CHAP. I. The two great Principles of Nature, Self-Preservation, and The ardent Desire of Happiness, the Foundation of Socie­ty and Government. Mr. Hobs refu­ted in his impolitick Position, That Fear gave the first Origination of Society. The Origine of Monarchy. The occa­sion of the Primitive Wars. The Ori­ginal of Laws. Monarchs or the first Leaders of Colonies the Primitive Legi­slators. The reason of the Executive and Coercive Power of Magistrates. The dangerous Error of those, who make Laws the Foundation of Monarchy, whereas in Truth all Laws and Esta­blishments were the Concessions and Sanctions of Kings and Law-givers. The Ill consequences of this Mistake. [Page 2]The Law of Nature and of Nations an [...] of Divine Institution.

AMONGST all those Prin­ciples of Nature which Man­kind, and indeed the greatest part of the Creation receive at the same Instant with their Being, there are two, which as they are the most Universal, so they are of the greatest Necessity and most constant Use.

The two great Principles of Nature, Self-preservation and the ardent Desire of Hap­piness; the Foun­dation of Socie­ty and Govern­ment.THE first is that of Self-preservati­on, or an inseparable Desire to keep themselves in Being; by the obtaining and enjoyment of all those things which contribute towards the continuance of it; or which give them a Power and Capacity either to escape and avoid, or to overcome and remove, what they know, or but suspect to be dangerous or destructive to their Na­tures: This is the Foundation of all our Natural and Rational Desires and Aver­sions; Hope, Fear, Joy, Love, Ha­tred, and the other Passions of the Mind; And even Reason it self, that Monarch of the Soul, if it may not be said to Obey, yet does most constantly entertain this Principle, as his most faithful Counsellor, and chief Minister [Page 3]of State: So that nothing passes as the Royal Command of the Will, which is not first made Authentick by the ap­probation of this great Favourite: and even in those Popular Insurrections of the Mind, when the misled Passions (those Common People of the Soul) usurp the Sovereignty for a Time; it is generally with the Vulgar Error of a Design of Self-preservation; and amongst all that unruly Multitude, when they are in the Highest Mutiny, I know no Enemy this beloved Prin­ciple has amongst them besides Despair, who yet never appears but in the field of extreme Danger, and not there, till Hope and all his Squadrons and Re­serves are totally routed and intirely ruin'd; and at all such times Despair the Mortal enemy of Happiness, pre­tends a kindness, and by the present less evil which he offers to our choice, to prevent and secure us from the future greater evil and misery.

THE second Principle of Nature concerns the Benè Esse of every Being: and is that ardent and Constant Desire of Happiness, and all those Means which may in any measure obtain, pro­mote, increase, continue, protect, and [Page 4]secure it, or recover it, if it happen to be lost. These are the two inseparable Guardians or good Genii of Humane Nature; which attend upon every Mortal Man, from his first entrance into the World; and which with the most serviceable fidelity, accompany him through all the vicissitudes, accidents, and various fortunes of his Life, even to its utmost Period.

AS there can be no greater Demon­stration of such a Supreme Being which we call Providence, than these Prin­ciples, which it is impossible should be the effects of undesigning Chance, or fortuitous Atoms, which can never be Parents to what is constantly Regular, and without exception Universal; so there is no doubt to be made, but that the Minds of all Men were stampt with this Divine Impress, for some Ends and Intentions suitable to the goodness and wisdom of that All-powerful and most excellent Supreme Being, from whom they derive their Original: Amongst many others to which they do contribute, they seem to have a par­ticular Address to Society, Commu­nity, and Government, those necessary Columns and Pillars of the World, [Page 5]without which there can be no such thing as Happiness on Earth, of which these two Principles are the Founda­tion.

AND whoever will trace Society and Government to their first Origi­nals, will easily be convinced, that it was that Love which naturally all men have for themselves, and their own Happiness, which first invited them in­to mutual Combinations, and cemented several distinct Tribes and Families in­to one united Body. The impolitick Error of Mr. Hobs refuted, That mutual Fear was the first Originati­on of Society. This is a thing so obvious and natural, that I cannot but admire, that a Master of so great Wit and Parts as Mr. Hobs, should stumble upon an Error directly contrary to it, in the very threshold of his Book De Ci­ve; and lay that down for a firm and solid foundation of his future City, which is a perfect quicksand; and if admitted, will shipwrack all Laws, So­ciety and Happiness. He tells us, Hobs de Cive, cap. 1. tit. Li­bertas, p. 6. Sect. 2. That it was only Fear of one another, which gave the Origination to all great and durable Societies of Men. Now this is evident, That I must first Love my self, before I can Fear any thing; all such Fear, being properly the effect of that Love, which teaches [Page 6]me to desire to preserve my self from all Enemies and Injuries. And this mi­stake immediately rushes him upon a second Error to maintain his first; Idem p. 8. Sect. 3. That there is in all Mankind a mutual desire of doing mischief one to ano­ther; proceeding from that equality which by the state of Nature all Men are in: Which second Assertion is false to every Reason; unless he will re­vive the old Fable of Cadmus in Ovid, and slurr it upon us for an Historical Truth; and suppose all Mankind to be like the Harvest sprung from the Ser­pents Teeth; unnatural Sons of the Earth, born in Arms; and immediately like fabulous Knights-errant, entering upon martial Actions, and a mutual Combat and slaughter of one another: For there is no such thing as equality by the state of Nature; but the Father by the very Priority of a Natural Cause, must be superior to his Children, &c. I do not design a confutation of Mr. Hobs, but these two Errors in his Principles, have run him into many dangerous and impolitick errors in all his Wri­tings; which have by many others been severely animadverted upon; on­ly I was obliged to take notice of these, [Page 7]in regard that they contradict the Origi­nal of Society, and it may be the End of it, which is Happiness; and are no less dangerous to the very Foundation of all Government and Religion, than contrary to most manifest Truth.

WE must therefore suppose, what is not only natural and most rationally probable, but most really and unquesti­onably true; That in the beginning of the World, in regard of the Lawfulness of Polygamy, and the protracted Lives of those Primitive Propagators of Man­kind; even after the Deluge, when their Days were stinted to a hundred and twenty Years; that men did migh­tily increase; and coming from one common stock it was yet some conside­rable time before their Numbers strait­ned them so much for Room, as to ob­lige them to separate and divide? and that they were embodied into one Com­munity there is no question to be made; of this Society Noah (the Saturn and Janus bifrons of the Heathens, said to have two faces, one of which look'd to the time before, and the other to that after the Flood) was the Head and Go­vernour; till he was by the Ambitious Nimrod, the Jupiter of the Heathens, [Page 8](though Berosus makes him the Saturn despoiled of his Soveraignty: Beros. lib. 4. and the reasons that are given for their attemp [...] to build the stupendious Tower of Babe [...] confirm the opinion: They had two mo­tives still powerful enough in the mind [...] of men to force them into Societies▪ One was future Fame; the other wa [...] the necessity of Union, lest they should be dispersed over all the Earth. No [...] indeed is it possible that Fear should give the occasion to that enterprise; for of whom could they be afraid? there were no other men in the World besides themselves; and they could not be a­fraid one of another, being of one Lan­guage, and one and that so near Relati­on: and it was particular Self-love▪ and the Love and not Fear one of another, lest they should be separa­ted; and that they might have the glo­ry of such a famous building; together with the advantages of Society, which were the Causes of their early Combi­nation and Design: Had they been jea­lous, distrustful or fearful one of ano­ther, that would naturally have made them separate & flie from one another; but they were fearful of being parted and dispersed, which is the true and [Page 9]proper effect of Love; which always co­vets an Union with its Object; as Ha­tred, Fear and Aversion lead us to a desire of separation, from the things or persons we stand in dread of, or do not affect.

BUT after the most Wise Eternal Being for the accomplishment of his own glorious Designs, had crossed theirs, by confounding their Language and dividing their Tongues; there was then a necessity which obliged them al­so to divide and separate; and so all those who were of one Language, em­bodied and joyned into one Society, and parted from the rest, who could be of no use or advantage to them, in regard their Dialect was not understood: By which means they spread themselves into several remote Regions; and by degrees, the whole Earth came to be inhabited.

THE people who were thus sepa­rated, in process of Time came to be as different in all other things as in their Language; and still as they multiplied in Numbers, new Colonies were ne­cessitated to part from the old stock; and they also became distinct: Compa­nies and Societies of Men: Now he [Page 10]who undertook to be their Leader, The Origine of Monarchies. and Captain-conductor, in their travels and removes, was therefore the chief and principal man amongst them, and usually gave his Name and Laws to the Nation or People, which he carried with him. This distinction of Nati­ons and People as it restrained the Love and kindness (which before their Part­ing was common to all) only to those of their own Tribe and Name, thereby manifesting the particular respect they had one for another; so likewise it came to distinguish that Property of Territories and Possessions, The occasion of the Primitive Wars. which eve­ry Nation pretended a sole Right, Title and Interest in, as belonging on­ly unto them, and not to any other of their Neighbours. This occasioned Differences and Quarrels about the Li­mits of their Pastures, Fields, Woods, Rivers, Springs, &c. as appears both by the Sacred and Prophane Histories. For this reason parted Abraham and Lot, Gen. 13.7, 9. upon a strife that arose betwixt their Servants, which obliged them to sepa­rate: And upon this account it was that Romulus and his Young Citizens had so many quarrels with the Sabines, and their other neighbours, concerning [Page 11]the Pomoeria of their new erected City. Rome even from its very Infancy, being born with the desire of Soveraignty, and given to Usurpations and incroachments up­on her Neighbours.

FROM these differences arose Tu­mults, Wars, hostile Invasions, and Depredations; which did necessitate Men for their own safety, and the pre­servation of their Property, to enter in­to mutual promises and obligations, to defend themselves and the Publick from the injuries of their Enemies; and such were all lookt upon and suspected to be, who had not the same Property in the Territories where they did inhabit: and because many times, even whilest they were at Peace with their Neigh­bours, they found themselves infested with Domestick Discords, Mischiefs, and Injuries, Thefts, Murders, The Original of Laws and Government. Adul­teries, and other violations of the Rights and Properties of the members of their own Community; from hence there sprung a necessity of Laws and Government, to prevent such intestine Quarrels, no less ruinous to the happi­ness of Society, than foreign force; and to restrain such amongst themselves, whose unbounded Wills rendred their [Page 12]Actions prejudicial and dangerous to the well-being of the Community, in whole and in every part; as also, that by Unity amongst themselves, they might be the better enabled to repress the Insolencies and Injuries of their fo­reign Enemies.

NOW generally (if not universal­ly) these Primitive Laws were for the reasons named, Monarchs and Leaders of Co­lonies the first Legislators. compiled by the Go­vernours and Rulers, and in probability the first of them, by those who first lead the Colony. Thus Moses amongst the Hebrews, gave directions as su­preme Judge in all Civil affairs; as for the Ecclesiastical he had them under Gods own hand-writing. Thus Numa amongst the Romans was their King and Legislator. And in regard experience taught them, The reason of the Executive and Coercive Power of Ma­gistrates. that the best Laws were altogether insignificant to the greatest part of Men, unless they were intrusted in the hands of such who would strictly look to their effectual Execution; there­fore the coercive and executive vertue of Laws was always in the disposal of the supreme Magistrate; as being the only Person or Persons, who were vest­ed with such a power, as could give life and activity to those Laws, to [Page 13]which they had first given a Being; and to whose hands could the care of the Government by a just execution of those Laws be more safely committed, had it been originally in the People to dis­pose of it, than to such Persons, as had manifested their Wisdom, Prudence and ability in framing such good, just, wholsom, and necessary Constitutions? But the true reason is, they as Supreme over the People had the only Power of making Laws, and to exact obedience and subjection to them; by which means, they being the best Interpreters of the Laws which they had made, the Safety, Preservation and Happiness of the Society, was most likely, to be se­cured, continued and preserved.

AND this manifests the Funda­mental error in Politicks, of those Per­sons, who make Laws to have a priori­ty before Kings and Governors; as if the Laws made Kings & Magistrates, when in truth God & Nature vested Primoge­niture with the Right of Kings and Ma­gistrates, and they made the first Laws. This is a mistake of such dangerous con­sequence, that if it come to be allowed and Popular, it robs all Kings of the most valuable Jewel of their Crowns, [Page 14]and which was set there by God himself who set them upon their Heads; viz a Divine Right and Title to their Sovereignty and Dominion: and this open a way to perpetual Changes and alterations in Government and Governours▪ For all Laws are in their own Nature alterable; and may either for the con­venience of the Prince or People, wh [...] are to Govern or be Governed by them be changed, abrogated, and new one▪ Enacted: and by consequence, the Right of the King, if it be only from them, may be so too. I have often heard it proverbially spoken, New Lords, New Laws; but this would al­ter the stile, and introduce an unhear [...] of proverb, New Laws, New Lords which at last by the perpetual uncertain­ty of Government and alteration both o [...] Lords and Laws, must of necessity▪ come to No Lords, and No Laws, and indeed nothing but Anarchy, Confu­sion, and Tyranny.

BESIDES, the very Foundation of such an Opinion is absurd and unrea­sonable; for there can be no Laws, till there be some frame of Government, to establish and enact such Laws; nor can any thing have the force or power of a [Page 15]Law, or oblige men to obedience, un­less it does proceed from such a Person or Persons, as have a right to command it, and Authority to punish the Disobe­dience or neglect of those who ought to be subject to it. And to say that this Right is in the People, who by their suffrages Elect the Supreme Magistrate, is so far from mending the matter, that it makes it worse, and more dangerous: for then the People may in reason fairly presume (when ever they please to say, That the Sovereign Power is abused to their prejudice, which was contrary to their Design in granting it,) to re­assume their own Right, and either keep the Power themselves, or proceed to a new Election: which is the direct Way to fulfil the prediction of the Ne­cromantick Head, which was once said, at Oxford, Bakers Chrons pag. 167. to have given this fatal Oracle:

which was tragically translated into English in the transactions of the late un­happy Times, when [Page 16]

K. Charles Martyr O. Cromwell. Army and Rump Parl.

BUT further, the universal Testi­mony of all Ages, Nations, and Places, derive the beginning of Positive Laws, from a Government justly impowred to make, enact, and command Laws; and a superior Power that had a Right to exact Obedience to them: So that it is almost impossible to find the least foot­steps of Law, Law of Nature and Law of Nations of Di­vine Instituti­on. that is by far so ancient as Government. As for that Jus Naturae, and Jus Gentium, they are more pro­perly Common and Universal Principles of Nature and all Nations, than Laws; and owe their establishment to a Divine Authority, and not to any Humane Power: and there is a vast difference between the very Words Jus and Lex, though our Language does not admit of it in the common use of Expression; for Jus properly signifies a Right or Pro­priety, and such a Right, as if it be common (as the Right of Nature and Nations are) every man by vertue of his Being lays a claim unto. The word Lex, or Law, seems derived from the Greek word [...], finem facio, termino, [Page 17]to put an end and determination to things which before were undetermi­ned: or from the Latin word Ligc, to bind and oblige, as Laws do all people to Obedience: or possibly as Tully ob­serves, à Legendo, from chusing what is best for society: So [...] from [...], distribuo, pasco, rego, to distribute Ju­stice and Right; to feed the people with care and diligence, as a Shepherd his flock; for which reason Homer calls Kings, [...], the Shepherds of the People, who rule and govern them. So the Hebrew word, [...], which is rendred Law signifies Doctrina, teach­ing, instruction; because Laws teach and instruct all people what is their Du­ty. All which words of the most anci­ent and universal Languages, plainly intimate, that there must be some per­son or persons, who must have such Au­thority, as may inable them to deter­mine Differences, oblige men to Obe­dience to those Laws they chuse as best for them; seed, govern, and teach their Inferiors their respective Duties; and who must therefore by necessary consequence be Governours, before the Laws were made, by which they and their successors afterwards, directed and [Page 18]managed the Societies over which they were the Primitive Rulers, Princes and Law-givers.

CHAP. II. Of the danger of Anarchy, the necessity of Government and Laws to prevent it. All People not fit for one kind of Govern­ment. Of the three forms of Goven­ment, Democracy, Aristocracy, an [...] Monarchy. Some Considerations an [...] necessary Animadversions upon our la [...] English Republick.

THE goodness of the Divine Na­ture has not more visibly appear'd in any thing of humane affairs, than in bestowing this principle of Self-preser­vation in so high a degree upon Man­kind, as to make it universally, out o [...] Love to themselves, oblige them to enter into Communities and Societies: An effect so Noble, that possibly that, and Religion may more truly be said to distinguish Men from Brutes, than Reason; which though we ambitiously endeavour to ingross to our selves, yet [Page 19]am I to learn, how they can without some injustice be excluded from a share and lower portion of it, some of their Actions being so remarkably Logical and Discursive, as will never be solved either by mere matter and motion, or the higher principles of bare sense and fancy. But for this principle of Self-preservation, though they enjoy a great measure of it in common with us, yet not so much as to teach them for their security, to enter into the mutual obli­gations of Laws, Government and So­ciety: And 'tis happy for us that this Wisdom was deni'd them; since there are few Creatures so inconsiderable, but if they had the Policy for their common safety to unite, they would in a little time grow so numerous and powerful, as to be able to enter into open hostility with Men; and in probability either wholly extirpate humane race, or at least as that Monopolizer of Wit and Fancy, the most ingenious Mr. Cowley expresseth it;

[Page 20]whereas now, if they attempt any Rebellion or Disobedience, they are easily subdued, and kept under subjection by their own Disunion.

WITHOUT Laws or Government men would be but a more cunnin [...] kind of Brutes; and therefore we s [...] that where these prevail, there human [...] Nature is most refined, civilized an [...] polite; but where Laws are wanting i [...] any measure, there in proportion me [...] degenerate into the greatest Barbarism Infidelity, Ingratitude, Treachery, Inhumanity, and almost brutish Anarchy and Confusion: Nay, their very Religion, which is the highest exaltation o [...] the nature of Man, and possibly the o [...] ly thing that perfectly and incommun [...] cably differences it, by setting men in [...] degree so superior to Beasts, that they can never arrive at it; even Religion [...] self, for want of Laws and Government, becomes sensual and Barbarous, if not Devilish.

THERE has therefore appear'd to all the World for self-preservation and mutual advantage, an absolute necessi­ty of Society. The danger of Anarchy shews the necessity of Government. Nor has it been less evi­dent, that it is absolutely impossible there should be any such thing without [Page 21]Government, Superiority and Subjecti­on: For Anarchy is indeed the state of Nature, but it is only of the Nature of Brutes; and most certainly it is the Mo­ther of all Confusion; of which, inevi­table Ruine is the undoubted Daugh­ter. But as to the forms and manner of Government, the opinion of the World has been as various as the practice; and so it continues to this day: One kind of Government not fit for all People. Several kinds and frames of Government suit best with the several circumstances and natures of differing People and Nati­ons: So that though it be no great diffi­culty to determine, which in its own nature is the best Government in the World; yet it would be too hard, if not arrogant, positively to affirm, that even that were universally the best for all sorts of people: Custom and long continuance, which can never admit of any alteration that is suddain and gene­ral, without great inconveniences, is certainly one great Rule in all Forms of Government; according to that ap­pearing Paradox, though good State-Divinity.

Of the three forms of Go­vernment.However in order to my design, it is ne­cessary that we should briefly consider the three kinds of Government, which have shar'd the Empire of the World amongst them.

Of Demo­cracy.WE will begin then with the low­est, and that which has had the least part, as well as the least reason to have a greater, in the manage of publick af­fairs, as being but one step from Anar­chy, and that is Democracy, where all govern, and yet all obey. In this all the People have, or pretend to have an equal Right to Power; and the Laws are the Plebiscita, the Votes of the Common people in general. This way of Government is only practicable in small Bodies and Societies of Men; it being impossible that populous Nati­ons, and of great extent, should either congregate for the dispatch of every little affair of State, or ever be brought to any agreement about them in any to­lerable compass of Time: and besides, they must be forced to neglect the pri­vate concerns of their Country em­ploys, which are as necessarily to be [Page 23]attended for the good of the Common­weal, as the greatest consultations of State; the Populace being no less able to subsist without Corn, and the other effects of good husbandry, than they are without Counsel and Laws. And supposing they should thus meet in mul­titudes, all things would be managed by a tumultuary Faction, rather than by Right and Reason, with which ne­cessary Qualifications for Government, the Common sort of people are as sel­dom well provided, as they are of un­derstanding any thing that goes beyond the limits of their education in Tillage, Husbandry and Mechanick Manufa­ctures. For these and many other Rea­sons, if ever there was any such kind of Government, it is impossible it should be of any long continuance, which is the reason that it has been long since explo­ded out of all great societies of Men; and where ever any of it does remain, it is either in some particular small Munici­pal societies, as with us in Corporati­ons in England; or else this right is committed to Delegates, chosen by the people to represent them and act for them; such as are the Members of the honourable House of Commons, or the [Page 24]Common-Council-men of the City o [...] London; and several small Republicks beyond the Seas.

Of Aristo­cracy or Op­timacy.THE second kind of Government is Aristocracy or Optimacy, where the Nobility or principal persons have the charge and management of the publick Affairs: This was that form of Govern­ment which several of the States o [...] Greece, as Athens, Sparta, Thebes, Co­rinth, &c. did at some times affect. And this was the Government of the Roman Commonwealth, under the Se­nate and Consuls, Senatores à Se­nioritate; and Consules à Con­sulendo. who were chosen out of the Patricii, or principal Nobility, as their name imports, for their age and experience, to consult about the weighty affairs of State; to make Laws accord­ing as the present necessity required, and to alter or abrogate the useless or in­convenient.

THE third sort of Government is Monarchy, Of Monar­chy. where all the whole frame of Government lies upon one single per­son; who has power to make, alter and abrogate Laws, and to exact obedience to them; and this kind of Government, as it is by far the most ancient, so it has been and is the most universal: Inso­much that there is not any People, Na­tion, [Page 25]Country, Language, who either are not, or have not been under this form of Regiment. And the Original both of Democracy and Aristocracy must be attributed to Usurpation; and will be found upon the search of all the Records of Time to have been founded upon Rebellion and a Regifugium: which certainly if there were nothing besides, were a sufficient Argument to keep all wise and sober men from being in love with such models of Government and Laws, as took their first rise and birth from the breach of Laws, and the apparent ruine of that establishment to which they were born subjects, if not sworn vassals.

Some Conside­rations and ne­cessary Ani­madversions upon our late English Repub­lick.BUT in regard it is grown to be but too popular an Error amongst us, to entertain very kind thoughts of the Democratick way of Government, which in the time of the late horrid Rebellion, some Men managed by pri­vate ambition and insatiable desire of Sovereignty, did endeavour (invita Minerva) to introduce and establish, contrary to the Genius and inclination of the English Nation; though they constantly abused the name of the people to countenance their unjust usur­pations: [Page 26]and in regard the same restless and dangerous Faction is as busie as ever to promote the same Design, to the utter subversion of this most anci­ent, flourishing and well-temper'd Mo­narchy; we will consider this way, and see whether in its own Nature it is so good and excellent, as it is pretended to be by the Factors and Fautors of An­timonarchical principles; who do so industriously labour to alienate the minds of the Subjects of great Britain from their ancient Loyalty and Allegi­ance to their Sovereign.

THAT we may therefore take a true and impartial survey of this adored and so much magnified Model of a Re­publick; and that we may do them (which they never did to any) Justice; we will take our Copy from their own Original, and the most exact and curious draughts and elaborate pourtraicts in several Declarations published, as they pretended, for the satisfaction of the people of these Nations: and more par­ticularly of one presently after the Kings Murder, wherein they express the grounds of their proceedings, in setling (as they term it) the present Govern­ment in the way of a Free State or Com­monwealth. [Page 27]Where first they begin with the observation of Gods blessing upon Rebellion; shewing the excellen­cy of this way of Government from the example of the Romans, who after their Regifugium, for many years prospered far more than under any of their Kings or Emperors; from the State of Venice, the Swisse Cantons, and our Neigh­bours of the United Provinces.

IN the next place to make their Way appear the best, they tax the Go­vernment by Monarchy with Injustice, Oppression, and a design of enslaving the people; telling them, that if the King and his Party had prevailed, the fate of England was to have been the same with a neighbouring Monarchy, where the Commons are glad of Can­vass-cloathing and Wooden-shooes, and look more like Ghosts than Men: and for proof they instance in Forest-lands, as a great oppression, in protections against Arrests, Purveyance, exaction of Money, unnecessary Salaries, Pen­sions, Gifts, and the luxury of the Court, as they are pleased to call the innocent diversion of Masques and Plays: concluding with the charitable application of a snap out of a Latin Poet; [Page 28]

In the last place, like most worthy Pa­triots, truly Zealous for the good and interest of their Country, they promise that these and multitudes of the like grievances will be prevented; the situ­ation and advantages of this Land both for Trade abroad, and Manufactures at home will be better understood, when the dangers of Projects, Monopolies, and other obstructions thereof, are toge­ther with the Court the Fountain of them removed, and a free Trade, with incouragement of Manufactures, and provision for the Poor be setled by the Commonwealth, which Monarchy had never yet the leisure effectually to do. Parturiunt Montes! Sure if ever the Proverb was verified it was now, the Devils shearing of his Sheep when he mistook Hogs for them, All Cry and no Wool.

AS to their first observation, of the blessing of God upon them in their un­lawfully established Free State or Repub­lick, they acted the Prophets too soon: and all the World is witness, according to their own measures, who are wont [Page 29]to judge the goodness of Actions by their prosperous successes, how much they were mistaken; and there can be no plainer testimony from their own To­pick of observation, how grateful their Government was to God, by his bles­sing it; and how agreeable it was to the Genius of the English Nation, appears by the long and happy duration of their State. For this young Republick, which seemed to affect and emulate the long-liv'd Roman Commonwealth, for all its excellencies and advantages, could not out-live one single Roman Lustrum, nor continue so many years as the other did hundreds, before the strong byass run it round into a single (though mi­staken) person again. I wish all our stiff Republicans would seriously consi­der this, and no longer, dirigere Bra­chia contra torrentem, tire and toil them­selves, and trouble our calm Waters, which would run most smoothly, if they did not endeavour to trouble them by perpetually swimming against the strong current of Nature, Law, Rea­son, Providence and Religion.

AND for the Roman Common­wealth, which they did so admire, and pretended to imitate; it is well known [Page 30]that was an Optimacy, and no Democra­cy, as this was, which these men by being the peoples representatives did en­deavour to establish: and therefore ne­ver like to prosper long, or flourish like the Roman Republick; for there was always a distinction betwixt the Plebs or ordinary Rank of People, and the Pa­tres Conscripti, Patricii or Senatorian Order: And upon this account the Ro­man Senate never owning themselves the peoples Delegates or Representa­tives, many great quarrels arose be­twixt them; the Populace endeavour­ing by Representatives to get a share in the Government, and the Senate as stoutly opposing all such Incroachments and Innovations: From hence arose many mutinies and popular Insurrecti­ons, in one of which the whole Com­monalty forsook the City, and in a pet run from their houses to the Aventine Mount: T. Liv. lib. 2. and the Senate was forced to Lure the Haggards down again, by gratifying them with the Tribuni Plebis, who were certain persons chosen by the people, to look particulary after their concerns in all the Debates of the Se­nate. And at another time they con­tended to have the Election of one of the [Page 31]Consuls; and the dispute was so hot, that the Senators durst not come to the House, but so great was the fury of the inraged Populace, that there was a five years Anarchy, the true result of Demo­cracy: T. Liv. lib. 6. And at the last the Senate was obliged to condescend to their resolute Importunity, and grant them the choice of one of the Consuls; which plainly manifests that the Government of the Roman Commonwealth was ori­ginally Aristocratick.

BESIDES, it is absolutely false which is said, That the State of Rome flourished more under that Government than under any of their Kings or Empe­rors; for it is notoriously known and confessed, that Rome never came to its perfect greatness and splendor, till the Empire of Augustus Caesar.

AS to the State of Venice, which they mention, that likewise is an Opti­macy mixed with a restrained and ele­ctive Monarchy; for such is the Doge or Duke of Venice; and the same may be said of our Belgick neighbours, who next to the assistance of the English Mo­narchy under Queen Elizabeth, are ob­liged for their greatness and duration, to the Illustrious House of Nassau, An­cestors [Page 32]to the present Prince of Orange, their Hereditary Stadtholder. The ad­vantage and necessity of which Office in his present Highness, they have in this War with France been sufficiently made sensible of: and possibly, had not the private envy of a prevailing Party of the French Interest, De Witt. during his Minority, neglected both Him and the Office, with a Design of utterly abolishing it for the future; they might have been in a condition, with the assistance of their Allies, to have put a stop to the victorious Arms of France; whereas by their Intestine disorders, and the great advantages which his most Christian Majesty made of their disagreement, they have unhappily drawn in the great­est part of Christendom into a most fa­tal and bloudy War.

AND for the States of Switzerland, it was an unlucky Precedent, and not much unlike the Reformation they pra­ctised to the ruine of the Nobility and Gentry. But if we may credit Geo­graphers and Travellers (for I never was there, nor desire to see it) the Country will scarcely invite an Enemy to invade, or pay the purchase of a Con­quest; and therefore they may be safe [Page 33]with any Government, if they can be secure amongst themselves. And there­fore they can never be a pattern for Eng­land, a rich, populous, and fertile Na­tion; who upon that account stand in need of the best Government, to secure us from Intestine quarrels, to which all populous places are most subject, as also to protect us from Foreign force, to which the goodness and riches of the Country, may give the most tempting invitation. So that our Republicans are out in the measures they took of comparing themselves and their new Commonwealth, with any of those mentioned by them in their Declarati­on.

FOR the second part of their Charge, wherein they accuse Monarchy with a Design of enslaving the People; and being guilty of Oppression, Inju­stice and Exactions; if those accusations had been real, (which are most gross abuses and calumnies,) yet still they could have been no more but the exor­bitances of some particular persons, who might abuse their Power, but cannot justly be charged upon Monarchy it self: especially our English Monarchy, which is of so just a Temperamentum ad Pondus [...] [Page 34]if any thing in Nature can be so, as tha [...] it cannot oppress the meanest subject without his own or the consent of hi [...] Peers, who will difficultly be brough [...] to do that which may indanger their own priviledges, and might one da [...] come to be a precedent for themselve [...] to suffer by. The truth is, the resty an [...] fore-plotted humour of some sullen Parliaments, which preceded the fat [...] 1641, put his late Majesty upon som [...] extraordinary courses of raising Mon [...] to supply the pressing and importuna [...] necessities of the Crown and Government, with which they refused to ass [...] him in the usual, legal, and common Parliamentary way; which yet wa [...] not done, but with the greatest caution and tenderness, and frequent consulta­tions with the Judges learned in the Laws, whether without breach [...] Laws such expedients might be mad [...] use of? and the money so raised, which they maliciously say was to maintain those luxuries of the Court, Masque and Plays, their Sabbath-days recreations, were in truth for the necessary support of the Government and Royal Dignity; and which yet fell so short o [...] what the extraordinary occasions at that [Page 35]time were, by reason of the Scottish In­vasion brought on by the Factious Re­publico-Presbyterians, that the King was obliged at last to call and continue that Parliament to grant him supplies, which in conclusion took from him his Reve­nue, Dignity, Crown and Life.

AS to the Forests, of which they make such an out-cry; it is well known, that they are generally Land of such a Nature as admits not of a to­lerable improvement in Husbandry; and therefore cannot be better employ­ed for the publick good and safety of the Nation, than in producing Timber for Shipping, which is the only thing which they will well and naturally do: And the keeping of Deer, being an ac­cidental improvement, and the stock they are best capable of maintaining, and the King as well as private Men having a just right and lawful liberty to employ those Lands which by inhe­ritance from his Ancestors descended to him, according to his own pleasure; I know no persons could be offended at him, but such whose covetous Ambiti­on had an eye to the waste of them for themselves, as these men had, who to the irreparable loss of the Kingdom, un­der [Page 36]pretence of improvement made such spoil in the Forest of Dean, and up­on all the Crown Lands, as some Ages of the most diligent and industrious Husbandry will scarcely repair: And which adds to the mischief, those vast quantities of our best Timber, with which they usually over-paid their pur­chase, were sold to some of our Neigh­bours, who have since shewn us the strength of our English Oak.

