, haue filled many countries, vn­till in the end, they were almost wholly extirpated, as shall appeare in their particular historie.

CHAP. III.

THe Monks, Inquisitors and mortall ene­mies to the Waldenses, not being content to deliuer them euery day to the secular power, they haue besides layed vpon them many opprobrious imputations, affirming them to be the authors of all the heresies in the world which they endeuoured to purge, imputing all those monstrous abuses that they had forged onely to the Waldenses, as if they onely had bene the receptacle of all errours.

First therefore they called them, of Valdo a citizen of Lions, Waldenses; of the countrie of Albi, Albigeois. Vaudois. Albigeois.

And because such as did adhere to the doctrine of Val­do, departed from Lions spoiled of all humane meanes, and the most part hauing left their goods behind them, in derision they called them the beggers of Lions.

In Dauphiney they were called in mockerie Chai­gnards. Chaignards.

And because some part of them passed the Alpes, Tramontaines. they were called Tramontaines.

And from one of the disciples of Valdo, called Ioseph, who preached in Dauphiney in the diocesse of Dye, Iosephists. they were called Iosephists.

In England they were called Lollards, Lollards. of the name of one Lollard who taught there.

Of two priests who taught the doctrine of Valdo in Languedoc, called Henry, and Esperon, they were called [Page 8] Henriciens, Henriciens. Esperonistes. and Esperonistes.

Of one of their pastors who preached in Albegeois, na­med Arnold Hot, Arnoldistes. Siccars. they were called Arnoldists.

In Prouence they were called Siccars, a word of Pedlers french which signifieth Cutpurse.

In Italie they were called Fraticelli, Fraticelli. as much to say, as Shifters, because they liued in true loue and concord to­gether.

And because they obserued no other day of rest but the Sabbath dayes, Insabathas. they called them Insabathas, as much to say, as they obserued no Sabbath.

And because they were alwayes exposed to continu­all sufferings, Patareniens, or Paturins. from the Latin word Pati, which signifieth to suffer, they called them Patareniens.

And forasmuch as like poore passengers, they wandred from one place to another, Passagenes. they were called Passagenes.

In Germany they were called Gazares, Gazares. as much to say, as execrable and egregiously wicked.

In Flanders they were called Turlupins, Turlupins. that is to say, dwellers with wolues, because by reason of their perse­cutions they were constrained many times to dwell in woods and desarts.

Sometimes they were called by the names of those countries and regions where they dwelt, Toulousains. Lombards. Piccards. Lionistes. Bohemiens, as of Albi, Al­bigeois: of Toulouze, Toulousains, of Lombardie, Lombards, of Piccardie, Piccards, of Lion, Lionists, of Bohemia, Bohe­miens.

Sometimes to make them more odious, they made them cōfederates with ancient heretickes, but yet vnder more then ridiculous pretexes. For because they made profession of puritie in their liues, and of faith, they cal­led them Cathares. Cathares. And because they denied the bread which the priest shewed in the Masse to be God, they [Page 9]called them Arriens, Arriens. as denying the diuinitie of the eter­nall Sonne of God. And because they maintained that the authoritie of Emperours and Kings depends not vpon the authoritie of the Pope, Manicheens. Gnostiques. Cataphrigiens. Adamites. Apostoliques. they called them Ma­nichcens, as appointing two Princes. And for other causes which they fained, they called them Gnostiques, Cataphri­giens, Adamites, and Apostoliques.

Sometimes they spitefully abused them. Matthew Pa­ris cals them Ribalds. Ribalds. Buggerers. Sorcerers. The compiler of the Treasure of histories calles thrm Buggerers. Rubis saith, that when a man speakes of a sorcerer, he cals him Vadois. And that which is more, he takes vpon him to proue that they are so. To which temeritie it shall be necessarie to answer in his due place, where they shall be cleared from all those impostures which their enemies haue layed vpon them, out of those bookes from which we haue gathe­red that which followeth.

First they impose vpon them, This imposture is found in the booke of Al­bertus de Capita­neis, of the ori­ginall of the Vado [...], pa. 2. In the booke of Ramertus, de forma hoereti­candi hoereticos. fol. 36. Item in the ac­cusation of the Priests of Bohe­mia, which they make to the king Ladislaus against the Va­dois. Rai. ibid. fol. 37. that ancient calumnie wherewith the painims defamed the Christians of the Primatiue Church, that is, that they assembled them­selues in the night time, in corners and lurking holes, and that the Pastour cōmanded the lights should be put out, saying, Qui potest capere capiat, that is, catch who catch can, whereupon euery man endeuoreth to fasten vpon whom he can, without any respect of bloud or paren­tage, and that the lights being put out, they committed abhominable incests; many times the child with his mo­ther, the brother with his sister, and the father with his owne daughter: adding moreouer, that they were to vn­derstand, that the children begotten by such copulati­ons were most fit to be Pastours.

Secondly, they haue charged them that they main­taine that a man may put away his wife when he will, and [Page 10]the wife her husband to follow that sect.

The third calumnie that they charge them withall is, Claud. Rubis in his historie of Lion. pa. 269. that they haue communitie of all things amongst them, euen of their wiues and all.

The fourth is, S. Bernard in his Homily 66. vpon the Can­ticles. Albert ibid. that they reiect the baptisme of little infants.

The fifth, that they adore their Pastors, prostrating themselues before them.

The sixth, Albert ibid. that they maintaine that it is not lawfull to sweare, for any cause whatsoeuer.

The seuenth, Rain. fol. 36. that they maintaine that the Pope doth sinne mortally when he makes warre against the Turke, and that they likewise sinne mortally that do obey him, when by them he makes warre against heretickes.

The eight calumnie is, Rain. ibid. fol. 22. article 32. that they vse no reuerence to­wards holy places, and that he sins not more grieuously that burneth a Church, then he that breakes into any o­ther priuate house.

The ninth, Albert ibid. that they maintaine that the Magistrate ought not to condemne any to death, and that they that do it sinne mortally: and that they maintaine this error, to the end they may escape the hands of the Iudge, and go vnpunished.

The tenth, Idem ibid. that the lay-man being in the state of grace, hath more authoritie then the Prince that liues in his sinne.

The eleuenth, Rain. in Summa fol. 12. that with the Manicheens they ordaine two Princes, that is, one good God, the creator of good, and one bad, that is, the diuell, the creator of euill.

The twelfth, Idem lib. de for­ma haeret. fol. 21. that whatsoeuer is done with a good in­tention, is good, and that euery one shall be saued in that which he doth in that said good intention.

The thirteenth, Albert. de origi­ne Vaud. fol. 4. that it is a meritorious worke to per­secute [Page 11]the Priests of the Church of Rome, the Prelates and their subiects. And that a man may without sinne hurt them in their persons or goods, and withhold their tenthes from them without scruple of conscience.

The last is taken out of the booke of Rubis, Claud. Rubis in his historie of Lion, booke 3. pa. 169. where he saith, that Valdo and his Pastors retired themselues into Dauphiney in the vale Pute, and the valley Angrongne, where they found certaine people rather like sauage beasts then men, suffering themselues to be mocked and abused, and where they became, saith he, one like ano­ther, and such as rid post vpon a besom. Adding there­withall (to bring within the compasse of his calumnies, the Townes, Cities, & States where the Gospell is recei­ued in our times:) And to say the truth (saith he) these are two things that commonly follow the one the other, he­resie and forcerie, as it is verified in our times, in those Cities and Prouinces which haue giuen entertainment vnto heresie.

CHAP. IIII.

THe Waldenses of Bohemia, whether they were the remainder of that people that followed Valdo, as some are of opinion that he ended his dayes in Bohemia, after he had retired himselfe out of Germany, and esca­ped the hands of the Bishops of Mayence and Strasburge: or whether they were such persons as afterwards pro­fessed [Page 12]the same faith which the Waldenses did, it is with­out all doubt that they were gricuously persecuted by king Ladislaus king of Hungary and Bohemia: and we haue in our owne hands an Apologie of the said Waldenses, which they sent vnto the king whom they called Lance­lau, to iustifie themselues against sundry complaints which were made against them by their aduersaries: as also we haue a booke with this inscription, Aico es la causa del nostre despartiment de la Gleisa Romana. That is to say, Behold the cause of our separation from the Church of Rome. And forasmuch as the answer to the first calum­nie, that is, that they assembled themselues in darke cor­ners, where the candles being put out, their aduersaries do affirme they committed villanous incests, we haue copied out the answer of the said Apologie in their owne tearmes and language, for the more certaintie, and better edification.

CHAP. V.

I Acobus de Riberia, who in his time gaue aide to the persecution of the Waldenses, Iacob. Rib. in his collections of the Citie of Tholous. saith, that they held a long time the higher place in Gallia Norbonen. in the Diocesse of Albi, Rodes, Cahors, and Agen, and that in those times they were of little esteeme that would be called Priests and Bishops, Chassagnō citeth Riberia in his historie of the Albigcois, pa. 27. because the said Priests for the most part were either vnworthy or ignorant: and therefore it was an ea­sie matter for the Waldenses (saith he) to get the vpper hand amongst the people, for the excellencie of their do­ctrine.

Rainerius a Iacobin Monke and a cruell Inquisitor of the Waldenses, Rain. in his booke De sor­ma heret. fol. 98. thinking to darken their reputation, be­cause they vsually read the Scriptures, saith, that when the Waldenses would giue knowledge of their doctrine, they alledged many things touching chastitie, humilitie, and other vertues, shewing that we are to flie all vice and wickednesse, alledging the words of Christ and his Apo­stles, insomuch that the women that vnderstood them, were so rauished therewith, that they seemed to them [Page 29]rather to speake like Angels then men.

He addeth, that they taught what manner of men the disciples of Christ ought to be, Ibid. fol. 98. out of the words of the Gospell and the Apostles, affirming that they onely were the successours of the Apostles that imitated them in their liues. Concluding hereupon (saith he) that the Pope, the Bishops, the Clergie that enioy the riches of this world, and imitate not the sanctitie of the Apostles, are not the gouernours of the Church: it not being the will of Christ to dommit his Church to such kinde of people, that should rather prostitute her by their ill ex­amples and wicked actions, then to present her a chast virgin, in the same purity they haue receiued her frō him; and therefore that we are nor to obey them. He addeth moreouer, that they liued very religiously in all things, their manners well seasoned, and their words wise and polished, by their wils alwayes speaking of God and his Saints, perswading to vertue, and to hate sinne, to the end (saith he) that they might be in greater esteeme with good men.

Claud. de Seissel Archbishop of Turin, Claud. in his treatise against the Waldenses. giues this testimonie of the Waldenses, that as touching their life and manners, they haue bene alwayes sound and vn­reproueable, without reproch or scandall amongst men, giuing themselues, to their power, to the obseruation of the Commandements of God.

The Cardinall Baronius attributeth to the Waldenses of Tholouse the title of good men, Baronius in his Ecclesiasticall Annals, Tom. 12. an. 1176. pa. 835. which tels vs that they were a peaceable people, howsoeuer he elsewhere impu­teth vnto them sundrie crimes, and that very falsely.

As touching erudition, Rainerius hath said, Raine. ibid. fol. 97. that they teach their children, yea euen their daughters, the Epi­stles and the Gospels. Iacobus de Riberia saith, that they [Page 30]were so well instructed in the Scriptures, Iacob. de Rib. in his collections of the Citie of Toulouze. that he hath heard a plaine countriman repeate the booke of Iob word by word, and diuerse others that could perfectly repeate the whole new Testament.

The Bishop of Cauaillon in the time of the great per­secution against the Waldenses of Merindall in Prouence (of which historie we shall speake in his due place) ap­pointing a certaine Monke a Diuine, Vesembec. in his Oration tou­ching the Wal­denses. to enter into con­ference with them, to conuince their error, before (saith he) we come to violence: but the Monke being much perplexed, retired himselfe, saying, that he had not so much profited in his whole life in the Scriptures as he had done in those few dayes of his conference with the said Waldenses, in examining the Articles of their Con­fession by the passages of Scripture cited by them. This Bishop not being satisfied by this triall, sent a companie of yong Doctors, that came lately from Sorbonne, to con­found them by the subtiltie of their questions. But one there was among the rest, that said at his returne with a lowde voice, that he had learned more touching the do­ctrine necessarie to saluation, in attending to the answers of the little children of the Waldenses in their catechi­zings, then in all the disputations of diuinitie which he had ouer heard in Paris.

Bernard de Girard Lord of Haillan saith, Bern. de Gir. in his history of Fraunce. lib. 10. that the Wal­denses haue bene charged with more wicked opinions then they held, because (saith he) they stirred the Popes and great men of the world to hate them for the libertie of their speech which they vsed in condemning the vices and dissolute behauiour of Princes and Ecclesiasticall persons.

King Lewis 12. Vosemb. in his Oration of the Waldenses. hauing bene informed by the enemies of the Waldenses dwelling in Prouence, of many grieuous [Page 31]crimes which were imposed vpon them, sent to make inquisition in those places, the Lord Adam Fumee mai­ster of Requests, & a Doctor of Sorbon called Parui, who was his Confessour. They visited all their Parishes and Temples, and found neither images, not so much as the least shew of any ornaments belonging to their Masses and ceremonies of the Church of Rome, much lesse any such crimes as were imposed vpon them; but rather that they kept their Sabbathes duely, causing their children to be baptized according to the order of the Primatiue Church, teaching them the Articles of the Christian faith and the Commandements of God. The king hea­ring the report of the said Commissioners, said, (and he bound it with an oath) that they were better men then he, or his people. It appeareth by the memorials of the Archbi­shop of Am­brun named Rostain. The same king vnderstanding that in Dauphiney, namely, in the valley of Fraissiniere, in the Diocesse of Ambrun, there were a certaine people that liued like beasts without religion, hauing an euill opi­nion of the Romish religion, he sent a Confessour of his with the Officiall of Orleans to bring him true informa­tion thereof. This Confessour with his colleague came vnto the place, where they examined the Waldenses dwel­ling in the said valley, touching their beleefe and con­uersation. The Archbishop of Ambrun who made ac­count that the goods of the said Waldenses were annexed to the demaine of his Archbishopricke, as being confis­cable for the cause of heresie, pressed the aforesaid Com­missioners speedily to condemne them for heretickes; but the said Commissioners would not obey his desire, but rather iustified thē as much as in them lay, insomuch that before their departure, the said Confessour of the king in his chamber at the signe of the Angell in Ambrun, wished in the presence of many, that he were as good a [Page 32]Christian as the worst of the said valley of Fraissiniere.

King Francis the first of that name, Ioachim Camer. in his historie, pag. 352. and successour to Lewis 12. vnderstanding that the Parliament of Prouence had laid heauie burthens vpon the Waldenses dwelling at Merindol and Cambriers, and other places thereabout, desired to be informed of the beleefe, life, and conuersa­tion of the said Waldenses, and to that end commanded William de Belay, Lord of Langeay at that time his Lieu­tenant in Piemont, to make a diligent inquiry into those affaires: whereupon the said Lord sent into Prouence two honest reuerent men, to whom he gaue in charge to make inquiry both of the liues and religion of the Wal­denses, as also of the proceedings of the Court of Parlia­ment against them. These two deputies to the Lord de Langeay reported that the greatest part of the countrie of Prouence did affirme that the said Waldenses were a kind of people very painfull, and that about two hundred yeares since they departed from the countrie of Pie­mont, and came to dwell in Prouence, and taking vpon them the profession of husbandmen and sheepheards, they made many villages that were destroyed in the wars, and other desart sauage places, very fertile by their la­bours. And that they had found by informations in the said countrie of Prouence, that the aforesaid men of Me­rindol were a peaceable people, beloued of their neigh­bours, men of a good and godly conuersation, carefull to keepe their promises, and to pay their debts without suites of law, very charitable, not suffering any amongst them to fall into want and beggery, liberall to strangers and poore passengers to the vtmost of their power: As also that the inhabitants of Prouence did affirme that they of Merindol were knowne from others of the countrie, because they could neuer be perswaded to blaspheme, [Page 33]or so much as to name the diuell, or in any sort to sweare, except it were vpon certaine contracts or in indgement. And that they were likewise knowne by this, that when­soeuer they fell into company of such as vsed either idle, or wanton, or blasphemous discourse against the honour of God, they presently departed.

Thus you see how many of the aduersaries of the Wal­denses haue giuen honourable reports of them, enforced thereunto by the force of truth it selfe. Let vs now see in what esteeme they haue bene with those that succeeded them in the same beleefe.

CHAP. VI.

THeodor Beza calleth the Waldenses the seed of the most pure ancient Christian Church, Beza in his hi­storie of worthy men. which was miraculously preserued in the middest of the darknesse and errours which haue bene hatthed by Satan in these latter times,

Constans vpon the Reuelation, Const. vpon the Apocalypse. sheweth that the refor­matiō of the Church in the Westerne parts of the world began in France, by the meanes of Waldo, and that from this source it spread it selfe through the rest of Europe.

Bullinger speakes thus of the Waldenses, Bullinger in the Preface of his sermons vpon the Reuelation. What should we say (saith he) that aboue foure hundred yeares since, throughout France, Italy, Germany, Poland, Bohemia, and other countries and kingdomes of the world, the Wal­denses haue made profession of the Gospell of Christ [Page 34]Iesus, and in many their writings and continuall prea­chings accused the Pope to be the true Antichrist of whom the Apostle Saint Iohn had prophesied, and there­fore we were to flie from him. These people being tor­tured with diuerse most cruell torments, haue with vn­speakable constancie giuen testimony of their faith by glorious martyrdomes, and the like they suffer euen at this very day. It is beyond the power of man to banish them or to roote them out, notwithstanding it haue bene often attempted by most mightie kings and Prin­ces stirred vp by the Pope, but it is God (saith he) that hath hindred all their violent outrages. Vesembecius in his Oration of the Waldenses. Luther confessed that he hated the Waldenses as desperate men, vntill he knew the pietie and truth of their beleefe by their owne confessions and writings, whereby he perceiued that these good and honest men were much wronged, and that the Pope had condemned them for heretikes, being rather worthie of the praise that is due to Saints and Mar­tyrs: And that he had found in the said Waldenses one thing worthy admiration, and to be obserued as a mira­cle neuer heard of in the Church of Rome, namely, that the said Waldenses hauing abandoned all humane lear­ning, gaue them selues wholly, to the vtmost of their power, to the meditation of the law of God day & night, and that they were very expert in the Scriptures, and well exercised in them; and that contrarily they whom we call our great Maisters in the Papacy, made so light account of the Scriptures (glorying neuerthelesse in the title thereof) that there were some amongst them, that had scarce seene the Bible.

Hauing also read the confession of the Waldenses, he said that he did thanke God for that great light that it had pleased God to impart vnto them, taking great com­fort [Page 35]with them, for that all occasion of suspition amongst them whereby one was suspected to the other of heresie, was taken away, and that they were knit so close toge­ther, as that they were all sheepe of one fold, vnder the onely Pastor and Bishop of our soules, who is blessed for euer.

Martin Buoer writ vnto them at the same time this letter following.

Le Sieur de Vigneaux who was a Pastor of the Walden­ses in the vallies of Piemont, hath written a Treatise of their life, manners, and religion, to whom he giues this testimonie, that they were a people of a holy and godly life and conuersation, well gouerned, great enemies to vice, but especially their Barbes, for so they called their Pastors. And speaking of those of his owne time, he saith: [Page 37]We liue in peace in these vallies of Piemont, and in loue & amitie one with another, we haue commerce together, neuer marrying our sonnes to the daughters of those of the Church of Rome, or our daughters to their sonnes; yea our manners and customes please them so well, that such as are masters and call themselues Catholickes, de­sire to chuse their men seruants and maid-seruants rather from amongst vs then themselues. And they come also from faire to seeke nurses for their children amongst vs, finding in ours more fidelitie then in their owne.

And as touching the doctrine for which the Waldenses haue bene persecuted, It appeareth by the Historie of the Estate of the Church. p. 337. they do affirme (saith he) that we are to beleeue the Scriptures onely in that which con­cerneth our saluation, not any way depending vpon men. That the Scriptures containe in them whatsoeuer is necessary to saluation, and that we are not to beleeue any thing but what God hath commanded vs.

That we haue one onely Mediatour, and therefore we are not to inuocate Saints.

That there is no Purgatory, but all such as are iustified by Christ go to eternall life.

They approue of two Sacraments, Baptisme and the Supper of the Lord.

They affirme that all Masses are damnable, especially those that are said for the dead, and therefore are to be a­bolished.

That all humane traditions are to be reiected, as not being necessary to saluation.

That singing and often rehearsall of diuine Seruice, fasts tyed to certaine dayes, superfluous seasts, difference of meates, so many degrees and orders of Friers, Monks, and Nuns, so many benedictions and consecrations of creatures, vowes, pilgrimages, and the whole confusion [Page 38]and great number of ceremonies heretofore inuented, are to be abolished.

They deny the supremacie of the Pope, and especially that power that he vsurpeth ouer ciuill gouernment; and they admit of no other degrees, then Bishops, Priests, and Deacons.

That the Sea of Rome is the true Babylon, and that the Pope is the fountaine of all the euils in these dayes.

That the marriage of Priests is good and necessary.

That they that heare the word of God, and haue the true knowledge thereof, are the true Church, vnto which Christ Iesus hath deliuered the keyes, to let in the flocke, and to chase away the wolues.

Behold here (saith Vinaux) the doctrine of the Wal­denses, which the enemies of the truth haue impugned, and for which in those times they persecuted them, as their enemies themselues do witnesse.

Viret speakes of the Waldenses as followeth. Viret of the true & false religion. lib. 4. chap. 13. p. 249. The Pa­pists (saith he) haue imposed great crimes, and that very wrongfully, vpon those ancient faithfull people, com­monly called Waldenses, or the poore people of Lions, frō Waldo whose doctrine they followed, by which they make it appeare that the Pope is Antichrist, and that his do­ctrine is nothing else but humane traditions, contrary to the doctrine of Christ Iesus. For which cause they haue dealt against them, as the ancient Painims did against the Christians, accusing them that they killed their owne children in their assemblies.

The Author of the Historie of the reformed Churches in France writeth thus. The Ecclesiasti­call History of the reformed Churches of France. tom. 1. lib. 1. p. 35. The Waldenses (saith he) time out of mind haue opposed themselues against the abuses of the Church of Rome, and haue in such sort bene persecu­ted, not by the sword of the word of God, but by all kind [Page 39]of violence and crueltie, as also by a million of calumnies and false accusations, that they haue bene enforced to disperse themselues into what parts of the world they could, wandring through desart places like poore sauage beasts, the Lord neuerthelesse preseruing the remnant of them, in such sort, that notwithstanding the fury of the whole world, they were still preserued in three coun­tries farre distant one from the other, that is, Cala­bria, Bohemia, and Piemont, with the bordering parts thereabout, from whence they haue bene dispersed into the quarters of Prouence, about two hundred & seuentie yeares since. And as touching their religion, they haue alwayes auoyded the Papall superstition. For which cause they haue bene alwayes vexed by the Bishops and Inqui­sitors, abusing the power of secular iustice, in such sort, that it is an euident miracle of God that they should be able to continue.

Iohn Chassagnon writes as followeth. Iohn Chassagnon in his Historie of the Albigeois. p. 25. It is written of the Waldenses (saith he) that they reiected all the traditions and ordinances of the Church of Rome, as vnprofitable and superstitious, and that they made no great account of their Clergie and Prelates. And for this cause being excommunicated and chased out of the countrey, they dispersed themselues into many and diuerse places, as in­to Dauphiney, Prouence, Languedoc, Piemont, Calabria, Bo­hemia, England, and other places. Some haue written that one part of the Waldenses retired themselues into Lom­bardie, where they multiplyed in such a manner, that their doctrine was dispersed throughout all Italie, and came as farre as Sicile. Neuerthelesse in this great dispersion, they alwayes kept themselues in vnion and fraternitie for the space of foure hundred yeares, liuing in great sinceritie and the feare of God.

The Author of the Historie of the State of the Church writes of them thus. The Historie of the Estate of the Church. p. 336. After that Waldo (saith he) and his followers were driuen out of Lions, one part of them reti­red to Lombardie, where they multiplied in such a man­ner, that their doctrine began to disperse it selfe into Ita­lie, and came into Sicile, as the Patents of Fredericke the second, giuen out against them whilest he reigned, do witnesse.

Vesembecius saith, Vesemb. in his oration of the Waldenses. p. 3. that when the Pope and his catch­poles saw that the Romane Hierarchie receiued great de­triment by meanes of the Waldenses, insomuch that there were certaine Princes that had taken their defence, a­mongst whom was the King of Aragon, and the Earles of Toulonze, in those dayes puissant Princes in France, they began to oppresse them vpon most vniust occasions, bringing them into hatred with the people, and especially of Kings, to the end that by this meanes they might be vtterly exterminated.

Vignier makes mention of the Waldenses in his Histo­rical Bibliotheke, Vignier in his Historicall Bi­bliothec. p. 130. and saith, that they haue endured many long and grieuous persecutions, and yet notwithstanding there was neuer any thing that could hinder them from retaining that doctrine which they had receiued from the Waldenses, deliuering it (as it were) from hand to hand vnto their children.

Hologaray affirmes, Hologaray in his History of Foix p. 120. 121. that the Waldenses and Albigenses were of a contrary opinion to the Bishop of Rome in all those maximes or principles that were publickly prea­ched & commanded by his authoritie, that is, that were inuented by him, and contrary to the word of God. And he witnesseth withall, that there were amongst them wise men, and very learned, and sufficient to defend their be­liefe against the Monkes.

Mathias Illyricus writes, Math. Illyricus in his Catal. of the witnesses of the truth. p. 134. that he finds by the writings of Waldo, which lay by him in certaine ancient parch­ments, that Waldo was a learned man, and that he did not cause the bookes of the Bible to be translated into the vulgar tongue, but that he tooke paines therein him­selfe.

It is most certaine, that the aduersaries of Waldo and the Waldenses, make no great account of these aboue na­med testimonies, because they hold them to be both of one and the same ranke and order, both the witnesses and those to whom they beare witnesse, that is, all for here­ticks: but this Historie is not onely for the enemies of the truth, but to the end the louers thereof may see that that which is here produced, doth not intend onely our owne particular commendations, but to shew that there haue bene before vs certaine great personages, whose memo­rie they reuerence that haue spoken of the Waldenses as of the true Sacraments of God, who haue maintained the truth with the losse of their liues, and earnestly desi­red in their times to see the reformation we enioy in ours.

And as le Sieur de S. Aldegonde saith, In the first table of his differen­ces, the third part. p. 150. the occasion why they were condemned for heretickes, was no other but because they maintained that the Masse was an im­pious corruption of the holy Supper of the Lord.

That the Hoste was an idoll forged by men.

That the Church of Rome was wholly adulterated and corrupted, and full of infidelitie and idolatrie.

That the traditions of the Church were but supersti­tions and humane inuentions.

That the Pope was not the head of the Church, and for other points of this nature.

And as the said Aldegonde obserues, it was a great [Page 42]worke of God, that how diligent soeuer the Popes with their Clergie haue bene, vsing likewise the assistance of secular Princes and magistrates, to roote them out, yet they could neuer do it, neither by proscriptions, nor ba­nishments, nor excommunications, nor publications of their Bulles, nor Indulgences and Pardons to all those that shall make warre against them: nor by any manner of torments, fire, flames, gibets, or other cruell effusion of bloud, could they euer hinder the current of their do­ctrine, but it hath spread it selfe almost into all the corners of the earth.

This hath le Sieur de Saint Aldegonde writ of the Wal­denses. But forasmuch as doubt may be made, whether we haue in these dayes any proofes in the world of their beleefe, it is necessary that we produce hereabouts an inuentorie of bookes which they haue left vnto vs, to the end that when there shall be any question of their do­ctrine, euery one may vnderstand what the writings are out of which we haue gathered that which they taught.

CHAP. VII.

THat Waldo left something in writing vnto vs, In the former Chap. it appeares by that which Math. Illyricus saith, that he hath certaine parchments of his, which shew him to be a learned man. Historie of the Estate of the Church. p. 307.

The Author of the Historie of the Estate of the Church giues this testimonie that followeth. Waldo at the same time (saith he) made a collection in the vulgar [Page 43]tongue of sundry passages of the ancient Fathers, to the end he might defend his opinions not onely by the au­thoritie of the holy Scripture, but also by the testimonie of the Doctors against his aduersaties.

About fortie yeares since le Sieur de Vignaux Pastor of the Churches of the Waldenses in Piemont, writ as fol­loweth in his memorials that he made: Of the beginning, Antiquitie, Doctrine, Religion, Manners, Discipline, Persecutions, Confessions, and progresse of the people called Waldenses, I that write (saith he) can witnesse, that being sent vnto these people to preach the Gospell of our Lord Iesus Christ, which I did about some fortie yeares together, I had no need to take much paines to win them from the ceremonies of the Church of Rome, nor to roote out of their minds the Pope, the Masse, Purgatory, and such other things, wherein they were a long time Do­ctors before my coming, although the greatest part of them knew neither A nor B.

It is to this seruant of God to whom we are much bound for the multitude of bookes written by the Wal­denses. For as oft as he lighted vpon any, he gathered them together and kept them carefully, which he did the more commodiously, for that, as he saith, he conuersed with them almost for the space of fortie yeares, which was about some fourescore yeares past. For it was about the end of his dayes that he deliuered to some particular persons his said Memorials, which he had gathered tou­ching the Waldenses, and all those ancient bookes which he had collected in their vallies, touching the substance of which he thus speaketh. We haue, saith he, certaine an­cient bookes of the Waldenses, tontaining Catechismes and Sermons, Ibid. p. 3. which are manuscripts written in the vul­gar tongue, wherein there is nothing that makes for [Page 44]the Pope or poperie. And it is wonderfull, saith he, that they saw so clearely in those times of darknes, more grosse then that of Egypt.

Le Sieur de Saint Ferriol, Pastor in the Church of O­range, being carried with an holy curiositie, gathered to­gether many of the said bookes, In his first table. p. 153. which he shewed to le Sieur de S. Aldegonde, who made mention of them in his first table, wherein he saith that there are other manu­scripts written in a very ancient letter in the Library of M. Ioseph de la Scale.

Now all the bookes hereunder mentioned, being deli­uered vnto me to furnish me with proofes for this Histo­rie, I will reduce into this Catalogue.

First we haue in our hands a new Testament in parch­ment in the Waldenses language, very well written, though with a very ancient letter.

Also there is a booke intituled the Antechrist, which thus begins, Qual cosa sia l' Antechrist, en datte de l'an mille cent & vingt.

In the same volume there are contained diuers Ser­mons of the Pastors of the Waldenses.

With a Treatise against sinne, and the remedies to re­sist sinne.

Also a booke entituled, The booke of Vertues.

In that volume there is another Treatise with this in­scription, De l'enseignament de li filli: that is to say, of the Instructions of children.

A Treatise of Mariage.

A Treatise entituled, Li parlar de li Philosophes & Do­ctors, that is, sentences of Philosophers and Doctors.

All which bookes are written in the language of the Waldenses, which is partly Prouenciall, and partly Pie­montaine. All of them sufficient to instruct their people [Page 45]to liue well, and to beleeue well: the doctrine of all which bookes being conformable to that which is taught and beleeued at this present in all the reformed Churches.

From hence we conclude, that that doctrine that hath bene maintained in our times against humane inuen­tions, is not new but to those that haue buried it wilfully, or whose ancestors haue detested it, out of their ignorance of the goodnesse thereof; there being found diuers wri­tings, and that in great number, which make good that for these foure hundred and fiftie yeares the doctrine of the reformed Churches is the selfesame which for many ages hath bene buried by ignorance and ingratitude.

Which our aduersaries themselues haue in some sort auouched, when they say and confesse, that that doctrine which they call new, is but the substance of the errors of the ancient Waldenses, as may appeare by their owne wri­tings, from whence we haue gathered that which remai­neth, in the Chapter following.

CHAP. VIII.

LIndanus makes Caluin an inheritor or heire of the doctrine of the Waldenses. Lindan. in his a naliticke tables.

The Cardinall Hosius saith, Hosius in his fit booke of the herefles of our times. that the lepro­sie of the Waldenses hath infected all Bohemia, at what time following the doctrine of Wal­do, the greatest part of the kingdome of Bohemia was se­parated [Page 46]from the Church of Rome.

Gwaltier Monke the Iesuite, Gwalt. in his Chro. table. sec. 12. Chap. 15. pa. 494. in his Chronographicall table, or to speake otherwise, in his mole-hill of lyes, makes the Waldenses, and those they call the poore abu­sed, and the Ministers of Caluin, to be of one and the same beleefe in twentie seuen Articles.

Claud. Rubis saith, Claud. Rubis in his historie of the Citie of Li­ons. lib. 3. pa. 269. Syluius and Du­hrauius in their Histories of Bo­hemia. Tho. Wal. in his 6. volume of things sacramē. tall. Tit. 12. Chap. 10. Le Sicur de la Popeliniere in his hihorie of France. l. 1. that the heresies that haue bene in our times haue bene grounded vpon the heresies of the Waldenses, and he cals them the reliques of Waldo.

Aeneas Syluius who was afterwards Pope Ptus the se­cond of that name. And Iohn Dubrauius Bishop of Ol­musse in their histories of Bohemia, make the doctrine taught by Caluin all one with that of the Waldenses.

Thomas Walden, who writ against the doctrine of Wick­lisse faith, that the doctrine of Waldo crept out of the quar­ters of France into England. Whereunto agrees le Sieur de la Popeliniere, who addeth that the doctrine of the mo­derne Protestants differs very little from that of the Wal­denses, which (saith he) being receiued into the parts of Aibi, the Albigeois communicated it vnto the English their neighbours, who then held Guienne, from whence it was dispersed into many parts of England, and so at the last, as it were from hand to hand it came to the vnder­standing of Wickliffe, a famous professour of diuinitie in the Vniuersitie of Oxford, and Pastor of the parish of Lu­terworth in the Diocesse of Lincolne, who for his elo­quence and rare gifts, wonne the hearts of many of the English, euen of the greatest men amongst them; inso­much that a certaine scholler carried vnto Prage a booke of Wickliffes called the Vniuersalities, which being dili­gently read ouer by Iohn Hus, he increased and explaned the doctrine long before sowed in Bohemia by the Wal­denses, and was in a manner hid from the time of Waldo: [Page 47]in such sort that many of the people, schollers, Nobles, and Ecclesiasticall persons themselues, followed the same doctrine.

The Cardinall Bellarmine saith, Bellar. Tom. 2. lib. 1. Chap. 26. col. 86. Ecchius in his commonplaces Chap. 28. that Wickliffe could adde nothing to the heresie of the Waldenses.

Ecchius layes an imputation vpon Luther, that he hath done nothing else but renew the heresies of the Walden­ses, Albig Wicklesse, and Iohn Hus, long since condemned.

Alphonsus de Castro saith, Alphonsus lib. 6. against heresies. pa. 99. that Wickliffe hath done no­thing else but brought to light the errours of the Wal­denses.

Arnold Sorbin priest of Monteig reprocheth the cities and townes of Saint Antonin, Montauban, Millan, In the historie Frier Peter of the valleys Ser­nay. fol. 172. Ca­stres, Puylorens, Gaillac, and others of the Albigei and Languedoc, that they haue done nothing but reuiue the errours of the Albigeois.

Iohn de Cardonne in his Rimes in the forefront of the historie of the said Monke of the valley Sernay saith thus: In the historie of the Monke of the valleys Seruay.

Anthony d'Ardene of Tholouse in the same booke saith: Ibid.

We need not therefore dispute any longer of the an­tiquitie of this doctrine, but onely of the puritie thereof, since that not onely by the affirmation of those that were aduersaries to the Waldenses and the last resormation, there are whole ages, during the which the substance of that beleefe hath remained in diuers persons, who crying out against the abuses which haue crept into the Church, haue bene oppressed by persecutions. And for as much as it is denied, that we haue had a succession of such instruments, who haue opposed themselues from [Page 48]time to time against those corruptions and errours, which haue borne sway, we will produce in the Chapter following a catalogue, both of those which our aduersa­ries haue named, and put to death, and of those whom the Waldenses haue had for their Pastors for these foure hundred and fiftie yeares last past, at leastwise of as many as haue come to our knowledge.

CHAP. IX.

WAldo from whom the Waldenses tooke their name, began to teach the people in the yeare of our Lord, a thousand one hundred and sixtie.

Le Sieur de Sancte Aldegonde obserueth, In his first table of Differ. pa. 150. that at the same time that Waldo began to shew himselfe and to teach at Lions, God raised others in Prouence and Languedoc, a­mong whom the principall were, Arnold, Esperon, and Io­seph, of whom they were named Arnoldists, Iosephists, & Esperonists: though because their doctrine was first re­ceiued in Albi in the countrie of the Albigeois, they were commonly called Albigeois, in such manner that on the one side the Waldenses, and on the other the Albigeois were as the two Oliues, or the two lampes which Saint Iohn speaketh of, whose light did spread it selfe through all the corners of the earth.

At the same time (saith he) followed Peter Bruis, whereupon many called them Peter Brusiens.

To whom there succeeded in doctrine, one Henry, the one being a Priest the other a Monke, and they taught in the Bishoprickes of Arles, Ambrun, Die, and Gap, from whence being chased away, they were receiued at Tho­louse.

There was a certaine man (saith he) called Barthel­mew borne at Carcassonne, Idem ibid. p. 15 [...] that ordered and gouerned the Churches in Bulgaria, Croatia, Dalmatia, Hungaria, and appointed Ministers, as Mathew Paris reports, naming him their Pope or Bishop, and alledging to that purpose the letter which the Bishop of Portuense Legate to the Pope in the parts thereabouts, writ to the Archbishop of Roan and his suffragans; demanding succours and assi­stance against them, insomuch that they were at the last constrained to retire themselues into desarts, following that prophesie in the 12 of the Reuelation, which saith, that the woman great with child, that brought forth a man child, which is the true Church of God, should in such sort be persecuted by the Dragon, which cast out of his mouth water as a flood after the woman, that he might cause her to be carried away of the flood, so that she was constrained to flie into the wildernesse, where she should be nourished for a time, and times, and halfe a time, or for the space of forty two moneths, or a thousand two hundred and threescore dayes.

Rainerius makes mention of two famous Bishops of the Waldenses, viz, of one Belazinanza of Verona, & one Iohn de Lugio, who taught amongst them after the abouena­med, & about the yeare a thousand two hundred & fifty.

Arnold Hot, pastor amongst the Waldenses, maintained the disputation at Mont Real, whereof we shall make mention in his due place.

Lollard was also in great reputation amongst them, [Page 50]both for a Commentary which he had written vpon the Reuelation, as also for that he had giuen knowledge of their doctrine in England, of whose name the Waldenses were called Lollards.

The Waldenses of the valleys of Angrongne, of Dau­phiney, Prouence, and Calabria, haue had for their Pastors, these whose memories they haue preserued for aboue three hundred yeares past, that is to say, in Piemont,

Paul Gignons de Bobi. It appeares by the memories of Vignaux. fol. 14.

Peter the lesse.

Anthony of the valley of Suse.

Iohn Martin of the valley Saint Martin.

Mathew dc Bobi.

Philip of the valley Lucerna.

George of Piemont.

Steuen Laurence of the valley Saint Martin.

Martin de Meane.

Iohn of the valley of Lucerna, who for some offence was suspended from his office for seuen yeares, during which time he remained at Gennes, where the Pastors had a house, as they had also another very faire one at Flo­rence.

Iohn Girard, de Meane, surnamed with the great hand.

Of the valley of Angrongne, Thomas Bastie, who died in the seruice of the Waldenses Churches at Pouille.

Sebastian Bastie, who died in Calabria.

Iohn Bellonat, of the same valley, who was the first a­mongst the Pastors that married a wise.

Of the valleys of Perouse, Iames Germain.

Benedict Gorran.

Paul Gignous, de Bobi.

Iohn Romagnol, of Sesena in Italie.

Of Dauphiney, Francis of the valley of Fraissiniere.

Michel Porte, of the valley Loyse, in Briançonnois.

Peter Flot of Pragela.

Of Prouence, Angelin de la Coste.

Daniel de Valentia, and Iohn de Molines.

These two were sent into Bohemia to serue in the Chur­ches of the Waldenses gathered together in the said Realme: but they betrayed the Churches, and brought much mischiefe vpon them, by discouering vnto the ene­mies of the said Waldenses whatsoeuer they knew of their troupes and meetings, whereby there happened a great persecution: which occasioned the Churches of Bohemia to write to the Waldensian Churches of the Alpes, from thence forward not to call to such vocations any persons whose faith, honestie and zeale, was not throughly knowne by long proofe and experience.

The last Pastors which they had were George Maurel, and Peter Masçon, who in the yeare of our Lord 1530. were sent into Germany to confer of religion with Oeco­lampadius, Bucer and others. Peter Masçon was taken pri­soner at Dijon.

Steuen Negrin and Lewis Paschal were sent into Ca­labria in the yeare 1560. to the Waldensian Churches at Montald, Saint Xist, and other places thereabout. Steuen N [...]egrin was taken prisoner and sent to Cosence, where he died in prison for want of sustenance.

Lewis Paschal was sent to Rome, where he was condem­ned and burnt aliue, Pope Pius the fourth of that name being present and his Cardinals: whom he summoned to appeare before the throne of the Lambe to giue an account of their cruelties.

There are a great number of others, as may appeare by the processe commenced against the Waldenses of Dauphiney which are come to our hands, wherein men­tion [Page 52]is made of diuers Pastours which they haue had, It appeareth by that bagge of procese which was found in the Cabinet du Sieur d' Auençon Archbishop of Ambrun, at the last taking of Ambrū, against the Waldenses of Froissiniere, & Largentiere. who haue bene many times imprisoned and deliuered vnto death by the Monkes the Inquisitors, who caused them to be watched euen vpon the high Alpes, when they trauelled from one companie to another. This small number may suffice to giue vs to vnderstand, that though their enemies did their best endeuour wholly to banish them, and to roote them out from off the earth, yet the eternall God hath not ceassed to prouide labo­rers for his haruest, when there was any need, to preserue euen to this present day, only in Dauphiney and Prouence, many thousands that thinke it their glory to haue come from the ancient Waldenses, and are rather inheritours of their zeale and pietie, then their earthly substance, which their persecutors do possesse, as the Pope doth at this present, who hath ioyned to his pretended Apostolike chamber, all the inheritance of the Waldenses who haue had any thing in his countrie of Venecin; and vnder the pretence of heresie, if he could, he would take away their liues too: so far is he from thinking to restore that which in vaine he hath bene importuned to do, & which his officers haue promised to restore, with more vanitie and falshood then honestie or true meaning. Now foras­much as the Reader not knowing what manner of men their Pastors were, they may be the lesse esteemed, we will in the Chapter following insert what we find in their writings, which may make proofe of their vocation, the exercise of their charge, zeale, and pietie.

CHAP. X.

THe Monke Rainerius reports many things touching the vocation of the Pastors of the Waldenses, which neuer were. Rain. de forma harct. fol. 8. As that which is imposed vpon them, that they haue one greater Bishop, and two followers, which he cals the elder sonne and the yonger, and a Deacon; that he laid his hands vpon others with soueraigne autho­ritie, and sent them whither he thought good, like a Pope.

Against these impostures, I haue here set downe what is found in their writings touching the vocation of their Pastors.

All such (say they) as are to be receiued for Pastors amongst vs, The booke of the Pastors George Maurel, and Peter Mas­çon. pa. 8. notwithstanding they remaine yet with their parents, are to intreat vs to receiue them to the mi­nisterie, and that we will be pleased to pray vnto God for thē, that they may be made capable of so great a charge. Which the said suppliants do to no other end, but to shew their humilitie.

They are to learne certaine lessons, and to learne by heart all the Chapters of Saint Matthew and Saint Iohn, and all the Epistles which they call Canonicall, a good part of the writings of Salomon, Dauid and the Prophets.

Afterwards hauing good testimonies of their learning and conuersation, they are receiued with the imposition of hands into the office or function of preaching.

The last that are receiued are to do nothing without the leaue and licence of their Seniours receiued before them. As also they that are first ought not to attempt any thing with out the approbation of their companions, to the end y ^t all things might be done amongst vs in order.

We Pastors do assēble our selues together, euery yeare once, to determine of our affaires in a general Councell.

Our nuttiment and apparell are willingly ad­ministred [Page 54]vnto vs, and as it were by way of almes, very sufficiently by the people whom we teach.

The money that is giuen vs by the people, is carried to the aforesaid generall Councell, and is deliuered in the presence of all, and there it is receiued by the most ancients, and part thereof is giuen to those that are tra­uellers or wayfaring men, according to their necessities, and part vnto the poore.

When any of vs that are Pastors shall fall into anie foule or vncleane sinne, he is cast out of our companie, and forbidden the charge of preaching.

Amongst other power and authoritie which God hath giuen to his seruants, it belongs vnto them to chuse guides of the people, and Ancients in their charges, according to the diuersitie of imployment, in the vnitie of Christ. Which is proued by the saying of the Apostle in his Epistle to Titus, Chap. 1. verse 5. For this cause left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting, and or daine Elders in euery City, as I haue appointed thee.

Thus you see how the Pastors of the Waldenses were chosen and maintained in their charge, but to the end that their zeale may the better appeare, we will insert in the Chapter following a letter which one of the said Pa­stors writ to one of their Churches, by which it may ease­ly appeare with how holy and sanctified affection they laboured to call the people to repentance, and to instruct them in the faith.

CHAP. XI.

THese are to aduertise and to aduise your brotherhood (hereby acquitting my selfe of that dutie which I owe vnto you all in the behalfe of God, principally touching the care of the saluation of your soules, according to that light of the truth which the most high God hath bestowed on vs) that it would please euery one of you to maintaine, increase, and nourish to the vt­most of your power, without diminution, those good beginnings and customes which haue bene left vnto vs by our ancestors, whereof we are no way worthy. For it would little profit vs to haue bene renewed by the father­ly instance, and the light which hath bene giuen vs of God, if we giue our selues to worldly, diabolicall, and car­nall conuersations, abandoning the principall, which is God, and the saluation of our soules, for this short and temporall life. For the Lord saith in his Gospell, What doth it profit a man to gaine the whole world, and to lose his owne soule? For it should be better for vs neuer to haue knowne the way of righteousnesse, then hauing knowne it to do the contrary. For we shall be inexcusable, and our condemnation the greater: for there are greater and more grieuous torments prouided for those that haue most knowledge. Let me therefore intreate you by the loue of God, that you decrease not, but rather increase that charitie, feare and obedience which is due vnto God, and to your selues amongst your selues, and keepe all those good customes which you haue heard and vn­derstood of God, by our meanes: and that you would re­moue [Page 56]from amongst you all defaults and wants, troubling the peace, the loue, the concord, and whatsoeuer taketh from you the seruice of God, your owne saluation, and the administration of the truth, if you desire that God should be mercifull vnto you in your goods temporall and spirituall. For you can do nothing without him; and if you desire to be heires of his glorie, do that which he commandeth: If you will enter into life keepe my com­mandements. Likewise be carefull that there be not nou­rished amongst you any sports, gluttony, whoredome, dancings, nor any leudnesse or riot, nor questions, nor de­ceits, nor vsury, nor discords; neither support or enter­taine any persons that are of a wicked conuersation, or that giue any scandall or ill example amongst you, but let charitie and fidelitie reigne amongst you, & all good ex­ample; doing to one another as euery one desires should be done vnto himselfe. For otherwise it is not possible that any man should be saued, or can [...]aue the grace either of God or man in this world, or glorie in another. And it is necessarie that the conductors principally should haue a hand herein, and such as rule and gouerne. For when the head is sicke all the members are likewise ill affected. And therefore if you hope and desire to possesse eternall life, to liue in good esteeme and credit, and to prosper in this world in your goods temporall and spirituall, purge your selues from all disorderly waies, to the end that God may be alwayes with you, who neuer forsaketh those that trust in him. But know this for a certaine, that God heareth not nor dwelleth with sinners, nor in the soule that is giuen vnto wickednesse, nor in the man that is subiect vnto sin. And therfore let euery one cleanse the wayes of his heart, and flie the danger if he would not perish therein. I haue no other thing to write at this present, but that you would [Page 57]put in practise these things: And the God of peace be with you all, and accompanie vs in our true, deuout, and humble prayers, that he will be pleased to saue all those his faithfull that trust in Christ Iesus.

This Epistle of the Pastor Tertian giues vs assurance of that holy affection which they had to leade the people of God; but the Confession of the faith of the Waldenses found in the bookes of those Pastors aboue mentioned, shall shew vs more clearely how pure their beliefe hath bene, and how farre from those heresies and errors that haue bene imputed vnto them. And that therefore they haue bene very vniustly persecuted.

CHAP. XII.

WE beleeue & do firmely hold all that which is contained in the twelue Articles of the Simbole which is called the Apostles creed: Article 1. Taken out of the booke inti­tuled the Spiri­tuall Almanackk, and from the Memorials of George Morel. and we account all that for heresie which a­greeth not with the said twelue Articles.

We beleeue that there is one God, the Father, Sonne, Art. 2 and holy Ghost.

We acknowledge for holy & Canonicall Scripture the books of the Bible, that is to say, the fiue books of Moses. Art. 3

• Genesis. The booke of Ioshua.
• Exodus. The Iudges.
• Leuiticus. Ruth.
• Numbers. 1. of Samuel.
• Deuteronomie. 2. of Samuel.
• [Page 58]1. of Kings. The Lamentat. of Ieremie.
• 2. of Kings. Ezechiel.
• 1. of the Chronicles. Daniel.
• 2. of the Chronicles. Hosea.
• 1. Esdras. Ioel.
• Nehemiah. Amos.
• Ester. Obadiah.
• Iob. Ionah.
• The booke of Psalmes. Micah.
• The Prouerbes of Salo­mon. Nahum. Habakuk.
• Ecclesiastes. Zephaniah.
• The song of Salomon. Haggai.
• The Prophesie of Isaiah. Zachariah.
• The Pophesie of Ieremie. Malachi.

The Apocryphall bookes are these that follow, which are not receiued of the Hebrewes, but we reade them (saith S. Hierome in his prologue to the Prouerbs, for the instruction of the people, not to confirme the authoritie of Ecclesiasticall doctrines: that is to say,

• The third booke of Esdras. Ester after the 10. chap. to the end.
• The fourth of Esdras.
• Tobiah. The song of the 3. children.
• Iudith. The historie of Susanna.
• Wisedome. The historie of the Dragon.
• Ecclesiasticus. 1. Maccabees.
• Baruch, with the Epistle of Ieremiah. 2. Maccabees.
• 3. Maccabees.

Here follow the bookes of the new Testament.

• The Gospell ac­cording to S. Matthew.
• The Gospell ac­cording to S. Marke.
• The Gospell ac­cording to S. Luke.
• The Gospell ac­cording to S. Iohn.

• The Acts of the Apostles. The first to Timothie.
• The Epistle of S. Paul to the Romans. The second to Timothie.
• To Titus.
• The first to the Corinth. To Philemon.
• The 2. to the Corinthians. To the Hebrewes.
• The Epistle to the Galat. The Epistle of S. Iames.
• The Epist. to the Ephesians The 1. Epistle of S. Peter.
• The Epistle to the Philip­pians. The second of S. Peter.
• The 1. Epistle of S. Iohn.
• The Epistle to the Colos. The second of S. Iohn.
• The first to the Thessal. The third of S. Iohn.
• The second to the Thessa­lonians. The Epistle of S. Iude.
• The Reuelation of S. Iohn.

The bookes aboue named teach thus much, Art. 4 that there is one God almightie, wholly wise and wholly good, who hath made all things by his goodnesse. For he created A­dam according to his owne image and similitude: but by the malice of the diuell, and the disobedience of Adam, sinne entred into the world, and we are made sinners in Adam, and by Adam.

That Christ was promised to our forefathers, Art. 5 who re­ceiued the Law, to the end that knowing their sin by the Law, and their vnrighteousnesse and insufficiencie, they might desire the coming of Christ, to the end he might satisfie for their sins, and accomplish the Law by himselfe.

Art. 6 That Christ was borne at the time appointed by God his Father, that is to say, at a time when all iniquitie a­bounded, and not for our good workes sake onely: for all were sinners; but to the end he might offer his grace and mercie vnto vs.

That Christ is our life, and truth, and peace, Art. 7 and iu­stice, and Aduocate, and Pastor, and sacrifice, and sacrifi­cer, who died for the saluation of all those that beleeue, [Page 60]and is raised againe for our iustification.

We do also firmly hold, Art. 8 that there is no other media­tor and aduocate with God the Father but onely Iesus Christ. And as touching the Virgine Marie, that she is holy, humble, and full of grace; and so do we beleeue of all the other Saints, that they attend in heauen the resurre­ction of their bodies at the day of iudgement.

We do also beleeue that after this life, Art. 9 there are onely two places: the one for those that shall be saued, the o­ther for the damned, which we call Paradise and Hell, de­nying altogether Purgatory, as being a dreame of Ante­christ, and inuented against the truth.

We haue also alwayes beleeued, Art. 10 that the inuentions of men are an vnspeakable abomination before God, as the feasts and the vigils of Saints, holy water, the abstaining vpon certaine dayes from flesh, and such like, but prin­cipally the Masses.

We do abhorre all humane inuentions, Art. 11 as coming from Antechrist, all which bring troubles with them, and are preiudiciall to the libertie of the spirit.

Art. 12 We beleeue that the Sacraments are outward signes of holy things, or visible formes of inuisible grace; and are of opinion that it is good that the faithfull do some­times vse those signes and visible formes, if it may be done: But neuerthelesse we beleeue and do hold, that the aforesaid faithfull may be saued, not receiuing the said signes, when they want place or power to vse them.

Art. 13 We do not acknowledge any other Sacrament but Baptisme and the Eucharist.

We do honour the secular power, Art. 14 with all subiection, obedience, promptitude and payment.

CHAP. XIII.

WE beleeue that there is one onely God, Art. 1 Taken out of the booke of Charles du Mou­lin de la Mon. des François. p. 65. who is a Spirit, the Creator of all things, the Father of all, who is aboue all, and in vs all, who is to be adored in spirit and truth, vpon whom onely we waite, and to whom we giue all glorie for our life, our nourishment, clothing, health, sicknesse, prosperitie, aduersitie: we loue him as the author of all goodnesse, we feare him as knowing our hearts.

Art. 2 We beleeue that Iesus Christ is the Sonne and image of his father; that in him dwels the fulnesse of the diui­nitie; by whom we know the Father, who is our media­tour and aduocate, and there is no other name vnder heauen giuen vnto men by which we can be saued; in whose name onely we call vpon the Father, and vse no o­ther prayers but those that are contained in the holy Scriptures, or agreeing vnto them in substance.

We beleeue that the holy Ghost is our Comforter, Art. 3 proceeding from the Father and the Sonne, by whose in­spiration we make our prayers, being renewed by him, who doth all good works in vs, and by him we haue knowledge of all truth.

We beleeue that there is one holy Church, Art. 4 which is the congregation of all the elect and faithfull, which haue bene from the beginning of the world, and shall be vnto the end, whereof our Lord Iesus Christ is the head: the which Church is gouerned by his word, and guided by the holy Ghost, in which all good Christians ought to remaine: for it prayeth without ceassing for all, and the [Page 62]word thereof is agreeable vnto God, without which no man can be saued.

Art. 5 We hold that the Ministers of the Church ought to be irreprehensible both in life and doctrine, otherwise they are to be deposed from their office, and other to be substituted in their place. And that no man ought to pre­sume to vndertake this honourable calling, but onely he which is called of God as Aaron, nourishing the flocke of Christ, not for dishonest gaine, or as hauing any supe­rioritie ouer the Clergie, but as being an example to the slocke, in word, in conuersation, in charitie, in faith, and in chastitie.

We confesse that Kings, Art. 6 Princes, and Gouernours are ordained and established Ministers of God, to whom we are to obey. For they carrie the sword for the defence of innocents and the punishment of malefactors; and for this cause are we bound to do them honour, and to pay tribute. From which power and authoritie no man can exempt himselfe, as may appeare be the example of our Lord Iesus Christ, who refused not to pay tribute, not challenging any iutisdiction of temporall power.

We beleeue, Art. 7 that in the Sacrament of Baptisme the water is the visible and externall signe, which representeth vnto vs that which by the power and vertue of God in­uisible, so working, is within vs, that is to say, renoua­tion of the spirit, and mortification of our members in Ie­sus Christ, by which we are also receiued into the holy congregation of the people of God, protesting and de­claring before it our faith and change of life.

Art. 8 We hold the holy Sacrament of the table or Supper of our Lord Iesus Christ, to be a holy remembrance and thanksgiuing for the benefits which we haue recei­ued by his death and passion, which is to be receiued in [Page 63]faith and charitie, examining our selues, that so we may eate of that bread and drinke of that cup, as it is written in the holy Scripture.

We confesse, that mariage is good and honourable, Art. 9 holy and instituted of God, which ought to be forbidden to none, if there be no impediment by the word of God.

We confesse that they that feare God, Art. 10 seeke the things that please him, doing good workes, the which he hath prepared to the end we should walke in them, which are charitie, ioy, peace, patience, benignitie, goodnesse, mild­nesse, sobrictie, and other workes contained in the holy Scriptures.

On the contrary, Art. 11 we confesse that we are to take heed of false teachers, whose end is to call the people from the true worship of God, and to rest themselues vpon crea­tures, putting their confidence in them, as also to per­swade the people to leaue those good duties that are con­tained in the holy Scriptures, and to do those that are in­uented by men.

Art. 12 We hold the old and new Testament for the rule of our faith, & we agree to the generall Confession of faith, with those articles contained in the Symbole of the Apo­stles, which doth thus begin, I beleeue in God the Father Almightie, &c.

And for as much as the Pastors of the Waldenses taught their people the Athanasian Creed in the Waldensian language, we haue taken it out of their bookes, word by word as they pronounced it in old time.

CHAP. XIIII.

QValquequal vol esser faict salf deuant totas c [...] ­sas es de necessitatenir la fe Catholica, laqual si alcun non tenré entierament sensa dubi periré eternalment. Ma aquesta es la fe Catholica. Qu­nos houran vn Dio en Trinita, & la Trinita en vnita, non confondent personnas, ni departent la substantia. Car antra es la personna del Paire, & del Filli, & del Sanct Esperit. La Paire non crea, lo filli non crea, lo Sanct Esperit non crea. L [...] Paire non mesuriuol, lo Filli non mesuriuol, lo Sanct Esperit non mesuriuol. Lo Paire Eternal, lo Filli Eternal, lo Sanct Esperit Eternal. Emperço non tres Eternals, ma vn Eternal, enaimi non tres mesuriuols, & non crea. Semeillament lo Paire tot Poissant, lo Filli tot poissant, & lo Sanct Esperit tot Poissant, emperço, non tres tot Poissants, ma vn tot Pois­sant. Enaimi lo Paire es Dio, lo Filli Dio, lo Sanct Es­perit Dio, emperço non tres Dios, ma vn Dio. Enaimi lo Paire es Seignor, lo Filli Seignor, lo Sanct Esperit Seig­nor, emperço, non tres Seignors, ma vn Seignor. Ca enaimi nos sen costreit confessar per Christiana verita, vna chascuna persona Dio o Seignor, enaimi per Catholica Reli­gion, nos sen defendu dire esser tres Dios ni tres Seignors. Lo Filli es sol del Paire, non faict, ni crea, ma engenra, lo Sanct Esperit es del Paire, & del Filli, non fait, ni crea, ni engenra ma procedent. Donc lo es vn Paire, non tres Paires, vn Filli, non tres filli, vn Sanct Esperit, non tres Sanct Esperits. En aquesta Trinita alcunna cosa non es premiera ni derniera, al­cuna cosa maior, o menor, ma totas tres personas entre lor son ensem Eternals, & eygals. Enaimi que per totas cosas coma esdict de sobre, la sia dhonorar la Trinita en Vnita, & l'Vni­ta [Page 65]en Trinita. Donc aquel que vol esser fait salf senta enai­ma de la Trinita. Ma a la salut eternal es necessari creyre fidelment l'encarnation del nostre Seignor Iesus Christ. Donc la fe dreita es que nos crean, & confessan que lo nostre Seig­nor Iesus Christ filli de Dio, es Dio & home. Et es Dio engen­dra auant li segle, de la substantia del Paire, & es home na al segle de la substantia de la Maire, essent perfect Dio, & perfect home: d'anima rational & d'humana carn, aigal del Paire second la Diuinita, & menor second l'humanita. Lo­qual iaciaço quel sia Dio & home, emperço lo es vn Christ & non dui, ma vn, non per conuersion de la Diuinita en carn, ma propiament de la Humanita en Dio, vn totalment, non per confusion de la Diuinita en carn, ma propiament de la humanita en Dio: vn totalment, non per confusion de sub­stantia ma per vnita de personas. Car enaima larma ratio­nal, & la carn, es vn home, enaima Dio & home es vn Christ loqual est passionna per la nostra salut, descende en li enfern, lo ters iorn resuscite de li mort, & monté en li cel, & see a la dextra de Dio lo Paire Omnipotent. Daqui es a venir iugear li vio & li mort. A laduenament delqual tuit an a resusci­tar, cum li lor corps, & son a rendre raçon de li lor propi faict. Et aquilli que auran faict ben, anaren en vita eterna, & aquilli que aurant faict mal anaran al fuoc eternal.

The beliefe of the Waldenses is sufficiently knowne by that which is contained in the pure & holy doctrines of their confessions aboue mentioned; and yet neuerthe­lesse it is for the same that they haue bene persecuted for the space of foure hundred and fiftie yeares, & still should be if they liued neare those places where humane inuen­tions are preferred before the word of God. For though Satan be confounded, and his kingdome dissipated by the brightnesse of the Gospell, yet he ceasseth not to hold those vnder the yoke of Idolatrie, whose vnderstan­dings [Page 66]he hath blinded, and to keepe them by violence vnder the tyrannie of his lawes, hiding that ignorance and errour that men do naturally loue, in those darknesses wherein they take pleasure. But as it hath not pleased the eternall God, that the faith of his seruants and Martyrs should be buried, so it likewise pleaseth him, that their constancie should be made manifest for our edification and example. And this is the reason why hauing shewed in the first booke that the Waldenses beleeued to saluation what was necessary, I haue thought good to publish in the second booke that which is come to my knowledge of their sufferings for righteousnesse.

