YOU ask my Judgment of the BOOK you sent me. Your own may discern at the first Blush, that it car­ries in its Fore-Head all the proper Brands of a plain Libel. No Au­thor's, Printer's, or Licenser's Name to it; no, not so much as the Name of the Place where it was Printed. Which, when the Contents are grate­ful to the Times, (as we have too [Page 2] much Reason to fear these are) use to be the Notorious Ear-Marks of a Libelling Pamphlet. Next, I doubt not but any unbyast Understanding, though never so weak, will at the first glance discover, that there is scarce a Line in it, where he Charges any thing upon those Two Princes, but betrays it very evidently to be the meer Product of a High-flown Passion and Extravagant Malice: The Author places a peculiar Feli­city in expressing every thing wasp­ishly; and no Ragoust of Eloquence pleases his Palate, but that of Satyr and Invective. Never was Man in a higher Salivation with Rage, or drivell'd more Foam. I should take him to be possest with Fits of Mad­ness, but that he has no Lucid Inter­val. Kings had best take heed how they come in this Mans Debt; for it will be difficult ever to get his Acquittance. I should advise them to give him a Pension (as 'tis said, [Page 3] some did to Aretine) to bribe him off from bespattering them; for, o­therwise, he will make them all Rogues and Rascals, and scarce leave an Heir to any Crown that came Honestly by it, in all Christendom. 'Tis his Gallantry, I do assure you, to Trample upon Majesty like Dirt, and then to Strut and Crow over it most unmercifully. To tell us that King Charles the Second (the most Mild Prince then living) had no­thing in his Thoughts but Bloody Designs (p. 32.) that He had not a Grain of Common Humanity in his A­damantine Heart (p. 124.); or that he Committed Incest with his own Si­sters (p. 22.50.) These, I say, are his Common, but Course Comple­ments to that Prince: And we may be sure 'tis Resolv'd on, that his Roy­al Brother and Successour must be far worse than he. He is Bloody and a Murtherer every bit of him, even of his own Brother; Cruel as Nero, [Page 4] and the very Dioclesian of all the Pro­testants; though he struggled even beyond his strength, to give Liberty of Conscience to them all. What a Scandal is it to the Age we live in, what an indelible Disgrace to the Government, that such a Iack Pud­ding should be let loose to libel Kings, and scribble with such a Magisterial Impudence, against Personages which filled some of the highest Places in the Universe, and had been his own Soveraigns!

E're I leave to Reflect on his man­ner of Writing, or give you the Cha­racter of it my self, I desire you to Note how candidly this Libeller tells you what you may expect from him in that kind, and how plainly he not only confesses, but excellently proves himself to be an Insulting Barbarian, and this by his own Discourse and his own Words, ( p. 197.) where, speaking of the Late Chancellor's Domineering Carriage, he descants [Page 5] upon it thus; [ To tell a Peer of En­gland, and the Bishop of London, so much his Superiour, only that he sat upon the Throne of his Commission.] He that was not to be mention'd with the Bishop in the same day, was such a foul piece of Exuberance of his Guildhall Eloquence, which only could have drop'd from the Lips of insulting Barbarism. Now a Modest Man, or indeed any one in his Right Wits, would verily judge that there is far more distance betwixt this fellow's Pitch, and that of Kings, than there was between the Bishop of London, and a Lord Chancellor; and that, if these Two were not to be mention'd in the same Day, such a Puny Wretch as this and Soveraign Princes, are not to be mention'd in the same Age: Which if it be true, then this incon­siderate Fop, has, by a far better Consequence than any in his Book, most learnedly prov'd himself an In­sulting Barbarian. All that can be [Page 6] said, why even himself should not judge so, is, That his proud and ex­aggerating Genius does, in his haugh­ty Imagination, print himself in such a Noble Character, that he judges his own Quality, far Superiour to that of poor Monarchs, or (to pur­sue his Phrase) fit to be mention'd with them in the same Minute. In which I most humbly beg his little Grandeur's Pardon, I am something afraid he is mistaken; and that, (to use his own Words a little alter'd) as Men commit Absurdities when la­den with Wine, so this was his Ex­travagancy, when he was Drunk with Pride and Malice; the Potent Charms which so intoxicate him, that (as will be amply prov'd here­after) he thinks himself some kind of Peerless Thing, and Paramount to the whole World. Thus has our Libeller buffeted himself, while he strikes at Kings; and so, since he has evinc't it so evidently, an Insulting [Page 7] BARBARIAN let him be.

Nor must I forget how accurate he is in picking out, and pencilling to the Life all the immodest Stories he could either hear, or invent; and how he hugs his own Harlotry Plea­sure in Expressing them pathetical­ly. Oh, how his Fancy is tickled with that nasty Idea of the expand­ed Nakedness of a Harlot, (p. 85.) which he is not asham'd to shew his Reader! This, and such as this, I must confess, are foul pieces of an exuberant Eloquence, beyond Guild-Hall pitch; and such as more be­comes an Academy of Whores in a Bawdy-house; whence, in all like­lihood our honest Libeller transcrib'd it into his Fancy, & hop'd that what was so pleasing to himself, would mightily gratifie his sort of Readers.

Nor must I forget the strong Rea­son he gives, why he became ob­lig'd to write and publish this Hotch­potch of Ribaldry. The French King [Page 8] (as he tells us in his Preface) had publish'd a most scandalous Libel, en­tituled, The True Pourtraicture of William Henry of Nassau, &c. Now, says he, though I do undertake to Vindicate him here, I will not so much as Answer to any one particu­lar objected in that Libel, for fear of Proving and Fending; but let all the Dirt stick upon that Prince still, and let him wipe it off that will; but I'le do that which is better: And what's that? Is there any bet­ter way to clear a Mans Credit, than to confute the Calumny? What is then this better way? Marry, says he, I'le shew that his nearest Relati­ons are as ill Men as he can be for his heart, and so let them, for me, pass in the World for a pack of a­bominable Monsters together. And this he calls his more Concise Way of Defending that Prince's Credit: Has this Fellow Common Sense in him, to think that the leaving all un­answer'd [Page 9] which was Objected, and instead of doing so, falling foul up­on his Relations, is the more concise way of clearing the Reputation of him whom he had taken upon him to defend? Or, that any Mans Cre­dit is Vindicated meerly by Recri­minating other Men? Yet this Tri­fler tells us there ( p. 2. l. 1.) that he has Vindicated that Prince, by this New and more concise Method of not-answering: And this Piece of most refined Nonsence, is the Apology he makes, Why he publish'd to the World such a sawcy and scurrilous Invective. Nay, which is worse, by this Carriage of his, he leaves that Prince's Credit in the Lurch, and, in some manner, takes the French Kings Part against him; for the Zeal he expresses for him, shews evidently he had a good Will to Vin­dicate him particularly; which since he did not, in a Book, as he confes­ses intended to Vindicate, 'tis enough [Page 10] to make indifferent men suspect, and his Maligners say, that it lay not in his Power to do it. Had such a Preva­rication, in a like Case, happened in the Plot-time, People would have sworn the French King had hir'd him off for Money.

Who is the Author of this Libel, was for some time uncertain. But, since I had begun to write, and was near fi­nishing these Reflexions, I am given to understand for Certain, That this Gallimawfry of Scurrility, was writ by an Atheistical, Damning, Swear­ing, Drunken Fellow of the Frater­nity of Black-fryers, who gets his Living by Scribling for Money. The Inconsiderableness of the Man made it below me, and too Honourable for him, to meddle with him, had not more powerful Motives, lately men­tioned in my Preface, won me to publish what I had already finish'd, e're I had certain Knowledge of the Name or Quality of the Author: [Page 11] Besides, his Libel being the Ground-Work both of the Romance and the Farce, I could no way better Con­fute those Pieces, than by exposing to the World, the shallow Vanity and ridiculous Lies of Blatant's Hi­story, the Foundation on which they were in part built.

Lastly, though this mean Fellow was thought the fittest Pen-Man for the Blatant Party; yet 'tis not to be doubted, but that the Materials were given him by some of the Heads of that Gang; who spread, and abet by word of Mouth, what this perilu Libeller prints; whose Calumnies therefore to Confute, I judg'd might not misbecome me; though this Fop, singly Consider'd, was below Con­tempt.

I am not of your mind in the least, that Higher Powers incited him to this senseless Barbarity, or that they will long connive at it. No certain­ly, it too much misbecomes any Man [Page 12] who has the least Sense of Piety to­wards such near Relations, or of Ge­nerosity towards Personages of so high a Station, and who have born so great a Figure in the World (even although they may be thought to have been subject to some Failings) to be willing they should be thus publickly branded for Monsters, by the licentious and intemperate rail­ing of every petty Buffoon; whence I hope you will suspend that rash Judgment, till you see whether his Book passes currently (after it is expos'd) without some severe Animadversion. Nay, were that Unlikely Supposition of yours True, yet 'tis incredible, that Persons even of any Ordinary Pru­dence, (much less such as they) would not have been chary to abuse Princes so nearly Ally'd to them, with such Foul and Contumelious Language; but would rather have made Choice of some sober and [Page 13] grave Writer, who knew what good Manners and Decency meant, to lay open the plain Naked Truth, (had Necessity so requir'd) in a Style full of charitable and respectful Ex­pressions towards their Persons, and with a sensible regret that he was forced to expose their Faults; and not to have employ'd such a foul-Mouth'd Thersites, whose whole Book is woven quite thorow with such rancorous Invectiveness, that, could a Mad Dog speak, he could scarce vent his Cerberean Foam with more Venome. All Wise Men, who have a good Opinion of the Present Governours, fear this Libeller has gain'd a fair Title to a Pillory or the Gallows, for such impudent Slanders against their Relations, notwithstand­ding his glavering Flatteries to cur­ry Favour with them; even the highest Encomiums from such a dir­ty Pen, are at the best, but scurvy Commendations.

