ANSWER.

WE never intended to call in question the peaceable and generous intentions of the King of Great Brittain, and we are enough perswaded that all the misunderstanding that hath been between us since his Restoration, hath proceeded onely from the Counsells of ill affected Persons. But by reason that to what con­cerns the Person of his Majesty, (which we do not gainsay) they add severall groundless accusations relating to ourselves, A short and faithfull account of what hath [Page 5]pass'd most considerable before the Treaty of Breda, will suffici­ently demonstrate which of both Partyes hath most endeavoured to preserve a fair Correspondence, and who have sought Peace with the greatest reallity and zeale.

When his Majesty of Great Brittain was miraculously called again by his Subjects to the go­vernement of his Kingdoms, he was pleased to make choice of one of our Towns to receive the Deputyes that were sent to him, and stayd with us till all things were ready for his transportation. During the said time we endeavoured to give him all possible demonstrations of our respect to his Person, and of the fervent desire, we had to purchace his friendship, and to preserve the same inviolable. And what we did in that respect prov'd so ac­ceptable to his Majesty, and did so farr persuade him of the since­ty of our intentions, that he was pleased to acknowledge it much beyond what we expected, and assured us, with the most oblig­ing expressions, that he was re­solved and did earnestly desire to enter with our State into a stricter Alliance than any of his Prede­cessors had done, and that he did hope his Restoration would be of no less advantage to the Inhabi­tants [Page 6]of our Provinces than to his own Subjects, and that they should all taste the fruits of it with an equall satisfaction: Add­ing to this, that he should not without jealousy see us prefer the friendship or alliance of any other Prince before his. Severall generall proposals and projects of Treatyes were made even at that time; after which we sent a solemne Embassy to put an end to what had been already proposed, and to offer on our part all that was both reasonable and feasable But our Embassadours were no sooner arrived but they perceived a great alteration in the mind and inclinations of his said Majesty, and found that some ill affected persons had possess'd him against us, since he had left the Hague; So that in stead of concluding the Alliance which he had proposed to us Himself, he began to side with other Princes against us. And in particular though the warr we had with Portugal was most just and most warrantable, yet he openly threatened us to breake with us, if we did seeke any longer, by way of armes, a reparation of the wrongs we had received from that Crowne.

In the mean time our Embassadours did not intermit their in­stances, and press'd with all possible zeal for the concluding of a stricter Alliance with the Crown of England: But after severall objections and difficultyes raised by that Court, upon the Arti­cles which our Embassadours had proposed, in conformity of the Project that had been made, whilest his Maj. was still at the Hague; The Comissionners with whom they treated offered them at last, after above a years delay, the Treaty which was concluded in the year 1654 with Cromwel; And this Treaty could not be con­firmed neither, but with much difficultye and trouble, and with the addition of severall points, that made it more disavantagious to us than the very Treaty of 1654.

At last, having overcome all those difficultyes, and given to the King of Great Brittain so clear proofs of the singular esteem we had of his friendsip, we thought thereby to have laid the foun­dation of a firme and durable Peace, and did hope the English Mi­nisters would have contributed on their part, as we did on ours, to [Page 7]extinguish the least sparks of discord; But the Treaty was no sooner concluded but they begun to renew and set on foot certain pretensions, that were regulated in general by the Treaty, but not perfectly ended: And whilest the Embassadour Downing made a great noise in the Hague, of a few groundless de­mands of some private Merchants, they sent a Fleet to possess them­selves of severall Places belonging to us upon the Coast of Guiny, and of all the New Netherlands; And that in the middst of a settled Peace, without a previous declaration of Warr, and without any denyall on our part to give them satisfaction upon any complaint they had made; And afterwards they seiz'd all our Merchant Ships that sail'd along their Coast.

These excesses were followed by a Declaration of War, during which we may truely say, we never refused to hearken to any ouerture of peace that was made to us either by Princes and States, or by any other unconcerned persons; But to the contrary we let no opportunity slip of making overtures of peace our selves, upon the least glimpse of hopes it might be done with success; Having in order to that kept our Embassadour in England, during the best part of the warr, and having still since his comming away offered from time to time to his Majesty of Great Brittain, the very Alter­native upon which peace was at last concluded (which was either to keep what had been conquered on either side, or to restore all reciprocally) without seeking to make any advantage of the con­junction of France, which had then declared in our behalfe.

All this doth sufficiently shew how zealous we have alwayes been for peace; And even without any other proofe, one may easily imagine we'l ever be desirous of what is the true foundation of the happiness of our Countrey, as it is the support of our Trade.

All those that are in any measure acquainted whith the state of our affaires, cann't but know that a warr by Sea, such as this we are en­gaged in now, is of all rocks that which at all times we'l avoid whith the greatest care; and that nothing but an inevitable ne­cessity can bring us to the taking up of armes; In case they will but graunt us never so little prudence and wisdome, although they would not owne wee keep our Treatyes (as we may truely say we have ever done) out of a principle of conscience and honour. [Page 8]And therefore the proofs, wich England doth instance in, of our aversenesse to Peace, and of the perpetuall infraction of our Trea­tyes, must needs carry a strong demonstration with them, to make good a Paradoxe that is so much against all sense and reason. Let us then examine in order those pretended Infractions, and see how sarr the Compilers of the Manifest doe make it appeare we have vio­lated the peace of Breda.

THe first infraction they com­plain of, and which in all likely hood ought to be very con­siderable since it leads the vann, hath four severall branches; I. That we were bound by the a­foresaid Treaty of Breda to send Commissioners to London to re­gulate the East-India trade; which we have not done. 2. That this forc'd the King of Great Brit­tain to send us an Embassadour to put us in mind of what we had promised. 3. That the said Em­bassadour could not in three years. time get from us any satisfaction in the materiall points, nor 4. a forbearance of the wrongs which the subjects of his said Majesty received in those parts.

Whereupon we cann't but take notice that this, in all probability, is the first Manifest in the world that ever began with an Article, whereof every part is a meer supposition, and wherein, of all the matter of Fact that is alledged, there is not the least point agreable to truth; For 1. let the whole Treaty of Breda be read and examined with care, no clause will be found whereby either in expresse or equivalent termes, we were bound to send Comissioners to London; much lesse to send any thither for the Regulation of the East-India Trade, which is not so much as mentioned in all the Treaty. Which makes us wonder at the surprising boldnesse of those who [Page 9]dare publish and averr in the sight of all Europe a thing which doth confute it self, and the falsehood whereof may be evinc'd by pro­ducing onely the very Treaty, they do quote and ground themselves upon. 2. How is it possible the King of Great Britain should send us an Ambassadour to put us in mind of that which never was, and which we could not have promised, since it had not been so much as spoken of? 3. What essentiall points could have been moved upon an imaginary clause and engagement; and there being no­thing in that respect agreed upon by the Treaty of Breda, what satisfaction could they demand from us? 4. We may with since­tity and truth affirme, that hitherto we have not heard that our East-India Company, since the last Peace, hath done any wrong to, or committed any violence against the subjects of the King of Great Brittain, and withall that his Embassadour never complain'd to us of it in the least, which undoubtedly he would have done if there had been any ground for it. But to demonstrate further the injustice of this Complaint and how ill grounded it is, we are assured from good hands, that the Committee of the English East-India Com­pany having been desired by the Court to bring in their grievances, with a List of the injuryes they had received in the Indyes since the Treaty of Breda; they answered in writing they had received none.