CHAP. I.

THE Waldenses haue had no greater enemies then the Popes; Rainerius of the Walden­ses. because, saith the Monk Rainerius, that amongst all those that haue raised them­selues against the Church of Rome, the Waldenses haue been alwaies the most dan­gerous and pernicious, in­somuch that they haue resi­sted him for a long time; as also because this Sect, (saith he) is more generall, for there is not almost any [Page 2]Country in which it hath not taken footing. And thirdly, because all other by their blasphemies against God, strike a horror into mens hearts; But this on the contrary, hath a great appearance of piety, for they carry themselues vprightly before men, and beleeue rightly touching God in all things, holding all the Articles that are contained in the Simbole, hating and reuiling the Church of Rome, and therein (saith he) they are easily beleeued of the people.

And in another place the said Rainerius saith, Rainer. cap. de studio peruer­tendi alios & modo docendi. fol. 98. that the first lesson that the Waldenses giue to those whom they winne to their Sect, is this, that they teach them what the Disciples of Christ ought to be, and that by the words of the Gospell and the Apostles, affirming, that they onely are the Successors of the Apostles, that immitate their life. Inferring thereby (saith hee) that the Pope, the Bishoppes and Clergy, that possesse and inioy the riches of this world, and seek after them, follow not the examples of the Apostles, and there­fore are not the true guides of the Church, it neuer being the purpose of Christ Iesus, to commit his chaste and beloued spouse, to those who rather prostitute her by their ill examples, and wicked actions, then pre­serue her in that purity wherein they receiued her at the beginning, a virgin chaste and without spot.

In hatred therefore of diuers discourses which the Waldenses haue written against the luxury, auarice, pride, and errors brought in by the Pope, they haue al­waies persecured them to the death.

The meanes they haue vsed vtterly to exterminate them, haue been in the first place their thunderbolts, curses, cannons, constitutions, decrees, and whatso­euer clse might make them odious to the Kings, Prin­ces, [Page 3]and people of the earth, giuing them ouer, asmuch as lies in their power, vnto Satan, interdicting them all communion and society with those that obey their lawes, iudging them vnworthy and vncapable of any charges, honours, profits, or to inherit, or to make willes, or to beburied in common church-yards, confiscating their goods, dis-inheriting their heires, and where they could by any meanes apprehend them, they haue condemned them to be deliuered to the se­cular power, their houses to be razed, their lands and moueables confiscated, or giuen to the first conque­rour. And of all these sentences we haue at this day the scedule, These senten­ces are to bee seen in the manuel of the Inquisitors, with the let­ters of Pope Alexanderthe thirteenth & of diuers o­ther Popes which succee­ded him. giuen by the Popes, with the instru­ments which they haue imployed to such executions, as also of the commands which they haue giuen vnto Kings, Princes, Magistrates, Consuls and People, to make an exact inquisition, to shut the gates of the Cit­ty, to craue the assistance, and best helpe of the people, to ring the Tol-bell, to arme themselues: and if other­wise they cannot be apprehended, to kill them, and to vse all manner of violence, which they shall see need­full in such a case: Giuing to the accusers the third part, or some other portion of that which shall bee confiscated, all councellors and fauourers of them be­ing condemned to the same punishment.

And forasmuch as no Prince or Magistrate, or any other had any power to frame a proces against any in the fact of pretended heresie; commandement was gi­uen to the Bishops, euery one in his iurisdiction, to make an inquiry into their flockes, and take no­tice how euery particular person was affected, to the ordinances of the Popes, and the Church of Rome. So when Waldo began to complaine and to cry [Page 4]out against the corruptions, of the said Church of Rome. Alexander the third then Pope, enioyned the Arch­bishop of Lion to proceed against him; and forasmuch as the said Prelate did not banish him according and as soon as he desired, This Couneel was held at Latran. 1180. See the 27. Chap. he speedily assembled a Coun­cell, where he excommunicated Waldo, and all those that followed his doctrine, though it were vnder other names.

But this meanes was thought to be too easic for so pressing an action as this of the Waldenses was, who ceased not for all those thunderbolts, to preach, that the Pope was Antichrist, the Masse an abomination, the Hoste an idoll, and Purgatory a fable. Points that being receiued were sufficient to oucrthrow all the au­thority of the Pope, & to drie vp all the riuers of gaine and grease of the Clergy. And therefore Innocent the third, who succeeded Pope Celestine the third of that name, about the yeer 1198, tooke another course then that of the ordinary Bishoppes, to frame the pro­ces against the Waldenses, and others whom he called Heretickes. He authorized certaine Monkes, who had the full power of the Inquisition in their hands, and framed the Proces, deliuered to the secular power, by a full and absolute authority, and a far shorter way, but much more cruell, deliuering the people by thousands into the hands of the Magistrates, & the Magistrates to the executioners; whereby in a few yeers, all Christen­dome was much moned by those pittifull & lamenta­ble spectacles, to see all those burnt or hanged, that did trust only in one Lord Iesus. Christ for their saluation, and renounced the vaine hopes innented by men, & for their profit, which was all the fruit of that aforesaid Inquisition, which we shall speake of in the Chapter following.

CHAP. II.

IN the beginning of the prosecution of the Popes, vtterly to exterminate the Waldenses, they were content with the meanes aboue mentioned in the prece­dent Chapter, but either because the bu­sines went but slowly forward, or because notwithstan­ding those meanes, the number increased in such man­ner, of those that beleeued, that these meanes were foūd to be weake, it was resolued by Pope Innocent the third, to assay whether by the way of preaching hee could obtain that, which by violence he could neuer doe. He sent therefore certaine Bishops and Monkes, who preached in those places of the Waldenses that were su­spected to professe their religion; but as he saith, that writ the Treasure of Histories, The Treas, of Hist. in the yeere 1206. the said Preachers con­uerted not any, but a few poore people, but for the most part (saith he) they still persisted in the profession of their faith. In Gallia Narbonensi there were imploy­ed two Monks, that is to say, Pierre de Chateauneuf, Lib Inquisit. cap. de non oc­cidendo. fol. 100. Sic fuit occisus Sanctus Petrus de Ordine fra­trum Pradica­torum. and Dominique born at Calahorre in Spaine, to whom they ioyned a certain Abbot of Cisteaux, and in a throng, as it were together, there came many other Priests and Monkes, & amongst the rest a certain Bishop of Cestre. The Monke Pierre de Chateauneuf was slain in this busi­nes, and for that canonized for a Saint. Dominique [Page 6]continued in his persecution of the Waldenses both in deed and word. This Monke seeing himselfe to bee in authority, Moynes qui mandient. instituted an Order of begging Monkes, who after his name were callad Dominicans, and the said Monke was canonized, and his Order confirmed by Pope Honorius, being warned (saith hee) to doe it, by a dreame. For it seemed to him, that the Church of Rome was falling, and that Dominique vpheld it with his shoulders, in recompence whereof, the said Pope commanded that the said Order should haue the first place among the Mendicants. Mandians.

It is said of this Monke, The Martiro­loge in the life of Domi­nique. that his mother when shee went with childe with him, shee did dreame, that shee had in her wombe a dogge that cast out flames of fire out of his throat. His followers interpret this to his aduantage, as if hereby we were giuen to vnderstand, that hee should be that dogge, that should vomit out that fire, which should consume the Heretikes: But on the contrary, they whom hee euery day deliuered vnto death, might well say that hee was the dogge, that had set on fire all Christendome, and that the flames that came out of his throat, doe note vnto vs, those fiery and infernall sentences which he pronoun­ced against the Christians. Howsoeuer hee caried himselfe so well in these affaires, that before hee died, he built many goodly houses in Languedoc, Prouence, Dolphine, Spaine, and elswhere, by which hee had ob­tained great reuenewes, either from the liberality of those that affected his Order, or the Confiscations of the Waldenses, by which the Count Simon of Montfort gaue him great priuiledges and almes, as cutting large thongs of another mans leather.

He laboured in the Inquifition as the chiefe, with [Page 7]such contentment to the Popes, that from that time forward, the Monkes of his Order, haue been alwaies imployed in the Inquisition.

The power giuen to these Monkes Inquisitors, was without limits. For they could assemble the peo­ple, whensoeuer it pleased them, by the sound of a bell, proceed against the Blshops themselues, and send out proces, if there were need, to imprison, and to open the prisons without controle. All manner of accusations was auailable enough: A Sorcerer, a Harlot were sufficient witnesses, without reproch, in the fact of pretended heresie. It was no matter who did accuse, or whether by word of mouth, or by tic­kets cast in before the Inquisitor, for without any personall appearance, or confronting one another, the the proces were framed, without party, without wit­nesse, and without other law, then the pleasure of the Inquisitor. To be rich was a crime neere vnto heresie, and he that had any thing to lose, was in the way to bee vndone, either as an Hereticke, or at the least, as a fauourer of heretikes. One bare suspition stop­ped the mouthes of fathers and mothers, and kins­folke, that they durst not intercede for punishments to come, and he that did intreat for the conuey of a cup of cold water, or a little straw to lye vpon in some stinking dungeon, was condemned for a fauourer of Heretickes, and brought to the same or worse extre­mities. There was no Aduocate that durst vnder take the defence of his nearest kinsinan or friend, or No­tary that durst receiue any act in his fauour. And that which was more, after that a man was once intangled within the snares of the Inquisition, he could neuer liue in any assurance, for hee was alwaies to beginne [Page 8]againe: For if any man were set at liberty, it was only for a time till they might better consider of it. Death it selfe made not an end of the punishment, for they haue left vnto vs certaine coppies of their sentences against the bones of the dead, to dis-interre and to burne them, yea thirty yeeres after the decease of the party accused. They that were heires had nothing certaine, for vpon any accusation of their fathers or kindred, they durst not vndertake the defence of their owne right, or possesse their owne inheritance, with­out the crime or suspition of Heresie, and that they rather inherited their bad faith and opinions then their goods. The people, yea the most mighty and richest amongst them, were constrained, in a manner, to adore these Monkes the Inquisitors, and to bestow vpon them great Presents for the building of their Co­uents and dotations of their houses, for feare to bee accused of Heresie, and not to be estemed zealous for the faith of those holy fathers. And the better to en­tertaine men with an apprehension of these things, they sometimes made shewes and brauadoes of their prisoners, leading them in triumph at their Processi­ons, some being enioyned to whip themselues, o­thers to goe couered after the manner of S ^t. Benedicts, that is to say, with certaine red Cassockes with yellow crosses, to signifie that they were such as had been conuinced of some errour, and that at the first offence they should afterward commit, they were already condemned for Heretickes. Others appeared in their shirts, bare-foote and bare-headed, with a with about their neckes, a torch in their hands; that being thus prepared and furnished, they might giue terror to the beholders, to see such persons of all estates and sex, [Page 9]brought to so miserable a condition, being all forbid to enter into the Church, but to stay in the porch, or to cast an eye vpon the Hoste when it was showed by the Priest; vntill it was otherwise determined by the Fathers the Inquisitors.

And for the full accomplishment of the content­ment of the said Fathers, their accused were exiled for a penance, into the holy Land, or enrolled for some other expedition against the Turkes or other Infidels, leuied by the command of the Pope, to serue the Church for a certaine time at their owne charge: and in the meane time, the said holy Fathers tooke posses­sion of the goods of the poore Pilgrims; and that which was worst of all, at their returne, they must not enquire whether the said Monkes had in their ab­sence any priuate familiarity with their wiues, for feare lest they should be condemned for back-sliders, impenitent, and altogether vnworthy of any fauour.

Now these violences being executed from the yeer a thousand two hundred and six, which was baout the time that Dominique erected his Inquisition, to the yeere one thousand two hundred twenty eight, there was so great a hauock made of poore Christians, that the Archbishops of Aix, Arles, and Narbonne, be­ing assembled together at Aingou, in the said yeere 1228, at the instance of the said Monkes the Inquisi­tors, to confer with them about diuers difficulties in the execution of their charge, had compassion of the misery of a great number that were accused, and kept in prison by the said Monkes the Inquisitors, saying:

It is come to our knowledge, See the Catal. of the Test. of the truth. pag. 53 [...]. that you haue appre­hended so great a number of the Waldenses, that it is not only not possible to defray the charge of their [Page 10]nourishment, but to prouide lyme and stone to build prisons for them; we therefore counsell you (say they) that you defer a little such imprisonments, vntill the Pope may bee aduertised of the great numbers that haue been apprehended, and that he doe aduise what pleaseth him to bee done; if not, there is no reason you should take offence for those that are impeni­tent and incorigible, Vous tuissies. or that you should doubt of their relaps, or that they should escape away, or hauing their liberty should infect others, because you may con­demne such persons without delay.

There needs no other proofe then this of the a­foresaid Prelats, to make it appeare that the number of those whom the Inquisition had deliuered vnto death, was very great. For touching the question moued by the said Inquisitors, whether they that haue frequented the company of the Waldenses, and haue receiued the Supper of the Lord with them, are to be excused, because they say they offended out of ignorance, not knowing that they were Waldenses: The the answer of the said Prelats was, that they were not to be excused; Because (say they) who is so great a stranger, as not to know that the Waldenses haue been punished and condemned for these many yeers since, and who knoweth, not that for a long time they haue been pursued and persecuted at the charge and trauell of Catholikes, this pursuit being sealed by so many persons condemned to death; if it cannot be called in­to doubt.

And yet neuertheles, the speech of the said Prelats being conferred, with that which George Morell, in the yeer a thousand fiue hundred and thirty, hath written, it would be none of the least wonders that God hath [Page 11]wrought, that notwithstanding the bloody persecuti­ons after Waldo his time, in the yeere a thousand one hundred sixty, George Morel in his memo­rials. pa. 54. there were according to the report of Morel, aboue eight hundred thousand persons that made profession of the faith of the said Waldenses.

As touching the subtleties of the said Inquisitors, we should not haue had any knowledge thereof, but from such as haue escaped from the Inquisition of Spaine, but that it was the will of God that their cunning trickes should not bee so closely hid, but that wee had examples thereof euen from themselues.

Behold then the crafty subtleties of the Inquisitors, which serued them for a rule in the framing of their proces against the Waldenses.

It is not expedient to dispute of matter of faith be­fore lay-people.

No man shall be held for a penitent man, if he accuse not those that he knowes to be such as himselfe.

He that accuseth not those that are like vnto him­self, shall be cut off from the Church, as a rotten mem­ber, for feare lest the members that are sound, should be corrupted by him.

After that any one hath been deliuered to the secu­lar power, great care must bee taken, that hee bee not suffered to excuse himselfe, or to manifest his innocencie before the people: because if be he deli­uered to death, it is a scandall to the lay-people; and if hee make an escape, there is danger of his loyalty.

Good heed must bee taken, not to promise life vn­to him that is condemned to death, before the people, considering that an Heretike will neuer suffer himselfe to bee burnt, if hee may escape by such promises. [Page 12]And if he shall promise to repent before the people, if he haue not his life granted vnto him, there will arise ascandall amongst them, and it will be thought that he is wrongfully put to death.

Note (say they) that the Inquisitor ought alwaies to presuppose the fact, without any condition, and is onely to enquire of the circumstances of the fact, as thus: how often hast thou confessed thy selfe vnto Heretickes? In what chamber of the house haue they layen, and the like things.

The Inquisitor may looke into any booke, as if he found there written, the life of him that is accused, and of all that he enquires of.

It is necessary to threaten death to the accused, if he confesse not, and to tell him the fact is too manifest, that it is fit he should thinke of his soule, and renounce his Heresie, for he must die, and therefore it shall bee good for him to take patiently whatsoeuer shall light vpon him. And if he shall answer; since I must die, I had rather die in that faith I professe, then in that of the Romish Church, then conclude for certaine, that be­fore he made but a shew of repentance, and so let him suffer iustice.

Wee must not thinke to vanquish Heretickes by learning or by the scriptures, inasmuch as men that are learned, are rather confounded by them, whereby it comes to passe, that the Heretickes fortifie them­selues, seeing they are able to delude the most learned.

Againe, great heed must bee taken that the Here­tikes neuer answer directy, and when they are pressed by frequent interrogations, they haue a custome to alledge for themselues, that they are simple and foolish [Page 13]people, and therefore know not how to answere. And if they shall once see the assistants to bee moued with compassion towares them, as if they should doe them wrong, thinking them to be simple people, and therefore not culpable; then they gather heart, and make a show of shedding teares like poore miserable creatures, and flattering their iudges, they endeauour to free themselues from the Inquisition, saying: Sir, If I haue been faulty in any thing, I will willingly doe penance, but yet giue me your aide and assistance to deliuer me from this infamy, into which I am fallen by the malice of others, not mine owne fault.

But then the couragious Inquisitor must not yeeld for all these flatteries, nor giue any beliefe to those dissi­mulations.

Moreouer the Inquisitor must tell them, that they shall gaine nothing by swearing falsly, because they haue enough to conuince them by witnesses; and therefore they must not thinke, that by meanes of their oath they shall auoide the sentence of death; but they must promise them (say they) that if they will freely confesse their error, they shall haue mercy; for in such perplexities, there are many, that confesse their error in hope to escape.

Thus you see the subtilties of the Monkes the Inquisirors, such as they practised in times past, a­gainst the Waldenses throughout all Europe: It re­maines that we now see what their practise hath been in euery particular Realme and Prouince, so far forth as is come to our knowledge. And first we will be­gin with Dauphine, because it is the Prouince into which Waldo and his followers retired themselues at their departure from Lion.

CHAP. III.

THe Waldensian Churches in Dauphine, haue been for these many hundred yeeres spread abroad throughout diuers parts of the Prouince. For they haue had Chur­ches in Valentia, Valentinois. where at this present there are places, wherin times out of mind, the faith of the Waldēses hath been receiued from the father to the sonne, as the place des Faulques, and Beauregard in Valentia, and La Baulme neere Crest; out of which places there are come to our hands certaine proces against some particular persons of the same places, for being accused by the Inqui­sitors as adhearing to the faith of the Waldenses aboue three hundred yeeres since. But the more famous Churches of the saide Prouince, are those of the Valley of Fraissiniere, neere Ambrun, of Ar­genterie, of the Valley Loyse, which for the VVal­denses sakes was called Val lute, as if there had been nothing in the said Valley but a Brothel-house, and re­ceptacle of all manner of dissolute liuing and villany. This was vtterly rooted out. On the other side of the Alpes, there is a valley called the Valley of Pragela, where they haue inhabited time out of minde. A Valley that is in the iurisdiction of the Arch-bishop of Turin, peopled euen at this present with those that are descended from the first Waldenses, of whom men­tion [Page 15]hath been made heretofore. They were the in­habitants of this Valley that peopled the Waldensian Valleies of Piedmont, La Perouse, Saint Martin, Angrongne and others; as also those of the Walden­ses inhabited in Prouence, and Calabria, are come out of those places of Dauphine, and Piedmont. In said Valley of Pragela, there are at this day, six goodly Chur­ches, euery one hauing their Pastor, and euerie Pastor hauing diuers villages, which belong to e­uery one of these Churches, all filled with those that haue descended from the ancient VValdenses. They are Churches truely reformed time out of minde. For although in the said Valley, there are at this present old people, and not a small num­ber that draw neere, yea and some that are aboue a hundred yeere old, yet these good old men, haue ne­uer heard of their fathers, or grand-fathers, that masse was euer sung in their times in that Country. And though perhaps the Arch-bishops of Turin, haue caused it to be song in the said Valley, whereof the inhabi­tants haue had no knowledge, yet there is not any a­mongst them, that makes profession of any other faith or beleefe, then that the confession whereof we haue heard in the former booke.

For all those bookes before mentioned, haue bin re­ceiued by the Inhabitants of the said valley, which hath been in times past, one of the safest retiring pla­ces that the Waldenses had in all Europe, enuironed on all sides with mountaines almost vnaccressable, within the caues whereof they retired themselues in times of persecution.

Le Sieur de Vignaux who was one of the first Pa­stors that preached to his people, long before [Page 16]the exercise of the reformed Religion was free in France, could not satisfie himselfe with the liberall speech, integrity, and piety of these people, whom he found altogether disposed to receiue the dispensa­tion of the word of God, which their fore-fathers had cherished, and in which they had instructed their posterity. And it was worthy the obseruation, that notwithstanding they were weakned on all sides, and enuironed with the enemies of their Religion, in dan­ger to be apprehended when they went out of their dores, yet was there neuer any worldly respect that had power to alter their holy resolution, from the father to the sonne to serue God, taking his word for the rule of their faith, and his law for the rule of their obedience. And in this designe it was, that they haue been blessed of God, aboue all Christian people throughout Europe, insomuch that their infants were hardly weaned from their mothers breast, but their pa­rents tooke a singular delight to instruct them in the Christian faith and doctrine, vntill they were able to confound many persons dwelling elswhere well stroo­ken in yeeres, and ouerwhelmed with ignorance.

To this passe their Pastors brought them, who not being content to giue them exhortations vpon the Sabboth daies, went also in the weeke-daies to in­struct them, in the villages and hamlets thereabouts, not sparing themselues for the roughnes of the rockes, the coldnesse of the ayre, the inciuility of the coun­try, where they were faine to clime vp high mountains to visit their flocke, and to carry vnto them the foode of their soules; euen at those times when the people in the heat of summer were keeping their cattell vpon the high rockes, and there they many times teach and in­struct [Page 17]them in the open fields. There you may see those that heare the word of God with attention and reuerence: There is discipline exercised with fruit; There the people pray with feruency of zeale, at their retaine from their labors, at night when they go toe their rest, & in the morning before they vndertake any worke; First in their priuate houses, then in the Tem­ple they begge the assistance of the Lord in all their actions, thoughts, words, and deeds, and so betake themselues to their labours, vnder the protection of the liuing God, whom they loue, and honour and adore. There you may descry more zeale, and more simplicity, then in many other places, that abound in the delights and pleasures of this world; neither are they so rude and blockish, but that they haue diuers a­mongst them that can reade, and deliuer their mindes in good tearmes, especially they that trauell some­times into the lower Countries for their commodi­ties; they haue Schooles wherein their children are taught and nurtured, neither doe they want any thing they thinke necessary to aduance the glory of God amongst them.

The first persecution that is come to our know­ledge, was that, which was moued by a certain Monke Inquisitor of the Order of the Frier-Minors, named Francis Borelli, hauing a Commission in the yeere 1380, Anno 1380. to make inquiry and to informe touching the Sect of the Waldenses, in the Dioces of Aix, Arles, Ambrun, Vienna, Geneua, Aubonne, Sauoy, the Ve­netian County, Dyois, Forests, This Bull was taken out of the Chamber Country of Grenoble. the Principality of Orenge, the Citty of Anignon and Selon, as his Bull gaue him authority, which he receiued from Clement the seuenth, who then was Resident and ruled in [Page 18] Anignon. By reason of the neerenes of his Court to the habitation of the Waldenses; hee thought good to purge Dauphine, of those that held him to bee Anti­christ; and for this cause he commanded the Bishops of Dauphine, Prouence, and other places, to which his power did extend (for there was then a schisme, and all Europe was diuided, partly for Vrbani the sixt, and partly for this said Clement) to watch in such sort ouer their flockes, that there might not any liue amongst them that was of the Sect of the Waldenses.

This Monke cited to appeare before hin at Ambrun, all the inhabitants of Erassiniere, Argentiere, and the valley Pute, vpon paine of excommunication. They appeared not, nor any for them, & were therefore con­demned for their contumacy, and in the end shut out of the Church, by the last and most direfull excom­munication of offenders: and in the space of thirteene yeeres, during which time he alwaies caught one or other, he deliuered by sentence to the secular power to be burnt at Grenoble; that is to say, of the valley Pute, William Marie of Vilar, Peter Long, alias Chastan; Iohn Long, alias Truchi, Albert Vincens, Ioane the wife of Steuen Vincens, and diuers others; that is to say, to the number of one hundred and fifty men, diuers women, with many of their sonnes and daughters well strooken in yeeres, whose names we haue not heere inserted be­cause we would not grieue and weary the Reader.

Of the Valley of Argentiere and Frassinieres, Astine Berarde, Barthelemie the wife of Iohn Porti, and others of both sexes, to the number of eighty, who were all condemned to be deliuered to the secular power; in such sort, that whensoeuer any one of them was ap­prehended, he was presently brought to Grenoble, and [Page 19]there without any other shew of proces, burnt aliue.

This last sentence was pronounced at Ambrun in the Cathedrall Church, in the yeere one thousand three hundred ninty three, to the great gaine and com­modity of the Monkes the Inquisitors, who adiudged to themselues two parts of the goods of the said con­demned, and the rest to the temporall commanders, with inhibition to their bordering neighbours, to as­sist them in any manner howsoeuer, to receiue them, visit, defend them, or to minister reliefe or sustenance to any of them, or to conuerse with them in any sort, or to doe them any fauour, or giue them any aide or counsell, vpon paine to be attainded and conuinced for a fauourer of Heretickes, they being declared vnwor­thy of all offices, and publicke charges and counsels; forbidding euery man to vse the seruice of any of them in matter of testimony, they themselues being iudged vnsufficient to make a will, or to succeed in any inheritance. And if any of them should bee iud­ges, that their sentences should be of no force, and no causes should be called before them. And if any of them be Aduocates, that their defences and pleas bee not receiued; if Notaries, that their instruments be of no effect, but cancelled and defaced; If Priests, that they be depriued of all offices and benefices, with inhibition to all Ecclesiasticall persons, to minister the Sacrament vnto them, to giue them sepulture, or to receiue from them any almes or oblations, vpon paine of deposition from charges, and depriuation of their Benefices.

This Monke reserued to himselfe, by the said sen­tence, the reuiew and examination of the proces of some dosen that he named therein; and they were those which he would willingly haue to passe by the [Page 20]golden gate. For in the proces that are come to our hands, there are many that complaine, that they had neuer been entangled in the snares of the Inquisitors, but for their goods; beeing well knowne that they neuer had any knowledge of the Beleefe of Wal­denses.

As touching the Waldenses of the valley of Pragela, they were assayled by their enemies vpon the side of Susa a towne in Piedmont, 1400 about the yeere a thousand foure hundred: and forasmuch as they had many times assaulted them in vaine, at such times as they could retire themselues into the high mountaines, and caues or hollow places thereof, Vineaux in his Meuo [...]. fol. 6. from whence they might much indamage, and hinder those that came to assaile them, the said enemies set vpon them, about the Feast of the Natiuity of Christ, a time when these poore people neuer thought, that any would haue durst to haue past the mountaines being couered with snow, who seeing their caues and cauerns taken by their ene­mies, they betooke themselues to one of the highest mountaines of the Alpes, named afterward the Alber­gam, that is to say, the mountaine of retrait, and running together in troopes with their wiues and chil­dren, the mothers carrying their cradles, and leading their infants by the hand, that were able to goe, the enemy followed them vntill night, and slew many before they could recouer the mountaine. They that were then slaine had the better bargaine. For night comming vpon these poore people which were in the snow, without any meanes to make any fire to warme their little infants, the greatest part of them were be­nūmed with cold, & there were found in the morning fourescore small infants dead in their cradles, and [Page 21]most of their mothers mothers died after them, and di­uers others were giuing vp the last gaspe.

The enemies being retired in the night, into the houses of these poore people, they ransacked and pillaged whatsoeuer they could carry to Susa, and for the full accomplishment of their cruelty, they hanged vpon a tree a poore Waldensian woman, whom they met vpon the mountaine de Meane, named Margaret Athode.

The Inhabitants of the said Valley, hold this perse­cution to be the most violent, that their fathers haue related vnto them, that in their times or the times of their grand-fathers they haue euer suffred; and they talke of it at this present, as if it were a thing lately done, and fresh in memory; so often from the fa­ther to the sonne, hath mention been made of this vn­expected surprise, the cause of so many miseries a­mongst them.

Now in the meane while, the Waldenses of the valley Frassiniere, that remained and had escaped this afore­said persecution, were againe violently handled by the Archbishop of Ambrun their neighbour in the yeere 1460, that is, 1460 in the time of Pope Pius the se­cond of that name, and of Lewis the eleuenth King of France.

This Arch-bishop named Iohn, made a Commis­sioner against the said Waldenses, a certaine Monke of the order of the Frier-Minors, called Iohn Vayleti, who proceeded with such diligence and violence, that there was hardly any person in the vallies of Frassi­niere, Argentiere, and Loyse, that could escape the hands of the said Inquisitor, but that they were appre­hended either as Heretickes, or fauourers of them.

They therefore that knew nothing of the beleefe of the Waldenses, had recourse vnto King Lewis the eleuenth, humbly beseeching him, to stay by his au­thority the course of such persecutions. The King granted vnto them his letters, the which wee haue in this place thought good to insert at large, because by them it shall be easie to know what the will and de­sire of the said Monkes was, who intangled in their proces many of the Romish religion, vnder colour of the Inquisition against the Waldenses.

The Arch-bishop of Ambrun ceaseth not to pro­ceed against the accused, yea he was much more ani­mated then before, grounding himself vpon that clause of the aforesaid Letters; If there bee not any found re­bellious and refractary, and that obstinately harden them­selues in their opinions. And therefore he pretended not to doe any thing against the aforesaid Letters, be­cause they that had obtained them, made not their appearance in iudgement, for their iustification, veri­fying that they were neither obstinate nor rebellious. Moreouer, the Arch-bishop extorted from the one [Page 28]part of the Inhabitants af Frassiniere, Argentiere, and the valley Loyse, a disclaiming of those requests pre­sented to the King, declaring that there were no peo­ple in Dauphine lesse free from Heresie, then they that were most forward to purge themselues before the King: He caused information againe to be made, and that which we haue obserued in the said informatiōs is, that the witnesses produced by the Arch-bishop were almost all Priests or Officers of the said Arch-bishop, as namely William Chabassal Canon of Ambrun, Fran­cis Magnici, Priest of the valley Loyse, Rostain Payan, Curat of Saint Marcelin, Anthony Garneri Priest, Ai­mar Raimond Chaplin, Michael Pierre, Curat of Fras­sinieres, al which deposed, that all they that had recours vnto King Lewis the eleuenth were Waldenses. The Arch-bishop being thus strengthned, by their dis­claime, and these witnesses, and the assertion of one Iohn Pelegrin, who was corrupted with siluer, to ac­cuse the VValdenses of such ancient calumnies, as long since haue been laid vpon the Christians of the Pri­matiue Church, that is, that they assembled them­selues together in darke places, to commit whoredom, the candels being put out; he sent to the Court, to iustifie himself against those informations giuen to the King, that he pursued the Waldenses, rather to get their goods, then for any zeale hee bare to the Catholicke faith: but this onely witnes preuailed but little, against many other, who would neuer depose any thing a­gainst their cōscience, that they had euer seen amongst the Waldenses, any thing that had but the least appea­rance of that villany wherewith the aforesaid false witnes had charged them. Neuertheles the Arch­bishop ceaseth not to annoy the foresaid accused to the [Page 29]vttermost of his power, in such sort, that wanting meanes to defray the charge, the greatest part of them betooke themselues to flight, there being only amongst those that were persecuted, one Iames Patineri, who openly auerred the vniust vexation, to the preiu­dice of the Letters obtained of his maiesty, and de­manded a coppy of the proceeding, that hee might right himselfe by Law. The Arch-bishop leaues him in peace, pursuing those that wanted courage to oppose themselues against his violences. But the Con­suls of Frassiniere, Michael Ruffi, and Iohn Girand, sped not so well: For hauing been cited to appeare before the said Arch-bishop to answere both in their owne name, and of the inhabitants of their Valley; hauing answered that they had nothing to say before the said Arch-Bishop, because their cause was then depending before the King and his Counsell, which they then openly auerred, and demanded a Coppy off: being pressed to answere, notwithstanding their protestati­ons, and auerment to the contrary, Michael Ruffi an­swered in his owne language, and nodding his head, Veici rages, and vpon a new instance or importunity veici vna bella raison; the Arch-bishop being strangely moued against the said Consuls for this their con­tempt, sent them to the fire without any other Indict­ment. But the Arch-bishop staied not long after them; for he died, and not without an euident proofe of the iustice of God, presently after the said execution. Thus ended the persecution of the said Arch-bishop, 1487 and his Commissioner Iohn Veileti in the yeere one thousand foure hundred eighty seuen.

Now we may obserue one notorious villany in the proces framed by this Monke Veileti: For hauing [Page 30]the said proces in our hands, we found certaine bils or tickets, in which the said Commissary tooke the an­sweres of those that were accused, simply as they were taken from their mouthes; but wee haue after­wards found them strangly stretched and extended in the proces, and many times quite contrary to that which was in the sumptum as they call it, inuerting and altering the intention of the said accused, making him to say that which hee neuer thought of; as for example: Inquire whether hee beleeued, that af­ter the words of the Sacrament were pronounced by the Priest in the Masse, the body of Christ was in the Hoste, in as grosse a manner and as great, as it was vpon the crosse; If the Waldenses shall answere no; Veileti sets downe the answere thus; That hee had confessed, that he beleeued not in God, or at least wise his Scribe, he dictating it. Againe, Inquire whether wee ought not to pray vnto Saints; If he answere no: they set it down, that he railed and spake ill of the Saints. Inquire whe­ther we are to reuerence the Virgin Mary, and pray vnto her in our necessities; If hee answere no: They set it downe in writing, that he spake blasphemy against the virgin Mary. Behold here the fidelity of the said Monkes inquisitors, in an action so important, and it could not be without the great prouidence of God, that such impiety should be conserued and kept vnto this present time, that men might see with what spirit they were led, that cut the throats and burnt the faith­full of the Church, after they had oppressed them with impostures, demanding of vs neuertheles, where these faithfull of the Church were, which they haue massacred before these times wherein we liue.

And if the Reader desire to know, how such Pro­ces, [Page 31]and Indictments are come to our hands; here hee may see againe, that it hath not been without the great prouidence of God, that they themselues that haue committed these cruelties and villanies, are they that haue kept the said papers and proces in their libraries, and places wherein their Records are laid; as namely the Arch-bishops themselues of Ambrun; Iohn and Rostain and others vntil the time that this Citty being recouered out of the hands of the Conspirators, in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred eighty fiue, 1585 and brought vnder the obedience of the King, by Monsieur the Mareshal de l'esdignieres; all the said proces and pro­ceedings attempted, and intended for many hundred yeeres together, against the said Waldenses, were cast into the street, by reason that the Arch-bishops house was set on fire, by the enemies themselues, with an in­tent to defend a tower, called Tour Brune, whether they were retired, and to cut off a Gallery of wood, by which the Arch-bishop had passage to the said Towre. The Lord de Calignon of happy memory, and whilest he liued being Chancellor of Nauarra, be­ing there; and the Lord of Vulcon at this present, Counseller to the King in his Court of Parliament at Grenoble, they caused the said Indictments long since framed against the VValdenses to be gathered together, from whence we haue collected that which concerns the cruelties, and lewd cariage of the said Monkes In­quisitors, and their adherents, as also, that which hereafter followeth touching the Waldenses in Dau­phine, and the persecutions of the Arch-bishops of Turin against the Waldensian Churches of Pragela by their Commissaries.

Hitherto we haue not found that any haue hotly pursued the Waldenses by war; but Albert de Capita­neis, Arch-deacon of Cremona, sent against them by Innocent the eight, in the yeere one thousand, foure hundred, 1488 eighty eight, began to intreat the assistance of the Kings Lieutenant in Dauphine called Hugnes de la Paln, who for this seruice leuied troopes of men, and marched to those places, where the said Albert told him there were any of the Waldenses, namely in the valley of Loyse. And to the end the busines should seeme to be vndertaken according to a forme of iu­stice, and to giue the better authority to that which by them should be executed, the said Lieutenant of the King tooke in his company a Counseller of the Court, named M ^r. Iohn Rabot. Being arriued at the said val­ley Loyse, they found none of the Inhabitants, to whom they might speake a word; for they had all retired themselues into their cauernes into the high moun­taines, hauing carried thither with them their little children and whatsoeuer was most pretious vnto them, and fit for nourishment. This Lieutenant of the King caused a great quantity of wood to be laid at the entrance of their caues or cauernes, and fire to be put vnto it, in such manner that either the smoake by smothering them, or the fire by burning them, con­strained a great number, to cast themselues headlong from their cauernes vpon the rockes below, where they ended their liues, being broken in peeces, and if there were any amongst them that durst to stirre, hee was presently slaine by the souldiers of the said Coun­ty of Varax, Lord of Paln. This persecution was very extreame; For there were found within the said cauernes foure hundred small infants, stifled in [Page 33]their cradles, or in the armes of their dead mothers. It is held for a certaine truth amongst the VValdenses of the neighbouring Valleis, that there then died aboue three thousand persons, men and women of the said Valley. And to say the truth they were wholly extir­pated, in such sort, that from that time forward, the said Valley was peopled with new Inhabitants, there was no family of the said Waldenses that euer tooke footing there; which is a certain proofe that all the Inhabitants thereof of both sexes died at that time. This Lieute­nant of the King, hauing destroyed the said Inhabitants of the Valley Loyse, fearing lest the Waldenses should settle themselues there againe, & to the end they might not one day be troubled againe to chase them out, he gaue the goods and possessions of the said Valley, to whom it pleased him, which was no sooner parted amongst them, but the Waldenses of Pragela, and Frassi­nieres had prouided for their safety, attending the ene­my at the passages, and narrow straites of their Val­leies, in such manner, that when the said Leiutenant of the King came to inuade them, hee was constrained honestly to retire. Albert de Capetaneis being called elsewhere by his Commission, surrogated a certaine Monke of the Order of Saint Francis, named Francis Ploieri, who began to informe anew against the Wal­denses of Frassiniere, in the yeere one thousand foure hundred eighty nine. 1489 He citeth them to appeare before him at Ambrun, and for not appearing, he excommuni­cateth them, curseth and recurseth them, and in the end condemned them for Heretickes, partinacious, and backsliders, to be deliuered to the secular power, and their goods confiscated. To this iudgement there gaue assistance, in behalfe of the Court of Parliament [Page 34]in Dauphine, a certaine Counceller thereof named Ponce, to the end that this mixt iudgement might be without appeale. The sentence was pronounced in the great Church at Ambrun, afterward fastned vpon the doore of the said Church in a great Table, in the lower part whereof, there were thirty two Articles of the beleefe of the said Waldenses, that is to say, against the Masse, Purgatory, the Inuocation of the Saints, Pilgrimage, the obseruation of Feasts, distinction of Viandes vpon certaine daies, and other matters that were affirmed by the said Waldenses.

But this Inquisitor added to the Articles of their beleefe, that they held, that for the augmentation of humane kind, a man might company with his owne sister, neece, or other in any degree of proximity whatsoeuer, because God hath said, Increase and mul­tiply.

Againe, that euery man that burneth in lust, may carnally know any woman whatsoeuer, without sin­ning, because the Apostle saith, that it is better to mar­ry then to burne, and because it is said in the Gospell (qui potest capere captat) interpreting it thus, catch hee that catch can.

Now the informations vpon which they groun­ded their sentence being come to our hands, this im­posture hath been dicouered to their owne condem­nation: for there is not any witnes, or at leastwise the greatest part of those that were heard; but they were Priests or Monkes, who being demanded by the said Monke, whether they knew this beleefe contained in the aforesaid Articles to be true, answered, that they neuer knew, amongst the Waldenses any such things ei­ther taught or practised.

In the same bundle or bag of proces against the Waldenses, there is there one framed against two Pa­stors, who were taken, Sur le col de coste Plane. about the hill in the side of the Plaine, the one named Francis Gerondin, the other Peter Iames, 1492 in the yeere one thousand foure hundred ninety two. Being demanded why the Sect of the Waldenses grew and increased so fast, and for a long time together had spred it selfe into so many places. This Monke thus sets downe the answere of the Pa­stor Gerondin; That the dissolute life of the Priests was the cause, and because the Cardinals were coue­tous, proud, luxurious, being a thing knowne vnto all, that there was neither Pope, Cardinall, nor Bi­shop, that kept not their whores; few or none that had not their youth for Sodomy: and therefore it was an easie matter for the VValdensian Pastors, to per­swade the people, that the Religion of such scanda­lous persons was not good, since their fruits were so bad. And presently after, the said Pastor being de­manded, what they taught touching Luxury: They make him to answer, that luxury is no sinne, except it be betwixt the mother and her childe. As if it had been possible that the Pastors could haue drawne the people from the Church of Rome by condemning the luxury of the Priests, if they themselues should teach, that luxury was no sin. Againe, being de­manded why the incest of the childe with the mother was a sin, they make him to answere; because God hath forbidden it; And being asked, where hee hath forbidden it, they make him to say, that Christ Ie­sus said vnto Iohn before he ascended vp into heauen, Garde to done seray failli vna volta non tornar piu. That [Page 36]is to say, Take heed thou enter not into that place from whence thou once camest. And all this was thus set downe and subscribed, not onely by the dictat and ap­pointment of the said Monke, but by the approbation and signature of the Councellor Ponce, and one Oronce Iudge of Briancon. Wherin appeares the priuat conspi­racy, and vniust confederation of the said Inquisitors, in that they were not content to persecute them with violence, but to oppresse them with calumnies, ma­king the said Pastors to answer so vnaptly & childish­ly touching those things wherein (as it shall appeare in it due place, that is to say, in their exposition vpon the sixt Commandement) the said Pastors were throughly exercised in the Scriptures, and therefore that it is a plaine imposture which they haue forged, and an idle tradition, in which exposition they leaue nothing to say against luxury and incontinency of all that is taught vs in the word of God.

This persecution was very extreame: for the Waldenses being condemned by the Inquisitor as He­retickes; Ponce the Counseller, and Oronce Iudges, sent them to the fire without appeale; and that which multiplied the number of those that were persecuted, was, that whosoeuer did any way mediat for them, whosoeuer hee were, whether it were the child for the father, or the father for the child, he was presently imprisoned, and his indictment framed, as a fauourer of Heretickes.

In the yeere one thousand foure hundred ninety foure, Anthony Fabri Doctor and Canon of Am­brun, and Christopher de Salliens Canon Vicar, and Officiall of the Bishop of Valence, had Commissi­on from the Pope to commence suit against the VVal­denses [Page 37]in Dauphine, otherwise called Chagnards. Fabri the Inquisitor, and one Gobandi Notary of Ambrun and Secretary to the said Inquisitors carried to Am­brun a certaine indictment framed against Peironette of Beauregard in Valentinois, the widdow of one Peter Be­rand, of whom we doe not make mention for her con­stancie, but because shee deliuened in her answeres ma­ny things that may adde some things to this History.

Being therefore demanded whether shee had seen, or vnderstood of any of the Pastors of the VValdenses, shee answered at the first, that shee had not, being re­solued to answere to all interrogatories negatiuely. The Inquisitors ordained, that because shee had not satisfied their demands, shee should bee conueied to the prison of the Bishop of Valence, who being threat­ned to be further vrged touching the question, confes­sed that about some twenty fiue yeeres since, there were two men clothed in gray, that came to her hus­bands house, & that after supper, the one of them asked her, Naues vous iamais auui parlar d'un plen pung de mond, que si non era tot lo monde seria afin. That is to say, Whether shee had heard any speech of a handfull of people that are in the world, without which the world must haue an end. Hauing answered that shee neuer heard any speech therereof, but of one Monsen Andre, Parson of Beauregard, who often told her, that there was a small number of people in the world, without whom the world must perish; and that then he likewise told her, that he was now come thither, to confer with her about that little flocke, and to giue her to vnderstand, that they were the men, that had learnt by the Commandements of God, how to serue him, & that they trauelled about the world to instruct men, [Page 38]how they ought to adore and honour him, and to re­forme the abuses of the Churche of Rome. Againe, that among other things he told her, that we ought not to doe any thing to another, which wee would not haue done vnto our selues; That wee are to wor­ship one onely God, Who is onely able to helpe vs, and not the Saints departed; That wee ought not to Sweare; That we are to keep faith in marriage, and to keepe holy the Sabboth day, but that theee was no ne­cessity of obseruing other Feasts. That Ecclesiasticall persons were too rich, which was the cause why they maintained their strumpets, and liued scandalously; and that of the Pope hee said in his language; Au­tant crois & autant maluais es lo Papa coma neugun au­tre, & per co non ages de poissansa. That is to say, that the Pope is as bad, or rather worse then any other, and therefore he hath no power. Againe, that hee taught that there was no Purgatory, but only Para­dise for the good, and hell for the wicked. And therefore all the singings and suffrages for the soules of of the dead, by the Priests, auaile nothing; nor the walkes, and goings and commings of the Priests about the Church-yards, singing Kirieleison. As also, that it was better to giue to the poore, then to offer vnto Priests, and that it was a vaine thing to bow the knee before the images of Saints.

Shee was sent backe to prison, and the next mor­row called againe: but persisting in her former speach, shee added, that the said Pastors had told her, that the Priests that receiued mony for the Masses they sing, were like Iudas that sold his Master for siluer; and they that gaue mony for their Masses, were like the Iewes, that bought Christ with mony.

These Inquisitors discharged this Peironette, vntill they were otherwise aduised, hauing first drawen from her, whatsoeuer shee knew, of the assemblies of the Waldenses, of such persons as frequented them, of the places and times, which afterwards brought great trouble to the said Churches of the Waldenses, and gaine and prey to the Inquisitors.

In the yeere of our Lord, 1497 one thousand foure hun­dred ninety seuen, the Arch-bishop of Ambrun, na­med Rostain, would know at his arriuall, how things had passed vntil then, against the Waldenses of his Dio­ces, and finding that they that dwelt in the valley of Frassiniere, had been excommunicated by the Inquisi­tors that had then framed their indictmēts, & that they had deliuered them to the secular power, nothing hin­dring the execution of the sentences pronounced a­gainst them, but their flight, he would not enter into the said Valley, though he were earnestly requested, by one Fazion Gay, an inhabitant of the said Valley, saying, that they had been condemned authoritate Pontificis Romani, and therefore he might beginne his iourney vnto them inconsulto Pontifice: but when our holy father laxabit mihi manus (saith he) and their ab­solution shall be plaine and apparent vnto me, I will go to vifit them. Fazion Gay speaking in the behalfe of the said Inhabitants, that made profession to liue like good Catholikes (say they) answered, that the King had released of such punishments, prouided that they liued like good Catholikes for time to come.

The Arch-bishop replied, that hee would doe no­thing vntill he had sent to the Pope, and that to that purpose he had deputed a Master in Theology, called Frier Iohn Columbi, and he would write to the Pope [Page 40]and Cardinals; and send them a verball report of what had passed against them, and he would request their aduise, how to carry himselfe in this businesse. But he gaue them afterwards to vnderstand, that he could re­ceiue no answere. Hereupon King Charles the eight of that name, King of France, being departed this life, the said Arch-bishop tooke his iourney to the Coro­nation of King Lewis the twelfth, 1498 in the yeer one thou­sand foure hundred ninety eight, which being come to the knowledge of the said Inhabitants of Frassi­niere, and knowing too well, that they had no reason to expect, that any thing in their fauour could come from Rome, and that the Arch-bishop would be easily intreated, to enioy those goods that had been confis­cated by his predecessors, and that hee would be vn­willing to make restitution of those goods which they had annexed to his Arch-bishopricke, they resolued with themselues to send to King Lewis the twelfth, and to become humble petitioners vnto him, that hee would be pleased, to take some order for the restituti­of their goods, the which the said Arch-bishop, the Monkes Inquisitors, and diuers others detained from them. The King committed this busines, to his Chan­cellor and his Counsell: The Chancellor speaking therof to the Arch-bishop, he answered, that the resti­tution that they demanded, concerned not himselfe, because the said goods were confiscated by the Inqui­sitors long time before he was called to the Arch­bishoprick of Ambrun: but there were then at Paris (saith he) the President of Grenoble, and the Chan­cellor Rabot, that were able to answere to the said Article, they being the men that had condemned them.

The Waldenses on the other side, were very ear­nest that the said Arch-bishop namely, and especially might be enioyned to make restitution of their goods, because many parcels of the said goods were annexed to the demaine of the said Arch-bishop, and that whensoeuer they demanded them, he sent to the Pope, to the preiudice of that, which the late deceased King had ordained.

The grand Counsell hauing taken knowledge of this businesse, ordained that nothing should be innoua­ted, in that which concerned the Waldenses of Frassi­niere, the King hauing written to the Pope, that there might be Apostolicall Commissaries ioyned with the said Arch-bishop as Ordinary, to make an end of this busines for this time.

For the prosecution of the said ordinance, there were named for Apostolicall Commissioners, a cer­taine Confessor of the Kings, and the Officiall of Orleans, who came to Ambrun, in the yeere one thou­sand fiue hundred and one, and the fourth of Iuly. 1501

Here let the Reader iudge of the capacity of the said Arch-bishop, by those memorials that he hath left, and which wee haue heere written out word for word.

The Gentlemen, (saith he) the Confessor, and the Officiall of Orleans, being arriued at Ambrun, sent vnto mee a Post for the Packet to bring the Letter missiues of the King, to the which being receiued by me, I obeyed, and sent vnto them to intreat them, that they would be pleased to lodge with me as Monsieur the Confessor had promised to doe at Lyon, and pre­sently I sent some of my people, to offer them a lod­ging, and sent them of my wine: to whom they answe­red, [Page 42]that I should no more send any thing, to the end that they of Frassiniere, should not haue them in suspi­tion, and that therefore they would not accept of my lodging. And after dinner I went to their lodging, ac­companied with Monsiuer the Abbot of Boscaudon, some of my Canons, and other Officers, and to the said Commissioners I offered againe my house, doing them honour and reuerence, as to Apostolicall and Royall Commissioners, and for the honour of their charge and persons; Then the said Commissioners presented vnto me the said Apostolicall and Royall Commissions, requiring of me, as being ioyned in the said Commissions, and as ordinary, to take notice of it. The Commissions being viewed and read, I pre­sently offered my self, with all honor and reuerence, to giue them all the aid and fauour I could possibly, and that for my part, there should nothing bee wanting, but that the said Commission should be fully accom­plished, offering vnto them all the proces and indict­ments that I had, as they demanded them, notwith­standing a great part of the said proces were remaining in the great Counsell, from the time of that Monsi­eur the Chancellor Adam Fumee (who caused my predecessor and his Secretary to be arested) at Lion vntill the said Adam Fumee had the originall of the proces, which were about the charge of a moyle, not suf­fering the said Secretary to retaine any writing, as the said Secretary medio iuramento, in their presence deposed. Afterwards Monsieur the Confessor began to blame those Commissioners, which in former times had been imployed therein. And did charge and admonish (semel, bis, ter, sub paena excommunicatio­nis latae sententiae, trina & Canonica monitione praece­dente) [Page 43]that I should shew, and that incontinently, all the indictments that I had touching this matter, for he was to spend in this businesse but a few dayes, be­ing to returne vnto the Court, at the Feast of our La­dy in August to the King, who expected him, as his Confessor, notwithstanding, that before I had offered to deliuer him the said proces. But when I saw that he proceeded against all forme of Law, and that hee purposed to proceede against the dignity Episcopall, rather by suspensions then excommunications, and that I was a Iudge as well as he, and more then that, Ordinary, I asked the Copy of their Commissions, & terminum ad respondendum, according to the forme of the Law written. Then Monsieur the Confessor an­swered, that he had vsed the said Censures and Com­mands not long before against the Masters of the Par­liament of Grenoble, and that therefore he might vse it against my selfe.

Replying also vnto me; You petty Clarkes know nothing but two C. C. Codice, & Capitulo, and two ff. Digestis, and will take vpon you to suppresse Diui­nity, and that he heard the King speake it out of his owne mouth, that the Arch-bishop of Ambrun would oppose himselfe against his Commission, and bee an open accuser of the Waldenses. To whom I answe­red, that hee must pardon me, for I did not beleeue but that the King had a better opinion of me, because in this matter I had neuer trauelled but to a good end, as I alwaies intended to doe. Then Monsieur the Confessor continuing in his discourse; spake these words; Vos ad me in modum Scribarum & Pharisaeorum Christum accusantium ad Pilatum accessistis, cum tantis viris Ecclesiasticis ad terrendum me: sed nihil teneo sub [Page 44]vobis aut domino vestro, & de nihilo vos timeo. That is to say; You are come vnto mee as the Scribes and Pharisies, when they accused Christ before Pilate, and with so many Ecclesiasticall persons, to terrifie mee, but I hold nothing vnder you or your dominion, and I feare you not at all. To which I answered, that I brought no more with mee, then those that were accu­stomed to beare mee company walking through the Citty. And suddenly he commanded the lay-peo­ple to auoid the chamber, then reuoked the sentences which hee had thundred out against mee, against all forme of law, saying; that it was expedient to vse those rigorous tearmes in the presence of the lay-peo­ple, and especially there being some of the Waldenses present, as more at large touching the kind carriage of Monsier the Confessor, and of matters aboue spo­ken of, it appeares by a publike instrument.

Thus you see part of the notes of the Arch-bishop Rostain set downe word by word, wherein we finde sundry falshoods, as for example: He writ in great griefe, that the said Commissioners, heard not aboue three or foure witnesses, and we finde in the said bun­dle of writings for remembrance, of the Arch-bishop Roslain, a Coppy of informations wherein there were foure and twenty witnesses heard and examined.

Againe he saith, that they asked no other questi­on, but if they were good Catholikes or no, to which being well taught, they answered yea, and with that answere the Commissioners contented themselues: And yet it appeareth that they demanded diuers que­stions touching the Eucharist, Purgatory, Inuocation of Saints, and diuers other points.

Againe he saith, that the witnesses were fearefull [Page 45]and durst not speake, and yet it plainly appeareth, that the witnesses produced, were for the most part Priests and Monkes, of the faction of the Arch-bishop, exhi­bited by him.

Againe, that they suffered nothing to be set downe in writing; whereas it appeareth, that there are no In­dictments where there is more written, then in those that were framed by the said Commissioners.

But that which troubled the Arch-bishop most, was that the said Commissioners gaue sentence of ab­solution touching Contumacy, sine praeiudicio causae principalis & iuris cuicunque acquisiti; against which the Arch-bishop protested, and would not yeeld his consent to seale the said sentence, complaining that Monsieur the Officiall of Orleans had made knowen by his proceedings, that he fauoured the said Waldenses, especially hauing said openly at his lodgiug at the signe of the Angell in Ambrun, that he desired to be but as good a Christian, as the worst of Frassiniere.

But the greatest hurt came to himselfe, for he saw that hee must restore diuers viniards belonging to the said Waldenses, situated at S. Clements, S. Crespin, and at the place Chanteloube, and diuers inheritances at Cha­teau-Roux, which his Predecessor named Iohn, had ioy­ned to the Demaine of his Arch-bishopricke.

The Confessor of the King hauing reported vnto him and to his Counsell, what he knew touching the Waldenses, and how they were absolued of their con­tumacy, did ordaine that the goods of the said Walden­ses should be restored, whereupon these Letters fol­lowing were granted by King Lewis the twelfth [...] that name.

These Letters being executed, it was the opinion of most men, that since the fairest and best part of the goods of the said Waldenses was possessed by the Lord Arch-bishop, that there was great reason, that hee [Page 47]should giue example vnto others; seeing especially, that that which they held, came vnto some of them as a sallary or fee for their punishments, and by the hands of the Arch-bishop Iohn his Predecessor.

The Arch-bishop Rostain answered, that he held none of the goods of the Frassinieres: onely certaine goods had been annexed to his Arch-bishopricke vp­on good and iust cause, and incorporated to his Church, by his Predecessor, the said goods being within the territories and iurisdiction thereof, in which no commandement of the King hath euer been accustomed to be executed, and therefore it is not to bee beleeued, that it commeth from the will of the King, being Protector of the Churches, and fol­lowing the example of his great predecessors: But yet neuerthelesse, the said Arch-bishop being willing to please our Lord the King, will bee content to yeeld vnto the said Inhabitants of Frassiniere the said vine­yards, vpon condition that other the Lords and Ma­sters of Dauphine, deliuer that which they haue of the said goods, and then the Arch-bishop will be content to restore that which hee and his Church doe pos­sesse.

Thus these poore people were frustrated of their attempt. For there was not any one that would re­store any thing of that which he detained. And there­fore they summoned before the King and his counsell the said Arch-bishop, Master Pons Counsellor of the Parliament at Grenoble, Peter de Rames, Esquier, Lord of Poit, Faix de Rames, the Master of Montainard, and of Argentiere, Arrouars de Bonne, and diuers other ordinary Atturnies, Priests and Burgeses of Am­brun, and Briancon. They sent to the Court, and [Page 48]hauing there more friends and credit, then the Inha­bitants of Frassiniere. Their excuse was receiued, wherein they declared, that it was not in their power to restore the said goods, before the Pope had absol­ued them.

And the Arch-bishop protested, that hee for his part, was ready to restore all that his Predecessors had vnited to his Church, prouided that they had the aforesaid absolution. This occasioned such as were lesse affected and constant, to assay this way, and to send to Pope Alexander the sixt of that name, then Bishop of Rome: But they were compelled ra­ther not to goe to Rome, but to fetch a writ of abso­lution from the Cardinall Legat in France, George of the title of Saint Xist; which would suffice, and might be obtained with lesse charge. For the obtaining whereof they had the Commissary, the Kings Con­fessor. They sent therefore one Steuen Roux, who who brought two Bulles, one by which he gaue ab­solution for Simony, theft, murder, vsury, Adultery, dedention of Benefices, destruction of goods Eccle­siasticall, violence against Clerks, by beating them, vnlawfull oathes, periuries, Fraudes, yea Apostacy, and Heresie, and whosoeuer had committed any crime, were it neuer so hainous, this Cardinall absolued them from all, by his Apostolicall authority.

And forasmuch as his Arch-bishop might pre­tend, that the said Bull did not absolue the said people of Frassinieres, hauing been condemned by the said Apostolicall authority, by Commissioners and In­quisitors deputed by the Pope, and therefore his mouth was stopped, he brought another Bull, in which there was especially this clause; Hauing power from [Page 49]the Pope to decide or determine any matter, that any other, that hath been deputed by that holy Sea, or substituted can doe, yea where there hath been an appeale, absoluing all that haue in any manner been condemned.

This poore man thought he had gotten much; and proceeded far in this busines; but the Arch-bishop Rostain flouted his Bulles, saying that they were ob­tained with too great a price and importunity, and that he must haue an absolution from the Pope himselfe. And so resolued with himselfe to restore nothing, and all the rest followed his example. And notwithstan­ding they had had absolution from the Pope, yet they would haue restored, nothing for he knew well inough that in those daies, all things were sold at Rome, wit­nesse those Latine verses which were written a gainst the said Alexander the sixth.

Againe,

which is to be vnderstood of their breaden god in the Masse.

The Arch-bishop therfore, was the cause, why others kept still those goods in their possession, without any restitution; and though some particular persons were afterwards called into question, as namely Le Sieur de Montainar, de Rames, and others, yet they could ne­uer haue any remedy.

In the yeere one thousand fiue hundred sixty, 1560 the Waldenses of Frassiniere and Pragela, had their Chur­ches furnished with Pastors, who held them in the ex­ercise of their religion, at that time wherein they persecuted vnto death all those that made professi­on of reformation. The President Truchon made an Oration to the States of Prouence assembled the same yeere, the sixt of Nouember, of purpose to exterminate the said Waldenses of Frassinieres and Pragela, saying, that it was necessary to purge the old and ancient Leuen, likely to make soure the whole Country of Dauphine, if some course were not taken to preuent it. By these States it was re­refolued by open force to extirpate them, and by armes, and to this purpose Commissions were giuen forth to leuy troopes of men, and to passe into the said Valleies: but so soone as the drumme was strooken vp, and the men in armes throughout Prouence, the vnexpected death of King Francis the second of that name altered the designe, and after­wards the said Waldensian Churches in Dauphine continued, as still they doe by the singular fauour of God.

CHAP. IIII.

THE Waldenses haue had famous Churches in the Valleis of Piedmont, Angrongne, la Perouse, the Valley Saint Martin Lu­cerna, and other bordering places for time out of minde. It is held for certaine amongst them, that they are a part of the Waldenses of Dauphine, Pragela, Frassinieres, and other places their neere neighbours; and that in time being mul­tiplied in so great abundance, that the Country could not feed them, they were constrained to disperse themselues at length and at large, where they might best settle themselues. So deare like brothers, haue they been one to another, and notwithstanding they haue been alwaies oppressed with troubles, yet with a most hearty loue and charity, they haue euer suc­coured one another, not sparing their liues and goods for their mutuall conseruation.

The first troubles that the Waldenses of Piedmont endured, came from the report of certaine Priests, sent thither by the Arch-bishop of Turin, who informed that the people that were committed to their charge, liued not according to the manners and be liefe of the Church of Rome, neither offering for the dead, nor caring for Masses, or absolutions, nor to get any of theirs out of the paines of Purgatory by any of their [Page 52]vsuall meanes. The Arch-bishops of Turin haue persecuted them, as much as lay in their power, ma­king them odious to their Princes, who vnderstan­ding of the good report that their neighbours gaue of their milde & honest conuersation, Vignaux in his memorials fol. 7. and that they were a simple people, fearing God, of a good carriage, with­out deceit or malice, louing integrity and plaine dea­ling, alwaies ready to serue their Princes, and that very willingly they yeelded vnto them all dutifull obedience, and that with alacrity: Being in such grace and fauour with the people their neighbours, that they endeauoured to bring into Piedmont to their seruice, their young people, and to prouide their nurses amongst them to bring vp their yong infants; the said Princes continued a long time in a purpose not to mo­lest them: but the Priests and Monkes that were fre­quent amongst them, gaining nothing by this their beliefe, charged them with an infinite number of Ca­lumnies, and whensoeuer they went into Piedmont vpon occasion of businesse, they alwaies caught one or other, and deliuered him to the Inquisitors, and the Inquisitors to the executioner; In such manner, that there was hardly any Towne or Citty in Pied­mont in which one or other of them was not put to death. For Iordan Tertian was burnt at Suse; Hypo­lite Roussier was burnt at Turin; Villermin Ambroise was hanged at Meane; as also Anthony Hiun, Hugh Chiampe de Fenestrelles being taken at Suse, was con­ueied to Turin, where his bowels were torne out of his belly, and put into a bason, and hee afterwards cruelly martyred: among which the seruants of God, there were some who haue maintained that truth, which they haue knowne for aboue two hundred and [Page 53]fifty yeeres, and others aboue a hundred and fifty. But amongst all the rest, the constancy of one Catelin Girard is worthy the remembrance, who being vpon the blocke whereon hee should bee burnt at Reuel in the Marquisate of Saluces, he requested his executio­ners, to giue him a coupple of stones into his hands, which they refused to doe, fearing he had a purpose to fling them at some one or other, but hee protesting the contrary, at the last they deliuered them vnto him, Vignaux in his memorials, fol. 7. who hauing them in his hands, said vnto them; when I shall haue eaten these stones, then shall ye see an end of that religion for which you put me to death, and so cast the stones vpon the ground.