[Page 14]Thus much for the Manner of his Writing. As for the Matter of it, you may please to observe that the Title of his Libel, is, The Secret Hi­story, &c. In the Name of Won­der, how comes this inconsiderable Wretch to be better acquainted with the Secrets of State, than all the Heard of Mankind besides. There have not wanted Times of late, in which there was Impunity enough for Factious Men to speak such Truths as could be prov'd, or had any degree of Likelihood in them, even against Majesty it self; there wanted not Politicians who had Wit enough to know them, had they been real Vertties, nor Boldness and Ma­lice to detect them: Yet we ne­ver heard of such a Complicated Series of Bloody Contrivances, till Blatant, in whose Breast these Hor­rid Secrets lay hid from the Worlds dull Eyes, bolted out this Unex­spected Discovery of them. But [Page 15] how comes he then, and none but he, to know these Secrets? Was he ever Secretary to any of those several Princes or Popes, that he should be so well Vers't in their most private Transactions, and pro­nounce upon them with such a Con­fidence? Yet, he must be more than that; he must be of their Ca­binet-Council too. Nor, will even such an intimate Familiarity with their Persons and Outward Transac­tions, justify the abominable Sugge­stions that are delivered as so ma­ny Certain & Evident Truths in this Libel of his. He assumes to him­self yet a far greater Priviledge, than the knowing all the Arcana Imperii. This is too superficial an Ob­ject for his reaching Brain. He Fancies himself a little God Al­mighty, and dives into their very Thoughts; and (which is a Prero­gative peculiar to the Divinity) searches their very Hearts and most [Page 16] retruse Intentions; and when he has done, he turns their Consciences in­side-outwards: For, otherwise, the Particulars he huddles up together, will fall short of inferring what is still the Burthen of his Song, The Design of introducing Popery and Sla­very. He keeps a huge Pother a­bout the French King, and King Ch. his siding with him, and seconding his Intentions; whereas, every wise Man knows that there is no True Friendship betwixt Kings: They all do what they think is best for their Interest, and strive to circum­vent one another by Policy. They commonly look one way and row another. The French may make Proposals, and our Kings, if they see it expedient, may in Out-ward Shew, admit their Pretences; and in their Treaties, give way seeming­ly to their Intentions (so they can but gain the Point they aim at) though they never meant them, nor [Page 17] had the same Motives the others had. Sometimes too, Kings may tell the Parliament what was really then their Intention, yet change of Cir­cumstances intervening, may shew the complying with them in that particular, to be, hic & nunc, Im­prudent and highly Inconvenient. The Common Good is their pro­per Object, and 'tis hard for any, to know what is such so well as themselves, by reason of their High Station, and Vniversal Intelli­gence, both at home from their Ministers, and abroad by their Ambassadors: Yet the subtile Wit of Blatant can penetrate into their inmost Breasts, and tell their Thoughts to an Hairs breadth: He thinks Solomon, for all his Wis­dom, was but a Fool, and the Scrip­ture much to blame in saying, That Cor Regum inscrutabile, The Hearts of Kings are unsearchable: Their most dark and opacous Meanings are to his [Page 18] Lynx's Eyes as transparent as Chry­stal: However, we poor undiscern­ing Mortals be of opinion, that his leaden Skull and short Line of Reason, are utterly unable to fathom such depths. Nay, he knows of all Secret Letters between Party and Party, as well as if he had writ them with his own Hand; though now and then, if he fears them unauthentick, he is put to make them current with an [ If.] But of his Proofs and Argu­ments hereafter.

Indeed he tells us candidly, in his Preface, That he will not apologize for the Truth of what's contained in his Libel. Now, the Crimes charg'd in it, are of the highest nature, and against Personages of the highest Dig­nity, which the Scripture forbids us to speak evil of. Wherefore one would think such an Action as this, of all things in the World, should need an Apology, and such an Apo­logy too as carries with it the clearest [Page 19] Evidence and strongest Conviction; and that otherwise our Blatant will gain to himself the Repute of an A­postate from all Common Honesty, Civility, Charity and Christianity: Nay, he is to shew us too the Neces­sity of publishing to the open World such horrid Crimes of such Persona­ges, even though True; since all se­cret Truths, especially such scandalous ones, are not (as himself confesses in his Preface) to be trumpeted about at all times, if at all. And lastly, he needs a good lusty Apology, why he delivered those supposed Truths in such a scurrilous manner. How comes it then, that he so kindly indulges himself the heavy and most necessary Task of Apologizing? Because (says he) as for what was more publickly carried, there are the loud and general Complaints of the Kingdom to confirm it. By the word [ Kingdom] he means, we are to think, Himself, and his own factious Party, and especi­ally [Page 20] the Traytors and their Adhe­rents: By the same Figure of his kind of Rhetorick, as by making the Dis­senters (or rather the most bigotted and furious part of them) the only Protestants, he, by consequence, ever and anon Christens those of the true Church of England by the Name of Papists. I cannot but note here how this poor man quite forgets what he is about. The Title of his Pamphlet is, The Secret History, &c. And he stuffs out his Book with Matters publickly carried, and which (as he says) a whole Kingdom loudly com­plained of. These are some of ho­nest Blatant's SECRETS, which made such a noise, that every one must needs hear of them, whether they would or no, especially his Facti­ous Crew, who were the persons that made that Noise; for their Mouth and their Ears are not far asunder. Un­less he will maintain, (for he does as great Feats as this in his Book) that [Page 21] a whole Kingdom complained loudly of they knew not what, and that he is the only man (forsooth) that has ferreted out these Publick Secrets. But to the point.

The Kingdom, notwithstanding some Taxes, (which were inconsi­derable, if we compare them with K. Ch. the Second's long Reign) liv'd in Peace and Plenty, and for all his ill Husbandry, and his being addi­cted to his Pleasures, (Faults, tho' no way excusable, yet incident to many Princes) he was beloved ge­nerally by his People, and his Death much lamented. Again, under the Reign of K. Iames, there were no Taxes at all: And as for some for­ward Proceedings, which disgusted many, he acted by the Advice of his Judges, assuring him, that his Prerogative (of which every King is tenacious) did warrant the Lega­lity of his Actions. Indeed, I must joyn with Mr. Blatant in this, That [Page 22] he had the Misfortune to have had an haughty Chancellor, whose Hu­mour led him to carry all things with huffing and a braggadochio height of Arbitrary Authority; which did not a little contribute to lose his Prince the Love of many; and that King's different Religion made the People easily susceptible of sinister Impressions; which dis­gusted men made it their Business to improve and heighten with ridiculous Lyes and groundless Jea­lousies.

But why does not he apologize for the Truth of the more secret Transactions? A man would think that the more secret they are, the more clear the Proofs ought to be, since the Blacker the Objects are, the more Light is requisite to make them perfectly Visible. Why no Apology then for the Truth of those private Concerns, wrapt up in the mysteri­ous Veil of Cabinet-Counsels and [Page 23] State-Policy? The Reason why he gives none, is, because The Consequen­ces and Events are his Testimonies. But this poor Babbler is mightily out in his Logick; for, we ought to see his Premisses are true, e're any Truth can follow from them: Since, if this be not first made good, let his Consequences be as well knit to them as he pleases, his Conclusions may all be false. Now the Conse­quences he draws, rely upon some pretended Papers, Letters, and Trea­ties, and an innumerable company of wild Stories, babbled up and down by the Factious Party that forged them themselves. These therefore a solid man would have made it his first care to prove, that they could not be Forgeries or Mistakes. But never was Writer so slight in that main Performance: He barely puts down, That such a thing was prin­ted, such a thing written or talkt, and so lets it shift as well as it can [Page 24] for its own authentickness, and ap­puys himself on the hope he has of his Reader's Byass towards his side; or on his good-natur'd Credulity; and if these fail him, goodnight to Blatant's whole Libel. At least, if the Reader must trust his Word or Judgment, it would have been some glimmering of Satisfaction to him, had he told him what Means he had (above other men) to know such Passages to be true, where he had seen the Records, in whose Hands they are or were, and such-like, and not to leave his Reader in an Amuse­ment, how he came to be so parti­cularly enlightned, as to know that what was thus printed or written, or said, was a Certain Truth, and to be firmly rely'd on.

Thus much for his Premises, on the Truth of which all depends. Next, even supposing some of his Premises were Certainly True, yet his preten­ded Consequences can never be a per­fect [Page 25] Apology, unless he shews the necessary Connexion of the one to the other: For, if the thing might possi­bly spring from another Cause than what he assigns, viz. [ the Design of introducing Popery and Slavery,] then 'tis far from being an Apology for the Truth of that for which he brings it. To examin this then a little more narrowly, I affirm, That either these Consequences, which are to testifie the Truth of those more se­cret Transactions, do follow natural­ly from the more publick one; or they require some Skill to deduce them. If the former, then every man of an ordinary pitch of Reason would be able to see them, as well as this Owl-ey'd fellow, and his Party; and then he might have spar'd his Pains, it being to no pur­pose; for, in that case, he would have told us no News but what we knew before. If the later, we ought to be satisfy'd of Blatant's Skill in [Page 26] drawing his Consequences, and part­ly on his unbyast Sincerity. His Passion too visibly manifests his want of the later; and as for the former, he must pardon us if we cannot ad­mire him; for, 'tis visible through his whole Libel, that his Malice so transports him, that (as shall be seen) he makes any thing follow out of any thing: Nay, should a sober man deduce them, they do far more naturally bear another shape; and can fright no man, unless such weak Souls, whom Blatant's Bugbear Sto­ries have made believe that every Bush is a Spright.

Take an Instance or two, how, tho' this Libeller may be gifted in other Performances, yet his Skill in drawing Consequences is very unto­ward and even ridiculous. The Dutch War is levell'd by him ( p. 42.) at the meer bringing in of Popery and Slavery. Whereas, they being our known Competitors in Shipping and [Page 27] Trade, and daily encroaching upon us (not to speak of their owing us satisfaction for old Injuries, recoun­ted in the Book entituled, Amboina) a War once in Seven or (at farthest) Ten Years was ever held by our wisest Statesmen, in former times, (for I meddle not with what is our Interest now) as seasonable and ne­cessary, as is the lopping off the un­der-growing Suckers, that intercept the Sap from the Tree, which gave them Life and Nourishment: And it has ever been imputed to K. Iames the First, as the most impolitick Act he ever did, and of the most dange­rous Consequence to the Interest of England, that, out of his too great love of Peace, he did not curb the Growth of Holland, but let them rise to such a heigth of Power, as to be our Equals at Sea; in which the Wisdom of Q. Elizabeth, and her Council, thought fit severely to re­strain them. Yet this babbling Li­beller [Page 28] can see no reason in the World for a War with Holland, (how long soever it had been inter­mitted) but meerly the introducing of Popery and Slavery, upon no other account, (says he, p. 42.) but because they shelter'd and protected those whom K. Ch. and the French King persecuted for their Religion. He has forgot, that the long Parliament made War with them upon the score of Interest, without any design sure of introducing Popery by that means. He has forgot too, that the Persecu­tion of the French Hugunots, and their running hither for shelter, was long after that War, which he makes to be the Cause of it. He has forgot how many of them shelter'd them­selves lately here in England, even under K. Iames the Second, who not only afforded them Refuge, but also recommended the Relieving them, and to that degree, that it invited Swarms of them to follow, till they [Page 29] grew fat and rich, and far'd better than ever they did in their own Country, to the great impoverish­ment of our English Tradesmen, and ruin of innumerable poor Families, by intercepting their Gain, and un­der working them. Lastly, He has quite forgot what kind of Christi­ans they were whom chiefly K. Ch. the Second persecuted, (that is, per­mitted Q Elizabeth's Laws against them to be executed) viz. The most violent-humour'd Fanaticks, who were ever and anon raising Distur­bance both in Church and State; the rest of the more quiet Dissen­ters suffer'd for their sakes, it being impracticable to separate them.