But what is little less surprising than all the rest, is that they lay to our charge to have violated the Treaty of Breda in relation of the East-India Trade, which is not mentioned in it, in stead of returning us thanks for what we have done in that respect, without being bound to 't by any Treaty, and meerely to let the King and all the English Nation see at what rate we were willing to purchace and to preserve their friendship. In few words the thing was thus.

The Peace which was treated of at Breda being much desired by the greatest part of Europe, and the time being too short to enter into a particular Negotiation for a Treaty of Marine between England and us, it was agreed to make use provisionally of that which we had concluded with France in the year 1662 beginning from the 26. Article to the 42. inclusively; it being resolved at the same time that, after the Peace concluded, Commissioners should [Page 10]be chosen on both sides to agree upon a more particular regula­tion of Marine, for the reciprocall ease and convenience of the Mer­chants of both Nations; Which kind of Treatyes being onely to determine the Countraband Goods, and to prevent the interrup­tion, which Warr commonly causeth in the Trade of Neutrall Na­tions, is altogether different from a regulation of Trade in the East-Indyes. Moreover the Winter following England having designed the preservation of the Spanish Netherlands, and having sent us Sir William Temple to enter into a Negotiation with us in order to it, we concluded in a little time three severall Treatyes with him. viz. the one a Defensive League between Us; The other for the defense of the Low Countreys, which afterwards was called the Triple Alliance; and the third an absolute Treaty of Marine, which was concluded on the 7/17 of February 1668, and which left no room for the nomination of the Commissioners, that had been spoken of at Breda, since this Treaty had settled what they should have treated about, and that there was nothing to be added to a formall and absolute Regulation.

After the conclusion of this Treaty, some English Merchants did represent to the Court, that some Articles of it were doubtfull and impracticable; whereupon Sir William Temple delivered us a Memoriall, dated the 26 of Novemb. 1668, without mentioning therein the East-India Trade, and on the first of Decemb follow­ing he gave our Commissioners two Articles of the Treaty of Ma­rine which were complained of, and added to them four Articles more, to be as a rule between the two Companys in their East-India Trade, but which in Truth were meer demands the English Com­pany made for their private advantage. Whereupon we must not omit, that neither in the Memorialls which the said Embassadour gave us, nor in all the Conferences he had with our Deputys, he never mentioned in the least the Treaty of Breda, and did never ground his Demands either upon the said Treaty or upon any other engagement or obligation on our part.

The whole was imparted to our Assembly on the very same day; Where after a serious debate, although we might have refused to make any alteration in a Treaty which had been Concluded and Ratifyed in the usuall forms: That withall as to what related to the [Page 11]Articles which the English East-India Company had procur'd to be delivered to us, we were not bound by any Treaty, or other engagement to enter with them into a regulation of the East-India Trade, much less to grant them severall points which were all for their private advantage, without any possibility for us to reap reciprocally the least benefit of the said regulation, which was also directly contrary to the Laws generally received in, and to the common use of the Indyes: And lastly, that they complained of no wrong (as indeed they could not have done it with any Justice) done to them by our Company; And thus had so much the less cause to urge for a more particular regulation, whilest there was no necessity for it: Yet we thought fit to pass by all those Considera­tions, and to give to his Majesty of Great Brittain and to all the English Nation this new proof of the singular esteem we had of their friendship, and of our desire to tye the knot of our Union yet faster, and to make it, if it were possible, indissoluble. Upon which ground we ordered our Commissioners to prepare an Ans­wer to the Proposalls of the aforesaid Embassadour, and to conferr with him in order to a speedy conclusion of that work. And all we can say in generall of the said Negotiation, the particulars where­of would be too tedious for those that are not versed in those mat­ters, is that of four principall Points which were proposed by the said Embassadour, we granted and agreed upon three; and without rejecting the fourth, we onely desired a further clearing of some [...]mbiguous Clauses, one of the Articles contained, which instead of settling a good correspondence between the two Com­pany's, might have occasioned new debates, and have proved of dangerous consequence.

And the better to evidence how desirous we were to give all possible satisfaction to England, being sensible that the Letters which were written on both sides, did not sufficiently clear all doubts, we sent the Sieur Van Beuningen chiefly to put an end to the said Treaty between the two Companyes. But whether the English Ministers, who were appointed to treate with him as Commissioners, were unwilling to explain themselves more par­ticularly upon the ambiguous Clauses whereof a further clearing was demanded, least they should discover the unjust sense where­in [Page 12]they intended to take them afterwards; Or that they were afraid least the conclusion of that Treaty should have united more strictly both Nations, and so might have prov'd a new obstacle to the Warr they already design'd at that time, the said Van Beu­ningen could obtain no positive answer upon what he desired, and came back without any progress made in his Negotiation; which could not be renewed since by reason of the misunderstand­ing which still encreased from that time, unto the breaking out of the Warr.

SUrinam is a Colony upon the Coast of Guiana in America, which did belong to the English, and which some Ships we had sent thither, mastered during the late Warr on the 6. of March 1667. N. 8.

At the taking of it, our Offi­cers granted to the Inhabitants a Capitulation, wherein amongst other things it was expressed that whenever any of the said Inha­bitants should have a mind to remove out of the Colony, they should have leave to sell their E­states, and that in such case the Governor should take care for their transportation, together with their effects, at a reasonable rate.

After we had had the said Colony some Months in our pos­session, the English forces con­quer'd it again. But as by the Treaty of Breda it was agreed to surrender reciprocally, and [Page 13]transferr to each other all right of Soveraignety to the Places which were possess'd on either side on the 10/20 May 1667, and that we were then yet in possessi­on of Surinam, the said Colony did belong to us, and was to be restored us by the Treaty afore­said; As it was at last (after long delays, and many reiterated in­stances from us) by virtue of an Order of the King of Great Brit­tain dated the 8. of July 1668.