The fires were kindled vntill the yeere one thou­sands foure hundred eighty eight, 1488 at what time they resolued to assault them by open force, because, be­sides that they perceiued that the constancy of those whom they did publikely put to death, drew a great number of others to the knowledge of God, they like­wise found that by this meanes they should neuer come to their purposed designe. And therefore they leuied men to ioyne with Albert de Capitaneis, one put in Commission by Pope Sixtus the fourth, and Innocent the eight. There were eighteene thou­sand souldiers mustered, besides a great number of the Inhabitants of Piedmont, who ran to the pillage from all parts. They marched all at once to Angrongne, Lucerne, la Perouse, Saint Martin Prauiglerm, and Biolet, which is in the Marquisate of Saluces, as also they raised troopes in Vaucluson in Dauphine, ouer­running the Valley of Pragela; to the end that being bound to their owne defence, they might not be able to fauour their neighbours, the Waldensian Churches [Page 54]in Piedmont. All this was guided by the singular pro­uidence of God, in that they diuided their troopes by bands, rather out of their pride then for their bet­ter expedition. For notwithstanding they were all imployed in their owne defence, and could not succor one another, yet the enemy by this diuision did so di­minish their forces, that they were euery where beaten, but especially in the Valley of Angrongne, where they made their most violent assault. For as this leuy of men could not be raised, without some aduertisement that it was against themselues, so accordingly they prepared themselues to receiue them, keeping them­selues to the straight passages, where few men were able to make any assault, being armed with certaine long targets of wood, that did wholly couer them, and wherein the arrowes of their enemies strooke, without any hurt to themselues: The formost being thus armed and couered, the rest did good seruice, and with good aduantage, with their bowes and crosse­bowes vnder the couert of the said targets, and as the enemy thought to draw neere to the passages, the wo­men and children being spectators, vpon their knees cried out in their owne language, O Dioaiutaci, &c. O God helpe vs. Whereat the enemies making them­selues merry, amongst other one Captaine Saquet, counterfeiting the said women, was slaine, and cast headlong from the mountaine into a deepe bottome, which to this day is called the Gulfe of Saquet. At the same time, a certaine Captaine named le Noir de Montdeni, cried out to the women that prayed vnto God, imiei, i miei faranno la passada, as much to say, as the souldiers cried out to them to put them to death, was killed with the shot of an arrow in the throat; [Page 55]which the souldiers perceiuing, and that the rockes, the stones and the arrowes couered them, they betooke themselues all to their heeles, and the greatest part of them, cast themselues downe from the rockes. This people obserued another effect of the prouidence of God, and that is, that the enemies approaching to the strongest place by nature, which is the Valley of Angrongne, called le Pre de la Tour, where they might haue fortified themselues, and made themselues masters of the said Valley; God sent so thicke a cloud, so darke a fogge, that the enemies could hardly see one another, insomuch that they had no leasure or meanes to know the goodnes of the place, or to stay there; whereupon the VValdenses gathering courage, followed the chase in such manner, that being all dis­persed, and not seeing which way they went, the greatest part fell headlong downe the mountaines, and put themselues vnto flight, quitting themselues of their armes and their booties, which they had gotten at their entrance in the Valley, where they had pow­red out their wine, their corne, and loaded th eir ser­uants with their most precious moueables.

It pleased God to touch the heart of their Prince with some compassion of this poore people. It was Philip the seuenth of that name, Duke of Sauoy, and Prince of Piedmont; who said, that he would not haue that people, that had been alwaies true and most faith­full and obedient vnto him, to be rigorously handled by way of Armes; being contented that a dosen of the principall amongst them, should come to Pigne­rol, where hee was, to aske pardon for all the rest, for that they had taken armes in their defence, which he gaue them to vnderstand by a certaine Bishop whom [Page 56]he sent to Praisut; they deputed the said dosen, to do whatsoeuer his Highnesse required of them; Hee re­ceiued them louingly, and forgaue them all that was past during the warre, paying a certaine summe of money for the charges thereof. And forasmuch as he had been informed, that their young infants were borne with blacke throats, and that they had foure rowes of teeth, and hairy, hee commanded that some of them should be brought to him to Pignerol, which was presently executed, and seeing them all faire and perfect creatures, hee was much displeased with himselfe, for that he was so easily perswaded to be­leeue, that which was reported vnto him touching this people, declaring withall, that his pleasure was, that from thence forward they should liue with the self­same liberties and prerogatiues, as in former times, and as all his other subiects of Piedmont did.

Notwithstanding all this, the Moneks the Inquisitors, sent out proces euery day, for as many of them as they could apprehend, especially they kept themselues in ambush in a certaine Conuent neer vnto Pignerol, from whence they deliuered them to the secular power. This persecution endured to the yeere, 1532 one thousand fiue hundred thirty two, at what time they resolued to order their Churches in such sort, that that exer­cise which was before performed in couert, might be knowne of euery one, and that their Pastors should preach the Gospell openly, that is to say, without any apprehension of persecutions that might happen vnto them.

His Highnesse was speedily aduertised of this change, and much moued therewith, in such sort, that hee commanded one Pantaleon Bersor, to speed [Page 57]himselfe into the said Valleys with his troopes of men, which hee so readily performed, that before the people were aware of it, hee was entred their Valleys with fiue hundred men, part on foot, and part on horsebacke, ransaking, pillaging, and wasting what­soeuer was before them. The people leauing their plough and tillage, put themselues into their passages, and with their slings, charged their enemies with such multitudes of stones, and that with such vio­lence, that they were constrained to flie, and to abandon their prey, many of them remaining dead vpon the ground. This newes came presently to his Highnesse, being likewise told him, that experience had taught them before, that it was not the way to reclaime and subdue these people by armes, the places of their habitation being so fauourable vnto them, they knowing better the straites and passages of the Country, then the assailants; and therefore there was nothing to bee gotten, when the skin of one of the Waldenses must bee bought with the losse of the liues of a dosen of his other Subiects. Hee thought it therefore not good to molest them any more by armes; but onely that they should be taken by re­taile, one by one, as they came into Piedmont, and examplary iustice executed vpon them, if they chan­ged not their beliefe, that so by little and little they might be destroyed, to the astonishment of all others that dwell in the said Valleys, and so their ruine might be procured insensibly, and without the danger of any other the Princes Subiects.

All this hindred not, but that they still persisted in their resolution. And to end that all things might bee done in order amongst them, they assembled themselues together, out of all their Valleys, to An­grongne, [Page 58]in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred thir­ty fiue, 1535 and the twelfth of September; that is to say, all the heads of euery families with their Pastors; where by of them it was certified, that their brethren the Waldenses of Prouence and Dauphine, had sent into Germany their Pastors, George Morell, and Peter Masson to confer with Oecolampadius, Bucer, and other the seruants of God, who there preached the Gospell, touching the beliefe which they haue had from the father to the sonne, time out of minde: that they had found that God had been very mercifull and gra­tious vnto vs, in that he hath preserued vs vndefiled in the middest of so many Idolatries and superstitions, which haue infected all Christendome in the ages past, This admoni­tion or re­monstrance giuen by Oe­colamp. and Bucer to George Mor­rel and Pet. Masson is in the Memor. of the said Mo­nel fol. 5. vnder the tyranny of Antichrist of Rome. They haue encouraged vs by holy aduertisements and rea­sons giuen, and exhorted vs not to bury those talents which God hath imparted vnto vs: finding it an euill thing, that we haue so long delayed the time to make publike profession of adhearing to the Gospell, and causing it to be preached in the eares, and to the know­ledge of euery one, leauing the euents vnto God, of whatsoeuer it shall please him shall fall vpon vs by procuring his glory, and the aduancement of the Kingdome of his Sonne. And afterwards hauing read the letters of the said Oecolampadius and Bucer, which were sent vnto them, as to their Brethren the Waldenses of Prouence and Dauphine, the Propositions or Articles following, were ordered, reade, and ap­proued, signed and sworne to by all the assistants, with one minde and consent, to conserue, obserue, beleeue, and retaine amongst them inuiolably, with­out any contradiction, as being conformable to the do­ctrine, [Page 59]which hath been taught them from the father to the sonne for these many hundred yeeres, and taken out of the word of God.

ARTICLE I. That Diuine Seruice cannot bee done, but in spirit and in truth; For God is a spirit, and whosoeuer will pray vnto him, must pray in spirit.

II. All that haue been, or shall be saued, haue been chosen of God before all worlds.

III. They that are saued, cannot but be saued.

IV. Whosoeuer holdeth free-Will, denieth wholly the Predestination and the grace of God.

V. No worke is called good, but that which is commanded by God; and no worke is euill, but that which is forbidden by God.

VI. A Christian may sweare by the name of God, not any way contradicting that which is writ­ten in the fift Chapter by Saint Matthew, prouided, that hee that sweareth, take not the name of the Lord in vaine. Now that man sweareth not in vaine, whose oath redoundeth to the glory of God, and the good of his neighbour. Also, a man may sweare in iudge­ment, because he that beares the office of a Magi­strate, be he Christian or infidell, hath the power of God.

VII. Auricular Confession is not commanded of God, and it is concluded according to the holy Scriptures, that the true confession of a Christian consisteth in confessing himselfe to one onely God, to whom belongs honour and glory. There is another kinde of confession, which is, when as a man recon­cileth himselfe vnto his neighbour, whereof mention is made in the fift of Saint Matthew. The third man­ner [Page 60]of Confession is, when as man hath sinned publik­ly, an all men take notice of it, so he confesse and ac­knowledge the fault publikely.

VIII. We must cease vpon the Lords day, from all our labours, as being zealous of the honor and glory of God: for the better exercise of our charity towards our neighbours, and our better attendance to the hea­ring of the word of God.

IX. It is not lawfull for a Christian to re­uenge himselfe vpon his enemy, in any manner what­soeuer.

X. A Christian may exercise the office of a Magi­strate ouer Christians.

XI. There is no certaine time determined for the fast of a Christian, and it doth appeare in the word of God, that the Lord hath commanded, or appointed certaine daies.

XII. Marriage is not forbidden any man, of what quality or condition soeuer he be.

XIII. Whosoeuer forbiddeth marriage, teacheth a diabolicall doctrine.

XIIII. He that hath not the gift of continency, is bound to marry.

XV. The ministers of the word of God, ought not to be changed from place to place, except it be for the great benefit of the Church.

XVI. It is not a thing repugnant to the Aposto­licall communion, that the ministers should possesse any thing in particular, to prouide for the maintenance of their families.

XVII. Touching the matter of the Sacraments, it hath been concluded by the holy Scriptures, that we haue but two Sacramental signes, the which Christ [Page 61]Iesus hath left vnto vs; the one is Baptisme, the other the Eucharist, which wee receiue to shew what our perseuerance in the faith is, as wee haue promised when we were baptized, being little infants: As also in remembrance of that great benefit, which Iesus Christ hath done vnto vs, when hee died for our re­demption, washing vs with his most pretious bloud.

These Articles being resolued vpon by them, a­stonished the Priests that were amongst them to gather vp the reuenewes of their Cures, being out of all hope to see those people reclaimed, and brought vnto the obedience of the Church of Rome by any force, much lesse of their owne acord; and perceiuing the dore to be shut against their gaine, they retired them­selues without speaking a word. Vpon this their re­trait, the Masse vanished of it selfe in the Valleys of the said Waldenses; And because they had onely the new Testament, and some bookes of the old, trans­lated into the Waldenstan tongue, they resolued speedily to send to the presse the whole Bible, their bookes being onely manuscripts, and those but a few. They sent therfore to Newcastle in Suitzerland, Suisse. See the Ec­clesiasticall History of the Churches of France, pag. 37 1536. where they gaue fifteene hundred crownes of gold to a Prin­ter, who brought to light the first impression of the French Bible which was seen in France: and incon­tinently in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred thirty six, they sent to Geneua, one Martin Gonin, to prouide a large supply of such bookes which he should see to bee fit for the instruction of the people: but they were frustrated of their intent, because this good man was apprehended for a Spy, passing ouer the hill de Gap. by a certaine Gentleman named George Martin, [Page 62]Lord de Champolion, and so soone as hee was knowne to be a Waldensian, he was sent to Grenoble, and there kept in prison, In the booke of Martyrs of our time, lib. 3 fol. 111. and afterwards in the night-time cast into the Riuer Lyzere, for feare lest hee should speake of his beliefe before the people: for the Monke In­quisitor, that deliuered him to the secular power, told them, that it was not good that the world should hare him, because (saith hee) it is to bee feared, that they that heare him, may become worse then him­selfe.

There happened warres in Piedmont, betweene King Francis the first of that name, and the Prince of Piedmont, which fell out happily for these poore people, for so long as those confusions continued, they were at quiet, vntill Pope Paul the third of that name, sollicited the Parliament of Turin to take some violent course against them, in doing iustice vpon them, as vpon pernicious Heretickes, whensoeuer they should bee deliuered into their hands by the In­quisitors. This Parliament caused a great number to be burnt at Turin, in immitation of other Parliaments in France, who burnt in those times, those they cal­led Lutherans.

They had recourse vnto the King, presenting vn­to him their petition, that they might not be persecu­ted by the said Parliament for the profession of that Religion, in the which they and their ancestors had liued for many hundred yeeres, and that by the permission of their Princes. But they made it worse with them then it was before; for the King enioyned them to liue, according to the laws of the Church of Rome, vpon paine to bee chastised as Heretickes. He likewise commanded the Court of Parliament at [Page 63] Turin, to cause all his Subiects within their iurisdi­ction, to professe his religion; Adding withall, that he did not burne the Lutherans throughout his whole Kingdome of France, to make a reseruation of them among the Alpes.

The Parliament endeuoured speedily to put the commandement of the King in execution, and for that cause enioyned them vpon paine of their liues, to quit themselues presently of their Ministers, and to re­ceiue Priests to sing Masse, liuing after the manner of other the Kings subiects. They answered, that they could not obey any such commands against the com­mandement of God, whom in what belonges vnto his seruice, they would rather obey then men. But had not the King at that time had other imployments else­where, without all doubt this Parliament would haue made them doe that by force, which they would not be brought vnto by simple commands. They there­fore contented themselues to prosecute them by the Inquisition, and to receiue from the Monkes, those they condemned to the fire. But afterwards in the yeere 1555, they increased the persecution. 1555 For ha­uing condemned to the fire, one Barthelmew Hector a Stationer, who was executed at Turin, because hee died with admirable constancy, insomuch that hee edified the assistants and standers by, in such manner, that he drew teares from their eyes, and words of compassion from their mouthes, iustifying him with a mutuall applause, which they gaue of his good spee­ches and prayers vnto God. The Parliament tooke oc­casion herupon, to do their best endeauor to ouerthrow this profession in the very source, and to vse the au­thority [Page 64]of the King, to enforce this people to liue vnder the lawes of the Church of Rome, In the Booke of the martyrs of our time. lib. 8. fol 122. or miserably to perish. To this end and purpose, the Parliament of Turin deputed a certaine President of Saint Iulian, and a Collaterall named de Ecclesia, to transport them­selues vnto those places, and there to put in practice whatsoeuer they thought good, either to reduce or to exterminate the said people, with promise to assist them, with whatsoeuer shall be needfull to this pur­pose, according to the aduise and counsell they should receiue from them.

This President with his Collaterall, ttooke their iourney to Perouse, and caused Proclamations publikly to be made in the name of the King, that euery one of the Inhabitants was to goe to Masse, vpon paine of his life. Afterwards, they came to Pignerol, where they cited many to appeare before them. Amongst others, there appeared a poore simple labouring man, whom the President commanded to cause his child to be re-baptized, which had lately been baptized by the minister of Saint Iohn neere Angrongne. This poore man requested so much respite, as that he might pray vnto God before hee answered him. Which being granted with some laughter, he fell downe vpon his knees in the presence of all that were there, and his prayer being ended, he said to the President, that hee would cause his childe to be re-baptised, vpon condi­tion, that the said President would discharge him by a bill signed with his owne hand, of the sinne which he should commit in causing it to be re-baptized, and beare one day before God the punishment and con­demnation which should befall him, taking this ini­quity [Page 65]vpon him and his. Which the President vnder­standing, hee commanded him out of his presence, not pressing him any farther.

Now hauing framed diuers indictments against some particular persons of the said Valleys, and made some collections of whatsoeuer the President could imagine might hurt the people, hee assayed also to winne them by the preachings of the Monkes, whom he brought with him into the Valley of Angrongne. Being therefore come vnto the place where their Temple was, he caused one of his Monkes to preach in the presence of the people, who made vnto them a long exhortation to returne vnto the Church of Rome, of which hee reported many things which the people beleeued not. After that the Monke had said as much as he would, and that he held his peace, the greatest number of the people required, that the Pastors that were there present, or some one of them for all, might be permitted, louingly and mildly to answer to the discourse that had been made by the Preacher; but the President by no meanes would giue way thereunto, whereupon there followed a certaine rumour or muttering among the people, which strooke the President and his Monkes with an astonishment, in such sort, that they could haue been content to haue been elsewhere: but dissembling their feare, the President retired himselfe, without a word speaking, to Turin, whether being come, hee related to the Parliament what hee had done, and withall signified vnto them the difficulties that were, to winne this people by extremities, because if any attempt should bee made to take them by violence, they were resolued to defend themselues, and the [Page 66]places of their abode being fauourable vnto them, it was to bee feared, it would cost a great deale of labour, and much blood would bee shed, before they could either bee brought into the Church of Rome, or out of the world. That is was the worke of a King to roote them out, and a King of Franc; and therefore it was necessary to send the reports, and to commit vnto his owne will and plea­sure, the issue of so troublesome an enterprise. This aduice was followed, the indictments and reports were sent to the King, but as the affaires of the Court cannot be finished but with long time, there passed a whole yeere, before there was any other course spoken of, or taken against them, then that of the Inquisitors, who alwaies deliuered some one or other to the secular power; but the yeere being expired, there came from the Court expresse commands of the King to make them to doe that by force, which they would not be brought vnto by words, or friend­ly vsage. The Parliament re-sent the said President of Saint Iulien, who so soone as hee was arriued at Angrongne, he commanded them in the name of the King to goe to the Masse, vpon paine of Confisca­tion of bodies and goods. They demanded a Copy both of his commission and his speech, promising to answere him in such a manner, that he should haue rea­son to rest contented: but nothing could giue the President satisfaction, who still pressed vpon them to change their religion, but in vaine. For they an­swered him, that they were not bound to such com­mands, against the commandement of God. Hee commanded that twelue of the pricipalln amongst them, with all the Ministers and Schoole-masters [Page 67]should presently yeeld their bodies to the prisons of Turin, there to receiue such sentence as reason shall require, and hee enioyned the Sindics of the said Valleys to dismisse and suffer to depart presently all strangers, and from thence forward not to re­ceiue any Preachers or Schoole-masters, but such as shall be sent them by the Diocesan. They answered, that they could not nor would not obey any such commands as were against God, and that they would not make their appearance at Turin, because they could not doe it without danger of their liues, and to be molested for their beleefe.

This Parliament of Turin was in such sort incen­sed against them, that as many as they could cause to be apprehended in Piedmont, and the frontiers of the Valleies, so many they burnt at Turin; among others M. Ieffrey Varnigle Minister at Angrongne was burnt in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred fifty seuen, 1557 by whose death at Turin in the place of the Castle, the people were much strengthned and edified, there be­ing present a great number, that saw him to persist in the inuocaton of the name of God vnto his last gaspe.

During these grieuous persecutions, the Prote­stant Princes of Germany did intercede for them, be­seeching King Henry the second, to suffer them to liue in peace, in the profession of that Religion wherein they had liued from the father to the sonne for some ages past. The King promised to haue regard to this their request, and indeed they continued quiet, vntill the peace was made betweene the King of France and of Spaine, and that the Duke of Sauoy was [Page 68]restored to his estates, that is to say, in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred fifty nine.

The yeere after the said restitution of the Coun­try, 1560 the Popes Nuntio reproued the Duke of Sauoy, for that he followed not the steps of the Kings of France in his zeale, who affecting the Catholike Ro­mish religion, had with all his power persecuted the Waldenses and Lutherans of the Valleys of Angrongne, and other their bordering neighbours; and that if he did not ioyne his forces in what possibly hee could to bring them into the bosome of the Church, or to take them out of world, that his Holinesse should haue great reason to suspect him to bee a fauourer of them. The Prince of Piedmont promised to vse all the meanes he could, for their reduction or vtter sub­uersion; in pursuit whereof, hee commanded them to goe to the Masse, vpon paine of their liues, and to see their Valleys laid open to fire and sword. To which command they not yeelding obedience, he set vpon them by open force, and gaue the charge of this warre, to a gentleman named le sieur de la Trinite; And in the meane while at the selfesame time he cau­sed them to be pursued by the Monkes the Inquisitors, Iaconiel, and de Corbis.

But forasmuch as the History of this warre, This war is printed in a treatise by it selfe. And it is likewise set downe in the 8. booke of the history the Martyrs of our times. fol. 532. is brought to light elswhere, we will not enter into any large discourse thereof, onely we may here obserue, that after la Trinite had been well beaten with his troopes, seeing that the Lions pawe could stand him in no steed, he couered himselfe with the Foxes skin, telling them that what had passed, had befallen them for want of parley and communication, rather [Page 69]then for any ill will that his Highnesse bare vnto them; and that if his souldiers had exceeded their bounds, it was because of that resistance which they found, and that hereafter hee would bee an instrument for their conseruation, and as desirous to procure their peace, as at the beginning he shewed himselfe earnest to pro­cure their trouble. And therefore he counselled them to send certaine of the principall amongst them to his Highnesse, by whom he would send his commenda­tory letters, both to the Prince, and Madame Marga­rit Duchesse of Sauoy, and only sister to Heury King of France, and that he did assure himselfe that his Highnesse would blot out the remembrance of all that was past: But yet he thought it necessary, that aboue all things they should giue some testimony of obe­dience to their Prince; who in other places was en­forced by the Pope to establish the Masse in all his ter­ritories, and therefore they should permit that the Masse might be song in Angrangne, which was but a thing indifferent vnto them, since he did not re­quire their presence at it, but onely that hee might write vnto his Highnesse, that they were his good and obedient Subiects. And moreouer, to the end, that his Highnesse might not still persist in his opinion, that any strange minister did make his abode within his Prouinces, that it was in their power to intreat them, to retire themselues vnto Pragela for some few daies, and that afterwards when his Highnesse should be pacified towards them, they might call them home againe. It cost him a great deale of la­bour to gaine thus much of them; for if we intreat our Pastors to retire themselues (say they) it will be a coun­sell of the flesh, and God will not blesse it; for our [Page 80]enemies when they shall haue gotten this aduantage of vs, and that we haue no man left to comfort vs, to counsell vs, to reproue, to exhort vs, they will en­deauour no doubt to the vtmost of their power, euer to shut the gates against the returne of our good Pa­stors, by wose ministry, we haue been so worthily instructed, and fortified against a world of tempta­tions. And therefore to the end we may not be accused as Rebels for recalling them home againe, it shall bee better for vs not to depriue our selues at all of the fruit of their ministry, and from hence forward to be re­puted for such in seruing of God, as preserue those whom he hath sent to preach his word vnto vs. He is as powerfull to preserue vs, as he hath been hereto­fore in times past, and vngratefull wretches wee are to doubt of his assistance, and not to thinke that we so iniserable a flocke, the dogges being chased away, shall not bee deuoured by the wolues. Those and diuers the like were the speeches and motions of those that were most cleere sighted, and more zea­lous then the rest, but yet this could not hinder others from intreating their Pastors to retire themselues for some few daies to Pragela, a Valley neer vnto theirs, & peopled with their brethren the Waldenses of Dauphine. Here a man might perceiue the heauy iustice of God pon them, and the beginning of misery, euery one to melt into teares, the rockes resounding and calamities, with cryes and lamentations, when euen women and infauts, conducted their Pastors to the high moun­taines, to passe ouer to the other part of them. And from other parts, when they saw the principall a­mongst them, to take their iourney to Turin, to the middest of their enemics, many presaged the euill [Page 81]that would ouertake them, and it seemed vnto them that God had forsaken them, at that time when they had forsaken him in the person of his seruants. It came to passe euen as it had been foretold, by those that could not allow of those counsels of the flesh. For being arriued at Turin, they were presently lockt vp in strong prisons, their indictments framed as a­gainst Heretickes, the passages garded to hinder any that might giue aduertisement of the vsage and inter­tainment they receiued, that were deputed to this ser­uice. And in the meane time, la Trinite told them, that he knew that his Highnesse had agreed to all that they demanded, and that he had written vnto him, that he detained them for no other cause, but to assure him of their promises for time to come, to which purpose he likewise raised a Fort which he built neere to Angrongne. Which made them to thinke hardly of their affaires, in that they could heare no newes of their poore prisoners, and much lesse would la Trinite suffer them to send any thither. In the end, hauing a long time consulted with themselues what they should doe, seeing a Fort built which might curb and bridle them for euer, if they should suffer it to be brought to perfection; and on the other side, fearing if they should enterprise any thing against those that laboured therein, that it should cost them their liues that they sent to Turin, they were in great and ex­treme perplexities, not knowing what course to take; for they found, that they had been mocked by that Prater de la Trinite, and therefore it stood them vp­on to commit the euent to the prouidence of God, and to reconcile themselues to him by prayer and fa­sting, which when they had done, they called home [Page 72]their Pastors, implored the assistance of their neigh­bours of Pragela, who came vnto them with their armes, entred into the Temples, wherein la Trinite had caused them to build Altars, and to place images, and ouerthrew the Altars, and laid them leuell with the ground, rased vp the foundations themselues, brake downe the images, besieged the Fort and tooke it, killed as many as made resistance, beate the suc­cours that were sent to the said Fort, put them to slight and slew a great number of them. The Prince Emanuel Philibert being much offended herewith, would haue reuenged himselfe vpon those that hee kept in prison; but Madame Margarite interceeding for them, pacified the Prince, shewing that is was necessary for them to consult with themselues touch­ing that vsage and intertainment, his Highnesse had giuen to those that were deputed, and that seeing themselues in the way to a totall destruction, they had taken this oblique meanes to relieue and to helpe them­selues. His Highnesse therefore by the aduise and in­stigation of the Popes Nuntio, had enforced the said deputies to goe to the Masse, and there to aske par­don of God, the Pope, and their holy mother the Church of Rome, with promise to liue according to the Lawes thereof; and afterwards sent them to pri­son, attending the perfection of his Fort. But see­ing himselfe frustrated of his expectation, he follow­ed the course proposed by Madame Margarit, vnder which they haue liued vnto this present, which agree­ment we doe not here insert, because it is elswhere set downe in their History. True it is, that afterwards they suffered at sundry times, sundry persecutions, which they bare patiently, and with much zeale. [Page 73]Among the rest, that in the yeere 1570, 1570 was very ex­treame. For their Prince being entred into an offen­siue league against the Protestants, with many other Princes of Europe, he began to trouble and to vexe his said Subiects of the Valleys of the Waldenses: First by forbidding them to haue any commerce with the VValdenses of Dauphine, vpon paine of their liues; and secondly to assemble themselues in any Synod or Con­sultation, but in the presence of the Gouernour of Ca­strocaro; for the fulfilling whereof, he failed not to be present at the first Synode, which they called at Bobi. The Pastors and Ancients that were there, signified to the said Gouernour, that his assistance in their Synods was no way displeasing vnto them, because the matters that were to be handled, were such, as if the whole world were a witnes vnto them, the more should their piety towards their God appeare, and fidelity to wards their Prince, being to deliberate of nothing, but what might tend to the glory of God, and their obedience to their superiours: And that forasmuch as his High­nesse tooke occasion to distrust them, it must needs be the false information of some of their enemies, and therefore assuring themselues in their owne con­sciences, that they had neuer deserued it, they could not but take this nouelty for a manifest breach of the treatie and agreement he had made with them, and and a persecution shaking the free exercise of their re­ligion. They intreated therefore the Gouernour of Castrocaro, to retire himselfe, and not to molest them by any such innouation, and swarming from the for­mer treaties, at leastwise vntill that they hauing iustifi­ed themselues before his Highnesse, it might be other­wise ordered and prouided by him. The Gouernour stands still resolued to stay there. The Pastors and [Page 74]Ancients declare against the said the nouelty; The Gouernour also for his part protesteth, not to enter­prise any thing herein, but by the expresse comman­dement of his Highnesse, and that they should be bet­ter content, that he had that charge then any other, because he was willing to doe them any good might lye in his hower, made a good interpretation of all their actions, and would not faile to make a true re­port vnto his Highnesse of the fidelity he perceiued to be in their cariage.

He was therefore admitted into their Synode, at the end whereof, he vsed this subtilty, that is, he at­tempted to sow enuy and iealousie amongst the Pa­stors, giuing good words in generall, that hee had found their order faire and good, and that he neuer had belieued, that they had proceeded with such zeale, order, and charity; but yet there was no reason hee should wonder that his Highnesse had been iealous and distrustfull of strange Ministers, because he knew very well, that they were more violent in their opini­ons, then the home-bred of the Country, at least-wise the greatest part; for he made exception of M ^r. Steuen Noell, whom he knew (saith he) to be a peacea­ble man, and more affectionated to the contentment of his Highnesse; and therefore that since his High­nesse had resolued not to permit any stranger to inha­bite within his Lands, hee could not belieue, that Ministers were more exempted then other men, and therefore to the end he might not be constrained to vse his power and authority, to enforce them to with­draw themselues out of those Countries, that they should doe well, if of their owne accordes, they de­parted somewhether else, which would be far better [Page 75]and more honourable for them, then that they should stay, till the Prince should enforce their departure out of his Countries by banishmnet. They answe­red, that they could not belieue, that his Highnesse had any such meaning, as the Gouernour would seeme to perswade them. But that they might bee the bet­ter informed of the truth thereof, they would depute some amongst them to go to his Highnesse.

The Gouernour being much moued, that they would giue no credit to his words, nor doe any thing by his perswasions, suffered the souldiers of Castrocaro, to compasse the temple, at what time the Preacher was in the Pulpit, and to doe diuers insolencies, shooting off their gunnes, and astonishing those who were disarmed, and thought themselues surprised. Master Steuen Noel was intreated to write to Madame Margarite, which he did: but the Letters by which Madame assured them, that the Gouernour had commandement from his Highnesse to keepe him­selfe within the limits of the treaty passed betwixt his Highnesse and the people, remained still in the hands of the said Gouernour, and in the meane time, whilest these things were afoote, the Massacre executed in France in the yeere 1572 happened, 1572 which in such a manner puffed vp the pride, and increased the cou­rage of the said Gouernour, that there was no meanes to stay his violences; For the bone-fires of ioy being made throughout all Piedmont, because of this effusi­on of bloud, this Gouernour perswaded himselfe, that he should shortly see the like persecution in the said Valleys, and therefore the people hearing the Cannons that were shot off, and the great content­ment that his Highnesse tooke, they perswaded them­selues [Page 76]that they should not long continue in peace, and therefore they thought their surest course was, to con­uey those goods that were most precious vnto them, vnto the toppe of the Alpes, into the hollow caues whereof, they had been accustomed to retire them­selues in troublesome times. His Highnesse being ad­uertised, that his people were resolued, and ready to defend themselues, thought it not wisdome to hazard the liues of his other subiects, to bring them into obedience, and so contented himselfe, that hee had made them to feare; giuing command in the meane time, that whensoeuer vpon any occasion they came into Piedmont, they should bee apprehen­ded and executed as Heretickes; whereof the peo­ple being aduertised, they sought such commodi­ties as were fit to maintaine life in Dauphine, in the Valleys of their brethren of Pragela and Valcluson. Afterwards his Highnesse and Madame Margarite being departed this life, Charles Emanuel their sonne and Prince of Piedmont hath maintained them in peace, vnder the treaty made with their said High­nesse, his father and mother. Notwithstanding the which, the Inquisitors haue been alwaies watchfull to apprehend one or other, especially to hinder them from speaking of their beliefe, when they came downe into Piedmont. For in such a case, (prouided that it appeare, that they haue held any discourse) they haue alwaies condemned them for teaching strange do­ctrines, and swaruing from the agreement, where­by it is enioyned, that they broach no new opi­nions.

The last that hath been persecuted for this cause, was a certaine merchant of Lucerna, whose History [Page 77]we will here insert, because by his constancy he did much edifie the people; & that it may appeare vnto the world, that the Popes cease not to shew how odious vnto them, the doctrine of the Gospell is, and that if it were in their power to rule the hearts of the Kings and Princes of Europe at their pleasure, the fires at this present should still be burning in all those places where they haue any power or authority.

It was in the yeere 1601, 1601 that Barthelmew Copin a Waldensian of the Valley of Lucerna, was at Ast in Piedmont with his merchandize, at a Faire that should be the next morrow, and being at table in the euening at supper, with diuers other Merchants, there was one that began a discourse of the diuersities of Religi­ons, and spake many things tending to the dishonor of the Waldenses of the Valleys of Angrongne, and their bordering neighbours. Copin hearing him to speake of his brethren lesse modesty then became those that professed themselues to bee Merchants, and of their Religion, to the dishonour of God, hee thought it would be a fault in himselfe, if he should make no re­ply to those blaspemies that he heard: He therefore answered the party that held this discourse, in fauour of his Religion; And what (saith he that had been re­prehended by Copin) are you a Waldensian? He an­swered, Yea. And doe you not belieue, that God is in the Hoste? No, saith Copin. Fie vpon you, replies the other, what a false Religion is yours? My Religi­on (saith Copin) is as true, as it is true that God is God, and as I am sure I shall die. The next morrow Copin was called before the Bishop of Ast, who told him that he had been aduertised of certaine scandalous dis­courses and opinions, which but the day before hee [Page 78]held in the euening at his lodging, and that hee must acknowledge the offence, if he would obtaine pardon, otherwise he would take order for his punishment. Copin answered, that he had been prouoked thereunto, and howsoeuer, he had said nothing, that he would not maintaine with the danger of his owne life; that hee had some goods in the world, and a wife and children; but he had lost the affection he bare vnto those things, neither were they deare vnto him, to the preiudice of his conscience: And as touching his behauiour (saith he) if it would please the Bishop to enquire of the Merchants of Ast, who all knew him, whether he were an honest man, they would all wit­nesse for him, that he had neuer wronged any man, in that whole time he had traded and conuersed with them; and that being a Merchant, he was to be dis­missed for that cause, for which he was then in that place, that is, for trafficke, and therefore not to bee molested. That if Iewes and Turkes were permitted to come to Faires, and to trafficke throughout all Pied­mont, much more should he be permitted who was a Christian, especially, since that in that discourse of Re­ligion he did but answere to a question moued vnto him, and that it was lawfull for any man to answere, and to giue a reason of his faith, to whom and in what place soeuer, euen by vertue of that treaty and agree­ment betweene the Waldenses of the Valleys and his Highnesse, which forbids them to broach new opi­nions, but takes not from them the liberty to answere, to whomsoeuer shall aske any questions of them.

The Bishop harkened not at all to these allegations, but gaue commandement, that he should bee sent to prison. The morrow after, the Bishops Secretary [Page 79]came to visit Copin, and making great profession of loue towards him, he said vnto him, that hee would haue him know as from his friend, that if he did not acknowledge his fault, he would be in great danger of his life.

Copin answered him, that his life was in the hands of God, and he would neuer desire to preserue it to the preiudice of his glory, and forasmuch as he had but two or three paces to walke in his iourney to hea­uen, his hearty prayer vnto God was, that he would be pleased to giue him the grace, not to turne back. Some few daies after, he was examined by a Monke Inqui­sitor, in the presence of the Bishop, who tormented him a long time with sweet and gentle perswasions, endeauouring to winne him by faire words, to the ab­iuration of his beliefe: but Copin alwaies conuinced him by the word of God, alleadging vnto him, that if he should be ashamed of Christ Iesus, or deny him before men, Christ would be ashamed of him, and deny him before his Father in heauen. The Monke ended his disputation with these and the like threat­ning speeches; Goe thou waies thou cursed Lutheran, to all the diuels in hell; and when thou shalt be tor­mented by those vncleane spirits, thou wilt remem­ber those good and holy counsels, which we haue gi­uen thee, to bring thee to saluation; but thou haddest rather go to hell, then to reconcile thy self to our holy mother the Church. It is long agoe (saith Copin) that I was reconciled to our mother the Church.

After many violent incounters, they caused his wife and a sonne of his to come vnto him, promising him liberty, and to depart with them if hee would a­mend his fault by confessing it. They suffered his [Page 80]said wife and sonne to sup with him in prison, which time he spent in exhorting them to patience, the wife for that shee should want a husband, the childe a fa­ther, but yet should assure themselues, that God would be their father, and more then a husband; and for his owne part he was not bound to loue either wife or children more then Christ, & that they should hold it to be no small happinesse, that it hath pleased God to do him that honour, as to be a witnesse vnto his truth, with the losse of his life, and that he hoped that God would be so fauourable vnto him, as to giue him strength to endure all manner of torments for his glo­ry. He committed to the care and charge of his wife, his sonne and his daughter which they had in mar­riage, enioyning her to bring them vp in the feare of God. He commanded his sonne to obey his mother, for so he should drawe downe vpon him the blessing of God, he prayed them to pray for him, that God would be pleased to strengthen him against all temp­tations, and so hauing blessed his sonne, and taken leaue of his wife, they were dismissed out of prison, and he locked vp where he was before. His wife and child shedding fountaines of teares, and crying out in such a lamentable manner, as would haue moued the hardest hearts to compassion. This good man not be­ing content with what he had said vnto them by word of mouth, writ vnto her this Lettre following, the originall Copy whereof shee deliuered vnto vs, writ­ten and signed with the hand of the said Copin, the superscription whereof was this:

The Bishop of Ast was much troubled, what to determine concerning this poore man: For if he should let him goe, they feared a scandall, and that [Page 83]many would gather heart and courage, to speake with a loud voice against the Romish Religion. On the other side, there was a clause in the treaty made be­tweene his Highnesse and the Waldenses, which clea­red him from all offence, in these words. And if any question shall bee mooued vnto them, touching their faith, being in Piedmont with other his Highnesses Sub­iects, it shall be lawfull for them to answere, not incur­ring thereby any punishment reall or personall. Now he was asked the question, and therefore to be quit from blame: But the Bishop would not haue it said, that hee had committed him to prison vniustly. To the end therefore, that his death might not bee imputed vnto him, and it might not be thought, that he sent him away absolued, he sent his indictment to Pope Clement the eight, to vnderstand what course hee should take herein. It could neuer be knowne what answere the Bishop had; but shortly after hee was found dead in prison, not without some appearance, that he was strangled, for feare least if he should haue been publikely executed, he might edifie and streng­then the people by his confession and constancy. Af­ter his death he was condemned to be burnt, and so being brought out of prison, his sentence was read in the same place, and cast into the fire. And this was the last of the Waldenses, that is come to our knowledge, that hath been persecuted to the death for his beliefe.

CHAP. V.

AT what time the Waldenses of Dauphine dispersed themselues in Piedmont, there were some that made their abode in the Marquisate of Saluces, in the Valleys Maties and Meane, and the parts there­abouts. These were not forborne during the grie­uous persecutions which their brethren of the Val­leys of Angrongne, Saint Martin, and others suffe­red. All their refuge was to flie into the said Valleys, namely when the said Gouernours of the said Mar­quisate persecuted them by the commandement of the Kings of France, who condemned to death, within their Realmes all such as made profession of the same beliefe that they did. Now the deceased King of Happy memory Henry the Great and fourth of that name, hauing giuen to his Subiects an edict of pacification, the Waldenses that liued in the Marqui­sate, inioyed the same priuiledges, that the other Subiects did of the same Realme; but when after­wards by the treaty with the Duke of Sauoy, la Bresse was changed for the Marquisate of Saluces, the poore Waldenses were depriued of the free exercises of their Religion, within the iurisdiction of the said Marqui­sate, for at the instance of the Nuntio of Pope Cle­ment the eight, the free liberty of their Religion was [Page 85]not onely interdicted; but by a new edict all they were banished, that within the said Marquisate, made profession of any other Religion, then that of the Church of Rome: and for the better furtherance of their speedy departure, there were sent to the said Valleys and Marquisate, a great number of Monkes Inquisitors, who went from house to house; exami­ning the consciences of euery one, by which meanes there were aboue fiue hundred families banished, who retired themselues into the Realme of France, but especially into Dauphine. And to the end, that in those places into which they were come, it might not be cast in their teeth, that they were banished out of their Countries, for some wickednesse that they had committed, but that it was onely the zeale they bare to their religion, that had made them wande­rers in the world, they made this Declaration follow­ing, in the yeere 1603. 1603

This persecution hath cotinued vnto this present time, at the instance of Pope Paul the fift, and his Nun­tio, who still troubleth and vexeth this poore people, by his Monkes the Inquisitors. They haue made some to alter their opinions, who had no power to quit themselues of their goods, but haue accommodated themselues to the world: but the greatest number per­sisted constant in calling on the name of God, chusing rather to be banished here on earth, from their natiue countries, then to be depriued of eternall life; hating their Possessions, their Country, their Houses, being the places where they could not inhabit, whithout the deniall of Christ and his truth.

CHAP. VI.

THe New lands of which wee are here to speake, are in the Alpes, in the Frontiers of Piedmont, Dauphine, and Prouence, of which the cheefe Citty is Barcelona or Barcelonette. Within the said Lands, there are certaine [Page 90]Villages, which haue been peopled by the Waldenses time out of minde, placed in the best part of the said Lands amongst others Iosiers. These places haue continued a long time, the Princes of Piedmont no­thing regarding the abode of the said peoples within their Prouinces: but the Priests made them odious to the world, because they were vnprofitable vnto them, by not liuing after the manner of other people, who contributed vnto them for the liuing and for the dead; in such sort, that when his Highnesse persecuted in his state, those that had quit themselues of the Lawes of the Romish Church, these were not forgotten, especially when the Gouernours of the said Valley opposed themselues against them. These were there­fore of the number of those, that were summoned in the yeere 1576, to goe to the Masse, or to forsake his Highnesse Country; 1576 wherein they found not better meanes to helpe themselues, then to ioyne them­selues vnto others, who being threatned with the same banishment, had recourse to the Protestant Prin­ces, beseeching them to intercede for them to their Prince, that he would be pleased, not to trouble them in such manner for their beliefe, which they had made profession off, from the father to the sonne, for many hundred yeeres, during which time, their Princes haue not had any Subiects, that haue yeelded vnto them more faithfull obedience then they, not giuing place vnto any other in their duties, submissi­ons, and contributions, which they haue alwaies most willingly payed to their Princes, as they were still ready to continue, yeelding obedience to their commands, onely that that they might not be trou­bled in their consciences.

The Prince Palatine of the Rhine delegated to the Prince of Piedmont a Counseller of his State, with cer­taine other honorable personages. Being arriued at Tu­rin, they saluted his Highnesse in the name of the said Prince Palatine, and deliuered their Letters of Cre­dence. He was heard by the Prince Emanuel Phili­bert, very peaceably. This Councellor gaue him to vnderstand, that the onely charity of their Master towards Christians of the same Religion that he pro­fessed, had moued him to mediate for them, that his Highnesse would bee pleased to suffer them to liue peaceably in the exercise of their Religion, not offe­ring any violence to their consciences: That he would account this benefit as done vnto himselfe, and hee should oblige vnto him all the Protestant Princes of Germany, who likewise made the selfesame request by their mouthes. That he should haue God the more fauourable, and his Subiects the more faithfull, if he did not shew himselfe inexorable; That the confu­sions that haue happened in all the States of Kings and Princes, that haue indeauoured to raigne and reclaime the soules of their Subiects by armes, and to reduce them by violence, may make wise all other Princes, which were not yet come to such extremities; That forasmuch as they that haue not vsed rigorous courses, haue won the hearts of their people to be more faith­full vnto them, this meanes being in his power, they humbly beseeched him to imitate herein the most de­bonaire and gentle Princes.

It appeared by his Highnesse answere, that he took but little pleasure in this intercession, but much more by the effects that followed. For hee answered, that notwithstanding that for his part he made no enquiry [Page 92]how the Prince Palatine of the Rhine, and other Prin­ces of Germany, gouerned their Subiects, and be­ing a Soueraigne Prince, he was not to yeeld an ac­count vnto any, of his courses and resolutions, yet ne­uerthelesse he thanked the said Prince, and all the rest that were thus charitable towards him, his Estate, and his Subiects, as to wish their content and peace: but that the miseries and calamities that haue happe­ned amongst them, by the diuersity of Religions, had made him to desire to haue in his State but onely one, and that must be that which he there found, and in which he had been alwaies brought vp, for feare lest vnder the mantle of Religion, and liberty of consci­ence, he must dispute with his subiects as a companion, of those things which by iust title were in his power to determine as a Master; as it had happened to other Princes in Europe, that in this case had no power to rule their Subiects as Soueragines. And that in might appeare vnto them, that he loued peace, he had main­tained his Subiects the Waldenses dwelling in his State in the Valleys of the Alpes, vnder an edict which he caused to be obserued vnuiolably. That if without the said Valleys he had in his State any itching busie spirits affecting nouelties, those he caused to be puni­shed as Rebelles. That he thought, that as the said Princes had compassion of his Subiects, that they might enioy the exercise of their Religion, so he as­sured himselfe, that they would not take it in ill part, (so iust and iudicious they were) if he prouided for his surety, and preseruation of his State, by punishing the seditions, that he would inquire, in consideration of this their intercession, more narrowly into the estate of his Subiects, making profession of their Re­ligion, [Page 93]and would giue them some refreshing.

And because they had spoken particularly of a certaine Minister named Giles, whom he detained loc­ked vp in a dungeon, he caused him to be brought forth and placed in a chamber, and after inquiry made of what he was accused, that is, that he had writ to those of Geneua to the preiudice of his seruice, he set him at liberty. He disclaimed a certaine captaine of a Castle of the Valley Meane, for some thing he had done against the Waldenses of the said Valley, but for the rest, the Counsellor was hardly gone halfe his way home-ward, but the persecution grew greater then it was before. Amongst others, the Gouernour of the New-lands in the end of Nouember following, pro­claimed with the sound of a trumpet, that whosoeuer would not within the space of a Moneth goe to Masse, were to auoide the Lands and Territories of his High­nesse within that time, vpon paine of confiscation of body and goods. These poore people of the New lands, they could conuey themselues to no place with­out danger of their liues. For in Prouence they burnt those whom the Parliament of Aix called Lutherans. In the Territories of Honorat Earle of Tendes, they were deliuered into the hands of the Executio­ners. Gonsague Duke of Neuers, commanding for the King of France, in the Marquisate of Saluces, put them to death. In Dauphine, as many as the Arch­bishop of Ambrun could apprehend, so many he cau­sed either to rot in the dungeons, or to perish in the Tower Brun, with cold and famine; and out of Piedmont they were banished. There remained no other succour but in the dead time of winter, to make their passage by night ouer a high mountaine almost [Page 94]inaccessible, couered with ice and snow, into the Val­ley of Frassiniere, if possibly they could. They there­fore betooke themselues vnto the mountaine, about the feast of the Natiuity of our Lord, in the coldest time of all the yeere: But before they could come to the height thereof, the greatest part of the women and children were benummed with cold, and the night ouertaking them, being in the top of the hill, they were inforced to lie vpon the ice, where a great part of them in the morning were found dead. They that escaped the danger, retired themselues into the Valley of Frassiniere. Now after that the houses of these poore people had remained for a time void of Inhabi­tants, there was no man that would seise or take pos­sion of their Lands, much lesse till and husband them, and therefore their Gouernours permitted the said Waldenses to continue there, and to tolerate them, making profession of their beliefe; onely they were to depart out of the confines of the State of the Prince, for the exercise of their Religion. They haue re-peo­pled the said Valley. Thus you haue heard as much as is come to our knowledge, touching their sufferings, howsoeuer they haue been persecuted from time to time, from the father to the sonne, as the rest of the Waldenses in Dauphine and Piedmont, but their indict­ments are not come to our hands.

CHAP. VII.

ABout the yeere of our Lord 1370, 1370 the Wal­denses of the Valleys of Pragela and Dau­phine, grew to so great a number in so small a Country, that they were enfor­ced to send away a certaine number of their yonger people to seeke some other Country to inhabite in. In their trauaile they found in Calabria certaine waste and vntilled land, and ill peopled, but yet very fertile, as they might well iudge, by those parts neere adioyning. They therefore finding the Country fit to bring forth corne, wine, oyle of Oliues and chestnuts, and that there were hilles fit for the breeding and nourishing of cattle, and to furnish them with fuell and timber fit for building; they came vnto the Lords of those places to treate with them tou­ching their abode in those Countries. The said Lords receiued them louingly, agreed to their lawes and or­ders, to the gteat aduantage of these new Inhabitants, came to an agreement with them, touching their Rentes, Tenthes, Toles, penalties, in case there fall out any differences or offences amongst them; and so hauing assigned vnto them certaine quarters or parts of the Country, they returned for the most part of them, to aduertise their parents of the good aduen­ture, that had happened vnto them, in a rich country, likely to abound in all temporall benedictions. They [Page 96]brought backe with them from their parents and friends, whatsoeuer it pleased them to bestow vpon them, to begin their house-keeping; many of them married, and brought their wiues into Calabria, where they built certaine small Townes and Citties, to which their owne houses were as walles, as namely Saint Xist, la Garde, la Vicaricio, les Rousses, Argentine, Saint Vincens, and Montolieu. The Lords of the said Countries thought themselues happy, in that they had met with so good Subiects, as had peopled their Lands, and made them to abound with all manner of fruits; but principally because they found them to be honest men, and of a good conscience, yeelding vnto them all those duties and honours, that they could expect from the best Subiects in the world. Onely their Parsons and Priests complained, that they liued not touching matter of religion, as other peo­ple did, they made none of their children Priests, nor Nunnes, they loued no chaunting, tapers, lampes, belles, no nor Masses for their dead. They had built certaine Temples, not adorning them with images, they went not on pilgrimage: they caused their chil­dren to be instructed by certaine strange and vnknown School-masters, to whō they yeeld a great deale more honour then to them, paying nothing vnto them but their tithes, according to the agreement with their Lords: They doubted, that the said people made pro­fession of some particular beliefe, which hindred them from mingling themselues, & ioyning in alliance with the naturall home-borne people of the Land, and that they had no good opinion of the Church of Rome. The Lords of those places began to feare, that if the Pope should take notice, that so neere his Seate, there [Page 97]were a kinde of people that contemned the lawes of Romish Church, they might chance to lose them, detained their Priests from complaining of these peo­ple, who in euery thing else shewed themselues to be honest men, such as had enriched the whole Coun­try, yea and the Priests themselues, for the onely tithes which they receiued of that great abundance of fruites, which arise from those lands, out of which in former times they receiued no profit at all, were such as might very well giue them reason to beare with o­ther matters; That they were come to inhabit in those places from far Countries, where perhaps the people were not so much giuen to the ceremonies of the Church of Rome; but yet since in the principall they were faithfull and honest, charitable towards the poore, and such as feared God, they were very willing they might not be molested, by any more par­ticular enquiry into their consciences. These reasons wrought much with those that bare them ill will. For the Lords of those places, stopped the mouthes of their murmuring neighbours, who could by no meanes draw them into any alliance with them, and who saw their goods, their cattell, and all that they posses­sed blest after a more particular manner then other mens, that they were a temperate people, wise, not lewd or dissolute, not giuen to dancing, or haunters of Tauernes, and out of whose mouthes, there did neuer proceed any blasphemy; and to be briefe, liuing in a Country where the Inhabitants were giuen to all manner of wickednesse; they were as precious stones in a common sinke, and therefore both enuied and admired, but yet alwaies maintained by their Lords, who comparing these subiects and vassals with others [Page 98]that they had, could not satiate themselues with their praises. Thus were they maintained by their Lords against all enuy, and that maugre the Priests, vntill the yeere 1560, 1560 at what time they could no longer de­fend them against the Popes thunderbolts.

The occasion was, because they then vnderstood, that in their Valleys of Pragela and Piedmont, there were Pastors, that with a loud voyce did preach the Gospell: For they had sent to Geneua to be furnished with teachers, and they sent them two, that is to say, Steuen Negrin, and Lewis Paschal, who at their arri­uall, did their best endeauours to establish the exer­cise of their Religion. Pope Pius the fourth of that name, being aduertised hereof, the Colledge of Cardinals was assembled, and presently concluded and resolued vpon the vtter ruine and ex irpation of this people, who so neere the Popes Seate, durst to plant the Religion of the Lutherans.

The charge of this persecution was giuen to Car­dinall Alexandrin, a violent man, if there were euer any amongst the Cardinals. Hee chose two Monkes of his owne humour, to be his Informers, that is to say, one Valerio Maluicino, and a Dominican Monke, named Alphonsus Vrbin, who began with the Inhabitants of Saint Xist. Being in the place, they assembled the people, giuing them good spee­ches, and protesting that their comming thither, was not any way to molest them, but onely louingly to aduertise them, that they were not to heare any o­ther Doctours and teachers, then those which should be giuen vnto them by the Prelats of their Diocesse. That they knew well, that they had receiued teachers from Geneua, but by quitting themselues of them, [Page 99]and liuing hereafter according to the lawes of the Church of Rome, they should haue no cause to feare any thing: but if they presumed to keepe their said teachers amongst them, they did put themselues in danger to lose their liues, their goods and honours, because they were to be condemned for Heretickes. And that they might the better know who they were, that had wholly forsaken the lawes of the Church of Rome, they caused a bell to be rung to Masse, inui­ting the people to goe thither; but in steed of going to the Masse, they quit themselues of their houses, and with their wiues and children that could follow them, they did flie into the woods, leauing onely within the Citty some few decrepit men and women, and little children. The Monkes dissembled this flight, that they might the better intrap them all at once. They went to la Garde, not threatning any one of those that stayed in Saint Xist. Being there, they caused the gates of the Towne to be locked, and the people to be assembled. They told them, that they of Saint Xist had abiured their Religion, and be­ing gone to the Masse, had asked pardon at Gods hands, promising them, if they would doe the like, that no man should offer the least hurt that might be. These poore people thinking the Monkes had spoken a truth vnto them, they were content to yeeld to whatsoeuer they would haue them doe: But when they had vnderstood, that their brethren of Saint Xist had refused to goe to Masse, and that they were fled into the woods, they were ashamed of their weak­nesse, and much displeased with their reuolt, and therefore instantly resolued with themselues, to goe with their wiues and children, to their bretheren of [Page 101]Saint Xist: but the Lord of the place Saluator Spi­nello would not suffer them to retire themselues in so miserable a manner, promising to defend them a­gainst whomsoeuer; prouided (saith he) that they ca­ried themselues like good Romish Catholikes. In the meane time the Monkes sent after those of Sainc Xist two Companies of foote-men, who ran after these poore people, as after wild beasts, crying out, Amassa, amassa, that is, kill, kill. They slew diuers of them. But they that could get to the top of the mountaine, being on the hight of the rockes, intreated they might be heard; which being granted, they beseeched them to haue pitty vpon them, and vpon their wiues and children; that they would call to minde, that they had inhabited in those Countries, from the father to the sonne for some ages, and that in all that time, there was not any that could complaine of their con­uersation; and yet neuerthelesse, if they could not continue in their houses, in that beliefe wherein they had liued to this present, if they might be permitted to betake themselues, either by sea or by land, to the protection of God, with their onely persons, and some few commodities; and so retire themselues whether it should please the Lord to conduct them, they would very willingly forsake all their goods, ra­ther then to fall into any idolatry, promising both for themselues and all theirs, neuer to returne to their houses againe. They beseeched them euen for Gods cause, not to driue them to such necessities, as that they must be enforced to defend themselues, for if they should be once out of all hope of mercy, it would be dangerous for themselues, who had driuen them to these extremities. The souldiers were the more [Page 101]stirred vp against them, and presently made a vio­lent assault vpon them, which bound these poore people to a iust defence, and so being assisted by God, they slew the greatest part of the Souldiers that pur­sued them, and put the rest to slight. The Monkes the Inquisitors, writ to the Vice-roy of Naples, that he should speedily sendsome companies of Souldiers, to apprehend cetaine Heretickes of Saint Xist, and la Garde, who were fled into the woods, and that in so doing, he should doe that which was pleasing to the Pope, and meritorious to himselfe, if he shall deli­uer the Church from such contagion. The Vice-roy came himselfe with his troupes. Being arriued at Saint Xist, he caused to be proclaimed by the sound of a trumpet, that the place was condemned to be exposed to fire and sword. But in the meane time before his arriuall, the women had leasure to returne to Saint Xist, whether they ran together, to seeke for victuall to feede their husbands and children, which were in the wood. The Viceroy caused it to be pro­claimed throughout the Realme of Naples, that all banished people that would come to the warres against the Heretickes of Saint Xist, should be pardoned all their offences formerly committed; whereupon great numbers gathered themselues together, and were conducted to the woods, where the fugitiues of Saint Xist were, and they gaue them the chase in so rigorous a manner, that in the end, after the slaugh­ter of diuers of these poore people, the rest of them being sore wounded, retired themselues into the caues vpon the high rockes, where the greatest part of them died with famine. The Monkes Inquisitors made shew of much discontent, and that they were much [Page 102]displeased with that which had happened, and be­ing retired to Cossence, where the Sindic of Saint Xist appeared before them, they wished him speedily to withdraw himselfe, for feare lest the Viceroy should know of his being there, and so apprehend him. This brought those of la Garde a sleepe, who being cited by a publike proclamation to appeare before the said Inquisitors at Cossence, or before the Viceroy at Fol­cade, they were easily perswaded to beleeue the pro­mises and faire speeches of the said Inquisitors. For being arriued at Folcade, there were seuenty of them apprehended, and being bound, were brought to Montaud before the Inquisitor Panza, who put them all to the racke. Amongst others, he tormented one Steuen Charlin with such violence, that his bowels brake out of his belly, and all to extort from him, this confession and imposture, that is, that they some­times assembled themselues by night to commit whoredomes, and damnable incestes, the candles being put out. But notwithstanding his extreame torture, they could neuer get from him the confes­sion of so great a wickednesse.

There was another called Verminel, who with the extreame paine he endured vpon the racke, pro­mised to goe to Masse; The Inquisitor thinking, that since the torment of the racke, had enforced him to forsake his Religion, that redoubling the violence thereof, he might draw from this feeble and tired person, the confession of the former imposture. And so caused him to be tormented in such a manner, that many times he left him eight houres together vpon the racke, but yet could neuer get from his mouth so horrible a calumnie.

Another named Marcon, being stript starke na­ked, was beaten with rods of iron, afterwards drawen through the streets, and burnt with fire-brands. One of his sonnes was killed with kniues, the other was brought to a high tower, where there was offered vn­to him a Crucifix, with promise that if he would kisse it, his life should be saued. He answered, that hee would rather die, then commit idolatry, and though he were cast headlong from that tower, as he was threatned, yet he had rather his body should be bro­ken to peeces here on earth, then by denying Christ and his truth, his soule should be cast into hell. The Inquisitor being much enraged with this answere, commanded him to be cast from the tower, to the end (saith he) we may see whether his God will pro­tect him. Bernard Conte was condemned to be burnt aliue, and as he was led to the fire, he cast to the earth a certaine Crucifix, which the Executioner had faste­ned to his hands. The Inquisitor hereupon comman­ded him to be sent backe to prison, to the end his paine might be aggrauated, and so sent him to Cossence, where he caused him to be couered with pitch, and so burnt. Besides, this Inquisitor Panza, cut the throats of fourescore, as a butcher doth his muttons; after­wards he caused them to be diuided into foure quar­ters, and commanded that the high waies from Mon­tald to Chasteau Vilar should be set with stakes for the space of thirty miles, and caused a quarter to be faste­ned to euery stake; and in a place called Moran, he cau­sed to be hanged and strangled, foure of the principall men of la Garde, that is to say, Iames Ferner, Anthony Palomb, Peter Iacio, and Iohn Morglia, who died very constantly. A certaine yong man named Samson, [Page 104]defended himself a long time against those, that would haue apprehended him; but in the end being woun­ded, he was taken and led to a high tower, where he was willed to confesse himselfe to a Priest that was there present, before he should be cast from the tower, which he refused to doe, saying, that he had confes­sed himselfe to God. So the Inquisitor commanded him to be cast ouer. The next day the Viceroy pas­sing below by the tower, he found this poore man languishing, hauing his bones broken, and imploring the mercy of God, to whom he gaue a kicke on the head with his foote, saying, Is this dogge yet aliue, cast him out to the hogges.

Threescore women of Saint Xist were brought to the racke, and vsed with such violence, that the cordes pierced into their armes and legges; in such sort, that in their wounds there were ingendred a great quantity of wormes, which fed vpon them be­ing aliue, they not knowing how to remedy it, vntill some one or other hauing compassion on them, gaue them secretly lyme, which caused them to fall from them. They died almost all miserably in prison. Nine of the chiefe and hansomest amongst them were lost, and it was neuer knowne what became of them, after they were deliuered to the Fathers of the Inquisition.

This Inquisitor retired himselfe to Saint Agathe, where hee deliuered a great number to the secular power; and if any man offered to intercede for them, he caused him to be put to the racke, as a fauourer of Heretickes; in such sort, that in the end there was not any that durst to open his mouth in their behalfe.

Pope Pius the fourth of that name, sent for their [Page 105]destruction, the Marquis of Butiane, with promise that if he would doe that good office to the holy Sea, as to cleere Calabria of those Waldenses that had there taken footing, he would giue vnto his sonne a Car­dinals hat. The Marquis tooke no great paines to ex­ecute his Commission, for the Monkes the Inquisi­tors, and the Viceroy of Naples had almost put all to death that they could apprehend, hauing sent to the Galleys of Spaine the strongest of them, and con­demned to perpetuall banishment the fugitiues, sold and killed woman and children.