The reason then of that War with Holland, is obvious to every Eye but Blatant's; and that it was held then the true Interest of England: Nor would any King in the World, tho' he had been of the same Religion with them, disaccept the Assistance [Page 30] of another King, if offer'd, let him be of what Religion he will, for then the Work would both be the easi­er, and the burthen of it lye more light upon England. But let our Blatant take the business in hand, with his special Gift of drawing Consequences, the whole Action, and every Step that was taken in it, shall clearly demonstrate an arrant De­sign of introducing Slavery and Po­pery, however remote and imperti­nent the Premisses are from the Conclusion; and no more hang to­gether than the building of Tenter­don's Steeple does with the stopping of Goodwin's Sands. But, alas! This is one of his stoutest and most A­chillean Arguments; K. Ch. the Se­cond could not keep a Miss for his Pleasure, but, have-at him with a Consequence, cries Blatant, ( p. 26.) ergo, it was a meer Plot of his to debauch the Nation, and so to intro­duce Popery and Slavery. The then [Page 31] D. of York took an innocent Nap at Sea. A clear Case, says our man of Consequences, ( p. 160.) that it was a meer treacherous Plot, to let the Dutch beat the English, and make 'em destroy one another to bring in Slavery and Popery. Our all-seeing Blatant could peep into his Fancy, though the Windows of his Senses were shut up, and craftily spy out his very Dreams, and there read plainly, that he was still plotting Slavery and Popery, even in his Sleep. Nay more, he makes him to be a man of such a Chimerical Compo­sition, ( p. 161.) that he both pro­cur'd the firing the Dutch Ships in their Harbours, and also procur'd the firing of our Ships at Chatham; and to mend the Jest, our implacable Blatant, whose ambi-sinistrous Hu­mour nothing can please, is very an­gry with him for doing both the one and the other: Most Unhappy they that offend this man, or come under [Page 32] his Clutches; for, let them do things quite contradictory to one another, they shall still be sure to do wrong. Yet to do the Libeller Right, he has once in his life drawn a very clear Consequence, if we will out of kindness grant his Principle, which is the sure Basis of his whole Book, viz. That [Whatever K. Ch. the Se­cond, or K. Iames the Second either did, or can be said or pretended to do, must needs be Wicked, Bloody, Trea­cherous, &c. because it is done, or said to be done by Them] or, as Hudi­bras has it,

His skewing and screw'd Deducti­ons of this kind are innumerable; which shew our Libeller, to give him his due, no mean Artist, to clut­ter so many of them together in so little a room, and to tack them to [Page 33] one another, to make his Tale tell smoothly, with such a dexterous Con­fidence; for it requires no small Skill to make a Rope of Sand, which is Blatant's Master piece: Yet upon my word, he crowns the Work, and for­tifies his Redoubts beyond all possi­bility of Attack ( p. 28.) by assuring the Reader (and who dares disbelieve him?) that his pretended Proofs are Geometrical Demonstrations. Is not this a pleasant Fellow, to expose himself thus to the Scorn and Laugh­ter of Learned men, by venting such Stuff as this for Demonstration? In­deed, in one sence his Discourse may be call'd Geometrical; for, abating his own numberless Fictions, which give a loose kind of Contexture to the whole, the Thrums-ends of his Tittle-tattle hang together by Geo­metry; as will more amply appear hereafter.

This then is the Success of his Consequences, which were to apolo­gize [Page 34] for the Truth of his Libel. The other thing he alledges in his Pre­face, to bear Testimony to the Truth of what he writes, is, The Events: But these can do him no Service at all; for no such Events as he fear'd have happen'd; nor have either Po­pery or Slavery been introduc'd, much less forc'd upon England. Kings may possibly, in some particulars, be misled by flattering Judges, or other ill Counsel, to extend their Prerogative; and Subjects may take Shadow at some Actions of theirs, and, giving way to groundless Jea­lousies, be as much mistaken in cramping and retrenching their Just Power; and yet neither the former have the least Intention tyrannically to enslave the People, nor the later have any thought of being Traytors to their King: Both are Men, and so both may err in such cases, without pushing every thing to such lewd Extremities as this Incendiary does. [Page 35] K. Ch. the Second might endeavour to get the Roman Catholicks some Ease, and Security for the Private Exercise of their Religion, (or per­haps now and then put some person, whom he held to be faithful to him, and fit for the Place, into an Office) without incurring a just imputati­on of a Design of introducing Popery. To let some men say their Prayers after their own way, is not to bid or force others to join with them, or become of their Perswasion; nay, he was in some sort bound to be thus Civil to them both in Equity and Conscience: For, how ungrate­ful had it been in him, when he was restor'd to his Crown, to have, by a publick Act, indemnified all his Enemies, and at the same time, to have persecuted those who were, and had ever been, his constant and faithful Friends? Many of them had assisted towards his Maintenance when he was beyond Sea, had for­feited [Page 36] their Estates, and lost their Lives, for him and his Father in England: Could any Good man then do less in Honour, than protect such Loyal Persons, such faithful Friends, and such kind Benefactors? King Iames the Second (besides the for­mer Motives) took himself to be yet more particularly oblig'd in Honour and Conscience to do the same, ha­ving publickly profest himself to be of that Perswasion: Nor would any Prince living, in his case, do other; nor, indeed, could he do less, with­out declaring himself, at the same time, to be an Hypocrite, as not valuing the Religion he profest, or thinking it ought to be protected; whereas yet the Sincerity of his Con­science was manifest to the whole World, by his going so plainly a­gainst his Interest, as to hazard the loss of Three Kingdoms, rather than quit the Perswasion he had embra­ced. And, for the same reason, it [Page 37] was but decent for a Prince of that Communion to send an Ambassador to Rome, (tho' Blatant, after his u­sual manner, belies his Errand) to receive a Nuntio thence, and to make some Ecclesiastical Superiours here to preserve Disciplin and Good Life amongst Roman Catholicks. But, that either of these two Prin­ces (though they might intend that Party a kind of Freedom, and some Favours) could aim at the introdu­cing Popery, or forcing it upon their English Subjects, or, by means of that Party, Slavery, is as wild a Conceit as ever enter'd into a raving Head. The Papists, 'tis well known, are but an handful to all England; but a Breakfast, should all the rest rise up to devour them. Add, That an Army, of which seven parts of eight were Protestants, (and the Militia of England were all of them the same) was the most unlikely Means in the World to compass [Page 38] such an End, or rather it was such a Remora, as made it impossible to be ever compassed: Nor wants it weight, that a Declaration for Li­berty of Conscience to all (so dis­pleasing of late ( p. 202.) to our an­gry Blatant, who is resolv'd, that nothing shall pacifie his Indignati­on) was most solemnly promis'd, and even too zealously endeavour'd to be put in execution, and to be made a firm and unalterable Law of the Land: Which, as it was the best Expedient imaginable to secure the Consciences of all the English Subjects, by making it the Common Interest of the whole Nation, and engaging all Parties to stand up as one man against the Papists, had they ever attempted to violate such a Sanction; so it is no less an ir­refragable Evidence of that King's sincere Intention never to use any Force or Coercion upon any man's Conscience, and a perfect Confu­tation [Page 39] of that ridiculous Sham, which is made to pass upon the Vulgar, that we must in that case have all turned Papists. This is the true state of that Affair, testified by Common Reason, and abetted by as many Pregnant Evidences, and known Matters of Fact, as a thing of such a nature can possibly bear; which yet our Libeller paints in the most hideous & monstrous form that his disorder'd Passion could invent, or his squinting Fancy could deli­neate.

Yet I will not make my self so great a Politician, as to contend but there might have been some Mis­carriages, (and, in what Govern­ment in the World are there not some?) the Sense of which being improv'd by disgusted men, and nois'd abroad till they reach'd the Generality, the Nature (as it were) of England conceiv'd it self aggriev'd; and Nature (as all Histories testifie) [Page 40] will at length work out its way by one means or other, to compass its Real or Imaginary Satisfaction, tho' perhaps the Remedy, resolv'd upon in an hurry, sometimes haps to be worse than the Disease. Particu­larly, to shew how far I am from justifying any Action which is in­deed Blameable, I must confess, That the shutting up of the Exche­quer by K. Ch. the Second, was a very ill business: Blatant charges it in the foulest Language, p. 62. yet he might have been so just to that Prince, as to let his Reader know, That this was done by the advice of the Earl of Shaftsbury, to render that King odious; and that K. Ch. was so sensible of that Injury done to his Subjects, that he settled, by Patent under the Great Seal of En­gland, the Interest of that Money at 6 per Cent. to be paid out of the Hereditary Excise, till the Principal could be discharg'd; which Settle­ment [Page 41] all the great Lawyers in En­gland did agree to be a Legal and Good Security: So that it was far from being such a notorious Robbe­ry as our Blatant represents it. In­deed, the not paying the Interest af­terwards though so legally due, was a very high Injustice. But, as he charges it not, so 'tis not my Office, or pertinent to my Business in hand, to determine where the Fault lay; only I must say, That the Complaints of Thousands, who are undone by the detaining it, cry aloud to Hea­ven, till that Oppression be redrest, and Satisfaction be made for their Sufferings. He might have told us too, (for it is true) That K. Iames the Second, then D. of York, did with his own Hands bring a Bill into the House of Lords, to have that Set­tlement confirm'd by Act of Parlia­ment, and never desisted till it had past that House, in the year 78. But that Parliament being prorogued, [Page 42] that business, though well intended, fail'd of success.

His other Arts are to give an ill turn to every Transaction, and lay hold of it by the wrong Handle. A method, by which 'tis easie for any babbling fellow, endow'd with a pretty Tantum of Wit, to travesty all the most Sacred Actions, and traduce the Intentions of the most Innocent Persons in the World. He builds much upon little tattling Court-Stories, gossip'd amongst the Ladies, which never wanted in any Reign, nor do they at present: Yet till our Blatant, for want of bet­ter Stuff, thought fit to make use of them, no wise man ever held them worth the bringing upon the Tapis, or indeed worth heeding, much less judg'd them to be a com­petent Ground to bear such heavy Charges against Kings and Princes. He picks up all the abominable Fictions invented and spread in the [Page 43] Plot-time by the factious Sticklers, though every one of them that was of moment, was a confuted Lye, ei­ther prov'd by plain Experience, or by Legal Evidences sworn open­ly in Court; or, at least, branded for Untruths by the Recorded Per­jury of the Testimony on which solely they were built: And then, lest those Prejudices against his Sto­ries should be of any weight, he arraigns all the Judges and Juries as Popishly affected, though they were all of them, to a man, Protestants. If any of his own Party do but hold up his Hand at the Bar, 'tis made a flat Condemnation of the whole Court, and a Geometrical De­monstration with him, that they were all of them most abominable Papists. His Topicks▪ of this sort make up near one Third of his Libel.

[Page 44]He traduces even the Devotions of K. Ch. the Second, ( p. 21.) for that Prince might have intended Liberty of Conscience to all at that time, which, after he came into En­gland, the Necessity of Affairs, or the Treasonable Demerits of divers of the Fanatick Party, might shew him to be hic & nunc against the Common Good, and therefore in these Circumstances imprudent. Or he might have intended it still, tho' he did not then execute it: And, indeed, 'tis manifest he did so, by his attempting to introduce it after­wards; but, by the opposition made against it, he found it impractica­ble. However, he made it evident, that the not giving Liberty of Con­science then, stuck not at him.

His Confident Sayings, without any Proof, are numberless, and make up above half his Book. Take a few Instances: He would al­most make his Reader believe ( p. 27.) [Page 45] that he had seen the King write a Letter to the Pope, in the year 62, for not the least Proof does he offer for it, nor do any of his pretended Apologies reach to excuse him, for laying such a Scandal. He affirms, as stoutly ( p. 29.) as if he had been present, That all who had been a­broad with that King (except three) had bound themselves by Oaths and Promises to assist in the Design of ex­tirpating the Protestant Religion; and othing but one hot-headed Presby­terian, (whose Name too we must ot know, for fear of catching him in a Lye) quoted for it, who was laugh'd at, I fear, by the Parliament for a Mad-man. But I am afraid our Blatant is pleas'd to tell us an egregious Tale in this his Rant of Calumny. What thinks he of my Lord Chancellor Hyde, who was one of those abroad with that King, and one of the Three excepted? Was he too sworn to extirpate Protestant [Page 46] Religion? Certainly that noble Peer had the worst Luck of any man living, to be look'd upon by Roman Catholicks as one who, out of zea­lous Affection to the Protestant Re­ligion, was their great Adversary; and yet, if we may believe Blatant, was by Oath bound to extirpate Pro­testants to set up Popery.