Being thus possess'd again of the said Place, one Banister who commanded there at the time our Officers brought the last order of the King of England for the resti­tution of it, declared to our Governour, that he intended to leave the Colony and enjoy the benefit of the aforesaid Capitula­tion; Which indeed he might lawfully do. But not being satis­fyed with demanding for himself what would not have been de­nyed him, he acted as if he had been still Governour of the Co­lony, and demanded in a very high manner the same permission in the name of severall Planters, as their Deputy and thereunto by them authorised. Whereupon the Governour aforesaid being in­formed that the said Banister did night and day caballe in the Co­lony, and used in a seditious manner both promises and threats to associate to him as many as he could, and engage them to go away with him; And looking upon such a carriage as directly con­trary to the Soverainety which had been transferr'd to us by the Treaty of Breda, by virtue whereof all the Inhabitants of the said Colony were become our Subjects, and consequently could not meet together, nor act as a body without our leave, much less to make themselves Heads of Party's and to Caballe a­gainst our Interest, as the said Banister had done, our said Gover­nour not thinking fit to punish him himself, sent him to us to in­flict [Page 14]upon him what punishment we should think convenient. Upon his arrivall Sir William Temple having spoken to us in his behalf, we granted him his liberty; And although the Inhabi­tants of Surinam, by their being become our Subjects, had lost all right of applying themselves to any other Authority but our own, and so, that no Forreign Prince could with any Justice make himself Judge of any former Capitulation; Our Subjects having no lawfull way to go out of our Territorys but by asking our leave, which also we may affirme, never to have denyed to any of the Inhabitants of that Colony that have applyed themselves to us or to our Officers: Yet to let his Majesty of Great Brittain see how ready we were to comply with him, and how farr we were from designing to use our new subjects with any rigour, or to deny to them the least of the Priviledges which were promised them in our name, we consented to enter with his Majesty's Embassa­dour into a Negotiation upon the said matter, and to regulate with him the manner how the aforesaid Capitulation should be executed. Upon this severall difficultyes did arise; The Court of England endeavouring to straine the words of the Capitulation beyond their true sense, thereby to destroy as much as they could our said Colony, and asking every day some what new; whilest the intention of those that govern'd was not to compose differences in an amicable way, but rather to leave still, which much art, some seed of dissension, thereby to have an opportunity of ma­king a noise, and by their false Complaintes to persuade the En­glish Nation, we were strange Tyrants who kept their Countrey men in a Barbarous Captivity, without being moved by their Prayers and Cryes: Whereas we may truely say that excepting Banister, we have heard of no Englishman at Surinam that hath desired to remove, without being thereunto induced either through the promises or Threats of some of the Agents from England.

The first difficulty was concerning the Slaves, which Banister, with his associates, did pretend they might carry off, and take along with them, by virtue of the Capitulation; although it be plaine both by the words of the Capitulation aforesaid, and by the testimony of our Officers that signed it, that no such Privi­ledge had been granted to them. But at last to oblige as much as [Page 15]wee were able his Majesty of Great Brittain, we yeilded that point, and consented to what his said Majesty desired of us, how preju­diciall soever the thing was to us

But as the intention of the Court of England was onely, either to destroy our Colony, or to force us to deny them some what that might give them a pretence of complaigning of us, though never so unjustly; they did not think to have done their work by carrying away from us a very great number of Slaves; and foreseing we would not be long without buying new ones in stead of them, they thought upon a new way to destroy our Sugar works, which they were forced to leave behind, and desired afterwards they might carry away the Coppers and other necessary Utensils for the making of Sugar; although in the common acceptation, through all the Colonies of America, and by the manner they were fasten'd and fixed, they were properly a part of the Sugarworks and therefore not transportable in their nature. This demand was so unreasonable and so forreigne to all that was specified in the Capitulation, that wee had but too much cause wholy to re­ject it. But still to demonstrate what value we did set upon the friendship of the King of Great Brittain, and how farr we were willing to condescend even to all his desires, we did likewise give way to it.

Besides this, they desired they might send English Ships for the transportation of such as should be minded to leave the Colony, in hopes that this sending might engage those to go off, that had not designed it; not to reject the invitation of so Great a King by suffering the Ships, he sent them at his owne charge, to returne empty. These little Arts were not unknown to us. And although this demand was directly contrary to the Lawes and to the practice of all Colonies in America, where no Prince or State do suffer any Ships but their owne to come to any Plantation they do respecti­vely possess; and that withall it was expressely agreed by the Ca­pitulation, that our Governour should furnish with Ships (at a moderate rate) such inhabitants as would remove out of the said Colony: yet we once more pass'd by all those consi­derations, and granted it as we had done all the rest.

But by reason they feared still, the sending of the Ships might [Page 16]not have the success they expected, unless they did send at the same time some trusty Agents, to give the same a greater Reputation, and to endeavour underhand to persuade the English inhabitants to go away with them; they press'd that they might name Comissio­ners to carry the Orders we sent to our Gouvernour (in confor­mity to what we had granted to his Majesty of Great Brittain) and to be present at the executing of them. This we granted them also, and desired onely they would make choice of such persons as were unconcerned, and well meaning, to the end all things might be fairly ended, and with mutuall satisfaction. But how rationall and how just soever this our request was, the English Court insi­sted upon the often mentioned Banister to be the chief person of this Embassy: And being resolved on our part to give the highest proofs of our condescention, we oppos'd it no longer; although we had so much cause to suspect him.

A finall end was put to this Negotiation by our Ministers in Eng­land; And the last orders we sent to our Governour were agreed upon between the late Secretary Trevor and them, much against the expectation of the other English Ministers, who did not think we could have been brought to part with so much of our right, nor grant so many things we were not bound to and which were so prejudiciall to us. But as the secret Reasons and Motives which kept the said Ministers from perfecting the private treaty between the the East-India Companys, which was so farr advanced, made them feare likewise least the business of Surinam should be amica­bly ended, neither of them agreeing with the measures they had lately taken at Dover, where the Court had gone to receive the Dutchesse of Orleans, they were not in the least pleased with what the said Secretary Trevor had done, and began to think of meanes to stop the execution of it; without remembring then the Prayers and the Crys of those poor subjects who (say they in their Manifest) long for relief out of their Captivity.

In order to that, not daring to fall openly upon the said Secre­tary, nor to impeach him themselves, they referr'd the agreement he had made to the Scrutiny of the Councill of Plantations, to see whether they could not find somewhat else to demand, beyond what he had obtained from us; And in truth their Policy was so [Page 17]successfull that if Banister himself, as partiall as he was, had not declared to the said Councell that he was satisfyed with what we had granted, and had not express'd with some heat his impatience of going away, our Orders would not have been accepted of, and they would have made new demands to us before they had dis­patch'd the said Banister.

Yet to perplex the thing with new difficultyes, they gave Ba­nister as ample a Commission, as if the Colony of Surinam had not belonged to us with right of Soveraignety, with severall clauses which shewed plainly that their intention and design was to force a denyall from us; Having even (by an unheard of proceeding) named, at the recommendation and choice of Banister, five of our Subjects in Surinam, to be Commissioners from and by order of the King of Great Brittain. Our Ministers in England having had notice of it, were infinitely surprised, and express'd highly their relentement: Whereupon the abovenamed Secretary Trevor, who, as it hath appeared since, had no share in their Counsells, being sensible that the overthrowing of all that had been done, was what the other Ministers did most desire, made severall instances to our said Ministers to passe by the just Considerations they might have, and even to grant to Banister a Letter of recommendation, wherein they should persuade our Governor to execute his Or­ders bona side, without taking exception at such circumstances as might be irregular. Which at last they granted him by a kind of im­plicite faith, and out the strong persuasion they had of his integrity. Which is very farr from sending private Orders cōrradictory to tho­se we had owned in publick, as is here laid to our charge against all truth, and with as little ground as what they add concerning Poleron.