AND possibly their dis-foresting and dis-parking so much ground, though it might turn to good account to some of them for the present, yet has insen­sibly brought down all the Rents of the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom: for our only surfeit at present seems to be of plenty both of Corn and Cattle; we having more communibus Annis, than the consumption of the Nation will ad­mit of; and generally no good markets for these products of our Country amongst our Neighbours abroad; unless in such a conjuncture as these late years of War. Which great plenty has cer­tainly been much increased by their im­provement of so many of the Parks of the King, Bishops, &c. So that those chargeable provisions for Sports and Re­creations, [Page 37]for which (as they eloquent­ly flaunt it) thousands of Acres, and scores of Miles, and great part of whole Counties have been separated from a much better and publick employment; if the Timber which their wasteful Ava­rice cut down had been standing still, might with far more advantage to the publick have continued as they were.

AND for Oppression, good God! certainly the World never knew great­er than those Keepers of the Liberties of England were guilty of. It would trouble a publick Accomptant to cast up those vast Summs and incredible Trea­sures, which in less than twice seven years they raised and spent to support the worst of all luxuries Rebellion; and to act upon the publick Charge and Theatre of the Nation, not Masques and Plays, but the most real and inhu­mane Tragedies; and many of them upon Sabbath-days too, as these mo­dern Jews call the Lords-day: So that they might well have spared that accu­sation against the King and Court. It would be endless to recount the Annual Revenue of all the Crown, Bishop, Chapter and Cathedral Lands, besides the Money they received for the [Page 38]purchases of them even at their Rates, the constant and heavy Assessments, Free-quarter, Plunder, Sequestrations, Compositions, Decimations, Excise and Customs; besides the voluntary Contributions, the Bodkins, Thimbles, Rings, Plate and Jewels, which Hugh Peters and his confederate Juglers, preach'd and pray'd from the Holy Si­sters and Zealous Brothers; the vast Summs borrowed upon the publick Faith, which some of them found to their cost to be Fides Punica; and al­most innumerable Ways and Arts they had to squeez and drain the Treasure of the Nation into their bottomless Gulph. And I am almost confident, that not any three Kings of England from William the Conqueror to this pre­sent day were so expensive to England, as that one prodigal Parliament. And they who now complain of the heavy Taxations (which it has ever been ob­served the Republicans are most guilty of) must know, that we are obliged to them, both for the first invention of those payments, and for the necessity of their continuance. That so the Crown may be secured from such exi­gencies as might oblige the King to ask [Page 39]supplies from such men, (if these Com­monwealths-men had their desire and design) as had rather take away the Crown it self, than give any thing to­wards its support and maintenance. And let them but by becoming good Subjects, obedient to their Prince and his Laws, give him demonstrative assu­rances of domestick Peace and Unity, and they may be confident that neither he nor they need to fear any foreign Force or Power: and so the necessity of these extraordinary supplies for the se­curity of the Peace and Interest of the Kingdoms being removed, they may certainly expect to live in a great mea­sure free from them, or however from their frequency. And if they will not agree to do this, they may thank them­selves for those burthens they lay upon their own and other mens shoulders, which they might be eased of, if they would ease the Government of the con­stant charge it is forced to be at, to se­cure it self, and those who are under its protection, from the restless and dange­rous attempts of their Party against it; and therefore as they can blame no bo­dy but themselves, so certainly all the loyal and good Subjects have a great [Page 40]deal of reason to complain of them, who are the principal occasions of those Im­positions, which lye so heavy upon them.

AS for their conclusion, that these and multitudes of other grievance [...] should be taken away, by turning the Monarchy into a Free State; These were but fair words and fine promises to de­ceive the ignorant and credulous multi­tude; for a miserable experience taught us the contrary. And for one King▪ who according to the most mild and ea­sie Laws, governed with the greatest wisdom and clemency; they set up and established an Oligarchical Democra­tick Tyranny, like that of the Thirty Athenian Tyrants. And every one of these Parliament Demarchs, was as ab­solute by himself as the Law of his own Will could make him: Nor could any person question either their Actions or Authority, without paying his Life and Fortune, or one of them for so great a presumption. And I remember when the late King at his Trial before their pretended High Court of Justice, que­stioned their Authority, they gave him no other answer, but that they were abundantly satisfied with their own Au­thority; [Page 41]and from his dreadful example it was easie to conclude, that whoever would not be satisfied with their Pow­er, was certain to follow him in suffer­ing under it; and 'tis easily remembred how arbitrarily all things were mana­ged, and the whole Kingdom brought into a slavery far greater than theirs, who wear Canvass-cloaths and Wood­en-shooes, and look like Ghosts; for they did not only (amongst the multi­tudes of grievances which were redrest) make men look like such, but really made such of all those, whom they ei­ther feared, suspected or hated.

AND for their observation of the situation of the Nation for Trade and Manufactures, it was so pretty a new Nothing to pin upon the peoples sleeves, that it could not but please extremely: As if all our Monarchs had liv'd in such profound Oscitancy and Ignorance, that they never knew what Ports, Havens or Creeks they had within their Domi­nions; or as if the Sea-men knew not without this new Chart of discovery, that Portsmouth lay more conveniently for a Trade with France, than Robin Hoods-Bay, or John-a-Groats-house in the remotest Orcades: Or as if the com­mon [Page 42]people, whose great interest and constant employment it is from their ve­ry leading-strings, were by these sons of Bacchus to be taught the art of Agri­culture; and under Monarchy could not tell the nature of their Lands, or what Countries were fit for such or such Ma­nufactures, or any other thing relating to Trade or Husbandry, but these great Ingeniosos of the Republick must have the honour of these happy Inventions, which the people understood before far better than they could instruct them; as is but too evident to all those Gentle­men, who of late years having their Lands by the universal fall of Rents thrown upon their hands, could never make those improvements and advanta­ges of them, which the Rusticks did, by their better understanding of the Lands, and the methods of Husbandry, in which they had their education; which the Gentlemen who are owners of the Land wanted. And for their ta­king care for the Poor, in one sence it was true enough, they took all the care they could to keep the Nation as poor as it was possible; that if ever they should have any such intentions or inclinati­ons, they might never have the power [Page 43]or the purse to effect their Design in bringing back their banish'd Sovereign, to his undoubted Right, the Royal Throne of his Illustrious Ancestors: for which purpose they kept a continual standing Army at Land, and a Navy at Sea, to the incredible charge, oppressi­on, and impoverishment of the Subjects of these Realms, both their Friends and Enemies; though they had the policy to lay the heaviest load upon the backs of their Enemies, if possible to break them; and they kept the Loyal Gentry and Nobility so poor, that many of them have not been able, or ever will to forget the kindness of that Govern­ment, which was the utter ruine of them and their families.

SHOULD the same method be made use of with them, sure then they would make a horrible out-cry; but some people may better steal a Horse, than others look over the Hedge; and what was Wisdom, Prudence and Ju­stice in a Republick, would be Tyran­ny, Oppression, and Cruelty in a Mo­narch.

AS for the last clause, that Monarchy never had the leisure effectually to ad­vance or encourage the Trade of the Na­tion; [Page 44]How comes our Statute-Law to be so full of such Acts, as are for the Improvement and Regulation of all Trades and Manufactures? How come all those Charters and Grants to Corpo­rations, Fairs, Markets, and to the se­veral Companies of the City of London? However, we will agree to them, that some of our late Monarchs have not had the leisure effectually to look after these affairs; but who was it that gave the obstruction? and how come they not to have so much leisure? Even these kind publick-spirited Commonwealths-men, who from the very moment that our Nation began to look abroad into the World, and by Navigation to advance the Interest of our Country, even these great Merchants of Faction, Sedition and Rebellion, began to set up for them­selves, and to spoil our Markets, by gi­ving such disturbances to Queen Eliza­beth in the last years of her Reign; to King James during all his, and to the Royal Martyr, whom at last they bought and sold, that Monarchy had something of nearer concern to mind, than Foreign Trade; viz. Domestick Peace: and found work enough to quench those flames, which they saw [Page 45]ready to blaze out, or already broken out in the State; which were kindled and blown up, by the fiery Zeal of these hot-headed Republicans: And our Kings by that Charity which begins at home, were obliged first to take care of their own Preservation, which yet (so violent was the rage of that unruly com­bustion, that they were not able to effect, but all was laid in heaps and ashes) thank the good honest men of the Commonwealth for their industry and successful pains they took about it, God reward them for it.

BUT God have the praise, who had compassion upon our Ruines, and pitied to see us lye in the Dust! we have seen a glorious Resurrection of Monarchy; we have seen all these frivolous calum­nies confuted; We have seen Monopo­lies taken away and yet the Court re­main; Purveyance restrained, and both the Waggoner and Barge-man paid for serving the King to their own content; we have seen unnecessary Protections taken away; and Courtiers obliged to pay their just Debts, which the Demo­cratick Government for all their publick Faith never did. We have seen all in­couragement given to Manufactures, [Page 46]Navigation and Merchandize; the Poo [...] taken care of, and all this done mos [...] effectually. And much more we migh [...] see, England the most Potent, flou­rishing, and quiet Kingdom in th [...] World, if it were not for those interruptions and disturbances, which th [...] Devillish spirit of Democracy, that stil [...] walks, haunts, and possesses so many Men, even after the Body of it is de [...] and rotten, has given our present M [...] narch. And it is the general hope of a [...] who wish for our peace and prosperity that he will have the leisure, with th [...] united concurrence of his pruden [...] Counsellors, to do far greater thing than these; and conjure down this tumultuous Spirit, to the Abyss of flam [...] and confusion from whence it firs [...] came: and in despight of all their mad­ness and opposition to fulfil the prophe­tick wish of his Glorious Father; and since he is even by the experience of his greatest and the Nations Enemies Charles le Bon, [...] to the Prince of Wales. he will undoubtedly arrive to be Charles le Grand; to which there is no other visible obstacle beside the unreasonable fury, madness, and eternal malice of these implacable Oli­garcho-Democraticks.

CHAP. III. The Government of a Republick examined, whether in its oven Nature so good for the Ends of Society as it is pretended. The end of all Government, the Happiness of the Society, consists in Protection, Pro­perty, and Distributive Justice. De­mocracy cannot in probability at­tain those Ends; it obliges the Su­preme Magistrates to maintain a pri­vate Interest separate and distinct from the Publick, whereby they manage af­fairs rather for their own advantage, than that of the Community. No secu­rity against Foreign Force can be expect­ed from a Democratick Republick, especially in the greatest Danger. Do­mestick Peace not so well preserved by it as by Monarchy. No safety of Proper­ty in a Republick, in regard of their constant Factions, nor equal distribution of Rewards and Punishments.

BUT leaving these Impatient furi­oso's, gnawing their Nails for madness, to see their short-liv'd Com­monwealth, with infamy from Hea­ven [Page 48]and Earth hist off the stage of the World: Republick Go­vernment in its own Nature considered, whe­ther so useful for the Ends of Society as pre­tended? Let us come to examine the Constitution of a Republick way of Go­vernment in its self; and see whether in its own Nature it is of so great ad­vantage to the well-being of Society, as it is by some pretended.

THAT we may do this, we must look into the Ends of Government; The end of all Government Happiness of the Society. now the End of all Government is the Well-being and Happiness of the Socie­ty; and here I shall only concern my self with this well-being in a Politick sence, and not intermingle any thing of Society as to Religious affairs, fur­ther than they have a respect and neces­sary influence upon the common con­cerns of Life.

Wherein it con­sists.THE Happiness of any Society does principally consist in these three things. First, 1. In Protecti­on. in protection from Foreign Pow­er, and the Injuries of those who are not of the same Body Politick.

2. In Peace and Property secured. Secondly, in preserving Domestick Peace, and securing to every Member of the Society their particular Right and Property, free from incroachment or oppression.

3. In equal di­stribution of Rewards and Punishments.Thirdly, in the equal distribution of Justice to all, according to their Merits, [Page 49]by a due proportioning of Rewards and Punishments.

TO some or other or all of these three Intentions, the Happiness of Mankind in this World must be reduced; for no man can hope or expect a greater hap­piness in this mortal state, than to live in safety under a Power that is both rea­dy, willing, and able to afford him protection; to enjoy with freedom and quietness what he can justly call his own; and not only to be rewarded & en­couraged for his Industry and Diligence in promoting the publick, and by con­sequence his own private good, but to see all such severely punished, who would rob him of his quiet and safety, or dispossess him of his Right or any part of it, either by fraud or violence.

IN general therefore, as to all the concerns of Government and the happi­ness of any Society, it must be conside­red, what kind of supreme Power does most effectually contribute towards the attainment of these Ends? which for this following reason a Republick can never do. Democracy can­not in probabi­lity attain these Ends in regard the Supreme Magistrates must always maintain a separate interest distinct from the Publick, which will oblige them to manage the affairs of State rather to their own advantage, than that of the Commonwealth. For whether it be Aristocra­tick or Democratick by Delegates chosen [Page 50]to represent the People, (which is pro­perly Oligarchy, and the form our Re­publicans dote on) no place in the Go­vernment can be Hereditary; nay, ma­ny times those places of high Trust are only Annual, or however but for some few Years, and not for term of Life: For (it is their own Argument against the long continuance of this Parliament, which is against the very foundation of a Democratick way) it is highly unreason­able, that any one company of men should for many Years ingross so great a trust of the People, as to be their Representatives in the House of Commons, and as good men as these present Members of the Counties and Corporations (who have as much right, according to the principles of De­mocracy, to have their turn in the Go­vernment) should be so long excluded. Now whoever is chosen to such places, must at the same time maintain a sepa­rate Interest of his own private affairs, distinct from those of the publick. And there being not only a possibility, but the most tempting probability of a pri­vate and particular advantage to be made of all publick Trusts, where there is Power and Profit, which are rarely to be found so separated, but that they [Page 51]may easily be United; this is a perpetu­al spur to men of ambitious or craving spirits, by all ways direct and indirect, to make court to those employs of State, which if they can obtain, they assure themselves they will become most ser­viceable to their particular Interests, by advancing their Reputation, Ho­nour, and private Fortunes. And the best men being not only the fewest, but usually least forward, and most modest, in all probability such persons will ge­nerally sit at the Helm of the State, as will steer the publick Bottom upon such a course, as shall be most beneficial to themselves: And then the consideration of the shortness of their Power, will un­doubtedly put them upon making Hay whilest the Sun-shine of their Authority lasts; and forcing all private advanta­ges with the greatest expedition and se­crecy, both to avoid the danger of lo­sing their present opportunity, as also to avoid the fear of a future after-reckon­ing. And in regard it is very possible, that the greatest part of such elective Governours may all be guilty of the same designs, as well the present as those who are Candidates for the future, they will the more easily be induced to [Page 52]connive at one another; and by a joynt confederacy pass by all such rapacious arts and methods; and by a common consent, for their mutual advancement, father the great expences of their Private gains upon the publick Necessities, a [...] well as draw them from the Publick stock: Nor will their successors be ve­ry forward to call them to a strict ac­compt, fearing the like treatmen [...] themselves, and to their prejudice to draw it into a precedent for succeeding Authorities.

FROM hence it is easie to observe with what fidelity the common Interest will be served; which must almost un­avoidably fall into the hands of such persons, whose designs will be so fa [...] from promoting the common good, and protecting it from the Rapacious at­tempts of others, that they will be sure, to make a certain prey and revenue of it for themselves: and the inconvenience will be so little remedied by frequent Changes and new Elections, that it will rather prove a new increase of the Malady; and the application of fres [...] and hungry Leeches to the Temples of the Body Politick, will rather be a means to suck out its very heart-bloud, [Page 53]than to preserve its health and well­fare.

AND that this is not only very na­tural, but experimentally true, no bare supposition, but a deadly Recipe, to which we can all write a sad Probatum est; we shall need no further proof, than to take a short review of the transactions of the late English Republick; whose great business was to inrich themselves, and their Confederates, by the Ruines of others, and by impoverishing the whole Nation: And to what Estates, by their ill-imployed Power, they did most of them arrive, is still visible; in that, though they were forced to their great affliction, to disgorge a great part of their acquisitions, by restoring the Crown, Bishops, Dean Chapter, and Cathedral Lands, to the right heirs and owners; yet still some of them had so well feathered their Nests out of the publick stock, that they or their poste­rity might have lived in the greatest splendor or plenty; if their fear to be taken notice of, or their narrow, penu­rious, and covetous humour would have permitted them; or in truth, if the dangerous Curse upon such as make more haste than good speed to be Rich, [Page 54]had not like a secret rust consumed those ill gotten greatness and riches, Prov. 20.21. the end of which (that Royal writer assure us) shall not be Blessed.

BUT more particularly, as to the happiness of any Society by protection from Foreign Force and Injuries; No security against Foreign Force can be expected from a Democratick Republick, espe­cially in the greatest dan­gers. it is impossible that any persons should en­deavour this so heartily, and with that fidelity of resolution, as to defend it to the utmost with their Lives and For­tunes, who having a distinct Interest from the Publick, may therefore hope to save their own stake, and survive the fate of the expiring Government: And this every one who is a sharer in the Go­vernment of a Republick may easily hope to do; and though he be devest­ed of his Authority, by an invading Power, that is no greater loss than in a few years (or it may be days) he is sure to do of course, without such violent means; when by resigning his place, he must be reduced to the condition of a private man; yet still he may hope even under the prevailing Power, to enjoy his Life and private Fortune. Nay further, it is possible, that by selling the present Power he does possess, and bartering away the publick Inte­rest, [Page 55]he may arrive at a higher pitch of greatness, and a more durable com­mand, than otherways he could ever have hoped for: And certainly there cannot be a stronger temptation to such men, to betray the Liberty of their Country, than assurances that they shall reserve to themselves not only the con­tinuance of the present, but also an ad­ditional power and greatness, and all the advantages of it by such a profitable treachery.

AND though so long as a Common­wealth can keep a-float, the sweetness of Sovereignty, and the other advanta­ges which the present possession of, gives them a greater satisfaction in, than the largest promises of an Enemy, of whole fidelity they cannot be absolutely certain; and such like considerations may make them struggle hard to pre­serve the Bird in hand, rather than trust to two in the Bush, by resigning their Power; yet most certainly when they see it in manifest danger of sinking, (which is the only season for trial of Courage and Fidelity) they will be so far from employing their utmost efforts, to buoy up the Ship of the Common­wealth, that they will quit the crazy [Page 56]and leaking Vessel, and fairly tack about in their own private Chaloup, and stand in with the next shore of safe­ty; or by striking Sail, and coming un­der the Lee of the Conqueror, save their own Interest, and it may be obtain ho­nourable and advantageous conditions for their early submission.

BESIDES, in all Democratick Go­vernments there dwells a certain dan­gerous and mischievous person which the common people call No Body; who always walks invisible, and shelters himself from discovery amongst the crowd of Governours: So that when there happens any notable miscarriage of State, No body knows the occasion, or Author, or who it was that did it; and if at last the publick sink and perish▪ No body must be charged with it; be­cause amongst so many, it will be diffi­cult to fix it upon any particular person or persons; and they who are really guilty, will yet have the confidence to protest their Innocence; and it may be, that they may appear so, will be for­ward-enough to charge any such mis­carriages upon the opposite Faction; which this kind of Government is never without; whereby they do not only [Page 57]shelter themselves, but expose their Enemies to the general Odium, and it may be to the popular Rage; and by that means at the same time secure their treachery and revenge themselves.

THUS it was with the Romane Se­nate, who though for above four hun­dred years they stood many violent shocks, yet still they were never in a manifest danger of an intire Ruine, till such time as the conquering Genius of the mighty Julius had overthrown the great Pompey and his Confederates, who appear'd the defenders of the Re­publick: (though possibly had victory waited upon their Eagles, they would have made the same Quarry of the Com­monwealth that Caesar's did) for imme­diately the Senate gave way to the Con­queror and his fortune, and decreed him a Triumph; the first badge of their co­wardize, treachery, and slavery. And though the ingrateful Brutus, and his conspiring Friends, thought by his death, with three and twenty wounds, to have revived the expiring Republick, and healed those which Caesar had given it; yet were they but such convulsive struggles as did presage its certain and near approaching death; for no sooner [Page 58]had Augustus the heir of Caesar's Fortune and Empire, overcome Anthony, but the tame Senate resigned it self and the Government into his hands; and the rather, in regard he permitted them to keep the Name, and to enjoy their private Fortunes, together with many places of trust and advantage in the ma­nagement of publick affairs; though he transferr'd the absolute Power and Do­minion from them to himself. And there is not the least doubt to be made, but since the greatest, most durable, and potent Commonwealth that ever was in the World, did so easily submit; the less and more inconsiderable would soon be perswaded to follow their ex­ample.

NOR would any of our Modern Republicks be of long duration, were it not for the assistance of their Neigh­bours, who to keep the scale even, do not think it fit to let them fall as an ad­dition to the Territories of a neighbour­ing Prince, lest by the accession of so considerable a Power, he should become too dangerous and formidable: to which policy of State, and not to the goodness of their Constitution they are therefore obliged for their continuance and preservation.

BESIDES, to the safety of any Government there is necessarily requi­red great unity in Councils, and secre­cy in the conduct of many State affairs; neither of which can with any probable reason be expected from a Government which is committed to so many Heads, who have all Tongues, and it may be not brains enough to guard them: Nay, supposing them all wise men, they will very difficultly be brought to agree up­on the same expedients, and it may be the more hardly for being such: Since every mans own reason weighs more to himself than all the World, because he apprehends and understands it best. Now they who dissent from the rest (which some will generally do) out of envy and private Pique that their ad­vice was rejected and despised, will be apt enough to retard the publick affairs, and to divulge the most important secret Counsels of the opposite Faction, there­by to render them ineffectual, and to ad­vance their own Interest, by shewing from events, that their Advice, Opini­on, and Counsel was the best.

FURTHER, many times the De­bates and Consultations amongst so ma­ny different Judgments are so long pro­tracted, [Page 60]that before they can arrive at a resolution, many favourable opportuni­ties for action are irrecoverably lost: And whensoever any great enterprize is to be undertaken for the defence or safety of the Publick, in regard they cannot execute their own Commands, and all be Generals or Admirals, there­fore the Commissions they grant to those high Officers, are from their fears so li­mited and restrained, lest they should by too great latitude of power grow ab­solute, that it frequently occasions great miscarriages: And the fear which their greatest Commanders have to offend so many Masters, though it will infallibly render them most cautelous and wary, yet will it most certainly make them slip the advantages of many sudden unex­pected emergencies, which they will be afraid to lay hold of, without advice or command from their many Superiors, lest the success not answering the pro­mises in the attempt, they should fall a sacrifice to an enraged Populace: And thus whilest they wait for an Express, occasion, which will wait no mans pleasure, slips away, and shews them the bald part of his head, which is ne­ver to be laid hold of again.

Domestick Peace not so well secured by a Republick as by Monarchy.NOR is there a greater probability of expecting Domestick Peace from a Republick, which is the second parti­cular required from all Government, in order to the happiness of any Society. For where there are many who pretend to an equality and parity in Power and Dignity, there will of necessity be jea­lousies, emulations and animosities ari­sing from the differences of Judgment, as to the conduct and management of all great, weighty or profitable affairs of State: And where all things must be carried by majority of Vote, since all men naturally have a good opinion of themselves, their own wisdom, pru­dence and ability; every man will judge most advantageously of his own counsel and advice; for otherwise he would not offer it in opposition to others; and therefore in all transactions mana­ged by suffrages, those persons whose opinion is rejected, will look upon it as a lessening of that esteem for Wisdom and Policy, which they think they de­serve, because they desire it should be so; and by an unavoidable consequence they will be most certainly dissatisfied, if not exasperated with thoughts of re­venge against the prevailing and oppo­site [Page 62]number. These discontents occasi­on the making of parties, entring into secret combinations of Faction, and fre­quently end in popular Insurrections, Tumults, and Disorders, to which, for this very reason, whoever will take the pains to observe it, shall find the Go­vernment of a Republick far more ob­noxious than any other way. And Af­fairs being generally (if not constantly) managed by a prevailing Faction, (who endeavour to ingross the sole Authority and advantage to their party and favou­rites) rather than by an even and unani­mous consent; it makes that party who think themselves injured and affronted (by being deprived of the fundamental parity of their constitution) restless and industrious in their endeavours to ad­vance their Interest, so as to be able to counterbalance the other.

THUS it was with the Roman Commonwealth; when ever the busie, active, and ambitious spirits were not employed in foreign Wars, they were always running into Mutinies amongst themselves; Parties, Factions, and po­pular Insurrections, which would have been more frequent and dangerous, had not the policy of the prevailing part of [Page 63]the Senate taken care to cut out Sword­work for them abroad. A. V. 281. T. Liv. lib. 2. The first re­markable Sedition was about the Lex Agraria, immediately upon granting a forty years truce to the Veientes, which was appeased by raising a War against the Sabines, Aequi and Volsci. No sooner was that at an end, but a greater Sedition arose, A. V. 297. Liv. lib. 3. in which ten Tribunes of the common people were created; and this Decemvirate by violence wrest­ed the Government from the Senate and Consuls: And after the creation of the Military Tribunes, A. V. 311. Liv. lib. 4. they did for almost seventy years usurp the Government and Authority. And generally all those Tumults and great Disorders happened whilest they enjoyed peace and quiet with their Neighbours; which can be attributed to nothing, but that then the Factions, and Factious spirits had time to mind their Interest at home, whilest they wanted employment abroad. And that there are no greater or more frequent popular Insurrections amongst the modern Commonwealths, is to be attributed to that mixture of Monarchy they have in them, which ba­lances the Factions, and like the natu­ral Salt of the Body keeps those bodies [Page 64]Politick from a Dissolution; as also be­cause they are almost perpetually inga­ged either as Principals or Confede­rates in foreign Wars.

No safety or security of Pro­perty in a Re­publick in re­gard of their constant Facti­ons.THERE is nothing more evident, than that the very Essence and Natural Constitution of a Republick inclines it to Faction; and it is as plain, that Go­vernment by Faction can never be for the general good of any Community of Men. For all Factions and Parties are constantly for oppression of those who are opposite and contrary to them: Esteeming that the securest method to keep them under, and to disable them from opposing, or however from over­throwing their Power. So that no man can have any assurance of safety or property, but by swimming down the stream of a prevailing Party; and in the beginning of such Factions, it is impos­sible for any person to prophesie which will be so, or how long their power shall continue, in regard of the frequent change of Governours. He that un­luckily espouses the falling side, is sure to be crushed with them; and if for his security any person shall embrace a cun­ning Neutrality, he does thereby ex­pose himself a prey to both parties; for [Page 65]neither of them will look upon him to be theirs, but will be jealous, that se­cretly he is of the adverse Faction; and accordingly, whilest he is a declared friend to neither, he will be treated as a secret enemy to both; so that it is im­possible there can be any such thing as quiet security, where Property is al­ways left to the mercy of perpetual changes and revolutions of Faction, which inconvenience like its shadow is the inseparable companion of a Com­monwealth so long as the Sun of prospe­rity shines upon it.

BUT further, where there are ma­ny Governours, who as before was said, have a separate Interest, distinct from that of the Publick; these Interests are dispersed through the several parts of the Dominions, where their particular Estates and Places of Residence are: And if they are Proud, Ambitious, Co­vetous or Imperious Men, they will be most absolute and arbitrary in all such places: And if they be not naturally guilty of those Vices, Government and supreme Authority are but too apt to taint all such persons with some measure of them, who are exalted, and not born to the greatness of Sovereignty and [Page 66]Power; for where these are not heredi­tary, men look upon such promotions to be the pure effects of their merit: and whoever sets that high value upon him­self, as to be of that belief, cannot escape the danger of insupportable pride as well as vanity; for all promotion comes from a higher and unseen Power▪ But however there will be found few amongst the ordinary rank of people (let them be great by chance or merit) who will have the spirit or confidence to contradict or oppose them, though they do invade their property, or incroac [...] upon their rights, to advance their own greatness, riches and power; and with very good caution, lest being exaspera­ted by any such treatment from their In­feriors, though but in maintaining their own priviledges, they should make use of that power which they have in their hands, to revenge their private quarrels, or however (as they may ea­sily) do them many ill offices: Nor would there be any remedy by com­plaints; every offence committed against such a person as he would re­present it, nay, the very complaint it self would be look'd upon as a contempt or affront of Authority, which in pro­bability [Page 67]would procure severe rebukes, if not punishment, rather than redress to such foolish complainants; there be­ing nothing to be expected, but ex­pence of time & money in the pursuance of an affair where the application must be made to those who are both Judges and Parties.

ALL this and much more was ex­actly verified by the Members of the late Rebel Faction of a Parliament, and the Officers, nay, the very common Sol­diers of the Army: who were such ab­solute Princes in the several Counties and places of their Residence or Quar­ters, that no person durst question any of their Actions, though never so un­just, for fear they should question him for a Malignant, and make his Estate a Delinquent; which most certainly they would have done; it being an in­fallible sign that a man was disaffected to the Government, if he went about to oppose their most Lawless Actions: And to satisfie their private splene, they would not fail to execute upon him the publick revenge; for he that could not submit to be a slave to the Governors, was presently adjudged an Enemy to the Government; and for that was sure [Page 68]to suffer in his Estate, if they were so abundantly super-merciful, to let him preserve his Life in a tedious Prison.

No equal Di­stribution of Rewards and Punishments can rationally be expected from a Repub­lick which must of necessity be managed by Fa­ction and Inte­rest.NEITHER is the Government of a Republick much more happy in the thirds particular required to the prospe­rity and well-being of Society, which is the equal distribution of Rewards and Punishments 3 and it being impossible to separate Faction and Interest from this kind of Authority, it will likewise be impossible, but that there will be the greatest inequality in the administration of distributive Justice; for it will ne­ver be proportioned to the real worth or merits of Men or Actions, but accord­ing as they shall be judged favourable or advantageous to the Interest of the Ruling Faction; which most common­ly will happen to be the worst, the number of good Men in all Ages and Places being much inferior to that of the Vicious and Ill: So that all Offices of Profit and all Places of Trust, Dignity or Honour, will most certainly be con­ferr'd upon such persons as are esteem­ed Friends, and their want of merit or ability to discharge such considerable employs, will be abundantly recom­penced by the fidelity they either have [Page 69]or well dissemble to the side and Interest of their Patrons, who will always be willing to gratifie such, to depress their Enemies, and to support their own Party and Power; judging that their gratifications will oblige to a firmness and fidelity, lest they should be depri­ved of those advantages they possess from, by, and under them: Though after all the obligations that can be laid upon them, these Mercenary fidelities are all like Soldiers of fortune, who will certainly list themselves under those Standards where there is the best pay and preferment. Whereas on the con­trary, no ability to discharge any Place or Office of trust, no Integrity shall be able to turn the balance of Rewards against the heavy charge, or but suspi­cion of being no friend to the present over-ruling Faction, or their proceed­ings: So that in short, all Vertue (if we measure it by what is rewarded or incouraged in a Commonwealth) will consist either in the artifice of a well manag'd flattery, or a real joyning with that party of the Government which is uppermost; without which unmanly compliances no other sort of goodness will recommend any person to the capa­city [Page 70]of Rewards; and will scarcely be able to protect him from Injuries and Punishments. And since Vertue is not over natural to Mankind, it is like to thrive but very poorly in a soil where it is not tenderly cherished, and frequent­ly refreshed with the incouraging Dews of Rewards and Benefits; they being very rare and uncommon persons, who will espouse Vertue, though the great­est Beauty in Nature, without any other portion than what she has in her self of excellency and satisfaction: And how happy any Society of men in process of a little time are like to be without Vertue, and how long lived she is like to be upon so thin a diet, where (Pro­bitas laudatur & alget) she is commend­ed and starved, I think I need not spend time, or trouble the sober and judicious Reader with arguments to prove and demonstrate.