As touching their Ministers, Steuen Negrin was sent to prison at Cossence, were he died with fa­mine: Lewis Paschal was carried to Rome, where he was condemned to be burnt aliue. Pope Pius the fourth, would needs feede his eye with this last pu­nishment of him, that had maintained him to be An­tichrist, being present at his death with many of his Cardinals. But the Pope could haue wished himselfe elswere, or that Paschal had been mute, or the people deafe. For he spake many things against the Pope out of the word of God, which gaue him a great deale of discontent. Thus did this good man die, calling vpon God with an ardent zeale, that he much moued the standers by, and made the Pope and his Cardinals to gnash their teeth for anger. Thus haue you seen the end of the Waldenses of Calabria, who were wholly exterminated; For if any of the fugitiues be returned, it is vpon condition that they liue according the lawes of the Church of Rome

CHAP. VIII.

THe Waldenses inhabiting in Prouence, in the parts of Cabrieres Meriadol, la Coste, and other places neere adioyning, haue been held for the originall of-spring of the Waldenses inhabiting in Dauphine and Piedmont, as it may very well appeare by the families of the same name; as also there are amongst them, that can proue their progeny or of-spring. And vpon this occasion it was, that they of Calabria soiourned in in Prouence, that is, to disburden their Valleys of the great multitudes of people that were there. And though in the beginning of their arriuall in Prouence, the Country where they made their abode was a de­sart, yet they made it in few yeeres fertile and fit (by the blessing of God) to yeeld Corne, Wine, oyle, of Oliues, Chestnuts, and other fruits, and that in great aboundance.

The first persecutions which they suffered, are not come to our knowledge, notwithstanding we finde ouen at this day, the Commissions that haue been gi­uen by the Popes and Anti-popes residing in Auig­non, very neere to the place of their abiding, against the Waldenses inhabiting in Prouence; as that of the Arch-deacon of Cremona, See before in the 3. Chap. Albert de Capitaneis, and of the Monke frier Minor Francis Borelli, hauing Commission against them, 1380 in the yeer 1380, to make [Page 107]inquiry of the Waldenses in the Diocesse of Aix in Prouence, Arles, and Selon. As also when they were retired into the said Prouince in the yeere 1228, 1228 when the Arch-bishop of Aix, Arles, and of Nar­bonne were assembled at Auignon to giue aduice to the Inquisitors touching the Waldenses, See Chap. 2. who then said (as you haue heard before) that the Inquisitors had apprehended so great a number, that there was not onely a want of victuall to feed them, but of lyme and stone to build their prisons. It is most certaine, that then the Waldenses of Prouence, dwelling as it were, in the very gates of the Popes Palace, and about their Earledome of Auignon were not forgotten: But for­asmuch as we haue no Copies of instruments, that may make good the said persecutions, we will insert into this discourse nothing but what we shall be able suffici­ently to proue.

The first persecution is that, whereof we haue the History in the time of King Lewis the twelfth, about the yeere 1506, That is, 1560 that this good King being informed, that there were in Prouence a certaine kind of people, that liued not according to the lawes of the Church of Rome, but were an accursed people, committing all manner of wickednesse and villanies, euen such, as the very memory of them strooke a hor­rour into mens hearts, and the Christians in the pri­mitiue Church had been vpbraided with; he gaue Commission to his Court of Parliament in Prouence to take knowledge thereof, and to chastise them ac­cording to their merit. Whereunto the said Court ha­uing diligently attended, so soone as the King vnder­stood, that diuers innocent persons were put to death, he limited the authority of the said Court, and would [Page 106]not suffer them to continue their executions, vntill he were truely informed, Ʋesembecius in Oratione de Waldensib [...]s. what kind of people they were, that to him had been reported to be so wicked. To this purpose he sent Master Adam Fumee, his Master of requests, who told him at his returne, that what had been giuen him to vnderstand, touching the Wal­denses of Prouence, was very vntrue; for they were not any way tainted, either with sorcery, or whoredome, but that they liued like honest men, doing hurt to no man: they caused their children to be baptized, taught them the Articles of their beliefe, and the Comman­dements of God, they carefully kept the Lords day, and the word of God was purely expounded vnto them. Vesembecius in Orotione de Waldensibus. His auditis Rex iureiurando addito me, in­quit, & caetero populo meo Ca­tholico melio­res illi viri sunt. A certaine Iacobin Monke, named Parui, con­fessor to the King, witnessed as much, who by the King was ioyned in Commission with the said Ma­ster of Requests. Which the King hauing vnder­stood, he said, and bound it with an oath, that they were honester men then himselfe, or the rest of his Catholike people. This persecution being stained by King Lewis the twelfth, they continued in peace vnto the raigne of King Francis the first of that name, and at what time there was some speech in France of a re­formation of Religion, they sent two of their Pa­stors, that is to say, George Morel of Frassinieres in Dauphine, and Peter Masson of Burgundy, to Oeco­lampadius Minister at Basse; to Capito, and Martin Bucer at Strasbourg, and to Berthand Haller at Berne, to conferre with them about matters touching their Religion, and to haue their aduice and counsell about many points wherein they desired to be better satis­fied. The Letters which Oecolampadius and Bucer sent vnto them, are set downe at length in the first [Page 109]Booke of this History, the Sixt Chapter, where I en­deauoured to make it appeare vnto the world, that many great personages amongst them, that made pro­fession of reformation, haue giuen testimony of their piety and probity; which is the reason why we in­sert them not againe in this discourse, onely we will produce those of the Waldenses in their own language, and afterwards in English.

They writ another Letter to the same purpose, to Martin Bucer, the which for breuities sake we omit, wherein they relate, that they had addressed them­selues for the selfe same cause to their brethren of New­castle, Morat, and Berne, which shewes how carefull the Waldenses were, to seeke out all manner of meanes, that their vnderstandings might be enlightned in the mysteries of piety for the saluation of their soules, especially seeing, that then they sought the meanes to aduance and order their Church in the open view of the world, when the fires were kindled through­out all France, against those of the same Religion that they were, who in those times were called Lutherans: The greater therefore that their zeale was, the more they stirred vp their enemies against them, and plun­ged themselues into the greater dangers. But as all are not victorious by faith, but there are alwaies some weake, who take counsell of the flesh, and per­swade themselues without reason, that they can crooch and bow themselues, in those places where God is of­fended by idolatry, and yet keepe the heart pure and [Page 111]neate vnto God; Oecolampadius from thence takes oc­casion, to write that which followeth, to be deliuered to those dissemblers, which walke not with an vpright foote before God.

These godly admonitions preuailed much for the confirmation of the more weake, and they came in very good time for those who presently after were sif­ted with many tempestuous outrages, and euen one of those that brought the Letters made good vse of them, that is to say, Peter Masson, who was appre­hended at Diion, where he was condemned to death for a Lutheran. George Morel saued himselfe with his letters and papers, and came sound and safe into Pro­uence, where he bestowed much paines, and with happy successe, in the establishing of the Churches of the Waldenses, of which the Court of Parliament at Aix did euery day apprehend one faithfull mem­ber or other, whom they either condemned to the fire, or sent to the gibbet, or dismissed with markes in their foreheads; vntill that in the yeere 1540, 1540 the Inha­bitants [Page 114]of Merindol were summoned, in the person of fiue or six of the principall, at the earnest importunity of the Kings Atturney in the Parliament of Aix, and the sollicitation of the Arch-bishop of Arles, the Bi­shop of Aix other Ecclesiasticall persons. A sen­tence was giuen against them, the most exorbitant, cruell, and inhumane, that euer was in any Parliament, like in all things, to that edict of King Assuerus, granted at the instance of Aman, against the people of God, as it is written in the History of Hester. For besides that, the men and women that were sum­moned for contumacy, were condemned to be burnt aliue, by the said sentence, their children and fami­lies outlawed, it was decreed that the place of Me­rindol should be altogether made vnhabitable, the woods cut downe, two hundred paces round about it, and all this without any audience or leaue granted to any to speake a word.

The King being informed of the rigour of this Edict, sent into Prouence the Lord du Langeai to en­forme him of the manners and beleefe of the said Wal­denses, and vnderstanding that many things were laid to the charge of this people, which they were not guilty of, King Francis the first of that name, sent Lettes of grace and fauour, not onely in be­halfe of those that had offended by contumacy, but all the rest of the Country of Prouence, expresly commanding the Parliament from thence forward, not in that case to proceed so rigerously, as they had done in times past. These Letters were supprest. They that were personally summoned made request, that it might bee lawfull for them to answere by a Proctor.

Francis Chai, and William Armand appeared for all the rest, requesting in their names, that it might be made to appeare vnto them in what they had er­red, and that by the word of God; being ready to abiure all heresie, if once they might know that they were fallen into any. And for this cause they deliue­red vnto them in writing, a confession of their faith, to the end if they found any thing worthy reprechen­sion by the holy Scriptures, they might be instructed concerning that which they were to recant; or if they found nothing that they could reprehend, that they might be no more molested by so many and so grie­uous persecutions; for feare lest thinking they made warre onely against men, it should appeare that they made it against God and his truth, and those that main­tained it.

All their petitions serued to no other end, then to prouoke them the more; for the Iudges being possessed with an opinion, that they were Here­tikes, refusing to take the paynes to know and exa­mine the truth, they made all their Acts in fauour of the Priests that accused them. In such sort that when the Cardinall of Tournon had obtained at a high price Letters from the King for the execution of the afore­said Decree, notwithstanding the pardon and reuo­cation before obtained, it was executed.

This was in the yeere 1545, 1545 that the President of Opede, Gouernour of Prouence in the absence of the Earle of Grignan, deputed for Commissioners, the President Francis de la Fon, Honoré de Tributiis, and Bernard Badet Counseller, and the Aduocate Guerin in the absence of the Procurator Generall. He dispatched sundry Commissions, and proclaimed the [Page 116]warre with sound of trumper, both at Aix, and at Marseilles. So the troopes being leuied, and the fiue ensignes of the old bands of Piedmont ioyned with them, the army marched to Pertuis, and the next day being the fourteenth of Aprill, they went to Ca­dinet, and the sixteenth, they began to set fire to the Villages of Cabrieres, Pepin, la Mothe, and Saint Martin, belonging to the Lord of Sental, then vnder age. There the poore labourers without any resi­stance were slaine, women and their daughters ra­uished, some great with childe murdered, without any mercy; The breasts of many women were cut off, after whose deaths the poor infants died with famine, d'Opede hauing caused Proclamation to be made vpon paine of the with, that no man should giue any reliefe or sustenance to any of them. All things were ran­sacked, burnt, pilled, and there were none saued aliue, but those that were reserued for the Galloys. The seuenteenth day, Opede commanded the old bands of Piedmont to draw neere, and the day following hee burnt the Villages of Lormarin, Ville Laure, and Tre­zemines, and at the same time on the other side of Du­rance, le Rieur de la Rocque, and others of the Towne of Arles burnt Gensson and la Roque. Opede being come to Merindol, he found not any there, but onely a yong lad called Morisi Blanc, a very simple fellow, who yeelded himselfe prisoner to a Souldier, with promise of two crownes for his ransome; d'Opede fin­ding none other vpon whom he might wreake his anger, payed the two crownes to the Souldier, and so commanding him to be bound to a tree, caused him to be slaine with hargubuse shot: Afterwards, he commanded the said Towne to be pilled, sacked, and [Page 117]vtterly razed and laid leuell with the ground, where there were aboue two hundred houses.

There remained the Towne of Cabrieres compassed with walles, which were beaten with the Cannon; These poore people being sicke within, who were about some threescore boores or Pesants of the Coun­try, called vnto them, that they needed not to spend so much powder and paines to batter the Walles, be­cause they were ready to open the gates vnto them, and to quit themselues of the place and Country, and to depart to Geneua, or into Germany with their wiues and children, leauing all their goods behind them, onely that their passage might be free.

The Lord of Cabrieres treated for them, that their cause might be determined by iustice, without force or violence: But Opede being within the Town, he commanded the men to be brought into a field, and to be cut in peeces withswords, these valiant executio­ners striuing who could shew the best manhood in cut­ting off heads, armes, and legges. He caused the wo­men to be locked vp in a barne full of straw, and so put fire vnto it, where were burnt many women great with childe. Wherewith a Souldier being moued to compassion, hauing made an ouerture for them, they were beaten backe into the fire with pikes and hol­berds. The rest of these men, that were found hid­den in the caues, were brought into the Hall of the Castle, where they were horribly massacred in the presence of the said Opede. As for the women and children, that were found in the Temple, they were exposed to the chiefe Bauds and Ruffians of Anignon, who slew about eight hundred persons, without di­stinction of age or sexe. About the end of this exe­cution [Page 118] le Sieur de la Coste, kinsman to Opede, came thither, who intreated him to send him some men of warre, offering to bring all his souldiers into Aix, and to make as many breaches in the wall as hee would; which was granted by word of mouth, but not wholly performed. For three En­signes of foot men were sent thither, who pillaged whatsoeuer seemed good vnto them, burnt a part of the Towne, rauished women and their daughters, and killed some Boores, not finding any resistance. In this meane time the rest of those of Merindol and other places, were in great extremities in the moun­taines and rockes, persecuted by Opede and his ar­my. They intreated him, that hee would permit them to retire themselues to Geneua, with the rest of their wiues and children, promising to leaue behind them all their goods. Hee answered, that hee would send them all to dwell in the Country of hell, with all the diuels, them, their wiues and children, in such a manner, that there should be no memory left of them.

King Francis being aduertised of those cruelties that were executed in pursuit of the said arrest, was much displeased therewith, in such sort, that at the very point of death, being wounded with some re­morse of conscience, principally because it had all passed vnder his name and authority, being sorry because hee could inflict no punishment vpon them before his death, that had shed so much innocent blood, hee gaue in charge to his sonne Henry to bee reuenged on them, in prosecution whereof, after the decease of his father, hee sent out his Letters Patents in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred forty [Page 119]nine, by which hee tooke vnto himselfe and into his owne hands, the cause of the said Waldenses of Pro­uence: but there was none but the Aduocate Guerin that was hanged, because hee had falsty informed the King, when hee kept backe the reuocation of the first retention of the cause of those of Merindoll, whereupon presently followed the execution of the Arrest of the Court of Parliament of Aix. And all the rest that were faulty, escaped vpon this con­sideration, that it was to no purpose to attempt any more against the Lutherans at that time.

Touching the rest that escaped this massacre, some there were that retired themselues to Geneua, others into Switzerland, others into Germany, and others continued neere thereabouts, tilling their land by stealth; and so by little and little, retur­ned home to their old habitations, which they built and repaired at such times as they could by the benefit of the aforesaid Edicts; and were af­terwards the seed of many goodly Churches, which at this day are gathered together, flourishing in all piety and zeale, as other Churches in the King­dome of France.

CHAP. IX.

DIuers haue written, Albertus de Ca­pitaneis lib. de origine Walden­sium. Thuanus in hi­storia sui tem­poris, pa. 457. Petrus Valdus eorum Ante­signanus, pa­tria relictain Belgium venit, at (que) in Picardi­am quam hodie vocant, multos sectatores n [...]e­tus cum inde in Germaniam transisset per Vandalicas ci­uitates diu di­uersatus est, ac postremo in Bo­hemia consedit. See what is said of these two Barbes before in the first booke Chap. 9. that Waldo at his de­parture from Lion, came into Dauphine, and from thence (hauing erected and or­dered some Churches, and laid the foun­dations of them, which haue been mi­raculously preserued vnto this present time) he went into Languedoc, and there he left excellent Pastors, who ordered and instructed those Churches, that af­terwards cost the Pope and his Clergy so much to de­stroy; and from thence he went into Picardy, from whence being chased, he tooke his iourney into Ger­many, and from Germany he retired himselfe into Bo­hemia, where (according to the opinion of some) he ended his dayes. The Waldenses inhabiting in Dau­phine, Piedmont, and Prouence, haue had commu­nion and incelligence with their Brethren retired into Bohemia, for proofe whereof, we haue the message of Daniel de Valence, and Iohn de Molin Pastors in Bohe­mia, who did much hurt to the Churches of that Country, by reuealing vnto the aduersaries those flockes or companies, which before were hidden and vnknowne, because of the great and grieuous persecu­tions that then were.

We haue also a certaine Apology of the Waldenses of Bohemia in the Waldensian tongue, Ʋineaux in his memor. fol. 15 in the forme of a [Page 121]Letter, which they wirt to King Ladislaus, wherof the Inscription is.

This Letter makes proofe of the Communion which the Waldenses of Dauphine haue had with those of Bohemia, in that they haue had in their language this Letter, which containes a iust Apology against those impostures, and other faults which in former times haue been imputed to the one and to the other, and haue been common with the Christians of the pri­mitiue Church. We haue also in the same volume a treatise, the inscription whereof is this. Aico es la causa del nostre despartiment de la Gleisa Romana. That is to say; This is the cause of our separation from the Church of Rome. Causes which haue been common with all those, that haue withdrawen themselues from that Church, for feare of participating of her plagues.

The Author of the Catalogue of witnesses of the truth, Flac. Ill. in ca­tal. test. verit. p. 116. makes mention of a certaine forme of Inquisiti­on, which was practised against the Waldenses of Bo­hemia vnder King Iohn, which was about the yeere 1330. As also in another Inquisition this is noted, that the Waldenses of Bohemia sent into Lombardy to the Waldensian Doctors, those whom they would haue trained vp in the profession of Diuinity.

In the treatise of the beginning of the Churches of Bohemia, Lib. de origine Ecclesiarū Bo­hemiae. pa. 273. Sed cum oppres­sae tyrannide Pontisicia con­uentus publicos nullos haberent ne (que) scripta ho­rum extarent vll [...], ignotae no­stris prorsus fuere. Esrom Rudiger in narrati [...]ncu­la de Ecclesijs fratrum in Bo­hemia Valden­ses ad minimum CCXL annis originem no­stram antece­dunt. at what time the doctrine of Iohn Hus was there receiued, the Pastors, Ancients, and faithfull of Bohemia say, that the Waldensian Churches of Bo­hemia, had been oppressed by the tyranny of the Pope, in such manner, that they had no more assemblies, and that there were no more of their writings to be found in Bohemia.

Esrom Rudiger in his treatise of the Churches of Bohemia saith, that the Waldenses haue had their Chur­ches, at the least two hundred and forty yeeres before those of the Hussites, and though he confesse that their beliefe was one and the same, yet he affirmeth that there was not in their times any memory of their Churches, but onely of those that were in France at Merindoll, and the places neere adioyning. And that when they sent to Bohemia to ioyne them­selues vnto them in the confession of their faith, they enquired of them, whether they made any publike profession of the truth: and when they had vnder­stood, that there were some amongst them, that some­times frequented Papisticall Churches, and were pre­sent at those idolatries that were there committed, they did bitterly reprehend them for it.

And therefore they that haue answered vnder the name of the Waldenses, See the Con­fession of the Waldenses in the Catalogue rerum expeten­darum. Lib de orig. & confess. Eccl. Pohem. Scimus quod multi boni viri, & veritatis E­uangelicae in­staurata culta­res & sectate res pij seducti & indicationi­bus falsis & cri­minationib. ad­uer sariorum, pro Valdensib nos habeant. Ibid. Hoc quidem constat, multum in ipsis lucis fuisse & de ple­ris (que) eos rectè sensisse & do­cuisse, & prop­ter veritatem grauigima per­pesso. in Gallia in primis. Aeneas Siluius in his history of the Tabo­rites. and haue brought vnto light their confession, which at this day is to be found in the Catalogue of things to be desired, are not any of the Waldenses, but one of those that by way of reproach were afterwards so called, and they haue not been ashamed of that name, assuring themselues of the pu­rity of their doctrine. And this notwithstanding, they reuiue againe this common opinion when they [Page 123]affirme that they know well, that there are many good men, that follow and loue the truth of the Gospell, who being deceiued by false markes and notes, where­by they haue described vs (say they) haue held vs for Waldenses.

And euen there to, they giue this testimony of the Waldenses; that there is in them much light and knowledge, and that they haue well vnderstood and purely taught many things, yea and that they haue suf­fered much for the truth, especially in France; And so they desired to be distinguished from them, to the end that if it were obserued, that the Waldenses had done much for the establishment of the truth in their times, that it might likewise be knowne, that the Hus­sites haue not done little in their time.

Aeneas Syluius reporteth of one Iames de Misne, and Peter de Dreze disciples of the Waldenses, that they went into Bohemia in the time of Iohn Hus, and that ha­uing conferred with him, he made profession of their doctrine, and they themselues deny it not: for thy say that Wicklif was assisted to shake off the yoke of the Pope, by example of the Waldenses, and that Wicklif was the instrument which God had vsed for the in­struction of Iohn Hus, who taught in Bohemia, and that therefore they haue thought themselues much bound to the Churches of the Waldenses, because whatsoe­uer good there hath been in the said Churches, they say, was transported vnto theirs; and so haue they been in some sort, the beginning of theirs.

CHAP. X.

THe number of the Waldenses that inhabi­ted in Austria was very great, who were there grieuously persecuted, as may ap­peare if we had no other proofe then the Chronicle Hirsauge; See the Chro­nicle of Hir­sauge. where it is ob­serued that about the yeere one thousand foure hun­dred, there were burnt a great number in the Citty of Creme, which is in the said Dukedome of Austria. But mere then that, that which troubled the heads of the persecuters a great deale more, was the speech of one of them, who being executed at Vienna, the princi­pall Citty in Austria, said at his execution, that there were in that Country, of the same beliefe that he pro­fessed, aboue fourescore thousand.

About the yeere of our Lord, 1467 one thousand foure hundred sixty seuen, the Hussites reforming their Churches, and separating them from the Church of Rome, they vnderstood, that there were in Austria Churches of the ancient Waldenses, vpon the fron­tiers of Bohemia, in the which there were great and learned men appointed for Pastors, & that the doctrine of the Gospell flourished amongst them. That they might know the truth thereof, they deputed two of their Brethren, amongst their Pastors, and two Anci­ents, with charge to enquire and know, what those flockes or cōgregations were, for what cause they had [Page 125]forsaken the Church of Rome, their principles and pro­gression, that they should make knowne vnto them the beginnings of their carriage, or demeanor in Bohe­mia, and giue a reason why they were seperated from the Romish Church.

These men being come thither, Ioachimus Cam. in hist. de Ec­clesiis Fratrum in Boheraia & Morauta. p. 104. and hauing carefully inquired into the state of those Churches of the Waldenses, and hauing found them, they told them, that they did nothing but what was ordei­ned by our Lord Iesus Christ, and taught by his A­postles, holding themselues wholly to the institution of the Sonne of God in the matter of Sacraments.

It contented the Waldenses very much, to vnder­stand that there were in Bohemia a number of people, that had giuen vnto God the glory, and remoued from them the abuse and idolatries of the Church of Rome, exhorting them in the name of God, to continue in that which they had so wel begun, for the knowledge and maintenance of the truth, and for the establish­ment of a good discipline; and in witnesse of the great ioy they receiued, and that holy Society and Communion, that they desired to haue with them, they blessed them in praying for them, and laying their hands vpon them.

Afterwards the said Waldenses related vnto them, how God had miraculously preserued them, for these many hundred yeers, notwithstanding the diuers great and continuall persecutions which they had endured; And so they louingly and gently tooke their leaue of their said brethren, and at their returne related what­soeuer they had seen or done in that their voyage, from whence they receiued vnspeakable content­ment, and from that time forward, there continued [Page 126]a holy affection and desire to communicate together as oft as they could, for their common edification. In prosecution whereof, the brethren of Bohemia visi­ted by Letters the Waldenses of Austria, giuing them to vnderstand, that they had receiued great comfort by their last communication they had with them; but yet as they desired not to be flattered in any defect or fault whatsoeuer, so they could not dissemble without some defect of charity, what they had found in them, worthy reprehension; And that was, that they yeel­ded to much to their infirmities, since that hauing once knowne the truth, they neuerthelesse frequen­ted Papisticall Churches, being present at those ido­latries, which they condemned, basely prophaning and polluting themselues, that wee are not onely certainly to beleeue with the heart, but wee must likewise make confession with our mouth to saluation. Moreouer they told them of another fault, which they had taken notice of, and that was, that they were too carefull in heaping vp gold and filuer, for though the end were good, that is, to helpe and com­fort them in time of persecution; yet forasmuch as euery day brought with it affliction enough, and that such cares are not befitting those that are to looke on­ly before them, and to lay vp a treasure in heauen, they condemned that which was superabundant in them, and which in the end they would principally rely vpon.

The Waldenses of Austria did heartly thanke them, Joachim' Cam. in Hist. de Ec­clesijs fratrum in Bobemia & Morauia p. 105 intreating them to continue this holy affection to­wards them, and for their part to doe their best en­deauour to further their communion, and to appoint a [Page 127]day and place of meeting and conference: for they hauing a long time knowne those their defects, which they had taken notice of, as yet they had not power to prouide conuenient remedies for the same, but their hope was, that being altogether, they should be able better to resolue with themselues, as also touching many other points of greatest moment. Now when it was euen vpon the point to send to the place where they had agreed to meete and to assem­ble themselues, they began to doubt that the businesse might be discouered, and it might be dangerous to all of them. And besides that, they considered with themselues that they had been supported, notwith­standing their assemblies and beliefe were sufficiently knowne, and therefore they should put themselues into extreame danger, if they should ioyne them­selues with other people. These considerations made their former designes and purposes of their mutuall communications to vanish away; as also in the yeere following, that is, 1468 in the yeere one thousand foure hundred siixty eight, the persecution increased against the said Waldenses of Austria, for there were burnt a great number at Vienna. Among others, the History makes mention of one Steuen an ancient man, who being there burnt, confirmed many with his constan­cy. They that would escape this persecution, reti­red themselues into the coast of Brandebourg, where they stayed not long, being also there exposed to fire and sword: Amongst those, there was one named Tertor, Ioach, Cam. in hist. de Ecclesijs fratrum in Bo­hemia & Mo­rauia. p. 117. that retired himselfe into Bohemia where hee ioined himselfe to the Churches of the Hussites, and finding that a man might there remaine in peace both [Page 128]of body and soule, he returned into his Country, and perswaded many to goe to Bohemia, and to inhabit there, who were louingly entertained; and after that time there haue been no assemblies of the Wal­denses in particular, but they haue ioyned themselues vnto the Churches of the Hussites.

CHAP. XI.

NOtwithstanding that incontinently after that Peter Waldo with those that followed him, came into Germany, there was so great a persecution along vpon the Rhine by the incitement and instigation of the Arch­bishops of Mayence and Strasbourg, that there were burnt in one day & in one fire, Dubranius in the history of Bohemia. to the number of eigh­teene, yet wee find that in the time of the Emperor Frederic the second, about the yeere one thousand two hundred and thirteene, Germany, and especially Alsa­tia was full of the VValdenses. The searchers were so diligent and exact, Coistans vpon the Reuel. that they were inforced to dis­perse themselues into other places to auoide the per­secution. This flight turned to the great benefit of the Church, because hereby many learned Teachers were scattered here and there, to make knowne vnto the world the purity of their Religion.

In the yeere one thousand two hundred thirty, 1230 a [Page 129]certaine Inquisitor named Conrad de Marpurg, Vig [...]ier in the 1. part of his Bibli. Histori­ale. was ordained by the Pope, Superintendent of the Inqui­sition. He exercised this charge with extreame cru­elty, against all sorts of persons, without any respect euen of the Priests themselues, Trithem in Chron. Hirsau­giensi. Godefridus Monan Auna­l [...]bus whose bodies and goods he confiscated. He tried men with a hot iron, saying, that they that could hold an iron red hot in their hands and not be burnt, were good Christians; but on the contrary, if they felt the fire, he deliuered them to the secular power. In these times the Wal­denses had in the Diocesse of Treues many Schooles, wherein they caused their children to be instructed in their beliefe, and notwithstanding all the Inquisitions & persecutions executed vpon their flockes, yet they aduentured to preach, Krautz in Me­tropol. l. 8. §. 18 & in Sax­on. l. 8. ca. 16. calling their assemblies by the sound of a bell, maintaining in publica statione (saith the Historiographer) publikly that the Pope was an hereticke; his Prelates Simonaicall and seducers of the people. That the truth was not preached but amongst them: and that had not they come amongst them to teach, God before he would haue suffered their faith to perish, would haue raised others, euen the stones themselues, to enlighten his Church by the preaching of the word. Vntill these times (say they) our Preachers haue buried the truth, and preached lyes: we on the contrary preach the truth, and bury falshood and lyes; and lastly we offer not a feined re­mission, inuented by the Pope, but by God alone, and according to our vocation.

Mathew Paris an English writer obserueth, 1220 that about the yeere 1220, Math Paris in Henry 3. anno 1220. there were a great number in a part of Germany, that tooke armes, where the Wal­denses [Page 130]were cut in peeces, being surprised in a place of great disaduantage, hauing on the one side a marish ground, and on the other the sea, in such sort that it was impossible for them to escape.

About the yeer 1330, 1330 they were strangely vexed in many parts of Germanie, Vignier in his third part of his Historicall Biblio. in the yeere 1330. by a certaine Iaco­bin Monke Inquisitor, named Echard: but after ma­ny cruelties executed vpon them, as hee pressed the Waldenses to discouer vnto him the reasons for which they were seperated from the Church of Rome, being vanquished in his owne conscience, and ac­knowledging those defects and corruptions which they alleaged to be in the Church of Rome to bee true, and not being able to disproue the points of their be­liefe by the word of God, he gaue glory vnto God, and confessing that the truth had ouercome him, hee became a member of that Church which hee had a long time before persecuted to the death. The other Inquisitors being aduertised of this alteration, were much displeased, and they sent presently so many af­ter him, that in the end hee was apprehended, and brought to Heidelberg, where he was burnt, maintai­ning that it was iniustice and wrong to condemne so many good men to death for the righteousnesse of Christ, against the inuentions of Antichrist.

In the yeere 1391, 1391 the Monkes Inquisitors tooke in Soxony and Pomerania foure hundred forty three VValdenses, Krautzin Me­trop. l. 8. p. 18. & in [...]ax. l. 8. cap. 16. who all confessed, that they had been in­structed in that beliefe for a long time by their ance­stors, and that their teachers came from Bohemia.

1457 In the yeere one thousand foure fifty seuen the Monkes Inquisitors of the Diocesse of Eisten in Ger­many [Page 131]discouered many VValdenses, which they put to death. They had amongst them twelue Pastors that instructed them.

We must not ouerpasse the thirty fiue Burgesses of Mayence, that were burned in the Towne of Bingue, because they were knowne to be of the beliefe of the VValdenses; nor the fourescore which the Bishop of Strasbourg caused to be burnt in one fire; nor that which Trithemius recounts, that they confessed in in those times, that the number of VValdenses was so great, that they could goe from Cologne to Milan, and lodge themselues with hostes of their owne professi­on, and that they had signes vpon their houses and gates, whereby the might know them.

But the most excellent instrument amongst them, that God imployed in his seruice, was one Raynard Lollard, who at the first was a Franciscan Monke, and an enemy of the VValdenses, but yet a man carried with a sanctified desire to finde the way of saluation, wherein he had so profited, that his aduersaries them­selues were constrained to commend him. Iohn le Maire in the 3. part of the diff. of Schismes in the 24. scisme. For Iohn le Maire puts him in the ranke of those holy men, that haue foretold by diuine reuellation, many things that haue come to passe in his time. This worthy man taught the doctrine of the VValdenses, was apprehen­ded in Germany by the Monkes Inquisitors, and being deliuered to the secular power, was burnt at Cologne.

This man hath writ a Commentary vpon the A­pocalipse, where hee hath set downe many things that are spoken of the Romane Antichrist. This was he of whom the faithfull in England were called Lol­lards, where he taught; witnesse that Towre in Lon­don [Page 132]which at this present is called by his name Lollards Tower, where the faithfull that professed his Religion were imprisoned.

CHAP. XII.

ENgland hath been one of the first places that hath been honoured for receiuing the Gospell, for not long after that VVal­do departed from Lion, there were many condemned to death as VValdenses, that is to say, eleuen yeeres after the dispersion of the VVal­denses of the Citty of Lion. For Waldo departed out of Lion, 1163 in the yeere one thousand one hundred sixty three, Math. Paris in his History of England, the said yeere. and Mathew Paris reports, that the Monkes Inquisitors caused some of the Waldenses to be burnt in England, in the yeere 1174. 1174 And Iohn Bale makes mention of a certaine man that was burnt at London, in the yeere 1210, that was charged with no other matter, 1210 then that hee professed the Religion of the Waldenses. Iohn Basle in the Chroni­cles of Lon­don. Thomas Walden in his sixt vo­lume of things sacramentall tit. 12. chap. 10 Thomas Walden an English man hath writ, that in the time of Henry the second the Waldenses were grieuously persecuted, and that they were cal­led Publicans: And as for those in whom they found not cause enough to condemne vnto death, they marked them in forhead with a burning key, to the end they might be knowne of euery man. This beliefe of the Waldenses was better known in the time of the wars against the Albingenses, insomuch that (as le Sieur de la [Page 133]Popeliniere hath well obserued) the proximity of the lands and possessions of the Earle Remod of Tholouze, La Popiliniere in his History of France l. 1. with Guienne, then possessed by the English, and the aliance of the King of England, brother in law of the said Remond, made the way more easie to the Eng­lish, not onely to succour one another in their wars; but also to take knowledge of the beliefe of the said Albingenses, which was no other but that of the Waldenses, to the end that they might support them, though the violence were vniust and extreame against those whom the English were many times constrai­ned to defend against those who vnder the pretence of Religion, inuaded his lands. Frier Rainard Lollard was then the most powerfull instrument, which God vsed by exhortations, and sound reasons, to giue knowledge to the English of the doctrine, for which the VValdenses were deliuered to death. This do­ctrine was receiued by Wicklif, as it is noted in the Booke of the Beginning and confession of the Chur­ches of Bohemia, who thereby obtained much helpe for the increase of his knowledge in the truth. He was a renowned Theologian in the Vniuersity of Oxford, and parson of the parish of Luterworth, in the Diocesse of Lincolne; an eloquent man, and profound Scholler. He won the hearts of many English, euen of most ho­norable of the land, as the Duke of Lancaster vncle to King Richard, Henry Percy, Lewes Gifford, and the Chancellor the Earle of Salisbury. By the fauour of of these great personages, the doctrine of the VVal­denses, or of Wicklif tooke footing, and had free passage in England, vntill Gregory the eleuenth persecuted those that receiued it with allowance, by meanes of [Page 134]his Monkes the Inquisitors; the fiers being kindled in England for many yeeres, to stay the course there­of: but it was all in vaine, for it hath been maintai­ned there maugre Antichrist, vntill his yoke was whol­ly shaken off. True it is, that the bones of Wicklif were dis-interred aboue thirty yeeres after his death, and condemned to be burnt, with such bookes as his aduersaries could recouer; but he had before enlight­ned so great a number, that it was beyond the power of his enemies altogether to depriue the Church of them. For by how much the more they indeauou­red to hinder the reading and knowledge of them by horrible threats, and death it selfe, the more were the affections of many sharpned to reade them with greater ardency: It is likewise said, that a certaine Scholler hauing carried into Bohemia one of the books of the said Wicklif, intituled His Vniuersals, and deli­uering it to Iohn Hus, he gathered that knowledge from it, that made him admirable in Bohemia, and edi­fied all those, who together with him, did very wil­lingly free themselues from the seruile yoke of the Church of Rome. Lib. de Origine & Confes. Eccl. Bohemiae. Wiclefus à Wal­densibus adiu­tus Hussium nostrum excita­uit. pa. 264. From hence it was said to the Hus­ites, that Wicklif had awakened their Iohn Hus. This Wicklif writ aboue a hundred volumes against Anti­christ or the Church of Rome, the Catalogue whereof is in the booke of the Images of famous men, that haue combated with Antichrist.

CHAP. XIII.

AFter the great persecution of the Walden­ses in the time of Phillip the faire, S. Aldeg. in his 1. Table of the diff. fol. 149. Iohn Dubrauius in the Hstory of Bohemia. lib. 14. Histori­graphers make mention of their repaire into Flanders, whether he pursued them, and caused a great number to bee burnt. And because they were constrained to retire them­selues into the woods, to flie from those that pursu­ed them, they were called Turlupins, that is, See before l. 1. c. 1. dwellers with wolues, as you haue heard before in that Chap­ter, where we haue shewed what names were giuen vnto them.

Mathew Paris saith, that a certaine Iacobin Monke, Math. Paris in the life of Henry 3. named Robert Bougre, had liued amongst the Waldenses, making profession of their Religion, but hauing after­wards forsaken them, became a Monke, and a very violent persecuter, in such sort, that he caused many to be burnt in Flanders. Now his owne friends hauing taken knowledge, that he much abused the power and authority of his office, laying to their charge many things whereof they were innocent, and executing his authority against many that were altogether ignorant of the beliefe of the VValdenses, he was not only depri­ued of the office of an Inquisitor, but cast into prison, and being conuicted of diuers crimes, was condemned to perpetuall prison.

CHAP. XIV.

ABout the yeere of our Lord 1330, 1330 there were many that made profession of the Religion of the Waldenses in the King­dom of Poland. The Bishops had recourse to the meanes established by the Pope, that is to say, Flac. Illy. in his Catol. of the wit. pa. 539. the Inquisition; whereby they deliuer many of them into the hands of the executioner. The Author of the Catalogue of the witnesses of the truth hath written, that he hath lying by him, the forme of the Inquisition, which the Inquisitors made vse off in this persecution.

Vignier saith, Vignier in his Biblio. pa. 130. In his History lib. 1. that at their departure out of Picardy, many of them that were persecuted there, retired themselues into Poland.

Le Sieur de Popeliniere hath set downe in his Histo­ry, that the Religion of the Waldenses hath spred it selfe almost into all parts of Europe, euen amongst the Polo­nians, and Lutherans; and that after the yeer one thou­sand one hundred, they haue alwayes sowed their do­ctrine, little differing from that of the moderne Pro­testants, and maugre all the powers and Potentates that haue opposed themselues against them, they haue defended it to this day.

CHAP. XV.

IN the yeer 1210, 1210 foure and twenty VVal­denses were apprehended at Paris, The history of Languedoc. 1. Forier. fol. [...]. wher­of some were imprisoned & some burnt. It happened also, that during the one & twentieth schisme, and during the time of Pope Iohn, the one and twentieth of that name, the persecution was great throughout all France, against the VValdenses, but especially at Paris.

Againe in the yeere 1304, the Monkes Inquisitors, 1304 appointed for the search of the VValdenses, 1. Tab. pa. 15 2. apprehen­ded at Paris a hundred and fourteene, who were burnt aliue, and endured the fire with admirable constancy.

We find also in the Sea of Histories, 1378 that in the yeere 1378, The Sea of histories in the yeere 1378. the persecution continuing against the VValdenses, there were burnt at Paris in the place de Greue a very great number

CHAP. XVI.

IN the yeere 1229 the Waldenses were spread abroad in great numbers throughout Italy. 1229 Sigonius de regno Italico lib. 17. Valcamonica onely they had Schooles, and from all parts of their abode they sent mo­ney into Lombardy for the maintenance of the said [Page 138]Schooles. Vignier in the 3 part of his Bibl. hist. Rain. in summa fol. 18. Rainerius saith, that about the yeere of our Lord, one thousand two hundred fifty, the Waldenses had Churches in Albania, Lombardy, Milan, and in Romagina; 2250 as also at Vincence, Florence, and Val Spole­tine. 1280 In the yeere of our Lord 1280, there were many Waldenses in Sicile, Le Sieur de Hail. in the life of Phil. 3. as le Sieur de Haillan obserueth in his History.

In the yeere 1492, 1492 Albert de Capitaneis Inquisitor and Arch-deacon of Cremona, apprehended one of the Pastors of the Waldenses, It appeares by the inditemet of the said Pasto., the or­ginal whereof is in our hands named Peter de Iaeob, passing ouer a mountaine in Dauphine called le Gol de Coste­plane, as he was going to Pragela in the Valley of Frassinieres. Being asked from whence he came, he answered, that he came from the Churches of the Waldenses in Italy, where he had been to performe his duty to his charge, and that he had passed by Gennes, where he told them, Genoa. that the Waldensian Pastors had a house of their owne, which agreeth with that which Vignaux noteth in his Memorials. Vignaux in his memorials fol. 15. That is, that a cer­taine Pastor, named Iohn of the Valley of Lucerna, was suspended from the office of a Pastor, for the space of seuen yeeres, for some fault he had committed, and that during the said time, he remained at Gennes, where (saith he) the Pastors had a house, as also they had a faire one in Florence. Besides all these restimonies of the abode of the Waldenses in Italy, we haue those of Calabria, Chap. 7. of whom th [...]re was question before. The persecutions that they haue suffered in Italy were con­tinuall, vntill they were wholly rooted out. The Em­perour Frederic the second of that name, did grieuous­ly persecute them by Edicts, In the cōstitu­tiō which be­gins Jnconsu­tilem tunicam. by the Inquisition, by constitutions, especially by that which condemneth Gazaros, Patarenos, Leonistas, Speronistas, Arnoldi­stas, [Page 139]&c. where hee bewailes the simplicity of those whom he calleth Patareniens, as if he should say, expo­sed to passions and suffrings, in that they prodigally yeelded their liues to contempt, affecting martirdome; whereas if they would peaceably maintaine the faith of the Church of Rome, they might (saith he) liue peaceably amongst other men, who acknowledge her to be their mother, and the head of all the Churches in the world. It was his pleasure that they should be seuerely and speedily punished, for feare lest they should farther spread themselues; seeing also that they had begun to inhabit in Lombardie, and within his Realme of Sicile, where he commanded they should be persecuted with all rigour, to the end they might be driuen out from thence, and the whole world to­gether.

Roger King of Sicile, made also constitutions against them, and caused them to be persecuted.

Pope Gregory the 9. did grieuo [...]sly persecute them. Sigonius de regno Italico li. 17. A Legat of his, banished them out of all Italy Citties, and Countries, and gaue command that their houses should be razed. He appointed in the Citty of Milan two P [...]eachers, who by the authority of the Arch­bishop, made a strict enquiry of the Waldenses, and where they could apprehend any, they caused them to be brought by the Pretor, to the place where the Arch-bishop had appointed, and that at the publike charge.

Pope Honorius caused them to be grieuoursly perse­cuted vnder the name of Fraticelli, that is to say, shif­ting companions: for some doe hold, that as many as were so called in Italy, were no other but Waldenses. In the time of Boniface 8, they were charged with the [Page 140]same calumnies, as the Waldenses of Dauphine, and the Christians of the primitiue Church. The Monkes In­quisitors haue alwaies made in Italy an exact search, that they might deliuer them to the secular power; and not being content to condemne the liuing, they framed in­dictments against the dead, dis-interred their bodies, burnt their bones, and confiscated their goods.

Paulus Aemilius speakes thus of these shifting fel­lowes. Paul. Aemil in Charles the faire. In the time of Charles le Bel (saith he) there were many great spirits and men very learned. That age flourished in learning, and some there were that were truely holy; others who endeauouring vnseaso­nably, and without measure to out-strip others, became wicked; others whose manners and institutions were doubtfull; as for the best and holiest, the wicked of those times bare them a grudge, afflicting them, not speaking a word, or telling them wherefore: And as for those whom they called Fraterculos, Shifters, the Preachers condemned them, both by word and wri­ting, I vnderstand the words but not the sence. cest escarlotte, ces biens, ceste domination, and taught, that they agreed not with the Religion of Christ. They were said to be of the same beliefe with the Wal­denses, because such was their doctrine.

One amongst the rest, named Herman, being buried at Ferrara, See the Sea of histories in the yeer 1300. was condemned twenty yeeres after his death to bee dis-interred, and his bones to be burnt, notwithstanding that whilest hee liued, hee were ac­counted a holy man. Also there was another named Andrew, and his wife Guillaume, that were dis-inter­red, and their bones burnt.

CHAP. XVII.

THe Monke Rainerius in his booke of the forme of proceeding against the Here­tickes, Rain [...]de for­ma baereticādi. fol. 10. in that Catalogue that he made of the Churches of the Waldenses, or poore people of Lion, notes that there were in his time, that is to say, in the yeere 1250, 1250 Churches in Constantinople, Philadelphia, Sclauonia, Bulgaria, and Di­gonicia.

Vignier saith, that after the persecution of Picardie, Vignier in his 3 part of his historiall Bib. pa. 130. Math. Paris in the life of Hen. 6 king of England. were dispersed abroad in Liuonia and Sarmatia.

Math. Paris saith, that long since they were gone as far as Croatia, and Dalmatia, and that they had there ta­ken such footing, that they had won vnto them diuers Bishops: He saith moreouer, that there was one Bar. thelmew, who came from Carcassonne, vnto whom they all yeelded obedience. And that he stiled himselfe in his Letters; Barthelmew, the seruant of the seruants of the holy faith, and that he created Bishops, and ordai­ned Churches. Here may be some imposture, in that he attributeth to his owne person, that which is attri­buteth to the Pope, that is, that he called himselfe the seruant of the seruants, and yet neuerthelesse had taken vpon him a kind of Soueraingty, contrary to the order enioyned by the Sonne of God, and followed, and pra­ctised [Page 142]by his Apostles. Albert. de Cap. lib. de origine Waldensium. p. 1. As also in that Albertus de Capi­taneis saith, that the Waldenses had their great Master in the Citty of Aquillia in the Realme of Naples, vpon whom they absolutely depended. For there is not one word in all their writings, that aimes at that end: On­ly we alleage the saying of this Historiographer, to proue the extent of those places, where the Waldenses exiled themselues, to auoid the persecution.

Antonin relateth, Antonin. part. 3 Tit. 2. that the Waldenses called in Italy Fratecelli, were in his time burnt in diuers parts of the world, insomuch that many of them forsaking Italy, re­tired themselues into Greece, especially one amongst them of principall note, named Lewis de Baniere, and that two Monkes or grey Friers were burnt for adhea­ring vnto them, that is to say, Iohn Chastillon, and Fran­cis de Hercatura.

CHAP. XVIII.

IN the time of the warres against the Earle Re­mond of Toulouze, and the Earle de Foix, and comming when the Waldenses were persecu­ted by the Popes Legates, many of them went into Catalogne, and the Realm of Aragon. This is that which Math. Math. Paris in the raigne of Henry 3. Paris sets down, saying, that the time of Pope Gregory the 9, there were a great number of Waldenses in Spaine, 1214 & about the yeer 1214, in the time of Alexander the fourth, who complained in one of his Bulles, that they had bin suffered to take such foo­ting [Page 143]& that they should haue so much leasure as to mul­tiply as they had done. For in the time of Gregory the 9. they so far forth increased in number and credit, that they ordained Bishops ouer their flockes, to preach their doctrine, which the other Bishops taking notice off, there followed a gricuous persecution.

CHAP. XIX.

BY that which is contained in this first and second Booke, it appeareth that the Chri­stians called Waldenses, haue opposed themselues against the abuses of the Church of Rome, and for these foure hun­dred and fifty yeeres and vpward, they haue been per­secuted, not by the sword of the word of God, but by all kind of violence and cruelties, besides many calum­nies and false accusations. Which inforced them to dis­perse themselues here and there, where they could haue any abiding, wandring through desert places; and yet neuertheles, the Lord hath in such sort preserued the remainder of them, that notwithstanding the rage of Satan, they haue continued inuincible against Anti­christ; to whom they haue offered a spirituall combat, destroying him by the blast of the spirit of God. Cry­ing with a loud voice, not onely throughout all Europe, but in many other parts of the earth, that it was time to depart out of Babylon, lest wee participate of her plagues. This is the people that haue enforced them­selues [Page 144]to re-establish the true and pure seruice of God, by the power of his word, a contemptible people, euen as the filth of the world, by whom neuerthelesse the e­ternall God, hath wrought wonderfull things, resto­ring and re-establishing by them his Church: First in France, afterwards, as it were from a new Sion, cau­sing the riuers of his holy Law, and pure doctrine to distill and drop downe vpon the rest of the world, ga­thering together his elect, by the preaching of his ho­ly Gospell. And that which is most admirable in this so great a worke is, that the doctrine which they haue beleeued and preached, hath been likewise miraculous­ly preserued amongst them, in the middle of all their gricuous and continuall persecutions, which they haue suffered for righteousnesse sake: As it is also worthy admiration, that their aduersaries haue kept a register of the euils, which they haue caused them vniustly to suffer. It hath been their glory that they haue shed that blood, that crieth for vengeance; exiled the Church for a limitted time in the wildernesse, and made knowne by their Histories, that the Dragon hath done but that which was granted vnto him, that is, to make warre against the Saints: but being deliuered from their great tribulation, and their robes whitned in the blood of the Lamb, they haue been conducted to the liuing fountaines of water, and God hath wiped all teares from their eies.

LAVS DEO.

CHAP. I.

THe Albingenses, which we are to speake of in this Hi­story, differ nothing at all from the Waldenses, in their beleefe: but they are onely so called of the Countrey of Albi, where they dwelt, and had their first begin­ning. The Popes haue con­demned them as Waldenses; the Legates haue made [Page 2]warre against them, as professing the beleefe of the Waldenses; the Monkes Inquisitors, haue formed their Proces and Indictments as against Waldenses: The people haue persecuted them, as being such, and themselues haue thought themselues honored by that title, vpon the assured knowledge that they had of the puritie of their doctrine, Iaques de Ri­beria, in Col­lectaneis vrbis Tolozae. being the selfesame with the Waldenses: In respect whereof, many Historiographers call them Waldenses. Wee therefore will distinguish them, not by their beleefe, but by the places of their abode, and by the particular warres which they haue endured for the space of aboue fiftie yeeres. Vnder this name, wee comprehend all the subiects of the Earles Remonds of Toulouze, father and sonne, and the subiects of the Earles of Foix and Comminge, and all those that haue taken part with them, that haue fought for their Religion, and suffered the selfesame per­secutions.

They receiued the beleefe of the Waldenses, a little after the departure of Waldo from Lion: The instru­ments that were imployed in this worke, were Peter Bruis, one Henry, one Ioseph, one Esperon and Arnold Hott; of whom they were afterward called Pierrebrui­siens, or Petrobrusiens, Henriciens, Iosephists, Esperonists, and Arnoldists: but aboue all the rest, Henry and Arnold trauelled in the Countrey of Albi, and that with so good successe, that in a short time there were found but a few, and in some places not any, that would goe any more to Masse, affirming that the sacrifice of the Masse was onely inuented to enrich the Priests, and to make them to be more esteemed in the world, as ma­king the Body of Christ by their words, and sacrifi­cing him to God the Father for the sinnes of the liuing [Page 3]and of the dead; which was an impierie, destroying the sacrifice of the Sonne of God, and annihilating the merit of his death and passion. There were many that gaue eare to their reasons in the diocese of Rhodes, Ca­hors, Agen, Toulouze and Narbonne, Iaques de Ribe­ria in his col­lections [...] the Citie of Tou­louze. because the Do­ctors that taught amongst the Waldenses were learned men, conuersant in the reading of the holy Scriptures, whereas on the other side the Priests, who studied no­thing more than the sacrifices of the Masse, and how to receiue their oblations for the dead, were altoge­ther ignorant, and therefore contemned of the people.

Pope Alexander the third, Claud. de Rubis in his History of the Citie o [...] Lion. Lib. 3. pa [...] 269. being much mooued with anger because he saw many great Prouinces to shake off the yoke of the Romish Church, and to dispence with their obedience, condemned them for Heretikes in the Councell of Latran.

Neuerthelesse, they were in such a manner multipli­ed, that in the yeere 1200. 1200 they possessed the Cities of Toulouze, Apamies, Montauban, Villemur, Saint Antonin, Hologaray in his History of Foix. Puech Laurence, Castres, Lambes, Carcassonne, Beziers, Narbonne, Beaucaire, Auignon, Tarascon, the Count Ve­necin; and in Dauphine Crest Arnaud and Monteil-Amar.

And which is more, they had many great Lords, who tooke part with them, that is to say, the Earle Re­mond of Toulouze, Remond Earle of Foix, the Vicount of Beziers, Gaston Lord of Bearne, the Earle of Car­main, the Earle of Bigorre, the Lady of Lauaur, and diuers others, of whom we shall make mention in their deu place. And besides all these, the Kings of Ara­gon and of England, haue many times defended their case, by reason of that alliance that they had with the Earle Remond of Toulouze.

The doctrines that they maintained against the Church of Rome, were these:

1 That the Romish Church is not the holy Church and Spouse of Christ, but a Church watered with the Doctrine of Deuils; That Babylon which Saint Iohn hath described in the Apocalypse, the mother of forni­cations and abominations, couered with the bloud of Saints.

2 That the Masse was not instituted by Christ, nor by his Apostles, but that it is the inuention of men.

3 That the prayers of the liuing profit not the dead.

4 That Purgatorie maintained in the Church of Rome, was a humane inuention, to glut and satisfie the couetousnesse of the Priests.

5 That Saints are not to be praied vnto.

6 That Transubstantiation is the inuention of men, and an erroneous doctrine: And that the adoration of the Bread is a manifest Idolatry.

And that therefore they were to forsake the Church of Rome, wherein the contrary was affirmed and taught, because a man may not bee present at the Mas­ses, where Idolatry is practised, nor attaine saluation by any other meanes, than by Iesus Christ, nor trans­ferre vnto the creatures the honor that is due to the Creator, nor say of the Bread, that it is God, and adore it, as being God, without the incurring of eternall dam­nation, for Idolaters shall not inherit the Kingdome of Heauen.

For all these things affirmed by them, they haue beene hated and persecuted to the death.

CHAP. II.

POpe Innocent the third of that name, seemed to be carried with a desire to re­duce the Albingenses vnto the Church of Rome, by preachings and reasons, or to oppresse them and vtterly root them out, by violence of armes, and by crueltie of pu­nishments.

But before he would come to extremities, he thought in necessary, for the better iustification of his procee­dings, to begin with words, and after wards to come to blowes. Hee sent therefore amongst them certaine Preachers, who endeuoured to draw them by gentle perswasions.

See here how the Compiler of the treasure of Histo­ries speakes of those times. The Comp. of the Trea­sure of Histo­ries in the yeere 1206. ‘When there came newes (saith he) to Pope Innocent the third, that in his Prouince of Narbonne, the traiterous Heresie was spread abroad, not onely amongst the poore, but Earles, Barons and Knights; he sent the Abbot of Cisteaux, and two Monkes with him, to preach a­gainst those disloyall buggerers. When they had trauelled some little way, preaching throughout the Countrey, they came to Mompelier, where they met with a worthy man that was Bishop of Cestre. This honest man, asked the Abbot of Cisteaux, what hee [Page 6]did there. He answered that the Pope had sent him thither, against those Sodomites, but that he could not conuert them. This good man was nothing a­stonied at it, but he still maintained the worke of the Lord valiantly, and went on foot to giue good ex­ample to others, and they stayed and went on foot with him. Afterwards the Abbot returned to the Chapter, or generall assembly, but the Bishop and the two Monkes, passing a long time through the Countrey and preaching, they conuerted many of the meaner sort of people, but of the great ones and richer sort, there were few or none, that returned to the true faith.’

‘The Abbot came backe into the Countrey, and brought with him another Abbot, and diuers Monkes, and came all on foot; whereupon the Bi­shop of Cestre began to thinke with himselfe how to returne into his Countrey, but dyed by the way.’

‘The Monkes who preached throughout the Countrey, found the Princes so obdurate in their malice, that they resolued to stay no longer there, but returned into their Countries, except one good man, who was called Frier Peter of Chasteauneuf, who continued preaching with one of his com­panions.’

When the Albingenses knew the intention of the Pope, which was, to prerend that he was not the cause, why they whom he iudged to be wanderers, did not returne to the bosome of the Church of Rome by gen­tle meanes, and force of reason, they began to thinke that it stood them vpon to maintaine their beleefe by such conference, otherwise they should giue occasion to the aduersaries to thinke, that there was in their Re­ligion [Page 7]some weaknesse, if there were not any Pastor that would take vpon him the defence thereof. It was therefore concluded amongst the Albingenses, to giue the Bishops to vnderstand, that their Pastors, or any one of them for the rest, were ready to maintaine their beleefe by the word of God, prouided that the conference were well ordered and moderated; that is to say, that there may be moderators, that are men of authoritie, both on the one side and the other, that may haue wherewithall to hinder all tumult and sedi­tion. Prouided also, that it be in a place, vnto which there may be free accesse, and the place secured for all persons that may assist, or be present at the said con­ference. Moreouer, that there bee some matter or subiect chosen by common consent, not to bee giuen ouer before it be determined; and that he that cannot defend it by the word of God, is to bee reputed and held to be vanquished.

The Bishops and Monkes did all allow of the said conditions. The place was Montreal, neere Carcasonne, This disputa­tion was the most famous, that hath bin betweene the Albingenses, & the Bishops and Priests. the time, in the yeere one thousand two hundred and six. The Arbitrators agreed vpon by the one part and the other, B. de Villeneufue, and B. Auxerre for the Bi­shops: and for the Albingenses, R. de Bot, and Antony Riuiere.

Arnold Hott was the Pastor for the Albingenses, Chassagnon ma­keth mention in his first booke of the History of the Albingenses pag. 72. ac­companied with those that were accounted fit for such an action: He was the first that arriued at the place and day assigned: Afterwards came the Bishop Eusus, and the Monke Dominique a Spaniard, with two of the Popes Legats, that is to say, Also Iaques de Riberia in his collect. of the Citie of Tou­louze. Peter Chastel and Racul de Iust, Abbot of Candets, P. Bertrand Prior d' Auteriue: as also the Prior de Palats, and diuers other Priests and Monkes.

The Theses or tenerall questions proposed by Ar­nold, This disputa­tion was sent me from the Albingēses, by M ^r. Rafin Pa­stor of the Church of Realmont in old Manu­scripts. were these: That the Masse, with the Transub­stantiation, was the inuention of men, not the ordi­nance of Christ, nor his Apostles.

That the Romish Church is not the Spouse of Christ, but the Church of tumult and molestation, made drunken with the bloud of Martyrs.

That the policie of the Church of Rome, is neither good, nor holy, nor established by Iesus Christ.

Arnold sent these Propositions to the Bishop, who demanded a respit of fifteene dayes to answer, which was granted him. At the day appointed, the Bishop failed not to appeare, with a long and large writing. Arnold Hott desired to bee heard by word of mouth, saying: That he would answer to all that was contai­ned in the said writing, intreating his auditorie that it might not be troublesome vnto them, if he were long in answering to so long a discourse. It was granted that he should bee heard with attention and patience, and without interruption. He discoursed at diuers houres, for foure dayes together, and with such admiration of those that were present, and readinesse for his part, that all the Bishops, Abbots, Monkes and Priests had rea­son to desire they had beene elsewhere. For he framed his answer according to the points set downe in the said writing, with such order and plainnesse, that hee gaue all that were present to vnderstand, that the Bi­shop hauing written much, had neuerthelesse conclu­ded nothing, that might truly turne to the aduantage of the Church of Rome against his Propositions.

Afterwards Arnold made a request, that forasmuch as the Bishops and himselfe in the beginning of their conference, were bound to proue whatsoeuer they [Page 9]affirmed by the onely word of God, it might bee im­posed vpon the Bishops and Priests, to make good their Masse, such as they sing it, part by part, to haue beene instituted by the Sonne of God, and sung in the like manner by his Apostles, beginning at the en­trance, vnto the Ile Missa est, as they terme it: but the Bishops were not able to proue, that the Masse or any part thereof, was ordained in such an action, either by Iesus Christ, or his Apostles. With this the Bishops were much discontented and ashamed. For Arnold had brought them to the onely Canon, which they pretended to be the best part of their Masse, touching which point he proued, That the holy Supper of our Lord was n ot the Masse. For if the Masse were the holy Supper instituted by our Sauiour, there would re­maine after the Consecration all that which was in the Supper of the Lord, that is to say, Bread: but in the Masse there is no bread; for by Transubstantiation the bread is vanished away; therefore the Masse (saith he) without bread, is not the holy Supper of the Lord, for there is bread.

• Iesus Christ brake bread, The Priest breakes the body not the bread.
• S ^t. Paul brake the bread, The Priest breakes the body not the bread.

Therefore the Priest doth not that which Christ Ie­sus hath done, and S ^t. Paul.

Vpon these Antitheses which Arnold made touch­ing the Supper of the Lord, and the Masse, to proue that it came not from Christ nor his Apostles, the Monkes, Bishops, Legats and Priests retired them­selues, not being willing to heare any more, and fea­ring lest they should worke such an impression in those that were present, as might shake their beleefe touching the Masse.

The Monke of the Valley Seruay, The Monke of the Valley Seruay, in his Hist. of the Albing. chap. 5. endeuoureth to bring this action into suspition, affirming that at what time the Hereticall Iudges exceeded in number, seeing the badnesse of their cause, and the wretchednesse of their disputation, they would not (saith hee) giue any iudgement thereof, nor deliuer their writings to their aduersaries, for feare lest they should come to light, and render to the Heretikes their owne. But how should two Legats of the Pope, the Bishops, Abbots, Monkes and Priests, put themselues into any such place, where they could bee thus ouercharged with number? This Monke saith in the same place, that the principall. Arch-heretikes came to the Catholikes at the Castle of Montreal, to dispute with them. So that they held then the Castle, and therefore there was no occasion of doubt, or any such violence. And further­more, how could it be that the Bishops should request the moderators to giue iudgement in a point of dispu­tation, when they hold that there needs no other sen­tence than the Popes, who cannot erre? Againe, how did the Monke know that the Albingenses were ouer­come, if there were no iudgement or sentence giuen against them? There were, about the same time, many other disputations, as at Serignan, Pannies, but this was onely to delay the Albingenses from further procee­ding. For in the meane time whilest the Bishop of Tou­louze, and the Bishop of Onezimonde disputed at Pa­mies, and the Popes two Legats, with Arnold at Mon­treal, B. of Villeneufue, Arbitrator and Moderator for the Bishops, signified, That there could bee nothing determined or agreed vpon, by reason of the com­ming of those Armies that were to fight vnder the badge of the Crosse. This was the subtiltie of the [Page 11]Pope, Hilagaray in his Hist. of Foix, pa. 126. to entertaine them in conferences touching mat­ter of Religion, that in the meane time he might pre­pare great Armies, to roote out (if hee could) both themselues and their Religion.