He relies ( p. 52.) upon a Libel printed at Paris, which he confesses, p. 50, was done by the French King, to make King Ch. despair of ever be­ing trusted or forgiven by his People; that is, it was done by him to set England in Confusion. Now, had it made for his purpose, he would in another Circumstance have sworn it was a Politick Invention, con­triv'd by that King to do a Mis­chief to England; but his Design here was to disgrace K. Ch. and therefore it must necessarily be a most Certain Truth. Nay, our kind Blatant co-operates with the French [Page 47] King's pretended Design, or rather out-does him: For, the French King ever asserted the Truth of that Li­bel, but stifled it, and punish'd the Author; whereas our Blatant vou­ches the Truth of it, and (unless he will be ungrateful) must ac­knowledg an high Obligation to the man who counterfeited and printed it, since he has afforded him such a precious Lye to lay load on that King, which is his Darling De­sign.

That the French King was sup­plyed by K. Ch. with Arms and Am­munition, to take (his own) the English Ships, is so senceless a Ca­lumny, that it would honour it too much to go about to confute it: For, it depends on his bare word, or rather, 'tis against his own words; for, he confesses, p. 89, That K. Ch. sent to expostulate and require Satis­faction for the Injuries done to the English; but yet, he turns it off to [Page 48] another business, and assures his Reader this was but a pretence; and then who dares disbelieve a Person of that high Honour, who creates and annihilates Truths at his pleasure, by vertue of his special Gift of diving into Men's Intenti­ons?

He takes the part of all the Tray­tors, against our Kings and Govern­ment; he licks up all the venom'd Stuff that the Salamanca Dr. had vo­mited, and magnifies his unblushing Impudence and his pregnant Reasons, ( p. 94.) I suppose he means his ma­ny and palpable self-contradictions; as is shewn evidently, beyond con­fute, in the Treatise entituled, Titus against Oats. Nor do I wonder he should retain such a special Kind­ness for that Gentleman, for stand­ing as he does, perjur'd upon Record; he is the honester man for it in Bla­tant's Judgment; only, he should be a little startled, had he the least [Page 49] Grain of Indifferency left him, to see, That that Ignominious Brand is so perpetually and unremoveably fixt upon him, that the stickling of all his best Friends, in a late House of Commons, could not, (even in that most favourable juncture) procure him to be unstigmatiz'd and re-qua­lify'd for a Witness. No truer is his Assertion ( p. 95.) That Coleman con­fest there was a Plot against our Laws, Liberties, and Religion, and that it was advanc'd so far, and seconded by Persons of that Quality in the Nation, and Figure in the Government, that there was no possibility to give a Let or Disappointment to it. Which is a Fardle of Lyes pack'd up together, without either Proof or Shame; as are also the Messages between Cole­man and the Duke, so impudently as­serted in the next Page.

He confesses, ( p. 115.) that Dan­gerfield was a Miscreant and a Rascal, yet takes his bare Word against the [Page 50] King and his Royal Brother, that they hugg'd, caressed, and fee'd him privately: But now, let Common Sense beware, and stand out of the way, for Blatant is going to bring his Argument, which will, we may be sure, knock down all the Reason of Mankind, that dares stand against it. P. 165. he tells us, That 'tis a most convincing Proof of the Truth of Dangerfield 's Examination, that the Duke hated him for it after the Dis­covery. Very good: But, in case he bely'd the Duke when examin'd, why might not his Resentment against him afterwards arise from thence? And, if so, how is the Duke's An­ger a convincing Proof he spoke Truth, when the same Anger was more justly deserv'd by him for witnessing Lyes? So that we must have re­course to Dangerfield's Personal Cre­dit for the Truth of his Testimony; and, how great that was, Blatant himself tells us, p. 115. viz. That he [Page 51] was a needy Profligate, a Miscreant, an Impostor, a Rascal, an unpardon'd Coiner, and a Common Cheat. This is to be meant (we must understand) what Dangerfield was in puris natu­ralibus, before he became Regene­rate, by doing Service to the Facti­on; but as soon as ever, following the vogue of the Times, he took the Boldness to abuse and bely the King and his Brother, This Man for my Mo­ney, cries Blatant, I'll warrant him an Honest man, and a Sincere Witness. This, this alone attones for all his past Misdemeanours, & sanctifies him im­mediately into a Babe of Grace. Such another Jobb he affords us, p. 129. Fitzharris, he confesses, said back­wards and forwards: Score him up then for another irrefragable Witness against the King and the Duke, says honest Blatant.

It were easie to refute all his Ca­vils concerning Argyle, Russel, Essex, &c. but that it has been done over [Page 52] and over by better Pens: Had he candidly informed the Reader with what was alledg'd and proved con­cerning them or their Cause, he might have had some Light what to think of it; but our Libeller con­ceals all that was objected and evi­denc'd, and tells Stories of his own Factious Copartners, which he se­conds with multitudes of his own Forgeries, scatteringly intermixt, and (so self-conceited he is) that he hopes such light Stuff will counterpoise the Gravity of Courts, and the Justice of the Nation. But, above all, I wonder he was not ashamed to ob­ject the Murther of Sir Edmondbury Godfry, after he had seen the Mystery of his Death unfolded by Sir Roger L'Estrange; where he will find no such Stuff as his own bare Sayings, or Tattles of the Multitude, or the Words of byast men; but the sworn Attestations of a great number of Indifferent Persons of all sorts, con­spiring [Page 53] so perfectly to the same Truth, that they force Human Nature to see evidently the Conclusion; to an­swer the least of whose many Argu­ments, is beyond the Skill of all the Blatants living.

But, oh! how he triumphs in the Testimony of his new Evidence, Do­rothy Smith! After all the baffled Shams of Braddon, and the rest of that Seditious Gang, which he fur­bishes up again, and varnishes over ( p. 177, 178, 179.) with a voluntary Lye (without any Proof offer'd for it) in almost every Line, this pitti­ful Drudge comes, like another Da­niel, to discover that sinful Account of Murthering the Earl: But, I be­seech you, good Mr. Blatant, why was not this Authentick Kitchin­wench call'd before the Parliament lately, nor Holland neither, tho' kept in Prison to that purpose, when that business was mov'd? It would have pleas'd all your Friends infinitely, to [Page 54] have had that Earl's Murder, by the Duke's Order, well prov'd at that time of day: Nor wanted they Zeal to prosecute it, had they judg'd they had competent Witnesses to make good the Charge. But, you know well, that such a Choak-Pear was put to that Calumny, by Witnesses of another kind of Quality than Dol was, that the intended Prosecution was past over as desperate, He says ( p. 178.) That several were ready to depose; But, why came they not in then, when the late Parliament sate? Who discourag'd them? Or rather, indeed, who durst have hindred them at a season when it was meritorious to blacken K. Iames all that was pos­sible? As for Dol's Testimony, it dis­credits it self: The pretended Mur­therers must needs meet at her Ma­ster's; must needs speak so loud and so carelesly, as to let the Protestant Maid hear them, both before and af­ter the Murther was committed: [Page 55] Nay, she must needs be gadding a­broad, and have business obliging her to walk, a little before the Earl's death, before his Chamber Window, in the Tower: She, who, as he told us ( p. 178.) liv'd in a by-Corner in the Town, what had she to do there? Or, if she had, why must her Busi­ness invite her thither just when the Earl was to be kill'd? How comes it, that she alone must hear a great trampling and bustling in his Chamber, see three or four Heads move close to­gether, and hear a loud and doleful Cry of Murther? The upshot is, Dol was in every place, and just at the very nick of time too, where-ever her Inspirers could have wisht her to be: An evident Token of a Lye and Subordination to boot, as could be imagined! And so much for Dol. The rest is the unattested words of a dead Man, and Blatant's own Forge­ries or Conjectural Conceits.

[Page 56]Of the same leaven is his positive affirming ( p. 187, 188.) not only without Proof, but against the Senses of all the Persons and the Records of the Court, that his dear Brother Dr. Oats was condemn'd for Perjury by Witnesses already falsify'd and known Papists: Whereas, whoever heard that Tryal, as I my self did, know well, that not any one Witness against Oats was convicted of Perjury, as al­so, that there were many Protestants, who swore positively against him; the Religion of each Witness being ask'd publickly and particularly. 'Tis well the House of Lords were Sitting when Blatant printed his Li­bel, or he would have maul'd them all for Papists, for not reversing that Sentence against that First Saviour of the Nation, when it was prest so mightily by the House of Commons. But, how bitterly Blatant declames there against the Whipping Punish­ment! Poor man! the dreadful Lash­es [Page 57] which he fears he may bring up­on his own back, are so lively by Anticipation imprinted in his Fancy, that the Idea of them makes all the Humours in his Composition turn Choler, at the very thought of so rough an usage, likely to be his own Lot.

What a pother he keeps ( p. 193.) about K. Iames's endeavouring to bring the Corporations on his side! I meddle not with the Legality of any such Proceeding, humbly acknow­ledging, that I want the high Privi­lege which Blatant assumes to him­self, of knowing better what is Law than all the Iudges, or what is more conducing to the Common Good, than does a King; only I may, with his Leave, venture to say what every man knows, and the Matter of Fact testifies, That that King's Reason for doing it, was to get Liberty of Con­science enacted by Law, and this too, after his having us'd all other means [Page 58] he could invent to bring it about o­ther ways. Why Blatant should be so angry at that which would have been so grateful to all his Friends, must be imputed to his inveterate Di­stemper of Mind, which is altogether incurable, since even such Lenitives are so far from asswaging it, that they exasperate it the more. Furious Cho­ler is so rooted in his very Composi­tion, that 'tis beyond all the Power of Hellebore to purge it away.

I must not forget how he lays open at large, from p. 11, to p. 19. a Treaty of K. Ch. the Second with the Pope, in the Year 52. counter­feited most certainly by some former Blatant; For, 'tis so very ridiculous in all its parts, that none but a Mad­man would have propos'd it to the Belief of any man of common sense: For, first, what shew of Reason is there, that K. Ch. would have clos'd so with Rome, while he was in Scot­land, this being the only way to ruin [Page 59] himself as soon as he was newly come into a good condition? 2. What a silly thing it is to desire the Pope to cause the whole beneficed Clergy in the World, of what Dignity, Degree, State or Condition soever to contribute the third or fourth part of all their Fruits, Rents, Revenues or Emoluments to a War against England. In the Empe­ror's great necessity, when the Com­mon Good of all Christendon seem'd to be concern'd, the Turk then ra­vaging Hungary as far as Vienna, it was never known that any ask'd, or the Pope gave, more than a Tenth, and this not in all Countries, but in some few only. 3. What an impru­dent and odd Expression is that [the whole beneficed Clergy in the World] Did that Forger think, or, could K. Ch. imagin, that the bene­fic'd Clergy in Russia, the Country of the Abyssins, and many others, are at the Pope's beck, or under his Jurisdiction? At least, if it means all [Page 60] under the Pope, could it be thought fit, that the Roman Catholicks in America should contribute to the Eu­ropean Wars? 4. What mean the Words [ cause and compel] every wise man knows, that all the Pope can do in such cases, is, to exhort or per­mit, leaving it to the respective Princes, to whom they are subject; to compel them to contribute, and that himself can compel none out of the Ecclesiastical State, of which he is the Temporal Prince. 5. What an im­pertinent thing it is to request, that the Pope would admonish them all to have no Commerce with England? A very likely thing, that so many Na­tions will wrong their own Interest in such an high manner, as to leave Trading with England at the Pope's Entreaty! Lastly, Grant it, That the then Governours in England were sworn Enemies to Monarchy; yet, what a loud and senceless Lye it is, That both in Germany, Spain, France, Po­lonia, [Page 61] &c. and in the very Dominions of the Great Turk, they have raised and fomented dangerous Insurrections, and that, to that purpose they supply the Charge, and make large Contribu­tions to it. And certainly, they must be very large ones that can supply the Charge of pulling down the settled Government of all those Countries, (besides what the large, &c. includes) and making so many Common-wealths of them. Is not this man frantick, to write at this mad rate? Yet, this he makes vast use of; nay, and to abett it, he names Father Dawly, that went to Rome about it. Now, the truth is, That that Gentleman's Bu­siness was, to get K. Iohn the Fourth to be own'd for K. of Portugal by the Pope, and by that means to obtain Bishops for that Kingdom, then quite destitute of them; and the Point where it stuck, was, That the Pope, out of fear of disgusting Spain, hung back then from acknowledging that [Page 62] Prince for King, and Bishops (accor­ding to their Laws) could not be had without the King's nomination. This is the Truth of that Affair, the rest is meer Fiction, and the silliest one, into the Bargain, that ever was forg'd; which, in all likelihood, was the reason that the whole Story was torn out of Whitlock's Memorials, be­fore they were publish'd, lest it should discredit the whole Book and its Au­thor.