THE same may be said of Punish­ments as of Rewards: And if it shall be said, that the frequent changes of the Governours will be a means to prevent these inconveniences; I answer, it will indeed change the Governours, but not the nature of the Government, which of it self is inclinable to these Imperfe­ctions, [Page 71]and apt to deprave the best Na­tures into these miscarriages, which do attend the very Essence of its constituti­on; and though the Governours may be altered, yet it is probable the same Faction and Interest will bear the sway, and in all common Policy will take what care they can of the succession; notwithstanding which, it will so hap­pen sometimes that the contrary Faction will get into the Saddle; and the more frequent such changes are, it will ren­der the condition of all people so much the worse, uneasie and insecure in all the forementioned consequences of Fa­ction; for since first one Party will be uppermost, and then another; the re­membrance of the injuries they may have received from their Enemies, will prompt them to the like measure of se­verities against them, when they are vested with the power of Revenge; which few tempers have the moderati­on to resist or refuse, when it is not on­ly proportioned to the treatment they formerly received, but necessary to keep their own Power and Authority in safety and Being.

SO that upon the whole, it will ap­pear, that this way of Government by [Page 72]a Republick, is not in any probability of attaining those excellent ends of So­ciety, which all men propose to them­selves when they enter into it; and the hopes and enjoyment of which can only render any Society durable and happy.

CHAP. IV. Of Monarchy and its Excellency, proved first from its Antiquity: The first Essay to a Democracy, the Rebellion of Co­rah and his accomplices: Secondly, from the Universality of Monarchy, and the Extent of its Limits. The first Popular State at Athens, Anno Mundi 3275. Monarchy proved the most excellent Government from its agreeableness to Humane Nature; and because it does best answer the three forementioned great Ends of Society and the Happiness of Mankind.

Of Monar­chy.HAVING thus examined the Go­vernment of a Republick, and found it insufficient as to the answering those necessary Ends of Society, the Happiness of the Community; Let us [Page 73]proceed to the Consideration of Monar­chy or Government by a single Person: and that we may discover its real Ex­cellencies, and that preheminence which it does most justly challenge over all other forms of Regiment, we must take a view of its Antiquity and Ori­ginal, its Limits and Extent, its agree­ableness to Humane Nature; and last­ly, its advantageousness as to the three forementioned principal Ends of Socie­ty, in order to their Happiness and Du­ration.

The Excellency of it proved from its Anti­quity.WE will begin then with the An­tiquity and Original of Monarchy; and to do so, we must consult the very be­ginning of the World and Mankind; and herein we have the Universal Testi­mony and Consent of all the preserved Records and Monuments of Time, both Sacred and Humane, who all give it in evidence, That Monarchy was the most Ancient, and the Primitive Govern­ment of the World: Insomuch, that we never read any thing of the Origine of Nations, but we likewise find men­tion of Kings and Royal Authority, as the very first form of Government in the World. Thus Sanchoniathon, Sanchoniathon ut citatur à D. Stillingfleet. Origin. Sacrae cap. 2. who as Porphyry affirms of him, is of greater [Page 74]Antiquity than any of the Greek Histo­rians, gives a large account of the Ph [...] ­nician Antiquities and Monarchies, and dedicates his Book to Abibalus King o [...] Berytus. Thus the Egyptian Maneth▪ Sebennyta (who was the High Priest o [...] Heliopolis, as the learned Vossius tells us and lived in the time of Ptolomaeus Phi­ladelphus, Voss. de Hist. Graec. lib. 1. cap. 14. at whose request he compiled the History of the Egyptian Antiquities and Government,) gives us a long at well as fabulous account and Catalogu [...] of the Monarchical succession and Go­vernment of God's Hero's, and Men fo [...] above 50000 years, which he pretend to have taken from the Inscriptions o [...] the Pillars of Hermes Trismegistus. Th [...] Greek History begins with Cecrops King of Athens. And the History of the tru [...] Berosus, who is mentioned by Josephus Eusebius, and others, is concerning the Antiquity of the Babylonian Empire which he affirms to have been the most Ancient and Original Government o [...] the World. And to this purpose is that of Justin, in his Epitome of Trogus Pom­peius, who takes it for a Truth un­doubtedly agreed to by all People, when he tells us in the first words of his History, Justin. lib. 1. That Power and Government [Page 75]was from the beginning of the World, and Original of People and Nations wholly and absolutely in Kings. And it is impossible to find any Record that is really ancient, that gives an account of any other kind of Government in the World prior to Monarchy. And though those ancient Authors, Manetho, Bero­sus, &c. are not only with great reason suspected, but with manifest certainty discovered to be guilty of most irratio­nal, fabulous, and impossible fictions and falshoods; especially as to the Chronological part of their writings; yet were they never so much as accused by any person as guilty of depraving that part of the Records of Antiquity, which concerns the manner and form of Government: Which with a Nemine contradicente has been affirmed to have been Monarchy; a Government, which by the early approbation of the World, as well as by the constant succession of Time, has ever been esteemed the best. According to that of the Prince of Poets;

But in regard as the learned Author o [...] Origines Sacrae has made it appear, that all these writers are by many year younger than Moses, the Penman o [...] the Sacred Volumes about the Worlds Original; and because amongst us he passes for a Divinely inspired Author, (though it were enough for our present purpose if we gave him only the credit [...] which we afford to any other Historian) we will the more willingly hear him speak; & the rather, because it is grow [...] a Popular error, and prevailing opinion That the excellency of a Republick [...] evidently to be proved from his w [...] tings; That form of Government, a [...] Calvin the great Patron of Free State [...] and Oracle of Anti-Monarchical Me [...] would perswade us, Cal. Inst. lib. 4. cap. 20. Sect. 8. being of God own appointment, choice, and esta­blishment, amongst his peculiar people the Tribes of Israel; for whom it ough [...] not to be doubted, but he would chuse the best, amongst all the kinds of Go­vernment extant in the World.

LET us therefore hear the opinion of Moses, as to the Antiquity of Kings [Page 77]and Monarchy; and as once a greater than he said of him, They who will not believe Moses and the Prophets, would not believe, though by a miracle one should rise from the dead, to con­vince and confute them. That Adam, Noah, and the rest of the Ancient pro­pagators of Mankind were Kings, and exercised Regal authority, though his writings do not tell us, yet we must conclude, in regard that their posterity were bound to honour and obey them, both by the Law of Nature, Reason, and the Divine Eternally Moral Law, which did and do for ever command it. But the first mention of a Monarch is Nim­rod, Gen. 10.10. who was a mighty Hunter before the Lord, and the beginning of whose Kingdom was Babel: Which Empire according to the computation of Chro­nology began about 130 years after the Deluge, and is the first established Kingdom and Government that we meet with in the Sacred writings. There is likewise mention made of the Egyptian Kingdom, Gen. 12. another of the most ancient Monarchies. In another place there is an account of a great action that happened, Gen. 15. in which Nine Kings were concerned, and the place of their King­doms; [Page 78]as also in the same Chapter o [...] Melchizedeck King of Salem, beside Abraham, who, as appears by his victory over them, with an Army of hi [...] own Militia, the Trained-bands [...] Troops of his houshold, was also a gre [...] King himself, as the Children of He [...] stile him; My Lord, thou art a mighty Prince amongst us, Gen. 23. &c.

NOR is there any great doubt to be made, but that at the confusion of La [...] guages, he who undertook to lead a wa [...] a Company was their Prince; and as afterwards they subdivided themselve [...] for more Room, and convenience [...] Pasturage for their Flocks and Herd [...] the Riches of those Ages, still the pri [...] ­cipal person of note undertook to co [...] ­duct them, and was their King: And the great increase of these as well as o [...] the people, of necessity obliged them as it did Lot and Abraham to part on [...] from another, and to seek out for their convenience new Lands and unpeople [...] Regions; and this seems to be the true Reason, why in the early Ages of the World, we find mention of so many little Kings, that every considerable City in the small Continent of Canaan had its distinct King and Kingdom; [Page 79]which did not a little contribute to the facility of their conquest by Joshua and the Israelites, Josh. 12. who is recorded to have subdued one and thirty of them in a few years.

AND that the Government of the people of Israel after their deliverance from the Egyptian slavery, was Monar­chical under Moses, all the time of their Encampments and Decampments in the Wilderness, is evident matter of fact; as appears by that place where there is a description of their manner of Judica­ture: And it came to pass, Exod. 18.13. that on the morrow Moses sate to judge the People, &c. And though upon the wholsom advice of Jethro the Prince of Midian his Father-in-law, he afterwards chose able men out of all Israel, and made them Heads over the people, Rulers of thousands, hundreds, fifties, and tens, yet the Supreme Power of Judging he reserved to himself; for they Judged the people at all seasons, in every small mat­ter, but the difficult causes they brought unto Moses, for his determina­tion, as being the Supreme Governour, both in Civil and Ecclesiastical affairs. And that Moses did this, not pro arbitrio, & dominandi libidine, of his own Am­bitious [Page 80]desire of Sovereignty, but by Gods especial appointment, he tell [...] them; Hereby ye shall know, that th [...] Lord hath sent me to do all these works, Numb. 16.28. an [...] that I have not done them of my own mind [...] And that he was a great Prince amongst them, is apparent from the Charge of those Rebels, Corah, Dathan and Ab [...] ­ram, and their Accomplices, who pre­tended that his design was not so much to Govern them and Conduct them [...] the promised Land, as to make himse [...] absolute. Is it a small thing (say they) that thou hast brought us up out of a La [...] that floweth with Milk and Hony, Vers. 13. to k [...] us in the Wilderness, except thou make th [...] self altogether (that is, an absolute Tyrannical) Prince over us? The first Essay to a Democra­cy, the Rebelli­on of Corah and his accom­plices. Here is the first Essay for a Republick or Democra [...] that is upon any Record, which was founded upon Rebellion against the Prince and the Priest, and by conse­quence (as he declared) against God himself from whom they had that Au­thority. The 250 who undertook i [...] seems to be the peoples Representatives who were all holy and the Lords people as they stiled themselves, Numb. 16. v. 41. and the mur­muring Tribes thought them so, though they paid dearly both for their mutiny [Page 81]and mistake; but upon this pretence of sanctity and equality, they were all as fit to Govern as Moses, and to offer Incense as Aaron; and why should they take so much upon them? It is worth our observation how these Primitive Reformers make use of the same popular Charms, with which our Modern Re­publicans, their true successors in the Art of Wheedling a credulous Populace, do now Act, viz. The fair and taking pretensions of their own Sanctimony, and the peoples Liberty of Conscience, from the Tyranny of the Government by a single Person and the Priesthood. How acceptable this their Mutinous de­sign of a thorough Reformation in Church and State was to God Almigh­ty, Numb. 16.35. the sequel of the Rebellion did de­clare; for this strange Fire which they pretended to offer unto God, but which in truth was the Wildfire of their own Brains with which they intended to sa­crifice Government and Religion to their wicked Ambition, brought down Fire from Heaven upon the 250 Cen­for-men; and the very Earth upon which such Monsters of Mankind were unfit to live, Numb. 16.34. opened her mouth and gave them a new and terrible way of [Page 82]Sepulture, making them Eternal Mo­numents of that confusion and venge­ance which both Heaven and Earth conspire to take upon seditious Rebels. I heartily wish, that all our Anti-mo­narchical and Anti-hierarchical people would soberly consider of it, left whilest they run on headlong in a seeming Reli­gious despising of Dominion and speak­ing evil of Dignities, Jude 11. they also perish in the gainsaying of Corah.

AFTER Moses succeeded Joshus, in the same way of Regal, though not Hereditary Government; after him se­veral Judges, whom upon extraordina­ry occasions God raised up, to Rule, Go­vern, and Deliver his people; and at such times as there was no extraordina­ry Judge amongst them, the High Priest was their Supreme and single Governour; from whose determination there was no appeal, protection, or wa­ger of Law; as is plain both from Gods command, and matter of fact. From Gods command in these words; And the man that will do presumptuously, and will not hearken unto the Priest that stand [...]th to minister there before the Lord thy God, or unto the Judge: even that man shall die; and thou shalt put away the [Page 83]evil from Israel, and all the People shall hear and fear, and do no more presumptu­ously. Now that by the Priest that standeth to minister before the Lord, is meant the High Priest, [...], is evident in that the High Priest was the Supreme over all the other Priests, and therefore this must be spoken in the case of the ultimate Appeal and Deter­mination; for otherwise this command would have brought in a Parity amongst the Priesthood; and so every little Levite (according to the Calvinian Doctrine) would have had as absolute Power, as he who wore the Golden Mitre, and the now unintelligible Urim and Thummim; which as they were then certainly distinctions of the High Priest, so an equality in the Priesthood was far from both Gods command and design in exalting the house of Aaron to the peculiar Dignity of that eminent Office: And matter of fact demonstrates the truth of this; for Eli, who judged Israel forty years, did it by vertue of his Office, 1 Sam. 4.18. and not of any extraordinary Call or Commission that can be proved to intitle him to the Government.

I know those places are urged against the Judges being Kings, that in those [Page 84]days there was no King in Israel. But that is not to the purpose; for though they had not the Title or Ensigns of Royalty, yet they had all the Power, and their Government was Monarchical; and besides the meaning of those places seems to be, that there was at that time no particular Judge, who governed and exercised Regal Authority; as also that the High Priest, whose office it was, was supine, negligent and careless in the management of publick affairs; as is apparent both by the History and the many notable miscarriages which hap­pened in those Interregnum's. And though those places sound sweetly in the ears of some people, who therefore hate Kings, because they would enjoy the same wicked Liberties which then those Kingless people took; yet how pleasing it was to God will appear by the remark the holy Spirit always adds to those words, viz. When there was no King in Israel, every man did what was good and right in his own eyes: And what a brave time that Liberty afforded is plain, in that we never find it mentioned, but either it introduces, or follows, as the occasion or reason of some remarkable Disorder, intimating that they happen­ed [Page 85]for want of a King or Judge: which was an effect of Gods displeasure against his people, and not of his dislike of the Government of Monarchy, or by a single Person. The first time that it is menti­oned, it immediately follows as the rea­son of Micha's Idolatry; making him­self a house of Gods, Judg. 17.6. an Ephod and Te­raphim, and consecrating one of his own sons to be his Priest. The next place that it is mentioned in, leads us as the consequence of it, to the notable Theft and Sacriledge of the Danites; Judg. 18.1. who stole Mincha's Gods, and his Priest too from him; V. 25. and it was well he took their advice, otherways some of the angry fellows had stollen away his Life: This establisht an Idolatry all the time that the house of God was in Shiloh: V. 30.31. And gave incouragement to that re­markable defection of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel sin by the Golden Calf of Dan; which (as it was the occasion of it) continued till the Ba­bylonish captivity. In the next place it precedes, and is given as the reason of that horrible fact of the Benjamites of Gi­beah, Judg. 19.1. against the travelling Levite and his Concubine, not much inferior to that sin for which God destroyed Sodom [Page 86]and Gomorrha; and which brought on a Civil War, in which the whole Tribe of Benjamin was extinguished to six hundred men; Judg. 20. and of Israel in two Battels there fell forty thousand men. The last place is the conclusion of the Book of Judges, and follows as the rea­son of the Politick counsel of the men of Israel, who to prevent their perjury by a rash Oath, gave incouragement and permission to the remaining Benjamites, to commit a Rape upon the daughters of Shiloh at a solemn Feast; so that here is Idolatry, Theft, Sacriledge, Murder, Civil War, Perjury, and an allowed Rape upon six hundred young Women against their wills, and that of their Pa­rents, against a Popular solemn League and Covenant; all admirable, as well as natural and necessary effects of there being no King in Israel: From which mischiefs I think all people who love themselves and their peace and happi­ness, ought to insert it into their private Litany, with a Good Lord deliver us.

AND that God was so far from dis­liking the Government by Monarchy over his own people, that he did design it for them, so soon as they should come to a setled condition in the Land of Canaan, [Page 87]is most evident from the early prophecy of Jacob, Gen. 49.10. That the Scepter should not de­part from Judah, nor a Law-giver from between his feet, till Shiloh came; which did plainly foreshew the Royal dignity of the Tribe of Judah; Scepter being the Ensign of Royalty, and Law-giving the Prerogative of Kings. And there­fore God makes provision for their King, and gives such positive directions about him: When thou art come to the Land which the Lord thy God giveth thee, Deut. 17.14, 15. and shalt possess it, and dwell therein, and shalt say, I will set a King over me, like as all the Nations that are about me; Thou shalt in any wise set him over thee, whom the Lord thy God shall chuse: One from among thy Brethren shalt thou set over thee; thou mayest not set a stranger over thee, which is not thy Brother. From which place we may fitly observe, That God Al­mighty reserves it to himself, as his pe­culiar Prerogative to appoint Kings: And that the Peoples Election is not an Original Title to a Crown. God ap­points, and the people assent; and for that assent are said to set him over them whom the Lord had chosen. And when the men of Sechem had of their own heads made Abimelech King, Judg. 9. it prosper­ed [Page 88]accordingly. And therefore, when the people were resolute to have a King, 1 Sam. 8. the choice was not made by suffrages or popular Election, 1 Sam. 10.20. but by Lot. Which amongst the Hebrews and many other Nations was a Sacred solemnity, and Divine Invocation of God, to decide and determine any great doubt or diffe­rence; as will appear from that place about Saul, 11 Sam. 14.41. and Jonathan's eating the prohibited Hony; where Saul said unto the Lord God of Israel, Give a perfect Lot. And therefore Solomon Prov. 16.33. tells us, That the Lot is thrown into the Lap, but the whole disposing thereof is of the Lord.

AND though we find Samuel ex­tremely displeased at their proposition, we ought to attribute it to humane frail­ty, he looking upon it as a rejection of himself from the Government. Yet I do not find in that place, that God was offended at it: Or if from the words of Hosea, I gave them a King in mine anger, and took him away in my wrath; Hos. 13.11. it may be conjectured he was displeased with them: Yet it was not because he did not approve the Government by a King, but because they had rejected him to be King over them; For they have not re­jected thee, 1 Sam. 8.7. [...] says God to Samuel, who [Page 89]appeared discontented upon that hu­mane jealousie; but they have rejected me, that I should not reign over them. And upon their repeated instances to have a King, like the Kings of the neighbouring Nations, who should reign by succession, that so in their di­stresses they might not be at a loss for a Captain to lead them and fight their Battels, as at that time they were: The Prophet tells them; You have this day rejected your God, 1 Sam. 10.19. who himself saved you out of all your adversities and tribulati­ons. And that therefore God was justly displeased with them, was not for desi­ring such a form of Government as was not agreeable to his will, since by own­ing himself their King, he visible de­clares himself for Monarchy; but it was for their Infidelity, upon the approach of Nahash King of Ammon, 1 Sam. 12. as is evident from the words of Samuel, where he briefly recounts unto them, that parti­cular care and Providence, which God had all along taken of them and their Fathers; when in all their extremities he raised up eminent persons for their preservation and deliverance, as Moses, Aaron, Jerubaal, Bedan, Jephthah and Samuel. And that it was this Diffi­dence, [Page 90]and not the Government at which God was displeased, does most manifestly appear from that particular Order, which God took about the suc­cession of the Royal Government, after it was once constituted, by sending Sa­muel to anoint the son of Jesse, to be by the most extraordinary methods of Providence which he made use of, to preserve David from the hand of Saul, and of all his enemies; and at last in despight of their malice conducting him to the Throne of the promised Kingdom A preservation and establishment which was without a parallel, till the most mi­raculous Protection and Restauration o [...] our most gracious Sovereign the present most August Monarch of Great Britain: whom God long preserve with glory to sway the peaceful Scepter of the Eng­lish Nation! The extraordinary effects of Providence manifested to these two Illustrious Princes, if they were throughly considered, were enough for ever to stop the mouths of all such as are against Monarchy; being such publick and signal Declarations of the kindness and favour of the Supreme Monarch of Heaven and Earth, both to that Go­vernment, [Page 91]and to these Persons, that they must be more obdurate than Pha­raoh, and more inchanted than his Ma­gicians, if they do not confess that digi­tus Dei hîc, here was the immediate fin­ger of God. And let them take care lest whilest they refuse to see the hand of his Providence, he force them to feel the heavy hand of his Vengeance. Shimei the son of Gera, though a great example of the clemency of Princes, yet went not to a bloudless grave, but his cursing came upon his own head. And Sheba the son of Bichri, who blew the trumpet of Rebellion against his So­vereign, by the wisdom of a Woman, paid the forfeiture of his own, for at­tempting against the Supreme Head and Governour. 2. Sam. 20.22.

FROM what has been said, it ap­pears evidently from the Testimony of all the oldest Records of Time amongst the Heathens, and from the Sacred writings of Moses, more credible and ancient than any of them; That Monar­chy was the Primitive Government of the World, and most agreeable to the will of God; who as S. Chrysostom well observes from the Creation, Chrysost. Hom. 34. in 1 Ep. ad Cor. c. 13. That God made one man, not many, to intimate un­to [Page 92]us, that he did design Monarchy not Democracy for the Government of the World. And that his posterity were his subjects, both by the Law of God and of Nature, I cannot think any per­son will question who has not a desire to teach his own Children disobedience, both to God and Man, by breaking the first Commandment with promise; and that God should by his Charter grant to Adam Dominion over all the inferior Creation, Gen. 1.28. and renew it to Noah with more ample conditions (cum potestate vitae & necis) over every living Crea­ture, and leave the most glorious part of it, which was created in his own Image, under the confusion of Anarchy or Parity, Gen. 9.1, 2, 3. is both most absurd and un­reasonable to believe.

Monarchy pro­ved the most Excellent form of Government from the Ʋni­versality of its Limits and Ex­tent.THUS have we seen the first par­ticular, wherein the Excellency of Mo­narchy consists, viz. Antiquity. Nor i [...] the Universality and Extent of its Li­mits less evident, which is the second particular, which shews the goodness of this way of Government; and as be­fore has been proved, all the Ancient Records, do with one consent give us an account of the Monarchical Govern­ment of all the inhabited Regions of the Earth.

The first Popu­lar State at Athens, Anno Mundi 3275.THE first Popular State we read of, was at Athens, after the expiration of the ten years Reign of Erixias, which happened about the latter end of the Reign of Manasseh King of Judah, and near the year of the World 3275, accor­ding to the computation of Chronolo­gers. And till that time the Earth knew no other power but Monarchy. After that, several other Cities of Greece, as Sparta, Corinth, &c. followed their examples, and expelling their Kings, erected in the room of them little Com­monwealths, but great Tyrannies: And as Justin gives us an account of them, they were in continual broils, either amongst themselves about the Magistracy, or with their Neighbours for precedency, till the time of Alexan­der the Great, and the Macedonian Em­pire, to whose winged fortune, all these little quarrelsom Republicks submitted, and never after recovered that form of Government again; and this happened about the year of the World 3630.

THE Roman Commonwealth be­gun upon the Regifugium, and therefore confesseth it self the younger Govern­ment; commencing about the year of the World 3457, and for our modern [Page 94]Republicks, the date of them is easily known. And let any persons travel a [...] far as they can in ancient Histories, and they shall find, the higher they rise, th [...] more Monarchical were those Ages▪ and that there are not the least track [...] of the Chariot-wheels of Aristocracy o [...] Democracy; but that Monarchy for above three thousand years possessed an uni­versal and uninterrupted Empire over all the affairs of the Universe. And if with Columbus we discover new Worlds either in the West, East, North, or South; if there be humane Inhabitants we shall find Monarchy the Government they live under: as is abundantly testi­fied by all the later Discoveries of both the East and Western Regions of the World: So that one may safely affirm. That the Sun that glorious Monarch of the Day, does not in all his travels round the Earthly Globe, behold any spot of ground inhabited by any thing but Brutes, (and even amongst some of them there is a resemblance of Monar­chy to be observed) but where Monar­chy either is at present, or has been, the Ancient, Original and Fundamental way of Government. And that it was always as well as now, the most uni­versal, [Page 95]will appear to any person that considers, how small a portion of the Earth in comparison of the whole, even the Roman Commonwealth had; and yet was by much the largest and of greatest extent. For of all that vast tract of the greater Asia, they were strangers to the greatest part; they knew little of the Persian; Scythian, Parthian Em­pires, more than they dearly bought, by some frontire skirmishes, where their Enemies by their own confession routed them by running away.

They were utterly ignorant of the very Names of those large Territories of Chi­na, and the Empire of the Great Mogul; besides innumerable Islands, and many smaller Kingdoms and Principalities of the East. And in Africa, they knew as little of the great Empires of Ethiopia, Congo, Angola, or almost any part of the Continent, excepting Egypt, and the two Mauritania's, and the Maritime parts of it along the Mediterranean-Sea. Their victorious Eagles never flew over [Page 96]the Northern parts of Europe, Germany, Poland, Russia, nor any of the later known Northern Regions. Besides all that vast and yet in a great measure un­known double Continent of America; all which Country, for any thing that can be made appear to the contrary, is, and ever was, under the Government of Kings and Emperors. And for the pre­sent universality of Monarchy, it is so great, that if we drew Venice, the Nea­therlands, Switzerland, Geneva, and all the other little Sporades of Republicks, into one Map, they would hardly equa­lize one of the smallest Monarchies of Europe; and for Venice and Holland, which are the most considerable, they have such a mixture of Monarchy in their Duke and Stadtholder, as will not suffer them without an impropriety of speech, to receive the Name of pure Aristocracies or Democracies.

The agreeable­ness of Mo­narchy to Hu­mane Nature.THIS Universality and Antiquity, as it shews the excellency of the Monar­chick Government, so likewise it proves the third Assertion concerning it, That it is the most agreeable to Humane Na­ture: And here, though I might bring many Arguments to prove it the most Natural, I shall only insist upon some [Page 97]few, which to me appear most conside­rable.

WE must therefore consider Man­kind in general, as naturally desirous of peace, and a quiet enjoyment of what they do possess and challenge a Property in: Now in regard there will of necessi­ty happen some differences and contro­versies about these Rights; that Go­vernment which does most easily and effectually determine such disputes, and restores them the possession of their Peace and Property, must therefore be most desirable and agreeable to the con­stant and universal inclination of Hu­mane Nature, which always has a pro­spect to this end of Government, as a means to obtain that Happiness at which all men aim. This final determination of Differences can never be so effectually done by Many, as by one Person, from whose Definitive sentence there shall lye no appeal. For instance, In an Ari­stocracy or Democracy a Difference is car­ried from one inferior Judicature to ano­ther, till at last by appeal it is brought before the highest Authority of the chief Magistrates; when it is with a vast charge and fatigue to both parties brought thither, it is very possible that [Page 98]there may be such an equality of Votes, for the one side and for the other, that the scale of Justice shall hang without a possibility of determination; and whilest both parties judge they are in the right, and obstinately refuse to re­cede from it, they both lose one princi­pal end of Government; and if it be of great concern and necessity of determi­nation, men will at last be forced, by the irregular ways of Violence to do themselves that Right, which they may think Authority will not, when indeed by reason of this Natural imperfection it cannot come to a determination. But supposing this so rare a Case that it is but just possible, yet still it is an essenti­al defect in the way of Government; and which cannot by all the art of man, by a double Vote for the Chair-man, be remedied without great dangers and in­conveniences; for if the Beam be turn­ed by his single suffrage, the other par­ty who were over-voted, being so considerable, and who did believe their side and judgment had a better Right, and is injured by the determination, though they must be forced to acquiesce for the present, yet in regard of the mu­tability of the Governours, they will [Page 99]not be without hopes, but they may have another and more favourable day for it, when the opposite party shall ei­ther decline, or be devested of their power: which will likewise, if the difference be of publick concern, make them restless in making a party, so as to be able to over-power the other, and bring the determination to their interest and opinion; and thus all grand con­troversies will roll from one Faction to another, with almost an impossibility of determination.

THIS was the true reason of those long disputes and seditions at Rome, about the Lex Agraria, the division of their Fields and Commons; and this is the undoubted reason, why all our Anti­monarchical Factious people stickle and labour so for a New Parliament: even the hopes they entertain, that having made such a party, as will at a new Ele­ction advance persons of their own Prin­ciples and Perswasion, they shall be able to make some progress towards those al­terations both in Church and State of which they are so desirous. But it is to be hoped, we have seen revolutions enough to make us wiser; certainly we have parted with bloud and money [Page 100]enough to have purchas'd more wit, than to permit a turbulent sort of seditious people to roll us, like Regulus, in his nail'd Barrel, till we fall into ut­ter ruine and confusion.

BUT now on the contrary, where the Government is in one single Person, from whom there is no appeal; as in probability he will not pass his determi­nations without a great measure of cau­tion and due examination, so it is very unlikely he should be perswaded to make any alterations of his Judgment, in re­gard that there is nothing that can pro­stitute Authority, so as to make it cheap and contemptible, like easiness and in­stability, frequent changes and alterati­ons in things established with due deli­beration: For this represents the things so determined, not good, necessary o [...] expedient, and by consequence the Le­gislators either very unwary or unwise: Which are as low thoughts as can be en­tertained of the worst things, or most inconsiderable persons. And therefore the establishments and determinations made by Monarchy, are in probability likely to be most durable; and people are likely to enjoy the greatest settle­ment, peace and quiet; in regard it [Page 101]cuts off the hopes of many, great, sud­den or frequent changes; to which, for the before-mentioned reasons, a single Person is not so liable as a popular State; which must of necessity be composed of dissenting Parties and Interests; and which by its very fundamental Consti­tution must frequently change the Persons Governing, and by an unavoidable consequence many determinations of the former Government. And let it be ob­served where you will, this effect is so natural, that those persons who are so Zealous for change of Governours in a Common wealth, are always for some change in the Government it self; ho­ping for effects answerable to their de­sires from the New ones which they have not tried, which they cannot from those whom they have, and whom by experience they find resolute to oppose their Interests and Designs. And as cer­tainly those who in a Monarchy are for an alteration in any of its fundamental Constitutions, Priviledges, or Suppor­ters, are in reality against the Monarchy it self: And therefore we may conclude, that they who do so industriously en­deavour to pull the Mitre (which has ever been a sure friend to it) from the [Page 102]Crown, design by weakening of its In­terest to pull the Crown from off the Royal head of Majesty that wears it.

BUT further, Monarchy will ap­pear the most natural Government, if we consider how all other Governments do of their own accord insensibly fall into it, which apparently shews that the Genius of Humane Nature grows this way: And though it may by force, violence, custom, or convenience be bent and strained to some other form of Government; yet upon the least relaxa­tion and native liberty, like a bow un­bent, it returns to its natural and pro­per state and position. Thus we see that the so famous Roman Commonwealth could not subsist without a Dictator; an Office that for six months had all the Power, and wanted only the Title of a King or Emperor: And when ever the Senate was in danger, Trepidi ad Dicta­torem confugiunt, their fear made them seek for a sanctuary in the Courage, Counsel, and Conduct of a single Per­son; though when the storm was over, the Saint was most usually forgotten; and those services which were above their reward, by their greatness be­came [Page 103]crimes, and did most commonly prove fatal to their great Defenders, who though they had freed the Repub­lick from their dangers and Enemies, could not free them from their fears and jealousies of such grand abilities, cou­rage and merit. And even in times of peace and calmest deliberation in a po­pular Senate, all affairs are generally managed by one leading active Man, who draws the rest after him, either with the strength of his Parts, or the power of his Party: So that when any publick Debate happens, it is always determined by the prevailing opinion of one Person, who by the power of his Eloquence, or the strength of his Ar­guments, induces the rest, or at least so many of them as are necessary to joyn with him in their Opinions: For of all the variety of Judgments which may be propounded, one only can be cho­sen, and that must certainly proceed from one Man at first, to whom after it is weighed by deliberation, if it be by the major part approved, they give their assent, whereby it is established. Thus when the Senate of Rome was in a warm debate, An delenda esset Carthago? whether Carthage should be utterly de­stroyed? [Page 104] Cato by shewing them the Grapes which grew at Carthage not ma­ny hours before, from the dangerous vicinity of such potent Rivals as had thrice contested with them for the Uni­versal Empire, and wanted but only the skill of an Uti victoria, Vincere scit Hannibal uti victoria nescit. to pursue their point to have succeeded in the attempt; he brought the whole Senate to an Af­firmative determination, That Car­thage was utterly to be demolished, which was accordingly put in executi­on by the great General Scipio Africa­nus. Thus Cicero upon many occasions both at the Bar and Senate-house, carri­ed the Senate in the determination of differences, by the force of his prevail­ing Rhetorick, in those Orations of his upon several occasions, which are so de­servedly famous, as to remain to this day the true standards of the Roman Lan­guage and Eloquence. A thousand in­stances of the like nature might be brought to shew, That the Results of all the Counsels and Debates of a Repub­lick are generally, if not universally, the effects of a single Judgment and Per­swasion, to which the rest accord, and who therefore is pro tempore, the Mo­narch of the Council.