After all those delays, wherof we were not the cause, the English Ships at last went away, and arrived at Surinam on the 19. of January 1671, where the Commissioners were received with all imaginable civility. And all we can say in few words, con­cerning what pass'd between them and our Governour, is that on his part there was nothing forgotten that might oblige the English Nation, he having gone much beyond what might have been ex­pected of him, and what the Orders that were agreed upon with England required. But as to the Commissioners their whole [Page 18]carriage, was a perpetuall mixture of unreasonable passion, ground­less complaints and unjust demands, as if they had had no other design than to breed a misunderstanding between the two Nations: They having withall endeavoured by all possible means to destroy our Colony, against the allegiance of those amongst them that were our Subjects; Against the promises which Banister had in particular made to our Ministers in England; And lastly, against the engagement of the King of England himself, and his Royall word which he had often given to us of the contrary. But by reason the proof of all this would take too much time, we have ordered the publishing of the Journall of our Governour with his Answer to the Protest, the aforesaid Commissioners left with him when they went away; to let the whole World in generall, and in particular the English Nation, see the notorious falshood of what is laid to our charge, and the uprightness of the carriage of our Officers, as well as the sincerity of our Intentions.

FRom the pretended Outra­ges committed against the King of Great Brittain his Sub­jects, in remote parts; they come now to our affronting here (as they groundlessly affirme) his Royall Person, and the Eng­lish Nation; Which alone had been cause sufficient for his said Majesty's displeasure, and the resentment of all his Subjects, which in otherwords is as much as if the English Ministers had said, that to punish the ambition of a Burguemaster of a private Town, who had caused him­self to be drawn somewhat too vainely, Europe was at least to be set in a flame, and that [Page 19]so horrid a sin could not be wash'd away but by a deluge of Christian blood.

But to answer this accusation more exactly, we cannot suffi­ciently wonder at the carriage of the Court of England, who think to Justifye to the full a Warr, wherein so much innocent blood is shed, and which causeth so generall a desolation, by telling little tales that have no ground in truth, and which are so much beneath the gravity of a Manifest; And by their talking of abusive Pictures, and false Medalls, and Pillars, wherewith they say all our Towns are filled. For first, as to their false Pillars (which by the way is an expression somewhat singular) if they mean by it that we have erected Pillars to the dishonour of the King of Great Brittain, or the English Nation, it will never be found we had so much as the thoughts of doing any think like it. And in that sense onely those Pillars may with truth be called false.

And as to the Medalls (which they also do call false) we never knew but of a true one, wherein under the known and usuall Em­blems, with both Poets and Painters, on the one side Warr was represented, and on the other Plenty, and Peace, that produceth it, having under her feet Discord in the shape of a Fury that was van­quished, and should no longer desolate States that were become friends.

And this Medall, though it was not done by our Order, being look'k upon as very inoffensive, one of our Provinces gave the engraver leave to sell it publiquely, as it is usuall to permit the Printing, and the sale of Books, which are not thought dangerous, or, out of a particular kindness, to grant a speciall Priviledge to some private Bookseller, and thus to preferr him before his Neigh­bours. Not to insist now upon the Right we had, as well as any other Soveraigns, to make use of either Medalls, or any other usuall means, to preserve the memory of any Action, or Event, we might have thought considerable: And whereof especially there are so many Instances in England.

But though we did not think the said Medall could have given the least offense, yet there were those who did maliciously make use of it, to exasperate the King of Great Brittain; And how­beit there was nothing more false, nor more groundless than [Page 20]what was suggested by these weak informers; Yet to take off all pretence, and to demonstrate, even in the least circumstances, the sin­cerity of our intentions, the Priviledge granted to the engraver was called in, all the Medalls that could be found were suppress'd, and the stamp was ordered to be broken, to prevent the coining of any more of them in private.

As to the abusive Pictures whereof they pretend all our Towns are full, the great noise they make hath no other ground but a Picture, which the Schepen (or Sheriffs) of Dort caused to be made of the Sieur Cornelis de Witt, one of their Burguemasters, and which, by a civility somewhat excessive, they ordered to be hung in the Chamber where the Councill of their Town used to meet. In this Picture he was drawn with a Staff of Command, because in the preceding Warr he had been upon the Fleet as our Deputy; and the Painter had added to it, on the one hand a Ri­ver with severall Ships, whereof some were on fire; and on the other a horne of Plenty, out of which flowed all sorts of goods and Commodities; to signify that Warr had made room for Peace, and that Trading and Commerce had succeeded to Battels and Fights. Whereupon it is observable, 1. That the State had no share in the erecting of the said Picture. 2, That it was not the whole Body of the Town of Dort neither, but the aforesaid Schepen onely that were his particular Friends. 3. That this Pict­ure (of what nature soever it might have been) was in a private room where none but those of the Councill of the Town had right to come in; 4 and lastly, that there was nothing abusive in the whole Picture, and all that could be consured in it was the vanity of him, who had either sought or accepted of an honour, which a more prudent man would have refused.

Excepting this onely Picture, we may truely say we never heard of any other that was excepted against, or complained of; and in case any abusive ones had been to be found, the King of Englands Ministers that have Resided here which us, would undoubtedly have spoken of it, and desired that the Authors or publishers of them might have been punished. Which is a cleer proofe there was never any such thing publiquely known. And in case any have been sold of dispersed secretely (wich yet we do not believe) [Page 21]how can we be answerable for, or be supposed to have a hand in what never so much as came to our knowledge?

Would his Majesty of Great Brittain on paine of making warr upon us, expect more from us within our Dominions, than he can do Himself within his owne Kingdomes, where it is sufficiently known how many bitter Libells, against both his Person and his Government, have been dispersed notwithstanding the strictest Searches? And it may be his owne Court hath not been freer from it than the rest of the Kingdome; And the liberty his subjects do take hath been so universall, that they have not spared even his most retired appartements. His Ministers have been used worse yet, since the Chancellour doth confesse in the speech, he made at the opening of the former Session of Parliament, that they were accused openly of Treachery and Folly, and were called, even in the Coffechouses, both Fools and Villains. These are his owne words.

After all this, with what Justice can they complaine of us, who in the very heat of all our Warres have been guilty of no excesses that came neare unto these, and who in this last have suppress'd of our owne accord, under very severe penaltyes, two Pamphlets that spoke with too little Respect of the Person of his Majesty of Great Brittain; Although the Author seem'd to have been very af­fectionate to the welfare of our State.