Just such another Flam ( p. 144, 145.) is his Story of a Treaty with the K. of Poland, about establishing the Roman-Catholick Religion; and this he calls, An undeniable Convincement to all the World of the Truth of what has been hitherto said. Observe, by the way, that all he has said hitherto, can­not so convince, but it may be denied, if the Strength of this Story, which is to support them all, does hap to faulter. No doubt then, but he will exert his very utmost Endeavours to [Page 63] make it evident, since so precious a Concern as is the Vndeniable Truth of that has been said hitherto, lies at stake. He proves it notably, by its standing still Recorded under K. Ch. his own Hand. By my Faith, this looks terribly: By the way, 'tis the first time I ever heard that Kings did use to record things with their own Hands: But, let that pass. How proves he, that it stands still recor­ded under his own Hand? Marry, he proves it with an [ If]; If (says he) the Original of the Instructions be ex­tant. Very good: The Argument stands thus. If the Original of the Instructions to the Ambassador be still extant, then the thing is undenia­bly true. Well; but is the Original indeed still extant? I do not know that, says Blatant, and can only say, If it be. Is there, at least, an Authen­tick Copy of it extant? He knows not that neither, else we should have heard News of it. Nor, if there [Page 64] were, is it sufficient to render his Proof undeniable, it being wholly built on this, that the thing stands Still recorded under the King's own Hand. So that the Truth of all that he has hitherto said, for 144 Pages, stands or falls by the strength of the doughty and most substantial Proof [ If.] Whence if honest [ If] chance but to totter, and 'tis Ten Millions to none it will, seeing its very nature and notion expresses Tottering; and 'tis known, that a Conditional Propo­sition puts nothing in re, then all Blatant's Heroick Atchievements hi­therto, as to their Truth, fall to the Ground. Does such a silly Puppy ever hope to gain Belief from any man that is not a meer Natural? Yet this is the very Genius of his way of Tal­king, throughout his Book: He will speak so Big, and run on with such a rushing Career, that he over-bears the Reason of a well-minded Reader, and wheedles, or rather hurries, him [Page 65] into a Belief that all is Real that is deliver'd so confidently; but, if he be so considerate, as to suspend till he sees the Force of his Proof, not a Line shall he find that has the least shew of true Evidence; but that, what gives a kind of Counterfeit Life to his whole Dis­course, is his sputtering, and keeping a great coil and clutter to amuse weak Readers, and put them at their Wits­end what to think. Only, they can see, that either Blatant ▪ is the Greatest Lyar living, or, every man he is offen­ded at, is the Greatest Knave in Na­ture. Whether of them is thus faulty, any sober man may easily divine by his Natural Reason, without needing to go to a Wizzard.

We have seen by these few Instan­ces pick't out of many, (and I made choyce of those I judg'd his strong­est and most important) what a ter­rible Beast Blatant is at laying his Grounds, and drawing his Conclusions; and that either his own Forgeries, [Page 66] or those of others, are generally his onely Premisses, or else that his Con­sequences from some True Principle or True Relation of Matter of Fact are meer Paralogisms. Which, put together, shew him to be a Desert [...] of Human Reason, which consists in the inferring Necessary Consequence [...] from firm Premisses or Principles. I [...] remains now to Examin what he de­fers to Authority: For, if he bot [...] wilfully baffles Reason, and with [...] despises Authority, he has nothing i [...] the World left to support his Cre­dit in the least, but must be look [...] upon as a wretched Deserter of Hu­man Nature, and a Brutish Monste [...] in the shape of a Man.

How saucily he bears himself to­wards particular Persons, tho' sea [...] ­ed in a high Place of Authority, hi [...] Carriage towards Sir Lionel Ienkins one of King Charles his Principal S [...]cretaries of State informs us, p. 119 [...] That Worthy Gentleman behav' [...] [Page 67] himself so moderately, and civilly in that Employment, that he was esteem'd by all, but the Factious, to be a true Lover of Integrity and Ju­stice; nor was he Hated even by those generally, but onely by some few of them; and this meerly upon the Score of executing his Office; which, when their Demerits requir'd it, was the unavoidable Duty of an Honest Man. Yet he falls upon him very rudely, ( p. 119.) tells us, he was a Fool as well as a Knave; makes him in a manner, accessary to a sup­posed Murther (which never was, the Person being alive still) by conceal­ing it. Lastly, he makes him a Pa­pist in his Heart, or One of F. Goff's Creatures; but brings no particular Reason for it but his Fasting, which he makes one Infallible Token of it: Whence we may gather, That our Jolly Libeller uses to Feast for his Sins, and to eat heartily of the best, to correct his inordinate Appetite, [Page 68] and Tame his Original Concupi [...]cence. He tells us, indeed, in com­mon Words that there are other I [...]fallible Tokens of the same; whic [...] we may imagine are to be brough [...] to light, when our Infallible Libe [...]ler's Fancy has coyn'd or created them. But his Anger springs onely hence that he liv'd and dy'd a True Son o [...] the Church of England, and a stric [...] Observer of Her Antient Canons which in Blatants deep Judgment are Popish enough in all Conscience.

Our Iudges and Iuries are the De­ciders in Ordinary, of all Law-Con­troversies, and the Dispensers of Ju­stice to every English Subject; an [...] if they lose the Repute of Unbyas [...] Honesty, no Man can think he shal [...] be able either to keep or recover hi [...] own, or that any Verdict given by them, is Lawful and Valid; especi­ally, should they be represented as Godless Wretches and Monsters for Injustice. Their Authority then, as [Page 69] one would think, ought to be pre­ [...]erv'd inviolate, and their Credit se­ [...]ur'd from publick Reproach, under [...]he highest Penalties to those who [...]hould Libel them in any Infamous manner. But e're we entertain too [...]ood an Opinion of them, or their [...]uthority either, we must first know [...]latant's Thoughts in the Matter, or we shall be sure to incurr his heavy Displeasure, and fall into the same Condemnation. Who, p. 194. speak­ [...]ng of the Twelve Judges, passes [...]entence upon them from his Su­ [...]reme Court of Judicature, that they [...]verturn'd the very Fundamentals of Human Society, &c. This is very [...]d, and I hope is not True: For [...]hey seem'd Civil Gentlemen, and, [...]or any thing we can discern, Man­ [...]nd held Society and Commerce with one another, just as they did [...]rmerly, notwithstanding their De­ [...]rmination in Favour of the Royal [...]rerogative. One would not think [Page 70] that this should make them such in­human Barbarians. Yes, says Bla­tant, they had abandoned all high O­pinion of God and Nature, and quitted all sense of Conscience and True Ho­nour. Here we see this poor wretch not onely make himself more skil­ful in Law, than all the Twelve Iudges in the Nation, but their Su­periour too to whip them with the Iron-Rod of his Indignation; nay, to search their very Consciences, and know their Religious or Irre­ligious Tenets to a tittle. Atheists indeed, have abandon'd all high O­pinion of a God, but yet they re­tain a mighty Opinion of Nature; but these Iudges are far worse than Atheists, for they (according to Blatant) have no good Opinion of God, nor Nature neither; which sig­nifies they are not Men but Devils. A moderate Man, who had dislik't their Proceedings, would have been content to say, that they comply'd [Page 71] out of Fear or Interest. But Bla­tant comes Arm'd with Terrour, wherever he attacques, and thunders out no less than Hell and Damna­tion, against all those poor Sinners which are of his own Creation: Nor let us think 'tis onely against our English Judges (or upon this occasion) that he bears them this Grudge; for he assures us, ( p. 172.) That the Iudges and Iuries of Scot­land, (though every one of them were Protestants themselves) were as Malicious against the Protestants, as the Duke of York was. And how Malicious was that? Why he tells us ever and anon, in his Libel, that he was their avowed Enemy, and wish't them all destroy'd. Fye up­on these Judges and Juries; for cer­tainly they'll never leave their Cru­elty, till they have destroyed all Mankind but themselves. 'Tis pity that they are not summon'd before the highest Court of Justice (this [Page 72] Wretches angry Fury) and there sentenc'd to be hang'd together for a Pack of Graceless Villains. We are to Note that all this heat springs from their Condemning a most de­sperate and incorrigible Scotch Pres­byterian Traytor, Robert Bailzic of Ierismond; for all the whole Bro­therhood of them are (by I cannot tell what Commission) Blatants pe­culiar Care. He chuckles them all under his Wing, and there they (or at least their Credits) are safe, a­gainst all those Foxes and Kites; Kings, Princes, Privy - Councellors, Secretaries of State, and especially against those most abominable Fel­lows, Iudges and Iuries.

Perhaps, the Right Reverend Bi­shops of the Church of England (es­pecially having shewn themselves so hearty against Popery of late) may obtain the Equitable Favour from him, to be esteem'd good Men, and good Protestants. No; not a jot; [Page 73] For he complains sadly, ( p. 32, 33.) That many of the greatest Bishops in K. Ch. his time were still (that is, all along) chosen out of the number of Pa­pists, or else were such as were of no Religion at all. What! Many of the Bishops, and those of the Greatest, and this still, that is continually during his Reign! Most certainly, if Bla­tant's Word be Oracle, there are, even now, not a few of the Church-of- England's Greatest Bishops, who are either Atheists or Papists. Now, by his currying Favour with the present Government, we are not to think that he means, the Swearing Bishops, but such as are, His Grace my Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, the good Bishops of Ely, of Bath and Wells, &c. and the words [ Greatest Bishops] seem to aim at them. And, why should these be held Papists, who in the O­pinion of the Presbyterians them­selves, have both acted and suffered for keeping up the Protestant Reli­gion, [Page 74] and stood in the Gap, to keep out Popery? This is a thing cannot be deny'd by the most shameless Slanderer. All this is true, says Bla­tant; but, oh! this Fasting; this most abominable Sin, Fasting; this infallible Token of Popery, Fasting, will never agree with Blantant's Sto­mach! Wherefore those Bishops being known to be exceedingly ad­dicted to that worst of Popish Vi­ces, shall never have any Quarter from our Bacchanal Libeller. But, let them do what they can, as long as they wear that Badg of Popery [ Fasting] Papists they must and shall be with him. Would it not now be a pleasant Comment upon that place in Scripture, where our Saviour says, That such a sort of De­vils are not cast out, but by Prayer and Fasting; to take the word [ Fast­ing] in Blatant's Notion, and say, that the meaning is, They are to be cast out by Prayer and Popery? [Page 75] Yet 'tis not Bishops alone he thus re­proaches; his Hand was in, and he lays about him at all that come in his way. It was but Many of the Greatest Bishops that he made to be Atheists or Papists; but he lays the same Scandal without any Restriction, upon all the Ambassadors, Generals, and Ministers of State, (p. 32.) and affirms they were still chosen out of the number of Papists, or such as were of no Religion at all. Which is to give the open Lye to the Certain Knowledg of all England to the contrary, and to make himself justly liable, did not his Mask a little conceal him, to as many Whippings for Scandala magnatum, as there were noble Personages in England, who had born those Em­ployments, and yet were zealous Protestants.