BUT there is nothing that mani­fests Monarchy to be so Natural to Man­kind, as that all Commonwealths do sooner or later run back again into that Ocean of Government Monarchy, which is the Fountain from whence, like other Rivers from the Sea, they first took their original: and into which there­fore all these wandring Politick Mean­ders of Aristocratick and Democratick Go­vernment do insensibly slide. Thus all the little Commonwealths of Greece fell at last to the prevailing Throne of Ma­cedon. The Roman run into the Em­pire: And it is the necessary Fate of all Commonwealths, their very funda­mental principles, as before has been manifested, inclining them to it. And the Head of a Faction in a Republick is a King in disguise, or rather enjoying and using the Power, whilest he wants the true Title, he is a Tyrant Incognito, in the dress of a private Man. And that perpetual separate Interest and di­stinction of Parties, which is insepa­rable from a Commonwealth, must at last occasion its fall and ruine, if a change into a better Government may be called so. For it is a Maxim in Po­liticks as well as Divinity, That neither [Page 106]Kingdom nor Republick divided against it self can possibly stand. And if a Com­monwealth falls, it must be either into Anarchy and Confusion, or Monarchy, as the first principle from which it came, and into which all other forms of Government must be resol­ved.

AND if the State of Venice has last­ed a considerable time above a thou­sand years; or if our Neighbours of the Belgick Union hope to do the same; the first is obliged already, and the last must be, if it expects to continue, to that little mixture of Monarchy amongst them, which Government in its own nature is only capable of Duration and long Continuance: And this will ap­pear upon the first view to all such as will consider the nature of causes by their proper effects; and how short the continuance of the most potent Com­monwealths has been, in comparison of that of Monarchy. The several Gre­cian, and even that proud Roman Com­monwealth, who thought her self La­dy and Mistress of the Universe, even the longest liver of them could not reach five hundred years, and during that term they were many times Governed, [Page 107]and oftener preserved or rescued from apparent Ruine, by the Prudence, Courage, Counsel or Conduct of a single Captain, a Manlius, a Cunctator, or a Scipio, and by consequence were obliged to that little salt of Monarchy, which preserved them so long from Corruption and a final Dissolution: But whether we consider the Assyrian, Egyptian, Scythian, Aethiopian, Ro­man, or the lesser Monarchies of the World, we shall find that most of them, according to the computation of the most creditable Chronologists, have in their Duration far surpassed the most aged Commonwealths.

Monarchy does best answer the three Great Ends of Go­vernment. wherein the Happiness of Society consists.THE fourth and last Assertion, That Monarchy is the most Excellent form of Government, because it does most effectually answer the three fore­mentioned great Ends of Government, by advancing the happiness of Society, does most naturally flow from the three former. For if Monarchy be the most Ancient, the most Universal, the most Natural, Agreeable, and Durable form of Government, it must be of ne­cessity so, because all People in all Ages, and all Places, have by constant expe­rience sound it most conducive to their [Page 108]Happiness and well-being from the first foundation of it to this present day: And had there been any other manner of Government established, or to be established in the World, by which Mankind could rationally have promi­sed to themselves, either more, or more certain Happiness, than from and under this; so great and natural, so constant, passionate and ardent is the love which all men have for their own Happiness, that there is no question to be made, but that by degrees all Hu­mane Race would long before this have hit upon it, and there would have been an Universal Regifugium over all the habitable Earth. Whereas on the contrary, after trial and experience the most competent Judge, which is the best Government, we have seen many Commonwealths retreat into Monarchy to avoid Misery and Confusion; and it is not impossible, but the World may yet see more.

FOR the proving of this Assertion, I shall not need to run over a long repe­tition of all the particulars mentioned in the three great Ends of Government and Society; but desire the sober and judi­cious Reader to consider that which [Page 109]is most material in them: which is, That Hereditary Monarchy (not Ele­ctive, which for that reason is the worst kind of it) has no separate Interest, or distinct design from the good of the Pub­lick; for whether it be Peace; Plenty, Glory, Riches, Trade, War, Happi­ness or Misfortune, the People can have none of these in general, but the Prince must have his share of them too, so that the Prince cannot be miserable and his People truly happy, nor the Prince happy whilest his People are really miserable. And therefore a Monarch in consulting the safety, honour, well­fare, peace, and prosperity of his People, does at the same time consult his own Interest in every one of them: And this must of necessity oblige him to act vigorously and constantly in all his endeavours for the attainment of these ends; This will make him look to the equal distribution of Justice in Rewards and Punishments, to encourage the Good, and discourage the Ill, to re­move the Turbulent and dangerous, who oppose the happiness of the Com­munity, and by consequence his own; This will render him watchful and vi­gilant against the attempts of foreign [Page 110]Powers, assiduously diligent in promo­ting Domestick peace, because other­wise he can have no security of his own Happiness, which is so inseparably united to the prosperity of his People. Insomuch that the State cannot fall ei­ther by intestine Discords or foreign Force, but he must fall with it: And which rarely happens, though he should escape with his Life, yet he must part with his Dignity, Dominion and For­tune, without which, Life to a Prince is so far from being grateful, that it is scarcely supportable; and in all the History I have read I have only met with the single Instance of Dionysius the Syracusian Tyrant, who had the hu­mour to laugh after the loss of a King­dom, and to please himself with play­ing the Rex amongst Boys in a School at Corinth. And I am apt to believe, that Life would scarce be tolerable to a de­throned Prince, were it not that the greatest extremities of misfortune do yet in Princes as well as private persons, admit of Hope, the only flatterer that does not forsake them with their pro­sperity: And that faithful Friend brings in Reason, Examples and Expe­rience to perswade the most inconso­lable, [Page 111]if they will permit her Audience, that as it frequently has, so the Wheel of fortune may turn round again; as that King in Harness told the great Se­sostris. Of the truth of this we might produce many Tragical instances in great Princes, who have chosen to turn the fatal points of their vanquished Swords upon their own breasts, for be­ing unable to defend their Scepters, ra­ther than to over-live the disgraceful loss of their Crowns and Kingdoms: And having resigned themselves to the first violences of unreasoning Despair, that has not permitted them patience enough to furle their Sails, and with the Anchors of Hope to weather out the Storm of a sudden and great misfor­tune: though possibly had they waited upon what they call'd Fortune and De­stiny, and we Providence, they might not only have out liv'd their present Disasters, but might have re-ascended to their pristine Glory, Rank and Do­minion: Many great Men having by their constancy under, and complian­ces with their unkind Fortune, over­come her first malicious efforts by yield­ing to them, and have been reserved to a far better, and more Glorious Destiny [Page 112]afterwards; a most pregnant instance of which we have in our Henry the Third, who in the former part of his life was plunged into as great misfor­tunes as ever attended a Crowned Head, which yet he overcame with Patience and Constancy, and after­wards enjoy'd the satisfactions of a long, happy, and prosperous Reign. And if my wishes may be prophetick, after Ages will find a second Example in the miraculous Adventures of the glorious Reign of our present Illustrious Mo­narch.

IN a word, as the late Usurping Powers stil'd themselves, The Mem­bers or Representatives of a Republick may be Custodes Libertatis Patriae, (I will not as one wantonly, though too truly English it, The Jailors of the Li­berty of their Country) but the Guardi­ans, and as such, many times commit great Wastes; but a Monarch is truly Pater Patriae, the Father of his Coun­try; and as such, must have a certain Natural tenderness, care and concern for its Safety, Peace and Happiness, which he looks upon (as it is) to be his own.

BESIDES, it is to be considered, That there is an Art in Governing, which Monarchs from their very Infan­cy are trained up and accustomed to; which makes them by Experience, and the second Nature of Custom, come to a true Understanding of the great Af­fairs and secret Reason of State; and therefore more ready in all publick dis­patches, more quick, apprehensive and sagacious in perceiving what is condu­cive to the Common Good, and what not, than such who have not been Edu­cated with all those advantages to Go­vern. And then their Continuance for Life, and the succession of their Poste­rity, gives them the desire of Designing well for the publick good, safety and security, and the opportunities of finish­ing what was well begun. Whereas all Governours in a Commonwealth must at first be much to seek in all great Affairs; and one may as well expect that a man taken from the Plough should be able to Conn a Ship, and carry her an East-India Voyage, as that a Person, though of the greatest Natural or ac­quired parts, should at first be fit to Pi­lot the Government, or skilful and dexterous in so great a Charge as is the [Page 114]steerage of the important affairs of a publick State. And by that time that he is arrived to a competent skill, he must resign his Place and Power to others as Raw and Unexperienced as he was, and so must leave that Work which it may be was well laid and designed, to the conduct and manage­ment of such Persons, who possibly nei­ther understand it, nor how to conduct it if they did, or if they do both, yet may have envy enough to cross or ruine it, because they had not the Glory of the first Invention.

SO that upon all accounts Monarchy appears to have been the most Ancient, the most Universal, the most Natural the most Useful, and by unavoidable consequence, the most excellent Govern­ment, for promoting, preserving and continuing the Common Happiness of all Mankind.

CHAP. V. Of the Excellency of the English Monar­chy and Government: It is not apt to degenerate into Tyranny; The King having by his gracious Concessions given Limits to his absolute Sovereignty. Of the Interest which the three Estates have in preparing Bills for the Royal Assent to be by that past into Laws, and the great obligation which thereby the People have to Subjection and Obedi­ence.

Of the Excel­lency of the English Mo­narchy.THUS have we taken a view of the several Governments in the World, amongst which Monarchy just­ly challenges the precedency in all re­spects. And against which there can be no objections made, but such as may with ease be retorted upon any other form of Government; and not only so, but many more, and more rational and just Exceptions may be made against all other kinds of Regiment.

AS for that thread-bare Topick out of Aristotle, which is so perpetually in the mouths of all Democratick Factious people, That Monarchy is apt to dege­nerate into Tyranny: It is only possible to be true, where Monarchy is absolute, Arbitrary and unbounded: But in our English Monarchy the case is clearly different; for though the King be so absolute, that where he has not pre­cluded himself by his gracious Conces­sions to his People, It is not apt to degenerate into Tyranny, the King having by his gracious Concessions gi­ven Limits to his absolute Sovereignty. his will is his Law, and is not to be limited by any other Power than that of his own Royal pleasure: Yet in this particular, the condescensions of our English Sove­reigns have been so many and so great; and those compliances having been formed into Laws, as measures and standards of Government; are the Bounds and Limits which Monarchy has no less prudently than indulgently been pleased to give it self; thereby to ease the Subjects of any just occasi­on of Fears or Jealousies which might receive their birth from the formidable redundancy of their absolute Power: And by this means the Government is secured from the danger of falling into an Arbitrary and Tyrannical way of [Page 117]Ruling; and the minds of the Subjects are freed from the dreadful apprehensi­ons of slavery under it. And as by this incomparable method of goodness and generosity in our Princes, the people their Subjects of all degrees and condi­tions, are the more powerfully obliged to all dutiful Allegiance to their Tem­perate Government; so the Govern­ment it self is thereby rendred more ca­pable of effectually answering all the Ends and Intentions of Society. Let us therefore take a short view of this most admirable Monarchy, which will discover unto us the matchless excellen­cy and goodness of our present. Govern­ment as it is now Established.

The English Monarchy Hereditary, and admits of no Interregnum.NOW the Excellency of it appears, first in that the Monarchy is Hereditary and not Elective: But the Son or Daughter, or in defect of them the nearest of the Royal Line does upon the expiration of the former King so imme­diately succeed, that our Law does not allow the Interregnum of one moments space; and therefore holds it as an esta­blisht Maxim, Rex non moritur: The King of England is Immortal; and the young Phoenix stays not to rise from the [Page 118]spicy ashes of the old one, but the Sour of Royalty by a kind of Metempsychosis passes immediately our of one body into another. And this certainly is not the least of the advantages of our Monarchy: For whereever there happens an Inter­regnum, not only all Laws are for that time at a stand as to force and execution, but also all lawless and disorderly per­sons take the greatest and most unlaw­ful Liberties. Thus at the death of the Ottoman Heir, they Janizaries and other Martial men rifle and plunder the hou­ses of the Jews and Christians at Constan­tinople; and cease not to commit all manner of out-rages, till the new Grand Seignior by his publick appearance and bounty to them puts an end to those Disorders: Which may chance at that new Rome to verifie the saying of the Popes Jester, who being ask'd which was the best Holy-day to the people of Rome? repli'd, The day on which the Pope dies, because there likewise the common people by prescription plunder the Palace of that Cardinal who is elect­ed Pope. And this custom amongst the Turks, which is become a certain expectancy to them, and which they [Page 119]look for at the death of their Emperor, as a priviledge and part of their salary, though at first permitted them in ma­lice to the Jews and Christians, may in time prove so ill policy, as may occasion the dispatch of the Ottoman Family, one after another to their great Prophet and his Paradise, in greater haste than ever Nature did intend, or the safety of that great Monarchy can allow.

AND for the disadvantages of Ele­ctive Monarchies, we need not travel so far back as to unravel all the German History, the late ruinous affairs of the Crown of Poland, (which being one of the Bastions of Christendom seems to have been therefore preserved from the Infidels by a miracle and most miracu­lous Prince) are capable to satisfie any person who is the fondest of Elective Monarchy. And if he has not either deposed Reason the King of his Soul, and elected in its place Prejudice or Passion to Govern there; or if he dare credit the Universal experience of the World, he may easily be convinced of the great, necessary, and desperate in­conveniences of a long Interregnum and Elective Monarchy.

BUT to proceed secondly, from this bounty of our Princes, and for the advantage of Counsel, and that all Estates and Conditions who are under the obedience of this happy Monarchy may receive such ample satisfaction as they can rationally desire, Of the Interest which the three Estates have in preparing Bills for the Royal Assent, to be by that past in­to Laws. the King is pleased, according as in his wisdom he judges it expedient, and the necessity of publick affairs requires it, to call toge­ther the Nobility of the Realm, the great Lords both Spiritual and Tempo­ral (who are two of the three Estates of Parliament) to sit in common con­sultation, and to advise about the weighty and difficult affairs of State. And by their prudent deliberations and suffrages to discharge that duty they owe to their Prince and the Publick, by preparing wholsom Bills in order to their passing into Laws by the Royal Assent, for the good, safety and prospe­rity of the Community: As also to re­monstrate to Royal Authority what former Laws are by experience found to be useless or inconvenient, in order to their alteration, repealment or abroga­tion.

THIS priviledge the Spiritual Lords enjoy by vertue of their Tempo­ral Baronies, to which for their emi­nent Piety, Learning, Prudence and Integrity, they are by the Bounty of their Sovereign and his Illustrious Pre­decessors elevated and promoted: And they are more particularly in that Place interessed and consulted in all debates which may arise about the affairs of Religion and the Holy Church: though they are not at all excluded from a voice in the concerns of all Civil and Politick Sanctions. And this cuts off the hopes of Turbulent, Factious, Ambitious Spirits from aiming at those High pla­ces of Trust and Council in Church and State, to which none are in a pro­bable capacity of arriving, who do not tread the paths of sublime vertue and merit, which are the only steps and ascents which lead to this excellent Temple of Honour: into which any persons rarely are permitted to enter, of whose ability and fitness for such high and honourable Offices, a long tract of knowledge and experience, has not gi­ven a fair character, and advantageous testimony, and where no person ar­rives, [Page 122]but by the gradual progressions of several lower employs as a state of probation to fit him for those high ad­vancements and eminent dignities.

AND however the malice of some people may suggest the contrary, who are enemies to their Office, and eo no­mine, not to be credited, yet is there not the least probability that any per­sons should arrive at these great Tempo­ral Honours and Ecclesiastical Offices, by the favour and bounty of their Prince, but that they must be such as have either highly obliged him by their eminent fidelity and services in a lower sphere; or who for their excellent qualifications draw the discerning and judicious eye of Majesty upon them; and are by those Honours and Estates enabled to be more serviceable to his, which is the publick Interest, than they could possibly be in the meaner conditi­on of private men, and narrow for­tunes.

I KNOW this is not a Rule with­out an Exception: and that it has been the great misfortune of the best and wisest of Princes sometimes to have been mistaken in conferring Honours [Page 123]and Favours both upon Temporal and Ecclesiastical persons, who in the suc­ceeding actions of their lives have ma­nifested that they did not deserve them: But these are rare and extraordinary ex­amples of Ingratitude rather than Ina­bility; and they must be extraordina­ry Artists in Hypocrisie and Dissimula­tion, who appearing the best whilest they are the worst of men, do thereby sometimes deceive the best and most wary and cautelous Princes; and cer­tainly they must have tempers of the basest allay, upon whom the bounty and Majesty of a Prince are not able to make such impressions, as are capable by such high obligements to change their Natures into what he mistook them for, when he conferr'd his kind­nesses upon them: Which doubtless no Prince ever does upon any person; but he rationally supposes, either that he does, or at least will most zealously en­deavour to merit that bounty and esteem by all possible fidelity and future servi­ces.

THE Temporal Lords by a Right of Hereditary succession enjoy this Favour of their Prince as a priviledge of their [Page 124]Illustrious Birth and honourable Extra­ction, and therefore being sensible from their early Age of the Honour and Dig­nity to which they are intituled, and the heavy as well as honourable charge they are to sustain in those great delibe­rations about publick affairs, it puts their Parents upon the performance of their duty, in giving them that gene­rous and vertuous Education, which may render them the ornaments of their Noble families, and may qualifie them to be useful to their King and Country: to which they are incouraged by the consideration, that there is no Subject so great, but may still hope for advan­tages, and accession both of Honour and Estate, upon the account of serviceable­ness and merit, either as to Counsel in times of Peace, or Conduct and Cou­rage in time of War. Which are such considerable incouragements to vertue and greatness of mind, as will quickly give the young Nobility a delightful and tempting prospect of the High, Ho­nourable and advantageous Employ­ments at which they may arrive, and by what ways and methods they must hope to obtain them.

AND if we could uncharitably sup­pose them either to be defective, as to the natural endowments of mind, or apt to be mis-lead by the heats and pre­vailing extravagancies of warm and sull veins, or the luxuriant spirits of youthful years; yet certainly there is no such School either for Wisdom or Ver­tue as that Illustrious Assembly of the English Nobility in Parliament. And the repeated wise deliberations of those great Senators, are capable of elevating even the lowest parts beyond all expe­ctation: And constant experience in the conduct and management of the greatest Affairs, will in a little time be capable of advancing the slowest Na­tures to be prompt and addressful in the dispatch and performance of them. And besides those constant Lectures and Examples which they will there meet with of Justice, Temperance, Magna­nimity, Honour, Fidelity, and Loy­alty, must (if any thing be capable of effecting it) be able to change the very Natures of Men of Reason; and not on­ly to civilize and cultivate, but to mo­ralize tempers more fierce, wild and extravagant, than it is almost possible [Page 126]for any Noble person after such elabo­rate Education, to be found guilty of.

AND though it is the envious hu­mour of the vulgar of the English Nati­on (and particularly of some who pre­tend by the Art of Detraction, to esta­blish an opinion that they are the only Saints themselves, from the great and religious enmity which they maintain and propagate against Miters, Coronets and Crowns) to be curious in discover­ing any thing which may lessen their Superiors; and that it is very rare to hear them speak with that duty and ve­neration which becomes them, in their censures and opinions of those who are above them either in Birth or Fortune; yet it ought to be attributed to the height of their quality, which exposes them to such a publick view, that their very privacies and retirements can scarcely deserve those names, rather than to any extraordinary miscarriages they can be accused of, by which they do justly purchase the ill opinion of those envious Detractors, the Malicious poisoners of a credulous Populace. And probably tatling same the greatest of all [Page 127]Liers, of which the Poet says most truly, ‘— vires acquirit eundo,’ does not a little contribute to their de­sign, in multiplying and magnifying, even smaller miscarriages, till by di­stance and the insensible addition of every Relator, they swell into the ap­pearance of the greatest crimes. And it is not to be doubted, but that there are few of the common rank of people, but according to their talent and oppor­tunities, either do, or have exceeded the Nobility in those extravagancies, which with such unbecoming freedoms they condemn them for: And had they the full reins of Liberty and Revenue which the other do possess, there is little question to be made, but wanting the advantages of ingenuous Education, they would far out-do them; and which though possibly under their present cir­cumstances they now may do, yet their private condition conceals their vices and follies as well as their Names, which are confined to the knowledge only of a few of their obscure confede­rates. [Page 128]Thus the Sun and Moon, those noble Luminaries of the World, can­not suffer the least Eclipse or Diminuti­on in their Light, nay there is not the least spot or freckle that happens to ap­pear in their glorious faces, but the whole Earth stands gazing at it and takes notice of it, whilest the twink­ling Plebeians of the Sky, though sub­ject to the same accidents, by reason of their smalness and obscurity, not only pass unregarded, but are said to com­pose and travel in the milky way of In­nocence.

I WOULD not be thought to write this as an encouragement to any thing that is not Generous, Honourable and Vertuous in those Illustrious ranks of men; nor would I debase my self to flatter them either in, or into any mis­carriages, or unmanly vices, though I were assured that I should thereby ob­tain not only their favour, but their Honours and Estates. My intention is perfectly the effect of a true and unde­signing Zeal to serve them, and of that real veneration my duty obliges me to cherish for them. And to give the young Nobility this Sea-mark, that so [Page 129]they may discover where the rock lies under water, which has split their Re­putations, whilest their sails were un­der the most prosperous gale of a full blown Hope, that so by the knowledge of it they may endeavour to avoid it. As also to do them that reason to the World, which I know they do deserve, though through the prejudice which is thrown upon their fame by a preten­ded sanctimonious but really envious Populace, it is rarely their good for­tune to meet with or obtain it.

BUT to proceed, Thirdly, The Sun of Majesty does not confine his kind beams only to the Stars of the first mag­nitude, but diffuses his light and warm influences to the meanest and lowest of his Subjects. Insomuch that the re­motest sphere of the Populace is anima­ted, and receives a most agreeable and harmonious motion from the Primum Mobile of Royal Authority. For by his gracious Writ of Summons the Honou­rable House of Commons, the last of the three great Estates of the Kingdom are convened and assembled, and act as the Representatives of the whole Body of the Commons of the Nation, in or­der [Page 130]to the preparing Bills, which ha­ving received the concurrence of the most Honourable House of Lords, are as their joynt Petition, tendred to his most Excellent Majesty, that by his Royal Assent they may become necessa­ry and obliging Laws, to all his Sub­jects of what degrees or conditions so­ever. And for this very reason the Statute Laws of England must of necessi­ty be supposed to be most easie, useful, and convenient for the People; being such Rules of Government as are not only established with their good liking, but with their own free choice and vo­luntary consent, The great ob­ligations which the People have to Subjection and Obedience. and according to the best method of their own freely delibe­rated and debated consideration and pre­paration, whereby they may be best ac­commodated to every mans private, and the publick Interest and advantage of the Nation. And hereby all just oc­casion not only of disobedience but complaint are removed and extinguish­ed, since no people can in reason be dis­satisfied with those Laws and Rules of Government which are of their own choice, preparation and approbation, and to the establishment of which, ha­ving [Page 131]contributed all that lay in their power to do, they are therefore more strictly obliged to submit and yield all willing and ready obedience to them.

FOR this great Employment from every County, and from those ancient Burroughs whose Charters (the Indul­gent Grants of former Kings) entitle them to that Right by choice of the Freeholders and Freemen, persons emi­nent for their Ability, Integrity and Judgment in the affairs of the Nation in reference to Foreign Trade and Do­mestick Manufactures or Improvements of Lands, &c. and such whose Estates give them a great Interest in promoting the Well-being of the Community, and a near concern for the good of the pub­lick, are or ought to be Elected as the peoples Representatives to be Members of that Honourable Senate.

AND though some restless, facti­ous and turbulent Democratick spirits, and others of mean and ungenerous principles have of late endeavoured to deprave the ancient and excellent li­berty and freedom of Elections, by some mercenary methods of courting the [Page 132]people agreeable enough to low Tem­pers and ill designs, though utterly un­worthy of the high spirits of the ancient and honourable English Gentry, as well as the gravity and sobriety of the weal­thy Burgesses, yet it is to be hoped that neither the practice nor its threatning consequences are intail'd upon them and their posterity. I am abundantly satisfied that these inconveniences are not unknown to the best, and that it is the difficulty of doing it, rather than want of desire or resolution, which may hitherto have deferr'd the redress. I am not willing by an over-zealous con­fidence to erect a Trophy upon the Ruines of my modesty; and if I trans­gress the limits of the decency which ought to bound every private quill, I hope it will be attributed to fear and apprehension of danger, which some­times authorizes, or at least renders a freedom pardonable, which it may be cannot be reconciled to the severe rules of prudence or discretion. And that this practice is not without most mani­fest danger, former experience, in whose severe School we have lately been disci­plin'd into an unhappy certainty, does [Page 133]sufficiently convince us. Since it is be­yond denial, that we owe all those de­sperate misfortunes of our late dreadful revolutions to this great Art of Faction and making a party: which by the se­cret and successful Industry of some people gave a prevalency to those Men, who being in their principles opposite to the Interest of the Church and Crown, in a short time by their furi­ous practices ruin'd and overturn'd them both. And the present prospect of the restless and unwearied Machina­tions of the same Faction, may likewise make it appear no less necessary now; it having always been esteemed as a wise and approved Maxim in the Physick of the Body Politick as well as Natural, in times of spreading and Epidemick Contagions to prescribe Prophylacticks as well as Alexipharmacks, one of which has and ever will be,

For,

And because I would shew a good pre­cedent [Page 134]for these little shreads of the Muses, I have seen it upon a quarry of Glass in the window of a publick house at Huntington, written with the hand of the late glorious Martyr our Sove­reign Charles the First, agreeable to this purpose,

What from a Tragical experience he found fatally true, certainly cannot be ill resented, when from so great an au­thority offered as a necessary Caution for the future.

CHAP. VI. Of the Priviledges of the English Govern­ment, and first of the Prerogative of the King. The Imperial Crown of these Realms absolutely Independent. The greatness of his Power according to Laws. The Kings Person Sacred. The Priviledges of the People. First, in sending their Representatives to the Parliament. Secondly, in having their property secured. Thirdly, in the Excellent and Constant method of Ju­stice. In particular Priviledges and Franchizes. In all imaginable care to prevent the growth of the Poor, and in providing for such as are so. In com­mitting the Execution of the Laws to such hands as will act with Justice, and the care that is taken to prevent all abu­ses of Laws.

THUS have we taken a view of those choice Ingredients which compose the Government of the British [Page 136]Isles, in which there appears the very refined extract and most sublime quin­tessence of all the several forms of Regi­ment in the World: And from such a noble and well-temper'd mixture, it is impossible there should naturally re­sult any thing but the most sound and healthful Constitution in the Body Po­litick, and a frame of Government built for wonder and Ages. Certainly that bright Star to whose shining glo­ries we owe the Day, does not in all his travels round the Earthly Globe sur­vey a more happy spot of Ground! And if any place since the loss of Paradise can pretend to it, this may justly challenge the name of Albion the Happy, the For­tunate Island!

Pardon kind Reader the Pedantry of this little remaining Apollo, which warms me with these fragments of his almost extinguisht fire.

Happy by Nature, Happy by Arts, but much more Happy by the best Laws and Government that the whole Earth can shew.

THERE is nothing does so evi­dently demonstrate the excellency of a Cause as the noble effects which it does produce; nor can any thing so plainly speak the goodness of a Covernment as the mutual happiness of the Governed and Governours. To manifest this, I wish my power carried a just proportion to my will, and that my Pen were ca­pable of keeping pace with my Intenti­ons, and both with the real worth and merits of this most incomparable Go­vernment.

IT is not without some degrees of arrogance to attempt it, but it would be the most insupportable vanity, and certain indication of a crazed fancy to pretend to the accomplishment of such a [...] design: He that will undertake to draw the picture of the Sun when he is mounted in his Meridian Chariot of Light, and attended with all his dazling guards of Brightness, can expect no other reward of his audacious folly, but to lose his labour and his eyes: The [Page 138]best and safest prospect of that glorious Planet, is in his agreeable Reflections and benign Influences. And for my own particular, I am not so familiar with Majesty as to approach it, though but with my Pen, without some cer­tain tremblings of my hand, occasioned by that awful veneration which the very name of Dread Sovereign raises in my mind. Nor can I believe that Great things and greater Persons are to be treated, or so much as treated of, but with the greatest respect and defe­rence, caution and the most profound submissions. And therefore, if whilest I endeavour to display their amazing glories and excellencies, with a design of rendring them the greatest services I am capable of I draw them in the Miniature of this short Discourse, I re­tain some faint hopes, that the imper­fections of so small a Piece being so much more pardonable by being little, will be attributed to my timerous hast: Fear is a passion which is apt not only to disorder the Fancy, but even to discom­pose Reason it self: And it is not un­common for great Persons, and gene­rous Spirits, to pardon with a gracious [Page 139]smile, the effects of that veneration which they have occasion'd, and which is apt to give such confusions to their Inferiors, as sometimes makes them mistake the necessary decencies of their Duty, even whilest they would endea­vour most respectfully to preserve them­selves within its Limits. Let us there­fore with all due humility look upon the Robes of Majesty, the Ornaments and Ensigns of Royal Dignity, those unvaluable Jewels whose radiant Lustre adorn the English Diadem, and which is it self adorned by the Head that wears it: Which will with ease convince us how happy that People must needs be, who live under the kind Beams of such a Monarchy and such a Monarch.

Of the Privi­ledges of the English Go­vernment, and first of the Pre­rogative of the King.THE Excellency of the Ancient, Flourishing and August Monarchy of Great Britain (which God long preserve in Peace, Glory and Prosperity) con­sists principally in this; That it is abso­lutely Independent; and That the So­vereign and Imperial Crown of these Realms, The Imperial Crown of this Realm absolute and Indepen­dent. though it does admit of Fo­reign Equals, knows no Superior; nor owes either Tribute or Homage to any other besides the Almighty Sovereign, [Page 140]the Supreme Majesty of Heaven and Earth, from whom as the King re­ceives it, so to him only is he accoun­table for the managery and administra­tion of it. The King is the sole Foun­tain of all Honour, The greatness of his Power according to Laws. and the Foundation of all Law; nay the very Soul and Life of it; for by his Royal word he gives it a Being, and by his Le Roy le veult. Affirmative breath, that which before was a dead and inanimate Bill, becomes a living and an Active Law. And in like man­ner, by his powerful negative, or Le Roy s' avi­sera. suspending his consent, any intended Sanction becomes abortive and never sees the Sun. And as it is both his and his Peoples happiness, that his Will is not his Law, but that his Law is his Will; so it is but highly reasonable, that he should have the liberty and free­dom of the choice of those Laws, by which he obliges himself to Rule and Govern. In him is the sole Power of the Sword, the Power of making Peace and War, and in order thereunto of raising Forces, granting Commissions both for Land and Sea. In him is the sole Power of Calling, Adjourning, Proroguing, and dissolving Parlia­ments, [Page 141]when and where he judges it most expedient. In his power it is to remit the severities of the Penal Laws, whereby he may manifest his goodness and clemency as well as his greatness and justice, by graciously pardoning both the smaller breaches of his Laws, and the more capital offences which he might most justly punish. From him all metals receive their Impress, and ac­cording to the Standard he puts upon them, they become valuable and currant Coin. From him all places of high Trust derive their Authority, by his Commission they Act, and put his Commands and the Laws in execution: And in short, without him or against his Will and Consent nothing can be legally acted or done.