AS this Article is hardly to be understood, and is backd by no manner of proofe, wee sup­pose they intended it for an In­troduction to what followeth, and therefore we can confute it no better, than by answering in order to the matters of fact they do alledge.

THis is the Grand-Battery of the English Ministers: 'tis what they think we cannot with­stand; and wich they do with the greatest confidence relye upon. Before they had this pre­tence they knew not how to overcome all the difficultyes, which still hindered their de­signe. They were resolved to make Warr upon us: They had promis'd it to France; And with­all they slattered themselves, it would much advance their pri­vate designes at home: But they still wanted Arguments that were Popular enough, to incense the Na­tion against us. They had need of somewhat more than their Pic­tures and their Medalls. And in order to that, they contrived the sending of a Yacht to seek out Fleet, which lay at Anchor not sar from our Coasts, to require striking from our Admiralls; in hopes that the novelty of the thing would occasion some acci­dent that might further their de­signs. Which plot of theirs, as we have since found, having too well answer'd their desires; And excepting this single point there being no thing in all their Manifest, wherein the English Nation may con­cern themselves, in the least; We think it necessary before we ans­wer it more sully, to declare both unto the King, and to the said Nation, that as on our part, we should be sorry to deny them the least prerogative, that of right may belong to them, or so much as to enter into any debate concerning what they may claim as their [Page 23]due, when the thing doth not relate to us, or is not made use of against us; We do hope likewise they'l have so much equity as to heare us in our Just defence; and that the great noise the Contri­vers of this Warr do make, shall not drown the strength and the solidity of our Answer.

For the clearing of this point, it is to be observed that till the year 1653. as there had never been any dispute about the Flagg, between the English Nation and Us, so it was never so much as proposed to mention it in any Treaty. Which is a cleare and a certain proof, that till then the Sea Commanders on both sides, were sufficiently acquainted which what was to be done in those cases; and that nothing had been demanded in that respect by the English, but what we had been still ready to grant.

It is likewise very observable, that England had never no thoughts of securing this right of the Flagg by a formall Treaty, till they be­gan to suspect, some difficulty might be made of paying to them, as a Commonwealth, the same honour that had been paid to their Kings. Which induced them to have an Article about it in the Treaty of Peace, which was concluded between us in the yeare 1654.

The third thing which is to be observed, is that whereas the Court of England, instead of entering with us into the strict Al­liance which his Majesty himselfe had proposed to us, whilest he was here, did onely renew the Treaty we had made with Crom­well, with some addition as we have faid before, the Article of the Flagg being part of the same was concluded with the rest, Ann. 1662 without any conference upon the contents of the said Article, or the least explanation of it's true sense, further than what the words did beare. And afterwards, in the Treaty of Breda, the 19. Arti­cle, which is so much spoken of, was transcribed out of the Treaty of 1662. as that of the Treaty of 1662. had been taken out of the Treaty of 1654. So that to understand rightly the true sense of the said Article, we must go back to the Originall, and examine what hath pass'd in London in the Conferences and debates between the English Commissioners (wherof Cromwell himself was one) and our Extraordinary Deputyes, in relation to the Article aforesaid.

And it doth appear by the Journall of our Deputys, which we [Page 24]have ready to produce to Justify what we doe alledge (not doubting but that in case the English Commissioners have followed the same method, and have likewise registred what pass'd, the same particu­lars will be found therein) That on the 8/18 of November 1653. the English Commissioners delivered to our said Deputys 27. Articles which they propos'd to be agreed upon, and to make up the Treaty that was to be concluded. And that in the 15. of those Articles, it was amongst other things expresly said, That all our Ships, as well men of Warr as others, whether single or in fleets, meeting with any of the Ships of Warr of England, should strike their Flagg and lower their Topsaile.

Whereupon our Deputyes did declare, that they had order from us, to assure the Commonwealth, our intention was not to make any innovation, and that we were very ready to pay to the Com­monwealth all the same respects as we had paid to England under the former Governement: And that therefore since they would have a particular Article about it, it was necessary, in or­der to that, to inquire of the oldest, and most experienced Sea-Officers on both sides, in what manner the thing had been con­stantly practiced, to settle it accordingly for the future: And the rather because it was never mentioned in any ormer T [...]eaty,

The Conferences, both upon that point and severall others, did continue for severall dayes: But in all that time the English Com­missioners could not be brought, to enter into the Examination which was propofed, nor to referr it (notwithstanding the reite­rated instances of our Deputys) to the decision of Seamen, as well in respect of the Coasts and Places, where Striking had till then been used, as for the Number of Ships; Which certainly they would not have refused if they could have proved that any Fleet of ours had ever struck to a single Ship of England as they had pretended at first. And on the 26 Decemb. V. S. following, they gave our Deputy's this Article, in stead of the former they could not agree upon:

In this new Article, the English Commissioners not being able to instance in any Fleet that had struck to a single Ship, nor consequently to justifye their pretension, they left out the word of Fleets which was in the former Article, and lest the thing undecided in this, That the Ships and Vessels, without saying more. And at last after severall Conferences upon the whole Article, it was agreed on both sides to make no Innovation, and to keep to the Practice, without determining the same more particularly. The said Article having accordingly been worded thus:

This point having been thus ended, and the whole Treaty cou­cluded and Ratified on both sides, We gave still our generall In­structions to our Admiralls and other Sea Commanders, in the very same words as before, not seeing any ground to make the least alteration in them, since the said Article left things in the same Condition and state as before; Adding onely to them the Treaty that had been concluded, to be a Rule to our said Officers. And being there had never been any clause in the said Instructions that [Page 26]ordered the Commanders of our Fleets to strike their Flagg to any of the English Ships of Warr they should meet with, we did not add it neither, it being plaine by all that hath been said now, that we were no ways bound to it, and that the English Commissioners had waved that point, and insisted upon it no longer, for no other cause but that they wanted prooss, to back their assertion.

In the mean time severall years pass'd without any dispute or difference upon that matter, between the Commonwealth of Eng­land and Us. His Majesty now Reigning was afterwards re­stored to his Crowns; and in the Treaty which was conclud­ed with him in 1662, the same Article was inserted with the rest, but without any more partioular explanation, either by word of mouth or in writing. In 1667 it was transcribed verbatim out of the Treaty of 1662 to have it the 19 Article of that of Breda; And in all these Revolutions there had never been yet any disse­rence upon the executing of it, till the Month of August 1671, at which time the Court of England was pleased to send a Yacht into our Fleet, that lay at Anchor (as we have said before) not farr from our Coast, which sailing by one of our Admiralls, shot twice sharp upon him, because he did not strike his Flagg and lower his Topsail. Whereupon the said Admirall, who had no other order concerning the Flagg but to observe the 19 Article of the Treaty of Breda, considering that the said Article did not mention whole Fleets, but spoke onely of Ships in generall, and that for the abovementioned Reasons, besides severall other Circumstances our Fleet lay then under, to which the Article could not be applyed: And being desirous withall to pay to His Majesty of Great Brittain all the respect he possibily could, he went himself on board the Yacht (which was a thing almost without precedent for an Admi­rall, in actuall command) and told the Capitaine with all imaginable civility, that without a particular order he could not take upon him a thing of that importance, and that in case his Majesty of Great Brittain did think it was his due, the difference was to be decided with us who were the Masters of him the said Admirall.