CHAP. III.

NOw when Pope Innocent had prepared his Armies of the Crosse, So tearmed because euery one that vn­dertaketh the iourney, weares on his Cassocke or Coate-ar­mour, the badge of the Crosse. and had disper­sed them here and there about the Countries of the Albingenses, there were no longer any disputations, except it were with Fire and Faggots, the chiefe disputers be­ing the Executioners, and the Monkes Inquisitors, the Harpies or rauenous birds, which the Pope made vse of, for the extirpation of the Albingenses. The pretence of this so famous an expedition was made against the Earle Remond of Toulouze, about the death of a cer­taine Iacobin Monke, who was slaine by the Albingen­ses: For the Pope tooke from thence occasion to send throughout all Europe Preachers to assemble men to­gether, to take vengeance of the innocent bloud of Frier Peter de Casteauneuf, who had beene slaine by the Heretikes, promising Paradice to whomsoeuer would [Page 12]come to this warre and beare armes for fortie daies. This warre he called the holy warre, and for which he gaue the selfe-same Pardons, the selfe-same Indulgen­ces, as he did vnto those who went to the warres of the holy Land, for the conquest thereof. He likewise ter­med it, the warre for the Crucifixe, and the Army of the Church. And as for the Earle Remond, heare with what termes he thundered against him in his Bull. We ordaine (saith hee) that all Archbishops and Bishops, A Bull giuen at Latran in the yeer 1208. are to denounce, throughout all their Dioceses, the Earle Remond accursed and excommunicated, as be­ing murderer of a good seruant of God, and that with the sound of the Bell, and the extinction of Candles, euery Sunday and Festiuall daies. Wee promise more­ouer to all those that shall take armes, to reuenge the said murder, forgiuenesse of their sinnes, seeing that these pestilent Long Slops seeke nothing else but to take away our liues. And forasmuch as according to the Law of the holy Canons, faith is not to be kept to him that keepes not his faith to God, we would haue all to vnderstand, that euery man that is bound to the said Earle by oath of fidelitie, societie, alliance, or other­waies, by the A postolicall authoritie, is absolued from any such bands; and it shal bee lawfull for euery Ca­tholike man, not onely to pursue the person of the said Earle, but also to hold and possesse his land, &c.

CHAP. IIII.

THe Earle Remond was much perplexed about that charge that was giuen him for the conducting of the Armie of the Souldiers of the Crosse before Beziers. For to carry himselfe as an enemie a­gainst the Albingenses, was to doe against his consci­ence, and to fight against those whose part hee had ta­ken vntill then, as a principall motiue and Captaine. This was to binde himselfe to the perpetuall seruitude of the Pope and his Legats. On the other side, if hee should goe about to flye, and to forsake the Armie, this were to furnish them with new matter of persecution; for in such a case they might iustly pursue him, as a per­fidious, relapsed and periured person, and that if hee should bee apprehended, hee should bee in danger of loosing his life, goods and friends altogether: And yet doing that which the charge the Legat laid vpon him, bound him vnto, he must be an instrument of the losse of Beziers, and the totall destruction of the subiects of his Nephew the Earle of Beziers, and his Nephew himselfe. In this extremitie and anguish of spirit, hee chose rather to stay in the Armie for certaine daies, and afterward tooke his leaue of the Legat, and went to Rome, to humble himselfe before the Pope, which could not bee denied him. In the meane time they [Page 20]made an approch to the Citie of Beziers, the Rammes, Slings, Frames, Shedbords, and other engines of warre were prouided to giue a generall escalado, setting to the walls of the Citie so great a number of Ladders, that it was impossible to resist the furious assault which the Pelerins made with all the force and power that they had.

The Earle of Beziers went forth of the Citie, and cast himselfe downe at the feet of the Legat Milon, cra­uing mercie for his Citie of Beziers, and humbly be­seeching him not to inflict the same punishment vpon the innocent and the nocent, which without all doubt must needes come to passe, if Beziers should be taken by force (which was easie to be done by so great, and so puissant an Armie, such as was then ready to scale the walles in euery part of the said Citie) that there would be great effusion of bloud on both sides, which might be auoided: That there were within Beziers a great number of good Romish Catholikes that would be subiect to the same ruine, contrary to the intention of the Pope, whose desire was onely to chastise the Al­bingenses: That if it pleased him not to spare his sub­iects for the loue of themselues, that he would yet haue regard vnto him, to his age and profession, since the losse would light vpon himselfe, being in his minoritie, and a most obedient seruant to the Pope, as hauing beene brought vp in the Romish Church, and in which he would both liue and die. And if hee tooke it ill that such persons as were enemies to the Pope, had beene tolerated within his territories, it ought not to be im­puted vnto him, because hee had no other subiects but those which his deceased father had left vnto him; and that in his minoritie, and afterwards in that little time [Page 21]wherein he had beene master of his owne goods, hee could not as yet, by reason of his incapacitie know this euill, nor minister the remedy, though it were his purpose so to doe; but yet his hope was in time to come, to giue all contentment that might be, both to the Pope and Church of Rome, as an obedient sonne both of the one and of the other.

The answer of the Legat was, Chass. in his History of the Albingen. pag. 107. That all his excuses preuailed nothing, and that he must doe as he may.

The Earle of Beziers returned into the Citie, and assembled the people together, giuing them to vnder­stand, that after he had submitted himselfe to the Le­gat, hee mediated for them, not being able to obtaine any other thing at his hands, but pardon, vpon condi­tion that they that made profession of the beleefe of the Albingenses, should come and abiure their Religi­on, and promise to liue according to the Lawes of the Church of Rome.

The Romish Catholikes intreated them to yeeld to this so great a violence, and not to be the cause of their death, since the Legat was resolued not to pardon any, if they liued not all vnder one and the same Law.

The Albingenses answered, That they would not forsake their Religion for the base price of this fraile life; That they knew well that God was able to defend them, if it pleased him, and that if he would bee glori­fied by the confession of their faith, it should bee a great honour to them to die for righteousnesse sake; That they had rather displease the Pope, who could destroy their bodies onely, than God who could cast both body and soule into Hell fire: That they would neuer be ashamed, or deny that Religion, by which they haue beene taught to know Christ and his righte­ousnesse, [Page 22]or with the danger of an eternall death, pro­fesse a Religion which doth annihillate the merit of Christ, and burieth his righteousnesse; and that there­fore they would couenant for themselues as they could, and promise nothing contrary to the duty of true Christians.

This being vnderstood, the Romish Catholikes sent their Bishop to the Legat, humbly to intreat him, that he would not include in this chastisement of the Albin­genses, those that were alwayes obedient to the Church of Rome, of whom he that was their Bishop had cer­taine knowledge, being likewise assured that the rest were not altogether past hope of repentance, but that they might be wonne by gentle meanes, best befitting the Church, which tooke no pleasure in the effusion of bloud.

The Legat herewith grew into extreme choller and passion, swearing and protesting with horrible threats, that if all they that were in the Citie did not acknow­ledge their fault, and submit themselues to the Church of Rome, they should all taste of one cup, and with­out respect of Catholike, sex, or age, they should all be exposed to fire and sword. And incontinently he com­manded that the Citie should bee summoned to yeeld it selfe to his discretion; which they refusing to doe, hee caused all his engins of warre to play, and com­manded an assault and generall escalado to bee made. Now it was impossible for those that were within, to resist so great a violence, The Treasure of Hist. in the taking of Be­ziers. Paul Aemil. pag. [...]17. in such sort, that being thus assaulted, by aboue a hundred thousand Pelerins, in the end (saith the Compiler of the Treasure of Histories) they within vere vanquished, and the enemie be­ing entred slew a great multitude, and afterwards [Page 23]set fire to the Citie, and burnt it to dust.

The Citie being taken, the Priests, Monkes, and Clerkes came forth of the great Church of Beziers, called S ^t. Nazari, with the Banner, the Crosses, their holy-water, bare headed, attired with the ornaments of the Church, and singing, Te Deum laudamus, as a signe of ioy that the Towne was taken, and purged of the Albingenses. The Souldiers who had receiued com­mand from the Legat to kill all, ranne in vpon them, brake the order of their procession, made the heads and armes of the Priests to flie about, striuing who should doe best, in such a manner, that they were all cut in pieces. To excuse this crueltie, disallowed by some of those that were spectators, they haue inserted into the Historie these reports; that is to say, That the Pelerins were incensed against the inhabitants of Be­ziers, because they had cast ouer the walls of the Ci­tie, the booke of the Gospels, crying vnto them, See there the Law of your God; whereupon the Souldiers grew to this resolution, to kill all those they should find within the circuit of Beziers, that so they might be sure not to spare those that had thus blasphemed. But how could the Albingenses doe any such thing so impious against the Gospell of our blessed Sauiour, considering that one of the principall causes for which they had forsaken the Church of Rome, was because the Gospel of Christ Iesus, was, as it were buried a­mongst them, & the people forbid to reade it. And be­sides one of the great crimes, which they laid to the charge of the Earle Remond, was, because hee carried alwayes about him the New Testament. To this they added a miracle, and that was, that Beziers was taken vpon the day of Marie Magdalen, because (say they) [Page 24]heretikes speake ill of Magdalin in their law: The Treasure of hist. in the taking of Be­ziers. In the hist. of the Monke Pet. of the Valleis Ser­uey, of the Albing. ch. 18. Thus speakes the compiler of the Treasure. Now this im­posture is so deuillish, that I hardly durst commit it to paper, and yet notwithstanding the Monke of the Valleis Seruay, sets it downe at large without doubts or scruples, though the very thought thereof would make the haire of any man that hath but the least sparke of pietie to stand on end.

Now the citie being burnt, razed and ransacked, the Pilgrims who thought they merited Paradise by this sacceige and effusion of bloud, were speedily con­ducted to Carcassonne, before the forty daies of fight, which they had vowed to the Church of Rome, were expired, because then they were permitted euery man to depart to his owne home.

CHAP. V.

THe Earle of Beziers, when he saw that he could obtaine nothing of the Legat in fauour of the city of Beziers, hauing left this charge to the Bishop, to make triall whether he by any meanes could obtaine pardon for those poore inhabitants, and in the meane [Page 25]time, because he knew very well that hauing taken Be­ziers, he would not suffer the city of Carcassonne, to continue in peace, because being strong by nature, the Legat knew there was no store-house for the warre, nor better place of repose for the Soldiers than that was; he was counselled to retire himselfe thither, and speedily to cause it to be furnished, with whatsoeuer was fit to maintaine a long siege. He put himselfe ther­fore into Carcassonne, being accompanied with his most faithfull attendants.

He was followed, as it were, foot by foot, by the Legats armie, vnto which there came new Croises or soldiers of the Crosse; that is to say, the Bishop of Agenois, the Bishop of Limoges, of Bazades, of Co­hors, and the Archbishop of Burdeaux, euery one, with the Pilgrims of their owne Diocesse. There like­wise arriued the Earle of Turaine, Bertrand de Carda­illac, and the Lord of Bastlenau, of Montratier, who conducted the troopes of Querci, and of all these troopes the chiefe Leader was the Earle of Dunoy: There came also a great number of Prouenceaux, Chassagnon in his hist. of the Albing. lib. 1. pag. 112. Lom­bardes, and Germaines, and that in so great a number, that the army of the Legat Milon, rose to the number of three hundred thousand fighting men, when he came before Carcassonne.

The situation of Carcassonne is in this manner. There is a city, and a Bourrough or towne. The city is seated vpon a little hill, enuironed with a double wall: the towne is in the plaine, distant from the citie about two miles. At that time the city was accounted a place of great strength; and in this city there dwelt a great number of Albingenses. The Pilgrims thought to haue taken it at the first sight, for they ran with [Page 26]great violence vpon the first Rampier, and filled the ditch with fagots; but they were beaten backe with such courage and resolution, that the ground was co­uered with the dead bodies of Pilgrims, round about the citie.

The young Earle of Beziers, Lord of Carcassonne, wonne great honour in this first daies encounter, en­couraging his subiects and telling them, that they must remember the vsage of those of Beziers; that they were to deale with the same enemies, who had chan­ged the siege not the humour, nor the will to extirmi­nate them if they could; That it was farre better for them to die fighting, than to fall into the hands of so cruell and mercilesse enemies. That for his owne part, he made profession of the Romish Religion, but yet he saw very well, that this warre was not for Religi­on, but a certaine robbery agreed vpon, to inuade the goods and lands of the Earle Remond and all his; That they had greater cause to defend themselues than he, who could loose no more but his goods and his life, without change of his religion, but they might loose that, and besides the exercise of their reli­gion too; That he would neuer abandon them in so honourable an action, which was to defend them­selues against the inuasions of their common enemies, masked with an outward appearance of pietie, and in effect true theeues.

The Albingenses being much animated by the speech of this young Lord, swore vnto him, that they would spend their goods and their liues, for the pre­seruation of the citie of Carcassonne, and whatsoeuer did concerne the said Lord. The next morrow the Legat commanded an assault, and generall escalado [Page 27]to bee made vpon the Borough of Carcassonne. The people that were within, very valiantly defended themselues; but the ladders were so charged with men, and so neere the one to the other that they tou­ched one another, insomuch that they forced those within from the walls, and so entred the towne, ca­lying themselues towards the inhabitants thereof, af­ter the same manner as they had done before to those of Beziers; for they put them all to the sword and fire.

Whilest those things were in doing, the king of Ara­gon arriued at the army of the Legat; and went first to the tent of the Earle Remond, who was constrained to giue his assistance at this siege against his owne Ne­phew. From thence he went to the Legat, and told him that hauing vnderstood, that his kinsman the Earle of Beziers was besieged within Carcassonne, hee was come vnto him to doe his best endeuour, to make the said Earle to vnderstand, what his duty was towards the Pope and the Church, which hee presumed hee should the more easily doe, because hee knew well, that the said Earle, had alwaies made profession of the Romish religion.

The Legat gaue him leaue, to vndertake what hee had said. The king of Aragon, made his approach to the Rampiers. The Earle of Beziers came to parley with him. The king of Aragon desired to know of him, what had moued him to shut vp himselfe within the citie of Carcassonne against so great an Army of Pelerins. The Earle answered, that it greatly stood him vpon, ha­uing so necessary and so iust cause, to defend his life, his goods, and his subiects; That hee knew well that vnder the pretence of religion, the Pope had a purpose [Page 28]vtterly to ouerthrow the Earle Remond his vncle, and himselfe; That he found by that mediation which he had made for his subiects of Beziers, the Romish Ca­tholikes whereof he would not receiue into grace and fauour, neither had spared the Priests themselues, who were all cut in peeces euen adorned with their Priestly ornaments, and vnder the banner of the Crosse: That this example of cruell impietie, added vnto that which had passed in the towne of Carcassonne, where they were all exposed to fire and sword, without distinction of age or sex, had taught him not to looke for any mercy either at the hands of the Legat or his Pelerins: And that therefore he chose rather to die with his sub­iects defending himselfe, than to bee exposed to the mercy of so inexorable an enemy as the Legat was; And that notwithstanding there were within the city of Carcassonne diuers of his subiects that were of a con­trary religion to that of the Church of Rome, yet they were such a kinde of people as had neuer wronged any, that they were come to succor him at his greatest extremity, and for this their good seruice, he was resol­ued not to abandon them, as they had promised for their part to expose their liues and goods for his de­fence to all hazard and danger whatsoeuer: That his trust was in God (who is the defender of the oppres­sed) that he would bee pleased to assist them, against that world of men ill-aduised, who vnder the colour of meriting heauen, haue forsaken their houses, to burne and pill and sacke and ransacke, and kill in the houses of other men, without either reason, iudgement or mercy.

The King of Aragon returned to the Legat, who assembled together diuers of his great Lords and Pre­lates, [Page 29]to heare and vnderstand what the King of Ara­gon would relate vnto him, who told him that hee found the Earle of Beziers his kinsman much discon­tented with the former proceedings against his sub­iects of Beziers, and the Towne of Carcassonne, which gaue him reason to beleeue, that forasmuch as they had not spared the Romish Catholikes, nor the Priests, that it was not a warre vndertaken for the cause of Religi­on; but vnder the colour of Religion, a kind of thee­uery; that his hope was, that God would giue him the grace to make him know his innocencie, and the iust occasion he had to defend himselfe; that they should no longer hope they would yeeld themselues to their discretion, because they saw their discretion was no o­ther, but to kill as many as should yeeld themselues thereunto; And that therefore if it would please the Legat, to grant vnto the Earle of Beziers and his sub­iects some tollerable composition, that gentlenesse and mercy would sooner ioyne the Albingenses to the Church of Rome, than extreme crueltie; and that a­boue all, they should remember that the Earle of Be­ziers was young, and a Romish Catholike, who might doe good seruice for the reducing of those that did any way relie or put their trust in him.

The Legat answered the King of Aragon, that if hee would retire himselfe a little, they would consult toge­ther of that which should be fittest to be done.

The King being recalled, the Legat gaue him to vn­derstand, that for his sake, and in consideration of his intercession, he would receiue the Earle of Beziers vn­to mercie, and with him some dozen might likewise come forth with their bag and baggage, if hee thought good; but for the people that were within the Citie of [Page 30] Carcassonne, they should not depart, but at his discreti­on, The Monke of the Valley Sernay, Chap. 20. Du Hailan in his History of France, touch­ing the siege of Carcas­senne. whereof they should hope well and haue a good opinion, because hee was the Popes Legat, and that they should all come forth naked, men, women, maids, children, without shirts, or smocks, or other couering, to hide their nakednesse: Also that the Earle of Beziers should be deliuered to sure guard, and all his goods to remaine to the future Lord of that Countrey, which should be chosen for the preseruation thereof.

The King of Aragon, though he saw this composition to be vnworthy the proposing to the Earle of Beziers, yet neuerthelesse thought good to discharge his office herein, to whom the Earle of Beziers answered, That he would neuer come forth vpon conditions so seaso­ned, and so vniust, and that hee was resolued to defend himselfe with his subiects, by such meanes as it should please God to giue vnto him.

The King of Aragon retired himselfe, not without shew of the great discontent he receiued by this vniust proceeding. The Legat hereupon commanded all his engins of warre to play, and that they should take the Citie by force. But it was a spectacle little pleasing vn­to him, for hee was an eye-witnesse of the losse of a great number of his Pelerins. For they of the Citie threw downe such a quantitie of great stones, with fire, and pitch, and brimstone, and boyling water, and gauled the assaylants with such infinite numbers of arrowes, that the earth was couered, and the ditches filled with the dead bodies of the Pelerins, which cau­sed a wonderfull noysome stench, both in the Campe and in the Citie. This rude vnwelcome ouerthrow caused many of his Souldiers of the Crosse to forrage and seeke for booty abroad, as hauing accomplished [Page 31]their tearme of fortie daies, during the which they had gained Paradice, and refusing to conquer any more, after so faire a purchase, for feare they should change their former felicitie for blowes.

The Legat being much troubled to see his company reduced to so small a number, and being without hope to take that place so important to harbour him, that hereafter should haue the conduct of the Armie of the Church; he bethought himselfe of a stratagem, which he effected, and it was this: He sent for a certaine Gen­tleman well-spoken, that was in the Armie, telling him that it was in his power to doe a notable peece of ser­uice to the Church, whereby besides the reward hee should receiue in Heauen, he should in this life bee re­compenced according to his merit. And so hee told him that he was to approch as neere as he could to the rampiers of the Citie of Carcassonne, and there make some signe to those that were besieged, that he desired to haue some parley with them, and to speake with the Earle of Beziers, as his kinsman and seruant, to whom hee had some thing to say, that might redound to his great honour and benefit, and all that were within Carcassonne, & that then he should straine his wits, and doe his best endeuour to put him into feares, and to perswade him to haue recourse vnto his mercy, and withall, to worke him by perswasions, promises and oathes, with execrations (of which he being the Popes Legat had power alwaies to acquit and discharge him) to bee content to bee conducted by him to the Legat, with assurance to bring him backe againe safe and sound into Carcassonne.

This Gentleman played his part so well, that hee brought with him the said Earle of Beziers, to speake [Page 32]with the Legat, where the young Earle told him, that if hee would bee pleased to carry himselfe with greater mildnesse towards his subiects, hee might easily re­claime them as he would himselfe, and winne the Al­bingenses to the Church; that the composition which was offered them, was dishonorable, and ill-befitting those that were to haue their eyes as chaste as their thoughts, and that his people would rather choose to dye, than to be brought to so great a shame; and there­fore hee humbly intreated him to bee more mercifull vnto them, promising to perswade his subiects to ac­cept of any other condition more tollerable.

The answer of the Legat was: That they of Car­cassonne might determine with themselues, as they thought best, and that he in the meane time should take no care for them, for hee was now his prisoner vntill Carcassonne were taken, and his subiects had better learnt their duty.

The Earle being much astonished hereat, protested and auerred that he was betrayed, and faith was viola­ted, and that hee was come thither vpon the word of a Gentleman, giuen with oathes & execrations, that he would conduct him backe safe and sound into the City of Carcassonne, But being demanded who and where that Gentleman was, this yong Earle was taught that it was no wisedome to leaue his Citie, vpon the war­rant of simple words onely. Hee was committed to the guard and custodie of the Duke of Burgongue.

The inhabitants of Carcassonne hauing vnderstood of the imprisonment of their Lord, brake out into teares, and were strucken with strange astonishments, inso­much that they now thought of nothing so much, as how to escape the danger they were in; but all meanes [Page 33]of escape (to the outward appearance) were taken a­way, for they were shut vp on all sides, and the trenches full of men. But one among the rest told them, that he did remember, that he had heard some ancient men of the Citie say, that there was in Carcassonne a certaine vaut or channell vnder the ground, great and capable, insomuch that men might walke in it vpright, & many together, which continued to the Castle of Cameret, in Cabiaret, about three leagues from Carcassonne, and that if the entry thereof might be found, God had pro­uided for them a miraculous deliuerance. Hereupon all the Citizens were imployed about this search of the vaut, except the guard, which were vpon the Ram­piers. At the last, the mouth or entrance thereof being found, they all began this iourney through it, about the beginning of the night, with their wiues and children, carrying only with them, some victuals for a few dayes. This remoue and departure accompanied with out­cries and gronings, Chass. lib. 2. chap. 14. pag. 121. and sorrow to leaue their houses and moueables, furnished with al manner of goods and furniture, to betake themselues to an vncertaine course to saue themselues by flight, leading with them their infants, & old decrepit people, with the pittifull skree­chings and outcries of women, was a most heauy and lamentable spectacle. They arriued the next morrow at the said Castle, and from thence they dispersed themselues here and there, some to Aragon, others to Catalongue, others to Toulouze, and other Townes that tooke part with them, whither it pleased God to con­duct them.

The morrow after in the morning the Pelerins were all strangely astonished, for that they had heard no noise all that night, but much more because they saw [Page 34]no man stirring that day. They came neere to the walls, but yet with some doubt, fearing lest it should be a baite to draw them within the toyle, but yet neuer­thelesse finding nothing that might make them any way distrustfull, they mounted the breach, entred the Citie, and cryed out to the Armie, that the Albingenses were fled. The Legat speedily sent to make publike Proclamations, that no man should ceaze vpon any body in his owne right, but that all should bee carryed to the great Church of Carcassonne, from whence af­terwards all things should be brought and sold for the benefit of the Pelerins, rewarding euery one according to his merit. And so it was done, and the Earle of Be­ziers committed to prison in one of the strongest Towers of Carcassonne.

CHAP. VI.

THe Citie of Carcassonne being in the pos­session of the Legat, hee resolued with himselfe to make it a Towne of warre, an Arcenall against the Albingenses, and presently hee assembled all the Prelats and great Lords which were yet in his Armie, to take counsell how hee might make it a place fit to maintaine [Page 35]a warre of long continuance in time to come. Besides, he gaue them to vnderstand, that notwithstanding hee thought it very necessary, that there should bee alwaies in the Armies of the Church, a Legat of his Holinesse, to giue authoritie to whatsoeuer should passe, yet ne­uerthelesse it was likewise necessary that there should be a secular Captaine of the warre, one that was puis­sant, wise, valiant and fearefull, absolutely to command all occurrences, and to expedite all affaires concerning the warre, by his prudent guide and gouernment, it not belonging to the capacitie of Ecclesiasticall per­sons to leade Armies, or to make warre; and that therefore they should consult with themselues, to cast their eyes vpon some one of the Lords of the Crosse, to whom the conquered Countries might be commit­ted, and the care for the direction of this holy warre, vntill it might be otherwise determined by the Pope.

This charge was first offered to the Duke of Burgon­gue, afterwards to the Earle of Enneuers, and to the Earle of S ^t. Paul, who did all refuse it. Which the Legat seeing and perceiuing it would be a difficult mat­ter to agree in the nomination of a Captaine, with one mutuall consent they named two Bishops, with the Abbot of Cisteaux, Legat of the Apostolike Sea, and foure men of Armes, to whom they gaue power to choose him, that hereafter should leade the Armie of the Church.

They named the Earle Simon of Montfort neere Pa­ris, notice whereof being giuen vnto him, hee excused himselfe, alledging his incapacitie and vnhabilities; but in the end he accepted of it, after that the Abbot of Cisteaux had laid his commandement vpon him, en­ioyning him by vertue of obedience, to accept of the [Page 36]said nomination, The Treasure of Histories in the Treat. of Albingen­ses. whereupon hee promised (saith the Compiler of the Treasure of Histories) to doe his best endeauour to vex the enemies of our Lord, for so they tearme the Albingenses.

The Earle Simon of Montfort, being Generall of the Armie of the Church, made his abode at Carcassonne, with foure thousand of his Pelerins, which as yet re­mained of that great Leuy of three hundred thousand men. Montreal, Fauiaux and Limons, contributed great summes of money for the Garison. For they were not to harbour those Pilgrims that were not bound to any seruice, their time of fortie daies being expired; but such Souldiers as were well affected for the guard of that place.

In this meane time, the Earle Remond of Toulouze, went to King Phillip Dieu-donne, to get his letters of Commendation to the Pope, to the end he might bee fully cleered and iustified touching the death of the Monke, Frier Peter de Chasteauneuf, of the which hee was iniustly forced to confesse himselfe guilty, onely because the murder was committed within his territo­ries, for which the Legat Milon had imposed an vniust penance vpon. From the Court of the King of France, he trauelled to Rome, where he did immediatly receiue his absolution of Pope Innocent the third, as if it had beene ready and prouided for him. The Pope receiued him with all the curtesie that might be, giuing him for a present, a rich Cloke, and a Ring of great price, and granting vnto him full remission and absolution touch­ing the said murder, and declaring that he held him in this regard sufficiently instified.

The Earle of Beziers being prisoner at Carcassonne, dyed shortly after, the Earle Simon of Montfort was [Page 37]put in possession of his Lands, not without great su­spition of poison. The Earle Simon made shew to be much grieued therewith, and caused him to be inter­red in the great Church of Carcassonne, with great pompe, and with his face vncouered, to the end that none of his Subiects might afterwards doubt of his death. Presently after he made challenge to the inhe­ritance and whole estate of the said Earle, by vertue of those donations which the Legat of the Pope had conferred vpon him, and that charge that was laid vp­on him for the Church.

In pursuit whereof, hee demanded of the King of Aragon, the inuestiture of the Earledome of Be­ziers, and the Citie of Carcassonne. The King of Aragon would not yeeld thereunto, bewraying much discontent, to see this house ouerthrowne vnder a pre­tence of Religion. The like discontent did the Duke of Bourgongue shew, at what time the charge of the Generall was offered vnto him, saying, Chassag. pag. 126. That hee had Lands and Lordships enough without the accepting of those of the Earle of Beziers, and the spoiling him of his goods, adding therewithall, that he had alreadie suffered wrong enough.

All the bordering neighbours of the Earle Simon, began to feare him, vpon a report which he gaue forth, that at the spring following, he would haue a great Ar­mie of Pelerins at his command, and that then hee would chastise those, which had not acknowledged the authoritie wherein the Church had placed him. Castres sent vnto him the Keyes of their Citie, by some of their Bourgesses. The Castle of Pamies was yeelded vnto him, euery one submitted themselues to his command, round about Carcassonne, and the Vi­countie [Page 38]of Beziers. But he receiued a back-blow in the middest of his prosperitie, which was a presage vn­to him of some euill. For the King of Aragon, kee­king secretly the Gentlemen of the Vicountie of Be­ziers, in breath, encouraged them to bring vnto equall termes this petty-tyrant, who was brought in for the good of another, saying, That if he were not constrai­ned to haue alwaies a world of Pilgrims for his con­quests, he would abuse this his rest, to take heart to in­uade the goods of all those that are neere adioyning, vnder a pretence of that charge hee hath from the Pope: but if he once knew how dangerous, it would be for him, to want his Souldiers of the Crosse, hee would be better aduised, considering that it is not possi­ble, that he should alwaies haue so great a number of Pilgrims, that should alwaies make him fearefull; for there must be time for the leuying of them, time for the conducting of them from farre Countries, and if he should make no vse of them within fortie daies of their arriuall, hee would be more weake than before, after the expiration of their Pilgrimage: That to hurt and hinder him, there can be no better course taken than to keepe themselues locked vp in their Garrisons at the comming of the Pilgrims, and at their depar­ture when they were weake, to set vpon him on euery part; that at the last he will be so weary of his great trauels, that he will thinke he hath bought at a deare rate, the good which he beleeued he had gotten by the title of a Donation of those that had nothing to giue. The King of Aragon added hereunto that he had ne­uer heard of any so vniust a vsurpation, for if this war were made to take away the goods and liues of the Al­bingensens, by what title had the Legat confiscated the [Page 39]goods of the Earle of Beziers, who had alwaies liued, and also died in the beleefe of the Church of Rome? That he therefore perceiued, that the greatest crime they could finde in the said Earle, was, that they found him to be young, and no way powerfull. That if God gaue him life, he would make it appeare, that he loued the Earle of Beziers, and that he was his Kinsman, and would likewise shew himselfe a true friend, to those that had any feeling of those wrongs and outrages that were offered him. Those hopes to be succoured by the King of Aragon, gaue heart and courage vnto those, that with great impatiency bare the dominion and power of the Earle Simon of Montfort, The Monke of the Valley Sernay. Chap. 33. in such sort, that the said Earle being one day, gone from Car­cassonne to Montpelier, he found at his returne, that di­uers had taken Armes, to shake off their yoake, ha­uing besieged certaine of his Souldiers in a Tower neere to Carcassonne. He speedily made his returne to succour them, but too late, for not being able to passe a Riuer called Sarasse, and being gone to Carcassonne to passe by the bridge, the Tower was taken before hee came. This small affront brought him into some con­tempt, and gaue heart to others, to offer the like. A­bout this time, Captaine Boucard for the said Earle Si­mon at the Castle of Seissac, attempted the surprise of the strong Castle of Cabaret, whereof mention hath beene made heretofore; for this end and purpose, he made his approach vnto the said Castle, as closely as he could. Captaine Roger, who was within the said Castle, for the Earle Remond was come forth with fourescore horse, to forrage and seeke for bootie: Bou­card vpon the sudden, and vnlooked for, charged him, and had well-neere discomfited him; but Roger hauing [Page 40]taken knowledge of the enemy, doubled the charge vpon him in so furious a manner, that he ouercame the troops of Boucard, and brought him Prisoner to that Castle, which he said he came to surprise.

At this very time, Gerard of Pepios, tooke part with the Albingenses, and seized vpon Puisorignier, and the Castle of Menerbe. Now the warre began to grow very cruell, for (if it be true that the Monke of the Val­lies Sernay hath written) Gerard caused the eyes of all the Souldiers of the Earle Simon, which he could take to be pluckt out, and cut off their eares and their noses with their vpper lip, & sent them all naked to the Earle Simon of Montfort, leauing one for a guide vnto the other, with one eye. On the other part, whensoeuer the Earle Simon was victorer in any place, he caused a great fire to bee made, and cast into it as many of the Albingenses as he could take. All they of the Romish Church did as much, that bare Armes for the Albin­genses; for William of Rochford, Bishop of Carcassonne, caused the Abbot of Cisteaux to be slaine, meeting him neere vnto Carcassonne, his body being found murde­red with six and thirtie wounds, and the Monke which accompanied him, with foure and twentie.

Then the Citie of Carcassonne (saith the Monke) and the Souldiers that were in it, were stricken with such feare, That they had little hope to defend themselues but by flight, for they saw themselues (saith he) enuironed on all sides with infinite enemies. From these miseries, which did much moue the patience of the Earle Si­mon, hee tooke occasion to write, to all the Prelats throughout Europe, that if in the Spring following, he were not assisted with new succours of Pilgrims, it was impossible for him to hold out, for his enemies [Page 41]finding his weaknesse, tooke the aduantage thereof: witnesse that after the last departure of the Pilgrims, he had lost aboue forty townes & Castles, of which the people had before brought him the keyes, and were now all reuolted from him and the Church, being be­yond his power to remedy it for want of men. Hee therefore intreated them in the name of God, to giue their helping hand, otherwise he must be enforced to yeeld vp the rights of the Church and the Countrey altogether.

Now matters thus standing, the Earle Simon atten­ding new succours, tooke the Castle of Beron neare Montreal, where he caused the eies of aboue a hundred Albingenses to bee pulled out, and cut off their noses, leauing onely one with one eye to bee a guide to the rest, and to conduct them to Cabaret. This stirred vp the Albingenses in such sort, Chass. pag. 136. that had not succours in­stantly come, they had shut him vp on euery side.

CHAP. VII.

IN the yeare one thousand two hundred and ten, 1210 the Earle Simon being shut vp (saith the Treasure of Histories) within Carcas­sonne, for want of Pilgrims, he vnderstood [Page 42]that the Countesse his Wife, came from France, and brought with her a great number of Pelerins, which gaue him great comfort, and he went out to meet her.

A pleasant warre it was, wherein Priests leuied the Souldiers, and a woman conducted them to the warres.

The Pelerins were imployed in the recourerie of the Castle of Menerbe, a place very strong by nature, vpon the Frontiers of Spaine. This siege was procured by the intreatie of Ameri, Lord of Narbonne, and the In­habitants thereof, who complained that alwaies in for­mer times this place had beene as a thorne in their feet: They yeelded themselues for want of water, to the discretion of the Legat, who caused the Pilgrims to enter the place with the Crosse and the Banner, and singing Te Deum laudamus. The Abbot of Vaux would needs preach to those that were within the Ca­stle, and to exhort them to acknowledge the Pope, and to sticke to the Romish Church; but they not stay­ing till he had ended his Discourse, they all of them cryed out, The Monk of the Vallies of Sernay, chap. 47. Chass. lib. 3. chap. 7. saying, We will not forsake our faith, we reiect the Romish, you labour but in vaine, for neither life nor death shall make vs to abandon our beleefe. Vpon this answer, the Earle Simon and the Legat, commanded a great fire to bee made, and cast into it a hundred and fortie persons, as well women as men, who went into it with ioy, giuing thankes vnto God for that it pleased him to doe them the honour, to suffer and to dye for his names sake. Thus did these true Martirs of Christ Iesus finish their fraile liues in the midst of the flames, to liue eternally in heauen; And thus did they tri­umph ouer the Legat of the Pope, resisting him to his face, and threatning the iust iudgement of God vpon [Page 43]the Earle Simon, and that one day hee would pay dearely for his cruelties, howsoeuer he seemed now to commit them scotfree, yet he would pay for all when the bookes should be opened. There were a number of Priests and Monkes, that did exhort them to take pitty on themselues, promising them their liues, if they would liue according to the beleefe of the Church of Rome: There were only three women that accepted of the condition, that is to say, to liue by abiuring their religion; all the rest died constantly, but they were vanquished by the allurements of the mother of Ri­chard de Marsiac.

After this expedition, Termes. The Lord of Tho­lo in the hist. of his times pa. 459. the Earle Simon besieged the Castle of Termes in the same territorie of Narbonne, a place that seemed impregnable by any force of man. It was taken for want of water, not by any capitulati­on: but because hauing had a long time a great want of water, it rained and they dranke of the water which fell into their Cisternes, not sufficiently purified, where­upon they fell into diuers diseases. Seeing therefore themselues brought to such an estate, that if they had beene driuen to fight, they had had no power to make resistance; they resolued one night to quit the place; which they did not being descried by any: The soul­diers of the Bishop of Chartres made entrie as soone as they perceiued they were all departed, and there set vp the ensigne of their Bishop.

Amongst other reasons which the Earle Simon vsed, The Monke of the Valleis Sernay ch. 51. and so for­ward. to animate his Pilgrims, this was the most pregnant, that this place was the most execrable of all the rest, because there had beene no Masse sung there since the yeare 1180. that is to say for the space of thirty yeeres.

The Castle Vetuille de la Vaur, La Vaur. much troubled the Earle Simon. It was besieged with new troopes of Pilgrims, which a little before came from France, whi­lest the siege was at Termes, Chass. lib. 3. pa. 141. Ologarci in hist. of Foix. pag. 129. that is to say, the Bishop of Chartres, of Beauuais, the Earle of Dreux, and the Earle of Pontieure. This place was vpon the riuer of Agotte, about fiue leagues from Carcassonne, towards Toulouze, whereof the sister of Aimeri, Lord of Mont­real whose name was Gerande, was Lady. The Legat had taken from the said Lord of Montreal all his places, which was the cause why he put himselfe into the city de la Vaur to defend his Sister. There were within this place many honest men: There came Pilgrims from all parts to the Legat: From Normandie the troopes being conducted by their Bishops, especially by him of Lisieux; and there came also vnto him six thousand Alemans. The Earle of Foix being aduertised which way they came, went and lay in ambuscado for them, where he ouerthrew them all, not any escaping, but a certain Earle, who at the first encounter, ran away to carry newes to the Earle Simon, who pursued the Earle of Foix with foureteene thousand men, but in vaine, for he had before retired himselfe to Mongiscard.

After six moneths siege, the city de la Vaur [...] was ta­ken by assault, where all were put to the sword, except fourescore gentlemen, whom the Earle Simon caused to bee hanged and strangled, and Aimeri was hanged vpon a gibber, higher than all the rest; and the Lady of Lauar, was cast aliue into a ditch, and therein coue­red with stones. Chass. lib. 3. pag. 150. One onely act of humanity wee reade was done by the troopes of the Earle Simon; and that is, that a gentleman vnderstanding that there were in a house diuers women and children sicke, hee begged [Page 45]them of the Generall, and they were granted vnto him; who conducted them safe and sound out of the citie, not being offered by any man the least indignitie that may be.

These were the principall places that the Legat tooke in the yeere one thousand two hundred and ten. 1210 We must now returne to the Earle Remond of Tou­louze, who at his returne from Rome with letters of fa­uour from the Pope, gaue the Legat Milon to vnder­stand, that he was reconciled vnto the Pope, and had receiued from him his full absolution, and that he bad bestowed vpon him some presents. The Treatise of hist. in the treat. of the Albing. In the meane time the matter is otherwise set downe in the Treasure of histories, for there it is said, That the Pope writ to the Bishop of Rhodois, to Master Miles, and Master Theo­dosius, that if the Earle could purge himselfe sufficient­ly before them, of the death of Frier Peter, and the he­resie for which he was suspected, that they should giue him his purgation.

This clause gaue authority againe to the Legats, to heare the said Earle, touching the aforesaid businesse, which was to bring him backe againe to the beginning of all his misery. The Earle Simon pressed the Legat to proceed in the fact of the Earle Remond, either to absolue, or to condemne him, to the end he might know, whether he should hold him for a friend or for an enemie of the Pope and of the Church, to be at peace with him, or to make war against him.

The Legat Milon commanded him to appeare in his owne person, because he would know once for all, Chass. lib. 3. pag. 129. how he and his subiects liued with them, that is to say, with the Earle Simon and the Church.

The Earle Remond answered, that neither he nor his [Page 46]Subiects had any thing to doe with them, that he had made his agreement and reconciliation with the Pope, which the Legat could not be ignorant of, to whom he had shewed the Bulles, and therefore hee intreated them to forbeare any farther to disquiet him, The Earle Simon and the Legat writ vnto him againe, that it was very necessary, that he should make repaire vnto him to fulfill the contents of the Bulles. He answered that he had rather take the paines to goe to king Philip of France, and to the Emperor, yea to Rome, to the Pope himselfe, to complaine of the wronges they did vn­to him, than to put himselfe any more into their hands.

When the Legat saw that he could not winne him by Letters, he resolued to play the fox and to winne him by subtleties. They sent vnto him Folquet Bishop of Toulouze, and instructed him how hee should cary himselfe to deceiue him: This was a capable instru­ment for the premeditated treason. He went therefore to the Earle Remond, insinuated himselfe into his fa­uour, with fained protestations of his desire to serue him, and his great griefe to see so little loue betwixt the Legat and himselfe, wishing that it were in his power to stand him in any steed therein, though with the losse of his owne bloud, and offering vnto him all loue and assistance: That he had far greater reason to procure the preseruation of his good, than any o­ther person whatsoeuer: That he would aduise him as a friend, to take from the Legat all pretence of su­spition: That when he had once shewed himselfe con­fident of him, they would no longer doubt of his fi­delitie; and that euen now a faire occasion was offe­red, to binde the Legat and the Earle Simon vnto him, [Page 47]and that was, that whereas he knew they were shortly to come to Toulouze, if he would offer vnto them his Castle Narbonnes to lodge in, it would be an excellent testimony of that confidence hee had in them and binde them to loue him. The Earle Remond being thus gulled by this Bishop, offered them his castle: They accepted thereof, and presently placed therein a great garrison. The word was no sooner slipt the Earles mouth, but he was sure he should repent it, but it was now too late to recall it. He cursed his owne impru­dency, and his friends and subiects, his too great fa­cility; for he saw them incontinently to fortifie his Ca­stle, that it might serue them for a canesson and bridle for his owne subiects: As also from the time of their entrance into that place, he found that they grew bold to speake all the ill they could of the Earle Remond, and that with open mouth; saying that he had mocked the Pope, giuing him to vnderstand that which was false, and promising that which he would neuer performe, insomuch that he was as great an heretike as he was before his abiuration.

That in the ruine and punishment of the Earle Re­mond, the destruction of the Albingenses did consist: but on the contrary, though the ground were couered with the dead bodies of the Albingenses, if the Earle Remond should remaine, they would alwaies bud and spring vp againe, and therefore it was resolued to exter­minate and vtterly to destroy the house of Remond from the bottome to the top. But when men purpose that which God hath otherwise disposed, they come many times short; So it was with the Earle Simon, who was frustrated of this hope, by the sudden vnexpected death of the Legat Milon, which changed the face of [Page 48]the affaires of the said Earle Milon: for he was faine to spend many yeares in the ruinating of that house of the Earle Remond and his adherents, which hee had promised to doe in a few daies.

CHAP. VIII.

IN the yeere of our Lord 1211. 1211 The­dize gaue the Earle Remond to vnder­stand, that he should haue what was iust and right touching his affaires, and with faire words perswaded him to come to S ^t. Giles. Being there he ript vp the businesse touching the murder of the Monke Frier Peter de Chasteauneuf from the be­ginning, without consideration of any precedent iustifi­cation, and excommunicated the said Earle Remond, not as being guilty of the death of the said Monke, but because he had not driuen the Albingenses out of his countrey as he was bound by promise. The Earle Remond hauing felt the blast of the said excommu­nication, retired himselfe to Toulouze, not speaking a word, before the Legat had meanes to publish the sentence.

The Bishop of Toulouze knowing hee was excom­municated, sent one to certifie vnto him, that hee was to depart out of the citie of Toulouze, so long as the Masse was singing, because he might not say Masse, there being an excommunicated person within the citie. The Earle Remond being much moued with the audacious boldnesse of the Bishop, sent a Gentleman, one of his followers to tell him, that hee was to de­part and that speedily out of his territories, vpon paine of his life. The Bishop departed and sent to the Prouost of the Cathedrall Church, and to the Ca­nons, that they were to depart with them, and that with the Crosse, and the Banner, and the Hoast, and for the greater deuotion, they should goe barefoot and in procession. In this equipage they arriued at the Armie of the Legat, where they were receiued as Martyrs persecuted for the Masse, euen with teares of the Pilgrims, and the generall applause of euery one.

The Legat thought now that he had sufficient cause to prosecute the Earle Remond, as a relapse and impe­nitent man, but yet he desired much to get hold of him, because if he could once apprehend him, hee would quickly make him to conclude that businesse as the Earle of Beziers did. To this purpose, hee flattered him by Letters, full of testimonies of his great loue towards him, & by this meanes drew him once againe to Arles. The Earle entreated the King of Aragon that he would be there to hinder (if need should be) any foule play that might bee offered. Being come to the place, the Legat commanded the King of Aragon, and the said Earle Remond, that they should not depart the city, without his leaue vpon paine of indignation, and [Page 50]to be prosecuted as rebells to the Church. Some friend of the Earles vsed the meanes, to giue him a sight of the Articles of the Sentence, which the Legat had a purpose to publish against the said Earle Remond, which were these that follow.

That the Earle of Toulouze shall incontinently dis­misse and casheere all his men of Armes, not retaining any one of them.

That he shal be obedient, and subiect to the Church, of which he shall repaire the damages, and satisfie all costs and charges.

That throughout all his lands, no man shall eat more than two sorts of flesh.

That he shall expell out of his countries and territo­ries, all the heretikes and their allies.

That he shall deliuer into the hands of the Legat, and the Earle of Montford, all those that shall bee na­med vnto him, to doe with them as they please, and that within one yeare.

That no man within his lands, noble or ignoble, shall weare any apparell of great price, but blacke and course clokes.

That all the strong places and castles of defence, be­longing vnto him, shall be ouerthrowne and laid euen with the ground.

That no Gentleman of his shall remaine or dwell in any City or Castle, but shall make his abode, in the fields and countrey houses, as a villager.

That he shall not leuy in his lands any tolles, but those that haue beene of old time imposed.

That euery master of an house, shall pay yearely to the Legat foure Toulouzian pence.

That when the Earle of Montford, or any of his [Page 51]people shall passe through his countries, they shall pay nothing for any thing they take or spend.

That hauing performed all things, as aboue, he shall trauell beyond the Seas, to make warre against the Turkes, neuer returning againe into these parts, but by the commandement of the Legat.

That after all these things, the Legat and the Earle of Montfort should restore vnto him, all his Lands and Signories, when it should please them.

These Articles being communicated to the King of Aragon, he found them so vniust, that he would stay no longer in that place, but counselled the Earle of Tou­louze presently to mount on horse-backe, for feare lest they should ceaze vpon his person, euen to the full execution of those Articles, who it should seeme went about to enrich themselues by his spoyles. And foras­much as the said King of Aragon had perswaded the said Earle that hee should put no more confidence in the Legat and Earle Simon, hee cast in his teeth his too great facillitie, saying vnto him in Gascongne tongue: Pla bous an pagat, that is to say, They haue well payed you.

The Legat and the Earle Simon being much dis­contented that this prey had escaped their hands, and knowing that he would no more suffer himselfe to bee abused and ouer-reached by words, they endeuored to get that by force, which either by faire words or foule they could not. Whereupon they went presently and besieged the Castle of Montferrand, into which the Earle Remond had put the Earle Baudoni his brother, with the Vicount of Montelar, Remond of Pierregourde, and Pons Roux of Toulouze, and diuers other valiant men to defend that place, which he knew to be of great [Page 52]importance. After some breach and assaults, the Earle Simon being out of all hope to winne this place by force of Armes, desired to speake with the Earle Bau­doni, which hauing obtained, he told him that his bro­ther made it appeare vnto the world, that he had desire to vndoe him, in that hee had shut him vp in so paltrie a place, which he very well saw hee could not long de­fend, for that at the arriuall of that world of Pilgrims, which were now marching towards him, hee would quickly know, how great an ouersight it was to locke vp himselfe within so weake a hold: That if he did at­tend any violent assault of these Pilgrims, there would be no more place for mercie. That if he would yeeld himselfe and the place, hee would leaue it to his guard for the Church, and besides, he would make him, for the time to come, a partner of his conquests, with such aduantage, that hee should shortly bee a greater man, and in greater authoritie than his brother, who had procured vnto himselfe, by his rebellion, his vtter o­uerthrow. That hee could neuer haue power sufficient to resist the force of so many Kings, Princes and Po­tentates, who sent their people to this warre, rewarded by their owne zeale, without any charge of the Church. That euery man would commend and ad­mire this his retreat, besides that happinesse he should gaine vnto himselfe, by consecrating himselfe to the seruice of God and his Church, and acquitting him­selfe of that people amongst whom there was not any that was not iudged by the Church worthy to be con­demned to the fire. The Earle Baudoni suffered him­selfe to bee carryed by the promises and faire speeches of the Earle Simon, and so deliuered vp the place, and put himselfe into Bruniquel, a place very strong which [Page 53]belonged to the Earle Remond, and promised neuer to beare Armes, but in defence of the Church. These two places drew with them, to the Earle Simons part, the places of Rabasteins, Gaillac, Montague, La Guarda, Pech, Selsas, La Guipia, S ^t. Antonin, with other places neere adioyning.

The Earle Remond being much astonished to see himselfe betrayed, and abandoned by his owne bro­ther, bewayled his misfortunes at Toulouze, where from day to day hee attended to bee inuested; when vpon the surcharge of these euils, hee vnderstood that the Legat and the Earle Simon, had wonne vnto them the King of Aragon, his one and only prop vpon earth, vnder God. The meane to worke it was this: The Legat writ vnto him, that he should winne great com­mendation, and doe greater seruice to the Pope and to the Church, if he would once againe become a media­tor for the peace of the Church. And to that end they entreated him to come to Narbonne, where they hoped to lay a good foundation. Hee tooke his iourney thi­ther, where the first thing they proposed, was, to make some agreement betwixt the Earle of Foix, and the Church, and the Earle Simon. A premeditated designe againe to spoyle the Earle Remond of his succours. Af­terwards they gaue him to vnderstand, that the Earle Simon desired to liue with him, as with his best kinsman and friend that he had in the world, and for this cause he was very willing to ioyne in alliance with him, if he would be pleased to accept of a daughter of the Earle Simons, to marry with his eldest sonne. And such con­ditions they proposed vnto him, that he was content that his sonne should marry the daughter of the said Earle Simon; in regard of which alliance, the King of [Page 54] Aragon, gaue to the Earle Simon the inuestiture of the Earledome of Beziers, which before hee would neuer agree vnto, nor to that of Carcassonne, which he likewise at the same time obtained. But that which did most hurt the Earles of Toulouze, and of Foix, was, that they caused the King of Aragon to sweare, that he would no more fauour the Albingenses, but carry himselfe as a Neuter in this warre betwixt the Church and them.

The Earle Simon hauing gotten that which he desi­red, that is, to alienate the King of Aragon from the Earles of Toulouze, and of Foix, hee tooke his time to bend his forces both against the one and the other.

CHAP. IX.

THe first attempt that the Earle Simon made, after his alliance with the King of Aragon, was the siege of Toulouze, being strengthned with a great multitude of Pilgrims, which the Bishop of Toulouze went to leuy in France, whilest the Legat Thedize, and the Earle Si­mon did delay the Earle Remond, vnder the shadow of a treaty of peace with him. Being arriued at Montan­dran, [Page 55]vpon the borders of Garonne, neere to Toulouze, Chas. lib. 3. ch. 14 pa. 162. the Earle Remond made a sallie out of Toulouze, with fiue hundred horse, and footmen a great number, and came as farre as the bridge, in hope to gaine it, or to breake it downe.

There was at that bridge a great fight, and many there died both on the one side and the other. In the end, the Earle Remond sounded a retreat, whereupon the enemie tooke heart, passed the bridge, and pursued the Earle Remond, euen to the gates of Toulouze: The Earle Remond made so sudden and so furious a rein­counter vpon them, that he beat backe his enemy vnto the bridge, which was not large inough to receiue them, so that they were almost all slaine before they were at the foot thereof. Aimeri the sonne of the said Simon of Montfort, was taken prisoner.

The Earle Simon seeing this losse, and his sonne ta­ken prisoner, animated his Pilgrims to the combat. They endeuoring to be reuenged of this ouerthrow, ranne into the ditches, set vp their ladders, but they were valiantly repulsed. The ditches were filled with the dead bodies of the Pilgrims, and the Earle Simon was beaten from his horse. In the middest of this con­flict, arriued the Earle of Champagne, with a great num­ber of Pilgrims, and he came in good time to bee well beaten. The Earle Simon commanded them all to goe to the spoile, whereupon the Pilgrims ranne into the Vineyards, Orchards and Gardens, cut downe all trees that bare fruit, plucked vp the Vines by the roots; at what time the President of Ageues came forth of Toulouze, with a great number of the inhabitants there­of, who seeing them to spoile their possessions, ranne vpon the Pilgrims with violence, scattered here and [Page 56]there through the fields, and slew a great number of them. On the other side the Earle of Foix conducting some troopes of horse and foot, slew as many as hee met with. The Earle of Bar held his troopes in better order, and seeing the disorder especially of those that were flying away, hee cryed out, a Bar, a Bar; which the inhabitants of Toulouze vnderstanding, charged them so brauely, before any of them could gather themselues vnto him, that he was discomfited with the rest. The Earle Remond retired his troopes into Tou­louze, and commanded solemne thankes to bee giuen vnto God, for so admirable a victorie ouer his enemies.

The fame of the Earle Remonds victories being spread abroad, there came vnto him diuers succours, from all the parts round about him, for they were all weary of the troopes of the Pilgrims, and willingly offered both their goods and their liues to driue them out of the Countrey. Chass. lib. 3. chap. 14. pag. 169. The Earle Simon being in some scarsitie of victuall, because the wayes whereby they should be releeued, were stopt, was constrained to raise his siege. And besides the Earle of Chalons, the Earle of Bar, The Monke of the Valley Sernay. Chap. 79. and certaine other Germaine Earles, reti­red themselues, their quarantaines or fortie daies being expired; but yet he would not bee altogether idle that Autumne: Hee therefore marched into the Countries of the Earle of Foix, to refresh the rest of his Armie, and to possesse himselfe of some places. Hee went as farre as the Towne of Foix, made spoyle of all that was about it, and then set fire to the Towne. Being at Panies, the Legat tooke the one halfe of the Armie to accompanie him to Roquemaure, where hee went to passe the winter, and in his way being in the Earle­dome [Page 57]of S ^t. Felix of Caraman, he tooke the Tower of Cassas, and about one hundred men therein, and caused them all to be burnt aliue, and laid the place leuell with the ground. In the meane time the Earle Simon ruina­ted the Countries of the Earle of Foix, as long as the said Earle kept his bed, being visited with a grieuous sicknesse, during the which, his seruants that were a­bout him, durst not tell him of his losses; that is to say, of Pamies, Sauerdun, Mirepoix and Prissant, which had beene likewise battered, a place very strong neere Carcassonne. Being recouered of his sicknesse, and vn­derstanding what hauocke the Earle Simon had made of his houses, and what ruine his poore subiects had endured, he went to the Armie, and desired to speake with the Generall, and thus hee deliuered his minde vnto him.

‘The inconstancie of tottering fortune (my ma­sters and most renowned Lords) is the cause why I am not astonished to see my selfe thus infinitely af­flicted by this cruell Step-mother. Hologoray in his Hist. of Foix. pag. 133. I haue heretofore braued mine enemies, fought in the field amongst those that would resist my power, entertained the great and mightie Monarches as my friends: None haue threatned me, much lesse offended me, neither could my sword euer beare it. I haue beene imploy­ed in publike negotiations, which carry with them, as their attendants, infinite discommodities, neither haue I gotten any dishonor thereby, and I should haue held my labor ill imployed, if they had not bin vpon worthy occasions, neuer hauing desired to bee accounted an honest man, by those vnworthy and vniust meanes that some men purpose vnto them­selues. For he that is not an honest man, but because [Page 58]other men should know him to bee so, and that hee might be the better esteemed after knowledge taken thereof: he that will not doe good, but vpon conditi­on that his vertue may be knowne by other men, he is not the person from whom any great seruice can be expected. Wee must (saith the Maxime) goe to war out of dutie, and attend the reward which is ne­uer wanting to all honorable actions, be they neuer so secret; yea, euen our vertuous cogitations, being the onely contentment which a conscience well or­dered receiueth in it selfe for well doing. Hauing therefore (my masters and friends) my courage still lodged in a firme and assured place, against all the assaults of Fortune, & my conscience cleere in this, that I neuer gaue you any occasion to rise vp against me, I haue made no doubt to appeare before you in this assembly, and to bring with me my head, not my treasures, to expose them to the mercy of the Souldier, or my commodities, to plant them as Bar­riers about my lands and territories, which you haue begunne without reason to bring into a lamentable estate, to be iudged by your Counsell, and according thereunto, to condescend to that which shall be de­termined. For I had rather neuer to haue beene borne, than to suruiue my reputation, neither can I suffer that honor and glory, which in my yonger yeeres I haue iustly wonne, to be extinguished. Haue you euer knowne me to be an enemie to the Realme of France? If it be so, let me lose both life and ho­nour, with shame and dishonour. And who dares speake it to my face? Haue I conspired against the Church? What haue I done, that any man should haue that conceit of me? And doe you thinke, that [Page 59]for the poore remainder of this fantasticall imagina­ry life which I haue to liue, I will lose the essentiall life, and purchase to my selfe, to please any mans ap­petite, an eternall death? The wise men of the world haue proposed to themselues a more honourable and iust end, to so important an enterprize. There is no man of honour that chooseth not rather to lose his honour than his conscience. It is that which I hold to bee the dearest Iewell within my Cabinet. Keepe me I pray you in that range which the Kings of France haue giuen mee, that is, to bee thought faithfull, as they haue heretofore censured me, when they haue had occasion to deale in the affaires of my House, to the end (saith he) that being offended, I be not constrained to defend my selfe, and to offend you, which shall bee much against mine owne will and intention.’ And this by oath I vow vnto you.

Roger the sonne of the Earle of Foix was much af­flicted with the submission of his father, as being an action too base for the greatnesse of their house. The King of Aragon did likewise distaste it. For notwith­standing he were allied to the Earle Simon, yet hee did not feare to let him vnderstand, that he could not ap­proue of his vsurpations vnder the pretence of religion.

The Earle Simon on the other side, Holag. pag. 133. said with a loud voice.

‘That the conquests were iust and lawfull: that he had his right from the Pope: that there was no o­ther purchase, but that which hee wonne with the sword: that hee had an Armie to answer whomsoe­uer should oppose himselfe against it, were it the King of Aragon, and of strength sufficient to defend himselfe against whomsoeuer.’

The King of Aragon writ to the Earle of Foix, that forasmuch as the Legat, and the Earle Simon had decei­ued him, in not restoring those lands and places, which they had promised him to restore, that hee should no longer put any trust in them, since the intent of the Earle Simon was too well knowne. That is, that hee endeuored to make himselfe great and rich with the goods of another, vnder a pretence of Religion, if his ambition and auarice were not staied, by the com­mon armes and intelligence of those, whom hee had already spoyled of their goods, and of all others that doe but vnderstand, that hauing begunne with their neighbours, hee will likewise desire to follow that course without end, the couetous desires of men be­ing endlesse. That he knew very well that hee did not seeke his alliance, out of any desire hee had to be ho­noured thereby, but onely to hinder him from succo­ring those whom he desired to strip out of all they had. He likewise exhorted by letters, Roger the sonne of the Earle of Foix, to fortifie himselfe against the vniust vsurpations of Montfort, otherwise euery man would laugh at him; that the Earle Somon was but weake, accompanied with a few Pilgrims, ready out of discon­tents to retire themselues: that he should therefore en­ter the field, and hee should quickly finde who would assist him.

The Earle Remond being much afflicted with the alienation of the King of Aragon, by the marriage of his sonne with the daughter of Simon of Montfort, thought it necessarie to doe his best endeuour to re­gaine him, by another mariage. He offered therefore his only son and heire in marriage to a daughter of his; vnto which motion, the King of Aragon yeelded his [Page 61]consent. The Monke of the Valley Sernay, Chap. 67. The Earle Simon was much displeased here­with. The Monk saith, That this marriage made the King of Aragon very infamous, and much suspected, conside­ring that the Earle of Toulouze, was a manifest persecu­ter of the Church.

The King of Aragon knowing the murmurings of the Earle Simon, did not feare with open mouth, to publish his purpose and intent to defend the Earle of Toulouze, and of Foix. That the one was his Brother in Law, the other his Subiect. That he did assure him­selfe of a day, that God would giue them, to make him repent his vniust conquests.

The Earle Simon being aduertized of the threats of the King of Aragon, intreated him to blot out those bad impressions, which he had conceiued of him, and that he would make him the iudge, and stickler of the difference that was betwixt him and the Earle of Foix: The Earle of Foix on the other side, intreated the King of Aragon to yeeld thereunto; who obtained of the Earle Simon the restitution of all his Lands and Terri­tories, except Pamies. Which exception, when his sonne Roger vnderstood, he presently said hee would none of that; but he knew very well how to recouer that with his sword, which very vniustly he had taken from him by foule play, and false pretences. Where­vpon he entred the field, foraged, tooke his occasions seasonably, and bestowed his time with such incredi­ble diligence, in all his exploits, that he made the Ar­mie of the Crosse to feele the bloudy effects of his va­lour. On the other side, the Earle of Toulouze tooke the aduantage of the time, nourisheth those sparkles of diuision, seekes to win the loue of the Earle of Foix, and they make betweene them and their allies, a league [Page 62]offensiue and defensiue, against the Earle Simon their common enemy, and assemble themselues at Toulouze, to binde it by oath, and so they prepare themselues for the warre, euery one contributing according to his abilitie towards an action of such importance.

CHAP. X.