The Person of the King most Sacred.AND as his Power is thus Great, so his Person is most Sacred, and is therefore most strictly guarded by the Laws, which like Solomon's Lions, stand on each side of the steps and ascents of his Imperial Throne; 13 Car. 2. and with no less Terror than Majesty declare, That it is High Treason, within or without the Realm to Compass, Imagine, Invent, Devise or Intend Death or Destruction, [Page 142]or any bodily harm, tending to death or destruction, maim or wounding, im­prisonment or restraint of the Person of the King, or to deprive or depose him from the Stile, Honour, or Kingly Name of the Imperial Crown of this Realm, or any other of his Dominions or Countries, or to levy War against him, within or without the Realm, or any other of the Kings Dominions or Countries being under his Obey­sance.

THESE amongst many others are the principal Jewels which adorn the glorious Diadem of the English Sove­reigns; whose Government being so remote from Arbitrary, that it is alto­gether by the exact Rule of Law, Ju­stice and Equity, as it must needs be easie for the people, so it contributes extremely to the Happiness and prospe­rous tranquillity of the Princes Reign. And were it possible to add one Prero­gative more to the Crown, That the King might rule in the Hearts and kind affections of his People as well as over their Persons, certainly there could no greater happiness befall both the King and his Subjects in this World: [Page 143]And as such a blessed Union and Agree­ment would be their great and Com­mon Interest, where the one ruling with Love, the other should obey their Ruler from a principle of affection; so it is to be hoped that time and a right understanding of the most obliging Temper of their Prince, or some other wise expedients will at last allay that dangerous Democratick fury, the only present visible obstacle to this desired Happiness, which whereever it pre­vails or enters, possesses men with the principles of Usurpation upon many other, but more especially upon this fundamental prerogative of the Sove­reign, by devesting him of the loyal and sincere affections of his People.

HAVING thus taken such a short view of it as the dazling Lustre of Ma­jesty will permit, let us pass from the Sovereign to the Subjects, and there likewise we shall most convincingly see the effects of the most prudent, easie, safe, and happy constitution of the Eng­lish Government: under which there is no person who lives in obedience to it, who escapes the particular care and cognizance of the Laws.

The Priviledges of the People, first in the sending their Represen­tatives to the Parliament. THE first great and fundamental Priviledge of the Subjects consists in the free Choice which the Commons of England have of Delegates or Re­presentatives, to be sent to the most Honourable Assembly of the Parlia­ment, there to make known the just grievances of the People, and to offer such good, wholsome and necessary Bills, in order to their being promo­ted into Laws by the Royal Will, as may be most for the advantage and happiness of those whom they repre­sent. By reason whereof all those Laws by which the people are govern­ed for the present, or are to be Govern­ed for the future, are such as they themselves have a share in the pro­pounding and preparing, there being nothing that can by the Royal assent pass into an obliging Statute or Act of Parliament, either against or without their knowledge and consent, as is evi­dent from the Proem to most of those Acts which compose our Statute-Law, which are in these or the like words; Be it Enacted by the Kings most Excel­lent Majesty, by the Advice, and with the Assent of the Lords Spiritual and [Page 145]Temporal, and the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled, and by the Authority of the same. So that they must be the most unreasonable amongst mankind, who are not con­tented to be obedient to those Laws which are by their King Enacted and Established, not only according to their own preparation, and with their free and full assent, but at their ear­nest request and humble Importuni­ty.

NOR are they only highly irratio­nal, but most barbarously treacherous and perfidious, who make no account of such mutual stipulations, and law­ful contracts, with which they have obliged themselves, as the whole Na­tion does when by the Parliament they Petition the King to make such or such Laws; and upon that condition that he will please to give them the force and power of Laws, they will live in obedience to him, according to the di­rection of those Laws: For Obedience is the end of all Laws, and solemn Faith of Contracts is the essential Foundation upon which all Government and Hap­piness in this World does depend; and [Page 146]there can no Bill pass into an Act of Parliament, but it obliges Universally all Subjects to obedience, by vertue not only of Royal Authority, but of every individual persons promise. For whoever gives his Voice for such a person to represent him in Parliament, (as all the Freeholders in behalf of the rest of the inferior Commons do) does thereby transfer his own right to the Representative, and gives him as ample power and Authority to act for him and in his Name, as to him shall seem ex­pedient both for his private and the common Interest, as if he did act in his proper person for himself. And he who did not give his voice for the elect­ed Representative, being ingaged in an opposite interest to give his suffrage for another; yet upon the prevailing number of the Poll, even he likewise gives his suffrage for him, and the per­son so elected is as much and truly the Representative of those who voted for another, as of those who gave their voices for him: For though there may be many Candidates to the office, but one only can be chosen, and it is by the common consent of all such as have a [Page 147]vote in such Elections, tacitly before­hand agreed, that he who has the plu­rality of voices shall be their Represen­tative in Parliament: And therefore in hopes of the benefit of that implied agreement, all the several Interests and Parties at such Elections repair to the usual time and place appointed, to see the decision and final determination of that affair: So that the person who is chosen a Knight or Burgess by the ma­jor part, though my voice was against him for another, is after such a trial as much a Knight or Burgess, and as tru­ly my Delegate, and has as full power to act in my Name as if I had given my Vote for him; in regard I did not come to that Election, before I had given my consent to that Preliminary con­tract, that he should be the common Representative or Parliament-man for the whole Body of the people of that place, who should by the greatest num­ber of qualified voices appear to have the justest Right. And those persons who do not think themselves obliged to stand to such a solemn Contract as this or that, they are not bound in Foro Con­scientiae, to be obedient to those Acts [Page 148]of Parliament, which as is plain, are by their Petition and Assent as much their proper Acts and Contracts, as if they were under their most authentick Hand and Seal, however they may pretend Religion and Conscience for their Disobedience, are so far from be­ing true Christians, that they are not yet good enough for Heathens, and scarcely deserve the name of Men, if Rationality be the thing that differen­ces them from Brutes; for amongst all Nations it has been esteemed a Maxim, upon which the security of Mankind is built; Fidem esse servandam, That Fi­delity in solemn Contracts is to be ob­served and preserved sacred and invio­lable; for otherwise Men could have no Commerce, no Government, no Peace, no Safety, no Property, no Laws, because no confidence one of another, or of any truth in the most de­liberate Contracts and mutual Stipula­tions. Cicer. Off. I.To this purpose is that of Tully; The Foundation of all Justice (says that excellent Heathen) is Faith: And Faith or Fidelity is the Constancy and Truth of all our Words, Promises, and Contracts. Off. 3. And he tells us, That [Page 149]Regulus returned to Carthage, al­though he was not ignorant that he went back again to his most cruel Enemies, and most exquisite Torments, only be­cause it was his judgment, that Faith in solemn Promises and Contracts ought to be observed and kept. How will these Generous Heathens rise up in Judgment against the Men of this Ge­neration, who are so far from making it a scruple of Conscience, to break their Faith as to Obedience to Laws and Government, their own voluntary Contracts and Stipulations, that they esteem it the greatest and most Essential part of their Religion to break the Laws and be disobedient to Government. Certainly that Heroick Seneca was much a better Saint than such Christi­ans, and almost perswades me to be­lieve he will either have a share in Hea­ven, or a more tolerable Hell than they, who could so nobly say, Senec. Ep. 88. Solemn Faith is a Good so Sacred to Humane Nature, that it cannot (that is, it ought not to) be compelled by any necessity, nor corrupted by any Rewards; Burn, Cut, Kill me, I will not be a Traitor to my Faith, bat the further and deeper these [Page 150]torments search for it, by so much will I more diligently and safely endeavour to preserve and hide it. Expressions ca­pable of making many who call them­selves Christians, blush at their Reli­gious Treachery, Disobedience, and Infidelity to their own Promises and Contracts, if they had not at once abandoned all remainders of Mode­sty as well as Loyalty and Fideli­ty.

IT is a subject capable of giving astonishment rather than admiration, that there should be any persons who enjoy so fair a Priviledge, as to be ad­mitted by their Sovereign to consult their own concerns, and to offer unto him such Bills as they judge most ad­vantageous for their own Interest, and Petition him to establish them as Laws; who yet when he has condescended to gratifie them in it, cannot be conten­ted unless they may have a Prerogative, with the guilded Title of Liberty of Conscience, whereby at their plea­sure they take the freedom to break and abrogate those very Laws; and thereby do not only exalt their power above that of their Sovereign, but [Page 151]subject all that is great and sacred in Laws and Government to the idle Ca­prichio of every private Humorist, who has but the confidence to face it with Religion. Let them take care lest the dangerous consequences of this later Priviledge, so destructive to all Socie­ty, and which they maintain by Usur­pation, do not in the end oblige Au­thority for its own preservation, and the publick security, to disrobe such dangerous people of that which they do, and may, if they will be quiet with it, long and lawfully enjoy. Let them re­member Aesop's Dog, and the Moral of the Fable in our English Proverb, All covet, All lose.

The second Priviledge of the English Subjects, Pro­perty securedA SECOND priviledge of the Subjects of England consists in their Property secured, which is so surround­ed with the Laws, that one may truly say of an English Commoner as the ma­licious spirit the envious surveyor of his happiness said to God Almighty con­cerning his upright servant Job, Hast thou not made a hedge about him, and about his house, and about all that he hath on every side? In some Monarchies the Subjects cannot say their Estates are [Page 152]their own, as under the Ottoman, Mo­gul, Russian and Tartarian Empires; in others they cannot say their Bodies are their own, as amongst all the barba­rous Indian Nations; and in some pla­ces, according to our Adage, men dare scarcely say their Souls are their own, certainly not their lives amongst all the Governments before named, and many others, so great are the Arbitrary Ty­rannies, and lawless, and sometimes even wanton cruelties of their Superi­ors, to whom they are as absolute slaves, and of as little estimation as the Brutes. But in our happy England every man, even the meanest Subject may confidently say, that whatsoever according to the Laws he does possess and enjoy, it is solely, properly, and absolutely his own, to all intents and purposes of possession. And so tender is our Government in this particular of property, that it provides a certain defence, security and protection of Laws, for all mens Persons, Relations, Honours and Estates; and not only so, but for their good Name and Reputa­tion, that if they have any, it may be preserved from Injury, there being se­vere [Page 153]penalties as well for a Defamation of the meanest Cottager, (whose grea­test Riches it may be consists in that little Jewel) as for a Scandalum Mag­natum against the greatest Peer. Nor can any person dispossess them of a thing of the meanest value without their con­sent, either by fraud or violence, with­out making a just commutation either, of current money, or what is as good, but he is liable to the punishment of the Laws in all such cases provided, some of which are in their penalties for such crimes more severe and ignominious than in any other Nation of the World; which has made some people of Ingenui­ty wish the King of England had more Gallies, and that they might receive many serviceable Lives of Criminals who perish at the Gallows.

NAY, so great and absolute is the Property of the English Subjects, that the extraordinary occasions of the pub­lick cannot by Law be supplied out of their Estates, without their consent and concurrence by their Representa­tives in the House of Commons; who for that purpose prepare and transmit all Bills for supply of Mony to the House [Page 154]of Lords for their Concurrence and the Royal Assent. Certainly these Free­doms and Priviledges are so great, that the Subjects in other Nations would think themselves Princes if they might enjoy them: And are such, as the greatest Princes in Foreign parts, who are not absolute and Independent Sove­reigns, can scarcely pretent o be pos­sessors of.

THE third Priviledge (and not the least, The third Pri­viledge, the Excellent and Constant Me­thod of Justice. though the last that amongst a multitude of others we shall take no­tice of) is the excellent and constant method of the Administration of Justice to all Degrees and Conditions of Men, which twice in every year is as it were brought home to their door. And in this the Government shews it self to be truly good, great and generous, even to those who least deserve it, such as are all Criminal; who, how notori­ous soever, are not yet debarrd from having Justice done them before it be done upon them. So that no delin­quent can be punished either as to loss of Life, Limb or Estate, Imprisonment or Banishment, but by a regular, pub­lick method and process of Law, secua­dum [Page 155]allegata & probata, according to the evidence of such as are believed to be credible persons, and able to give a true and valid Testimony. And ac­cording to the ordinary procedure of Law, in all cases that touch an offen­ders Life or a considerable part of his Estate, he is to receive his sentence according to the Verdict of his Peers or Equals in Condition, who are at the fewest Twelve good Men and true, or so reputed, and if possible known to the Criminal and he to them: Who when they are Impanell'd upon his Trial, are by a solemn Oath sworn to proceed without favour or affection to the best of their knowledge: From which pro­cedure, he may therefore in probabili­ty expect all the Right and Justice he can hope for or deserve; and lest there should be any opportunity for Malice, Pique or Envy then to revenge them­selves upon the Prisoner, he has the liberty to make a challenge, or except against so many of the Jury as he can suspect: And in all cases of Life and Death, by a particular Proviso, persons of those professions, who by their Trade of slaughter, and being inured [Page 156]to shed the bloud, though but of Beasts, lest by that custom they should be ob­durate or less compassionate and ten­der of humane Life, are debarred from being of such Juries.

Many Immuni­zies and Muni­cipal Franchi­zes besides pos­sessed by the People.THERE are almost innumerable other Priviledges, Municipal Franchi­zes and Immunities, which by Cu­stom or Charter are enjoyed both by particular Persons and Corporate Bo­dies, all which it were endless as well as needless to recount. These which I have mentioned as they belong in com­mon to the English Subjects, so they are sufficient to manifest the excellency of the Government of this Nation be­yond all just exceptions. As for those discontented Factious spirits, who mur­mur and repine because they have no more, such Ingrates of all others cer­tainly cannot deserve so many: And 'tis great pity they do not know the price of Salt in France, or the frequent Two Hundred penny of the neighbour­ing States, besides all other Imposts and Excise upon all manner of necessa­ries and conveniencies of Life: And they who so much admire the Govern­ment and Liberty of those people of the [Page 157] Belgick Union, and especially their Li­berty of Conscience, if I am not mista­ken in their Humour, love their Mony too well, to be much in love with their Religion, or even that envi'd Liberty, if they understood how high the Ex­change and Market of it runs in those Provinces; and I am apt to believe they would scarce turn the penny by becoming Merchant adventurers in that Trade, if they were truly sensible that they must purchase it at such excessive Rates. Bought wit is the best, provi­ded the price be according; but even that which they call Religion and Li­berty as well as Gold may sometimes be bought too dear. It is experience that teaches wisdom, though the usual saying is but too true, that she is the Mistress of Fools; intimating that all those people run the hazard of that In­famous character, who will not take up Truth upon the credit of other mens Trial and Damages; and whom no­thing is able to convince, but the dear certainty which they purchase at the expence of their proper Loss, and too late Repentance, others may if they please; but for my own part I have had [Page 158]too great a share in it, to admire this Phrygian wisdom, Serò sapiunt Phryges. which in plain Eng­lish is the greatest folly.

THE familiarity even of Happiness renders it contemptible with some people; and we daily see, that Light and Health, the one of which is the Salt of Life, that gives a poignant re­lish to all we do enjoy, and the other the great comfort and satisfaction of our days, are yet rarely estimated accord­ing to their real and intrinsick value, but by being so familiar to us, are ma­ny times not thought worth our taking notice of, till by their absence or dimi­nution we are made sensible of their great necessity and pleasing excellency. Assuredly here are priviledges suffici­ent to prove the goodness of our Laws, Government and Governours, and to satisfie any modest, regular and unam­bitious desires. And far more and greater would not be capable to satisfie the ambitious and unbounded Hu­mour of perpetually craving Democracy; which is like the meager and ill-favour­ed Cows in Pharaoh's dream, Gen. 41. the very picture of envy and ill luck, or rather the thing it self, which would devour [Page 159]all our fat, well-favoured and pleasant years of Plenty, and be never the better it self after so full a Meal; but in stead of the Liberty which it does flatter­ingly promise us, would oblige us like the Egyptians in that dreadful Famine, to pawn all for bread to eat, and at last to offer up our selves and posterity its voluntary, or rather necessary slaves for ever: And in which it would exceed the severities of that calamitous time; the Lands of the Priests, which there met with a favourable exemption, would here be the first Morsel with which rapacious Democracy would feast it self. The truth is, this Factious Re­publican Humour is like the hideous Gulph, into which the noble Curtius leapt to satisfie the more cruel than am­biguous Oracle, which cannot be per­swaded to close its terrible Jaws with the richest appeasments of Silver, Gold, Pearl or Jewels, unless it drink in whole Rivers of Innocent Bloud, and at last, the best Man become an attone­ment and Victim to that voracious Pro­digy of a Factious Populace, when in­spired with a Religious Rebellion, call'd a thorough Reformation.

TO conclude this particular, All imaginable care used to prevent the growth of the Poor, and to provide for such as are so. the goodness of the English Government does not appear more in protection of the Rich, Great and Noble, than in providing for the Poor: In which af­fair, it is the constant care of the Go­vernment, first, if possible, to prevent the growth and increase of them, by incouraging Industry, providing of stocks to set them at work upon, and punishing all dissolute Idleness: And in the next place, by making such com­petent, necessary and constant provisi­on for all such as are truly Poor, Aged or Decrepit, or who by unavoidable accidents or misfortunes come to be distressed and necessitous; that in some Places, and amongst some Natures, the certainty of a future provision for them and their posterity by the respective Pa­rishies and Places of their aboad, does rather make them careless and impro­vident, than thankful and Industrious; which at the same time manifests the compassionate and charitable temper of the Government, and the slothful In­gratitude of those persons, who take a Commission to be careless and Idle, from the encouragement of those Laws [Page 161]which were intended in pure compassi­on to preserve them from misery and starving.

All possible care taken to com­mit the Execu­tion of Laws to such hands as will act with Justice, and to prevent all A­buses, Frauds, Perjuries and Delays of Law and Justice.IN short, as the Laws are in their own nature, choice, prudent, safe, advantageous and universal, and by long experience found to be such as cor­respond to all the Intentions of the du­rable happiness of Society; so there is the most exact Government by those Laws, and a constant administration of Justice, by persons of the greatest In­tegrity and ability; as also a constant care taken to prevent all miscarriages, oppression, or perverting of Justice by Bribes, Forgery, Perjury, or Partiali­ty: and there can scarcely a speck of Rust appear upon the bright sword of Justice, or the least grain of corrupti­on be thrown in to turn the equal ba­lance of the Law, but by the curious eye of vigilant Authority, it is taken notice of, corrected, prevented, and amended for the future. And what can be more desirable, or desired in any humane Society, who pretend to be bounded either with Modesty or Rea­son, I am yet to learn. If there be any thing wanting to make the Happiness [Page 162]of the Subjects of the English Monarchy complete, they must expect it from themselves, and their own peaceable acquiescence under the Laws and Go­vernment: And if they are not utterly Incapable of satisfaction, his most gra­cious Majesty has made his repeated Instances to the two Houses of Parlia­ment, that they would consider what is wanting; and has given such con­stant and unquestionable assurances of contributing all his Authority to what­soever shall be thought fit to be offered for a further security of every mans In­terest as to Property and Religion, as will not permit the least scruple, but that we live at present under the best of Princes, as well as under the best of Laws and Government.

CHAP. VII. The great misfortune of Religion, which is made the great pretence to ruine Mo­narchy. A stratagem of the Devil to extirpate all true Religion out of the World. The two Opposites and Ene­mies of Monarchy, Papacy and Presby­tery. The Opinion of the Catholick Doctors about Papal Supremacy, and the new Roman Creed to confirm it. Papal Supremacy devests the Prince of his Legistative Power, of his absolute Sovereignty; and renders Monarchy insecure as to Possession or Succession, bereaving it of the Guard of Laws, of the Strength of Alliances, of the Fide­lity of the People. Several Impolitick inconveniences which attend that Reli­gion. Papal Supremacy destructive of the Peoples Liberty and Property.

FROM what has been most truly said, as being matter of most evi­dent fact, and of so publick demonstra­tion, [Page 164]that no person can deny it, who will not at the same time manifest shameless Confidence, and notorious Ignorance of that Constitution and those Laws the benefit of whose Good­ness he does continually enjoy; it does appear that there can be nothing want­ing to complete the happiness of all sorts and conditions of Men, who live un­der this admirable Government, but the knowledge of it, which would bring them to a real belief that they are the most Happy People in the World; that so they might be satified of the great obligations they have to Unity amongst themselves, and all ready com­pliances of Obedience to the Com­mands of the Supreme Authority in those Laws, which are so much both their own Choice and Interest: which is the only rational way to continue▪ increase and secure their Happiness, and to render this most happy Government impregnable against all the malicious attempts of theirs, because its impla­cable Enemies.

ONE would difficultly be perswa­ded, (if unerring Experience did not afford an unquestionable conviction) [Page 165]that it were possible to find either so great Malice or Mistake, as could be capable to transport any person so far beyond the confines of Reason, as to endeavour so much as in a thought, much less by their actions, to alter or subvert a frame of Government so beau­tiful, and in all its parts most exact and excellent. And if nothing besides were able, one would judge, That the impregnable strength of so well a built and fortified a Constitution, were suffi­cient to discourage the most daring Villains and desperate Natures amongst Mankind. To attempt such an enter­prize, as appears in all Humane proba­bility, the very next thing to impos­sible to be effected, must suppose the Designers to act according to the Prin­ciples, not of hope or reason, but of a brutal Rage, or rather desperate Fury, and revengeful Frenzy. For an impati­ent Bajazet, who was once a mighty Monarch, to dash out his despairing brains against the Bars of his Iron Cage, admits of some reason and ex­cuse; but for people to do it who are free and happy, is certainly a most un­accountable madness, And whoever [Page 166]goes about to undermine and over­throw a Pile of that weight and big­ness, if they do unfortunately succeed in the strange attempt, cannot in pro­bability expect to rejoyce in those Ruines, which in all likelihood will fall upon them and crush them to Atoms: And certainly only such who have lost the eyes of their reason, can be ambitious of such a rude Mausoleum as that of Sampson, who pull'd down the house to be revenged of his enemies; and thereby gave himself an uncom­mon Monument amongst the perishing croud. And one would believe that Eternal infamy were no tempting Epi­taph to be written upon such Tombs of Rubbish as are rais'd by the fall of the State and Government. But if they do not succeed, but happen from their high attempts and lofty expectati­ons, to fail of their designs and fall up­on the well-built Pyramid, they must unavoidably run the fate of Phaeton, and cool those flames which their wild ambition has thrown abroad in the World (by attempting upon the reins of Government) in the Ocean of Ruine. Notwithstanding all which affright­ing [Page 167]considerations, yet such men there are (if they who are divested both of Reason and true Religion can deserve that Name) or rather Monsters in Hu­mane shape, and too many of them there are to be found: Inhumane and Unnatural! whom no Happiness is able to content, but what is built up­on the Ruine and Misery of others; No Government can please, but whose foundation is laid upon the subversion of the present, and cemented with bloud: And whose very principles are destructive of themselves, because of all Government, Society and Happiness in this World.

The great Mis­fortune of the World, which▪ makes Religion the great pre­tence to ruine Monarchy.BUT the greatest of all our Misfor­tunes is, That these dangerous Ene­mies to our present Peace and future Happiness pretend to draw both their Principles and Practice, not from Po­liticks, but Religion, which certain­ly was designed by the Almighty Crea­tor, to oblige men to Obedience, and intended to be the great support of Go­vernment. See the unhappy Chymi­stry of over-heated Brains, and Religi­on (or Fancy rather under that Sacred Name) run out of its Wits! which by [Page 168]the late discovery of New Regions of Faith, and New Lights of Religion, has given such disturbances to the Old; and can force that which in its own Na­ture is undoubtedly the greatest securi­ty of Crowns, and the Interest of any People, to become the greatest Traitor to the one, and Treachery to the other: which can make even Religion, not only stoop to wicked Designs, but turn Renegado, and deny the Ancient Ca­tholick Faith of Christ. But alas! it is not Religion: That is all Bright, Peaceful and Innocent! It is a Cloak, a Vizor, a Form of Godliness, or an appearance without the Power, the Soul of Piety, which Counterfeit and Impostor works all these dismal effects. That Wisdom which is from above, is like its Author, and the blest Regions from whence it comes, 5. Jam. 3.14. Pure and Peaceable, full of Good works: But that is Earthly, Sensual, Devilish, which is the Mother of our Strife, Con­fusions and every evil Work: And however with the most fair appearan­ces, and sanctimonious pretences, it may deceive the Unwary, and cover the Malicious, yet certainly it is one [Page 169]of the most refined stratagems of the Primitive Arch-rebel the degraded Lucifer, that implacable Enemy of Mankind, and the perpetual envious disturber of their Happiness: For un­der this pretence of Religion, he does but too successfully endeavour to ruine it; and whilest he perswades the Cre­dulous, that there is no other design in a New Faith, or thorough Reformati­on, but to repair the House, he cer­tainly knows he shall pull it down, or at least deface it. Thus some unfore­seeing people, overcome with the old temptation, whilest they would know Good and Evil, and become like Gods, by tasting the forbidden Apple of State, they run the hazard of making them­selves and posterity become like the Tempter, malicious and miserable, to a degree below the Beasts that pe­rish.

NOR can this old guilded Serpent, with all his Generation of Vipers, A stratagem of the Devil to extirpate all true Religion. by feeding upon the Mother that brought them forth, propose any Way more probable to undo the Reputation of the true Religion, than by making others as like in appearance as may be, and [Page 170]endeavouring to obtrude their shining and painted Glass upon the World, as the true and inestimable Jewel of Pie­ty. By which Artifice, the true and innocent Religion shall become charge­able, with the Wars, Tumults, Sedi­tions and Disorders of the World; which in reality are the products of the Counterfeits: And whilest by Disobe­dience and Rebellion, Disloyalties and Treasons, Plots and Conspiracies un­der the pretences of Conscience, such disturbances are given to the safety and security of Sovereign Princes and Man­kind in general, a fair train is laid to blow up all Piety, and to introduce Atheism, and at once to extirpate all Religion from the minds of Men, who must look upon it as a pernicious Im­postor, which pretends one thing, and acts another directly contrary to it: And if once men come to hate it, and wish there were no such thing in the World it would not be long before it would be so; nor can any thing bid fairer to effect this, than such Actions as may perswade the Monarchs of the Earth to entertain aversions against it, as a principle which runs their Subjects [Page 171]into Mutinies, Disobedience and Re­bellion, and which intrecches too much upon the Royal Prerogative, by a continual cutting off the skirts of the Robes of Majesty, and not being al­ways innocent of attempting against their Lives and Crowns. And could this transformed Angel of Light, and his reforming Ministers of Righteous­ness, but effect this, which with all their, I wish I could say mistaken Zeal, they so industriously labour to do, and are in the ready way for it, The fatal consequences may without difficulty not only be conjectured, but most cer­tainly foretold.

THERE is no creature so inno­cent, that is without its particular enemies, to whose violences, that does often give encouragement and invita­tion: Neither is there any vertue with­out its opposites and extremes, which manage a continual either open hostili­ty or secret war against it. The sound­est Constitutions, and most healthful Bodies are not without a mixture of such fermenting Spirits and Humours, as are the stamina morborum, which sometimes rush them into violent and [Page 172]dangerous distempers; and if we will credit the sons of Aesculapius, there is no state of Body so near to sickness, as that which stands upon the [...], the very tiptoes of most perfect Health. This is the condition of this most irre­prehensible Government of the English Monarchy, whose eminency renders it obnoxious to Envy, and whose Excel­lency and Innocence are not able to se­cure it from Malice, those two mortal Gangrenes of all that can be called Great, Good or Happy in humane Life. Undoubtedly it is lawless Am­bition, and insatiable Desire of Sove­reignty, which are the true ground and foundation of all Rebellion and Disobedience, though Innocent Reli­gion and Christian Liberty are perpe­tually made the cloak of this malicious Wickedness, and usurping Covetous­ness, the root of all evil: which are constantly made use of by all such de­ceivers, who, as S. Peter has well ob­served of them, will not submit them­selves to the King as Supreme, and by their obedient honouring him, by all quiet subjection to his Laws and Go­vernment give a manifest evidence that [Page 173]they really and truly fear God who commands that Duty to be done.

The two Oppo­sites and Enc­mics of Mo­narchy, Papacy and Presbytery.THERE may be many Interests which may be disadvantage­ous to the safety, security and happi­ness of the Imperial Crown of this Realm of Great Britain, and its other Dominions, as well as to the liberty and property of the people, but there are two which are directly and funda­mentally opposite and contrary to them, both in their principles and practices: and these are the pretensions of an Uni­versal Supremacy, and Spirituo-Tem­poral Monarchy of the Court of Rome, or Papacy on the one hand, and the De­mocratick Presbyterian on the other. That both these are utterly inconsistent with the Safety and very Essence of Monarchy, and particularly with that of these Nations, as also with the Peace, Happiness, Liberty and Property of the Subject, is that which I hope to prove by such undeniable Reasons, and con­vincing Arguments as may oblige the consent of all such who are not willing to quit their share and claim to common Reason, rather than the favour of their Interest, Party or Opinion.

WE will begin then with the Pa­pacy, as being the ancient competitor for Sovereignty with all the Crowned Heads of Europe. And in regard of the great concern of the Controversie, this has been the Theatre of all the Pole­mick Wits of Christendom, I hope it will not therefore be expected that I should repeat the Crambe in a Tedious discourse; it can never be diverting to the Reader, (and I fear what is not so, will rarely be profitable to him,) to swell this Discourse with long rehear­sals of what has been so often better and more nicely discussed, by the most famous Pens; I will therefore succinct­ly and nakedly propose the thing; it may be rather to satisfie some people that I am not a Papist, than to pretend to offer any thing new in a point that has been so often treated of, as will not permit me to entertain the vanity, that I am able to say either more, or more to the purpose, than has already, to the satisfaction of the World, been said. The Opinion of the Catholick Doctors about the Papal Su­premacy, and the New Roman Creed to con­firm it.

NOW that by what they call the Popes Supremacy in Spirituals, the Faction of the Roman Court do not on­ly [Page 175]affect, but endeavour to impose and establish an Universal Empire and Do­minion over all Princes, Kings, Em­perors, and their Subjects, and [...]o pro­pagate Sovereignty rather than Religi­on, we will in short endeavour to ma­nifest out of their most Authentick Re­cords and Justified Confession. Ex ore tuo can certainly be liable to no excep­tions. They who speak most modest­ly, as Cardinal Bellarmine, Bell. lib. 5. de Ro. Pontisice cap. 1. and those he calls the Catholick Doctors of the middle Opinion, give the Pope indire­cte quandam potestatem, even over all Temporal affairs, and by consequence a Supremacy over all Men. But some of them whose confidence does a little out-run their discretion, Aug. Triumph. Sum. de potest. Ecc. q. 1. ar. 1. & q. 40. ar. 1. & passim alibi. Alv. Pel. de planctu Ecc. l. 1. cap. 1. [...]. as Augustinus Triumphus, Alvarus Pelagius, and others, loudly proclaim the Pope to have the fulness of all Power in all Temporal concerns whatsoever. And a whole Volume of Names swim down this stream, over-born with the impe­tuous Torrent of a Fancy overflowing with the pleasure of Terrestrial Empire and Dominion of the Church, or the flattery of Popes, from whom possibly they had great future expectancies and present dependencies.

Bulla Pii 4. super forma Juramenti, in appendice Con­cil. Tridentini.BUT that which appears most con­siderable, is the Bull of Pope Pius quar­tus, where this Supremacy is made an Article of the Faith equal to that of the Apostles, in these words or to this effect; Vide si libet eti­am Act. Concil. Trident Sess. de reformatione cap. 2. & cap. 19. I N. N. believe that the Holy Catholick Apostolick Roman Church is the Mother and Mistress of all Churches; I acknowledge, vow and swear true Obedience to the B. of Rome, the suc­cessor of S. Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, and Vicar of Christ Jesus, &c. And a little after; And this true Ca­tholick Faith (out of which no man can be saved) which at this time I do wil­lingly profess and truly hold, I will be careful with Gods help that it be con­stantly retained and confessed whole and inviolable to the last gasp.