But these Gentlemen, tho' of most Honourable and Sacred Quality, are not thus scattered thinly into so many particular Persons, an Adequate Ob­ject [Page 76] for Blatant's Noble Displeasure: Have at them then All at once, assem­bled in a Parliament. He gives it them home, upon my word, with a faceti­ous Jeer into the Bargain, and tells us ( p. 101.) That the Protestant Par­liament paid double for the keeping up a Popish Army, to secure the Protestant Religion. Nay, and that they did it contentedly too. Which is an Impu­dent Lye in every particular; for neither was that Army in the least Popish, nor kept up for any end of securing or meddling with Religion, but upon other Scores; but he twists together (as is his constant fashion) a many little Ends of Falshoods, and not one of them prov'd, which his awkward Fancy casts into a smooth Narrative-frame, to patch up an invidious Story, and then thinks his Work is done. 'Tis a Thousand pities the Wisdom of the Nation did not consult the Oracle of this Fellow's Judgment; for then they could not [Page 77] have done amiss; whereas now, though not in express words, yet we may see, that at the bottom of his Heart, he holds that whole Parlia­ment, as he did Sir Lionel, to be a pack of Knaves or Fools, or both.

'Tis hard to go higher than to ca­lumniate the Actions and Decrees of Parliaments (Kings being already so degraded by him, that they are scarce held worthy to follow the Wheels of his Chariot.) Yet, what think you of the whole Diffusive Body of the Nation at once? Why, he tells you a piece of his Mind ( p. 33.) concerning Them too, and that, once upon a time, that is, up­on Charles the Second's Restauration, the whole Nation was in a Delirium or Frenzy; by which he means not that they were thus mad by their for­mer wild Distractions, but by con­senting to settle themselves under the Government of their Lawful King, when they could make no other hang [Page 78] together. But, if all the whole Na­tion was then in a Frenzy, it were not amiss to ask Blatant where he was at that Season? Not in the Nation, for then, he being a Part of that Whole, must have been mad for Company too, which is not by any means to be said or thought of such a sober man as Blatant is. We ought then to believe, that he was at that time either translated, as E­noch and Elias were, or else rapt to the Third Heavens; and thence, by a special Mercy, sent down to whip Vice, and tell all Sublunary Kings and Ministers of their manifold and hainous Transgressions.

Thus we see that our Termagant Heroe Blatant, does, like another Drawcansir, take upon him an Abso­lute and Super-soveraign Dictature, by vertue of which he snubbs Na­tions, Kings, Parliaments, Ministers of State, Bishops, Iudges, and Iuries, and, in a word, is Comptroller-Ge­neral [Page 79] of the whole World at once. He spares none, if they come within the whisking reach of his Flayl, a­gainst which there is no Fence, but thrashes them all to Dust. And the reason of it is, because we are to take notice, that this Fellow's profound Iudgment is the only true Standard and firm Square of all Hu­man Action. He is like Bayes in the Rehearsal, who made his Plays his Test, to take the true Dimensions of every man's Parts and Capacity: If they did but approve of his Plays, then he was certain they were wise and judicious persons; but if they did not, then Igad he knew not what to think of them, he would have nothing to do with them, but let them go for a pack of silly Block­heads and Dunces. So, if any hap to sute with Blatant's Fancy, (and, as will be seen anon, 'tis hard to hit it, without complying with both sides of the Contradiction) then you [Page 80] shall be Saints, Cherubims, or what else you would wish; but if you do not, your Doom is passed; for, be as many for Quantity, or as Great for Quality as you please, Igad you are all stark naught, every Mothers Son of you, and he packs you all away in a Bundle to Old Nick, for a com­pany of Doting, Frantick, Knavish, Villanous, Treacherous, Incestuous, Mur­thering, Fasting, Popish and Atheistical Rogues and Rascals: You have for­saken the only straight Rule of all Morality, his Infallible Judgment, and so it follows of course, that all you do must of necessity be wicked and abominable.

These few Instances are more than sufficient to demonstrate, that this Self-conceited Coxcomb makes it his least concern to regard either Sense, Reason, Authority, Truth, or Ho­nesty, but rails on contentedly to himself and his Friends. I could have presented you with thrice as [Page 81] many, had it been needful; yet, tho' I omit them, I stand engaged to add one more, relating to one Mr. Sergeant, (p. 118, 119.) which I was the willinger to examin, be­cause I was inform'd, that he was held by all that knew him (the Lords of the Privy-Council amongst the rest) to be a man of Sincerity and Ingenuity. Not being acquain­ted with him, I found means, by a Friend, to send him an exact Copy of half a Page, where he was con­cern'd; and my Request, that he would please to give me under his Hand, what was the Real Truth of that Story. Wherefore, since that Gentleman has been at the pains to write it, and send it me, and withal signified his desire (if any Answer be made to the Book) to insert it for his vindication, I ought not (tho' it be something longer for one Par­ticular, than suted with the Brevity I 'had intended) to refuse him that [Page 82] Kindness. Take then his Words, transmitted to me under his own Hand, and sign'd by himself.

[Page 127]When I had got this Relation of Mr. S —'s, so clearly coherent in all its Parts and Circumstances, so testified by the Council's Records, and abetted by such Vouchers yet living, I began to be half sorry I had foul'd my Fingers so long in meddling with a Fellow so evidently convict­ed of Imposture in almost every line. Yet, since I have begun with him, I shall proceed in the Track I had de­sign'd to follow, and shew, in the next place, some few of his Self-contra­dictions, which are far more Infallible Tokens of a Forger, than Fasting is of Popery.

P. 26, he pretends that K. Charles the Second's following his Pleasures was done on purpose to weaken and make soft the Military Temper of the People by Debauchery and Effeminacy, and so introduce Slavery and Popery. Now, if this Argument holds, then to train them up in Military Employments should, in all Reason but his, Work a [Page 128] contrary Effect, be the ready way to secure the Nation against those Mischiefs, and to keep them out. But our Blatant scorns to follow that ordi­nary common Track of Reason, bea­ten so bare by all Mankind before him: He will be above them, and ex­traordinary, as in every thing else, so in this too, else he goes below him­self. That Logick which will not make any thing follow out of any thing, is not worthy him, nor able to do him the least Service. For, p. 71, 72. he makes that King's training up his Subjects in Military Disciplin a meer Plot to enterprize upon his Prote­stant Subjects; that is, to bring in Popery and Slavery, as well as the o­ther. So that Fighting and Courting, rough Souldiery and soft Effeminacy are equally argumentative with him to prove a palpable Intention of alte­ring the Religion of the Nation, and enslaving it. 'Tis but clapping upon every Action, though contrary to one [Page 129] another, a wicked Intention of his own Inventing; and then 'tis impos­sible to do any thing, but it shall be writh'd about to look the wrong way, and skew towards the mark he levels it at, the introducing Popery and Slavery.

He complains of K. Ch. p. 31. for persecuting the Nonconformists (that is, for not hindring Q. Elizabeths Laws against them from being exe­cuted;) and yet ( p. 65, 66.) he is mightily out of humour with the same King for his Declaration to give Liberty of Conscience; and as ill dis­pleas'd at K. Iames, p. 202, for at­tempting the same. Such another is his Saying ( p. 39.) That K. Ch. had encourag'd the Lord Clifford to attempt the bringing in of Arbitrary Power, and yet call'd him rash Fool for his pains. As if any man in his Wits did ever call another man a rash Fool for doing what himself had bid him do, or for obeying his own Commands [Page 130] and this too after he had (as he says) encourag'd him to obey them.

He characters K. Ch. all over, as a perfect Creature of the French King, or rather his meer Slave, to that de­gree, as to assist him to take his own English Ships: Yet never could man more amply become his Compurga­tor, from being over-fond of France, than our forgetful Blatant is ( p. 47, 48, 49.) where he tells us at large, That K. Ch. was the first that began to form a Confederacy against the French King, by sending to propose a nearer Alliance with the Hollanders, and a defensive and stricter League than was before between the two Nations; That to keep the French King from ha­ving the very Thoughts of ever stirring, he sent to several Princes of Germany, to invite them into the Leagne; That his Envoy, with no less heat than plain­ness, laid open the Danger all Europe was in, urging the Insensibility of most Princes, the watchful Ambition of the [Page 131] French, the Greatness of their Forces, and the little reason to trust him; omitting nothing that could alarm all the World, and procure a general Confede­racy against the Oppressor: Lastly, That fearing the Spaniards should not pay to the Swedes (who were also in that League) the Subsidies stipulated, our King offered to advance part of it him­self, and had done it, in case the Dutch would have advanced the rest. Now, these things being confest, could the most avowed Enemy of France have done more than K. Ch. did to abate his Height, when he saw the occasion requir'd it (for to oppose such a pow­erful Prince without necessity, was very Impolitick?) Do not these known Matters of Fact clearly evince that he was very far from being a sworn Devote of his, as Blatant has oftentimes shamelesly asserted? And if so, may we not safely conclude, that he has all this while told us a most egregious Falshood, and posi­tively [Page 132] contradicted himself? No, I'll warrant you, he'll come off well enough for all this. True, says he, the outward Actions of that King do seem indeed very pregnant Testimo­nies of his Aversion to the French; but if you did but look into his In­tentions, as I do, the thing is quite o­therwise; for, I read it plainly in his Heart, that he did this prompted more by his own fears than out of any kindness he had for the Nation. Well; let his Love for the Nation alone a while, and let us suppose (since he will have it so) another of his Contradictions to be true, and that K. Ch. made head thus vigorously against the French, out of Hatred to the English; the Point yet sticks, Does not this brisk Carriage of K. Ch. signifie, that he was far from being the French King's Creature, and that he was not ena­mour'd of him so, as even to assist him to take our English Ships? Let it be Fear of him if he pleases, this [Page 133] abetts our Assertion, that he was far from over-loving him whom he so fea­red, or doting on a Person he could not trust. He runs from the Business, to tell us how the League was broke afterwards, and multiplies Lyes upon Lyes, well laid together, to amuse us with a fine Story. And, what if, upon Reasons of State, it was broke afterwards? Was that League en­grav'd in Adamant, so as to be per­petual? He grants, that it lasted till it had done the Work it was inten­ded for, that is, This triple League, and the Peace of Aix la Chapelle soon after concluded, did put a stop to the French King's Cureer; and was not that enough for his purpose? The altering of Circumstances breaks Leagues every day. This is no News to any man who has but read Ga­zetts. The Suede, he confesses p. 59, fell off too, nay, drew his Sword in the French Quarrel; Did he intend too to bring in Popery or Slavery into his [Page 134] own Country by doing so? Did he do this to give Demonstrations of his Fidelity to the French Monarch, or re­commend himself the more meritoriously to his Patronage; as he banteringly imposes ( p. 54, 55.) upon K. Charles? How comes it then to be such a Geo­metrical Demonstration against K. Ch. that he did it with that pretended In­tention, or out of a crouching Sub­missiveness to the French King; whereas the doing the self-same acti­on (nay, a worse) was never thought to have the force of the least proba­bility against the King of Sueden? In good faith, Mr. Blatant, you e'en say any thing, and entangle your self in Contradictions the more you blunder to get out of them. The short is, K. Ch. did like a wise Prince: He was glad to live quietly by such a Powerful Neighbour, if he could without danger to his Kingdom, espe­cially knowing he had a factious Party at home, who desir'd no more [Page 135] but tangle him in such a War, that he might be forc'd to truck his Pre­rogatives for needful Assistances; which was the reason he kept fair with him as much as he could; but, when he saw his Encroachments threatned England, then he acted vi­gorously to repress them, even tho' he hazarded his own Inconveniences. And this, in Blatant's Language, is giving Demonstrations of Fidelity to the French King, and recommending him­self to his Patronage.