THE first exploit of this warre which the Confederates vndertooke, Holagary in his h [...]st. of Foix. was the siege of Castlenau d' Arri, whether they mar­ched in this order. The Vauntgard was conducted by the Earle of Foix, and Prince Roger his sonne. The maine battell by Remond Earle of Toulouze. The rereward by the Prince and Lord of Bearn. This Armie was compofed of fiftie thousand foot, and ten thousand horse, and besides that, the Citie of Toulouze was furnished with a good and strong garrison, and all munitions and instruments of warre. The Earle Simon put himselfe into Castlenau d' Arri. The situation of this place was good, and the Castle one of the best; and there were in the Citie ma­ny Souldiers and great Captaines, and great store of munition for a long siege. The Earle of Foix made his approach, lodged himselfe neere the rampiers, [Page 63]where hee framed many fabricks. In the meane time the enemy sallied forth of the Cittie, and put them­selues very rudely and resolutely vpon an Army of the Vauntguard, but they were with such courage re­pulsed, that diuers remaining dead within the tren­ches, the rest retired to bethinke themselues of a better course. The Subburbs were taken by the besiegers. The Earle Roger was there wounded with a stone, cast from the Citie by one of their Engines. The Earle of Toulouze incamped himselfe vpon a little hill, right ouer against the Castle, intrenching and enuironing himselfe with railes and barriers. The Prince of Bearn lay on the other side of the Citie. The Armie of the Albingenses increased daily, vpon a report giuen forth that the Earle Simon was there shut vp, so great a desire had euery one to see his ruine. And because there were too many of the Albingenses at this siege, it was thought good that the Earle Remond should take a part of the Army to surprize certaine small holds and Castles, which were somewhat disaduantagious to the Army. He tooke Puylaurens, Albt, Rabasteins, Gaillac, Montagut, and Sauerdun.

The Earle Simon began to see his ouer-sight, to suf­fer himselfe to be inclosed within Castlenau d' Arri, and that inasmuch as hee was the Generall, it was fi [...]hee should be at libertie, to prouide for all other places de­pending vpon his authoritie. He left within the place, Guy de Leuis, called the Marshall of Faith, and to the end he might slip out the better, he caused a sally to be made vpon the besiegers, ingaging certaine troops, whilst he in the meane time might make his escape.

The Earle Remond being aduertised of the depar­ture of the Earle Simon, was much offended there­with, [Page 64]more for shame, than for any ill hee conceiued thereof: because the report had beene euery where spread abroad that the Generall was in the Cage, and that he should not come forth but bare-headed, the halter about his neck, and begging mercy. They com­plained one of another. The Earle of Foix, that they had left him without succour in so dangerous a flight. The Earle Remond, that he would put himselfe into so great danger, without knowledge giuen vnto any.

In the end they resolued to raise the siege, because of Winter, and a great leuy of Pilgrims marching to­wards them, whose liues the Earle Simon did not greatly tender, because hee had the Popes Bull, that whosoeuer should lose his life in that warre, should goe presently to Paradice, as neat from all sinne, as a Hen-roost from ordure. The Earle Simon was strange­ly puft vp with pride, making himselfe merry with that great preparation of warre, altogether vnprofitable to the Albingenses, especially that they had suffered him to make an escape, being twelue to one. Vpon this retrait, they in Castlenau would needs follow the Ar­mie; but it cost them deare. For Roger made a furious returne vpon them, killing many of them, and beating them backe euen to the gates of the Citie.

The Monke of the Valley Sernay tells this Fable; That notwithstanding there were a hundred thousand fighting men in the Armie of the Albingenses, yet they of Castlenau d' Arri went forth to their Vintage, and gathered their Grapes as if there had beene no enemy before the Citie, and that their seruants went to water their Horses, halfe a league from the Citie, the Albingenses not dating to charge them. See here the truth of a Monkish Historiographer. So likewise [Page 65]when he falls into outrages, they are without measure or end. In this Discourse he growes very chollerick, against one Sauari of Mauleon, President to the King of England at Guienne, who had conducted some troops before Castlenau d' Arri, in fauour of the Albin­genses, he cals him Infidell, Expugner of the Church, a dangerous poyson, a wicked forlorne person, enemy to God, the Prince of Apostacy, artificiall in cruelties, the author of all peruersenesse, a diabolicall man, nay the Deuill himselfe. Doubtlesse he had either giuen him a hard chase, or his stile is very Monkish.

After this retreat, all the Lords of the Albingenses retired themselues into their quarters. The Earle of Foix vnderstanding that the Earle Simon was gone to Pamies, where he much troubled his Subiects, he de­parted from Toulouze with two thousand men, and came to the gates of Pamies, offering battell to the Earle Simon, but he would by no meanes harken there­unto, finding his Pilgrims too weake. And doubting that at the Spring following the Albingenses would take the field; the Earle Simon all the Winter thought of nothing so much, as to strengthen the places which he held, to maintaine the sieges. Among the rest being desirous to prouide for Faniaux, a place of great im­portance; Roger perceiuing it, lay in Ambush in such manner, and to such purpose, that he discomfited all those that brought either victuals or munitions.

In the meane time, the Earle Simon, who doubted nothing so much as the King of Aragon, caused the Le­gat to write vnto him, that he should no more meddle with the affaires of the Albingenses, except he would intangle himselfe in the same miseries with them, and include himselfe in the same excommunication. He [Page 66]likewise caused Philip King of France to write vnto him, intreating him not to fauour those that were ene­mies to the Pope and to the Church: The Legat like­wise caused him to write to the Pope, touching the same matter.

These intreaties of the Pope, and the French King, were vnto him as expresse Commands, and there­fore when the Earle of Foix, Toulouze and Comminge, pressed him to assist them, he told them he would doe it; but it was fit hee should first doe his endeuour to obtaine that by gentle and peaceable meanes, which by warre could not be obtained without danger. That the Legat was in counsell with all those of his part, that he would write vnto them, and that if hee could not obtaine what he desired by Letters, he would en­force them to do him reason by Armes. He writ there­fore to the said Councell, beseeching them to end these deadly warres, enterprised vnder a pretence of Religion, offering for the Earles, their obedience to the Pope and the Church of Rome, but yet that they should neuer promise any peace before restitution was made vnto the said Earles, of all their lands and goods. The Councell de la Vaur returned this answer.

‘We haue vnderstood the requests that heretofore you haue made in the behalfe of the Earle of Tou­louze, The Monke of the Valley Sernay, fol. 113. his son & his Counsel, the Earle of Foix, and of Comminge, & the Lord of Bearne, wherein you name your selfe the humble & deuoted son of the church; for which wee giue thankes to our Lord God, and to your Highnesse. Assure your selfe, that in respect of that loue you beare to the Church, wee giue our best attention vnto them with our eares, and receiue them with gladnesse from our hearts; but touching [Page 67]the answer we are to make to your Greatnesse, and the request made by the Earle of Tolouze, his Coun­sell and his sonne, we certifie you that the cause and denotation thereof belongs to our Soueraigne Fa­ther, hauing reserued it to his Holinesse. You may call to minde if you please, the infinite offers, grants and graces, which our holy Father the Pope hath offered vnto him, after innumerable cruelties and horrible outrages. You may likewise remember the kinde entertainment, which hee found in the Archbishoprick of Nerbonne, by the Abbot of Ciste­aux, & Legat at Montpelier two years since; as also the offers which were made vnto him, which he would not accept of: Which grace and fauour he so much scorned, that he made it appeare confidently, and with all oft, that he was not only enemy to God, but to his Church, for which cause he hath deserued to be banished for euer from God, his Grace, and his Church. Touching the requests of the Earle of Foix, Comminge, and Lord of Bearne; they haue in­fringed the oathes giuen by them, and in stead of ac­commodating themselues to that kinde and courte­ous admonishment, they are filled with that abomi­nable heresie, for which to their great shame and ig­nomie, they were excommunicated. And this is all the answer wee can giue to the demand of your Greatnesse. Giuen at La Vaur 15. Kalend. Febr. 1212. 1212’

The King of Aragon being much moued with this answer, sent againe to the Counsell, demanding truce for the said Earles, vntill they had receiued an answer from the Pope, but it was denied.

The Earle of Foix was well contented, that the [Page 68]Councell had yeelded nothing to the requests of the King of Aragon, because he must haue beene engaged by promise for him, that he should acknowledge his tenure of the Pope and the Church of Rome; And which was more, seeing that the King persisted in this opinion, that such promises were to bee made, to re­obtaine their goods, to the end they might neuer en­gage themselues for that they could not performe, knowing that the King of Aragon, the Earle of Tou­louze, and Comminge, were assembled at Toulouze to prouide for their affaires, he came thither; and thus he spake vnto them.

‘Sir, Holagaray in his hist. of Foix and you my Masters & Friends; Forasmuch as ambition can teach men both valour and tempe­rancy, and auarice can plant in the heart, of a Shop­boy brought vp in the shade and in idlenesse, an assu­rance to depart from his houshold harth, and to commit himselfe to the billowes of the Sea, and the mercy of angry Neptune in a small and fraile vessell, it shall be great weaknesse, and litherly negligence in vs, who by the renowned Acts of our Trophees are knowne euen to the Confines of Arabia, if we shall now come by a seruile and treacherous acknow­ledgement to ouerthrow the Tables and Registers of our valours so highly eleuated. No, no, mine arme shall neuer consent thereunto, we are not now in bondage. I and my sonne chuse rather to make triall of the inconstant hazzard of warre, than to bring vpon vs and ours so great and so notable an infamy. And therefore, for the honour of God quit vs of that shame, that men take no notice of our la­mentable estate, mourning & sighing after our losses, like Distaffe-bearers. If we must needs bow, let it be [Page 69]when we haue first done the parts of good and braue Captaines. It is an aduenturous and high enterprise, (you will say) but it was resolued vpon by your selues, Que ie voy maintenant les ressors qui lui donnent le branle de sa cheute. Fare ye well. Sir, We yeeld not our consent in any thing; Come what come may.’

The King of Aragon was much moued with this discourse of the Earle of Foix, wherein hee layeth an imputation vpon him, that hee was the cause of their ruine, because he had animated them against the Legat and the Earle Simon, and that now hee left them as a prey, by procuring a peace worse than a bloudy warre. You haue Sir (saith hee) opened a doore to our ene­mies, to tyrannize ouer vs, if they had accepted of it, and to a glorie more great, than they could hope to attaine by Armes, for we had beene all their Subiects, without any other charge, than your owne instant re­quest. As for my selfe (saith he) I had rather haue giuen my selfe the stab, than to haue drunke of that cup. And after many examples produced by him of those that haue changed a miserable life for a present death, killing themselues before they would serue for Tro­phees to their enemies, he continued his discourse as followeth.

For mine owne part, I had rather follow these great Spirits, than hauing so often giuen testimony of my valour for another, preferre life before honour by be­ing lazie and negligent in a businesse that concernes my selfe. And though Fortune deny me all meanes, to make opposition against that wrong that another shall offer mee, yet my courage will neuer giue way, that I should make my selfe the speech of the people, [Page 70]or a triumph for men more vnworthy than my selfe. This their deniall of what you demanded, doth com­fort me, and it vpholds our honor, for we must either haue broken our faith, or played the Cowards like needy beggers, and liued a life more cruell, more in­tollerable, than any torment of Phalaris; like misera­ble men yeelding our neckes to the yoake of the ene­mie, and confessing our selues beaten, sell our owne libertie, and our childrens after vs, and that for euer. Good God what a blow were this Sir? For asmuch therefore as the tempest is growen so great, and wee are driuen to so extreme a necessitie, imbrace vs in your armes, be our head, seruing vs for an example, a watch-tower, a conduct: So shall we engage our wills and our liues, to shew our selues your most humble seruants in time of need, and valorous Souldiers when occasion shall be offered. And though I be now worne with yeares, yet neuer had I greater courage or better resolution.

The Earle Remond on the other side, intreated the King of Aragon not to abandon their cause, offering vnto him both his goods and his life, to fight vnder his authoritie.

The King of Aragon being ouercome with these intreaties, and moued with compassion towards the afflicted, in the end tooke armes, and sent this ticket of defiance, to the Earle Simon by two Trumpetters. Indeuour without delay to execute the will of the Pope, or to fight with your Lord, and if you fall into my hands, you shall pay for it. It is your dutie, and I will haue it so, and I rather desire it, than to put my selfe to the charge of a great Army for your ruine.

The Earle Simon made good vse of this Letter of [Page 71]defiance, for hee sent it into diuers parts of Europe, shewing by the Bishops and Monkes that preached the Croisade, that the care was not now for the Earle of Toulouze, Foix, Comminge, or the Prince of Bearne, but for a puissant King, who had made himselfe the Generall of the Albingenses, and that if he were not assisted extraordinarily, the cause of the Church was at an end; and therefore he entreated all good Christi­ans, especially the King of France, to giue his best as­sistance in these holy warres, and extreme necessitie.

On the other side, the King of Aragon writ to the King of France, that the Earle Simon of Montfort had a spirit puffed vp with high conceits, farre exceeding both the capacitie of his vnderstanding, and his forces; That al his intentions were no other than plaisterings, vnder the pretence of Religion, and in the meane time he intended nothing so much as to bee a King in deed, and Simon by name. He beseecheth the King by Letters and by his Agents, that hee would not in­terpose himselfe in this warre, neither on the one part, nor the other. Which he obtained of the King, inso­much that it troubled him to see his Subiects continu­ally drawne to the shambles of this warre of the Al­bingenses, vnder a pretence of the Popes pardon, and to see so many of his great Lords his Kinsmen so vex­ed by the Earle Simon. When the Earle Simon vnder­stood, that the King of France was made a Neuter, he was much afflicted therewith, hauing now no other recourse but to the threats of the Legat to excommu­nicate him, if he should proceed any farther. The Le­gat sent him an Ambassage and Letters. The King of Aragon returned this answer; Goe speedily and tell your Master that I will come and see him, and giue [Page 72]him an answer with ten thousand fighting men, and will him to defend himselfe, for I will teach him to play with his Peere.

Euery one makes preparation. The Monke of the Valleis Sernay. Chap. 89. The Earle Simon sent into France, to the Archdeacon of Paris, and Ma­ster Iaques de Vitri, to preach the Croisade. The King Phillip Anguste would not haue this Leuy to bee made in his Realme: but yet neuerthelesse, there went a great number from Auuergne, Normandie, and about Lion. The Pilgrims arriued before the King of Aragon had prepared his Armie, which gaue great aduantage to the Earle Simon, for hee tooke in the meane time Graue, came into the Earledome of Foix, tooke Tudelle of the Albingenses, Chass. chap. 17. pag. 177. and slew all that hee found in it, without distinction of age or sex, besieged S ^t. Antonin, and tooke it, and caused thirtie of the principall of that place to bee hanged and strangled, and that in cold bloud, and after he had granted them their liues, and permitted the Conuent of Monkes that was in that place, to be sacked and ransacked. He besieged Penes, and receiued it by composition, as he did likewise Mar­mande: He ceased vpon the Castle of Biron neere the Sea. The Earle Simon caused Martin Alquay to bee tyed to the taile of a horse, and to be dragged through his Armie, and afterwards hanged him, because he had before deliuered vp the place to the Eurle Remond. Moreouer, the Castle Sarrazin and Agen were yeelded to the Earle. Moissac opened the gates to the Souldi­ers of the Crosse, and all this did the Earle Simon, be­fore the King of Aragon or his Armie did appeare.

CHAP. XI.

IN the yeere of our Lord, one thou­sand two hundred and thirteene, and the thirteenth of September, the King of Aragon with the Earle Re­mond of Toulouze, Remond Earle of Foix, and the Earle of Comminge, and Prince of Bearne, appeared in the field with their Armie, composed of seuen thousand horses, and thir­tie thousand foot. They tooke Muret a little Citie vp­on the borders of the Earledome of Foix, seated vpon Garonne, but they tooke not the Castle. The Earle Si­mon was of opinion, that that was the place where the Armie of his enemies should waste and spend it selfe, because the Castle was good and strong, and that if he made resistance for some time, it would of it selfe bee scattered and ouerthrowne. Hee therefore put him­selfe into that Castle, with some small number of his most expert and valorous Souldiers, and furnished it with munition, and gaue by his presence such assu­rance vnto the besieged, that they thought themselues inuincible, of such power is the good opinion that the Souldiers haue of their Captaine, to confirme those that are most weake.

There were some that began to enter into conside­ration [Page 74]of the proceedings of the King of Aragon, in that he would not accept of a composition so aduan­tagious for himselfe and the Lords of the Albingenses, as the Earle Simon had offered him, when hee saw the inequalitie of their forces. For the Earle Simon had not aboue seuen hundred men on foot, and fiue hun­dred horse. It is not good to assault a man, that hath no hope to escape but by armes, for there is not a more violent Schoole-mistris than necessitie. But the King of Aragon thought it no time to smoothe and to flat­ter, after so many insolent brauados against his Lord, of which the Monke hath noted some; The Monke of the Valleis Sernay. Chap. 126. as where hee saith, that hee writ certaine letters vnto him, without any salutation, containing these tearmes, that if hee continued in his obstinate defiance, hee returned the defiance vpon himselfe, and that from thence forward he held not himselfe bound to doe him any seruice, and that hee doubted not, by the helpe of God, to defend himselfe against him and his confederates.

The King of Aragon hauing these insolent speeches engrauen in his memorie, thought him vnworthy of any grace or fauour in this his weaknesse, especially imagining that this his submission might onely bee to auoid this dangerous shocke, and to attend his Pil­grims, that hee might afterwards be more insolent than before: that at other times when the Earle Simon was in his greatest height, followed with a hundred thou­sand men, it was his manner alwayes to scoffe at the submissions of the Earle Remond of Toulouze, and of Foix, and that it were therefore great weaknesse not to returne like for like: that he would afterwards mocke them, if they should haue compassion of him that ne­uer had pitty of any: that since hee had so long time [Page 75]taken his pleasure to prouoke the Lords to bee his ene­mies, hee should haue furnished himselfe with greater numbers of Souldiers, and such as might haue more sollid pay than the Popes pardons, that might not leaue him at his greatest need, nor bee perswaded like Pilgrims, that there was nothing more to bee gained: for hee that hath gotten Paradice (as the Pope would make men beleeue in his Bulls) hath nothing else to get but blowes if he desire any thing more, as they vse to doe who continue in this warre after their quaran­taines, their fortie dayes are spent.

The King of Aragon therefore thought it was fit he should take his aduantages against a man so malicious and so insolent. But none can promise himselfe the victorie, but the eternall, who is the God of warre, for neither the number of men, nor the equipage or furni­ture can giue the victories, but onely God, who many times maketh his power to appeare in the weaknesse of men.

Their Armies were ranged in this manner. The Earle of Foix, and his sonne Roger, lead the Vaunt­gard of the Armie of the King of Aragon, consisting of three thousand horse, and ten thousand foot, bow­men, and Pikemen, which were the surest armes in those times. The Earle Remond of Toulouze comman­ded the battell, assisted by the Earle of Comminge, and the Prince of Bearne, wherein there were aboue foure thousand horse, and twenty thousand foot, without any reereward.

The Vauntgard of the Earle Simon was conducted by Guy de Leuis Marshall of the Faith, consisting of fiue hundred horse, and three hundred foot. The Earle was in the battell with a thousand horse, and foure hun­dred [Page 76]men on foot, almost all French, without any reereward.

The King of Aragon made his turnes and returnes in the head of his Armie; which was thought to bee a great ouersight, because the Generall of an Armie must not carry himselfe like a Captaine of Arquebu­ziers, nor runne his Curuets to be seene, because in the losse of him, consists the losse of the battell, and the Countrey which he defends; but hee is to keepe him­selfe in the heart of the Armie, to direct by his iudge­ment, as occasions fall out, the whole body of the Ar­mie, which is not to stirre but by his command and di­rection. The Earle Simon quite contrary, came downe from the Castle of Muret with a slow pace, shut vp (as it were) and in good order: The King of Aragon see­ing him, thought hee came rather to cast himselfe downe at his feet, than to fight. The King of Aragon had lodged his Armie in a place very aduantagious and fauourable. They ioyne battell, and presently the Vantgard of the Earle Simon was almost cut in peeces, and it went so ill with him and his, that it seemed vnto him that that was the place whither God had called him, to pay with vsurie, for all his fore-passed cruelties and insolencies, to his owne shame; when the King of Aragon in the head of his Vauntgard approched for his totall ruine and destruction; for being come neere to an ambush of foure hundred Harquebu­siers which the Earle Simon had placed in certaine old decayed houses, he was wounded to death, and fell from his horse. Whereupon they fell presently into such a disorder and astonishment, that doe what the Earle Remond of Toulouze, of Foix and Comminge, what they could to stay this cowardly Armie, they [Page 77]could preuaile nothing with them, but were enforced themselues to follow the trace, and to commit them­selues to the hazard and euent of this shamefull re­treat, flying directly to Toulouze. The Earle Simon taking the aduantage of his victory, and following the chase, euen to the gates of Toulouze, slew so many men in this dayes fight, that himselfe was moued with compassion, grieuing for the hard hap of his Lord the King of Aragon, and causing a search to bee made a­mong the dead, commanded him to be interred, not in the ground which they call holy, because hee was ex­communicated, but in a field nere to S ^t. Granier.

The Bishops, Priests and Monkes, which were with­in the Castle of Muret, from whence they might behold from farre the euent of this daies iourney, The Monke of the Valleis Sernay, chap. 127. haue had a Monke that giues them the whole commendati­ons of this so renowned a victory, affirming that it was obtained by the benediction which the Bishop of Comminge gaue to the Army with the Crosse, pro­mising to the Pilgrims Paradice, without any paine of Purgatory, and that if they died in that fight, they should all be receiued into heauen as Martyrs. As al­so hee saith, that all the Ecclesiasticall persons that were within the place, retired themselues to a Church all the time of the Combat, and that they praied with such ardency, that they seemed by their crie rather to houle than to pray.

He that writes the History of Languedoc saith, The History de Lang. sol. 12. that they got the aduantage because they had receiued the benediction from the Bishops, and had adored the wood of the true Crosse in the hands of the Bishop of Toulouze.

On the other side, the Albingenses acknowledged [Page 78]that they saw herein an extraordinary proofe of the iudgement of God, in that the king of Aragon, attri­buted at that time, more to his owne power and pro­uidence, than the helpe and succours of the eternall God. But yet for all this, they lost not their courage, though they had lost in this iourney, fisteene thou­sand fighting men, neither did they dispaire of the iu­stice and goodnesse of their cause, it not being the first armie that hath beene discomfited in a iust quar­rell, nor the first bad cause, that hath beene maintai­ned with victory. So foure hundred thousand men of Israel, were beaten by twenty six thousand of the children of Beniamin, who maintained a bad cause, and slew in two battells two and forty thousand men. Iudge 20. Iudge 20.1 Sam. 4. So the Philistins being vncircumcised Ido­laters, got the better in two battells against the Israe­lites, and slew of them, thirty foure thousand men, and tooke the Arke of God. So Ionathan was slaine by the Philistins. 2 King. 23 So Iosiah who was zealous of the ser­uice of God, receiued his deadly blow fighting against the king of Egipt at Megiddo. So king Iohn hauing an armie of sixty thousand men, was discomfited and taken prisoner by the Prince of Wales, who had not aboue eight thousand men, notwithstanding the cause of the king of France were very iust, defending him­selfe against his enemie, who assaulted him in his owne countrey.

The warre of the Albingenses encreased; for the Earle Simon thought it was necessary hee should pur­sue his enemies being halfe dead and ouerthrowne, and the Albingenses for their part, knew that they must of necessitie defend themselues, or bee vanquished and brought into thraldome.

CHAP. XII.

THe Earle Simon being puffed vp with this victorie, sent one to summon the Earle of Toulouze, Foix, and Comminge, and the Prince of Bearne, to deliuer vnto him, the keis of those cities and castles that they pos­sessed, and that they should sabscribe to what it plea­sed the Legat, or resolue miserably to perish.

He receiued no answer, but euery one betooke him­selfe to his owne territories, there to prouide the best they could possibly for their affaires. The Earle Re­mond retired himselfe to Montauban, and writ to those of Toulouze, from whence he was but then departed, that he vnderstood that Rodolph the Bishop of Arras was comming with a great number of Pilgrims, and therefore, forasmuch as he saw, that they had no meanes to defend their city, against so great a force, that they should treat and grow to some composition with the Earle Simon, reseruing only their hearts vnto himselfe, vntill God should giue meanes, to free them from those miseries wherein they were plunged, by the insatiable auarice of their common enemie. In the meane time, he, the Earle of Foix, Comminge, and the Prince of Bearne, did their endeuours to trouble and to infest the enemies Armies, with all the power they [Page 80]could for their common good. The citie of Toulouze deputed six of the principall men of the city, to offer to the Earle Simon, the keies of Toulouze. He receiued them honourably and commanded them not to de­part from him without his permission. In the meane time, he writ to Lewis the sonne of king Philip, that since the battle of Muret, they of Toulouze offered to yeeld themselues vnto him, but his desire was that he should haue the praise of that conquest being onely worthy of himselfe. King Philip his father would not heretofore permit, that he should war against the Al­bingenses, becauve he had promised the King of Ara­gon, to carry himselfe as a neuter betwixt both, but now hearing of the death of the said King of Aragon, he suffered him to goe. The Prince being at Toulouze, the citie was deliuered into his hands, and presently, the Legat, hauing assembled the Bishops of his ranke, it was concluded that the pillage should be granted to the Pilgrims, and that the city should be dismant­led, the Castle of Narbonne excepted; which was in­continently executed, contrary to the promise which had beene giuen them, that nothing should be altered within the citie. This good vse did the Earle Simon make of the presence and forces of Prince Lewis, for otherwise, he durst not haue enterprised the saccage and dismantling of this goodly and great citie, with­out the endangering of his fortunes, were his forces neuer so great.

At this very time arriued Bonauenture the Popes new Legat, and of those that tooke on them the Crosse the Bishop of Beauuois, the Earle of Saint Paul, the Earle of Sauoy, the Earle of Alençon, the Vicount of Melun, Mathew de Montmorenci, and other great Lords [Page 81]that accompanied him. The Legat seeing so many Pilgrims, began to feare lest Prince Lewis should di­spose of diuers places which the Albingenses held, to the preiudice of the Popes authoritie, vnder whose name all those conquests were made; for the auoiding whereof he sent vnto all those places that held for the said Albingenses, the absolution and safeguard of the Church, in such sort that the Prince thinking to make an assault vpon any of them, they produced their abso­lution, and shewed that they were vnder the prote­ction of the Church. And this Legat grew so auda­cious as to tell Prince Lewis, that since he was become a souldier of the Crosse, he was subiect to his com­mands, because he did represent the person of the Pope, whose pardons he was come to obtaine, by obeying the Church, not by commanding as the sonne of a King, reproching him besides, that the King his father made no account to contribute to the extirpa­tion of the Albingenses, when the time and season ser­ued and there was best opportunity: but now after those victories miraculously obtained, he came to gleane the eares of that glory, which was due vnto those only that had prodigally spent their liues for the Church. The Prince dissembled this audacious bold­nesse. Narbonne was dismantled by the agreement of the said Prince, which neither the Legat nor the Earle Simon, would not haue durst to enterprise without his presence. The Bishop of Narbonne did what he could, to hinder the dismantling of it, affirming that it did much import, that a place in the frontiers of Spaine should bee preserued with the walles and rampiers thereof: but the Earle Simon and the Legat were very instant to the contrary, & they obtained their desires.

Here endeth the good fortune of the Earle Simon, for in the end of this leuy of Pilgrims which Prince Lewis brought with him, he had enough to doe to de­fend himselfe from blowes; notwithstanding the Al­bingenses were also wearied with continuall warres, and visited from time to time with new expeditions, inso­much that they sunke vnder the burthen of them. Now forasmuch as this warre changeth countenance in the person of the chiefe Leaders, and that from hence forward we shall speake more of the sonne of the Earle Remond of Toulouze another Remond, and of Roger the sonne of the Earle of Foix, then of the old Earles: We here make a second booke of the actions of the children succeeding their fathers miserably af­flicted only for that they had; for in effect there was not any of these great Lords, that was deseruedly as­saulted for Religion, for many times they had their re­course to the Pope, as to the fountaine of all their euills, and in all respects to a poore remedy, neuer bringing with them from Rome, other thing than good words, with very dangerous effects.

CHAP. I.

THE Prince Lewis sonne of Philip King of France, 1213 his quarantine or fortie daies being expired, retired himselfe, not without much discontent, to see, in those warres against the Albingenses, so much tyranny. The Earle Simon endeuored to get a pardon [Page 84]for those last Pilgrims come from France against the Earle of Foix. Hologaray in his Hist. of Foix, pag. 157. Hee besieged the Castle of Foix, but with his great losse; for there died before it many gal­lant men. Hauing laine before the Citie ten daies, hee raised his siege, finding to his great cost that the place was inexpugnable. The Earle Simon his Brother kept his quarter at Varilles: the Earle of Foix vnlodged him, slew with his Lance the said Brother of the Earle Simon, and put to flight his whole troope. This was a counterpoise to Monfort his prosperitie, which had made him ouer-insolent. And as one vnhappy chance comes seldome alone, euen then when he did grinde his teeth against the Earle of Foix, swearing that hee would make him flie ouer the Pereney mountaines; a messenger brought him tidings of the arriuall in the Earledome of Beziers, and about Carcassonne, of di­ners troopes of Arragonians, and Catalans, who put all they met to sword and fire, saying, That they would reuenge the death of their good King Alphonsus: Hee was therefore aduertised, that if hee did not speedily succour them, the whole Country would be lost. He departed therefore from Foix with great diligence. Idem. fol. 158. The Earle of Foix, who better knew the streights and by-waies of his Country than he, stopped his passage, and lay in ambush for him in a place so fitting for his ouerthrow, that he slew a great part of his troopes, without any Alarum. Hee saued himselfe with a few of his people. Being come to Carcassonne, it was well for him, that he found not a man to speake a word vn­to, for the Arragonians had retired themselues; Where­as had they attended his comming, they might easily haue discomfited him, considering the small number that were with him. At this very time, other Letters [Page 85]were brought vnto him, whereby he was called into Dauphine, where there was one Ademar of Poitiers, and one Ponce of Monlaur, who hindred the passage of the Pilgrims, who came downe by the Riuer Rhosne, and were conducted by the Archbishops of Lion, and Vi­enne. There were likewise the Cities of Monteil-Ai­mar and Crest Arnaud, who tooke part with the Albin­genses, who were a great hindrance to the Pilgrims. Simon came to treatie and composition with Ademar of Poitiers and Monlaur, not hauing power to encoun­ter so many enemies.

Againe, he was giuen to vnderstand, that the Arra­gonians were returned about Carcassonne; and thither he came and was well beaten, insomuch that he was constrained to shut vp himselfe within Carcassonne, hauing not wherewithall to keepe the field, before hee had new supply of Pilgrims to succour him. Seeing at the last that he got nothing of the Earle of Foix by armes, he had recourse to his ordinary wiles and sub­tilties, hoping to worke his ruine, vnder a pretence of amitie. He caused therefore the Legat Bonauenture to write vnto him, that he had compassion on him, for that he was so obstinate in so great a warre, to his great charge, and the losse of the bloud of his Subiects, which if he would he might end in a short time, by ta­king his iourny to Rome, & declaring his innocency to the Pope; that he would giue him his best assistance as far forth as possibly he could, to procure the restitution of all his Lands. But yet it was very necessarie that the Church should haue some gages of his fidelitie, that is, that he should deliuer into his hands the Castle of Foix, the one & onely meanes to take away all shadow and shew of false play, and that incontinently after his re­turne, [Page 86]turne it should be restored vnto him with the rest of his houses.

He suffered himselfe to be cheated and gulled by these promises, deliuered vnto him the Castle of Foix, and tooke his iourney to Rome: but if he went a foole thither, a foole he returned. For the Legat had written to Rome, to the Conclaue and to the Pope, that the Earle of Foix was one of the most dangerous Here­tiques that was amongst the Albingenses, a man of great courage and valiant, and most to be feared: that if he were subdued, the Earle of Toulouze would be much weakned; that he had gotten from him the meanes to doe any hurt, by obtaining by faire words those pla­ces, which the Church would neuer haue gotten by armes, namely the Castle of Foix, and that they were to take heed that they made no restitution of his lands, which if they did, it would bee impossible that the Church should euer bring the Albingenses to their vt­ter ruine. The Pope was willing enough to ioyne in his ouerthrow, but because hee came vnto him with submissions, he feared least it might bee a meanes to hinder others from euer putting any confidence in the Pope. He was prodigall of his Crosses, his Bulls, and his Words, but in effect he commanded his Legat, that he should not restore vnto him those places, vntill hee had giuen good proofes of his obedience and iustifica­tion. Presently vpon his returne hee addressed him­selfe to the Legat, to enioy the effect of his faire pro­mises. The Legat gaue him to vnderstand, that his hands were bound by the Pope, because there were some clauses in his Bulls that did binde him to a new proceeding, and to know in good earnest what his in­nocency was; but yet he should assure himselfe of his [Page 87]affection, and that he should not attribute to him, if he receiued not his full content, and that he would doe his best endeuour to make loue and friendship betwixt the Earle Simon and himselfe. The Earle of Foix, by little and little with-drew himselfe, fearing to be arre­sted, walking about the fields and houses of his Sub­iects (as for his owne, they were all in the hands of the Earle Simon:) There he cursed his owne facilitie, to suffer himselfe to be gulled by a Priest, bites his singers for anger to see himselfe so blockishly abused, after so many trickes and stratagems plaid against him. The Earle of Toulouze, and the King of Aragon, resolue to make a leuy of their Subiects, and presently to build a Fort at Montgranier, a place very strong by nature. In a few daies they made it a place of defence by the means & labours of their poore subiects, who bewailing their own miseries & their Lords, trauelled day & night very willingly, to bring the work to an end. This place being built, he put therin a garison, & left there his son Roger. The Earle Simon besieged it, & in the end took it by fa­mine. The cōposition was, that Roger should not beare armes for one whole yeare against the Church. An Ar­ticle that troubled much this valiant Lord. For he with­drew himselfe for the same yeare into a house, where he counted the moneths and the daies, till the time was expired wherein he might either die valiantly in fight, or vanquish his enemies. And to this purpose he ma­ny times conferred with the sonne of the King of Ara­gon lately slaine, how he might carrie himselfe to finde a meanes to be reuenged of his Fathers death.

The Legat Bonauenture in the meane time, vseth the same subtletie with the Earle Remond of Toulouze; He perswadeth him to goe to Rome, to determine his af­faires [Page 88]with the Pope more peaceably, than with the Earle Simon, The Monke of the Valley Sernay. Chap. 133. especially because he was charged with the death of his owne Brother, the Earle Baudoin, ta­ken in the Castle d'Olme, in the Country of Cahors, be­cause he had there borne Armes against him; an action that had made him odious both to God and men, and which his enemies did exaggerate, to the end they might stirre vp the Pilgrims, to take vengeance on him, saying, That at the very point of death they had denied him a Confessor, and that the said Bodoin pray­ed vnto God that he would raise vp some good Chri­stians to reuenge the wrong done vnto him by his bro­ther, as by another Caine.

The son of the Earle of Toulouze, named also Re­mond, vnderstanding that his Father was to take his iourney to Rome, he went with letters from his Vncle, the King of England, to the Pope, intreating him to doe iustice to his brother in Law. The young Lord had beene brought vp vntill then in England, where he could no longer spend time, seeing his Father op­pressed with warres and continuall trauels, he there­fore resolued to vse his best endeuours for his deliue­rance, either by composition or by armes. The cause of the Earle Remond was debated before the Pope. There was a Cardinall that maintained, Idem. Chap. 152. that great wrong had beene offered those Lords, who had many times giuen of their best lands to the Church, to wit­nesse their obedience. The Abbot of S ^t. Vberi also tooke their part, with great courage and resolution. The Earle Remond likewise defended his owne cause, charging the Bishop of Toulouze, with many outra­ges, and that if hee had beene constrained to defend himselfe, he must accuse those that had driuen him to [Page 89]that necessitie, for had he not made resistance, he had long agoe beene vtterly ouerthrowne. That the Bishop of Toulouze had many times caught vnto him the fai­rest of his reuenewes, and being neuer satisfied, did still continue to vex him, parting his goods with the Earle Simon of Montfort; and that their onely auarice had beene the cause of the death of ten thousand men of Toulouze, and of the pillage of that faire and great Citie, a losse which could neuer be repaired. The Char­terie of Lion did also shew vnto the Pope, that the Bi­shop of Toulouze had alwaies kindled the fire, and warmed himselfe at the flame.

Arnaud de Villemur did also present himselfe before the Pope, demanding Iustice, for that the Legat and the Earle Simon had inuaded his lands, he knew not where­fore, since he had neuer bin but obedient to the Church of Rome, relating at large the euils, murders, saccages, robberies, burnings, which the said Legat and Earle, vnder the cloake of the seruice of the Pope and the Church, had done; and therefore it was necessarie that that maske should be taken away, which would otherwise turne to the dishonour of the Pope and the Church, and some speedy course should be taken, for the establishing of peace, and procuring the good of the Church.

Remond of Roquefeuil of the Country of Querci, Chass [...]ib. 4. Ibid. related also many villanies committed by the said Earle of Montfort, beginning with that which had beene done against the Earle of Beziers, whom he cau­sed miserably to die in prison, inuaded his Lands, and ruinated his Subiects, and so proceeded to all that had passed against the other Lords, who were constrained to defend themselues against his violences.

The Pope was much moued with these outrages and would willingly haue done some iustice, but that it was told him, that if hee should cause the Earle of Montfort, to make restitution of that which was ta­ken for the seruice of the Church, that he should not from hence-forward, finde any that would fight ei­ther for the Pope or the Church: As also, that if hee should determine the restitution, yet the Earle Simon had reason, not to giue ouer his hold, vntill hee were fully satisfied for his trauels and expences.

The Pope returned these affaires to the Legat, com­manding him in generall termes, to restore the Lands to all those that shewed themselues faithfull to the Church, and as touching the sonne of the Earle Re­mond, The Monke of the Valle is Sernay, Chap. 152. his pleasure was, that that Land that the Earle Remond had in Prouence, that is to say, The Earldome of Venisse should be reserued either in part or all for the maintenance of his sonne, prouided that he gaue good and assured testimonies of his loyaltie and good con­uersation, shewing himselfe worthy of diuine mercy.

They being returned, demanded of the Legat the execution of their Bulls, requiring the restitution of their Lands. The Legat answered, that he had certaine restraints, for the determining whereof there needed some time; that therefore they should in the meane time shew fruits worthy their amendment, and that then they should receiue what the Pope had decreed, otherwise not.

When the Earles saw how they were deluded, they resolued to come to blowes.

CHAP. II.

THe first exploit of warre of Remond, the the sonne of the Earle Remond, was the taking of Beaucaire, where hee made himselfe Master of the Citie: afterwards hauing almost famished those in the Castle, the Earle Simon being no way able to succour them, made a composition for those that were within it, that is, that they should depart, onely carrying with them their baggage and necessary furniture. The Earle Simon lost at that place a hundred Gentlemen, which he laid in ambush, neere the Citie, which they within perceiuing, made a salley forth, and cut them in peeces. The young Earle Remond wonne great renowne at this siege, and gaue the Earle Simon to vnderstand, that his sonne Aimeri should haue in this young Lord, a thorne in his foot, that should make him smart as much, as in his time he had giuen cause of trouble and vexation to his father. The Earle Montfort went from hence to rauage and make spoile at Thoulouze. The Bishop was gone thither before, and told the Consuls and Princi­pall of the Citie, that they were to make their appea­rance before the Earle Simon. They went vnto him, [Page 92]but to their great losse, for they were no sooner come before the Earle, but hee commanded them all to bee bound with cords; whereof some taking notice, that had meanes to escape to the Citie, an alarme was giuen within the Citie, so hot, that before his arriuall all the people were in armes: but being entred by the Castle Narbonne, they recouered certaine Towers which were yet remaining, and put themselues into certaine places, and hauing already begun to pillage neere the Castle Narbonne, the people fortified themselues, and gaue the chase with such violence to those Boot­haylers and Fire-houses, who had already set fire on some houses, that they draue them to the Castle of Narbonne. The Earle Guy came vpon the very instant of this combat, to the succour of his brother the Earle Simon, but after he had fought a while, hee was faine in the end to flye to his brother. A great part of the peo­ple of the Earle Simon were enforced to retire them­selues to S ^t. Steuens, and the Tower of Mascaro, and the Bishops house, where a great number were slaine. The Bishop, who knew that he had beene the cause of this misfortune, hauing counselled the Citizens to make their appearance before the Earle Simon, and the Earle Simon to cease vpon them, still continuing his treasons, went forth of the Castle Narbonnes, ranne in­to the streets, crying out vnto the people to pacifie themselues, for the Earle determined to end these dif­serences with mildnesse and gentlenesse, and that they should not refuse the wayes of peace. He alleadged so many matters vnto them, that in the end they gaue eare vnto him, and were willing to hearken to a recon­ciliation, seeing themselues dismantled and brought vnder the subiection of a Castle & strong garrison, and [Page 93]knowing too well, that at the first succours of the Pil­grims, their Citie would be exposed to pillage. When they were to know the conditions of their peace, the first Article was: That the Earle Simon would yeeld to nothing, before all the Inhabitants had carryed their armes to the Towne-house. This point was hardly ob­tained, but at the last they yeelded vnto it: which be­ing done, the Earle Simon caused his people to make their approch, and so being seazed on the Towne­house against a people disarmed, and hauing conuayed their Armour to the Castle Narbonnes, hee imprisoned the principall men of the Citie, and caused them to bee sent out of Thoulouze whither hee thought good, being so vnciuilly vsed, and with such inhumane cruel­ties, that a great number died by the way. Thus was Toulouze dispeopled of it principall Inhabitants, and the rest put to their ransome, whereby the Earle Simon did greatly inrich himselfe. And shortly after retur­ning from the Countrie Bigorre, where hee could not take the Castle of Lourde, he discharged his choller vp­on this poore Citie, permitting it to be pillaged by his Pilgrims, and then caused the rest of the Towers that were yet about the Citie to be beaten downe.

In this meane time, the poore Earle of Toulouze was at Mountauban, who vnderstanding of the bad vsage of his miserable subiects, for certaine moneths could not but bewaile their lamentable estate with sighs and teares.

At this time, that is to say, in the yeere one thousand, 1214 two hundred and fourteene, Sec Paulus Aemil. in the life of Philip Ang. the Legat held a Councell at Montpelier, for the renewing of the Armie of the Church, and to confirme the authoritie of the Earle Simon. The Monke of Sernay saith, that he was there [Page 94]declared Prince of all the conquered Countries of the Albingenses, The Monke of the Valleis Sernay, chap. 146. and that by a common consent, they sent Barnard Archbishop of Ambrun to the Pope, to peti­tion his Holinesse, in the name of the Prelats who were present at that Councell, that the Earle Simon of Mont­fort might by him be pronounced Lord and Monarch of all the conquered Countries of the Albingenses, which was done.

The Councell sent vnto him to come and receiue this dignitie of Prince and Monarch. He entred into the Citie, and being in the Church of our Lady des Ta­bles, where the Prelats of the said Councell were to pronounce their sentence in fauour of the said Mont­fort, they heard a rumor in the Citie. They sent to know what the matter was: It was told them, that the people had vnderstood, that the Earle Simon of Mont­fart was within the Citie, and that thereupon they be­tooke themselues to their armes, purposing to kill him, as being their capitall enemie. He was aduised to steale away along by the walls of the Citie, and to saue him­selfe, for feare lest the whole Councell suffered with him. He went therefore on foot, without companie, lest he should haue beene knowne at the Gate, and so he escaped this great danger. So that he saw himselfe in one houre honored almost as a God, chosen and sa­luted Prince and Monarch, and to flie disguised, and to hide himselfe like a base scundrell, for feare of the rascall people.

In regard of the resolution of this Councell, the Pope euer writ vnto him, The Monke of the Valleis Sernay, Chap. 148. as to a Monarch, stiling him, The actiue dexterious Souldier of Iesus Christ. The in­uincible defender of the Catholike faith. And in the yeere one thousand two hundred and fifteene, 1215 he sent [Page 95]him a Bull, dated the fourth of the Nones of Aprill, by which hee giues him authoritie to keepe all those lands hee had gotten vnder his power, granting vnto him the reuenues, profits and power to administer iu­stice, considering (saith the Pope) that you neither can, nor ought to make warre at your owne charge. This the Popes bountie of another mans purse, in a businesse where he had nothing to giue, made him to goe to the King of France, to bee inuested into the Dukedome of Narbonnes, the Earledome of Toulouze, together with all the lands, which the Souldiers of the Crosse had conquered and taken from those they call Heretikes, or the Protectors of them, which he obtai­ned of the King to hold in fee. The Monke saith, The Monke of the Valleis Sernay, Chap. 153. it was not possible for him to relate the honor which was donne vnto him vpon his way going to France, there being neither Citie nor Towne through which he passed, where the Clergie and people came not to see him, crying out, Blessed is hee that comes in the name of God. For such and so great (saith he) was the deuout Religion of the people towards him, that there was not any that thought not himselfe happy to touch the hem of his garments.

In the yeere one thousand, 1216 two hundred and six­teene, The Monke of the Valleis Scrnay, Chap. 161. hee returned from France with an hundred Bi­shops, who had caused this expedition of the Crosse to bee preached in their Bishoprikes, being resolued with this great Armie to make himselfe Master, Prince and Monarch, of all those lands which the Pope had giuen him. And to make it apparant that he had not treated or made any agreement with Girard Ademe­mar, or Guitaud Lord of Monteil-Aimar, nor with Ai­mar of Poitiers, but vntill such time as hee had power [Page 96]to deuoure them, he passed the Rhosne at Viuiers, and besieged Monteil-Aimar. Guitaud or Girard made great resistance; but when the Inhabitants saw the great Ar­mie of Pilgrims, they entreated their Lord to come to composition, for feare lest the Citie should be pillaged. Which hee did, though it were with the losse of his Castle. From thencé he went and besieged the Tow­er of Crest-Arnaud, belonging to Aimar of Poitiers. He that commanded within, did yeeld it vp out of cowardlinesse, for otherwise it had beene impossible the Pilgrims should haue taken it. Afterwards the Earle Simon gaue a daughter of his to a sonne of the said Poitiers, and there was peace concluded betwixt the said Poitiers and the Bishop of Valence, against whom hee had a long time before made cruell warre. A little before, the Earle Simon had married one of his sonnes to the daughter of Dauphin of Viennois, and an­other to the Countesse of Bigorre. All which alliances did fortifie him much against his enemies. All men trembled before him, and with this great Armie of Pilgrims that followed him, he tooke Pesquieres neere to Nysmes, and Bezonce, and put all to the sword hee found within, not sparing the women. Hee tooke his way to Toulouze, to pillage and to raze it, and to seeke the Earle of Toulouze, euen to the center of the Earth, if he were there to be found, at which time hee recei­ued letters from his wife, aduertising him that hee should speedily come to deliuer her from the hands of the Earle of Toulouze, who had besieged her in the Castle Narbonnes, that hee was very strong and had all the people at his deuotion, who had receiued him with great applause, crying out with a loude voice, Long liue the Earle of Toulouze. That he was accompanied [Page 97]with his Nephew, the Earle of Comminge, Gaspar dela Barre, Bertrand de Iorda, Engarrand of Gordo, Lord of Caraman, Armand de Montagu, and Estephe de la Valette, all braue and valiant men and well accompanied.

This was about the end of the yeere one thousand two hundred seuenteene, 1217 that the Earle Remond en­tred into Toulouze, the Drumme beaten, the Ensignes displayed, and the Trumpets sounding. The people pressing to cast themselues downe at his feet, to em­brace his legges, and to kisse the hem of his garment, and killing as many as they found in the Citie, that tooke part with the Earle of Montfort. Whereas, had the Earle Simon come directly to Montauban, at his re­turne from France, the Earle Remond could not haue told what to haue done, but he stayed at Monteil-Aimar and Crest Arnaud, and Besince, and Pasquieres, and made delaies about the mariages so long, that the Earle had time to gather his troopes together, and to prepare himselfe for a strong assault. In such sort, that when hee was aduertised that hee was at Toulouze, the greater part of his Pilgrims were returned into France. But yet it was necessary hee should goe to Toulouze with those forces that he had: for his wife was in dan­ger to be lost. And hee that had beene the death of so many women and children, was doubtfull what would become of his, falling into the hands of his enemies.

The Earle Remond created an officer, which they called Vignier, or Prouoft, to whom all were bound to obey, vpon paine of death. This was the first Vignier that was established at Toulouze. His charge was to prouide for the defence of the Citie, to keepe the Moates or Ditches cleane, to repaire the breaches, to [Page 98]appoint to euery one his quarter, and his Captaine, e­specially in times of combat. There came from all parts, troopes of succours to the Earle Remond of those that desired consideration for the violencies of the Earle Simon.

The Earle Guy was one of the first in the combat, for his brother the Earle Simon, but he was beaten and put to flight: The Archbishop of Aix, and of Armag­nac, with their Pilgrims retired themselues without fight. The Earle Simon being come, made shew to besiege Toulouze: but the frequent issues of those that were within, gaue him to vnderstand, that it was not for his good. He assembled therefore the Prelats and Lords, to take aduise of what was to bee done. The Legat perceiuing the Earle Simon somewhat asto­nished, said vnto him. ‘Feare nothing, for in a short time wee shall recouer the Citie, and put to death, and destroy all the Inhabitants; and if any of the Souldiers of the Crosse shall die in this pursuit, they shall passe to Paradice as Martyrs, and hereof they shall assure themselues. To whom one of the great Captaines answered, Monsieur Cardinall, you talke with great assurance, but if the Earle beleeue you, it will be little for his profit. For you and all the o­ther Prelats, and men of the Church, haue beene the cause of all this euill and ruine, and will bee yet more if he beleeue you.’

It was no time for Monsieur the Cardinall to bee offended with this audacious reply, but he must needs sup vp this censure. The resolution was, that there should be no more any assault giuen, but that the Citie should bee besieged on the side of Gascongne. For which cause the Earle of Montfort caused one part of [Page 99]his Armie, to passe the Riuer Gar [...]nne, towards S ^t. Sou­bra, now they within the Citie made so blunt a salley, and to such purpose, that they put their enemies to slight. During this combat, came the Earle of Foix with his fresh troopes, as well of his subiects, as Na­uarreans and Catalans, who violently set vpon the Earle Montfort, pursuing him euen to the brinke of Ga­ronne, where with affrightment and precipitation, they cast themselues in heapes into their Boats, and many were drowned in the Riuer. The Earle Simon also fell in, all armed, with his horse, and hardly escaped.

The Earle Remond caused a generall assembly to bee made at S ^t. Saornin, wherein hee exhorted the people to giue thankes vnto God for this happy be­ginning of victorie, which they had obtained against their enemies, which was a testimonie of Gods loue, and that they should hope for better: hee exhorted e­uery one to giue their helping hands to build and to prepare, and to cause their warlike engins to play a­gainst the Castle Narbonnes, because this place being last by the enemie, their totall ruine must needes fol­low, and being once recouered by them, they should be in safetie. In a very short time were their woodden engins to cast stones, their Slings, their Mangonnels to dart their Arrowes, their Fowlers, Crossebowes and other Instruments which were in vse in those times prepared, and all of them mounted against the Castle Narbonnes; which made those to tremble that were within.

The Earle Montfort being at Montolieu, tooke coun­sell how to carry himselfe in this tedious siege, and a­gainst enemies so animated. The Bishop of Thoulouze said vnto him, to comfort him, that hee was to take a [Page 100]good heart vnto him, for Monsieur the Cardinall had sent letters and messengers throughout the world, to giue him succours, and that shortly he should haue so many people, that hee should not want power to doe what he would. The abouenamed Robert de Pequigni answered him, that hee spake his pleasure; and that if the Earle of Montfort had not beleeued him nor any such, hee had not beene in those troubles that now hee was, but hee had beene at peace within Toulouze, and that hee was the cause of that danger they now were in, and of the death of so many people as were conti­nually slaine by the wicked counsell that hee had giuen.

After many combats, the winter grew on, and stay­ed the course of the besiegers, who withdrawing them­selues to couert where they could about Toulouze, expected with good denotation, and much impatien­cie, new succours of Pilgrims. The Earle Remond on the other side, inclosed the Citie with a Rampier, and fortified himselfe against the Castle Narbonnes, and prepared to receiue the Pilgrims whensoeuer they should present themselues vnto them. In this meane time hee sent his sonne to seeke for succours. In the end, 1218 about the Spring time, in the yeere one thousand two hundred and eighteene, there came to the Earle Simon, an hundred thousand Souldiers of the Crosse, and to the Earle Remond, great succours from Gas­congne, conducted by Narcis de Montesquiou. As also the young Remond of Toulouze, and Arnaud de Villemur brought vnto him goodly troopes. This great multitude of Pilgrims being come, the Legat and the Earle Simon thought good they should earne their pardon, knowing that at the end of fortie daies, this [Page 101]great cloude of Pilgrims would vanish. They there­fore commanded them, instantly to giue a generall scalado, which was deferred to the next morning, by which time they had other worke to doe; for the very first night of their arrinall, putting their confidence in their great multitude, they kept no good guard. Which the Earle of Toulouze perceiuing, made a salley out vp­on them, and that with so good successe, that the next morning all the field was couered with dead bodies. The Toulouzains being wearie with killing, returned to giue thankes vnto God for his assistance.

The Earle Simon entred the Castle Narbonnez, to descrie whether from thence there were any way to in­uade the Citie, but finding none, it much troubled him, whereupon two of his Lords of the Crosse, gaue him aduice to come to some honourable agreement. The Cardinall Bertrand told them, there needed no speech of that, and that the Church could saue them in despite of them, if they spake any thing to the ad­uantage of the Albingenses. One amongst them an­swered: And where finde you (Monsieur Cardinall) that without cause and reason, you should take from the Earle Remond and his sonne, that which belongs vnto them. If I had vnderstood as much as I now know (saith he) I had neuer made this voyage.

The whole Countrie was enemie to the Earle Simon, which was the cause of the famine in his Armie; but on the contrary, there was within Toulouze all plenty and aboundance. Tpon S ^t. Iohn the Baptists. Eue, be­times in the morning, the troopes of the Earle Remond went forth of Toulouze, crying out Auignon, Beaucaire, Muret and Toulouze, killing as many as they encoun­tred. A Souldier ranne to the Earle Simon and told [Page 102]him that the enemie was come forth; to whom he an­swered, that he would first see his Redeemer, and then see his enemie. Diuers others came vnto him, crying out, Wee are vndone, if no man will come out and command the Armie which did flie before the Tou­louzains. He againe answered, that he would not stirre a foot from the Masse, though he were there to die, be­fore hee had seene his Maker; insomuch, that had not the Priest that sung the Masse clipt and curtolled it a little, for feare lest his eares should haue beene clipt, he had beene taken or slaine before the Altar. Heare what Noguiers saith: Noguiers in his Hestory of Toulouze. lib. 3. chap. 10. At this so violent a shocke, the Earle Simon being mounted his horse, his horse was wounded in the middle of his head with an Arrow, which the horse feeling, got presently the bit betweene his teeth, in such sort, that Montfort could neuer stay him, but hee carryed him here and there in dispite of himselfe, which a Souldier of the Citie seeing, assuring himselfe of him, shot him with his Crosse-bow through the thigh, with which wound Montfort lost great store of bloud, and finding himselfe much pay­ned therewith, entreated the Earle Guy his brother, to leade him forth of the presse, to stench his bloud. In the time whilest hee was talking with his brother, a stone out of a sling or engine, whereout stones or ar­rowes were darted, which a woman (thinking nothing let flie) hit Montfort, yet talking with his brother, and parted his head from his shoulders, so that his body fell dead to the ground. It was (saith he) a wonderfull thing, and thereby may his successors consider, that they maintained an vniust quarrell, not to punish those that were wandred from the faith, for that had beene a thing very commendable and commodious; but to [Page 103]oppresse his owne vassals, heaping on them miseries vpon miseries, to rauish women and their daughters, to the end they might vtterly ruine and confound them all, especially doing the duty of vassals, and to retaine the goods of another, who though hee were an Here­tike, as Montfort supposed, yet neuerthelesse in the twinckling of an eye, he might be better aduised, and amend his life. But as I thinke (saith hee) a couetous desire to raigne blinded him, which wee may easily indge, by the bad vsage, oppressions and extortions which he executed against the innocent people of Tou­louze, who honored him, cherished, and wished him prosperitie, as to their Lord. This skirmish and dis­comfiture was in Iune, the day after the feast of S ^t. Iohn the Baptist, in the yeere 1218. 1218

Thus you see how Noguiers, the Historiographer of thosee times hath spoken of this man, as of one that was caried with passion and vnsatiable couetousnesse: But that which was worthy the obseruation, is, that he was not ouerthrowne, but at that very inftant, when by three diuers Councels, he had beene proclaimed the Monarch of his conquests, the Captaine of the Ar­mies of the Church, the sonne, the seruant, the fauo­rite thereof, the defender of the faith. Adored of the people, feared of the great, the terror of Kings. Thus you see, Iudges 9. that as that ambitions Paracide Abimelech was slaine with a peece of a Mill-stone which a woman cast from a Tower, which brake his skull; so this destroy­er of the people, ruiner of Cities, deuourer of the states of other men, was slaine with a stone from a sling, flung by a woman, Chassilib. 4 c. 11. as some Historiographers haue obserued.

On the the other side the Monke cryes out in this [Page 104]manner: The Monke of the Valleis Sernay. Chap. 165. who is hee that can write or heare (saith hee) that which followeth? that can recite it without griefe? that can lend his eares without sighs and gro­nings? who, I say, will not dissolue and consume away to nothing, seeing the life of the poore to be taken a­way? he, who being laid in the dust, all things are tram­pled vnder foot? and by the death of whom all is dead? Was he not the comfort of the sorrowfull, the strength of the weake, a refreshing to the afflicted, a refuge to the miserable? He had some reason to speake thus; for he being dead, all his Armie was dissolued and scattered abroad. The Legat Bonauenture had one­ly leasure to tell Aimeri of Montfort, that hee was na­med by him and the Bishops that were present, Suc­cessor of the conquests and charges of his father the Earle Simon, and instantly they betooke them to their heeles, flying with all the Bishops of the Crosse to Carcassonne, not staying in any place, so great was their astonishment, fearing to bee pursued. The Pilgrims disbanded themselues, saying they were no longer bound to any fight, their fortie daies being almost ex­pired. In the time of this confusion, the Earle Remond sallied out of Toulouze, and gaue so furious a charge vpon the Enemie, that he made them to forsake their trenches, and slew a great number of Pilgrims, who were without conduct, and without courage, insomuch that they killed and cut in pieces all that were in the Campe of Montelieu, and did a great deale of hurt and hinderance to those that were incamped at S ^t. Sobra: There remained the Castle Narbonnes, which as yet held for the Legat. Aimeri of Montfort as speedily as he could gather as many of his troopes together as he was able, in this so great a rupture and confusion, and [Page 105]making haste to the Castle, got out the Garrison by a false doore, and so fled after the Legat, carrying the bo­dy of his father with great speed to Carcassonne. And it was well for him, that the Earle Remond pursued him not, for the feare thereof was sufficient to kill the Pilgrims that accompanied him. But the Earle Re­mond retired himselfe with his troopes, to prouide for the preseruation of the Citie and the Castle Narbonne, vnto which the enemie had set fire when they left it. Moreouer, he caused the Bell to bee tolled, Chassilib. 4. c. 11. pag. 222. to gather the people together, to giue thankes vnto God in their Temple, for the happy and miraculous victorie which they had obtained, for that this audacious Cyclops was ouerthrowne, that had exposed them many times to pillage, razed their walls, beaten downe their ram­piers, destroyed their Towers, violated their wiues and daughters, killed their Citizens, cut downe their trees, spoyled their land, and brought their whole Countrey to extreme desolation.

CHAP. III.

THe Earle Remond followed the victory, making himselfe Master of the Castle of Narbonnes, and fortifying it against the Pilgrims, which hee knew very well would come the yeere following, in the meane time hee sent his sonne into Agenois, who brought vnto the obedience of his father Condon, Holagaray in his history of Foix. 162. Mar­mande, Aguillon, and other places adioyning. On the other side, the Earle of Foix besieged Mirepoix, sum­moned Roger de Leni to restore it vnto him, telling him that hee was not now to hope any longer in the Earle Simon, for he was dead: that it must content him that he had now long enough and vniustly kept that which was his. That if he changed his patience into furie, he would lose both his life and Mirepoix altogether. It troubled much the Marshall of the Faith (for that was the vaine title which the Legats had giuen him) to yeeld vp this place; but in the end he deliuered it into the hands of the Earle of Foix.

The Earle of Comminge had also his right of one Ioris, to whom the Legats had giuen all that the Soul­diers of the Crosse had taken in his Countries; for he tooke them all from him, yea, life and all.

At the spring of the yeere following, 1219. 1219 Alma­ric or Aimeri of Montfort, came into Agenois, with some troopes of Souldiers of the Crosse, to recouer that which his father had there possessed, and for this cause hee besieged Marmande. The young Earle Re­mond of Toulouze, went to succour the besieged, when the Earle of Foix writ vnto him that hee had gotten a great bootie in Lauragues, both of people and beasts, but he feared hee should not bring it to Toulouze, and [Page 107]not be fought withall by the way, by the Garrison of Carcassone, and therefore hee entreated him to succour him. Young Remond tooke his iourney towards him, and came in so good an houre to the Earle Foix, that being vpon the point of losing his booty, being fol­lowed by the Vicount of Lautrec, and the Captaines Faucant and Valas. Being come to the combat, Chass. lib. 4. chap. 13. the said Foucant and Valas encouraged with a loud voice their Pilgrims, saying, that they fought for Heauen and for the Church: The young Earle Remond hearing it, cryed vnto his as loud as he: Courage my friends, for we fight for our Religion, and against theeues and robbers, vnder the name of the Church: They haue robbed enough, let vs make them vomit it vp againe, and pay the arrerages of their thefts, which they haue heretofore freely committed. And hereupon they gaue the Charge. The Vicount of Lautrec fled, Fou­cant was taken prisoner, and all their troopes cut in peeces. Seguret a Captaine and professed robber was taken and hanged in the field vpon a tree. Thus victo­rious, and laden with bootie, they came to Toulouze with their prisoners and cattell. The siege of Mar­mande continued, but vnprofitably, and without any aduantage. For Almaric hauing caused a generall as­sault to be made, the inhabitants defended themselues with such valour and resolution, that the ditches were full of the dead bodies of the Pilgrims. This was at that time when the great expedition of Prince Lewis arriued, who brought with him thirtie Earles. An ex­pedition for the leuying whereof, the Legat Bertrand writ in these termes to King Philip: ‘Faile you not to be in the quarters of Toulouze for the whole moneth of May, in the yeere 1219. with all your forces and [Page 108]powers, to reuenge the death of the Earle Montfort, and I will procure that the Pope shall publish and preach the Croisade, or expedition of Christians, throughout the world, for your better aid and suc­cours.’ Thus you see how the Legat commands the King of France. His sonne arriued at Marmande, and summoned those within to yeeld. They compound with him, and he promiseth them their liues. Almaric complaines thereof, saying, that they were not wor­thy of life, that tooke away his Fathers. He assembleth the Prelats, declareth vnto them the discontent which he receiued by this composition, in that life was gran­ted vnto those, who were the murderers of his Father. The Prelats were all of opinion, that notwithstanding the word giuen, they should all die. Prince Lewis his will was, that the composition should hold. Almaric neuerthelesse, caused his troopes to slip into the Citie, with charge to kill all, men, women and children. They doe it, whereat the Prince being offended, de­parted from the Legat and Almaric, and passing a­long summoned those of Toulouze to yeeld. They defend themselues against him. Hee receiueth newes of the death of his father, which caused him to retire. Thus you see all the effects of this great expedition, which should haue buried all the Albingenses aliue, and vanished without any assault giuen.