FROM this new confession of Faith these two Corollaries follow, First, That all Christian Kings, Princes and People owe unto the Roman See, all Temporal Obedience. For there is no limitation, but Obedience to the Pope in general and inclusive words is made a necessary Article of Faith, and where any thing is spoken in general words, it is always to be construed to extend to [Page 177]all that can be signified by those words, in favour of that Power which it is designed to declare and pro­mote.

SECONDLY, If no man can be saved out of that Faith which are the express words of the Oath, Kings and Emperors not being excepted; the Pope is made the Supreme upon Earth, and he can be no Christian who does not believe him to be so, by which determination this is made a Heresie of the blackest Dye, and subjects all persons who are guilty of it to all the Censures of the Church, Excommunication, Interdiction, and all their dreadful consequents both here and hereafter.

NOR will it be of avail, to en­deavour to cover the dangerous fraud of the general words which are of such ambiguous latitude, by pretending to restrain them and the Papal Power only to Temporals, in ordine ad Spi­ritualia. Since all Humane Actions, being either Vertuous or Vicious in some degrees more or less, must be brought within the Verge of the Spi­ritual [Page 178]Supreme Power and Jurisdiction: And which must therefore finally vest the Papacy with a most absolute unli­mited. Sovereignty over all Temporal affairs.

LET us now consider how incon­sistent this fundamental Article of the Roman Faith is with the Monarchy of the Prince, and the Liberty and Pro­perty of the people, which we shall easily discover by considering the pra­ctical Inferences which are necessarily to be deduced from it.

AND first this devests the Prince of his absolute and Independent Sove­reignty. Papal Suprema­cy devests the Prince of his absolute Sove­reignty. For it is impossible there should be two Supremes in being at the same time over the same places, persons and things. If the King be Supreme, the Pope ought to obey him, if the Pope be Supreme, the King owes obedience to him, and by plain consequence is no more than a greater and Crowned subject, and must have a dependence on the Papal power; which if it be admitted only purely in Spirituals, will yet take away the Divine Right of Kings; and if once [Page 179]you remove that foundation, down goes Monarchy: For it must have ei­ther a Divine or Humane right; if their right be from Men, as it must necessarily be if we admit a superior to it, or a dependency upon any hu­mane Creature, the power upon which it has a dependency and is su­perior to it, may whensoever it plea­ses reassume that Right. Which would render the condition of Kings more unhappy, because more uncertain than that of the meanest private Man, by subjecting them to the Caprichio of any humane Authority, whereby they may be deposed; a degraded greatness being more subject to the greatest in­ward agonies and affliction, and out­ward contempt, than downright po­verty, and no misery being comparable to a fuisse foelicem.

NAY further, if once you admit this superiority of the Papacy over Kings, they thereby become only his Vice-Roys and Deputies, and if he judges it expedient to exercise the Au­thority himself, he may supersede theirs as superfluous; and you de­stroy [Page 180]the absolute necessity of inferi­or Monarchy, and the Kingly Of­fice, according to the doctrine of Zamorensis, Rod. Sanccius Ep. Zamor. ut citatur à Car­rerio lib. de po­test. Rom. Pont. p. 131. who boldly tells us, That the Papal Sovereignty being the of the World in Temporals, as well as Spirituals, the Secular Power is nei­ther of pure nor expedient necessity, but only where the Church cannot Act. Which in explicite terms is, that it is absolutely unnecessary where the Government of the Church is esta­blished. There is but one step be­tween the unnecessariness and use­lesness of Princes, and their aboliti­on. Thus the second Rome bids fair for a Regifugium in order to the esta­blishment of her Spiritual Empire and Temporal. Dominion, which can never be effected without destroying this Claim and Title of Princes to the Supreme and absolute Authority within their own Dominions.

BUT secondly, This does intire­ly ruine and abolish the Legislative power, Secondly, it [...]es away the Legislative Power of Prin­ces. and Executive Dominion of the Prince. For if the Pope be su­perior [Page 181]to him, all Laws must de­pend upon him for their ratification: For no inferior Power can make a Law without or against the consent of the superior, every such action be­ing a manifest infringement of the Right and Prerogative of that Pow­er which is Supreme, nor can any Establishment or Law be put in exe­cution by the Prince, but there will lie an appeal against him, if there can be any exception found, which will never be very difficult; Thus Bellarmine tells us, That the Pope has power to make or abrogate Laws, not as a Political but a Spiritual Prince, if they be for the health of Souls, or he may repeal them, if he judged them dangerous in that parti­cular: So that it seems he may do it, nor is it material how it is done, whether as a Political or Spiritual Prince, since how much soever he gains the Prince loses; his Legisla­tive power being thereby taken from him and vested ultimately in the Pope. And the Gloss upon the Roman Law is clear in the case; [Page 182] That if the Imperial Law contradicts the Papal, if there may be the dan­ger of Souls, the Imperial Law is ipso facto abrogated by the Pontificial. Now to disbelieve the Popes Supre­macy being against an Article of Faith, must needs be dangerous to Souls, and by consequence to be­lieve he may not make, alter or abrogate any Temporal Law; which would be a manifest Heresie and damnable Sin. Laws are the Guard of Princes; and the sword of Justice is one of their principal securities; and if once they come to be disarm­ed, they must lye at the mercy of all Enemies, Affronts, Insolencies and Injuries, which the Envious, Am­bitious or Discontented, with the un­generous baseness of prevailing Co­wards will dare to throw upon naked and exposed Majesty.

AND without all dispute the be­lief of this Doctrine of the superio­rity of the Papal Power, and that for Heresie, Disobedience, and many lesser Crimes, Bos. de Sig. Eccl. l. 17 c. 3, 4. pag. 406. and even unpardon­able old age, if Eosius be a Catho­lick [Page 183]Doctor, Princes may be excom­municated, deposed, and punished with Capital punishments; as it gave incouragement to the Infamous wri­tings of Pope Urban the second, Bar. Ann. vit. Ʋrb. 2. Ann. 1089. n. 11. Marian. Inst. Reg. pag. 61. Suarez. Def. Fid. Cath. adv. Angl. l. 6. c. 4. n. 18. Sect. Ergo. Ma­riana, Suarez, and others, not fit to be named amongst Christians, and at which the very Heathens and sa­vage Indians would turn pale; so if we will give any credit to the Ca­tholick Historians, Sigonius, Naucle­rus Urspergensis, Guicciardine, and the French Chronicles, the practice has not come short of the principle; In­stances of which are amongst a mul­titude, Leo Isaurus, Henry the Fourth of Germany, John King of England, Henry the Third of France, and Hen­ry the Fourth, the most Illustrious Life, and greatest Character in Europe, and it may be in the whole World; and since Treason, Rebellion, and even the murders of Princes, if done in de­fence of the Papal supremacy, will not only find Advocates, but narrowly miss of Canonization; no Prince can promise himself any security against the Dangers of this Doctrine, which [Page 184]is always able to inspire the Race of Ravailac to adventure at the fatal blow.

Thirdly, it ren­ders them inse­cure as to Pos­session and Suc­cession. AND this conducts us to the third consequence of this Faith, That no Prince can be secure either as to Person, Possession or Succession of his Crown, which by admitting a Power superior to his own, must of necessity depend upon its pleasure, supposing the Papacy in a condition by Coercion to justifie the Right it claims.

It bereaves them of the guard of Laws.TO manifest this, we must consi­der upon what humane grounds the Establishment of Crowns depends, and they are principally these, Laws, Consederations and Alliances, or the Love and Fidelity of their people upon the account of Conscience and Religion: As for the Divine Right we see that is not allowed to any Crowned head by the Roman Do­ctrine; and for Laws you have heard their sence already. Of the strength of Alliances. Nor can the Royal Masters of the Universe expect more security from the strictest Alli­ances and strongest Confederations; [Page 185]which knots cannot be so closely drawn, but the Papal breath can effect that which the great Alexander was obliged to do with his conquer­ing Sword. Hear the Determinati­on of Pope Urban the Sixth, sent to Charles the Emperor, Bull. Ʋrb. 6. Ann. Pontif. [...]. and Wenceslaus King of Bohemia, before the Coun­cil of Constance, in which he de­clares, That all Contracts, Confede­rations, Leagues and Alliances, made with Hereticks, who are separated from the Unity of the Holy Church, or who shall afterwards come to be so, are by the Divine Law, Rash, Un­lawful, Null and Void, even though they be confirmed by giving the most solemn Faith, and strengthened by Apostolical confirmation. What Prince can now be secure in any of his Leagues or Alliances, unless he will tamely take the Roman Yoke of Supremacy, which to refuse is Heresie, and that debars of any advantage of solemn Faith, Leagues, and Apostolically confirmed confederations; if these be Tow, Flax, and green Withs, what Bonds will avail against the Roman [Page 186]Sampson? sure nothing but cutting off the winding Curles of this over­grown Supremacy.

Of the Fidelity of the People.NOR shall the Sovereign Prin­ces of the Earth find any Refuge by retreating to the Fidelity and Alle­giance of their people, founded upon the principles of Conscience. For if this be taken for a Rule of Con­science, which by being an Article of Faith it must necessarily be, That the Papal Authority is Superior to the Imperial, all men are bound to obey the Supreme power before the Inferior. And so soon as a King for disobedience or any other Crime is declared Excommunicate, his sub­jects are obliged not only to a non­obedience, but to disobedience: so that Rebellion and Treason are not only established by a Law, but cease to be Crimes, and become necessary Duties. This gave the Original to all those Conspiracies and Treasons against Qu. Elizabeth and her miraculous Successor King James. Viz. The Excommunicatory Bull of [Page 187] Pius the Fifth, afterwards revived by Gregory the Thirteenth: If we dare believe Hieronymus Gatena, who writ the Life of the said Pope, which was by licence from Sixtus Quintus then Pope, printed at Rome, Anno 1588. So that if kind Heaven, as hitherto it has constantly done, did not appear the solicitous Defender and Revenger of injured and oppres­sed Innocence, and more particular­ly the Refuge and Protection of sa­cred Sovereignty, which wearing its immediate character, has rare­ly been exposed to contempt, or been manifestly affronted without re­markable vengeance; and were there not more Fidelity to be expected and found in the Generosity of Humane Nature, than in this Religion, all Kings would by this new Roman Faith be stript, not only of all their Royal Robes, their Divine Right and Title, but left naked and exposed, de­spoiled of all Humane helps and as­sistances, to assure their Scepters in their hands, or to recover them should they be lost.

NEITHER is it possible that they should be upon much better terms for their Succession and Poste­rity: He who cannot assure himself of his own security and establish­ment, is in little probability to do it for another, though his Son, and by right immediate lawful Successor. You shall hear Bellarmine's opinion, and judge whether I put an abusive construction upon their Faith. If to this, The Roman Church for E­lective Kings. Bell. de Rom. Pont. l. 1. cap. 3. says he, were added, that neither the chief King nor those in­ferior Princes should enjoy these as Hereditary Dignities, but that the best Men should by the choice of the People be promoted to them, it would be the best, and in this mortal life most to be desired Government in the World. Undoubtedly to the Roman Court, to whose absolute will this pretended popular Right of Electi­ons would presently devolve; but a material Quaere, whether to any other. But adds he, It would cer­tainly be most agreeable to all Man­kind, (I beg of his Eminence to [Page 189]except Sovereign and Successive Prin­ces out of the number of the All, for it would not be very agreeable to them who are the most conside­rable, though not the Most) be­cause all love that sort of Govern­ment best of which they may hope to have a share, such as without doubt this proposed by us is, where Power shall be annexed to Vertue and not Descent. The Cardinal might at least in his Levelling pro­posal have spared this last reflection upon those Illustrious persons, as if ge­nerally they wanted that vertue which should be the ornament to a Crown.

THERE are several other most Impolitick inconveniencies, which of necessity do attend the admission of the Roman Religion, and are di­rectly against the Interest of Princes, as first, that Hereby the Pope main­tains a constant Intelligence and ex­act Correspondency with his Vota­ries of the Religious Orders, who own a dependence only upon him; [Page 190]for the Generals of every Order be­ing usually resident at Rome, receive a constant account from those of their Order (who are Confessors to Kings, Queens, and great Ministers of State) of all the affairs of those Courts where they are permitted the great­est freedoms, which if it be of mo­ment, is immediately communica­ted to the Pope or Cardinal Pa­tron.

SECONDLY, He has a Spiritual Militia in constant pay of the Jesuites, Dominicans, Franciscans, and other Orders, who do not only strangely influence the people, but are able of themselves to compose a formidable power, if another Julius or Boniface the Eighth, Plat. in vita Bon. 8. should, as Platina writes of him, repeat the design of striking a terror into Kings, Princes, Emperors, Nations and People.

IN the last place, Hereby a vast and immense Treasure is Yearly drawn out of any Kingdom, (whilest men purchase from Rome Heaven and [Page 191]Earth) by Pardons, Indulgences, Templa, Saccr­dotes, Altaria, Sacra, Coronae, Ignes, Thura, preces, Coelum est venale De­usque. Mantuan. Ca­lam. lib. 3. Dispensations, Investitures, Palls, Suits, Appeals, &c. So that a Mar­tial Pope has all the furniture of War, Men, Mony and Intelligence provi­ded at the cost of the Prince and his People, to keep them under, or re­duce them to Obedience, if they ven­ture to affront his absolute Power and Supremacy.

HAVING thus seen what treat­ment Sovereigns must expect from the Papal Supremacy, Papal Supre­macy destructive of the Peoples Liberty and Property. it is easie to con­jecture what must become of the Subjects; and that Power which pre­tends to Excommunicate and De­pose Princes, and dispose of their Crowns, must make no difficulty to be most Arbitrary in the disposal of all private fortunes; and if it be He­retical to think that our Lord God the Pope has not Power to Enact what he does, Extra. Jo. 22. Sect. cum inter nonnullos. Gloss. ibid. Sect. de­clar. as the Extravagant (pro­perly so called) and the Gloss there tells us, the Power of the Papacy is not only Unlimited but Almighty; and Property is but a trifle; Dist. 40 Sect si Papa. for if [Page 192]the Pope should lead innumerable People by whole Troops to Hell with him, no mortal man ought to presume to question him for so doing. If this New Roman Faith can work such Miracles as to remove the Mountains of Government, it may with ease trample upon the little Ant-hills of the World and their busie inhabitants. The Councils of Lateran and of Trent give him power over all mens Estates, Concil. Lat. Sess. 9. Concil. Trident. Sess. 25. cap. 19. and to impose pecuniary Mulcts upon all degrees and conditions of people from the highest to the lowest. And how great oppressions were formerly brought upon the people of these Nations, Matt. Paris, p. 844. that Pope can best tell, who thought that England was Puteus in­exhaustus; and sure the pressures were intolerable, when the Com­mons exhibited their complaint with a Satius esset nobis mori, better die out­right, than be pressed to death by such intolerable exactions, when a single Pall for Walter Grey Archbishop of York, Mem p. 274, & 667. went at the Rate of Ten thou­sand pounds, and there went out of this Realm Six Hundred Thousand [Page 193]Marks per Annum; the Papacy was then but young, and the Jurisdiction of the Pope was not defended as an Article of Faith. Let the words of Theodorick à Niem suffice in short, up­on which I leave all sober and judi­cious men to Comment. Camera Apo­stolica, &c. The Chamber of the Apo­stolick See of Rome is now become the Sea of Rome into which all Rivers flow, and yet it never overflows. Theod. à Niem. in Nem. Tract. 6. cap. 37. It is a Gulph which can swallow up the Crowns and Coronets of Princes, and Miters of all other Patriarchs and Prelates, those greater Rivers of Riches and Honour, undoubtedly therefore the smaller Brooks of narrow and private fortunes, though they be que­rulous, and murmur in their shallow passage, yet must they all fatally and finally slide into this Mother Ocean, and pay their Tribute to this Great Queen who sits upon many Wa­ters.

I AM sensible that at present the Court of Rome runs at low-water-mark in the affairs of Europe; which possi­bly [Page 194]is the great reason why our Eng­lish Romanists who pretend to be good Subjects and lovers of their Prince, apprehend no danger in the Church of Rome, and would per­swade others to be of their Opinion. But let them consider what our Eng­lish Miracle of Wisdom and Learning King James has observed of the Genius of the Supremacy; and they will be convinced, that the Church of Rome leads them insensibly to the Court of Rome, and all those Consequences which attend it, which they pretend to abhor. K. James Def. of the Right of Kings against Card. Perron, pag. 286, 287. Popes always court the amity of great and prosperous Princes, but let a Kingdom fall into Disasters, or Civil Wars, who rushes sooner into the troubled streams than the Pope? who runs soonér to raise his gain by the Publick wrack than the Pope? and all under colour of a heart wound­ed and bleeding for the Salvation of Souls. For this Doctrine of the Pope's Supremacy gives the Western Patriarch an Eternal Title, and the unfortunate circumstances of Prin­ces a strong Temptation, and all the [Page 195]advantages of laying in his Claim to the disposal of Crowns and King­doms. And there are too many pre­cedents of this Nature, to afford us a possibility of not foreseeing the dan­gerous Mischief. And that though at present it may lye Dormant, yet nullum Tempus occurrit Ecclesiae, when occasion fairly offers the Pope may rouze the sleeping Lion of his Supre­macy, which will not fail to seize upon the desired Prey, the Crown of a Weak or Unfortunate Prince.

THE Grandeur of the first Rome was not the product of a Moment, and our Proverb tells us, It was not built in a Day. And the beginnings and gradual progressions of this se­cond Roman Empire are easily dis­covered, and largely discoursed of by many Learned Pens: It was the Piety and not the Policy of Princes, which first moved them to bestow their bountiful Donations and Fa­vours upon that Church; and it is now the Policy and not the Piety of the Papacy, which endeavours to [Page 196]make those voluntary Gifts, become Duties and Precedents for their un­just incroachments upon the Rights, Priviledges and Possessions of the Suc­cessors of their Benefactors and their Subjects. And by a prodigious In­gratitude, he who had nothing Tem­poral but by their Gift, will now have All, and would allow them nothing but by his. ‘Quantum mutatus ab illo?’

What a vast difference there is be­twixt S. Peter and his Successors? Sil­ver and Gold he had none, they are not satisfied unless they may have all.

SO that from this necessary chain of Consequences and Effects, it is most apparent that the Church of Rome by this Doctrine of Absolute Papal Supremacy, is absolutely Incon­sistent with the very being, security, and succession of Monarchy, the Li­berty, Happiness and Property of the People.

AFTER all this, I must be un­just if I should not do the English Ro­man Catholicks that Reason which they may in common Equity chal­lenge, as to Fidelity and Loyalty to their Prince: Nor can I do it upon a better Testimony, than that of the late Martyr'd Monarch; who was so sensible of it, as to complain, [...], Sect. 15. up­on the many Jealousies rai­sed, and Scan­dals cast upon the King to stir up the People against him. He was sorry the Papists should have a greater sense of Allegiance than many Protestant Professors; who seem'd to have learned, and to practise the worst Principles of the worst Papists. Nor do I know any Considerations that can be powerful enough with me, against Truth and Justice; and much less, the common Bugbear of being reputed, by the Presbyterians, a fa­vourer of Papists; which Censure I know none that can escape who is not a Schismatick: And if there were nothing more, yet their open avow­ing of Loyalty against all foreign In­terests, is of good weight; since ge­nerally they are persons of Quality, Worth and Honour, who set the same [Page 198]value upon their Word, that some others do upon the most solemn Oaths.

BUT the Statute of Premunire made by Papists against this Usurpa­tion of the Papal Supremacy, 26 Ric. 2.5. is suffi­cient in a great measure to justifie them, as to former times; and the Fidelity and Loyalty of the Party to his late Majesty, wherewith they sa­crificed their Lives and Fortunes to his Interest; and their assistance to his present Majestie's escape from the fatal Fields of Worcester; as they deserve this allowance, so will they be an Eternal Reproach to all Schismaticks; not one of which ever struck a stroke in defence of the invaded Crown, thereby to make the least attonement for the Infamy of those Multitudes who were confederated against it. Nor do I imagine, that the bare Primacy of the Pope as Patriarch of the West, which is the thing they only seem to own, is inconsistent with Monarchy, (which would be to believe against the evidence of sense) but, That ab­solute [Page 199]Supremacy which is maintained by the Court of Rome, (into which by unlimited Obedience, to the Pope and his Jurisdiction, they appear in danger insensibly to slide) which cer­tainly is utterly inconsistent with Mo­narchy and Loyalty, and the true An­cient Catholick Religion, which ne­ver intended the Pope to be more Su­preme to the Imperial Power, than we intend the Archbishop of Canterbury to be above the King, because he is Primate and Metropolitan of all Eng­land.

CHAP. VIII. Presbytery inconsistent with Monarchy, proved from five of their fundamen­tal Principles. 1. That it is not the best form of Government. 2. That the Right of Kings is not from God but the People. 3. That Kings may be called in question for their Admini­stration of the Government. 4. That they may by the People be deposed. 5. That they may be punished with Capital punishments.

LET us now come to take a view of the Younger Antagonists of Monar­chy, The Popular Supremacy of Pres­bytery, that Lerna Malorum, that re­vived Hydra of the Lake of Geneva, with its many headed Progeny, Ana­baptists, Quakers, Levellers, &c. all which Unnatural off-spring of this Mon­ster are as kind to their Dam as Vipers, and as inconsistent with Monarchy as they pretend to be with the Papacy (with which Presbytery justles for Universal Suprema­cy) or any of them with Loyalty, Roy­alty, or true Religion: for that commands all men every where to be blameless [Page 202]and harmless as the Sons of God; to which practice of Innocence, however their Appearance may deceive the Cre­dulous and Ignorant, their Principles and Actions, even those they call Religious, being done in contempt of and disobedi­ence to a lawful Authority (for a good Action may become sinful by being ill done) are as contrary as Light and Darkness, Blackness and Whiteness, Hell and Heaven, or if there by any thing that can possibly be more infinitely di­stant.

AND to make this appear shall be my Task, Canis ad Nilum, remembring they are Crocodiles, whose very sighs and tears are treacherous. There can be no great pleasure to dwell among Lions, and as the same Royal Writer tells us, it is unsafe as well as uneasie to sojourn under the Black Curtains, and to dwell with them that hate Peace, amongst such as are set on fire, even the Sons of Men, whose Teeth are Spears and Arrows, and their tongue a sharp Sword. We will therefore examine their Principles and Practice, both which we shall see keep a most harmonious Concord, if that can be, where no other thing but Dis­cord dwells.

Presbytery in­consistent with Monarchy pro­ved from five of their fundamen­tal Principles.THAT their Principles are Anti­monarchical will appear from the great Father and Oracle of Presbytery John Calvin with which he has furnished his Disciples in the Book of his Institutions, which those apt Scholars have very much improved, as will appear by their Spiri­tual Democratick form of Regiment which they would introduce and impose upon the Christian World. Amongst many others these are the Chief, and enough in Conscience (with the help of that great Name which they write upon them as Druggists do golden Characters upon Poisonous Ingredients) to ruine all the Monarchies in the World.

The first Princi­ple of Presbytery, That Monarchy is not the best form of Govern­ment. Cal. Inst. l. 4. c. 20. p. 532.FOR first they hold that Monarchy is not the best form of Government, and herein you shall hear Mr. Calvin define as Magisterially against the stream of all the Philosophers and Wisemen of the World in all Ages, as if he had rob'd St. Peter to pay St. Paul, and had stolen away the Popes infallibility with his Chair, to plant it in his new Empire of Geneva, Verily (and truly saith he) if the three forms of Government which Phi­losophers mention be considered, It is the true Presbyterian English of mi­nimè negave­rim. I do affirm, That Aristocracy or one compounded of that and Democracy, [Page 204]is that which does far excel all the rest; though not so much for it self as be­cause it rarely happen that Princes are so moderate as not to deviate from what is Just and Right; or furnished with so much Tanto acumi­ne. sharpness of Wit and Prudence, as to see when all is well: The vices therefore and defects of Men, make it more safe and tolerable to have the Reins of Government committed to more hands than one. Here is a foun­dation laid by the perpetual Dictator of Presbytery, to abolish all Monarchy, and to introduce into the World an Ari­stocratick Democracy in its Room. He tells us, it is by far the more excellent form of Government: and he indeavours to con­firm his Position by the most disgraceful, saucy, contumelious reflexions and ca­lumnies upon all Princes. In general they want both quickness of Wit and Pru­dence to manage affairs of State, or to know what is best for the publick; that commonly they are defective, vitious, and debauch'd, and that therefore their Government is not very safe or tolera­ble; and that they are not fit to be trust­ed with the Reins in their hands, but the Administration of affairs ought to be committed to more than one.

IS not here a plain text for his Disci­ples to write their black Comments and bloody Rubriques upon? Monarchy is neither good, safe, nor tolerable, Kings have rarely either Wit, Prudence, or Honesty, (and our Modern Presbyteri­ans add Money neither, which they may ask long enough before they will supply them by their good wills) but are either vitious or defective; ergo, That Go­vernment ought to be abolished, and Aristocratick Democracy (which good Man! he will not deny but it is the best) ought to be established, as he proceeds; Idem ibid. That so they may mutually help one another, teach and admonish one ano­ther (all the Arts of Rapine and Op­pression) and (adds he) if any one exalts himself more than he ought, there may be more Masters to repress his In­solence. Kings it seems have no Cabi­net or Privy Counsellors, no Parliaments to advise with, no great and able Mini­sters of State, nor ever a faithful Friend or prudent Counsellor, to be helpful to them, in Arduis Regni, in any difficult occurrences of Government, and not ability enough to do it themselves. But I perceive the main of the quarrel is, be­cause Mr. Calvin and his pragmatical [Page 206]High-shooes, are not permitted to be Masters of Misrule, and the grave Cen­sors of Monarchy: Pro. 17.26. Eccles. 8.4. because they may not take the freedom to strike Princes for equity, and be so familiar with Majesty (or rather Superior) as to give it gentle Correction, and to say to their King, What dost thou? Conference at Hampt. Court. as the beardless Boyes of whom the Wise King James com­plains during their Empire in Scotland were wont frequently to do. But he pro­ceeds, I do freely confess, Idem ibid. that as I think no kind of Government more happy than this, where Liberty (observe that dangerous word, which has cost Eng­land so many Millions of Treasure, and such Rivers of Blood) accompanied with Moderation, is established for du­ration; So I think that People most happy who enjoy that condition of Life and Government. Do you think so, good Mr. John? I wish you had thought twice on't for the Proverbs sake, that second thoughts are best, before you had as an Institution, Printed this fatal principle of Liberty of Conscience and Moderation as you call it, or rather it is to be wish'd you had never thought such a pernicious Position. I am sure though after all your musing your thought was [Page 207]not worth a penny, we have paid dearly for your thinking this Liberty for us; and wanted but little of falling by it into the greatest slavery that can be thought of, called Presbyterian Liberty and Go­vernment in Church and State, and by their restless indeavours, one may be con­fident that some of your party and per­swasion will want of their wills, but they will both think us and act us into the same or a worse condition again, if God be not the more propitious to us: and it is but little comfort for us to think after all the mischiefs we have and may suffer for this thought, that the Disciples of this great Master will repay us with a second thought as bad as the first, and the Cha­racter of Fools, a Non putaram, we did not think it would have come to this, or who would ever have thought it?

BUT he goes on to push them vigo­rously forward in the enterprize; and his following words are able to give en­couragement to the most languishing Presbyterian, and to revive the fainting good Old Cause, with a dram of the Bottle of his Aqua Mirabilis, otherwise called by the Sons of Hermes, Aqua Sty­gia, Stygian Water or Aqua Fortis, which will eat the Gates of Brass, and the [Page 208]Iron Bars of Monarchy in pieces. Idem ibid. For says he, if People do most stoutly and constantly indeavour to preserve and keep this Liberty, I will grant, that they do no more than they ought to do. Certainly the Devil of Delphos never gave a plainer Oracle to inspire all Peo­ple with Rebellion against Princes, and to throw off the Government of Monar­chy; and that ambiguous Sentence di­rected to Sir John Maltravers and Sir Thomas Gurney, concerning King Ed­ward the Second, did not more assure them what they were to do with him, be­ing interpreted as all such doubtful speeches are according to the desire and interest of the Faction.

This double-barrel'd pocket Pistol did not more certainly hit King Edwards Life, than these words of Calvin inter­preted by the Presbyterian Faction, did contribute to the late horrid Rebellion, ruine of the Church to introduce this [Page 209]Liberty and Moderation, Extirpation of Monarchy, Murder of Sacred Majesty in Person, in Fame, and in Effigie; which last I saw with my Eyes in the Old Ex­change, where the Statue of the Martyr being pull'd down, triumphant Treason was in golden Characters exalted and written in these words, Exit Tyrannus, Regum ultimus, Anno Libertatis Angliae primo. Such a profanation of the Image of the Deity (as all Kings are) as it seems nothing but those dreadful flames which since laid it in ashes could purge and ex­piate, and as the conclusion of all from hence sprung the model of the Repub­lick, The Custodes Libertatis Angliae, The Keepers of the Liberties of England, as in all their publick Instruments they falsely stil'd themselves.

AND that this was the natural and easie consequence, or to speak in their Cant the Use of Exhortation and En­couragement is plain: for it is lawful for all men to seek after Liberty, especially of Conscience; The People of these Nations are a freeborn People: It is the greatest felicity, and they the most happy People who may enjoy this Dear Liberty; all men are bound to promote their own Happiness, they cannot do too much to [Page 210]preserve it, and if they do indeavour most stoutly and constantly to maintain it, by War and Rebellion, they do no more than their duty does command them. The King was a Tyrant, and un­der the notion of Prerogative, did daily intrench upon the Peoples Priviledge and Liberty, he had a design to enslave them; The Commons were oppressed both in their Civil and Religious Rights; The Parliament were the Peoples Representa­tives, and from them had a power to de­fend their Liberties, and that stoutly, with Sword and Pistol, Powder and Bul­let, and to call the King to an account, and to judge him for these miscarriages, as from Calvins own words I shall pre­sently show. The King had rendred him­self unworthy to reign, as from his words and Knoxes another of their fiery Do­ctors I shall shew; Therefore they might in defence and for the preservation of their Dear Liberties, especially Liberty of Conscience and Moderation, and the Rights of the People, make War against him (for Preces & Lachrymae, the Pray­ers and Tears those ancient Arms of the Catholick Church are of no request or force with the Church of Geneva) they might by the incouragement and preva­lency [Page 211]of their prosperous villanies alter the establisht form of Government, Civil and Ecclesiastical, depose the King, take away his Crown and Life, banish his Suc­cessor, and the whole Royal Family, which was a favour some of them never intended; for I have heard it confidently reported, that it was hotly urged by some of those Barbarous Villains, to put his Royal Highness the Duke of York Apprentice to some mean Mechanick Trade, thereby to bring the utmost con­tempt and debasement upon that Illustri­ous Family and Person, and in short this taught them to support the mischiefs they had done, by doing greater, and having murder'd the Possessor to seize upon his Inheritance.

JUDGE now O Heaven and Earth, Ye Princes and all People how consistent this Doctrine is with the safety and secu­rity, nay the very being of Monarchy, and particularly with that of the English Nation.