This is the grand crime of our Admirall; 't is what we are accused of ourselves with so much heat and passion; And this is the un­pardonable Affront we are guilty of, towards the King and all [Page 27]the English Nation. As for what they add of our carriage upon this accident, we'l have a fitter opportunity to speak of it in an­other place. And as to the Dominion of the Seas, and a pre­tended Tribute for Fishing (which no man can tell-how they come to mention in this place) we'l onely answer in few words, that both the one and the other is altogether forreign to this Warr; And that as in all that relateth to the Ceremony of the Flagg, we never intended to make the least innovation, and would have no other Judges, to regulate and decide it, than the oldest and most experienc'd Sea-Commanders, so we desire no new Privi­ledge for the liberty of Fishing, and claim nothing in that respect but to keep close to what hath been hitherto the constant pra­ctice, and to preserve what hath been regulated by solemn Trea­tyes, near two hundred years since, and which the Inhabitants of our Provinces, under all changes and formes of Government, have constantly enjoyed without interruption.

IT is hard to apprehend what provocations are meant here, for which satisfaction had been so patiently expected by the King of Great Brittain, whilest he was un willing to expose the Peace of Christendom for His particular resentements, and which made him send us another Embassa­dour, as it is said a little after. For if they meane by it the businesses of the East-Indies and of Surinam, with our pretended abusing His Majestys Person, which they lay to our charge, We have already made it appeare that in all these respects the English Court had much cause to thank us for our condescention, farr from complain­ing of us: And this second Embassadour they speake of, did never make the least mention of it; Which yet, in case their Complaints had been well grounded, was altogether her necessary, to the end our deny all might have Justifyed their Warr.

But on the contrary it is plaine, it was not without Mystery they called back Sir William Temple, who had alwayes been zealous to prevent, or to stop the progress of all that might breed the least mis­understanding between both Nations, and who had still endea­voured, by all possible meanes, to preserve an Alliance (whereof he had been an happy Instrument) entire; to send us a great while after an Embassadour, who neither in the Memorialls, he delivered us, nor in his private discourses, did not so much as mention what they have since made so much noise about. And if this pattent ex­pectation relateth onely to the business of the Flagg, we'l de­monstrate in the two following Articles the injustice of this com­plaint.

In the meane time what they do add, concerning our endea­vours to provoke the French King against his Majesty of Great Brit­tain, is as farr from truth as all the rest of their accusations: And we do not doubt but that all the English Nation will give more credit to the sincere Protestation we do make here, in the presence of God and men, that we had not so much as the thoughts of what they lay to our charge, than to what some French Emissaryes do surmise, as much against all likely hood as against truth.

We were then so farr from having any secret understanding with France, that we have drawn their Armes upon us meerely by our being entered into too strict an Alliance with the King of Great Brit­tain; And 't is too wel known to all Europe whether the English Court, or we, have best kept the said Alliance, and which of us hath least sought the friendship of the French King to each others prejudice. Since the Embassadour Montagu was sent into France (wich was in the beginning of the year 1669.) the least clearsighted could easily perceive who have been the bosom friends: And after reiterated Embassyes of their Grand Ministers, as well as what had pass'd at Dover, together with the great leavyes they had given leave to the French to make against us in England, Scot­land and Ireland, we must needs have been of a very easy belief to have fancyed, we had a greater share in the friendship of the French, than the Court of England had; We, who at the same time had set out a considerable Fleet, to protect the Spanish Netherlands, in case of a second invasion, and who were very earnest with England to [Page 29]set out another for the same end, that we might act jointly and keep up the reputation of the Alliance, we were entered into: The French King being then advanced as farr as Dunkerke.

But to demonstrate further the injustice of this accusation, our Embassadour in England having sent us word, that notwithstan­ding all the convincing prooss we had given of the contrary, yet there was some ill affected persons who endeavoured to persuade both the King and all the Nation, we treated underhand with France, contrary to our engagements. We immediately ordered him, to declare in our name to His Majesty of Great Brittain, that to evidence the falshood of those reports wich were spread abro [...]d to our disadvantage, and to give his said Majesty essentiall and undenyable proofs of the sincerity of our intentions, we were ready to enter into such an Alliance with him as he should think fit, how strict soever the same might be, and to go far beyond any thing we had already done, for securing the Peace of Europe.

It is true, the reiterated proffers of our Embassadour were reject­ed with scorn: But we could hardly have imagined, that after this proceeding of ours, the Court of England could since have laid to our charge threats, which they knew full well to be ima­ginary, and which we could not be guilty of at a time wherein we sought to unite us more strictly; And whilest we were too wel ac­quainted with their secret Intrigues with the French, to expect the assistance of these against England.

THeir manner of speaking here of the sending of their se­cond Embassadour, doth seem to imply that either this complain­ed, in the usuall form, of all they are pleased to accuse us of in their Manifest, or that Sir William Tem­ple had already made his Com­plaints upon the business of the Flagg, without receiving any ans­wer to't. As to the first, we [Page 30]have already made it appear how farr the same is from being true: And as to Sir William Temple, it would have been hard for him to [Page 30]complain to us of what did not happen, but very near a year after he had left us. But to insist no longer upon the contradictions, which will be found in more than one place in this Manifest, and to give an answer to what they do alledge; It is true we did not send first into England upon the dispute of the Flagg; And as we were not satisfyed our Admirall had violated the 19 Article of the Treaty of Breda, we thought it sit to stay for the Complaint of the King of Great Brittain, in case he did conceive we had not paid him what respect was due to him. The rather because the Proposall which the Sieur Boreel, our Embassadour, had made to his Majesty and to his Ministers, (very little after the accident of the Flag) to enter into Conference with them, upon the same, was rejected under pretence that an Embassadour should be sent to us. And when at last S^r George Downing came from his said Majesty, we declared, in answer to the Memoriall he deliverd us the 2/12 of January, that all our Admi­ralls and other Sea-Commanders had a strict Order from us, to ob­serve punctually and regulate themselves by the 19. Article of the Treaty concluded at Breda, with His Majesty of Great Brittain; and that our intention was to have it as a standing rule to us, in all it's circumstances: But that, since the matter in question related to the execution of an Article, upon which the Complaints made were grounded, it was to be observed, 1. that it did not appear to us, that generall Fleets were comprehended in it, and that no­thing else was mentioned therein but Ships and Vessels indefinitely. And 2. that it was to be done eo modo quo ullisretro temporibus un­quam observatum fuit, in the same manner it had ever been practiced.