CHAP. IIII.

THe Legat Bertrand Bonauenture, being weary of the long labours of this warre, and perceiuing that therein the danger was greater, than either the pleasure or the profit, tooke oc­casion vnder a pretence of his de­crepit age, to retire himselfe to Rome; euen at that time, when Pope Innocent the third being departed, Pope Honorius his successour, who had not managed this warre by his authoritie, from the beginning thereof, knew neither the importance thereof, nor what directi­on to giue, and therefore had need to be enformed by his Legat, touching the meanes of the continuance thereof, and the commoditie that might arise vnto his Seat. Bonauenture entreated him to depute another Legat, and told him, that the necessitie of this warre was such, that it concerned not onely the losse of all those Lands of the Albingenses, which were conque­red, because they might be easily recouered by them, if no opposition were made, but also the ruine of the Church of Rome, because the Doctrine of the Walden­ses and Albingenses, did directly shake the authoritie of the Popes, and ouerthrow the Statutes of the Church: [Page 110]That this warre had beene very chargeable, and cost them deere, for within the space of fifteene yeares and lesse, there had died aboue three hundred thousand souldiers of the Crosse, that at diuers times had come to end their liues in Languedoc, as if there were not enough else-where to burie them, or as if there were a necessi­tie in those times, to be borne in France, and to dye en­countring the Albingenses. That all this would be lost, if they continued not to spend and weaken them, vn­till they were vtterly destroyed. The Pope delegated one named Contat, who went thither.

Now albeit Almeric were very valiant, yet he had not gotten that authoritie which his Father had, who had made himselfe, at the charges of the Albingenses, a great Captaine, loued of the Souldier, of an admira­ble valour, patient in affliction, inuincible in his tra­uels, diligent in his enterprises, fore-seeing and proui­ding, for the necessities of an Armie, affable; but of an vnreconcileable enmitie against his enemies, be­cause he hated them onely to haue their goods, and that he could not haue but after their death, which he procured and hastned as much as he could, and that vnder the mantell of a plausible pretence of religion. His sonne was a true inheritor of the hatred of his fa­ther; but slow and sluggish, louing his ease, and no way fit for an action of great importance. Besides, he was depriued of the Monke Dominique, of whom his Father had made very profitable vse: for lodging him in the conquered Cities, he gaue him in charge to fi­nish that destruction by his inquisition, which he could not doe by warres. 1220 He died in the yeare 1220. the sixt of August, so rich that notwithstanding he were the author of an order mendicant, that is to say, of Ia­cobin [Page 111]Monkes, or Iacobins, yet he made it knowne be­fore his death, that a scrip well ordered was better than a rent ill assigned; for hee left many houses and much goods, shewing thereby that he vsed his scrip but for a shew and outward appearance of pouertie; but in effect he thought it good, to haue wherewithall to liue else-where, witnesse the Protection which the Earle Simon gaue him a little before his death, whereof this is the tenure.

Simon by the Grace and prouidence of God, Duke of Narbonnes, Earle of Toulouze, Vicount of Licestre, Beziers, and Carcassonne, wisheth health and dilection. After the Hi­storie of the Monke of the valley Sernay. We will and command you to haue a speciall care to keepe and defend the houses and goods of our most deare brother Dominick, as our owne. Giuen at the siege of Toulouze, Decemb. 13.

The death of this Monke was a great comfort to the Albingenses, who had persecuted them with such vio­lence, but yet they were more weakned by the death of the Earle Remond of Toulouze, the Earle Remond of Foix, and the Ladie Philippe of Moncade, Wife to Re­mond Earle of Foix.

The Earle Remond of Toulouze died of a sicknesse, much lamented of his Subiects, if euer man were. He was iust, gentle, valiant and couragious, but yet too easie to giue eare vnto those that gaue him counsell for his ruine. Hee was carried at the first by a true loue and charitie onely towards those his Subiects, that made profession of the Religion of the Albingenses, but afterwards hauing beene basely and dishonorably handled by the Legats of the Pope, he knew both the crueltie of the Priests, and the falshood of their do­ctrine, by those conferences that had beene in his pre­sence [Page 112]with the Pastors of the Albingenses. His Epitaph was written in two Gascon verses.

He that writes the Historie of Languedoc, saith, That he died a sudden death, and that hee was carried into the house of the Friers of the Hospital S. Iohn, and that he was not buried, because he died an excommunicate person. There was shewed not long since at Toulouze a head, which some did beleeue was the head of the Earle Remond, which was said to be alwaies without a sepulture; but there is no likelihood that he that died amongst his owne, and being Ruler ouer them, should not haue so much credit after his death, as to bee put into a Sepulcher: Holaga. pag. 164 that he that by his valour had re­stored all his Subiects to their houses, and their Citie to it former greatnesse, he whose death they lamented as a Father, should be cast out like a Dogge. It is nei­ther true nor hath it any resemblance of truth, that they should deny him this last office of charitie, which they haue not refused to bestow vpon their greatest enemies, for it was neuer heard of that the Albingenses haue denied sepulture vnto any.

As touching the Earle of Foix, Remond, he was a Prince of whom the Historie giues this testimony, that he was a Patron of Iustice, clemency, prudence, va­lour, magnanimitie, patience and continency; a good Warriour, a good Husband, a good Father, a good House-keeper, a good Iusticer, worthy to haue his name honoured, and his vertues remembred through­out all generations. When this good Prince saw that he was to change the earth for heauen, he defied death [Page 113]an assured constant carriage, and tooke comfort in for­saking the world, and the vanities thereof, and calling his sonne Roger vnto him, hee exhorted him to serue God, to liue vertuously, to gouerne his people like a Father, vnder the obedience of his Lawes, and so gaue vp the ghost. His Wife the Lady Philippe of Mon­cade, followed him shortly after, notwithout suspition of poyson, by some domesticall enemy of the Albin­genses, whose religion she professed with all deuotion. A Princesse of a great and admirable prouidence, faith, constancy, and loyaltie. She vttered before her death many excellent sentences, full of edification, as well in the Castilian tongue, as the French, in contempt of death, which she receiued with a maruellous grace, fortifying her speeches with most Christian consolati­ons, to the great comfort and edification of all that were present, and in this estate she changed her life.

All these deaths made a great alteration in the wars of the Albingenses, both on the one side and the other.

CHAP. V.

ALmaric of Montfort had not the fortune of his Father in the warres of the Albingenses. For he had neither King Philip Auguste, who per­mitted the leuie of the Pilgrims, nor Pope Innocent [Page 114]the third to appoint them. Moreouer, there was neither Citi [...]nor Village in France, where there were not wi­dowes and fatherlesse children, by reason of the pas­sed warres of the Albingenses. And besides all this, the Prelats were many times put into great feares, by those cruell combats that were ordinarily made, and many of them left behinde them their Miters, and some Abbots their Crosses. The speech of the expe­ditions of the Crosse was not so common. This was the cause why Almaric did not long enioy his conque­red Countries, wherewith being much afflicted, hee went into France, Inuentary of Serres, in the life of Lewis the eight. and deliuered vp vnto Lewis the eight of that name, King of France, all the right that he had to the said Countries, which the Pope, the Councels of Vaur, Montpelier, and Lotran had gran­ted vnto him: and in recompence thereof, King Lewis created him Constable of France, 1224 in the yeare 1224.

To put himselfe into possession, King Lewis the eight came into Languedoc, and comming to the gates of Auignon, he was denied entrance, because profes­sing the Religion of the Albingenses, they had beene excommunicated, and giuen by the Pope to the first Conquerour: for then Auignon was no chiefe Citie of the Earldome of Venessin, as at this present, but be­longed to the King of Naples and Sicily. The King be­ing much moued with this deniall, resolued to besiege it, which continued for the space of eight moneths, in the end whereof they yeelded themselues about Whit­sontide, 1225 in the yeare 1225.

During this siege, almost all the cities of Languedoc, acknowledged the king of France, by the mediation of M ^r. Amelin, Archbishop of Narbonne. The King established for Gouernour in Languedoc, Imbert [Page 115]de Beauieu, and tooke his way to France: but hee died by the way at Montpensier in September, in the yeare 1226.

The young Remond, Earle of Toulouze, was bound by promise to the king, to goe to receiue his absolu­tion of Pope Honorius, and afterwards he should giue him peaceable possession of all his lands: but the death of the king in the meane time happening, he saw the Realme of France in the hands of king Lewis, a childe and in his minority, and the regency in the pow­er and gouernment of his mother. Hee thought that hauing to deale with an infant king, and a woman re­gent, he might recouer by force that which he had quit himselfe of by agreement. He therefore resolued to take armes, being encouraged thereunto, by the succours of the Albingenses his subiects, who were in great hope to maintaine their part in strength and vigor, during the Non-age of the King of France, but they were deceiued in their proiect. For though Lewis the ninth were in his minoritie, yet he was so happie as to haue a wise and a prudent mother, if euer there were any. For King Lewis the eighth, before his death, had appointed her the Tutrix or Gardianesse of his sonne, and Regent of the Realme, knowing very well her great capacity and sufficiency. Besides Imbert de Beau­ieu maintained the authority of the king in Languedoc, tooke armes, and made opposition against the Earle Remond, and the Albingenses. The History of Languedoc, sol. 31. The Queene sent him diuers troopes, by the helpe whereof he recouered the Castle de Bonteque, neare to Toulouze, which was a great hinderance to Imbert and his portizans. All the Albingenses that were found within the Castle were put to death; and a certaine Deacon, with others that [Page 116]would not abiure their Religion, by the commande­ment of the said Imbert, Amel the Popes Legat, and the aduise of Guyon Bishop of Carcassonne, they were burnt aliue, 1227 in the yeare 1227. suffring death with ad­mirable constancy.

The more the persecution increased, the more the number of the Albingenses multiplied, which Imber of Beauieu perceiuing, he went to the Court to let them vnderstand, that without succours, he could no longer defend the countrey, and the places newly annexed to the Crowne and patrimony of France, against the Al­bingenses and the Earle Remond. In the meane time whilest he was absent, the Earle Remond tooke the Castle Sarrazin, one of the strongest places that Im­bert had in his keeping, and holding the field did much hurt to his enemies.

Imbert came from France, 1228 at the spring of the yeare one thousand two hundred twenty eight, accompa­nied with a great Armie of the Crosse, in which there was the Archbishop of Bourges, the Archbishop of Aouch and of Burdeaux, euery one with the Pilgrims of their iurisdiction.

The Earle Remond retired himselfe into Toulouze where he was presently shut vp, and all the country round about, euen haruest and all spoiled and wasted. Being brought to this extremitie, Hist. of Lang. fol. 33. the Abbot of Grand­selue, named Elias Garin, came from Amelin the Popes Legat, to offer peace to the Earle Remond and the Toulouzains. He was receiued with great ioy, offering peace and plenty to those that were almost famished, and wearied with warre. Neuerthelesse the wisest a­mongst them, who better foresaw the euent of things, knew well enough that so soone as they had gotten [Page 117]the Earle Remond into their hands, they would make vse of him to persecute them, that they would esta­blish the inquisition and kindle their fires againe, and so vtterly destroy them both bodies and soules: but the reasons of these men were ouercome by the impor­tunate cries of the common people almost famished, who could not see the time wherein they were fettered with the halter, that should strangle them. Besides the enemie wanted not people in Toulouze, that were wil­ling to terrifie the Earle Remond saying, that he was not now to deale with Americ of Montfort, but with a king of France, who had power sufficient to ouerthrow him: that continuall feuers kill men, and long warres would at the last burie them all. The Earle Remond passed his word to the Abbot to be at a certaine day at Vasieges, there to resolue vpon that which was to bee done, to bring the peace to a perfection. In the meane time a truse was agreed vpon with the Toulouzains, for certaine daies. The Earle Remond came at the day to the place appointed, and so did the Abbot of Grandselue. After much discourse and communica­tion touching a peace, the Abbot made him beleeue, that it would be for his greater aduantage to bee in France, than in that place; and that forasmuch as the businesse concerned the King, that it was necessary that the Queene-mother being Tutrix vnto him, and Regent of France, should be present, and that more would be done in a few daies, than in a whole yeare, the businesse requiring so many iournies and goings and commings, which peraduenture would bee long and vnprofitable: and so pawned his faith that here­by he should receiue all contentment. Being vanqui­shed by these promises, he consented to come into [Page 118] France, whethersoeuer the Queene-mother should ap­point. Meaux was the place she made choise of, and his time was appointed. He came thither, but he was no sooner arriued, but he repented, and acknowled­ged his great ouersight, in that he had giuen credit to the words of a Priest, especially knowing that his deceased father, had alwaies sped so ill by trusting to those that hold this for a maxime, that Faith is not to be kept with Heretikes, or their fauourers. That he be­ing held for such a one, had no reason to looke for bet­ter successe.

There was therefore now no more question of trea­ties or communications, but of submission to what­soeuer should be enioyned him. He had now no lon­ger freedome of speech, but he was carefully guarded, for feare least he should fly to the Albingenses. The Historiographer of Languedoc, The Hist. of Lang. fol. 34. though in other mat­ters much animated against the Albingenses, yet hee could not write of this without commiseration, so la­mentable was the condition of this Lord. These are his words.

‘It was a lamentable thing (saith hee) to see so braue a man, that was able, for so long a time, to make resistance against so many people, to come in his shirt and his linnen breeches, bare foot to the Altar, in the presence of two Cardinalls of the Church of Rome, the one the Legat in France, the other the Legat in England. But this is not all the ignominious punishment that was inflicted, but he notes besides, that of so man y conditions of that peace, euery one of them (saith he) had beene suf­ficient for the price of his ransome, if the king had beene in the field making warre against him.’

CHAP. VI.

IT was an easie matter to finish this treatie, These articles are to be foūd in the Bibli­oth of Peres, Tom. 7. because the Articles were proposed to the Earle Remond, with this condition, that they should be signed by himselfe without reply.

Article 1. That after the Earle Remond, shall haue asked pardon, according to the order appointed, that is to say, bareheaded, barefoot, in his shirt, with a torch in his hand, for all that he had done against the Church; he shall promise to defend the faith, and driue away all Heretikes, out of his lands and territories.

Article 2. That hee should pay to the Church as long as he liueth, euery yeare three Markes of Siluer.

3. That he should giue once and incontinently the summe of six thousand Marks of Siluer for the repa­rations of the Cities, Castles and houses, that had beene either by himselfe or his father destroyed and ruinated during the warres past.

4. That he should giue for the reparation of Mou­stier, and the maintenance and nourishment of the Monkes of Cisteaux, two thousand Markes of Siluer.

5. For the Monkes of Cleruaux, fiue hundred Markes of Siluer.

6. For those of Grand Selue, and the reparation of their Moustier, a thousand Markes of Siluer.

7. For the Church of Belle Perche, three hundred Markes of Siluer.

8. For the reparation of the Castle Narbonnes, six thousand markes of Siluer, and that the Legat should keepe it for ten yeares in the name of the Church.

9. For the maintenance of foure Masters in diuini­tie, two Doctors of the Canon Law, two Masters of Art, and two Masters Gramarians, who should reade euery one in his quality, euery day, to such schollers as should come to Toulouze, the summe of foure thou­sand markes of Siluer, whereof euery Master in Di­uinitie should haue twenty fiue Markes of Siluer by the yeare, for the terme of ten yeares, the Doctor of the Law should haue fifteene M [...]kes by the yeare, du­ring the space of ten yeares: The Master of Artes, ten Markes.

10. That he should take the Crosse, at the hands of the Legat, to goe beyond the seas, to make warre against the Turkes and Sarazins, and should goe to Rhodes, where hee should stay for the space of fiue yeares, from whence he should bring a certificat from the great Master of Rhodes.

11. That from thenceforward, hee should enter­prise nothing against the Church.

12. That he should make warre against the Earle of Foix and his allies, neuer making peace with them but by the leaue of the Legat.

13. That he should ouerthrow and demollish, all the walles, towers and fortresses of Toulouze, as the Legat shall ordaine and appoint.

14. That he should vtterly subuert and pull downe from the bottome to the top, thirty fiue cities or Ca­stles, of which these that follow should bee of the [Page 121]number, that is to say, Fauiaux, Castelnau d'Arri, la Bastide, Auignonnet, Pech Laurence, Saint Paul, La Vaur, Robasteins, Guaillac, Montagut, Hautpec, Verdun, Castel Sarrazin, Montauban, Agen, Sauerdun, Condon, Aute­rine, and others that shall be named vnto him by the Legat, which hereafter he shall not reedifie without his leaue.

15. That if any of his, hold any fortresse, he shall cause him to raze it, or otherwise make warre against him at his owne proper costs and charges.

16. That he shall deliuer into the hands of the Le­gat, Penne d' Agenes, and all the other places before mentioned, for the terme of ten yeeres, which if hee cannot recouer and enioy, he shall winne by warre. And if within the space of two yeares he cannot make himselfe Master thereof, he shall make his voyage be­yond the seas, as hath beene said before, and yeeld his right of the said Penne to the Templers, procuring them to come ouer to conquer it; which if they will not vndertake, it is the Legats pleasure, that the king of France doe conquer it; And if he will not hold it, hauing taken it, that he cause it to be vtterly razed and ouerthrowne, in such sort, that it bee impossible euer hereafter to reedifie it.

17. That for the accomplishment of all this, he is to yeeld himselfe prisoner at the Lonure in Paris, into the hands of the king, from whence he shall not de­part, vntill he haue first caused a daughter of his, to be brought to Carcassonne, and committed to the cu­stody of the king, in the hands of such as shall be de­puted thereunto.

18. That he shall likewise deliuer to the said Legat, the Castle Narbonnes, and Penne d' Agenes, and the other [Page 122]places. That he shall cause the walles of the citie, that are ouer against the Castle Narbonnes to be demolished and beaten downe, and the ditches that were betwixt them to be filled vp, to the end that a man may passe and repasse freely without feare of any thing; and that all this should be done, before hee went out of prison. All which being performed, the Legat gaue him his absolution and deliuered it in writing.

Thus you see the conditions of the treatie of the Earle Remond, with the Popes Legat. The Reader may iudge, what, and how great the troubles and afflicti­ons of this Prince were: but this was but the begin­ning of miseries to the poore Albingenses, for from hence did the great persecution proceede, whereby they were vtterly rooted out, as it will appeare hereafter.

CHAP. VII.

THe subiects of the Earle Remond, being aduertised of this dishonourable and disaduantagious treatie of their Lord, were much displeased and grieued therewith, to see themselues vpon the very brinke of their totall destruction; because that thereby their owne Lord was bound to doe his best [Page 123]endeuours for their extirpation; and they saw besides that a new heire, their sworne enemie.

Thus you see what they caused the Earle Remond to ordaine, and to seale vnto, and at the same time they began to destroy and ouerthrow by peecemeale, those they could neuer make to staggar in grosse, being vnited together.

Pope Gregory the ninth did also make constitutions, [Page 125]at the same time against the Albingenses; and especially because he would stop the mouthes, of the Pastors of the Albingenses, who discredited their humane inuen­tions. He ordained that all and euery one of the Lay­people, of what quality or office soeuer should be inter­dicted from preaching.

King Lewis the ninth, made also statutes, confor­mable to those of the Earle Remond, as also the Empe­ror Frederick which we produce not, that we may not weary the reader, and so much the rather because all of them proceeding from one source, hee that hath seene the one, hath seene al: for they al tend to no other end, but to make the Kings, Princes, Emperours and Potentates of the world, to seale and set to their hands to whatsoeuer they found fitting, to persecute those that resisted the ordinances of the Popes, neither did they dare to refuse to doe it, vpon paine that the selfe­same constitutions should be executed against them.

Now after the treatie made with the Earle Remond, hee remained a prisoner vntill the payment of the summes specified therein; and in the meane time, Master Peter de Colmieu Vice-Legat, tooke his iourney to Toulouze, to bring the Citie vnder the obedience of the King, and caused the Walls to be razed, and the Towers to bee beaten downe, to the end they might haue no more meanes to rebell against the King. He brought likewise to the Queene-mother Ioan the only daughter of the Earle Remond, being of the age of nine yeeres, to the end she might bee brought vp with her, vntill she were of yeeres sufficient to marry Al­phonsus, brother to King Lewis. The remouall of this young Princesse did much afflict the subiects of the Earle Remond, for seeing that this change of do­mination [Page 126]would bring with it an alteration of their peace, as it came to passe.

CHAP. VIII.

THe Earle of Foix, of Comminges, and the Prince of Bearne, were yet to be conque­red, or wonne by practises. The Legat Colmieu thought the Earle Remond a fit instrument to worke the latter of the two, and therefore he commandeth him to write to the Earle of Foix, That he should follow his example, or re­solue miserably to perish. Hee writ vnto him in louing termes: That the vnion that had alwaies beene betwixt their houses, did binde him to procure their good as his owne, that if he did not yeeld himselfe into the bosome of the Church of Rome, hee saw such a tempest like to fall vpon him, that it must needs ouerwhelme him: That ha­uing so great an enemie as a King of France, hee could not possibly stand out: Hee therefore entrcated him to receiue his counsell, and withall, the gift that hee bestowed on him, for a farther proofe of his loue, that is, if hee would con­forme himselfe to this submission, to the Pope and the Church of Rome, hee would hold him from this day for­ward, quit of that homage which hee anciently did vnto him for the Earledome of Foix. Hee likewise entreated him to procure the like submission from the Earle of Comminge, and the Prince of Bearne.

The Answer of the Earle of Foix was, That hee could not forsake his part nor his beleefe, in a time wherein hee should giue men occasion to thinke that hee had more feare than reason, and that it was necessary for so fruitfull a change, such as they expected of him that the truth should ouercome, not the allurements of promises, nor the vio­lence of armes: That he would see that world of Pilgrims come that was threatned, and he did trust in God, that hee should make them to know the iustice of his cause, and de­plore the temeritie of their vow.

The Earle Remond was not satisfied with this an­swer, much lesse the Legat, who found another way to winne him vnto them. And that was, that there were within his lands and territories, and about the said Earledome, subiects of his, who being frighted with an apprehension of their ruine, should intreat him to haue compassion both of himselfe and his poore subiects, who should doubtlesse be ouerthrowne by this last violence. And at the very same time, hee caused the Earle Remond of Toulouze, to write to the principall men of the Countries of the said Roger Earle of Foix; that there was an excellent opportu­nitie offered their Lord, if hee made not himselfe vn­worthy thereof by his obstinacie: that it was the one­ly meanes to make them liue in perfect peace: that they should perswade him, whilest the occasion and time serued, before the expedition of the Crosse were on foot.

The subiects of the Earle of Foix, partly for their owne interest, partly for feare, lest their Lord being strooken in yeeres, without wife and children, should leaue them to the mercie of the first Conquerour, if he should depart this life without a lawfull heire; they [Page 128]ioyned together in humble supplication to their Lord, at the instant reasons and perswasions of the said Earle of Toulouze. They obtained by their requests and teares, that which the Earle of Toulouze could not by threats, prayers nor promises: for hee promised them, that hee would treat with the Legat for their peace, and would accept thereof for their good and con­tentment.

The Pope was aduertised of the intention of the Earle of Foix, and therefore hee ioyned with the first Legat in the Earledome of Foix another, that is to say, the Cardinall of S ^t. Ange, accompanied by the Arch­bishop of Narbonnes, de Folae, Guillaume de Torration, Bishop of Couserans, Bernard de la grace, Peter Abbot of Bolbonne, Iohn Abbot of Comelonge, William Abbot of Foix, Peter de Thalames, the Legats Lieutenant, Lambert de la Tour, and diuers others. Being arriued at S ^t. Iohn de Berges, in the Earledome of Foix, there ap­peared also the Earle of Foix, with the Nobilitie and principall men of the Land.

The Legat related to the Earle of Foix, the great contentment that the Pope had, Holagaray in the life of Ro­ger Earle of Foix. to heare that after so many combats and bloudy warres, there was hope to finish them in peace: that he was come to conclude that, and to bring it to effect, that was begunne in be­halfe of the Pope: that there remained nothing but to know what his resolution was, and to receiue from him the promises and oathes of fidelitie to the Church, which are requisire in such a case.

The Earle Roger replyed to the Legat and the rest that were present, as followeth.

Messieurs, I haue long since bid Rhetorick a dieu, hauing made profession to pleade my cause, and to [Page 129]make my entries with engins and speares, which must be my excuse, if like a Souldier I vtter my intentions. My Couzen, the Earle of Toulouze, hath procured (for which I thanke him) that my enemies will now be pleased with reason, to heare the causes of our le­uies, and why wee haue taken Armes, which to this present would neuer be granted; as also hee desireth that we should giue ouer the pursuit of those that de­sire to wrong vs, vpon an assurance (saith he) that the King of France shall maintaine euery one with Iustice and Equitie. Truly, I confesse, that I neuer desired a­ny thing more than to maintaine my libertie, being as yet (as it were) in the swadling clouts of my free­dome. Our Country owes onely one simple homage to the Earle of Toulouze, for raising it to an Earldome, but it acknowledgeth no other Master but my selfe: and as for the Pope, I neuer offended him; for he hath neuer demanded any thing at my hands, as a Prince, in which I haue not obeyed him. Hee is not to inter­meddle with my Religion, since euery man is to haue it free. My Father hath alwaies recommended vnto me this libertie, to the end that being setled therein, though the heauens shake I might looke vpon them with a constant and assured countenance, and a per­swasion that they could neuer hurt me. Nothing trou­bles me but this: For in consideration that the Earle of Toulouze holds mee discharged of that homage, which he pretends to belong vnto him, I am ready lo­uingly to imbrace the King, and to doe him seruice in the same condition, vnder the dependance of my o­ther rights, which maintaine me in Regall authoritie in that Country. It is not feare that makes me stagger or yeeld to your desires, and that constraines me to [Page 130]humble my will and desires to the earth, or dunghill­like to submit my selfe to your appetite, but being prouoked by that benigne and generous feare of the miseries of my Subiects, the ruine of my Countrey, the desire not to be accounted mutinous, braine-sicke, and the fire-brand of France, I yeeld my selfe to this extremitie; otherwise I would bee as a wall without breach or escalado, against the brauest of mine ene­mies. I giue you therefore a gage of my affection, for the good of the peace in generall. Take my Castles of Foix, Mongaillard, Montreal, Vicdesos, Lordat, whilest that I yeeld him that homage that you demand.

As for the Earle of Comminge, and the Prince of Bearne, it was impossible they should continue firme in their resolutions, to make resistance, being destitute of these two props, the Earles of Foix and Toulouze: For they were but weake, both in money and men. Be­hold then the end, to the outward appearance of the Albingenses, 1234 when in the yeare 1234. there arose a cer­taine bastard of the Earle of Beziers, who tooke armes for the Albingenses, or craued their assistance, to re­uenge the death of his deceased Father.

CHAP. IX.

MAtthew Paris an English Writer saith, Matthew Paris history of England, in the yere 1234. That in the yeare 1234 the warres began againe against the Albingenses, and that there came a great Army of the Crosse against them, yea, that they lost aboue a hundred thousand men all at once, with all their Bishops that were in that battell, and that none escaped.

He was no doubt mis-informed; For the Historio­grapher of Languedoc, who relateth all that passed in those times, hath made no mention thereof, neither is it likely that he would haue forgotten so famous a vi­ctorie ouer the Albingenses, whom hee hated to the death. True it is, that at what time the Earle of Tou­louze, of Foix, Comminge, and the Prince of Bearne tooke part with them, and were their Leaders; Tran­cauel the Bastard of the Earle of Beziers deceased, did not appeare, but as a priuat man of small importance, but when the Albingenses were destitute of all support, there were that awakned this Souldier, and made him to know, that if he would haue any feeling of the out­rages done vnto his Father, depriued of his lands vn­iustly, betraied, imprisoned, and poysoned, that they would giue him the best assistance they could. Where­vpon he tooke the field, said, That he would reuenge [Page 132]the death of his Father, and win that by the sword that had beene taken from him by in-iustice. Hee was assisted by a number of valiant Captaines; that is to say, Sieur Oliuier de Fumes, Bertrand Hugon de Serre­longue, Bernard de Villeneufue, Iordain de Satiat, all braue Leaders, who had a number of men at their command; and before the enemy tooke any notice of his designe, he seased vpon the Castles of Montreall, Saixac, Montolieu, Limous, and others.

Peter Melin the Popes Legat, and Bishop of Tou­louze, being much astonished to see those that tooke part with the Albingenses, whom he thought to bee vtterly buried, to spring vp againe, hee had presently recourse to the ordinary meanes of the Pope and his Agents, that is, presently to cause the pardon of sins to be preached, to whomsoeuer would fight vnder the banner of the Crosse, a kinde of pay of lesse value, but more common in those times. The Archbishop of Narbonnes animated also the people of his Diocesse to goe to make an end of that poore remainder of the Albingenses that were left.

These Priests with their troopes, presented them­selues before the gates of Carcassonne. The Citie re­ceiued them, but when they came to the Towne the gates were shut against them. Amelin made a speech vnto those that shewed themselues vpon the rampiers, telling them that he was come thither for their preser­uation. They thanked him, but they told him withall, that if he did not instantly retire himselfe, they would giue him the chase. Vpon this conference came Tran­cauel, who set so hotly and valiantly vpon the troope of Pilgrims that accompanied the Legat, that he cha­sed them, beating and killing them, till he came to the [Page 133]gates of the Citie of Carcassonne, and the Legat had enough to doe to saue himselfe: but that which offen­ded him most, was, that the gates of the Towne were opened to Trancauel, who lodged therein, and made it his principall retrait, from whence he euery day hurt and hindred the Pilgrims of the Citie, in such sort, that they hardly durst come forth of the gates. And when­soeuer he heard of any troopes of Pilgrims to come, he went to meet them, laying ambushes for them, and many times ouerthrew them before they could ioyne themselues to the Legat.

This man kept the field, vntill the yeare 1242. 1242 be­cause when any Pilgrims were required to goe against a Bastard of the diseased Earle of Beziers, euery one did beleeue the forces that were leuied within the Principalitie, might suffice for the destruction of so weake an enemie: but Amelin writ to the Pope, that if in good earnest he caused not the expedition of the Crosse to be preached in many places of Europe, that the Church was like to receiue a great losse by this last enemy, who had reuiued the part of the Albingenses, and was more cruell, and more subtill, than any other that had maintained them vnto this time.

Innocent the fourth caused the expedition of the Crosse to be published in diuers parts of Europe. Tran­cauel being aduertised, that a very great Army of Pilgrims was prepared to come against him, sinding himselfe not strong enough in the Towne of Carcas­sonne, retired himselfe to Realmont, whither the Pil­grims followed him and besieged him. He couragi­ously resisted them, and hauing many times discomfi­ted the Pilgrims, in the end Amelin seeing there was nothing to bee gotten of a man, whom when they [Page 134]thought him fast shut vp, would be many daies iour­ney from them, gathering new forces, he entreated the Earle of Foix to vse his best endeuours, to bring him to some peaceable designe, and to treatie with him; which he performed with such successe, that he promi­sed neuer to beare Armes, either against the Legat or the Church of Rome. Here you see the last attempt which wee finde the Albingenses haue made, and the last expedition of Pilgrims leuied against them. All the pursuit against them afterward, was made by the Monkes the Inquisitors, who kindled their fires more than euer; And so taking this poore people dis­armed, and singling them out by retaile, it was impos­sible for them any longer to subsist. And if at any time they hapned to set vpon the Inquisitors, it was but to giue them a more sensible apprehension of their ex­treme violencies, whereof we haue a notable example in the Chapter following.

CHAP. X.

IN the yeare one thousand two hun­dred fortie three, 1243 the Earle Remond hauing satisfied his pecuniary penal­ties, and being returned to his Sub­iects; certaine of the Country com­plained of the vniust proceeding of the Monkes Inquisitors, who without any difference [Page 135]intangled in such sort all sorts of people, that there were not almost any that they condemned not either for Heretiques, or Fatiourers; or Kinssolke, or allies of Heretiques; not being content to proceede against those that made publike profession of the beleefe of the Albingenses, in such sort, that vnder the cloke of the Inquisition office, they committed strange theeue­ries This accusation against the Inquisitors was before the Earle Remond, in the presence of fiue Inquisitors, and foure Officers of the Inquisition, that is to say, The History of Langued [...], Chap. 4 sol. 40. before William Arnaldi, Monke Inquisitor, and two other Iacobin Monkes; Also one Remond de l'Escriuain Archdeacon of the Church of Toulonze, and the Pri­or of Auignonnet de Cluze, and Peter Arnaldi, Notarie of the Inquisition, and three other of Auignonnet, in the Diocesse of Toulouze.

The Monkes Inquisitors would reply, and make some vse of that which had beene informed, to frame their inditements against those that had thus accused them, to the impeachment of their honour, terrifying them with threats, which made those that had thus moued their patience, to enter into consideration with themselues, that since they must fall into the snare of the said Inquisitors, and so be vtterly vndone, it was better for them to deliuer themselues this once, and that they should teach others to carry themselues more aduisedly. So growing still more eager and vio­lent in their discourse, they came to blowes. But the Monkes Inquisitors and their Officers were ouermat­ched, for there were slaine (as the Historiographer of Languedoc reports) nine, that is to say, The fiue Monks aboue specified, and the foure Officers. True it is, that this Writer doth aggrauate the Fact, and hee [Page 136]would haue men beleeue, that it was a premeditated treason, wherein he shewes himselfe to be partiall and passionate.

The Earle Remond did very well make it appeare, that he was no way consenting to this riot, for hee made an exact search and inquirie after the Authors of this sedition, but yet doe what he could, he could not free himselfe from suspition. The same Historiogra­pher saith, that the atrocitie of the fact, constrained the Authors to take Armes, and to beginne againe a kinde of warre; but there is not any Writer that makes mention thereof; and therefore to be considered of before it be beleeued. Pope Innocent the fourth came to Lion about that time. He sends out his thunder-bolts against the murderers, and hee looked not vpon the Earle Remond with a good countenance, who was vn­ciuilly reiected in that request that he made vnto him, touching a dispensation for the marriage of his Cou­sin Beatrix, daughter of the Earle Berenger, Earle of Prouence.

The same Historiographer saith, that in the yeere 1247. 1247 the Earle Remond tooke his iourney to Rome, that he might bee permitted to burie the bones of his father in holy ground, The hist. of Languedoc. fol. 41. and that it was denied him, be­cause he died an excommunicate person. 1249 He likewise saith, that in the yeere one thousand two hundred for­tie nine, when the Earle Remond purposed to take his voyage to Rhodes, hee died at Milan of a continu­all feuer.

CHAP. XI.

THe change of their Lord altered the condition of the Albingenses, for the Earle Remond being departed this life, Alphonsus brother to the king S ^t. Lewis, tooke possession of all the lands, goods and reuenues of the said Earle, and consequently all the ill will that the Pope and other ecclesiasticall per­sons bare to the house of the Earle of Toulouze did cease. And as touching the places which he was to yeeld vp contained in the treatie, there needed no far­ther speech of that, because Alphonsus being free from all suspition of falshood to the Pope or the Church, he peaceably enioyed whatsoeuer belonged vnto him. But one hand washeth another; and therefore as by those warrs that the Church vndertooke against the Earle of Toulouze, Alphonsus was become Master of the goods of the Earle Remond, so was he bound, to doe his best endeuours, that the Pope might be honou­red in his countries. For this cause hee strengthned the Inquisition, witnesse the Monke Rainerius, who was Inquisitor in the yeare 1250. 1250 who hath left vs in writing the whole forme of their proceeding, where­of [Page 138]of we haue the transcript in the second booke of the history of the Waldenses. In this hist. of the Walden­ses. ch. 2. lib. 2. Pope Alexander the fourth authorized the said Inquisition by letters which wee haue in our hands.

The continuance of this persecution, by the said Inquisition is proued in the yeare 1264. 1264 by the con­stitutions of Pope Clement the fourth. Also in the yeare 1276. 1276 vnder Iohn the two and twentieth; they were persecuted with all manner of rigour, witnesse the letters of the said Pope against them. And by this record that followeth, it appeareth that in the yeere 1281. 1281 vnder Martin the fourth, there was a persecu­tion moued in the quarters of Albi, and that there were at that time a great number that made profession of the Religion of the Albingenses.

Thus you see the very last instrument which hath come to our hands for the proofe of the persecution against the Albingenses. Though it be very certaine that they haue beene continually persecuted by the [Page 140]Inquisition, though their enemies could neuer preuaile so farre against them, but that they still lay hid like sparkles vnder the ashes, desiring once againe to see that which their posteritie hath enioyed, that is the li­berty to call vpon God in puritie of conscience, with­out any constraint to yeeld to any superstition or Ido­latry, and so secretly instructing their children in the seruice of God, the fruit of their pietie, tooke life againe, when it pleased the Lord that the light of his Gospell should appeare amongst the palpable dark­nesse of Antichrist, for then many of those places that had made profession to receiue the faith of the Albingenses, haue receiued with greedinesse the do­ctrine of the Gospell, and namely the city of Real­mont, where the precedent thunderbolts were darted, and notwithstanding that great distance of time, du­ring the which they appeared not, yet the eternall God hath not giuen ouer his worke, and to make manifest that he can preserue his faithfull, euen in the middest of the confusion of Babylon as Diamonds in a dung­hill, wheat amongst the straw, gold in the middest of the fire. And notwithstanding the enstruction haue not passed from the father to the sonne, vntill the time of the restauration, yet the goodnesse of God ceaseth not to be wonderfull, in that many of those places where this first dew of Gods grace hath fallen, haue beene abundantly enriched with his heauenly benedictions in these latter times; An excellent prouocation dou­bly to obliege them to loue the truth which hath bin freely manifested vnto them, and to bring forth fruits worthy thereof. As it should be an extreme griefe to those places that haue neglected and reiected is, that God hath abandoned them and left them to their [Page 141]owne sence, euen in that darkenesse which they loued, reuenging the contempt of his word, by the ignorance thereof, and suffering those to perish in their error, that haue preferred it before the truth.

CHAP. XII.

IT is an easie matter to gather by the con­tents of this History of the Albingenses, that the people inhabiting in the Countrey of Albi, Languedoc, and diuers other places neere adioyning, haue made profession of the selfe-same Religion, that they haue that elsewhere were called Waldenses, and the rather because their ad­uersaries themselues haue affirmed, that they haue persecuted them as Waldenses. As also that the greatest troubles that haue lighted vpon them, haue beene pro­cured by the Priests, whose corruptions they haue de­scryed and discouered their abuses, maintaining a­gainst the Church of Rome, the Gospell of Christ Ie­sus in it puritie, refusing to yeeld to those Idolatries that bare sway in those times; but aboue all, detesting the Masse, and the inuention of Transubstantiation, shaking the authoritie of the Popes dominion, as being abusiue and tyrannicall, hauing no resemblance of the well-befitting humilitie of the true Pastors of the Church, or conformitie to the doctrine and vocation of the Apostles, but rather an excesse and ryot, befit­ting those that loue the world and perish with the world. By which libertie which they tooke vnto them­selues [Page 142]to reprehend those that beleeued the right of all redargution to belong onely to themselues, they haue beene charged with diuers faults, and condemned for rash inconsiderare people, prophane secular persons, who had thrust themselues into the office of teaching, when with silence they should rather learne. And the Popes not being able to winne them to the obedience of their commands, nor to conuince them of error by the word of God, they haue persecuted them by their Monkes Inquisitors, who haue deliuered to the secular Magistrate, as many as the said Monkes could appre­hend, and forasmuch as this way was somewhat too slow to cut them off, and to see the end of them, the Popes haue drawne their swords against them, haue armed their Cardinals and Legats, and driuen to these bloudy warres the Kings and Princes of the earth, giuing Paradice for a recompence to whomsoeuer would beare armes against them, and aduenture his life for the extirpation of them for fortie daies together. Many great Lords haue beene desirous to know the cause of that vnreconcilable enmitie of the Pope, a­gainst their subiects, and hauing perceiued that passion carried those that were offended for the truth, they haue maintained their cause, being grounded vpon this reason, That when they should bee conuinced of this errror by the word of God, they would giue the glory vnto God. From hence haue proceeded those cruell warres wherein a million of men haue lost their liues. In the meane time, euen then when it seemed that all truth was buried in the ground, and that the Dragon had ouercome, God raised in diuers of those places, where this grace had beene knowne and recei­ued, many goodly Churches wherein his name is pure­ly [Page 143]inuocated, maugre the Deuill and all his adherents. To God therefore, who hath begunne to destroy the sonne of perdition by the blast of his Spi­rit: To the Sonne-of God who hath bought vs with his precious bloud, bee all honour and glory, for euer and euer. So be it. *⁎*

CHAPTER I.

Question. WHat art thou?

Answer. A creature of God, reasona­ble, and mortall.

Q. Why hath God created thee?

A. To the end I should know and serue him, and that I might be saued by his grace.

Q. In what doth thy saluation consist?

A. In three essentiail vertues, which doe necessarily belong to saluation.

Q. Which be they?

A. Faith, Hope, and Charity.

Q. How dost thou proue it?

A. The Apostle saith in the 1 Epistle to the Corin­thians, Chap. 13.13. These three things remaine, Faith, Hope, and Charity,

Q. What is Faith?

A. According to the Apostle, Heb. 11.1. It is the sub­stance of things hoped for, the euidence of things not seene.

Q. How many kindes of Faith are there?

A. There are two sorts of Faith, that is, a liuely, and a dead Faith.

Q. What is a liuely Faith?

A. That which worketh by Charity.

Q. What is a dead Faith?

A. According to Saint Iames, That Faith which is without workes, is dead. Againe, Faith is nothing with­out workes: Or, a dead faith, is to beleeue there is a God, and to beleeue those things concerning God, and not to beleeue in God.

Q. What is thy Faith?

A. The true Catholike and Apostolike Faith.

Q. What is that?

A. It is that which in the Apostles Symbole is diui­ded into twelue Articles.

Q. What is that Symbole?

A. I beleeue in God the Father Almighty, &c.

Q. By what meanes canst thou know that thou beleeuest in God?

A. By this. Because I know that I haue giuen my selfe to the obseruation of the Commandements of God.

Q. How many Commandements of God are there?

A. Ten, as it appeareth in Exodus and Deuteronomy.

Q. Which are they?

A. Hearken O Israel, I am the Lord thy God. Thou shalt haue no other Gods but me. Thou shalt not make to thy selfe any grauen Image, nor the likenesse of any thing that is in Heauen, &c.

Q. Vpon what doe all these Commandements depend?

A. Vpon the two great Commandements, that is to say; Thou shalt loue God aboue all things, and thy Neighbour as thy selfe.

Q. What is the foundation of these Commandements, by which euery one ought to enter into life, without which foun­dation no man can worthily fulfill the Commandements?

A. Our Lord Iesus Christ, of whom the Apostle saith, in the first to the Corinthians, None can lay any other foundation but that which is laid, euen Iesus Christ.

Q. By what meanes may a man attaine to this founda­tion?

A. By Faith: So saith Saint Peter, 1 Epist. 2.6. Be­hold, I lay in Sion a chiefe corner stone, elect, precious, and he that beleeueth in him, shall not be confounded. And our Sauiour saith; Hee that beleeueth in me shall haue eternall life.

Q. How doest thou know that thou beleeuest?

A. Because I know him to bee true God, and true man, who was borne, & suffered, &c. for my redempti­on, [Page 4]and Iustification; and that I loue him, and desire to fulfill his Commandements.

Q. By what meanes may a man attaine to the Essentiall vertues, that is to say, Faith, Hope, and Charity?

A. By the gifts of the holy Ghost.

Q. Doest thou beleeue in the holy Ghost?

A. I doe beleeue: For the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father and the Sonne, and is a person of the Trinity, and according to the Diuinity, is equall with the Father and the Sonne.

Q. Doest thou beleeue God the Father, God the Sonne, God the holy Ghost, to be three Persons: Then there are three Gods.

A. No, there are not three.

Q. But yet thou hast named three?

A. That was by reason of the difference of the Per­sons, not of the Essence of the Diuinity: For though there be three Persons, yet there is but one Essence.

Q. After what manner doest thou adore, and serue that God, in whom thou beleeuest?

A. I adore him by an exterior and interior adorati­on: Exterior, by the bowing of the knees, the lifting vp of the hands, the inclination of the body, with hymnes and spirituall songs, fasting, inuocation: but inwardly by a holy affection, a will ready to doe what hee plea­seth, and I serue him by Faith, Hope, Charity, in his Commandements.

Q. Doest thou adore and serue any other thing as God?

A. No.

Q. Wherefore?

A. Because of his Commandement, whereby hee hath straightly commanded, saying; Thou shalt wor­ship the Lord thy God, and him onely shalt thou serue. [Page 5]As also, I will not giue my glory to another. Againe, I liue saith the Lord: Euery knee shall bow vnto me. And Christ Iesus saith: There shall be true worshippers, who shall worship the Father in spirit and truth: and the Angell would not be adored by Saint Iohn, nor Saint Peter by Cornelius.

Q. After what manner doest thou pray?

A. I pray according to that Prayer that was taught vs by the Sonne of God, Our Father which art in Hea­uen, &c.

Q. Which is the other substantiall vertue belonging of ne­cessity to saluation?

A. It is Charity.

Q. What is Charity?

A. It is a gist of the holy Ghost, whereby the soule is reformed in will, illuminated by Faith, whereby I be­leeue all that I ought to beleeue, and hope whatsoeuer I ought to hope.

Q. Doest thou beleeue in the holy Church?

A. No, for that is a creature: but I beleeue there is a Church.

Q. What is that thou beleeuest touching the holy Church?

A. I say that the Church is considered after a two-fold manner; the one in it substance, the other in it Mi­nistery: Considered in it substance, by the Church we vnderstand, the holy Catholike Church, which contai­neth all the Elect of God, from the beginning of the World to the end, in the grace of God, by the merit of Christ, assembled by the holy Ghost, ordained from the beginning to eternall life, the names and number of whom is known onely to God, who hath elected them; And lastly, in this Church there remaineth no excom­municated person: But the Church considered accor­ding [Page 6]to the veritie of the Ministery, are the Ministers of Christ, with the people subiect vnto them, or com­mitted to their charge, vsing their Ministery by Faith, Hope, and Charity.

Q. By what markes doest thou know the Church of Christ?

A. By fit and conuenient Ministers, and by the people who participate in the trueth of that Mini­sterie.

Q. How doest thou know the Ministers?

A. By the true apprehension of faith, by sound do­ctrine, by the life of good example, the preaching of the Gospell, and the due administration of the Sacra­ments.

Q. By what markes doest thou know the false Mi­nisters?

A. By their fruits; by their blindnesse, by their wicked workes, by their peruerse doctrine, and by their vnfit disorderly administration of the Sacra­ments.

Q. How may we know their blindnesse?

A. When they, not knowing that truth which be­longeth of necessity to saluation, they obserue humane inuentions, as the Commandements of God, of whom that is verified that the Prophet Esay speaketh, and that hath beene alledged by our Sauiour Christ Iesus, Mat. 15. This people honour mee with their lips, but their heart is farre from me; but they serue me for nothing, teaching the doctrine and commandements of men.

Q. By what meanes or markes are wicked workes made knowne?

A. By those manifest sinnes of which the Apostle speaketh, Rom. 1. saying, that they that doe such things [Page 7]shall not inherit the kingdome of God.

Q. By what markes is false doctrine knowne?

A. When men teach against Faith and Hope, as diuers kinds of Idolatries, worshipping the reasonable, sensible, visible, or inuisible creature: for it is the Fa­ther onely, with his Sonne and the holy Ghost, that must be serued, and no other creature. But contrarily we attribute to man, and to the worke of his hands, or to his words, or to his authority, in such manner, that men being blinded, thinke that God is a debtour vnto them for their false religion, and couetous Simony of Priests.

Q. By what markes is the disorderly administration of the Sacraments knowne?

A. When the Priests know not the intention of Christ in the Sacraments, and teach that all grace and truth is included in them, by the onely outward cere­monies, and leade men to the participation of the Sa­craments, without the truth of Faith, Hope, and Cha­ritie. It is the will of the Lord, that all his should take heed of false prophets, saying, Beware of false prophets. And againe, Beware of the Pharises, that is to say, of their leuen and false doctrine. And againe, Belecue them not, follow not after them. Dauid hateth all such persons, and therefore he saith, I hate the congregation of the wic­ked. And the Lord commandeth vs to withdraw our selues from among such people, Numbers 16.26. De­part from the tents of these wicked men, and touch nothing of theirs, lest you be consumed in all their sinnes. And the Apostle, 2. Cor. 6.14. Be ye not vnequally yoked together with vnbeleeuers, for what fellowship hath righteousnesse with vnrighteousnesse, and what communion hath light with darkenesse? what concord hath Christ with Belial, or what [Page 8]part hath he that beleeueth with an Infidell. And, What a­greement hath the Temple of God with Idoles? Wherefore come ont from among them, and be ye separated, saith the Lord, and touch not the vncleane thing, and I will receiue you. Againe, in the 2. Thes. 3.12. We command and ex­hort you, by our Lord Iesus Christ, that ye withdraw your selues from euery brother that walketh disorderly. And in the 18. of the Reuel. 4. Come out of her my people, that ye be not partakers of her sinnes, and that yee receiue not of her plagues.

Q. By what markes may we know those that are not in the truth of the Church?

A. By their publike sinnes and erroneous faith; for we are to flie such people, least wee bee contaminated with their sinnes.

Q. By what things oughtest thou to communicate with the holy Church?

A. I muft communicate with the Church in regard of the substance, by Faith, by Hope, and by Charity, and by the obseruation of the Commandements, and by sinall perseuerance in that which is good.

Q. How many Ministeriall things are there?

A. Two, the Word, and the Sacraments.

Q. How many Sacraments are there?

A. Two, that is to say, Baptisme, and the Supper of the Lord.

Q. VVhat is the third vertue necessary to saluation?

A. Hope.

Q. VVhat is Hope?

A. It is a certaine expectation of the grace and glo­ry to come.

Q. By what meanes doe we hope for grace?

A. By the Mediatour Iesus Christ, of whom Saint [Page 9] Iohn speaketh, Chap. 1.17. Grace came by Iesus Christ. And againe, VVe beheld his glory full of grace and truth, and we haue all receiued of his fulnesse?

Q. VVhat is Grace?

A. It is Redemption, Remission of sinnes, Iustifi­cation, Adoption, Sanctification.

Q. By what meanes doe wee hope for this Grace in Christ?

A. By a liuely faith, and true repentance, Iesus Christ saying, Repent, and beleeue the Gospell.

Q. From whence doth Hope proceed?

A. From the gift of God, and his promises: and therefore saith the Apostle, He is able to accomplish what­soeuer he promiseth: for he hath promised himselfe, that at what time soeuer a sinner shall know him, and repent him of his sinnes, and hope that hee will haue mercy, pardon, and iustifie, &c.

Q. VVhat are the things that diuert a man from this hope?

A. A dead faith, the seducing of Antichrist to any other then Christ, that is to say, to Saints, and the power of that Antichrist in his authority, words, bene­dictions, Sacraments, reliques of the dead. The tea­ching men to haue hope, by those meanes that direct­ly oppose themselues against the Trueth, and against the Commandements of God, as Idolatry after diuers manners, and Simoniacall wickednesses, &c. Abando­ning the fountaine of liuing water giuen by grace, to runne after broken cesterns, adoring, and honouring, and seruing the creature, by Prayers, and Fastings, and Sacrifices, Donations, Offerings, Pilgrimages, Inuoca­tions, &c. Trusting thereby to attaine grace, which none can giue, but God alone in Christ Iesus. So that [Page 10]in vaine they trauell, and lose their siluer and their life, and doubtlesse not only this life present, but that which is to come; for which cause it is said, that the hope of felons shall perish.

Q. And what say you of the blessed Virgin Mary? For she is full of grace, as the Angel testifieth, Haile Mary full of grace, &c.

A. The blessed Virgin hath beene, and is full of grace in her selfe, but not to communicate vnto o­thers: for her Sonne only is full of grace to bestow on others, as it is said of him; And we all receiue of his fulnes grace for grace.

Q. Doest thou not beleeue the Communion of Saints?

A. I beleeue there are two things in the which, the faithfull doe communicate, the one is substantiall, the other Ministeriall: They communicate in the substanti­all by the holy Ghost, in God by the merit of Iesus Christ. But they communicate in the Ministeriall or Ecclesiasticall, by the Ministery duely exercised, that is to say, by the Word, by the Sacraments, and by Prayer. I beleeue the one and the other of these two Commu­nions of Saints. The first onely in God by the Spirit, the other in the Church by Christ.

Q. In what doth life eternall consist?

A. In a liuely working faith, and perseuerance therein. Our Sauiour saith, Iohn 17.3. This is life eternall, that they might know thee the onely true God, and Iesus Christ whom thou hast sent: And he that perseuereth to the end shall be saued. Amen.

CHAP. II.

O God of Kings, and Lord of Lords, This confessi­on is taken out of the Booke of the Walden­sec, intituled New comfort. I confesse my selfe vnto thee, for I am that sinner, that hath grieuously offen­ded thee, by mine ingratitude. I cannot excuse my selfe, because thou hast shewed mee what is good and what is euill. I haue knowne what thy power is, and haue vnderstood thy wisedome; I haue taken notice of thy Iustice, and seene thy goodnesse; and therefore all the euill that I haue done proceedeth from my owne corruption. O Lord forgiue me, and giue mee repentance, for I haue con­temned thee by my pride and presumption, I haue gi­uen no credit to thy wisedome, nor obeyed thy Com­mandements, but I haue trausgressed them all; for which I am sorry, and much displeased with my selfe. I haue not feared thy Iustice, nor thy Iudgements, but I haue committed many wickednesses, euen from my cradle vnto this day, neither haue I loued thy groat bountie and goodnesse as I should, and as thou hast commanded mee; but I haue giuen too great a trust vnto the deuill, by the fraile corruption of my nature; I haue followed pride and hated humilitie; and if thou pardon me not I am vndone, so deepely is linne rooted in my heart. I am so carried away with the loue of ri­ches [Page 12]and vaine-glory, affecting the praise of men, that I beare but little loue vnto those, to whom by their good deeds I am most obliged. If therefore thou for­giue mee not, there remaineth nothing for my poore soule but euerlasting perdition. Anger reigneth in my heart, because I haue not endeuoured to alaye it, enuy fretteth mee because I haue no charitie. O Lord for­giue me for thy goodnesse sake. I am rash, lazie, and sluggish to doe that which is good; hardie and bold to doe euill, and more then diligent. O Lord vouch­safe mee thy grace, that I may not bee of the number of the wicked. I haue not shewed my selfe thankefull for that good thou hast done vnto mee, and giuen vn­to me out of thy loue, as I ought, and as thou hast com­manded mee; for I haue beene alwayes, by the per­uersenesse of my nature, disobedient vnto thee in all things. O Lord forgiue mee, for I haue not serued thee, but contrarily I haue greatly offended thee. I haue beene too carefull to serue my body, and mine owne will, in many vaine thoughts and wicked de­sires, wherein I haue taken pleasure. I haue blinded my body, and exercised my thoughts and imaginations a­gainst thee in many wickednesses, and I haue sought after many things against thy will. Haue pitie on mee and giue mee humilitie. I haue cast vp mine eyes to be­hold the vaine delights and pleasures of this world, and I haue turned them away from thy countenance. I haue giuen eare to the sound of vanitie, and to wicked speeches, and it hath beene a grieuous thing vnto me to vnderstand thy Law and thy Discipline. I haue committed many sinnes, especially in my vnderstan­ding, for the stench of wickednesse hath beene more pleasing, then the diuine sweetnesse of thy celestiall [Page 13]honours; for adoring the euill, I haue therein taken greater contentment, because I haue committed many sinnes, and omitted much good that I should haue done, and not acknowledging my faults, I haue en­deuoured to cast them vpon another. I haue not been temperate in my eating and drinking. I haue many a time and oft returned wrong for wrong, and therein I haue taken greatest pleasure. I haue a wounded body and soule. I haue stretched out my hands to touch vanitie, and I haue laboured to possesse the goods of another man, and to mischiefe my neighbour. My heart hath delighted in that I haue said, and much more in many other vaine delights and pleasures. O Lord pardon mee and giue mee chastitie. I haue ill im­ployed the time that thou hast giuen mee, and I haue followed during my yonger yeeres, my vanities and pleasures. I haue wandred from the right way, and haue giuen an ill example by my lightnesse. I know but little good in my selfe, and I finde much euill. I haue displeased thee by my wickednesse, and con­demned mine owne soule, and hated my neighbour. O Lord preserue mee that I bee not condemned. I loue my neighbour for my temporall benefit. I haue not carried my selfe faithfully, when there hath beene any question of giuing and receiuing, but I haue had respect vnto the persons, according to mine affection. I haue loued the one too much, and too much hated the other. I haue taken too little ioy and comfort in the good of the godly, and too great delight in the finne of the wicked. And besides all the euill that I haue committed in times past vnto this present day, I haue not had any repentance, or distaste of my finnes, answerable to my manifold offences. I haue many a [Page 14]time and oft returned to that wickednesse I haue com­mitted, and now confessed, for which I am hartily sor­rie. O Lord God, thou knowest that I haue confessed my selfe vnto thee, and that there are yet in me many wickednesses, which I haue not recounted vnto thee, but thou knowest the wicked thoughts, the wicked words, the wicked works that I haue committed vnto this day, O Lord forgiue me, & giue me time in this life to repent me of my sins, and vouchsafe me the grace in time to come, so to hate those sins I haue committed, as that I neuer offend in that kind any more, & that I may so loue vertue and keepe it in my heart, that I may loue thee aboue all things, and feare thee in such sort, that when the houre of death shall come I may doe that that shall be pleasing vnto thee. And giue me such af­fiance in thee at the day of Iudgement, that I neither feare the deuill, nor any other thing may affright mee, but receiue me, and set me at thy right hand, with­out offence, free from all sinne. Good Lord let all this come to passe according to thy good pleasure, for thy Son Christ Iesus sake. Amen.

CHAP. III.

CHAP. IIII.

WEe must beleeue in God the Father Almigh­tie, maker of heauen and earth, which God is one Trinitie, as it is written in the Law, Deut. 64. Heare O Israel, the Lord our God, is one Lord. And the Prophet Esay, I am Lord, and there is none other, neither is there any God but I: And Saint Paul, in the 4. to the Ephes. There is one Lord, one Faith, one Baptisme, one God, and one Father of all. And Saint Iohn, 1. Epist. 5.7. There are three that beare record in hea­uen, the Father, the Word, and the holy Ghost, and these three are one. And in the Gospel by Saint Iohn it is said, Chap. 17.11. That the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost are one; when our Sauiour saith, That they may be one, as we are one. Againe, wee must beleeue that this holy Trinitie hath created all things visible, and that he is Lord of all things celestiall, terrestriall, and infernall, as it is said in Saint Iohn, Chap. 1.3. All things were made by him, and without him was not any thing made, that was made: And in the Reuelation it is said, Chap 4.11. Thou art worthy, O Lord, to receiue glory, for thou hast created all things, the heauens, the earth, and the sea, and the foun­taines of water. And the Prophet Dauid saith, And [Page 30]thou, O Lord, hast founded the earth in the beginning, and the heauens are the workes of thy hands. And againe, The heauens are framed by the word of the Lord, and all the powers thereof by the breath of his mouth. All these, and diuers other testimonies and reasons drawne from the Scriptures, doe affirme that God created all things of nothing, whatsoeuer they be.

Againe, we must beleeue that God the Father hath sent his Sonne from heauen vnto earth, and that for our sakes hee hath taken vpon him our flesh in the wombe of the Virgin Mary for our saluation; as the Prophet Esay speaketh, Chap. 7.14 Behold a Virgin shall conceiue and beare a Sonne, and his name shall be Emanuell; which is God with vs. And the Lord saith in the Gospel, that this hath beene accomplished, saying, I am come from my Father into the world; and againe, I haue left the world, and goe to my Father. And againe, Saint Iohn saith, Chap. 1.14. The Word was made flesh, and dwels amongst vs. And in the first Epistle of Iohn 5.20, Wee know that the Sonne of God is come, and that hee hath ta­ken our flesh vpon him for vs, and is raised againe from death for vs, and hath giuen vs vnderstanding, that wee may know him that is true, and wee are in him that is true, euen in his Sonne Iesus Christ. This is the true God and eternall life. And in the fourth to the Galatians 4. When the fulnesse of time was come, God sent foorth his Sonne made of a woman, made vnder the Law, to redeeme them that were vnder the Law: who by the commandement of God the Father, and his owne free will, was lifted vp vpon the altar of the crosse, and crucified, and hath redeemed mankinde with his owne blood; which ha­uing accomplished, he arose from death the third day, hauing dispersed in the world a light euerlasting, like a [Page 31]new sunne, that is, the glory of the resurrection, and heauenly inheritance, which the same Sonne of God hath promised to giue to all those that in faith serue him. For ascending vp vnto heauen the fortieth day after his resurrection, and the tenth after his assention, hee sent the holy Ghost from heauen to comfort his Apostles, and to replenish his Church with the same Spirit. We must beleeue that the same God hath cho­sen vnto himselfe a glorious Church, without spot or wrinckle, or such like thing, as Saint Paul speaketh, to the end it should be holy and vndefiled, according to the commandement of the Almighty; Be ye holy, for I am holy. And in the fift of Saint Matthew; Be yee per­fect, as your beauenly Father is perfect: for nothing that doth commit abomination shall enter into the King­dome of God, but onely they that are written in the Booke of life, as it is sayd in the Reuelation.