A second Prin­ciple of Presby­tury, That Kings have no Divine Right but only from the Peoples Election, or the Constitutions and Laws of the Nation.A second Principle of Presbytery is, That Kings have no divine Right to their Crowns, but that the Peoples Ele­ction is the only true Title to them, or which is as bad, that only the Laws and Constitutions of the Nation give them [Page 212]their Right. John Knox the Disciple of Calvin, who like a Fireship of Rebel­lion, set all Scotland into Combustions, and treated Kings and Queens at that Im­perious rate as if they had been his Sub­jects, the first Founder of the Kirk Mili­tant in a literal sense, seems to have bor­rowed this from that Pest of Writers Buchanan, or else to have lent it him; for the Monster lies betwixt them, and I shall not pretend to determine the chal­lenge who is the true Parent. Knox says, It is not birthright nor propinquity of blood that makes a King lawfully to Reign; Knox to Eng­land and Scot­land, p. 77. Buch. de jure Reg. p. 13. & p. 61. and Buchanan boldly, Populo jus est, ut imperium cui velit deferat, The Right of bestowing Crowns is in the People, who he tells us are greater and better than their Sovereign; and up­on this Postulatum, with a true Scotch Presbyterian confidence, Knox proceeds to a treasonable determination: Knox Hist. of Res. of Scotl. cap. 5. p. 77. If the people (quoth he) have either rashly promoted any manifestly wicked Per­son, or else ignorantly chosen such a one as afterwards declareth himself un­worthy of Regiment above the People of God, and such (saith he) be all Idolaters and cruel Persecutors, most justly may the same men depose him and [Page 213]punish him. Have a little Patience to see this put in mood and figure, and you will find the true Elenchus motuum nu­perorum in Anglia, without consulting Doctor Bates; and the old Chain to draw up new Flames of Rebellion out of the Mon Gibell of Presbytery, or rather out of the bottomless Abyss of Fire and Brimstone where the Prince of Rebels keeps his Flaming Court. The Presby­terians are the only Saints and People of God; The Worship and Government of the Church of England is Antichristian and Idolatrous; The King joins in Com­munion with that Church, and persecutes the People and Saints of God; Idolaters and Persecutors are unworthy of Regi­ment, and may most justly be deposed and punished by the People, from whose Election they claim their Title; Ergo — shall I need to make the Conclusi­on? I need not: they have done it themselves by their practice, to the shame of not only the Reformation, but even Christianity it self: and indeed the Con­clusion is so impious and horrible, that I dare not write so much abominable Treason as it will amount to, though with the perfectest horror and detesta­tion of it, and a design to expose it [Page 214]to the publick Odium of the whole Earth.

NOR is the other Position less dan­gerous or destructive of Monarchy, which places their Right and Title upon the human foundation of Laws and the Con­stitutions of any Government; as the Author of a Printed Speech not long since published does, wherein he asserts, That he is obliged to this Race of Kings, only by virtue of the Laws of the Land, and no longer than they Govern by those Laws; which is so great and fun­damental an error in Politiques, as draws after it innumerable and intolerable mis­chiefs in the consequences and practice. For it is not the Law that makes the King, which if it did, might unmake him, but it is the King that makes the Law; and though both for his own and the pub­lick interest which are inseparable, he ought to act according to those Laws, which do the more powerfully oblige him by being his voluntary establish­ments, and the effects of his Will, yet was he a King in his Ancestors before they were Laws, and would be so if they were not at all, or if they were changed by consent for others. For Monarchy and Government derive their title and [Page 215]Pedigree from an Original much before the Age of the most ancient Laws, even from him by whom Kings Reign, the Eternal Monarch of the World.

AND whereas the Penman of the foresaid Speech indeavours to confirm his Opinion by a smart reflection upon the English Episcopal Clergy, as being the first broachers of this Doctrine of the Divine Right of Princes, telling us he does not find that the Romish Doctors own it, he is possibly better read in Law than in Divinity, otherways he might easily have satisfied himself of the reason why the late Romish Writers do disown it, which is because they would vest the Papal jurisdiction with the sole Mono­poly of a Divine Right, that so all Prin­ces may be obliged to borrow their con­firmation from the fullness of the Church­es Treasury: for to affirm that any Prince reigns by Divine Right, absolutely ruins their great Design, since being proved, it vacates the pretensions of the Papal Au­thority over him; it being as absurd to pretend a Supremacy over him who is next to God, as it would be superflu­ous for a King who is so, to expect a better Title from any mortal man how great soever, than he has from the [Page 216]Great Charter and Grant of Heaven.

NOR ought this to be fixed upon the English Clergy as an odious badge of servile, officious, or designing Flatte­ry, since had they been so Principl'd, it lays so firm a foundation for Go­vernment, obedience, the peace and hap­piness of the world, it would have been so far from being infamous or dishonour­able, that they would have deserved golden Statues and the eternal gratitude and commemoration of all mankind; but the honour is too great for them, and they are too modest to arrogate such a happy invention to themselves. It is to God himself and Christ the Eternal Son of the blessed, and to his holy Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul that this honour is justly due, who being inspired by the Holy Spirit of God, give this Divine Right to Kings and Government, com­manding Universal Obedience to them because they are ordained of God. What was Canonical Scripture to the Primitive Ages must be so to us, and if Kings had then a Divine Right they have so still; and whoever will deny this Doctrine must undertake to prove, that those Apo­stolical Commands and Assertions were only temporary directions for Obedience; [Page 217]and must shew us when and where they were by Gods command repealed or su­perseded: for no Law can be abrogated but by the same or a greater Power than that which did establish it; and till this be done, This positive divine right of all lawful Powers, will remain a firm un­shaken and immoveable foundation for the Crowns of Princes.

THEY must certainly be the Ene­mies of Crowns who would set them up­on the heads of Monarchs by the totter­ing right of human Laws and pleasure; and from hence we may conjecture at the Geneva kindness, for this is the Uni­versal Judgment of all true Presbyterians: and the misfortune of it is, that they who are only so as to some other Doctrines, but may abhor both this and the practice of it, yet do this mischief by their sepa­ration from us and Union with that Par­ty, that by their numbers they swell the Tide, and when it has once broke the Banks of Loyalty and Obedience, then for their own security, they must be ob­liged either to swim down the impetu­ous inundation of Rebellion, or else re­solve by opposing it when it is too late, to be drowned in those turbulent Wa­ [...], which they helpt to raise: as some [Page 218]of them to their cost in the late Times found to be true by dear experience, who indeavouring to make a tack towards the Coast of Loyalty, made Shipwrack of their Lives and Fortunes, as before they had done of their Allegiance and a good Conscience, witness Mr. Love and several others, with whose Martyrdom as they call'd it, and some other trifling assistances to his Majesties happy Restau­ration which they could not avoid, they would perswade the World, that they have made such an attonement for the last, that now they may run upon the score with us, and have credit enough for a new Rebellion.

THAT they believe the People to be above the King which is a fair step towards one, is plain: for they take it for a fundamental of Government and the Liberty of the People, That they may appeal from the King to the Par­liament as did the Scottish Kirk whose words are, That the Parliament ever retained a Jurisdiction in it self both over the Church and Crown; though as I shall shew hereafter this is but a Presbyterian wheedle to a Parliament to make them give the King the Mate; and the People I say, the Good People are [Page 219]the Men in whom the Supreme Power resides, that is the Presbyters and Elders assembled in the Great Sanhedrim, who represent both Church and State, which the Parliament as they would have it be­ing dismembred of the Episcopal Clergy cannot properly do. But to take them at their word for once, though I know they do not mean as they speak, and let it pass for one of their piae fraudes, at which art they are more dexterous than an old Jesuit; we know no appeal with hopes of redress can lie but from an infe­rior to a superior Power; and all they aim at in it, is to ruin Monarchy by ad­vancing a Popular Supremacy above it, which till by them they have accomplish­ed their design, they make Semblance as if it were in the Parliament, yet Ulti­mately they intend it for themselves and the Spiritual Cabal; for if the Parlia­ment as the Peoples Representatives, be Superior to the King, all his Right as to Possession, Power, and Succession, de­pends upon them; and how incompati­ble a Superior Jurisdiction within the same Dominions is with absolute Monar­chy, we have already made appear; since it is the same thing whether the Pope or Parliament in the name of the People [Page 220]have the Supremacy over the Unfortu­nate Prince.

The third Prin­ciple of Presby­tery, That Kings may by the Peo­ple be called in Question for their Admini­stration of the Government.A third Principle of Presbytery, and which is the natural consequent of the former is, That Kings may by their Peo­ple, or their Representatives the Parlia­ment, (by which word they always un­derstand the Commons, the Lay-Lords as well as the spiritual being in truth their great aversion and abomination as expe­rience has told us) be called in Question for their Miscarriages, or ill Administra­tion of the Government. This is the Do­ctrine of Calvin and of Devils those Pri­mitive Rebels, and perpetual Incendia­ries of the World, the malicious distur­bers of the peace and happiness of Man­kind. Our blessed Jesus the Everlasting Prince of Peace, taught no such Do­ctrine; for the word which God sent, was preaching Peace by Jesus Christ (he is Lord of all) Obedience to Magistrates, Acts 10.36. and to render to Caesar the things that are Caesars, which by his great Example in paying tribute and working a Mi­racle for himself and St. Peter, he con­firmed, and it may be in that single in­stance has cut the sinews of the Papal as well as popular Plea to Supremacy over Earthly Sovereigns. But what sayes Mr. [Page 221] Calvin with his new Geneva Gospel? Cal. Inst. lib. 4. p. 540. cap. 20. §. 31. Audiant Principes & terreantur. "Hear O ye Kings and be terrified (and well they may at what follows, if what he says be as true as the Gospel, which though his believers credit, I must beg their excuse if I dare not) for (saith he) if there be any popular Magistrates appointed to moderate the lawless lusts of Kings (such as were formerly the Ephori opposed to the Kings of Sparta, the Tribunes of the people to the Ro­man Consuls, the Demarchi to the Athenian Senate, and with which Pow­er (it may be) as things now stand, the three Estates in all Kingdoms are vested when they meet in Parliament) I do not forbid them to interpose as it is their duty against the fierceness of Kings; so that if their impotent rage trample upon, or insult over the mean­est of the Populace, and they wink at it; I do affirm that such their dissimu­lation cannot be excused from a most wicked perfidiousness; because they do thereby fraudulently betray the Li­berty of the People of which they know themselves by Gods appointment the Preservers or Defenders, accord­ing to the Commonwealth translation of the place the Keepers, or as Nol render'd [Page 222]it, the Protector of the Liberty of the People. Private Men indeed he there teaches must submit, but a Parliament may, nay must Rebel by their own Au­thority and of necessity.

HERE is in little a true Landscape, and prophetical direction of all our late Rebellion, The Parliament (he sayes the three Estates, but his Disciples are greater Artists than their Master, and can effect their design with a quarter of one of them) are by Gods appointment the Keepers of the Liberties of the People, they must not betray their trust by a base and wicked perfidiousness; The King (as they foreplot their suggestion to bait the people into Rebellion) designs to take away these Liberties of the people, and to enslave them under Episcopal Hierarchy in the Church, Monopolies, Purveyance, Protections, &c. in their politick Liberties, he insults over, and tramples upon the Populace, therefore the Parliament may and ought to defend them: all Remonstrances and Petitions are in vain; all the fair offers of Majesty in order to their satisfaction and a pacifi­cation are but pretences of kindness, re­vocable at his pleasure; and therefore there is a necessity, to throw the fatal [Page 223]Dye of War, and do themselves Justice by the Sword, that Ʋltima Ratio Per­duellionis, rather than betray the trust reposed in them; and which, if it be true that he affirms, that they know them­selves appointed by God, they have a Divine Authority to do, and the Sove­reign Power resides in them, and the King is to be accountable for his ill ad­ministration of the Government, and so farewel Monarchy, for it is come to its Conclamatum est, and must expire be­yond all hope of recovery or resur­rection.

A fourth Prin­ciple of Presby­tery, That Kings may by their People be depo­sed for miscar­riages in Go­vernment.AND this leads them to a fourth Principle by an unavoidable necessity: for he that draws his Sword against his Prince must throw away the old Scab­bard, and find a new one for his own security in his Sovereigns breast. Such dangerous Quarrels as are Competitions for Empire, are not to be determined but by the fall of one Party, and there is no hopes of comprimising where supreme Sovereignty is the apple of Contention. Caesar aut nullus is the word, and there­fore in order to the necessary security of Rebels, or such who intend to be so, who can never apprehend themselves safe, so long as their Prince retains a [Page 224]power to punish them; therefore they hold, That if Kings be found guilty of Miscarriages, they may by the people be deposed from the Government and de­prived of their Crowns. This is the Do­ctrine of John Knox which he brought from the Divinity Schools of Geneva. Knox Hist. of Refor. or Scotl. p. 392, 393. That Subjects may not only lawfully oppose themselves against their Kings whensoever they do any thing that ex­presly oppugns Gods Commandment, but also that they may execute judg­ment upon them according to Gods Law; so that if the King be a Mur­therer, Adulterer, or Idolater, he shall suffer according to Gods Law, not as a King, but as an offender. Excellent Scottish Presbyterian Divinity! borrow­ed from the Cobler of Collen, of whom I have somewhere read, who taught his fellow Mutineers so neatly to distinguish betwixt the Prince Elector and the Arch­bishop! Great pity it was that this Pe­rillus of Presbytery did not try the first experiment of his nice distinction, in his own fiery brazen Bull which he invented for Monarchy, and in reality all Govern­ment which is not agreeable to their hu­mour and design.

And if John Knox had been hang'd, drawn, and quarter'd for Treason, not as Godly and zealous John Knox, but as a most desperate Incendiary and impu­dent Traytor; possibly the succeeding Rebels, would have thought the diffe­rence betwixt the King and the Person so little, as not to have granted Commis­sions to destroy the one, whilst they pre­tended to honour and obey the other: and it may be they would have consi­dered, that it might one day come to be their own Case, to suffer as Traytors and notorious Malefactors though not as Men; which measure since they could never have approved for themselves, pos­sibly they might have judged unfit for their Royal Master. The former Princi­ples bring the King to be a fellow Sub­ject, a Royal Slave in golden Shackles, and submits him to the supreme popular Authority; this leads him to the High Court of Justice, and from thence con­ducts him to the Scaffold and the fatal Block.

NOR will worthy Mr. Calvin (which title I will give him though it be plain Peter and Paul, in his and his Di­sciples mouths, who it seems reserve the Saintship only to themselves) he I say will not want an Oar in the Boat of a Re­bellion, or a hand in establishing a Prin­ciple of High Treason against Sovereign Princes. Let us hear him Comment up­on the Text. Cal. in Dan. 6.22.25. Earthly Princes (saith he) Abdicant se. devest themselves of all right to power, when they rebel against God, and are unworthy to be accounted in the number of Men (that is in plain English, they do not deserve to live) and men ought rather to spit in their faces, than to obey them, when they become so Ʋhi sit pro­toralant. saucily proud or froward, as to indeavour to despoil God of his Right. And. I wonder what he did deserve, who was so saucy, as to indea­vour to spoil Princes of theirs, and God too, who is their only Judge and Supe­rior, and not Mr. Calvin or his People? Let us once more reduce this Calvinisti­cal Logick into Syllogisms, and you shall plainly see the Presbyterian Conclu­sion.

THAT King who is an Idolater or a Persecutor, is a Rebel against God, and [Page 227]has disrob'd himself of all Right to Reign or Live, according to Gods Law he is to be punished not as a King but as a Man, in which number too he scarcely deserves to be accounted.

BUT the King of — is an Ido­later and Persecutor of Gods people the Saints of Presbytery, Ergo.

THE major or first proposition, you see is their positive Doctrine and own words, the minor is thus proved by them.

KNEELING at the Sacrament and bowing at the name of Jesus is Ido­latry, and punishing the Godly is Perse­cution.

BUT the King of—kneels and punishes, Ergo.

AND though both the branches of the first proposition concerning Idolatry and persecution be false; yet being decreed in the infallible Consistory, all the argu­ments and demonstrations in the World are in vain to perswade them to the con­trary. And therefore from this abomina­ble Divinity and new State Logick of Presbytery, they draw the dismal Con­clusions, That Kings may be Excommu­nicated by the Presbyters for those Ima­ginary Crimes, and may by the people [Page 228]be deposed, as whoever will consult Knox, Buch. de Jure Reg. p. 58.62.70. Knox Hist. Ref. p. 372. Goodman in his Book of obe­dience, or ra­ther Treason, passim, praecipue p. 180, 184, 185. Buchanan, Goodman, &c. may sufficiently be convinced; and that they esteem their deposition not only lawful, but their publick Murders or private As­sasination: and though a Dr. Bilson Warden of Win­chester, p. 509. learned man of the Church of England indeavours to excuse this Doctrine, and mitigate these harsh words of Mr. Calvin; it was before he saw the Conclusion, nor did he apprehend it would ever be drawn into practice; and his Plea for Calvin is rather to be attributed to his great aver­sion to the Papacy, which mistake still prevails with too many, who by bend­ing themselves too far from the one ex­tream of Popery which they hate, break into Presbytery as the most opposite In­terest, whose malicious Calumniations make all people Papists who are not Schismaticks; though all the advantage such deceived Zealots purchase by run­ning away from the Church of England under that abusive notion of Popish and Antichristian which her Enemies brand her withal, is that

[Page 229]And had the worthy Gentleman and ma­ny others who are imposed upon by the same stratagem, either seen or foreseen the tragical consequences of this Do­ctrine, I perswade my self he had too much Loyalty to become its Advo­cate, and the other have too much honesty and love for Monarchy to ad­vance the interest of Presbytery which is as mortal an Enemy to it as the Pa­pacy.

King Charles the First, who was thus like our Saviour rudely affronted by the barbarous Red-Coats.WHEN the Son of God came to be spit upon, he was very near his Cruci­fixion: and a dreadful example has taught us, that when a glorious Monarch felt the fatal effects of this rude and bar­barous Divinity, and in Westminster-Hall received the same insolent treatment from the impious Souldiers, he was at no great distance from his Martyrdom; [...] Medit. upon death after the Vote of Non­addresses. for if as he makes it his observation, if there be but few steps betwixt the Prisons of Princes and their Graves, there cannot be many betwixt their being deposed, brought to Tryal, and Execution; and therefore you shall see the Conclusion of the whole matter, and what a certain Catastrophe unavoidably follows and must fall upon Princes from the former premises.

The Conclusion of the former Prin­ciples of Presby­tery, That Kings may be brought to Capital pu­nishments.THE last result of all their Positions may more properly be called a conclu­sion than a principle of Presbytery; That Princes may be punished with Ca­pital punishments and loss of Life, as well as Dignity and Power.

I need not give my self the trouble, or the Reader the Fatigue by a long proof of the truth of this horrible and tragical Assertion which is the natural and pro­per effect of the former Principles which you see bring a King to the Infamous Block; from whence there is no instance of any Prince that ever returned alive. They have done it themselves, Vestigia nulla retrorsum, must be the devilish policy of such procedures. and their late actions are still so fresh in all mens Memories that it were an endless pain — Infandos renovare Dolores, to re­peat them over again: and the very re­hearsal of such unexampled miseries, when the breath of our Nostrils, the Anointed of the Lord was taken in their Pits, Lament. 4.20. of whom we said under his shadow we shall be safe and live among those Heathens, would be so sensible an afflicti­on, as would be next to the suffering of them. The deep Tragedy to the Eter­nal Infamy of the Villanous Actors, was not done in a Corner, or behind the Curtain, but by a prodigious Excess of [Page 231]remorseless Impudence, upon the publick Theater of the World, and by the glori­ous Lamp of Heaven, which with amaze­ment beheld an Action, to the Parallel of which, his bright Beams had never be­fore contributed their Assistance, and I hope he will never see such another gloomy Day.

I am not willing to do that over again and by an Ingrateful task Copy over this Horrid Piece, which has been so well and often done by others, and particu­larly by Mr. Fowlis, in his History of the Wicked Plots and Conspiracies of our pretended Saints, to which Book, if any persons can want satisfaction in these too well known Truths, they may have recourse, and there receive it in most ample measure from the Records and Evi­dences of the Actors themselves.

AND though I cannot think them so dangerous to the State whose Princi­ples and natural subdivisions will crumble them into confusion, yet must not the off-spring of Presbytery think to plead exemption from the guilt of being Anti­monarchical, or scape scot-free, more than their Brethren in Iniquity of the Kirk. The common saying has but too much truth in it to excuse them from the [Page 232]Plea of Not guilty; That the Presbyte­rians brought the late King to the Scaf­fold, and held him by the Hair, whilst the Independants cut off his Royal Head. For a short tast of their Natures (and a little of this is enough to surfeit a Loyal Ear) take the words of one of the Chief of them, who pretends to be a great Friend to the Parliament, Army, and Congregational Churches, but a greater to himself in concealing his name to one of the most Infamous Pamphlets that ever blotted Paper, Printed by J.M. and Lodowick Lloyd, and H. Cripps, and sold at their Shops in Popes-Head Ally, 1650. p. 57. which he Intitles, One blow more at Babylon, &c. It is well known (saith he) that the late King was not Murdered by the Parliament, but fell by the stroke of Justice, and that so Legally and righteously admi­nistred for his bloody Crimes he be­came guilty of in the Face of Heaven, that we doubt not but God was well pleased with it; and will clear the inflict­ers of it (if they keep their Integrity) against all their Accusers and Condem­ners whatsoever.

HERE is a short Diagram of the Re­ligion of Independency. The King (they say) was guilty of bloody Crimes (though never any one could be proved against him) It was lawful for the Parliament [Page 233]to Question, Judge and Condemn him; this was Righteous and Legal Judg­ment, and acceptable to God: the ta­king away his life was not Murder, but the stroke of Justice righteously admi­nistred. All the misfortune is, this man either was a false Prophet, or God was not well pleased, or the inflicters of this dismal stroke did not keep their Integri­ty: for Divine vengeance, by the mi­raculous and peaceable Restauration of the Gracious Son, not only eagerly pur­sued, but quickly overtook these villa­nous Murderers of the glorious Father; and their Crimes were so publickly noto­rious and infamous to the whole world, that they found not so much as a possibi­lity of being clear'd against all their ac­cusers and condemners, or of the benefit of that general amnesty and pardon, which speaks the Son as great and gene­rous in forgiving, as the unshaken Father was in suffering: as some of their tray­terous Heads still tell the World without a Tongue, and make better speeches up­on London bridge and the Prinnacles of the Parliament-House, than ever they or any like them made within it; whilest in their grinning Language, they speak a terrible Talis eris to all Fire-brain'd [Page 234]Traytors; and read a constant Lecture of Horror, and Eternal Infamy, to all perfidious and audacious Rebels, who in those Monuments of Justice, may see the inevitable destiny of Treason and Usurpation. So that you may see, Qualis Pater, talis Filius, Like Father, Like Son. [...], Egg and Bird, Independency the true though unduti­ful Son of Presbytery is as like it, as if it had been spit out of its mouth: but with this difference, in the truth of the Case, that the Presbyterians murthered the King; the Independants only the Man.

As for the Anabaptist, Leveller, Qua­ker, &c. let Munster eternally com­plain of the first, and England of them all. The Rebel Army was a moving Am­sterdam, where it is said if a man has lost what he calls his Religion, he may either find it or a new one every whit as good; and most of these Sects and Opini­ons drew their Original from those Nur­seties of Rebellious Saints: and the Peo­ple are like to be well tutor'd in Loyal­ty and the Principles of Allegiance, who blinded by their bright pretences to light and sanctity commit themselves to the guidance and instruction of them scum [Page 235]and spawn of those trayterous Legions; who are little inferior either in malice or design (at least eventually) to those, who by the powerful command of divine humanity, having quitted the miserable inhabitant of the Tombs, enter'd by his permission into the prohibited Herd of the Gadarenes: St. Mark cap. 32. for having once possest their followers and Disciples with their Devillish Doctrines, they are not at quiet till they rush them violently down the steep Precipice of Rebellion, to be drowned and swallowed up in the Ocean of Ruine and Confusion; and the mise­ries we were so lately delivered from by a Miracle, makes even that appear small in comparison of our being again delu­ded, by those Persons, whose hands were washt in Rebellion and Murder instead of Innocence, whose tongues are tipt with lies, calumnies, and blasphemy, and whose Garments (over which they throw the Prophets Mantle to keep them from discovery) yet wear the indelible stains of that humane blood (in which they were rolled) of so many thousands of Il­lustrious and Innocent Lives, as in that Unnatural War, whereof they were the Occasions, Maintainers and Defenders, fell as Sacrifices to their fury, and their [Page 236]Sovereigns Right and Countries Li­berty.

I shall not attempt a solemn confuta­tion of these Positions, judging them far more fit for the conviction of the Law than of the Gospel, to both which they are directly contrary; as also in regard it has been so often done by others of greater abilities and better oppertuni­ties. However that Kings Reign by a Divine Right (and if they do, then all these Positions are Treason, Rebellion, and Usurpation, not only against them but God) I refer these Haters of Mo­narchy and Plagues of Mankind, the im­placable Enemies of our Peace and Hap­piness, to that place in Daniel, Dan. 4.25. to which if they do not assent they are Insidels and no Christians, and deserve the strange doom of Nebuchadnezzar, to be driven from amongst Men, and to have their dwelling amongst the Beasts of the Field, to eat grass as Oxen, and to be wet with the dew of Heaven, till they know and acknowledge, that the most highest ru­leth in the Kingdom of Men, and giveth it to whomsoever he pleaseth. From which place it is as clear as the brightest Day, That the sole Sovereignty and dis­posal of Crowns, is immediately in the [Page 237]hands of the most high God, and that they who have them hold them of his Gift: and if that be not a Divine Right, there is no such thing in Nature; and if they have a Divine Right, no Peo­ple, or Parliament, or Earthly Power, can pretend by calling them to an ac­count, deposing or punishing them, to rob Kings of this Title and Authority, which they hold by the immediate Grant of Heaven, but at the same time they invade the Prerogative of the most High Ruler of Heaven and Earth, and rob him of his incommunicable Right in the disposal of Crowns.

I cannot believe them so ignorant, but that they know what must be the end of such an audacious Sacriledge. If they admit Kings to have a Divine Right (which they must either do, or deny this to be Scripture) they cannot pre­tend to any Power to take it from them, for nothing can invalidate any Grant, but the same or a greater Power, than that which gave it; and therefore, if Kings offend, though Subjects may in all humi­lity Remonstrate and Petition for Re­dress, yet are they by the Laws of Reli­gion utterly prohibited to make use of force or violence, either to obtain their [Page 238]desires or satisfie their Revenge; for as our learned Bracton religiously observes, Deum expectat Ʋltorem. And if God Almighty reserves vengeance as his pecu­liar Prerogative, and will not permit us to execute it upon private men, Dearly Beloved avenge not your selves, for ven­geance is mine saith the Lord and I will repay it; how can any person in reason think, that private Men and Subjects, should have a power to execute it upon Princes, who bear his immediate Cha­racters, and are his Vice-gerents, and as he himself stiles them Earthly Gods? Or if they dare attempt to do it; 1 Sam. 26.9. Or if they dare attempt to do it; Who can lift up his hand against the Lords Anoin­ted and be guiltless? Undoubtedly who­ever does it is guilty not only of Treason against the King, but of Rebellion against God; and whoever is so audacious to draw his Sword against his Sovereign, does so far as he is able indeavour to wrest the dreadful Sword of the Lord out of the hand of Omnipotence, to carve out vengeance for himself: and I dare boldly say, that whoever takes that Sword against his Will, shall perish by the Sword; for this is an Honour which he will not part with. Hear him speak himself, and he who will not believe [Page 239]God when he speaks is not to be believed to have any Religion which is properly the fear of God, whatever he may pre­tend. Deut. 22.34.35.40.41.42. Is not this (saith the Almighty) laid up in store with me, and sealed up amongst my Treasures? To me belongeth vengeance and recompence, for I lift up my hand to Heaven, and say, I live for ever; if I whet my glittering Sword, and my hand take hold of Judgment, I will render vengeance to my Enemies. And what greater Enemies to God than such persons as indeavour to rob him of that which he has not only laid up, but seal­ed amongst his Treasures? And they who are so audacious as to attempt this Sacri­legious Felony against Heaven, to break up his treasury, whatever they may say of themselves, cannot be supposed to fear either God or the Devil: and certainly all Mankind have a great deal of reason to fear, and indeavour to suppress men of such daring confidence and mischie­vous Principles.

CHAP. IX. Presbytery in reality as great an Enemy to Democracy and Parliaments as to Monarchy. A short view of their Ty­rannique Consistorian Government over the Magistracy, Clergy, and Laity. Of the latitude and power of scandal to draw all affairs into the Consistory. Of their kindness to their Enemies. The small difference be­twixt a Jesuit and Geneva Presbyter. Both aim at Supremacy.

THUS have we seen that Presby­terian Supremacy is by its avowed Principles not only inconsistent with but destructive of Monarchy. Let us examine it a little more severely, and we shall find that it is absolutely inconsistent with all Government (except its own oligar­chique Spiritual Tyranny) and even that adored Democracy, Presbytery in reality as great an Enemy to Democracy and Parliaments as to Monarchy. which it pre­tends to hug and embrace with so much tenderness and affection: and the kind­ness which it seems to have espou­sed to a Parliament which has so un­fortunately decoy'd some people into that party, is nothing else but a poli­tick [Page 241]flattery, and temporizing godly fraud: the real design is to dash a Par­liament against a King, to break them both in pieces; and like the Ape in the story to make a Cats foot of a House of Commons, to pull the Nut out of the Hot Ashes of Rebellion into which they shall have reduced the Monarchy; for when once by that assistance they shall have procured their own establishment they will render it as absolute a Slave, as they would do Monarchy. For accord­ing to the Model of their Consistorian Government, the supreme and ultimate underivative Authority is resient in the High and Mighty Sanhendrim or annual Assembly of Presbyters and Elders, to whose definitive sentence a Parliament must be subordinate; the Authority of that being from Christ, the Power of the Parliament being only from the People. For it is not the Persons or Names, but the superiority of the Authority against which this Faction of Geneva levels all its aims; and though for the accomplish­ment of their ambitious designs, which they vail over with the name of Religi­on, they are pleased in words to vest the Parliament in the name of the Peo­ple, and as their Representatives with [Page 242]Authority both over Church and Crown; Yet do they at the same time declare, that all men of what degrees, ranks or conditions soever, must be subject to the Scepter of Christ, which Scepter they say is committed to their hands. So that here is a Yoke ready for the Neck of a Parliament, whose intolerable heaviness has already discovered that it is none of Christs, but of these Modern Scribes and Pharisees who lay heavy burthens upon other Men, but by advancing themselves into the Chair of Supremacy will not touch them with one of their Fingers. For these Saints who pretend to a power of binding Kings in Chains, will without scruple so claim the honour of shackling the Nobles with Fetters of Iron.

That this is most certain, will appear if we consider that a Parliament can pre­tend to no right to Government but a Monarch may do the same, and upon far better grounds; now you see how all their Doctrines vest the people with a Superiority over Monarchy; the same Arts and Arguments which subject the Regal Authority to their Will and Juris­diction, must of necessity bring a Par­liament within their Power; and it is no more but a Mutato Nomine de te narra­tur [Page 243]fabula, turn the Tables and they will play the same Game at the one as the other: for if a King for opposing (which they stile persecuting) them and their seditious practices may be called in que­stion, Excommunicated, deposed, and deprived of his Royal Authority, for the same Crimes a Parliament and the Go­vernment by Democracy, may be alter­ed, abrogated, and the several members of it may by the people be punished with loss of Life, Estate, and all other lesser punishments and disgraces. And all this must be fathered upon the Good People, who shall be flattered into a be­lief that they have the Supreme Autho­rity, when in truth, a few (it may be one) leading politick Presbyters, (who shall have gained the Sovereignty over the inferior Clergy, and by their means and the severities of their Discipline over all the populace, who must of ne­cessity have their heads tyed under their Uncanonical Girdles) will have under Christ the whole management of all the affairs of Church and State, and who­ever will venture to dive to the bottom of the Lake of Geneva, wil find the fifth Monarchy of the Church which the Papists have so long been setting up, but [Page 244]by an Earthquake was tumbled in thi­ther, which the Presbyters are weighing up again, in order to the new trimming it and putting in a better figure, that so it may pass upon the Princes and People of the World, under the Notion of the Scepter of Christ; and that it is the de­fire of Sovereignty under the Colour of Religion at which they aim; and to which whatsoever is an obstacle, whether King, Parliament, Prelates, Lords or Com­mons, shall all be declared Antichristian and Unlawful Powers.

THE little respect they have shewn to all Parliaments that have opposed them, demonstrates the little value they have either for those Honorable Assem­blies, or their Constitution; and they who could pull down the House of Lords because it stood in their light, and are so eager to dislimb the Parliament of the Lords Spiritual, cannot in reason be sup­posed to esteem the lower House further than they frame to themselves a prospect that it may be serviceable to their present Interest. I need not go back to fetch instances from former times, either in Scotland or England, of which I could produce a Cloud of Evidences; the rude and insolent treatment which this present [Page 245]Parliament has met with from their blades of the Pen, is a conviction beyond ex­ception: Nor would a new one of which they appear so fond, receive any better entertainment at their hands, unless to advance the slavery of the Nation in pro­moting their interest, it should imbarque in their design.