But is it not pretty Non sence that he should ( p. 93.) make K. Ch. know of the Plot, the chief part of which was to kill himself; that is, know there was a Design on foot a­gainst his own Life, and yet be the chief Stifler of its Discovery? Which amounts to this, That he was con­tent to be kill'd, and Felo de se in his Intention, even while alive. But, how comes that Prince to be so rech­lesly careless of his Life? He was held [Page 136] to be naturally held timorous, and the fear of Sudden Death is enough to startle the most resolute man, even though a Saint. Why, he was strange­ly infatuated (says Blatant, p. 172.) to believe all was for the concernment of the Cause to which he was so affected himself, that is, the bringing in Slavery and Po­pery. Very good: But was he willing to be kill'd to carry on that Concern? It must be so, in case he believ'd it: And, if he believ'd the other parts of the Plot (I am sure he has granted he knew of it all) it must have been upon the Credit of the Witnesses (for nothing else appear'd to evince the Truth of it, as the King himself open­ly and frequently declar'd in all Com­panies) then he must believe with­al the Lord knows how many me­thods laid to kill himself, as, by Shooting, Assassinating, Poyson­ing, &c. And 'tis a strange Infatua­tion (as he says well) I add, And such a one as Human Nature is scarce capa­ble of, to have the same reason to [Page 137] believe his own Murther was design'd, that convinc'd him the other things those men attested were true, and yet not be willing it should be look'd into, that it might be prevented. Now, the Truth is, the King utterly disbe­liev'd the whole Plot, as he often de­clar'd, and held the Evidences of those Times, to be a Pack of perjur'd Knaves: Wherefore, seeing so many Persons, whom he verily judg'd did dye Innocent, put to Death upon that score, he could not in conscience, (tho' the Nation being put into such a ferment, he was forc'd to give way for a while to the violence of the Stream) suffer the Guiltless to be still thus barbarously murther'd; and therefore he endeavour'd, as far as Prudence would permit him, to put some Blocks in the way of those Feet which were so swift to shed Blood.

What follows is yet worse, and in­deed as ill as can be, and therefore it shall be my last Instance of his admi­rable [Page 138] Nonsence and Self-contradicti­ons. He pretends ( p. 72.) that K. Ch. had an inveterate Malice to the Dutch, meer­ly upon the account of their being Prote­stants, & Protectors of the Protestant Re­ligion; insomuch, that he says, p. 42, That it was thought most requisite to de­stroy them in the first place, and he all along makes the D. of York to have the same Thoughts with him in that point, and to co-operate with him in that Design. Yet he is so Forgetful as to acquaint us with three such sig­nal Favours done to the Dutch by the Duke, as no man living would do his Best Friend, much less (as our Libel­ler pretends) his avowed Enemy. The first, ( p. 160.) that he purposely fell asleep at Sea, to the end the Dutch, for want of Orders, might have an op­portunity to wrest the Victory out of the Hands of the English. Which was a Kindness with a witness, to be wil­ling to forseit his own Honour (which great Personages value above their [Page 139] Life) by letting the Victory slip out of his Hands, which was (as he tells us here) in a great probability of Suc­cess; nay, to hazard to be beaten himself, (perhaps kill'd too) for their Advantage. The second, That he permitted ( p. 160.) himself to be sur­prized at Sould-Bay, by which means the English were sacrific'd to the Dutch. The third ( p. 161.) That the Duke procur'd the Firing our Ships at Chatham. Now, if the Dutch be Protectors of the Protestant Religion, the Duke must with all reason in the World (if what he says be true) de­serve to be styled Protector of those Protectors, or Grand Protector of the Protestant Faith; for, those Vnder-Protectors might have been ruin'd, had not their kind Patron thus friend­ly assisted and repriev'd them. But how think you does he come off from such a ridiculous Contradicti­on, to make the Duke hate the Dutch so unmercifully, and yet befriend [Page 140] them so unmeasurably and preposte­rously, in defiance of his own Ho­nour, Interest, Safety, and Common Sence? If he hated the Dutch so deadly, meerly upon the account of their being Protectors of the Protestant Reli­gion, he should have let slip no occa­sion of mauling and destroying them in the first place; for, the Supporters of that Religion being once over­thrown, he could not but think (in that Supposition) that the Religion it self would fall without more ado. This then ought to have been the Duke's first and most sure aim, and not to Establish them by the Over­throw of the English, who, as it seems, by his Discourse, were not near so zealous Protectors of the Protestant Religion, as were those Saints of his, the Dutch. How comes he off then from such a gross and palpable Self-contradiction? Well enough I war­rant you. 'Tis but making use of his Supernatural Optick, and peeping [Page 141] through it into the Duke's Intention, and then telling us (for he says any thing) that he did it to keep the Bal­lance even, and presently he fancies all is as smooth and current Sence as Heart can wish. He had forgot what he had said ( p. 42.) That it was thought most requisite to destroy those Protestant States, in the first place: Which quite spoils his pretence of keeping the Ballance even. A sober man would rather think, that to give the Protectors of the Protestant Reli­gion such Advantages as were able to set them above us, and hazarded to disable the other side from ever hur­ting them after, was most clearly a turning the Scales on their side, and quite contrary to an Intention of destroying them in the first place. Besides, the Dy of War is uncertain, & such Advantages lost or given away, are oftentimes never recoverable. Could any man foresee the Conse­quences of the Duke's yielding them [Page 142] three such vast Advantages over us, or, that the Dutch being by this means our Betters at Sea, would not follow on their blow, keep us under them, and so quite spoil the pretended De­sign of introducing Slavery and Po­pery? With what impertinent and ridiculous Flams does this Baffling Fellow hope to fool his Readers! Yet this is his constant handy-dandy me­thod in every point he handles: Vo­luntary Talk serves him for well-grounded Truth, meer Pretences for Proofs, and flimflam Stories for clear Evidences. Innumerable such as these the Reader may observe in his Libel, grounded on nothing but his own voluntary Sayings, or his unto­ward commenting upon every Acti­on by his Gift of diving into invisible Intentions; of which many others I had noted down, and intended to pro­secute, but he is an everlasting Sub­ject, and I grow weary of him.

[Page 143]We have seen how ridiculous our Blatant is in his Rational Performan­ces, how far from Solid in his aiery Principles, how Vntoward his Skill is in drawing Consequences, how careles­ly and openly Lying in his Narrative part, how intolerably Arrogant in cen­suring all Authority but his own, and how contradictory to himself in many Particulars: It remains now, that we examin a little, by reflecting on two or three of his most grievous Charges of Sins of the greatest Magnitude, and the Proofs he brings to make good those Charges, how good a Christian he is. The true Badge of Christianity is, that new and peculiar Command of our B. Saviour, to love one another ( Ioh. 13.34.) And when he resum'd all the whole Law into two main Commandments ( Ioh. 22.37, 38, 39.) he declar'd, that the se­cond of them, which was, to love our Neighbour as our self, is like the first, which is, to love God himself entirely. [Page 144] Nay, the same Holy Evangelist (1 Ep. cap. 4. v. 20.) makes it impossible to love God without loving our Neigh­bour. Now, to do an Injury to our Neighbour wilfully, is utterly incon­sistent with the Love of him; especial­ly to wrong his Reputation and Cre­dit in any high nature, which ought to be as dear to him as his Life, is yet more uncharitable; and this, though the person thus injur'd be our Equal. But, the Dignity of the Persons thus defam'd does aggravate still more the Fault of the Slanderer; which makes our Laws inflict such severe Penalties upon those who are Guilty of Scanda­lum Magnatum, above what uses to be inflicted on them who shall speak con­tumelious words against those of meaner condition: But, in case the Persons thus defam'd be of the High­est Rank in the Universe, whose Office and Persons (by reason of their super­intendency over the Common Good of a great Portion of Mankind) are [Page 145] justly esteem'd Sacred, it adds still a greater degree of Enormity to that most uncharitable Sin of Calumny. But then, to make any such Perso­nage a Monstrous Compound of all the Villanies imaginable, and (which is yet worse) without Evident Rea­son to prove the Charge, does ex­ceed all the Bounds of Ordinary Ma­lice, and approaches to plain Devi­lishness. We have seen already how perfectly sear'd Blatant's Conscience is in this Particular by many Instan­ces; but we have reserv'd the Exa­mination of two or three of his most horrid Slanders till the last; by the laying open of which, it will not only appear how this wicked Libeller is an Absolute Renouncer (or rather a de­clar'd Enemy) of that best Christian Virtue, Charity; and this in the high­est degree possible, and under every Consideration that can enhance his Vice, but also, hence we may make an Estimate of his whole Book; For, [Page 146] common Reason gives it, That if he brings no Evidence to justifie his highest Accusations, much less has he brought any to make good his other Charges, which are of an Inferiour nature, and so less needing it.

K. Charles the First has been so celebrated for his Piety, by the whole Protestant Church, and the day of his Martyrdom so solemnly kept amongst us, that one would scarce think there could be such a Villain found in Nature, as would take the Boldness to leave a Blot upon his Sacred Memory. But it being Blatant's design, to vindicate the present Governours, by repre­senting all their Relations of the Fa­mily of the Stuarts, to be Rogues and Rascals, he could not let even that B. King escape without some Mark of Infamy. Taking occasion then ( p. 102.) to inveigh against K. Ch. the Second, for sending away the Parliament, lest (as he says) they [Page 147] should prosecute some of the pre­tended Popish Conspirators, he tells us, That he did therein like his Father (K. Ch. the First) when the D. of Buck­ingham was accus'd of poysoning his Father ( viz. K. Iames the First.) By which words, since he all-along makes K. Ch. the Second know of the Plot, and yet protect the Plotters, he not obscurely hints, That good K. Ch. the First was privy to the poi­soning his Father, and therefore by sending away the Parliament, pro­tected his Murtherer from Prosecu­tion. Now, the Truth is, that when there is any great and sudden change, Peoples Minds are naturally in a vio­lent motion, which hindering the settling a steddy Judgment of things, they oft-times grow apt to entertain groundless Jealousies, and egg'd for­ward, perhaps, by some politick great Persons, who out of sinister ends, hate those men, they let fly at some one or more of them whom the Princes [Page 148] themselves judge Innocent. In such a Case as this, then it is that Kings have one of their hardest Games to play: Their Conscience will not let them willingly sacrifice those they hold Innocent; nor their Policy al­low them to oppose the Torrent open­ly. They are therefore in those cross and perplexing Junctures forced to take such measures, as to gain time, till those violent Heats spend them­selves and evaporate, and a calmer Temper succeeds, that so they may be able to protect the one without disgusting the other. This was the very Case of those two Princes; for neither did K. Ch. the First believe the D. of Buckingham had murthered his Father, nor K. Ch. the Second the least tittle of the Plot; and there­fore they judg'd it more becoming their Christianity and Duty of pro­tecting their Guiltless Subjects, to make use of their Prerogative, by dismissing the Parliament till Mens [Page 149] Thoughts did settle, than to be for­ced to yield to the Murther of those whom they deem'd to be Faultless in themselves, though unfortunate, by the undeserved Malice of the People or Parliament, wrought up to a high ferment by some designing Politi­cians. And therefore, since this was in all likelihood the very Cause why K. Ch. the First did send away that Parliament, whose Hatred towards the D. of Buckingham was known to him upon former scores, antecedent to his Father's Death; with what Cha­rity, with what Conscience could this Varlet hint, That he protected him from Punishment, though he knew him Guilty of such an Inhuman Parricide?