We must beleeue the generall resurrection, of which our Sauiour speaketh in the Gospell of Saint Iohn; The houre shall come when all they that are in their graues shall beare the voyce of the Sonne of God, and they that haue done euill, to the resurrection of Iudgement. And Saint Paul saith in the first to the Corinthians, that all shall arise, and all shall be changed. And Iob saith, Chap. 19.25. I know that my Redeemer liueth, and that hee shall stand at the latter day vpon the earth; and though after my skin, wormes destroy this body, yet in my flesh shall I see God; whom I shall see for my selfe, and mine eyes shall behold, and not another, though my reines be consumed with­in mee.

Wee must beleeue the generall Iudgement vpon all the children of Adam, as the Scriptures both of the Old and New Testament doe affirme. As our Sauiour [Page 32]promiseth in the 25. of Matth. 31. When the Sonne of man shall come in his glory, and all the holy Angels with him, then shall hee sit vpon the throne of his glory; and be­fore him shall bee gathered all nations, and hee shall sepa­rate them one from another, as a shepheard diuideth his sheepe from the goates; and hee shall set the sheepe on his right hand and the goates on the left. And Iude in his Epistle, Vers 15. Behold the Lord commeth with ten thou­sand of his Saints, to execute iudgement vpon all. And the Prophet Esay saith, The Lord commeth in iudgement with the Ancients of his people, and with his yong men also. These things are set downe in the Old and New Testa­ment, and especially the foure Euangelists, and the Pro­phets witnesse it in many places.

CHAP. V.

SAint Augustine being requested by a spirituall Daughter of his, Taken out of a Booke of the Waldenses, inti­tuled, The trea­sure of faith. to teach her to pray, hath thus said; and written: That multitudes of words, are not ne­cessary in prayer. But to pray much, is to be feruent in prayer. And therefore to be long in prayer, is to present things necessary in superfluous words. To pray much, is to solicit that we pray for with a seemely decency and affection of heart, which is better done by teares, then by words; because God who seeth the secrets of our heart, is more moued with a deepe grone or sigh, by plaints and teares that come from the heart, then by a thousand words. [Page 33]But many there are in these dayes that refemble the Pagans, to whom Christ would not haue his Disciples to be like; for they thinke and beleeue that they shall bee the rather heard for their many words in their prayers: whereby it comes to passe, that they loose much time vnder a pretence of prayer. Iob saith, & be­sides experience makes it good, that a man is neuer in the same estate in this life, but hee is now disposed to doe one thing, and presently to doe another. And therefore there is no man that can keepe his minde, his spirit, bent and attentiue to prayer, a whole day or a whole night together, except God giue the especiall assistance of his grace. And if a man bath not his heart setled vpon that which he speaketh, he looseth his time, because hee prayes in vaine, and his soule is troubled, and his minde wandring another way. And therefore God hath appointed to his seruants other exercises, vertuous, spirituall, and corporall, wherein a man may ordinarily exercise himselfe, sometimes in one, some­times in another, either for themselues, or their Neigh­bours, hauing their hearts lifted vp vnto God, with all their power, in such sort that they may not bee idle. And therefore that man that liues well, according to the will of God, and the Doctrine of his Saints, prayeth alwayes. For euery good worke is a good prayer vnto God. And as for thou that readest, know that all the prayers of the old and new Testament, doe agree with this; and that no prayer can be pleasing vnto God, that hath not a reference some way or other vnto this. And therefore euery Christian ought to apply himselfe to vnderstand and to learne this prayer, which Christ him­selfe hath taught with his owne mouth.

Now it is necessary that he that is heard of God, be [Page 34]agreeable vnto him, and know those benefits hee hath receiued from him. For ingratitude is a winde that dry­eth vp the Fountaine of the mercy and compassion of our God. And therefore if thou wilt pray, or aske any thing at Gods hand, thinke with thy selfe before thou aske, what and how great benefits thou hast receiued from him, and if thou canst not call them all to minde, yet at the least forget not to beg that grace, that thou mayest be bold to call him Father. And thinke and know in how diuers a manner he is thy Father: for hee is the Father of all Creatures generally by creation, for he hath created them all. He is a Father by distributi­on, for he hath ordained them, and disposed them all in his due place, as being very good. By preseruation; for he hath preserued all Creatures, that they faile not in their kinde, amongst which his Creatures thou art one. And besides, hee is the Father of mankind by re­demption, for hee hath bought him with the precious bloud of his Sonne, the Lambe without spot: By in­struction, for he hath taught him by his Prophets, by his Sonne, and by his Apostles and Doctors, and that after a diuers manner, the way to returne into Paradice, from whence wee were driuen by the sinne of our first Father Adam. By chastisement, for he chastiseth and correcteth vs in this life diuers wayes, to the end wee may returne vnto him, and not be condemned eternal­ly in another life.

THy Name, amiable to Christians, and fearefull to the Iewes, to Paynims, and to the wicked. Of this [Page 35]name saith the Prophot, O Lord, thy Name is admira­ble, and wonderfull. O our Father which art in Hea­uen, we humbly beseech thee, that thy Name which is holy, be sanctified in vs, by purity of heart, by the contempt of the flesh and the world, and that by an assured perseuerance of thy loue, wee may be holy as thy name is holy, which we beare, and by which wee are called Christians. For which cause, let it be and dwell alwayes in vs, that wee may addict our selues to holi­nesse and righteousnesse.

YOu must vnderstand that God the Father hath two Kingdomes, the one of glory, life eternall; the other of grace, the life Christian. And these two Kingdomes are ioyned together, in such manner, that betwixt them there is no middle, but the point of death. But accor­ding to the order of diuine Iustice, the Kingdome of grace is before the Kingdome of glory. And therefore they that liue in the Kingdome of grace, by which we are to passe, if wee will enter the Kingdome of glory, without doubt they shall raigne in the Kingdome of glory; and no man can reigne there by any other meanes. And therefore Christ our Lord saith vnto his Disciples, Seeke first the Kingdome of God, and the righteousnesse thereof, that is, the Kingdome of grace and vertue, as Faith, Hope, Charity, and the rest. But foras­much as you cannot performe this of your selues, with­out the heauenly grace, beg it at Gods hands, saying; O our Father which art in Heauen, thy King dome come; that [Page 36]is to say, the loue of vertue, and the hatred of the World.

A Man cannot affect, desire, or doe any better thing in this life, then to endeuour with all his wit and vnderstanding, and with all his heart, to doe the will of God, as the Angels doe it in Heauen. Now to doe the will of God, is to renounce himselfe; that is to say, his owne proper will, and to dispose and employ that which is in his owne soule and heart, or that is without him, in things temporall, according to the Law of God, and the Doctrine of the Gospell of Christ Iesus. And to be well content with whatsoeuer it shall please God to doe or permit, both in aduersity and prosperity. Many there are who thinke they are to be excused, be­cause they know not the will of God. But these men deceiue themselues. For the will of God is written, and plainely manifested and proued by the word of God, which they will not reade or vnderstand. And there­fore saith the Apostle, Conforme not your selues vnto those that loue the World, but be reformed and renewed in the truth of your vnderstanding, to the end you may know what is the will of God. And againe, this is the will of God, euen your sanctification. There is no worke that is lit­tle, if it be done with a willing and feruent affection. And our Sauiour teacheth his Disciples both by words and examples, that the will of God must be done, not theirs; saying, I am come into the world, not to doe my will, [Page 37]but to doe the will of my Father who hath sent me. Againe, being neere his passion, and seeing the torments of death which he was to endure, as he was man, he cryed out, O my Father, if it be possible, let this Cup passe from me; but yet not my will, but thy will be done. To be briefe, we must thus pray in all our affaires. O our Father which art in Heauen. Thy will be done in vs, by vs, and of vs in Earth, as it is done by the Angels in Heauen, without idlenesse continually, without fault vprightly, without humane desire, doing that which is good, leading a ver­tuous and a pure life, obeying our superiours, and con­temning this World.

WEe may heere vnderstand two kinds of bread, Corporall and Spirituall. By Corporall bread wee are to vnderstand our meates and drinkes, and clothing, and all things necessary for the body, without which we cannot liue naturally. The Spirituall Bread is the Word of God, the Body of Christ, without which the Soule cannot liue. And of this Bread Christ spake vnto his Disciples; Whosoeuer shall eate of this bread, shall liue eternally. And therefore it is the dutie of eue­ry man, in all humilitie to aske this Bread at Gods hands, who can giue it him, saying, O our Father, doe vs the grace and fauour, that wee may obtaine by our iust labour, the bread that is necessary for our bodies, and to vse it with sobriety and measure, yeelding thee alwayes thankes and praises, and that wee may cha­ritably bestow some part of them vpon the poore. [Page 38]Moreouer we beseech thee that thou wilt bee pleased, so to deale with vs, that wee may vse this bread with sobriety to thy glory, and the good both of body and soule. For the Prophet Ezekiel saith, Chap. 16.49. That fulnesse of bread, and abundance of idlenesse, was the cause of the iniquities and abominations of Sodom, which were so great in the sight of God, that he sent downe fire and brim­stone to consume them. Whereupon a certaine learned Father saith, that costly apparrell, superfluitie in diet, play, idlenesse and sleepe, fatten the body, nourish luxu­rie, weaken the spirit, and leade the soule vnto death; but a spare diet, labour, short sleepe, poore garments, purifie the soule, tame the body, mortifie the lusts of the flesh, and comfort the Spirit.

The spirituall Bread is the Word of God. Of this Bread the Prophet speaketh; Thy bread quickeneth mee. And Christ saith in the Gospell; Verily I say vnto you, that the houre commeth, when the dead shall heare the voyce of the Sonne of God, and they that heare him shall liue. And this is found true by this experience: That is, that ma­ny being dead in their sinnes, hearing the Preaching of the Word of God, haue departed, quickned, & raised, by the said Word of God, & betaken themselues to true repentance which giueth life. This bread of the Word illuminateth the soule, according to that of Dauid, Psal. 119.130. The entrance of thy word giueth light, it giueth vnderstanding to the simple; that is to say, to the humble, to the end they may know what to beleeue and to doe, what to feare, to flye, to loue, to hope. This bread delighteth the soule more then honey and the honey-combe. And therefore saith the Spouse, Canticles 2.11. Let me heare thy voyce, for sweete is thy voyce, and thy countenance is comely. There is another [Page 39]Spirituall Bread, and that is the Body and Blood of our Lord and Sauiour Iesus Christ. In the Sacrament, they that receiue it worthily, receiue not onely grace, but Christ the Sonne of God spiritually, in whom are hid all the treasures of wisedome.

IT should not seeme, or bee, grieuous to any man to forgiue his neighbour those offences hee hath com­mitted against him. For if all the offences which haue beene, or can bee committed against all the men in the world were put into a ballance, they would not weigh so much, being put altogether, as the least offence com­mitted against God: but the pride of man will not suffer men to thinke heereof, neither to pardon their neighbours, nor to receiue their pardon from God. But a good Christian suffereth and gently pardoneth, be­seeching God, that hee may not make requitall accor­ding to the euill his debtors, or such as haue offended him, haue deserued, and that he will giue them grace to know their fault, and withall true repentance, to the end they may not bee damned; and the wrongs done vnto him, he accounteth as dreames, in such manner, that hee thinkes not of repaying them according to their merits, nor desires to reuenge himselfe, but to doe them seruice, and to conuerse with them as before, yea, and with greater loue then if they were brethren. And therefore hee that out of the crueltie of his heart, will by no meanes forgiue his enemy or debtour, can­not [Page 40]hope for pardon at Gods hand, but rather eternall damnation. For the Spirit of God hath spoken it, and it is true: Hee shall haue Iudgement without mercy that is not mercifull to others. The affection and the will that thou hast towards thy debtour, is the same which God hath in his place and ranke, and thou canst hope for no other.

VVEe are not to pray vnto God, not to suffer vs to bee tempted: For the Apostle Saint Paul saith, None shall be crowned but he that sighteth against the world, the flesh, and the deuill. And Saint Iames saith, that he is blessed that endureth temptation. For when hee hath past his tryall, hee shall receiue a crowne of life. For no man can resist the power of the deuill without the grace of God. Wee must therefore pray, with all humilitie and deuotion, and continuall requests vnto our heauenly Father that wee fall not into temptati­ons, but so as that combating with them, wee may get the victory, and the Crowne, by and through his grace, which hee hath prepared to giue vnto vs. We are not to beleeue that he doth sooner heare, or more willing­ly, the Diuell then the Christian; and according to that which the Apostle Saint Paul saith, God is faith­full, who suffereth vs not to bee tempted aboue our power.

THat is to say, Deliuer vs from a wicked will to sinne: from the temporall and eternall paines of the deuill: that wee may bee deliuered from his infi­nite toyles and trumperies. AMEN. This last word noteth vnto vs, the feruent desire of him, that prayeth that that thing may bee granted vnto him that hee as­keth. And this word Amen, is as much as if he should say, So bee it, and it may bee put after all our Peti­tions.

CHAP. VI.

A Sacrament, according to the saying of Saint Augustine, in his Booke of the Citie of God, is an inuisible grace re­presented by a visible thing. Or a Sa­crament is a signe of a holy thing. There is great difference betwixt the bare Sa­crament, and the cause of the Sacrament, euen as much as betweene signe and the thing signified. For the cause of the Sacrament is the Diuine grace, and the [Page 42]merit of Iesus Christ crucified, who is the raysing of those that were fallen. This cause of the Sacrament, is Powerfully, Essentially, and by authority in God, and in Iesus Christ Meritoriously. For by the cruell Passion and effusion of his Bloud, he hath obtained grace and righteousnesse vnto all the faithfull. But the thing it selfe of the Sacrament, is in the soule of the faithfull, by participation, as Saint Paul speaketh; Wee haue beene made partakers of Christ. It is in the Word of the Gos­pell, by annunciation, or manifestation. In the Sacra­ments, Sacramentally. For the Lord Iesus hath lent, or giuen these helpes of the outward Sacraments, to the end the Ministers, instructing in the faith, should so accommodate themselues to humane weakenesse, as that they might the better edifie the people by the Word of the Gospell.

There are two Sacraments: The one of water, the other of nourishment, that is to say, of Bread and Wine.

The first is called Baptisme, that is to say in our lan­guage, the washing with water, either of the riuer or the fountaine, and it must be administred, In the name of the Father, of the Sonne, and of the holy Ghost; to the end that first, by the meanes of the grace of God the Father, beholding his Sonne, and by the participation of Iesus Christ, who hath bought vs, and by the re­newing of the holy Ghost, which imprinteth a liuely faith in our hearts, the sinnes of those that are Bapti­zed, are pardoned, and they receiued into grace, and afterwards hauing perseuered therein, are saued in Iesus Christ.

The Baptisme wherewith wee are Baptized, is the same wherewith it pleased our Sauiour himselfe to bee [Page 43]Baptized, to accomplish all righteousnesse, as it was his will to be Circumcised, and wherewith hee com­manded his Apostles to be Baptized.

The things that are not necessary in Baptisme, are the Exorcismes, the breathings, the signes of the Crosse vpon the Infant, either the brest or the forehead, the falt put into the mouth, the spittle into the eares and nost [...]ills, the vnction of the brest, the Monkes Cowle, the anoynting of the Chresme vpon the head, and di­uers the like things, consecrated by the Bishop, as also the putting of the Taper in his hands, clothing it with a white vestment, the blessing of the water, the dipping of it thrice in the water: All these things vsed in the administration of the Sacrament, are not necessary, they neither being of the substance, nor requisite in the Sacrament of Baptisme, from which things many take occasion of errour and superstition, rather then edifi­cation to saluation.

Now this Baptisme is visible and materiall, which maketh the partie neither good nor euill, as it appea­reth in the Scripture, by Simon Magus, and Saint Paul. And whereas Baptisme is administred in a full congre­gation of the faithfull, it is to the end that he that is re­ceiued into the Church, should be reputed and held of all for a Christian brother, and that all the Congrega­tion might pray for him, that hee may be a Christian in heart, as he is outwardly esteemed to bee a Christian. And for this cause it is that we present our children in Baptisme; which they ought to doe, to whom the chil­dren are neerest, as their parents, and they to whom God hath giuen this Charitie.

CHAP. VII.

MAriage is holy, In the Booke intituled, The Spirituall Al­manacke, fol. 50. being instituted of God in the beginning of the World. And therefore it is an honourable thing, when it is kept as it ought in all purity, and when the Husband, who is the head of Wife, loues her, and keepes her, and carrieth himselfe honestly towards her, being faithful and loyall towards her: and that the woman for her part, who is made to be a helpe vnto man, be subiect to her Husband, obey­ing him in whatsoeuer is good, and honouring him as God hath commanded her, taking care of his Houshold affaires, keeping her selfe not onely from ill-doing, but all appearance of euill, continuing faithfull and loyall vnto him, and both of them perseuering in that which is good, according to the will of God, taking paines to­gether to get their liuing by honest and lawful meanes, wronging no man, and instructing those children which God hath giuen them, in the feare and doctrine of the Lord, and to liue as our Lord hath commanded them.

Prayer and fasting is profitable, when there is que­stion of the celebration of Matrimony, and the reasons, and instructions, and aduertisements touching the same. But the Imposition of hands, and the Ligatures made with the Priests stoole, and other things commonly obserued therein, and by custome, without the expresse [Page 48]word, they are not of the substance, nor necessarily re­quired in mariage.

As touching the degrees prohibited, and other things that are to be obserued in matter of Matrimony, wee shall speake, when we come to the discipline.

CHAP. VIII.
El besongna que aquel que porta la parola de Dio lo no­stre Seignor en tota diligenza.

IT is necessary that hee that is the Messenger of the Word of God, should inuite, and draw euery one to our Lord and Sauiour, with all la­bour and diligence, both by the good example of his life, and the truth of his Doctrine; and it is not sufficient that hee teach in the Congregation, but also in their Houses, and in all other places, as Christ and his Apo­stles haue done before him, comforting the afflicted, and especially those that are sicke. He must admonish them touching the great bounty and mercy of God, shewing that there can proceed nothing but what is good, from him that is the Fountaine of all goodnesse, and that he that is Almighty, is our mercifull Father, [Page 49]more carefull of vs, then euer Father or Mother hath beene of their Children; telling them, that though a Mother may forget her Childe, and the Nurse him to whom shee hath giuen sucke, and which shee hath bo­ren in her wombe, yet notwithstanding our heauenly Father will not forget vs, doing all things for our bene­fit, and sending all things for our greater good, and if it were more expedient for vs to enioy our health, wee should haue it. And therefore wee are to submit our wils to his will, and our liues to his conduct and dire­ction, and assuredly beleeue that he loueth vs, and out of his loue, he chastiseth vs. Neither must wee respect the griefe or pouerty we endure, nor thinke that God hateth vs, and casteth vs off; but rather we must thinke, that we are the more in his grace and fauour, nothing regarding those that flourish in this World, and haue here their consolation, but looking vpon Christ Iesus, more beloued of his Father then any other, who is the true Sonne of God, and yet hath beene more afflicted then we all, and more tormented then any other. For not onely that bitter passion that he suffered, was very hard and grieuous vnto him, but much more in regard that in the middest of his torments, euery one cryed out against him, like angry dogs, belching out against him many villanous speeches, doing against him the worst they could, in such sort, that hee was constrained to cry out in his torments, My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me? And finding the houre of his passion to draw neere, he grew heauy vnto the death, and prayed vnto his Father, that that Cup might passe from him, insomuch that he did sweat water and bloud, because of that great beauinesse and anguish of heart which he should endure in this cruell death.

And therefore the sicke man must consider with himselfe, that he is not so ill handled, nor so grieuously tormented, as his Sauiour was, when he suffered for vs, for which he is to yeeld thankes vnto God, that it hath pleased him to deliuer vs, and to giue this good Sauiour vnto the death for vs, begging mercy and fauour at his hands in the name of Iesus. And it is necessary that we haue with all this perfect confidence and assurance, that our Father will forgiue vs for his goodnesse sake. For hee is full of mercy, slow to anger, and ready to for­giue.

And therefore the sicke party must recommend, and commit himselfe wholy vnto the mercy of his Lord, to doe with him as shall seeme good in his eyes, and to dis­pose both of his body and soule, according to his good will and pleasure. Also it shall be necessary to admonish the sicke person, to doe vnto his Neighbour, as hee would haue his Neighbour doe vnto him, not wrong­ing any man, and to take such order with all that are his, that hee may leaue them in peace, that there may not be any suites, or contentions amongst them after his death.

He must also bee exhorted to hope for saluation in Iesus Christ, and not in any other, or by any o­ther thing, acknowledging himselfe a miserable sinner, to the end hee may aske pardon of God, finding him­selfe to be in such a manner culpable, that he deserueth of himselfe eternall death. And if the sicke party shall be stricken with a feare of the iudgement of God, and his anger against sinne and sinners; he must put him in minde of those comfortable promises, which our Saui­our hath made vnto all those that come vnto him, and from the bottome of their heart call vpon him, and [Page 51]how God the Father hath promised pardon, whensoe­uer wee shall aske it in the name of his Sonne, and our Sauiour Christ Iesus. These are the things wherein the true Preacher of the Word ought faithfully to employ himselfe, to conduct the party visited to his Sa­uiour.

And when he is departed this life, he must giue heart and courage to the suruiuers, by godly exhortations, to the end they may be comforted to praise God, and to conforme themselues to his holy will; and whereas in former times it hath beene the manner to cause the poore and desolate widow to spend much siluer, hauing lost her Husband, vpon singers, and ringers, and eaters, and drinkers, whilest shee sits weeping and fasting, wronging hereby her fatherlesse Children; to the end that losse be not added to losse, it is our duty, taking pitty on them, to aide them with our councell and with our goods, according to that ability that God hath be­stowed on vs, taking care that the Children be well in­structed, to the end, that liuing like Christians, according to the will of God, they may la­bour to get their liuing, as God hath ordained and commanded.

CHAP. IX.

BY that which is contained in this Booke, and what hath beene faithfully gathe­red out of the Bookes the Waldenses haue left vnto vs, it appeareth that the Doctrine which they maintaine in these dayes, that make profession of reforma­tion, hath beene maintained by them, many ages be­fore they that are enemies thereunto, would take no­tice of it, there being nothing in all that is deliuered, that doth either repugne the Word of God, or is not altogether conformeable to that which is taught in the reformed Churches. For the Waldenses and Albingen­ses haue knowne the necessity of instructing their chil­dren, by making vse of such familiar Catechismes as haue beene practised in the Primatiue-Church. They haue confessed their sinnes to one onely God, with termes of true humility, proofes of great zeale, and a holy confidence in the mercy of God, by his Sonne and our Sauiour Christ Iesus. They haue acknow­ledged the Law of God, for the onely rule of their o­bedience, and confessing themselues to bee farre distant from that perfection which ought to bee in vs, to ap­peare vnblameable before the face of God; from their impersection they haue taken occasion to haue re­course to the only righteousnesse of the Sonne of God, our Redeemer, the Law being as a Looking-glasse, to make them know their staines and blemishes, and to send them to Christ Iesus the true lauor or washing [Page 53]poole. They haue called vpon God in their necessities, by, and through, one onely Iesus Christ our Sauiour. They haue receiued the Sacraments, with faith and repentance, and without alteration. They haue entred the state of Matrimony, as ordained by God, holy and honourable; and finally, they haue not beene igno­rant, with what charity they were to comfort, and to visite, and to exhort their sicke, and such as are in any aduersity. And what hath there beene in all these, that for these they should be condemned to death as Here­tikes; especially seeing that with the goodnesse and puritie of their Doctrine, they haue liued religi­ously, vnder a holy Discipline, which the Booke following will make good vnto vs.

CHAPTER I. De la Disciplina.
La Disciplina conten en si tota doctrina Moral segond l'enseignament de Christ, &c.
Of Discipline.

DIscipline containeth in it all Morall Do­ctrine, according to the Institution of Christ and his Apostles, shewing after what manner euery one ought to liue in his vocation by faith, and to walke wor­thily in true holinesse and righteousnes.

There are many instructions in the Booke of God, touching this Discipline, shewing not only, how euery [Page 56]man ought to liue in his owne particular estate, of what age or condition soeuer he be; but also what must bee that vnion, consent, and band of loue, in the commu­nication of the faithfull. And therefore if any man desire the knowledge of these things, let him reade what the Apostle hath said in his Epistles, and he shall finde at large, and especially in what manner euery one is bound to keepe himselfe in vnity, and to walke in such sort, that hee be not a scandall and an occasion of falling to his neighbour, by wicked words or actions; and in what manner he is bound, not only to flye what is euill, but also the occasions of euill: and when soeuer any man hath failed therein, how he may be reformed and come to amendment of life.

By many such generall instructions, the reclaimed people newly brought vnto the Faith, must be taught, to the end they may walke worthily in the house of the Lord, & that they make not his house a den of theeues, by their wicked conuersation, and toleration of euill.

CHAP. II. De li Pastor.
Tuit aquilli liquol deuon esser receopu Pastor dentre de nos, &c.
Of Pastors.

ALL they that are to bee receiued as Pastors amongst vs, whilest they are yet with their owne people, they are to intreate ours, that they would bee pleased to receiue them to the Ministery, and to pray vnto God, that they may bee made worthy of so great an office: but yet know [Page 57]that these Petitioners make this request, to shew their humility.

We set them their taske, causing them to learne by heart, all the Chapters of Saint Mathew, and Saint Iohn, and all the Epistles that are Canonicall; a good part of the writings of Salomon, Dauid, and the Prophets.

Afterwards hauing gotten some good testimony of their sufficiency, they are receiued with imposition of hands into the Office of Teachers.

He that is admitted in the last place, shall not doe any thing without the leaue and allowance of him that was admitted before him: As also hee that is first, shall doe nothing without the leaue of his companion, to the end, that all things with vs might be done in order.

Diet and apparell is giuen vnto vs freely, and by way of almes, and that with good sufficiency, by those good people whom we teach.

Amongst other powers and abilities which God hath giuen to his seruants, hee hath giuen authority to chuse Leaders to rule the people, and to ordaine Elders in their charges, according to the diuersity of the worke, in the vnity of Christ; which is proued by the saying of the Apostle, in the first Chapter of the Epistle to Titus; For this cause haue I left thee in Creete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting, and ordaine Elders in euery City, as I haue appointed thee. Whensoeuer any of our said Pastors committeth any foule sinne, hee is thrust out of our company, and forbid to preach.

CHAP. III. Del' Enseignament de li filli.
Li silli liqual naisson a li pairons carnals deuon esser ren­du, &c.
Of the Instruction of Children.

CHildren borne of their carnall Parents, must bee made spirituall vnto God, by discipline and by instruction, as it is said in the 30 of Ecclesiast. 1. He that loueth his sonne, causeth him oft to feele the rod, that he may haue toy of him in the end, and that hee knocke not at the doore of his Neighbour. He that chastiseth his sonne, shall haue ioy in him, and shall reioyce of him among his acquaintance. He that teacheth his sonne, grieueth his enemy, and before his enemies hee shall reioyce of him. Though his Father dye, yet he is as if he were not dead, for hee hath left one behind him that is like vnto himselfe: whilest he liued, he saw, and reioyced in him, and when he dyed, he was not sorrowfull. For he left behind him an auenger against his enemies, and one that shall requite kindnesse to his friends. Despaire not of thy childe when he is vnwilling to receiue correcti­on, or if he proue not speedily good; for the Labourer gathereth not the fruits of the Earth so soone as it is sowen, but he attends a fitting time.

A man must also haue a carefull eye ouer his Daugh­ters. Hast thou Daughters? Keepe them within, and see they wander not. For Dina the Daughter of Iacob, was corrupted by being seene of strangers.

CHAP. IIII. De li Preyre, de la Collectas, & de li Concili.
Regidors son estegi del poble et Preyre, &c.
Of the Elders, of the distribution of Almes, and Ec­clesiasticall Synodall Assemblies.

WEe choose amongst the people those that are to gouerne, and of the Elders, according to the diuer­sity of their employment, in the vnity of Christ. According to that of the Apostle, in the first of the Epistle to Titus, I haue left thee in Creete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting, and ordaine Elders in euery City, as I haue appoin­ted thee. The filuer that is giuen for the reliefe of the people, is by vs carried to the aforesaid Councell, and is there deliuered for the common vse in the presence of all, and afterwards taken by those that are in autho­rity, and part of that siluer is giuen to those that are to trauell any long iourneyes, to employ as they shall thinke fittest, and part vnto the poore.

Our Pastors doe call Assemblies once euery yeere, to determine of all affaires in a generall Councell.

CHAP. V. De la Correction Ecclesiastica.
Semeillament deuon esser faict, corrections per enducti­on de temors, &c.
Of Ecclesiasticall Correction.

SO likewise corrections are to be vsed, to hold men in feare, to the end that they that are not faithfull, may be punished, and separated, either for their wicked life, or erroneous beliefe, or their want of Charity, or any of these euils that are found toge­ther in any one. Now, that it is necessary to vse such corrections, our Sauiour telleth vs, saying; If thy brother trespasse against thee, rebuke him betwixt thee and himselfe, and if he repent, forgiue him, Luke 17. The Apostle con­firmeth the same, saying to the Galathians; If a man be taken in any sinne, you that are spirituall, instruct him in the spirit of meekenesse.

But forasmuch as all receiue not these corrections in charity, our Lord teacheth our spirituall guides, what course they should take, saying; If hee hearken not vnto thee, take with thee one or two, for in the mouth of two or three, shall euery one be iustified. Our Lords meaning is, if the fault be not published and knowne by diuers; but not so if the sinne be manifest and made knowne to euery man: In such a case, the chastisement must be made manifest too. The Apostle telleth vs as much, in the first of Timothy, 5.20. Them that sinne, rebuke before all, that others also may feare.

CHAP. VI. De l'Excommunication.
Ma car tuit en aital reprennament non volon auec assai es­mendament ni abandonnar lo mal, &c.
Of Excommunication.

BVt when such will not amend their liues by any of these admonitions, nor leaue their wicked wayes, Christ tea­cheth vs what wee are to doe against such: If they will not hearken there­vnto, tell the Church; that is to say, the Guides, whereby the Church is ruled and preser­ued, that he may be punished, especially for contuma­cy. This the Apostle confirmeth, 1 Cor. 5.3. I verily, as absent in body, but present in spirit, haue iudged already, as though I were present, in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ, when ye are gathered together, and my Spirit, with the power of our Lord Iesus Christ. As also in the 11. verse, If any man that is called a brother, be a fornicator, or couetous, or an Idolator, or a rayler, or a drunkard, or an extortioner, I say, eate not with any that is such a one, but put away that wicked person from amongst you. And againe, If there be any one that will not obey our word, signifie that man by an Epistle, and haue no company with him, that he may be asha­med; yet count him not as an enemy, but admonish him as a brother, and as our Sauiour saith; let him be vnto thee as a Pagan, or a Publican; that is to say, let him be depriued of all aide of the Church, and of the Ministry, and the company of the Church, and of vnion.

CHAP. VII. Del Mariage.
Le Mariage se deo far second li gra liqual Dio a permes, &c.
Of Mariage.

MAriages are to be made according to the degrees permitted of God, but not ac­cording to those he hath forbidden: but wee are to make no scruple of consci­ence of those of the Pope, though a man haue paid him no siluer for a dispensation. For that which God hath not forbidden, may bee done without the Pope. The band of holy Matrimony must not be made without the consent of the Parents of both par­ties; for Children belong to their Parents.

CHAP. VIII. De la Tauerna.
La Tauerna es fontana de pecca, Eschola del Diauel, &c.
Of the excesse and disorders which are commonly committed in Tauernes.

ATauerne is the Fountaine of sinne, the Schoole of the Diuell; it workes won­ders, fitting the place. It is the custome of God to shew his power in his Church, and to worke miracles; that is to say, to giue sight to the blinde, to make the lame to goe, the [Page 63]dumbe to speake, the deafe to heare, but the deuill doth quite contrary to all these in a Tauerne. For when the Drunkard goeth to the Tauerne, hee go­eth vpright, but when hee commeth foorth hee can­not goe at all, and hee hath lost his sight, his hea­ring, his speech. The Lectures that are read in this Schoole of the deuill, are Gluttonies, Oathes, Per­iuries, Lyings, Blasphemies, and diuers other villa­nies. For in a Tauerne are quarrells, slanders, con­tentions, murthers, and Tauerners that suffer them, are partakers of their sinnes, and that wickednesse they commit. For hee that would speake as much euill of their Parents, as they suffer men to speake of God, and the glorious Virgin, and the Saints in Para­dise, and all for a little gaine by the saile of their wine, they would neuer endure it so peaceably. And there­fore it is said in Ecclefiasticus, that the Tauerner shall not be freed from sinne.

CHAP. IX. Del Bal.
Lo Bales la procession del Diauol, & qui intra en la Bal, &c.
Against Dancing.

A Dance is the Diue [...]s procession, and he that entreth into a Dance, entreth into his possession. The deuill is the guide, the middle, and the end of the Dance. As many paces as a man ma­keth in dancing, so many paces doth he [Page 64]make to goe to hell. A man sinneth in dancing diuers wayes; as in his pace, for all his steps are numbred; in his touch, in his ornaments, in his hearing, sight, speech, and other vanities. And therefore wee will prooue, first by the Scripture, and afterwards by diuers other reasons, how wicked a thing it is to dance. The first testimony that we will produce, is that which wee reade in the Gospell, Marke 6. It pleased Herod so well, that it cost Iohn the Baptist his life. The second is in Exodus 32. When Moses comming neere to the con­gregation, saw the Calfe, hee cast the Tables from him, and brake them at the foote of the mountaine, and afterwards it cost three and twenty thousand their liues. Besides the ornaments which women weare in their dances, are as crownes for many victories which the deuill hath gotten against the children of God. For the deuill hath not onely one sword in the dance, but as many as there are beautifull and well adorned persons in the dance. For the words of a woman are a glitte­ring sword. And therefore that place is much to bee feared, wherein the enemy hath so many swords, since that one onely sword of his may bee feared. Againe, the deuill in this place, strikes with a sharpened sword, for the women come not willingly to the dance, if they be not painted, and adorned, the which painting and ornament, is as a grindstone, vpon which the de­uill sharpeneth his sword. They that decke and adorne their daughters, are like those that put dry wood to the fire, to the end it may burne the better: For such wo­men kindle the fire of luxury in the hearts of men; as Sampsons Foxes fired the Philistims corne, so these wo­men, they haue fire in their faces, and in their gestures and actions, their glances and wanton words by which [Page 65]they consume the goods of men. Againe, the deuill in the dance vseth the strongest arm our that hee hath, for his most powerfull armes are women, which is made plaine vnto vs, in that the deuill made choise of the woman to deceiue the first man; So did Balaam, that the children of Israel might be reiected. By a woman hee made Sampson, Dauid, and Absolon to sinne. The deuill tempteth men by women, three manner of wayes, that is to say, by the touch, by the eye, by the eare: By these three meanes he tempteth foolish men to dancings, by touching their hands, beholding their beauty, hearing their songs and musicke. Againe, they that dance, breake that promise and agreement which they haue made with God in Baptisme, when their Godfathers promise for them, that they shall re­nounce the deuill, and all his pompe; For dancing is the pompe of the deuill, and hee that danceth maintai­neth his pompe, and singeth his Masse. For the wo­man that singeth in the dance, is the Prioresse of the deuill, and those that answere are the Clerkes, and the beholders are the Parishioners, and the musicke are the Belles, and the Fidlers the ministers of the Deuill. For as when Hogges are strayed, if the Hog-heard call one, all assemble themselues together; So the deuill causeth one woman to sing in the dance, or to play on some In­strument, and presently all the dancers gather toge­ther. Againe, in a dance a man breakes the ten Com­mandements of God. As first, Thou shalt haue no other Gods but me, &c. For in dancing a man serues that per­son, whom hee most desires to serue, and therefore saith Sant Ierom, Euery mans God is that hee serues and loues best. He sinnes against the second Comman­dement, when hee makes an Idol of that hee loues. [Page 66]Against the third, in that oathes are frequent amongst dancers. Against the fourth, for by dancing the Sab­both day is profaned. Against the fift, for in the dance, the parents are many times dishonoured, when many bargaines are made without their counsell. Against the sixt, A man killes in dancing, for euery one that stan­deth to please another, he killes the soule as oft as hee perswadeth vnto lust. Against the seuenth; For the partie that danceth, bee it male or female, committeth adultery, with the partie they lust after. For hee that looketh on a woman and lusteth after her, hath already com­mitted adultery in his heart. Against the eighth Com­mandement a man sinnes in dancing, when hee with­draweth the heart of another from God. Against the ninth, when in dancing hee speakes falsely against the truth. Against the tenth, when women affect the orna­ments of others, and men couet the wiues, daughters, and seruants of their neighbours.

Againe, a man may prooue how great an euill dan­cing is, by the multitude of sinnes that accompany those that dance; for they dance without measure or number: And therefore saith Saint Augustine, The miserable dancer knowes not, that as many paces as he makes in dancing, so many leapes hee makes to hell. They sinne in their ornaments after a fiue-fold maner. First, by being proud thereof. Secondly, by inflaming the hearts of those that behold them. Thirdly, when they make those ashamed that haue not the like orna­ments, giuing them occasion to couet the like. Fourth­ly, by making women importunate, in demanding the like ornaments of their husbands. And fiftly, when they cannot obtaine them of their husbands, they seeke to get them elsewhere by sinne. They sinne by [Page 67]singing, and playing on Instruments; for their songs bewitch the hearts of those that heare them with tem­porall delight, forgetting God, vttering nothing in their songs, but lyes and vanities. And the very motion of the body which is vsed in dancing, giues testimony enough of euill.

Thus you see, that dancing is the deuils procession, and he that entreth into a dance, enters into the deu [...]ls possession. Of dancing, the deuill is the guide, the middle, and the end; and hee that entreth a good and a wise man into the dance, commeth foorth a corrupt and a wicked man. Sarah that holy woman, was none of these.

CHAP. X. En qual modo lo poble se deo auer a aquilli que son defora.
Non amar lo mond.

NOt to loue the world. To flye euill com­pany. If it bee possible to haue peace with all. Not to contend in iudgement. Not to reuenge. To loue our enemies. To be willing to suffer labours, slanders, threats, contempts, iniuries, all manner of torments for the truth. To possesse our weapons in peace. Not to be coupled in one yoke with Infidels. Not to com­municate [Page 68]with the wicked in their euill wayes, and especially with those that smell of Idolatry, referring all seruice thereunto, and so of other things.

CHAPTER I. A Treatise of the Waldenses and Albingenses, of An­tichrist.

ANtichrist is the falshood or vn­truth of eternall damnation, co­uered with an outward appea­rance of the truth, and the righte­ousnesse of Christ and his Spouse, opposite to the way of truth, righteousnesse, faith, hope, and charity, and to the morall life, and ministeriall verity of [Page 70]the Church, administred by false Apostles, and obsti­nately defended, by both powers Ecclesiasticall and secular: Or Antichrist is a delusion, which hides the truth of saluation from things substantiall: or it is a fraudulent contradiction against Christ and his Spouse, and euery faithfull member. It is not any speciall per­son ordained, in any degree, or office, or ministery, but it is that falsehood it selfe, which opposeth it selfe a­gainst the trueth, which couereth and adorneth it selfe with beauty and pietie, out of the Church of Christ, as with names and offices, and Scriptures, and Sacra­ments, and diuers other things. That iniquity that is after this manner, with all the Ministers thereof, great and small, with all those that follow them with a wic­ked heart, and hood-winked eyes; this congregation, I say, thus taken altogether, is called Antichrist, or Babylon, or the fourth Beast, or the Whore, or the man of sinne, or the sonne of perdition.

The Ministers are called, false prophets, lying tea­chers, the Ministers of darkenesse, the spirit of errour, the Apocalipticall whore, the mother of Fornication, cloudes without water, trees without leaues, dead and twice rooted vp, waues of a troublesome sea, wandring starres, Balaamites, and Egyptians.

It is called Antichrist, because being couered and adorned vnder the colour of Christ, and of his Church, and the faithfull members thereof, it op­pugneth the saluation purchased by Christ, and truely administred in the Church of Christ, whereof the faith­full are partakers, by Faith, Hope, and Charity. Thus it contradicteth the truth, by the wisedome of the world, by false religion, by counterfeited holi­nesse, by spirituall power, secular tyrannie, riches, [Page 71]honours, dignities, and the delights and delicacies of the world.

Forasmuch therefore as it is manifest to euery one, that Antichrist cannot come in any forme or fashion whatsoeuer, but so as that all these things, aboue men­tioned must bee ioyned together to make a perfect hy­pocrisie and falsehood, that is to say, with the wise of the world, the Religious, Pharises, Ministers, Doctors, with the secular power, with the people of the world ioyned all together, who then altogether make the man of sinne and errour fully compleate. For not­withstanding Antichrist were long since conceiued, in the Apostles times, yet it was then in the infancie, and it wanted members both inward and outward. And therefore it was the more easily knowne and destroy­ed, and keptvnder, and being but rude and rusticall, as yet was dumbe. For it had not the wisedome, nor the reason to excuse it selfe, to define and pronounce sentence. It had not as yet Ministers without truth, it wanted humane Lawes and Statutes, and outwardly it had no religious followers: And therefore though it were fallen into errour and sinne, yet it had nothing wherewith to couer its villany, and the shame of errour and sinne, for hauing neither riches, nor doctations, it could not winne Ministers for seruice, nor multiply and preserue, and defend its owne; for it was destitute of se­cular power and helpe, and could not inforce or con­straine any from the trueth to falsehood. And foras­much as many things were wanting, it could not pol­lute nor scandalize any with its trumperies, and there­fore being as yet tender and feeble, could obtaine no place in the Church. But afterwards growing in its members, that is to say, in its blinde Ministers, and [Page 72]hypocrites, and the vassals of the World, it is growen to a perfect man, in the fulnesse of age, that is to say, when the spirituall and secular louers of the World, blinde in faith, were multiplied in the Church with all power. These being wicked and willing to be entrea­ted and honoured touching things spirituall, they haue couered their maiesty, malice, and sinnes, by making vse of the wise men of the World, and the Pharises, to this purpose, as it is said before. Now this is a great wickednesse, to couer and to adorne that iniquity, wor­thy excommun [...]cation, and to establish it by such a meanes as cannot by man bee giuen to man, but be­longs onely vnto God, and to Iesus Christ, as he is Me­diator. Most deceitfully and by rapine to take these things from God, and to transferre them to it selfe and it workes, seemes to be a great robbery, as when it at­tributeth to it selfe the power to regenerate, to forgiue sinnes, to distribute the graces of the holy Spirit, to make Christ, and other the like things. And in all these, to couer it selfe with the cloake of authority, and of the Word, deceiuing by this meanes the rude people, who follow the World, separating themselues from God, and the true Faith, and the reformation of the holy Spirit, from true repentance, and the powerfull opera­tion of perseuerance in good, forsaking charity, pati­ence, humility, and that which is worst of all, departing from the true hope, and putting their trust in the vaine confidence of the World, making themselues seruants to ce [...]emonies, which make for these things, fraudulent­ly causing the people to fall downe and to worship the Idols of the World, vnder the name of Saints and re­liques, in such sort, that men wandring wickedly from the way of truth, thinke they serue God, and doe well, [Page 73]and so they are moued to hatred and malice against those that loue the truth, commit diuers murders of soules, as the Apostle speakes truly. This is that com­pleat man of sinne, which exalteth himselfe aboue all that is called God, and that oppugneth all truth, who sits in the Temple of God, that is, in the Church, shew­ing himselfe as if hee were God, who is come with all falshood and lying for those that perish. And foras­much as he is truly come, wee neede no longer expect him, for hee is already olde by the permission of God, yea, he is already in the wayne, and his power and au­thority much diminished: for the Lord hath long since slaine this man of sinne, with the breath of his mouth, by sundry good and godly persons, giuing them a power contrary to his, and those that loue him, and hath brought vnto naught his place, and his possessi­ons, and diuided this City of Babylon, in which all man­ner of wickednesse is in his full strength and vigour.

CHAP. II. Of inuented Purgatory.

THe Purgatory which diuers Priests and Monkes seeke to aduance and teach as an Article of our Faith, with many lies and fables, is this. They affirme that after this life, and after the Ascension of Christ into heauen, the soules especially of those that shall bee saued, not hauing satisfied in this life for their sinnes, endure sensible paines, and are pur­ged in Purgatory after this life, and that after they are purged, they come out of Purgatory, some sooner, and some later, and some not vntill the Day of Iudgement; which soules, all the faithfull may and ought to helpe after they are departed this life by the band of charity, by Prayers, Fastings, Almes-deeds, and Masses. Tou­ching which Purgatory, to satiate their auarice, many haue inuented diuers vncertaine things, which they haue taught and preached, saying, that such soules are tormented in the said Purgatory, some to the necke, some to the middle; and they say that sometimes, they sit and eate at table, and make bankets, especially at the Feast of all Soules, when the people are offering liberally vpon their Sepulchres. And they say that sometimes they gather the crummes vnder the rich mens tables. By this meanes, and diuers other the like dreames, auarice and Simony is increased and multi­plyed, their Cloysters aduanced, their sumptuous Tem­ples are built and inlarged, their Altars multiplyed be­yond [Page 88]measure, and infinite numbers of Monkes and Canons, haue inuented diuers other things touching the deliuerance, and vnbinding the said soules, bringing thereby the Word of God into contempt. Thus the people are strangely mocked and deceiued touching their soules, as also in their substance, inasmuch as they are made to put their trust in things vncertaine, whilest in the meane time the faithfull hide themselues, for when they refuse to preach and teach the said Purga­tory, as an Article of their faith, they are cruelly con­demned to death and Martired.

It is therefore fitting we should speake of this Pur­gatory, and plainely giue the world to vnderstand what we thinke thereof.

First therefore we say, that the soules of those that are to be saued, must in the end bee purged from all their pollution, according to the Ordinance of God, as it appeareth in the 21. of the Reuelation: There shall in no wise enter into heauen any thing that defileth, neither whatsoeuer worketh abomination, or maketh a lye. Now we know that the Scriptures haue set downe many and diuers meanes to purge those that are in this present life, of all their sinnes. But Saint Peter telleth vs in the 15. of the Acts 9. that faith purifieth the heart, and that faith is sufficient to purge away the euill, without any outward helpe; as appeareth by the thiefe at the right hand of Christ, who beleeuing and confessing his sinnes was made worthy of Paradise. The other man­ner of purging the Spouse of Christ by repentance, is touched in Esay, Chap. 1.16. Wash yee, and make you cleane, put away the euill of your doings from before mine eyes, cease to doe euill. And presently after: Though your sinnes be as skarlet, they shall be as white as snow, though [Page 89]they be red like crimson, they shall be as wooll. In which words the Lord offereth himselfe to all that doe truely repent, according to the manner aboue-mentioned, and they that haue beene sinfull shall be made as white as snow. There is likewise mention made of another kinde of purging of sinne, in the third of Saint Mat­thew, where it is said, He hath his fanne in his hand, and hee will thorowly purge his floore, and gather his wheate into the garner. The which words Chrysostome expounds of the floore of the Church and the fire of tribulation. And not onely doth the Lord purge by tribulations, but he likewise purifieth his Spouse heere in this life by himselfe; as Saint Paul speaketh, Ephes. 5.25. Christ hath loued his Church and giuen himselfe for it; That hee might sanctifie and cleanse it, with the washing of water by the Word, that hee might present it to himselfe a glorious Church, not hauing spot or wrinckle, or any such thing, but that it should bee holy and without blemish. Where the A­postle sheweth that Christ hath so loued his Church, that hee would not cleanse it by any other washing, but his owne Blood, and that not so as that it should not bee sufficient but in such a maner, as that there should not remaine therein any vncleannesse, but that it should bee a glorious Church, in such sort that there should bee therein neither spot nor wrinckle, nor any such thing, but that it should bee holy and vndefiled. And this testimony of washing the Spouse of Christ in his Blood, is not onely currant heere vpon earth, but in heauen too, by those that haue obtained the actuall washing, of whom it is said in the Reuelation, Chap. 7. These are they which came out of great tribulation, and haue washed their robes, and made them white in the Blood of the Lambe; Therefore are they before the Throne of God, and [Page 90]serue him day and night. Thus you see how many pur­gings may be gathered out of the Scriptures, to prooue that they that trauell in this life, are heere purged of their sinnes.

In the third place, we thinke it a great deale the surer way, that euery man doe so liue in this present world, that hee may haue no need afterwards of any purga­tion. For it is a great deale better to doe good in this present life, then afterwards to hope for an vncertaine helpe. And it is a surer course, that what good a man hopes shall be done vnto him by others after his death, he doe it himselfe whilst he liueth, being a more happy thing to depart a free-man, then to seeke his liberty, after he is bound.

Moreouer besides that which hath beene hitherto spoken, we say that there is no place in Scripture to be found, nor amongst the Doctours grounded vpon the Scriptures, that doth make good vnto vs that the faith­full are any way bound by any necessity to beleeue, or publikely to confesse, as an Article of their faith, that there is any such place as Purgatory after this life, wherein after the ascension of Christ into Heauen, the soules, especially of those that shall be saued, not ha­uing satisfied in this life for their sinnes, endure sensible paines when they are departed of their bodies, and thereby are purged: of which soules some depart out of Purgatory sooner, some later then others, and some a little before others at the day of Iudgement. And first as touching the Scriptures, no man can prooue it by them. For it is manifest, that if a man shall reade the whole Law, he shall neuer finde therein, any one place of Scripture that bindeth a Christian necessarily to be­leeue as an Article of his faith, that there is after this [Page 91]life, any place called Purgatory, as some doe affirme. And there is no place in the whole Volume of the Booke of God which doth so much as name it, neither was there euer any soule found that hath entred the same Purgatory and came out againe.

There is no man bound therefore to beleeue it, or to hold it to be an Article of our faith. For confirmation heereof Saint Augustine in his Booke, intituled, A thou­sand words, writes thus: We beleeue according to the Catholike faith, and diuine authority, that the King­dome of heauen is the first place wherein Baptisme is receiued; The second is that wherein such as are ex­communicates and strangers to the Faith of Christ, en­dure euerlasting torments: As for a third place, we are altogether ignorant of any, neither doe wee finde it in the Scriptures. The same Saint Augustine in the same place, vpon these words, They shall not inherite the king­dome of God, writeth thus. O my brethren, let no man deceiue himselfe, for there are onely two places and a third is not to be found; For hee that deserueth not to reigne with Christ, shall without all doubt pe­rish with the deuill. And to this purpose, Saint Chry­sostome writing vpon those words in the 12. by Saint Matthew; The Kingdome of heauen is like vnto a man that is an housholder, saith thus: The man that is the father of the family, is Christ, vnto whom heauen and earth are as a house; but his families are celestiall and terre­striall, for whom he buildeth a house with three Cham­bers, that is, hell, heauen, and earth. The Combatants are they that dwell vpon the earth, the vanquished in hell, and the Conquerours in heauen. Let vs, saith hee, that are in the middle roome, take heed, wee descend not to those that are in hell, but ra­ther [Page 92]mount vpward to those that are in heauen.

By these authorities you may plainely see, that there are onely two certaine places, after the ascension of Christ into heauen, into which the soules departed out of their bodies doe goe, and that there is no third place, neither can it be found in the Scriptures.

And therefore, forasmuch as in the whole Law of God, there is no expresse mention of any such place as Purgatory is, and the Apostles haue giuen vs no in­structions touching the same; and the Primatiue Church, gouerned by the Apostles, according to the Gospell, haue left vs no Ordinances or Comman­dements; but that Pope Pelagius, fiue hundred fif­tie eight yeeres after Christ, did ordayne (as wee may reade) that the dead should bee remembred in the Masse, it followeth, that since there is no ex­presse proofe thereof in the Law of God, there is no necessity to beleeue the sayd Purgatory, as an Article of our faith, or that there is any such place after this life.

But heere is matter of doubt, because men in these dayes, are strangely affected to the helpe and ayde of the dead, notwithstanding that in all the Scripture there be nothing expresly taught, except in the Booke of Macchabees, which is no part of the Old Testament, nor Canonicall. And that neither Christ nor the Prophets, nor the Apostles, nor the Saints neere their time, haue euer taught to pray for the dead, but haue rather carefully taught that the people that liue vn­blameably shall bee Saints. And therefore answering to the doubt aboue-mentioned, wee say that the prin­cipall cause of this doting affection, proceedeth from the deceit, and trumperies, and auarice of the Priests, [Page 93]who haue not taught the people as the Prophets of Christ, nor as his Apostles, to liue well, but to offer much, and to place their hope of deliuerance, and hap­pinesse, in Purgatory.

CHAP. III. Of the Inuocation of Saints.

WEe are now to speake of prayer vnto Saints, which certaine great Masters, with their fol­lowers preach vnto the people, extolling and publishing it with great diligence, as an Article of their Faith; affirming that the Saints that are in their celestiall Countrey, are to be prayed vnto by vs, in the selfe same manner, as the Priests were accusto­med to doe, and other of the people by their instructi­on, enioyning them many other things, as helpes to their Inuocation. By which Inuocation, authorization, and magnification, the people carnally & erroneously beleeue it; Imagining that as it is the manner and pra­ctice before earthly Kings when they are angry, that such as are not in choller should intercede for them, and pacifie their anger: so the people thinke it is so with God; that is, that the Saints doe appease the wrath of God, when he is angry with sinners.

But wee are not to beleeue any such thing; for if it were so, there could be no true conformity betweene the will of the Saints, and the will of God: for it should seeme that the Saints are not angry with those, against whom God is moued to anger. Secondly, by this mag­nification and inuocation of Saints, the people fall into [Page 94]Idolatry, putting their trust more in Saints then in God, and seruing them with greater affection then the onely God; which they shew by the effects, by the or­naments of their Altars, which are most precious, by their excellent Musicke, the multiplication of their Ta­pers, and by other solemnities. By which meanes the simple people are induced to thinke, that the Saints are more mercifull then God, because they free him from damnation, by those prayers they make vnto God, whom God had condemned. Beside this, to maintaine these things, the simple people are taught, that the Saints desire that men should offer oblations vnto them, and take pleasure in their praises, and that they mediate principally for those that offer incense vnto them, and other honours; all which things wee are to abhorre, and carefully to flie.

Of this Inuocation therefore we are now to speake, and to make knowne what our opinion is touching this prayer vnto Saints. And first let vs see what Inuocation is. Inuocation is a desire of the whole vnderstanding, and soule, sent vnto God by the voyce, and by prayer.

Secondly, we know and beleeue that the man Christ Iesus, is Mediator betweene God and man, and Aduo­cate to God the Father, who hath payed for our sinnes, that come vnto God by him, seeing hee euer liueth to make intercession for them. Heb. 7.25. No man comes to the Father but by him. And whatsoeuer yee shall aske in my name, that will I doe, saith he; Iohn 14.13. Who giueth to all abundantly, and reproacheth no man; Iam. 1. He is our Aduocate to God the Father, and hee forgi­ueth our sinnes. He offereth himselfe vnto vs by all meanes, before we offer our selues vnto him. He is at the doore, and he knockes, that we may open vnto him, [Page 95]he shutteth out all Idolatry, being at the right hand of his Father in Heauen, and his will is, that all the faithful haue him in their mindes, and looke onely vnto him; for all the care of the faithfull must tend vnto Christ by thought and affection, and must imitate him that is aboue. According to that which is said; If you be risen againe with Christ, seeke the things that are aboue, where Christ is sitting at the right hand of God. He is the doore, by which whosoeuer shall enter shall be saued. No man commeth to the Father, but by me, saith he.

We beleeue in the third place, that the Saints are not proposed vnto vs to worship, but to imitate. Saint Paul faith; Be ye followers of me, as I am of Christ. Saint Peter would not suffer himselfe to be worshipped by Corne­lius, nor the Angell by Saint Iohn the Euangelist. And therefore saith Saint Augustine in his Booke of true Religion. O ye Religious, saith he, giue not your selues to the seruice of the dead; for if they haue liued holily, they are not such as seeke for honours, or desire to be serued by vs, but by him, by whom they are illuminated, they reioyce that we are their companions. And therefore they must be honoured by imitation, and not adored by Religion. All these things duly considered, wee say, that there is not any man borne of other body then Christ, which may be adored, or can be the true Aduocate and Mediator be­twixt God and Men, or Intercessor for sinners with God the Father, but he alone; neither is it necessary that they should be inuocated by the prayers and intercessi­ons of the liuing. It is hee that by speciall priuiledge obtaines whatsoeuer he demands for mankinde, whom hee hath reconciled by his death. Hee is the one and onely Mediator betwixt God and man, the Aduocate, and Intercessor to God the Father for sinners, and in [Page 96]such sort sufficient, that the Father denyeth not any man what he demandeth in his name, but for the loue of him, he heareth those that pray vnto him, or demand any thing at his hands by him. For being neere vnto God, liuing by himselfe, he prayeth alwayes for vs. For it was necessary that we should haue such a soueraigne Sacrificer, as was holy, innocent, without blemish, sepa­rated from sinners, and exalted aboue the Heauens, the first Sonne begotten of his Father, which onely Sonne being aboue all men, hath power and authority to san­ctifie the other, to pray and to mediate for them. Saint Augustine writeth concerning Christ in his 64 Psalm, saying; Thou art the Sacrificer, thou art the Sacrifice, thou art he that offereth, and thou art the offering. Iesus is not entred into places made with hands, which were figu­red correspondent to the true, but hee is entred into Heauen it selfe, euen now to appeare for vs before the face of God.

Of him it is that Saint Iohn saith; 1 Iohn 1.1. We haue an Aduo­cate with the Father, euen Iesus Christ the righteous. And Saint Paul saith; Rom. 8.33. That Iesus Christ who dyed for vs, is also risen againe, and sitteth at the right hand of Go [...], making intercession for vs.

And therefore hee is but a foole that will desire any other Intercessor. For Christ is alwayes liuing, and prayeth to God the Father for vs, and is alwayes ready to succour those he loueth. And therefore if we keepe our selues to that he hath said, we neede not desire any other Saint to be our Mediator, because he is more gen­tle and more ready to helpe, then any other can be. Adde hereunto that the minde of him that prayeth wandereth, and is confounded with the multitude of Saints to whom he prayes, when the affection is remo­ued [Page 97]from Christ, and therefore is much weakened, be­ing diuided amongst many. Howsoeuer, many there are that thinke that when the prayer is directed to one onely, a man hath that only one for a Mediator, wheras more giue more spirituall helpe. But the Church would increase a great deale more, if it knew not this multi­tude of intercessions now inuented. And therefore it is a great folly to forsake the Fountaine of liuing wa­ters, and to goe to troubled waters, and such as are a­farre of. This then doth plainly appeare, that a man cannot obtaine any thing of God, but by the Mediator Christ Iesus. In the second place it shall be more expe­dient to worship Christ among those that are simply men; for hee is a good and benigne Mediator, euen in the highest degree, both in the one and the other extre­mity. Thirdly, if we keepe our selues vnto his Word, we neede not addresse our selues to other Saints for in­termedlers, since that he is more ready to helpe vs, then other Saints, being ordained of God for this purpose; that is, to the end that the intercession might be made by him, that is more mercifull then all others; for hee knowes for whom there is reason he should pray: for hee hath shed his bloud for them, which hee will neuer forget, hauing grauen them in the palmes of his hands. Fourthly, in the primitiue Church, their prayers for spirituall aide, were made onely to Christ as a Me­diator. Fiftly, then did the Church profit and encrease a great deale more then now it doth in these times, wherein men haue found many intercessions, which are as so many clouds without water, darkening Christ the Sonne of Righteousnesse, who is the true In tercessor. For many expecting spirituall comforts, are forsaken in their vaine hopes. For though so it be that God is iust, [Page 98]and we vniust, and insufficient of our selues, yet it is he that pardoneth our sinnes, both passed and present. For hee gaue himselfe for our redemption, that is to say, he hath been the Sacrifice by which our pardon hath been obtained: God hath sent his Sonne, to the end he might pardon our sinnes, hee is the remedy against sinne, to the end we should not fall into despaire. We must haue recourse to Christ our Aduocate, who continually de­fendeth our cause, beseeching his Father for vs, whom wee haue not onely for an Aduocate, but for a Iudge too. For the Father hath giuen all iudgement to the Sonne, and consequently, all penitent sinners haue great reason to hope that hee that is our Iudge, is our Aduocate. This faith is grounded vpon Christ, as vp­on a strong Rocke, vpon which all the Saints of God haue rested themselues, vntill the man of sinne had power to bring in new intercessions of Saints; which faith all the Saints haue professed liuing here, and vnto this day doe confesse, that they are not saued by obla­tions, or the intercession of any other God, but by him they haue obtained Heauen; of whom it is said in the Reuelation, Chap. 5.9. Thou art worthy to take the Booke, and to open the seales thereof; for thou wast slaine, and hast redcemed vs to God by thy bloud, out of euery kindred, and tongue, and people, and Nation; and hast made vs vnto our God Kings and Priests. You see how their humility and thankfulnesse doth still resound vpon the Earth, when they acknowledge that they are entred into that place wherein they are, by his bloud, and confesse that they haue receiued all their good by him, and whatsoeuer they enioy so long as they remaine in this life; that they receiue no good thing, but by their good Mediator and Intercessor Christ Iesus.

CHAP. IIII. Of Baptisme, and the other Sacraments of the Romish Church.

THe things that are not necessary in the administration of Baptisme, are the Exorcismes, breathings, the signe of the Crosse vpon the fore­head and breast of the infant, the salt put into his mouth, spittle into his eares and nostrills, the anoyn­ting of the breast, the Monkes Cowle, the vnction of the Crysome vpon the crowne of his head, and all other things consecrated by the Bishop, as the putting the Waxe candle into his hands, the cloathing him with a white garment, the blessing of the water, and so foorth. All those things vsed in the administration of this Sa­crament, are not necessary, they neither being of the substance, nor required in the Sacrament of Baptisme, from which things many take occasion of errour and superstition, rather then edification to saluation, and according to the opinion of some Doctours, there is neither power nor profit in them.