Upon the first point, to shew the true sence of the said Ar­ticle, we used part of the Arguments abovementioned. And as to the second, we offered again to the sai [...] Embassadour to enter with him, if the King his Master pleased, into a strict inquiry of the usuall practice concerning the Flagg; and that in case it were sound that our Fleets had ever struck to a single English Ship, we [Page 31]should acknowledge the thing to be due, and would dispute it no further; Our intention being not to recede from what had been formerly practiced.

Thus farr our Answer related to the matter in debate, and evidenced with how little reason we were accused of having viola­ted the Treaty of Breda. But we went further than this: And though we knew very well that in the examination which we did propose, it would never be found that our generall Fleets had struck to a single [...]ip; yet insisting no further upon the said inquiry (which could not but have prov'd much to our advantage) we de­clared that upon the considence, we had in the true and solid friendship of the King of Great Brittain, and in hopes he would perform what he was bound to, by the 5. Article of the Triple Al­liance, in case France made Warr upon us, we readily consented that our whole Fleets, as well as our particular Ships, should strike to any single Man of Warr, that carryed the Flagg of his Majesty of Great Brittain; Thereby to give his said Majesty the highest proof of the respect and honour, we would at all times endeavour to pay to so great a Monarque. Proffering withall to his Majesty, to agree with him upon a certain Regulation concerning the same, to prevent all future disputes and Controversies.

This in short, is the substance of the Answer we gave to the Memoriall of Sir George Downing; Which the Compilers of the Manifest are pleased to turn into Ridicule, whilest they knew they were not able to object any thing rationall against it; As though to justifye their Warr they had nothing to do but to in­troduce us speaking impertinently, and to make us say what we never so much as thought on.

But these Gentlemen do not tell us, that least the thing should be throughly examined, and to avoid serious debates, which undoubtedly would have taken off the pretence they did seek, and which they had need of to keep their word to the French, the said Embassadour Downing was ordered to receive nothing from us after a certain number of dayes that were prescribed to him, and which they knew to be too short a time to have an Answer of so high an importance ready, under such a forme of Governement as Ours, where the remoteness of the Members that have a de­cisive [Page 32]voice doth much retard the Resolutions that are taken. So that when our Answer was brought to him, he would not receive it under pretence it came too late, and whilest they extoll so much in this Manifest their great Patience, we could not so much as be heard, meerely because we had not spoken some few houres soon­er: And therefore upon the denyall of the Embassadour, we were sorced to send our said Answer directly to the King his Master; though with little better success.

THey still make themselves merry, and do fancy a cold allusion to the Character of our Embassadour, will justifie their carriage, and their invincible ob­stinacy in refusing to enter with him into regular Conferences upon what he was to offer them from us: As will best appear by what followeth.

Our Answer to the Memoriall of Sir George Downing (which he refused to receive) having been delivered to his Majesty of Great Brittain, by our Embassador, he received a Reply from the Court of England, wherein they complained, our said Answer was nothing less than satisfactory, & was full of dark and ambiguous words, with some other objections of the like nature. Whereupon we thought fit to send an Extraordinary Embassadour into England, with full power to clear what might be doubtfull or dark, and to add (in order to it) what would be necessary to expresse our true intention and meaning, which was to go much beyond what had till then been agreed upon, in relation to the Flagg. In the first Conference which the said Extraordinary Embassadour together with our Legier, had with the English Ministers, they acquainted them with the Orders they had received from Us, and having assured them they were ready to clear in our name what might be dark, or ambiguous in our Answer, (without being able to bring the said Ministers to instance in what they found amiss therein) they offered them a Project of an Article or Declaration more ample in writing, upon the business of the Flagg, wherein it was expresly said that our Fleets in a body, as wel as our [Page 33]single Ships, meeting with any of the Ships of War, that had the Flagg of His Majesty of Great Brittain, should strike their Flagg and lower their Topsail (Which one would think was the fullest and strongest explanatory clause, that could be added to the 19. Article of Breda) Without annexing the same or making it depend upon any condi­tion or demand whatsoever from England. Whereupon our said Embassadours desired to know of the English Commissioners, whether such a Declaration would satisfye His Majesty, and if so, they were ready to sign it: But the English Commissioners answered, they expected an Answer to the King's abovementioned Memoriall (or Reply) dated the 3/13 February, and could receive no Papers that were not signed; And our Embassadours refusing then to sign it before they knew whether the same should be satisfactory, the Conserence thus broke off without any further discourse. But afterwards our said Embassadours reflecting upon the stricteness of the Orders they had from us, to omit nothing of what might de­monstrate the sincerity of our Intentions, and the respect we did beare to the Person of his Majesty of Great Brittain, resolved to passe by all other Considerations, and having drawn up and signed a Memoriall (wherein the aforesaid Declaration was comprehended with a promise of clearing it yet further in case they should think it still ambiguous or dark) they demanded a new Conference to deliver it to the Commissioners: But these foreseeing that such a condescen­tion in our Embassadours might be a great obstacle to their designs, & prevent the Breach, if it came to be publiquely known, & they had free Conserences upon it; They had the skill to cause their Declara­tion of Warr to be read and approved in the Kings Councill, which was extraordinarily called for that end, and with great precipita­tion, an houre before the time they had appointed to our Embassa­dors, for the Conserence which was granted them: So that when our said Embassadours came to the place of the Conference, they were told they came too late, and that the Warr had been just then resolved upon, and decreed in his Majestys Councill. Upon which ground the English Commissioners refused to receive the Paper our Embassadours had writen, and which they still were willing to de­liver though they were told the Warr was declared.

It is easy to imagine how great the surprisall of our Embassa­dours [Page 34]was, when they received this answer; and we are no lesse astonished to see the Court of England after all the endeavours of our Extraordinary Embassadour to prevent the Breach, to accuse him now so groundlesly to have declared to them, he could offer no satisfaction to his Majesty of Great Brittain, till he had sent back to us.

ALl we have said hitherto in generall, and in particular the faithfull account of what pass'd in London, between our Embassadours and the English Mi­nisters, doth sufficiently evidence with what Justice they accuse us, here, to have compelled the King of Great Brittain to take up Ar­mes, by taking from him (as they pretend) all hopes of receiving any satisfaction by a Treaty. After that, it is not to be wondered at if they do think themselves so se­cure of the Divine assistance in their just Undertakings. So God­ly a Warr could not want a happy success.

Yet we must not forget that (as we have said it already) in the very moment they call God to witness of our obstinacy, and at the time this Manifest was read and appro­ved in the Councill, they expect­ed an houre after our Embassa­dours, from whom they knew before hand they should receive all the satisfaction they could rea­sonably expect: And even, that this Councill was called, with so [Page 35]much precipitation, to no other end, but to make the endeavours of our Ministers fruitlesse, and to leave no surther roome to Nego­tiation.