Again, p. 22, he is not content that K. Ch. the Second should be held only Guilty of Adultery with the La­dy Castelmain, (tho', God knows, that alone was too shamefully sinful) but, as if he would prosecute his Soul after [Page 150] death, to the nethermost Hell; he will needs have him Guilty of Incest too, at the same time, by pretending that that Lady was his Sister by the Mothers side. The Fact is very Hor­rid, and the Charge Grievous, and therefore we are to expect very clear Evidences, to make it out, otherwise our Blatant Beast will be convicted to be the worst of Ribalds, and far from a Christian. His first Argument is [ It being the Opinion of several Persons who had reason to know more than others dill, that she was begotten by the E. of St. A—, upon the Queens Body, after the Death of Ch. the First.] How! Opinion? Is the man mad? Is the Opinion of divers, I cannot tell who, sufficient Ground to charge a King thus publickly in print with Incest? Let him bring such a Plea into a Court, for publishing the like Slander of an ordinary person, and then seriously bethink himself what a Judge and a Jury would have said [Page 151] to him: I doubt he would scarce a­bide such a Trial before an Earthly Tribunal, arm'd with no better Al­legations than Opinions; and dare he stand it out before the dread Tribu­nal of a severely just God, who has commanded him, under pain of Eter­nal Damnation, not to violate his Sacred Law of Charity? Observe his words, and you shall see 'tis just the style of babbling Gossips at their meetings, when they have a mind to slander some Neighbour they hate, and dare name no Author for fear of being caught and confuted: 'Tis the Opinion of some body, that knows I know what, that spoke with those that heard it from others, who have reason to know more than we do, &c. What Stuff is this to ground so horrid an Accusa­tion of a King upon! But why does not this Slanderer, if Opinion have such a Power with him, reflect how it is the Opinion of all England, that that Lady was not his Sister, and that [Page 152] King Charles the First's Queen never had any Child after his Death; that many are not only of Opinion, but have certain Knowledge, that that La­dy had both another Father and Mo­ther than those he is pleased to assign her, and can bring many Witnesses of her Birth and Extraction; as That she was Daughter to my Lord Gran­dison and his Lady, her Name regi­ster'd in the Parish Book where she was born, all the Neighbourhood be­ing Witnesses of her Education in her Infancy; and her Relations, that she was brought up afterwards with my old Lady Villers her Aunt? Is it not a wilful Dotage then to prefer the Opinion of some few, against the certain Knowledge of many, and the Consent of the whole Nation? His Second Proof is, That Mr. R. O▪ saw that Earl and that Queen married. He must pardon me if I do not believe him. But, does it follow thence, that that Queen had ever a Child, or if she had, that the [Page 153] Lady Castelmain was that Child? Or why is it rather to be believed for that reason? Must every Female Child be believ'd to be their Daugh­ter, because they were marryed; and this notwithstanding the Certain and Firm Belief, nay, Knowledg, of all her near Relations, that she had other Parents? What a beastly Fool is this, where clearest Evidence was needful and expected, to alledg nothing but perfect Nonsence? How will this insulting Barbarian clear himself then of this graceless Slander? He told us in his Preface, That as for the more secret Transactions, the Events and Consequences were his witnesses, which voided the necessity of his Apologi­zing. Now, here is a Transaction the most Secret of any in the World; and, what Consequences, what Events can he alledge to justifie the Truth of it? Alas, he had quite forgot that: All he talks is at meer Random, and such things use to go as they [Page 154] come; they are taken up to serve the present purpose, and dismiss'd again without ever thinking of them after.

But Blatant makes that Lady King Ch. his Sister by the Mothers side on­ly, which renders it but Incestuous to the half part, and so in his Opinion does not blemish that King enough. Have-at him then once again (says he) with another and a more compleat Incest with the Dutchess of Orleans, who was his own Sister by Father and Mother's side both. He charges it positively upon him and that Vir­tuous Princess ( p. 50.) who, in de­spight of her Husband's pretended Jealousie (which, as also Obloquy, are the usual Misfortunes of those La­dies who are rare Beauties) was ever held by all that knew her well, and were her constant Attendants, the Mirrour of her Sex, both for excel­lent Natural Endowments, Moral Virtue, and unspotted Honour and [Page 155] Chastity. I demand then his Proof for this double foul-mouth'd Calum­ny: Not a jot, he thanks you; his own ipse dixit, and bare Affirmation, is all he can afford us: For, sure he cannot think that the D. of B—'s holding the Door looks, in the least, like a Proof, were it true, which 'tis very unlikely to be; for, Why could they not (were such a shameful Wickedness intended) go into a Room where they could themselves fasten the Door on the inside? Is it any Misbecomingness for a Brother and Sister, who ever lov'd dearly, and had been many years far distant from one another, to desire (after such a Medley of Chances happen'd to them both, which Nature would prompt them to communicate) to be an Hour or two in private? Or, is it unusual, that such near Relati­ons, at their first Interview, should have some body attend at the Door, to keep them from being disturbed [Page 156] in their Discourse? Had he al­ledg'd, That the Duke peep'd in at the Door, or through it, and seen any the least Indecency, (though it had argu'd an incredible Folly in them both, to take no better order for their Privacy) this Forger might have had some small Shadow of Ex­cuse: But, to alledge nothing, but that one stood without the Door, and then raise so foul a Slander upon such an Innocent Circumstance, and so usual in every Prince's Court, shews, that this Ribald's Soul, and the Spiri­tual Life of it, Charity, is totally corrup­ted with the Gall of Bitterness; and that Slander is so natural to him, that he vomits it out gratis, without caring or concerning himself whether there be the least shadow of Ground for it or no. He is as much out in his Conjecture, that this Rencounter oc­casion'd her Death. The D. of Or­leans knew she was to come into En­gland, and gave his Consent to it; [Page 157] and Blatant himself tells us, if we may believe him, That he knew she was to have a private Conference with her Brother about making a League with France: And more than this, the Duke neither knew nor could know when she came back: Why should this then so alarm him? But the whole Story is perfectly false; for, whoever has convers'd with the Great ones in France, may hear it there current, That (in case the D's Jealousie caus'd her to be poysoned) it was ever held to be for the sake of another, who would needs either follow or attend her into England, and, that not the least apprehension of K. Charles was ever in his Thought. So that our Blatant is a meer Forger of Slander, and a Patcher together of Falshoods, to defame his Neigh­bor, nay, his Soveraign, and by con­sequence, a perfect Apostate▪ from true Christianity, or rather what those [Page 158] who know him do conceive of him, a perfect Atheist.

It remains now, only to examin what kind of Kidney this man is of as to his Principles of Government: He scatters his Thoughts here and there, concerning that point too, and I hope one Stricture or two will give us a perfect knowledge of the System he would set up in the World to govern it by. He tells us then ( p. 2.) That where the Prince strives to subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Society, there He is the Traytor and the Rebel, and not the People, who endeavour to preserve and defend their own. Had he said, That in that Case they had been Un­just Men or Tyrants, I should not op­pose him; but, the word Traytor or Rebel, applied to a King or Supreme Governour, is a kind of Bull in Hu­man Language, and sounds like a Slipshoe-Hat. If a King can be a Traytor, or a Rebel, he must be a Tray­tor [Page 159] or a Rebel to some-body above him: And, who can that be, in his Judg­ment, but the People? By his Dis­course then the People are the Sove­raigns, and the Prince is their Subject, it being Nonsence to say, that the King and the People may be mutual­ly Traytors and Rebels to one another. By which we may see how conso­nantly to these Principles of his he bears himself, in thus huffing Kings: For, he being one of the Super-Royal People, that is a Parcel-Soveraign, 'tis but fit he should at his pleasure curb and check, and rail at those naughty Boys, Tom, Dick, and Iack, the Prin­ces, which are his and the People's Vassals and Subjects.

Take another Expression of his, which is so odd, that one cannot easily tell at first sight what to make of it. Speaking of K. Ch. the Se­cond, ( p. 25.) he has these words: From the first hour of his arrival into These Kingdoms, (for I d [...]e not call [Page 160] them His) &c. Why, what fears he? Or, What should hinder him? Did any person in the World but K. Charles lay claim to them when he was restor'd? Was there any other Pretender under Heaven, that put in for his Right when he came to take possession of them? No, no, means Blatant, (if he mean any thing) there was no other indeed of those pitiful Usurpers called Kings did so, but the People were the True Soveraigns, and unjustly driven out from their Government of it, when the Nation was ( p. 33.) in a Delirium and Frenzy upon his Restauration. This sure should be his Common-weal­thish Meaning, and 'tis confirm'd by his telling us, p. 27; That it was a Great Blunder in Politicks, to re-admit K. Ch. the Second for their King.

In a word, he is a Common-wealth's man every Inch of him, and his Flatteries of the present Governours are but meer Fein­tures, [Page 161] either out of prospect of get­ting Money, or some petty Place for Secret Service, by means of some Friend that set him on to scribble; or else out of hope they will stoop to a Common-wealthish-Government; in which I shall hope and pray he may find himself mistaken.

Friend, I have perform'd your Command in perusing attentively the Libel you sent me. I have milkt your He-Goat, and have found no­thing in him but Froth and Filth: Give me Leave to complain of you for setting me about such an unwel­come Task; for, to meddle with such a dirty Antagonist, is (as an ingeni­ous Gentleman said in a like occasi­on) Non tam in arenam quam in ster­quilinium descendere. One Key will serve to open all he has thus labori­ously involv'd. Let but the Reader carry along with him that ordinary Discretion (as every honest man [Page 162] ought) not to yield his Assent to the least tittle of his smooth Tale, meer­ly for its being said, but suspend his Belief till he sees it prov'd; and, withal, be aware, that the pretended Proof depend not on his bare word, but either on Authentick Records, ac­knowledg'd by the Generality of the Indifferent World, or upon the ne­cessary Consequence from some known Matter of Fact, and then I dare pronounce, that he will not find even a probable Reason to give Credit to one Line in his Libel, that are invective against those two Prin­ces, as endeavouring to introduce Slavery and Popery. This Honour I shall willingly yield to the Author, that he is an Absolute Idea in his kind, or an admirable and almost unimitable Exemplar, to shew us how much it is possible to deviate from the Love of Truth, which is so agree­able to our Nature; or rather to de­generate [Page 163] into a perfect Hatred of it, whenever it thwarts the Headlong Impulse of his Rash Passion or Rude Malice.