A short view of their Tyrannick Consistorian Go­vernment.BUT because some peoples igno­rance of their intentions, is in probabi­lity the reason why they admire this Go­vernment, let me present them with a short view of it in its proper Colours, without the shining varnish which they usually lay upon it to deceive the credu­lous and unwary.

THAT they are the true Sons of Ish­mael, whose hands are against all Men will in short appear, if we consider their procedure against all sorts of people, whom they indeavour to reduce to Obe­dience to Christ by the method of their Consistorian Discipline.

Over the Magi­stracy.WE will begin with the Magistracy. If they do not their duty in promoting the Holy Discipline, by which name is meant Presbyterian Tyranny of Paro­chial Ministers and the Lay Elders over their Parishes, of the Classis or Presby­tery over their Division, and of the [Page 246]yearly Assembly over the whole Nation; or much more if they oppose it or esta­blish any other Church Government, they may and ought to be excommuni­cated, deposed and punished; and the rule is Universal as to all, and all manner of Magistrates, whether Kings, Parlia­ments, Judges, Counsellors, or other in­feriour and subordinate Governours. Now what is the duty of the Magistrate, and whether he performs this duty as he ought, what means, ways, and methods of Government are conducive to the Salvation of Men, and the good of the Society in order to the establishment of the Kingdom of Christ, they are the on­ly Judges; and though they pretend to follow the direction of the Holy Spirit, and the Scriptures, yet will they put their own Interpretation upon them, which though manifestly contrary to the construction of the most learned men in all Ages, and to the universal practice of the Church, as is plain in the Case of Episcopal Government; Yet herein must they be obey'd, under pain of Excom­munication; and though nothing be more manifest that herein their Will is their Law, yet must the Magistrate as well as the People submit to this Arbitrary Su­premacy, [Page 247]premacy, which hereby is manifestly vested in the Presbytery, as to direction, ultimate Judgment, and final determina­tion: and the secular Magistrate is no more but the Executioner of their Com­mands. No Law can be binding which they declare contrary to the great design of promoting the Gospel though by se­ditions, violence and tumults: and this interest of the Gospel is in reality their own absolute Sovereignty. No Obedi­ence is due to the Magistrate further than they assure the People, the things com­manded are lawful. To them may be made all appeals even from the highest Courts of Judicature. So that down goes Magistracy and its Power; or however must receive its limits, bounds, measures and rules of Government from their Ar­bitrary will and determination: So that hereby the Great Assembly and the Mo­derator for the time being is the abso­lute and supreme Sovereign Power of the Nation where Presbytery bears the sway.

HAVING thus by the Power of the Keys, lockt up the Temporal Sword in their Ecclesiastical Scabbard, and made sure that they will be out of the danger of its Correction; Let us see how they [Page 248]manage their Empire and Government towards their Brethren of the Clergy, their friends of the Laity, and their Ene­mies of both, such as differ or dissent from them in Opinion or Practice, though but in the most indifferent things.

Their Tyranny over the Clergy.It was a saying of a wise man, That no Government was so happy, as where either Kings were Philosophers, or Philo­sophers Kings; and which certainly de­ceives many of the Spiritual Function, they think and are made believe by the Arch-Presbyters, that those would be Golden and Halcyon days indeed, where Presbyters who are all equal and may hope for a turn in it, should come to have the sole and supreme management of all affairs, and not be subject to the temporal Power of the Laity on the one hand, nor the Tyranny of the Episco­pal Hierarchy on the other: but being equal in their Function, calling and of­fice, should all be Brethren and sharers of the Common Happiness of Rule and Government over the People of God: But soft my Masters, lest a great and sud­den joy prove dangerous! Great ex­pectations are often defeated by contra­ry events. I must tell you there is a lit­tle mistake. The Metropolis or Capital [Page 249]City is the Watch-tower, and the rural Presbyters for all their hast and the pari­ty, must not only give the Wall to the grave City divine, but must be wholly at the direction and will of the Synod, the Synod at the will of the great Assembly, and the Assembly at the will of the Mo­derator and his Faction, during the Ses­sion, and in the Interregnum of the Ses­sion, at the disposal of the virtual Coun­cil, which is the Grand Cabal in Epi­tome, who rule the rost all the year long: the Inferior Presbyters must be­lieve such things as he or they shall com­mand, teach such Doctrines as they shall appoint, use such modes, gestures and ha­bits as they enjoin and command, though never so much against his Judgment or Conscience: for if he trips never so lit­tle into a wilful disobedience, against a commanded Punctilio of Opinion or Practice, up goes little Don Presbyter's heels, and a more edifying, that is a more slavish Brother is clapt into his Be­nefice, unless he will openly recant and do Penance at their discretion; and if he has a good and inviting Living, let him resolve either to be a bustler and busie stickler, and by those Talents exalt [Page 250]himself and make a Party, which is the best way to be secure and somebody, or otherwise he must resolve to be an abso­lute Slave, and by perpetual presents (which is a very safe Tenure and a kind of Post Simony) keep in with the top and top Gallant of the Junto; for other­wise he shall be sure of a remove to a leaner Parish. And pray what is now become of the Glorious Parity of Pres­byters, of the Dear Liberty of Consci­ence, and Liberty of Prophesying? What difference now betwixt a Lord Bishop and a Lord President of the Assembly, good Mr. Rural Minister? Only this, that what the one is falsely said to do, to Lord it over the flock of Christ, the other outdoes in reality. Methinks I see a se­cond Peters strutting in querpo beaten Velvet like a lofty Cedar of Presbytery over-looking and over-shaddowing all the little bramble Brethren of the Wood, condemning, reproving, placing, displa­cing, injoining and punishing like a Ge­neva Massanello, with the wink of his Eye, or the motion of his Finger; and like that Insolent Fisherman, wanton with his unbounded and most dreadful Power. Then should you hear the groan­ing [Page 251]Presbyters, and whining Elders, sigh­ing under the heavy burthen of Arbitrary Spiritual Government; and lamenting the loss of Episcopal Liberty. Leaving therefore these Ruling Elders and their Lay Brethren, with a shaddow of Liber­ty, Equality and Rule, but the substance of the most servile slavery, let us see af­ter what rate this Government will treat their Friends of the Laity, by whose in­dustrious folly they have obtain'd their Dignity and Power.

Their Tyranny over the Laity.And here you shall see, that these high obligations can raise no sense of Grati­tude in the Rigid Presbyter; the People whom but just now they flatter'd with the supreme Authority, have done no more but their duty in defeating them­selves of it to bestow it on the Ministers; and you shall see into what a condition those people plunge themselves who put their tame necks under the Yoke of the Consistory: for first the Parish Minister and his Elders are absolute Judges and Lords of all their Actions, and if they be refractory can bring before the Lords of the Synod, and they hoist them up to the Grand Assembly, and there they are sure to be swing'd for contumacy, or con­tempt [Page 252]tempt of their Authority: So that though a man could keep the whole Decalogue, yet can he not be secure against Malice or Envy, but by the trap of Scandal he shall be drawn into this Geneva Inquisi­tion. The Latitude and Power of Scandal to draw all affairs into the Consi­story. It is easily remembred what a Tu­mult a poor Ball or Dancing meeting made at Geneva, and how the Gentle­man that made it, though a principal person of the City, and a Souldier too, and a man of a good ruffling Spirit, yet was at last forced to dance into banish­ment for that horrible scandal. If your goods commit a rape upon Mr. Elders Corn or Hay, and you will not make him an unreasonable recompence, 'tis odds but he claws you off with a Scandalum Magnatum against his Elderships free­hold: if a young Lady refuses Mr. Booby the Elder's Son for a Husband, let her have a care how she converses with ano­ther, for if she do he will clap a scandal upon her back, which if their tongues be any slander, may spoil her Reputation and her Marriage as long as she lives, and the report is credited: and in truth so great is the Latitude of the Power of Scandal, that I am perswaded if Virtue her self could be tempted to converse [Page 253]with the Elders, as once the surprized Su­sanna did, they would treat her with the same measure as those their brethren did that Innocent Lady, and bring her into the Consistory for a scandal. Nay so long Ears and Armes has this Scandal, that your House which is your Castle, your Table, nor your Bed can be secure from it; but if you be so indiscreet to discover your follies to your Wife, and she in pet or zeal reveals it to the good Minister, he will not fail to make you do publick Penance for your fault and fol­ly. If you make a contract with a Saint, that is a puling favourite and flatterer of the Presbytery, and he is minded Reli­giously to do himself a kindness call'd cheating you; though you produce Deeds, Evidences, or Speacialties; all's one, if he does but whine out the suspi­cion of a scandal of Forgery, and appeal from the rigor of the Law, to the Court of Conscience, the Equity of the Consi­story, by their Decree you shall lose not only your money but your Credit too. If a Merchant trade to the Papal Domi­nions, and in a time of Famine furnish them with Corn, he may chance to suffer Shipwrack at home, for feeding and main­taining [Page 254]Gods Enemies abroad; and it will never be forgotten what a horrible Sin the transporting of Wax from Scot­land to the Spanish Territories was ad­judged, because it was employed to Ido­latry, and making Tapers to the Altars of the Saints.

SEE now the kindness of this Go­vernment; here's a new way to pay old Debts, out of the bank of Scandal. A free trade open'd to inrich the People of the Nation, by forcing them to keep the glut and surplusage of their Native Com­modities at home, for fear of Scandal. And indeed there is no Law, Sanction, Action or Profession, Civil or Political, that may not easily be brought to be cog­nizable before them, under the notion of Scandal; Nor will there be any Right or Justice, but according to the partia­lity of their belief of the Integrity of the Parties, that is if they be men of their Interest, the affair shall be managed in favour of them, in despight of Law, Justice, Right or Equity.

AND now my neighbours of the Laity, what think you of Monarchy, and the good old Common and Statute Law, and Episcopacy? is not this Scandal the [Page 255]servant of the Consistory a more danger­ous and troublesome Fellow, than an Apparitor, or a Pettyfogger? I leave it to your Consideration and Judg­ment.

Of their kind­ness to their Enemies.IF this be the Entertainment of their Friends, what may we expect will be­come of their Enemies? and such are all those who either oppose them or dissent from them, whether of the Laity or Clergy, Papists or Episcopal Protestants, Sectaries or Dissenters: I need not be te­dious, they are to expect as much favour at their hands, as the Enemies of God and Religion can hope for: and that is punishment in all its terrible dresses, shapes and degrees, as far as Banishment, loss of Estate, Liberty, Fame, Reputation, and Life will go: and further, if they have any Power of the Keys they are sure to be given up to the Devil, and shut out from their Kingdom in Hea­ven.

I wish, that all our Dissenters would consider this, and reunite with the Church of England, where they may expect pity and compassion for their Er­rors, and a right information of their Understandings in those mistakes about [Page 256]the Circumstantials and Ceremonies, which are the principal occasions of our differences and their separation; cer­tainly whilest they raise the Interest of the Presbyters by swelling their Party, and agree with them in opposing the Church, they act directly against their own; which is to unite with the Episco­pal Party against the Consistorian, the common Enemy both of Conformist and Non-Conformist, and which should it prevail, would shew equal kindness to the one as to the other; and though they now cry out against Persecution and Compulsion, it is only for their own sakes; and had they the supreme Power at which they aim, and which the other dissenters (though beyond their inten­tion) whilest they oppose Monarchy and Episcopacy assist them in, they would not fail to execute the rigors and severities of all Penalties, upon all such as should dissent from them and their Opinions, Doctrines, Faith, Discipline, and Practice.

FROM all which considerations it is most clear and evident, as well as from their practice at Geneva, and in Scot­land, from the Authentick Records of [Page 257]their proceedings, The small dif­ference betwixt a Jesuit and a Presbyter of Ge­neva, both aim­ing at Supre­macy. in which place all and much more than I have said may be justi­fied; That Presbytery aims secretly at Supremacy, and that there being no great difference between those of the founda­tion of Loyola and Geneva, but that the latter have by their horrible Actions brought that Infamy upon the Protestant Cause and Reformation, which the other had in vain attempted; they are both in­consistent with Monarchy, and indeed all Government: over which they pre­tend a Power and Jurisdiction from Christ, the one for the Pope, and the other for the Presbytery; from which there lies no appeal; and the Genevian Faction who pretend to detest and abhor Rome for her Tyranny, do even out-do her, at least in pretensions to absolute Temporal Sovereignty and Dominion over all Persons, Cases, Actions, and things, which must submit to the Scep­ter of Christ which they tell us is their Holy Discipline.

CHAP. X. Presbytery as destructive of the Peoples Liberty and Property, as it is dan­gerous to Monarchy and all Govern­ment. Some necessary Conclusions from the former discourse.

FROM the Premises of this excel­lent frame of Spiritual Government of Presbytery, it is easy to conclude, That this Doctrine is every whit as dangerous and destructive of Property as Preroga­tive, of Liberty in the People, as Autho­rity in the Prince or Government. For if it be a good and sound way of Rea­soning, that the Power which can do the greater, can certainly do the less, then they who can for any crimes against the Law of God, (of which they are the only Judges and Interpreters) take away the Crown and Life of a Prince, the Power and being of a Parliament; may undoubtedly for any scandals or offences against themselves and their Divine Au­thority, take away the Life, Liberty, and Property of any private Man: and it is easily remembred, and ought never to [Page 259]forgotten, how all those were treated in the Late Times, who were either de­clared, supposed, or suspected, to be Enemies to the State, as they called that Eaction of a Parliament which was im­barqued in their Holy League and Cove­nant: and though their Friends scap't with their lives, their Estates paid many Millions Ransome, for those and their pretended Liberty. It is true some par­ticular persons were strangely advanced both in Power and Riches; so are some Pirates and Highway-Men by rich pri­zes and good Booties: but it is all out of the publick stock of the Nation, which was just so much Poorer as they were Richer. Nor had the principal of the Faction any other design then, or have they any other now, but their own pri­vate revenge or advantage. Discontent and Ambition are constantly at the bot­tom of Faction and Innovation, and Op­pression always at the top: For though these men pretend to be the great Pa­trons of the Peoples Liberty, and De­fenders of Religion, they have no real value for the one or the other, further than to serve their own designs; which is only to wheedle the credulous Popu­lace [Page 260]into their Party: and when by the help and assistance of their tumultuous Power, the Leaders of Faction are exal­ted to Dignity, Riches, and Authority, none are more Arbitrary and Imperious than the one, or greater Slaves than the other. For

And it can be nothing but their ill de­stiny in the common People of England, who appear so inclinable to have a good esteem of these Ring-leaders of the Fa­ction of Presbytery, which blinds their Eyes with pretences of Sanctity, from seeing that these People are the most ma­licious Enemies they have in the World, who will not permit them quietly to en­joy that happiness which they do at pre­sent possess under a most peaceable and excellent Monarchy and Monarch; but with the Witchcraft of Liberty of Con­science, fears and jealousies of Popery, and I know not what fine words to please Children and Fools, they drill them still [Page 261]on towards the Confines of Rebellion; into which if they do unluckily plunge them, their Lives, Liberties, and Estates must either fall a Sacrifice to the offended and prevailing Justice of their exaspera­ted Sovereign; or become a prey to Am­bitious Usurpation, should they happen to be unfortunately victorious; so that what side soever gets the better, they are certain still to be losers and go by the worst. For even those persons to whom they have made themselves a foot­stool to mount them into the supreme Power, will be sure to keep them down, and trample them underfoot; lest they should turn to some other Party, for the same Reasons and by the same Arts, by which they before gained them to be of theirs; there being nothing more cer­tain (which these men know well enough, and that the People are never contented with their present condition) than that a discontented Populace, who have made no difficulty to shake hands with their Allegiance to their Lawful Prince, will upon the least disgust, wheel about, either to their King again, or to any other Power which speaks them fairest, and bids most for their kindness [Page 262]by promises never intended to be kept.

AND if the Commons of England who are infected with this Lunacy of Presbytery, will not be perswaded to be­lieve this, but that all their Prophets must have poor Cassandra's Fate — Nunquam credita Teucris, never to be credited when they speak the greatest truths, it must be, because (to use their own word) they are predestinated to Ruine; according to the Adage,

SO the Presbyterians first blind the common people with pretences of Piety and Liberty, that they may more se­curely lead them either into certain Ru­ine, or Democratique Slavery. None so bold as blind Bayard, is a great Proverb amongst the Countrymen; I wish they could apply it to themselves and their present circumstances.

THAT the practice of these People carries a just proportion and exact cor­respondence [Page 263]respondence to these Principles, all their former Actions have manifested beyond the possibility either of excuse or eva­sion: It would be an ingrateful task to rip up all the transactions of the Late Times, and it would be happy for us if they could be so buried in the Grave as well as with the Act of Oblivion, as not to afford an Eternal precedent to suc­ceeding Ages, to dance a second Jigg to the same tune of these py'd Pipers, as 'tis said the Boyes and Girls of a City in Germany did after the Rat-Catcher, till they lead them into the Gulph of Ruine; and give occasion to date a new Aera, Anno libertatis amissae, though they should say as they did before restauratae. But it is but too evident that the Presby­terian, Anabaptist, &c. however in other things they differ'd as to Judg­ment, yet they did all agree in the pra­ctice; and though in the end they fell out amongst themselves, and verified the Proverb, That when Thieves fall out honest Men come by their own; yet they were unanimous in the pursuance of those Principles, and all the distances in the circumference of Religion, met kindly together in the central point of [Page 264]Rebellion: Nor were their odious pra­ctices any other thing but a manifest de­monstration of their belief of this Do­ctrine, That Kings are inferior to Par­liaments and the People, nay to the very fragments, shreds, and excrements of a Parliamentary Name. That Subjects may take up Arms against them, that they may enter into Leagues, Covenants, Combinations and associations against them, and all the rest before-recited, which I am tir'd with repeating.

IF the present Presbyterians, &c. are not of the same Judgment, let them te­stifie to the World in a publick Mani­festo, and be ready to subscribe and con­firm it with sacred Oaths, that they do willingly renounce all these trayterous Positions, and seditious Principles and Practices; which is the least vindication they can make for themselves, the small­est reparation they can make for the mis­chiefs they have done, and the least sa­tisfaction and assurance they can give to Authority, that they will not do so again, or indeavour it: and let their actions go along with their words, that we may believe them; without which, they are so low in Reputation, by the [Page 265]monstrous breach of all their Promises, Vows, Protestations, and solemn Oaths to the late King (except the making him a glorious King) that no person in his wits, will now take their word any more; so that they must get their Acti­ons to become their Sureties, for their good abearing towards the Kings Maje­sty and all his Liege People.

BUT instead of all this, which is no more than if they mean honesty toward the Government they would willingly do, they are taking a course by their present practice, to manifest that they are still the same Men, and as true to their Principles as steel, or as Rebellion is to those Principles; as if they were re­solved to verifie the saying of a worthy Gentleman; That men may possibly re­pent of Presbytery; but Presbytery ne­ver yet repented of any thing. And that they are plying their Sails and Oars for a second prize, it is almost past time of day now to make a doubt; do they not boldly print, and spread abroad in pub­lick their seditious Pamphlets, Speeches, Letters to their Friends from persons of Quality, Benchers, and God knows what, who, or where those are? reflecting [Page 266]upon the Government, the great Mini­sters of State, the Learned, Pious, and Innocent Bishops, not sparing even the King himself; with which pocket Pistols, hand Granadoes, and Fire-balls of Re­bellion, they indeavour to murder the Government and set all into Flames and Combustion; pestering the Country with those pernicious Pamphlets as the City is with their Writers: the design of all which restless Indeavours, and de­vilish Industry, is only to delude the Sub­jects of these Nations; by perswading them, that they are upon the very brink of Slavery and Ruine, to withdraw them from their Loyalty and Allegiance to their King, and Obedience to the Laws and Government: whenas in truth, no People in the World in humane proba­bility are at a greater distance from those imaginary dangers than we, unless by believing these men and their Principles, we precipitate our selves headlong into them: nor is there any thing wanting to render us compleatly happy and secure at home and abroad, besides Unity a­mongst ourselves, and Loyalty towards our Prince, of both which it is the main design of these Enemies of our Peace, [Page 267]Prosperity, and Happiness, at once to rob us; and whoever will take the pains to consider the rise, growth, and conti­nuance of this Doctrine of Calvinism, will find it a meer Salamander of Reli­gion, bred in the Flames of Rebellion, nourisht with the fire of mistaken Zeal at best, and that it constantly delights to dwell in the blaze of Contention. The peace and settlement of the Nation are its utter Enemies and opposites, and no wonder then if the Patrons of it are the Enemies of our Peace; and as a Pope once said to Charles Brother to the French King, concerning Conradine King of Naples and Sicily, (which gave him his Death) The Life of Conradine is the Death of Charles, Ʋrsper. p. 11. and the Death of Conradine is the Life of Charles: so may we truly say; The Peace and Unity of our Monarchy is the Death and Ru­ine of Presbytery; and the Death of Presbytery is the Life of Monarchy: which is the true reason why they strug­gle for their Life, to keep up discords, differences and animosities; and (it may be) are all of the sudden become so Zealous for a Foreign War, the disco­very of their Plot having put them out [Page 268]of hopes of one at home. So long as the Government is but busie, and the Crown necessitous, they do not only think them­selves secure, but are in hopes, that the expences, or unforeseen accidents of War, may at last occasion differences at home; upon which ill humors of the bo­dy Politick, like Plagues and Gangrenes, they always feed and increase, and hope in the end to prove fatal to it; for they know by experience, that Corruptio Ʋnius est Generatio Alterius; A dead Monarchy fly-blown by Presbytery, breeds the short-liv'd Maggots of a pu­trified Common-wealth. But these things have been so well taken notice of, and their whole Intrigue discovered, by the charitable hand of the Author of the two Pacquets of Advices, &c. that a clearer exposing of them, is altogether need­less.

IT is the wishes, prayers, and hopes, of the best subjects of these Nations, that the dangerous noise and clamours which they make themselves, will oblige Autho­rity to take notice of them, and their mischievous intentions; and that this very Parliament which they fear and therefore hate with all their Hearts; (as [Page 269]is plain by their Ringing so loud its pas­sing Bell, and perswading the World it is Dead, that their Cruelty may be sa­tisfied with the Revenge of burying it alive) will take notice of such an affront to a King and his Parliament as no Age can parallel, nor any persons be guilty of but Presbyterians; and offer some expe­dients according to their Wisdom and Prudence, to ease the Loyal and faithful Subjects, amongst which they challenge the first rank themselves, of those just fears and jealousies, and those uneasinesses which afflict them, by reason of the growth, increase, and confidence of these implacable, malicious, sanguinary, and restless Antimonarchical, and Anti-Par­liamentary spirited People and their Prin­ciples.

TO conclude; From the former Dis­course these necessary consequences fol­low.

Some necessary consequences from the former Discourse.First, That no person whatsoever, let him pretend never so much Religion, Sanctity or Innocence, can possibly be a good Subject, so long as he continues a true Presbyterian, or of their off-spring; in regard they always carry about with them as the main of their Religion, such [Page 270]Principles as are directly contrary to Mo­narchy and destructive of Loyalty; to which he can never be a firm, true, and assured Friend, who owns a Power Su­perior to that of his Prince within his Dominions; and that such a Power may of right depose him, and take away his Crown and Life, which has been proved to be the avowed Doctrine of the Con­sistorians of Geneva, Scotland, and England, both in Print and Practice.

Secondly, That no Monarch can be safe, or his best Subjects at ease and se­cure, so long as this faction is either owned, tolerated, permitted, or favour­ed, publickly or privately within his Dominions; especially the Ring-leaders of the Party, which guilded Snakes can no sooner be warm in the Bosom of In­dulgence, but they begin to hiss and sting; and are constantly either the Whisperers or Trumpeters of Sedition and Rebellion, the very practice of what they call their Religion in prohibited Conventicles, and Assemblies, being but the younger Brothers of Tumults and Insurrections, and Rebellion against the King and Government, both Civil and Ecclesiastical, in a demure dress and garb [Page 271]of Innocence; which is so far from ma­king it better than that in the Field, with Drums and Colours, that it renders it worse; because more dangerous and apt to deceive; many people being willing to become Volunteers to the Pulpit, as Hudibras calls it.

Who would not list themselves into open and barefac't Rebellion till from thence they hear the dreadful thunder of a Curse ye Meroz; or The Sword of the Lord and of Gideon.

AND let them not call this necessary Caution for the publick and all honest mens preservation, the effect of a perse­cuting Spirit; since though they may charge the Government with Cruelty, it is they who are cruel to themselves and the whole Community, by being evil doers, busie bodies, seditious, trayterous, heady, high minded, opposers of Go­vernment, disturbers of Order, Enemies to our Peace, Unity, and Happiness, and to the very Fundamental Laws, Esta­blishments, Constitution, and whole Frame [Page 272]of the National Government both in Church and State.

I appeal to all the Records of time, both our own and of other Nations, which will witness, That whoever did act thus contrary to the publick Interest, have in all Ages, in all Places, by all Laws and Persons in Authority, been esteemed justly and deservedly punished, as being the common mischiefs of nature, directly opposite to the security and happiness of all mankind in general; not excepting themselves out of the number, whose restless, uneasie, discontented humor, certainly renders them the most unfor­tunate of all humane race, because ever most unquiet and unpleased, being in­deed utterly uncapable of satisfaction; the concessions and condescensions of Authority to day, emboldening them to demand greater tomorrow: and Indul­gence being so far from making them grateful, that it gives them the pain to invent new Requests, their desires being therefore boundless and unlimited, be­cause they neither know positively what they would have, nor are able to deter­mine what it is that will satisfie them.

I appeal to their own practice when [Page 273]in Power; That this is a great, neces­sary, and Universal Truth, That Law­ful Government is not to be disobey­ed in Lawful Commands: but that therefore the Violators of Laws, especi­ally the Principal, ought for example, and in terrorem, to feel the force and penal­ties of those Laws they break: since to be merciful to those few, were to be cruel to the whole Body of the Society, and to ruine the very Foundation of all Government. For what was it, that brought so many Noble Heads to the infamous Scaffold, and some Ilustrious Lives to most ignominious Deaths? was it not for transgressing their Ordinances, opposing their Way, Government and Usurpations, in defence of the Ancient, Establisht, Fundamental Laws, Priviledg­es, Rights and Liberties, both of the Prince and People? What was Justice, Prudence, and of necessity to be done by them, for the safety and support of their ill-gotten Dominion, must much more be so now; unless they can con­vince us that their Power was Lawful, but the present is not: which how good soever their will may be, and though it appears to be what they believe and aim [Page 274]at, yet they will never be able to prove, by Law, Reason, or Religion; and I hope they will never be in the Capacity to demonstrate it a second time by force and violence, the rude and compulsive Logick of the Sword or Cannon Law.

Lastly it follows, That this generation of Men the Presbyters with their Con­federates, are never to be trusted, but upon the Demonstration of their sincere Repentance and Conversion, attested by their Actions; in regard that whosoever owns a Power Superior to his Prince, does at the same time find an easie refuge and evasion against all the verbal Assu­rances he can give, or that can be taken of him, that he will be a good Subject. For no person can oblige himself to an inferiour Power, against the Right of a Superior: for if a Country Justice of the Peace, a Judge of Assise, a Deputy or a Vice-Roy, should exact any subscrip­tions or promises of fidelity from any Persons, or by threatnings and severities compel them to give such, to the preju­dice of the King his Lawful Superior in Power, there is no Person but knows, that the one having no lawful Authority to require it, nor the other to consent to [Page 275]give away the Right of his Prince over him, all such Actions, Promises, &c. must therefore be as null and void, as if I should promise to give the City of Lon­don to the King of Spain.

THIS is the plain Case, The King (as with good reason for his own secu­rity and the safety of the publick he may) expects assurances from these People, they for fear of the Laws, make some faint promises (for an Oath of Allegiance to renounce their Trayterous Positions is too binding to be taken) with this re­serve, That the Presbytery, or Popular Authority, is superior to the King; and that therefore he has no just right to re­quire such promises and assurances from them, to the prejudice of that supreme Power, nor they to give it away; and that therefore, they are not binding in foro Conscientiae; but being prejudicial to the right of such a Power as may call him to an account, and by the Grand Charter of Salus Populi, both free them from all such Obligations, and punish him for exceeding his limits, by intrench­ing upon their native right of being a free-born People, all such stipulations being forced and violent, the effects of [Page 276]fear, without the consent of the will, are therefore null and void. And their Acti­ons speak this Language, however their Tongues may sometimes seem to be of so ill breeding as to give them the Lye, by protestations of great Kindness, Love, and I know not what to his Majesty and the Government; of which they are in some humours prodigal enough, only to deceive the credulous and cover their ill designs.

LET them not therefore think to deceive us by the smooth flatteries of soft words, their usual blandishments and pre­tences of Innocence, and that they mean us no more harm than they do their own Souls; which is true in their sense; for they would have us believe that it is much for our advantage to be setled up­on the true Fond and Basis of Popular, or Consistorian Supremacy. If they do believe these Principles, we cannot be too secure against their dreadful and neces­sary consequences; and if they do not believe them, let us see it in their Acti­ons, by a hearty submission to the King and his Laws and Government Ecclesi­astical and Civil, and let them never pre­tend the obstacle of Conscience; for if [Page 277]they were as really tender against Rebel­lion, as they are against Loyalty, they might, nay they must do this, without prejudice to the most nice and scrupu­lous amongst them; nor can they refuse to do it, if they mean honestly, and to keep a Conscience void of offence to­wards God and all Men. And if they persist in the refusal of giving this Au­thentique, and only creditable testimony of their Innocence and Loyalty, and con­tinue obstinately in the old road of their former practices, no person can judge, but that they are still managed by the same desperate Principles; and though it is easie to determine (from their own methods upon all that opposed them when in Power) what they deserve ac­cording to the strictness of the Lex Ta­lionis; yet I will not pretend to Pro­phecy what they will receive: they know by Experience, (which ought to have had another effect upon them, and not this dis-ingenuous encouragement which they have taken from it) that our Government is mild and gentle, and has not taken any of its measures towards them, from their proceedings. But this they may assure themselves, that their [Page 278]actings are too hot to hold long; and they drive on too furiously in their de­sperate designs: the dust which rises in such Clouds will give notice that their Troops are upon a hasty march, and that the Conspirators of the zealous Reformer Jehu that furious driver, are mounted in the Chariot of Rebellion, which is drawn by the wild Horses of Ruine and Confusion.

In short, I desire, that all Judicious, Sober, and considering persons will with­out prejudice and partiality, weigh in the just ballance of sacred Truth and convincing Reason, whether the fore-mentioned Principles do not infallibly lead to the fatal consequences which have been shewn? and if I have not been able to accomplish so great an affair as clearly to demonstrate the truth of it, the de­fect is in my understanding, not in my will, and therefore may be my affliction, but can never be my Crime. However, I flatter my self with the hopes of having the pleasure to see this small Essay, give encouragement to some other hand which is furnished with more ability, better opportunities and advantages, than my present circumstances will allow me, [Page 279]to evidence the greatness of these neces­sary truths; and to give finishing strokes to this piece, which I have according to my talent only rudely designed; and though to some it may possibly appear too rough and bold, yet the Masters of the Pencil say, that freedom is no fault where it draws to the Life; The imper­fections are my own, and no person shall be more ready to charge me with them, than I shall be, not only to own them, but to indeavour to correct and amend them; and from how inconsiderable a Person soever it comes, Saepè & olitor est valdè opportuna locutus; Fools and Children speak Truth, nor is it, or ought it to be less considerable because it comes from them: yet let it be remembred, That Presbyterian Popular Consistorian Supremacy, is, and ever will be, the unchangeable, irreconcilable Enemy, of Monarchy, Law, Liberty, Peace, Pro­perty, and the true Protestant Catholick Religion.