Besides, if the Warr, which the Court of England is entered into against us, be such as they could not avoid, and which they had not designed themselves, to what end did they (severall months be­fore the Breach) send Ministers to the Court of Suede, and that of Brandenbourg? Was it to persuade those Princes to stand saster to us; And do they think we are allto­gether strangers to what they Ne­gotiated? Would they have us and the World believe, by an im­plicite faith, their secret under­standing with France began with this Warr; and that they were not bent upon our destruction long before that time? All Europe is [...]ufficiently acquainted with what hath been done in that respect. And without going back to less publick Engagements, and of an ancienter date (as might be that of Dover) in the very additionall Articles which were agreed upon in the French Camp, & whereof the English Plenipotentiarys themselves sent a Copy to the Prince of Orange, they do owne they had already concluded a Treaty against us, on the 2/12 of February 1672. that is, near two months before the breach, as well as before they knew how farr we might comply with them.

Lastly, to evidence that their Declaring Warr was nothing lesse than grounded upon the necessity they speak of, it is observable they [Page 36]made Warr upon us, before they declared it; and by an unheard of proceeding had already fallen upon our Merchant Ships that came from the Streights, at the same time we had sent them an Ext [...]aordi­nary Embassadour to offer them satisfaction upon what they did chiefly complaine of, and to let his Majesty of Great Brittain know, how sarr we were desirous of preserving his friendship.

AS to the Protection which is promised here to such of our subjects as shall transport them­selves into the Kingdomes of his Majesty of Great Brittain, 'tis what we do not oppose: And all we can say, is that we have not been as yet sensible of any great depopulation in our Provinces, through the removall of our Inhabitants, nor that they have hitherto preferr'd the Domination of our Neighbours before Ours.

THe Conclusion of this Ma­nifest is no lesse surprising than all the rest. And if the Com­pilers of it had had never so little care of their Reputation, they ought much rather to have stif­fled (if it had been possible) the memory of the Triple Alliance, & of the Treaty of Aix, than to have so untimely put us in mind, of the little value they have set upon their promises, and the solemne engagements they were entred into, both with the Crown of Spaine and with us. And indeed, it is hard to imagine they are in earnest, when they tell us they will maintaine, the true Intent, & Scope of the Peace of Aix la Chapelle [Page 37]and preserve the Ends thereof inviolable, whilest they have entered into a League with France to invade our Provinces, and have kind­led a Warr much more dangerous, than that wich was composed at Aix.

But the beter to judge of the sincerity of this declaration; and to the end it may appeare how farr the Court of England hath preser­ved the Ends of the said Treaty, we desire the Reader to reflect upon the following hints, which we dare not enlarge upon, for feare of being too tedious. This single head, to cleare it fully, requi­ring a Manifest by it selfe.

The first thing to be observed, is that the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle was onely the Complement and perfecting of the Triple Alliance, wherein what was executed at Aix had been already de­signed and agreed upon; And that consequently those two Trea­tyes cannot be divided, and ought to be look'd upon as one single Treaty, though concluded in severall places, and at some months distance of one another. So that the Court of England cannot pretend to have kept the Treaty of Aix, unless at the same time they can make it appear they have not violated the Triple Al­liance, and that they have on their part answer'd it's true end.

It is further to be observed, it was His Majesty of Great Brittain who proposed the said Alliance, having sent us in order to it Sir Wil­liam Temple, who did earnestly presse us to join with the King his Master, to stop the progress of the French Armes, and by reesta­blishing the quiet of Christendom to set bounds to a Power, which gave so much jealousy to all its Neighbours.

3. That being overcome by the powerfull Arguments of the a­foresaid Sir William Temple, we consented to what he desired of us: But as we could not but foresee, that such an Alliance would exasperate France, and might be attended with evill consequences, we desired at the same time, for our greater security, to unite us more strictely with England, and concluded with them a Defensive League, which till then we could never obtain, since the King's Restoration: Not thinking that after that, there could be any danger in acting jointly with His said Majesty, and complying with his desires.

4. That upon the same grounds, when Suede was admitted [Page 38]into the same Alliance, which from thence was called Triple, it was stipulated in expresse words in the 2 and 3 Articles, That to esta­blish this Alliance upon a surer foundation, there should be for ever between the contracting Partyes a firme and sincere friend­ship, and that to cultivate it, and preserve it really and sincerely, each of the said Consederates should heartily endeavour, to pro­cure all good and advantage to the others, and to preserve them, as farr as they were able, from all damage and perill; For which end also all the Treatys and reciprocall engagements, that were respectively between them, should be preserved entire, and kept inviolable. And in the fifth Article it was added, that in case the aforesaid good intentions of the Confederates, should be ill resented by any other State or Prince, and that by reason of the same any injury were done to, or Warr made upon any of the Confederates, the other two should be bound to assist him, with all possible vigour both by Sea and Land, and not to call back their succours, before they had procured him a reparation, and untill the danger was over.

Now we aske the Compilers of the Manifest, whether it was by their giving leave to the French to make so great Leavyes in Eng­land, Scotland and Ireland (whilest they knew they were intended against us) they began to promote our good and our advantage, as they were bound? Whether their secret Intrigues with the French, and the engagements they had with the said Crown, be what they call to cultivate the sincere friendship they had promised us? How farr their carriage in the Courts of Suede and Branden­bourg hath been agreable to the obligation they lay under, to pre­serve us as farr as they were able from the danger that did threaten us? And lastly, whether they do perswade themselves, they have honestly performed the Defensive League they had concluded with us, by their breaking with us, the very first, without any provocation from us?

But it is not onely in relation to us, the Court of England did not observe the Triple Alliance: They have valued it as little both in other respects and upon other occasions. Thus, although by the 7. Article of the Treaty of Aix, all Kings, Potentates and Princes had a right to give their Garanty, for the performance of the said Treaty, that is, in other words, to come into the Triple Alliance, [Page 39]wherein the same thing had already been covenanted; And that pursuant to the said Treaty, the King of Great Brittain (whilest his Ministers had other thoughts) had sollicited severall German Princes to come into the same Alliance: Yet when the Emperor de­sired, a while after, to be admitted in to it, the persuasions of the French were so powerfull, that it was denyed in England, after they had promis'd it at first; And the said Court began to feare to see the Peace too well settled, farr from continuing in their first zeale, and keeping up the reputation of a league which owed it's being to them.

Lastly, seeing the chief end of the Triple Alliance, was to settle the Peace of Christendom, and that the jealousy, which the greateness of France raised in severall Princes, had been the occasion of their uniting themselves, and which in particular had moved the Court of England to make the first overtures of it; The said Court could not overthrow more openly all what they had done before, nor violate the Triple Alliance more directly, than by setting, as they have done, all Christendom in a slame, and by countenancing with so much zeal, the Armes of a Prince whom they had, for some years, made it their glory to depress.