WHen a Man seriously con­siders upon what Motives Victor Amedeus II. Duke of Savoy embrac'd the Interest of the most Serene Allies, and entred into a Confederacy with so many August Princes, whose only Aim is the Re­pose of Christendom, and Security of Europe; he will be under the greatest Surprise imaginable, to hear that His Royal Highness, without any regard to an Alliance solemnly sworn before the Abbot Grimani the Emperor's Mi­nister, [Page 4]should all of a sudden take off the Mask, and forsake a Party which had sacrific'd but too much for his Support. This Conduct of his can have no other Cause than the pernici­cious Counsels of his Cabinet-Mini­sters, who having been under-hand corrupted by the Artifices and vast Sums of Money of the French Court, have undoubtedly occasion'd all these Proceedings, so very opposite to his true Interest. Those that are best ac­quainted with his Royal Highness, differ something in his Character: They all agree, he is a Man of Sense and Wit, Active, Generous, and Brave: But some add, he is exceed­ingly Covetous; which is plain enough by his scraping up above Twenty Millions during this War.

But who are those that have so well advis'd his Highness? Is not the Count of Bens, President of the Council of War, one of 'em? And that, as he is a great Time-server, full of Design and Dissimulation; One whose more peculiar Character is to be a down­right Courtier, since he will freely [Page 5]offer his Service, and shew great Kind­ness to his Visitors, but seldom or never obliges any.

After this man­ner he behav'd him­self towards the Eng­lish Ministers, when they visited him; whilst at the same time he made a more hearty Welcome to the Emissaries of France.He will wait up­on People out of his very Doors with the greatest Civility imaginable, which might very well gain him the Re­pute of a most offi­cious and obliging Person, did not his Hypocrisie glare thro' his Courtesie, and detect the Malignity of his In­tentions.

After this refin'd Courtier, comes the Prince of Carignan, his Royal Highness's Uncle, who troubles him­self but little with Affairs of State, choosing rather to live like a Stoick than Politician; his Genius confining him wholly to a supine Neglect of all Business and Publick Affairs.

Next comes the Chevalier Tane, the Duke's Favourite, who understands the Art of Dissimulation and Flattery so perfectly well, that he easily distin­guishes [Page 6]himself to be a Jesuite of some standing. This Person has a great Ascendant over his Royal Highness, insomuch that whatever he says or does cannot fail to meet with Ap­plause. In a word, he is the Apollo of Turin, and his Decisions are listned to as Oracles.

After him is the Marquess of St. Tho­mas, Chief Minister for Foreign Af­fairs. This Person is employ'd in all Negotiations abroad, and that by rea­son of his Experience formerly ac­quir'd by defending his Matter against the Princes of Italy his Neighbours. He is very proper to improve his Duke's Interests, and also Sincere and Honest, as far as the Italian Politicks will give him leave; except that he often promises, but seldom keeps his Word.

To all these choice Ministers of his Royal Highness's Cabinet, we must yet add Two more, exceedingly con­siderable, and who are as it were the Soul that informs the whole Body. These are, her Royal Highness the [Page 7]Dutchess, and the Marquess of Bag­nasque, General of the Duke's Forces. Every body knows the Dutchess to be Daughter to the Duke of Orleans, Brother of the French King; and therefore her Inclinations must rea­sonably be suppos'd to correspond with her Birth. This is to speak all in a word; so that I have reckon'd up more than sufficient to form a good Council. Women have natu­rally the Gift of Pleasing and Perswa­ding; they are generally subtle and dissembling: Wherefore in this As­sembly we may ascribe to her Royal Highness all the Qualities of Medusa's Head, which were to render motion­less, or metamorphose into Monsters, such as oppos'd the Deliberations in favour of France.

To this Stateswoman we must moreover associate the Dutchess Dow­ager, his Royal Highness's Mother, who has never yet approv'd her self so truly French as upon this Occasion. However, perhaps rich Presents and dazling Louidors have blinded her, and caus'd her to alter her Opinion with [Page 8]her Condition. But be the Occasion what it will, 'tis certain, she had no­small share in inclining the Balance, tho' whether to her own Advantage or not, may come hereafter to be question'd. France could never have fail'd to succeed, since it so prudently made use of Women's Wit, which generally bears the Bell against all Opposers.

Two such Female Presidents were not enough for this Council; a third of the other Sex must be added to 'em, a Man who was bold, and of Autho­rity sufficient to put their Resolves in execution. For this Work none was thought so proper as the Marquess of Bagnasque, to whose Honour it may be said that he acquitted himself like a brave Captain; and consequently de­served both Praises and Applauses of all the Court. Nevertheless none stuck so close to him as the the Pro­testants and English Troops, tho' at the same time he exposed 'em by his secret Intelligences with Mareschal Catinat, to a more bloody and cruel Massacre than that of St. Bartholomew. [Page 9]Time that clears all things will dis­cover the rest, and I shall reserve a farther Illustration of it to the Sequel of this Work.

For the present, I will only add, that this Marquess is very considerable at the Court of Turin, on account of his great Employments which have acquir'd him an Authority that makes him look'd upon as the sole Arbiter both of the Good and Ill there practised. He is his Royal High­nesses chief Favourite, General of his Armies, a Knight, Great Master of the Ordnance, and heretofore Gover­nour of Montmellian, now of Coni. Moreover, he has had the Fortune to have all his Orders well executed by his Lieutenant-Generals the Marques­ses of Casaly Pianese, Tane and Parella, all who have been faithful Abettors in favour of the French Court, and re­ceiv'd Pensions and Bribes according­ly. Thus his Royal Highness must needs have been well serv'd by Mini­sters that have made it their chief Aim to advance the Interest and Glo­ry of France.

After having thus given a small Sketch of his Royal Highness's chief Favourites, it would not be amiss to say something of his several Ministers that have been sent to the most Se­rene Allies throughout the whole Course of this War; which to perform accurately, I shall content my self on­ly with affirming, that the President de la Tour, Envoy to his Britannick Ma­jesty, as also to the States General; and likewise the Count of Turin, Envoy to his Electoral Highness of Bavaria, are both Jesuits, as well as the other Mi­sters employ'd to the rest of the Con­federates. But here we must except Monsieur Perier Resident at the Empe­rour's Court, who is indeed the Son of a Banker. He has purchas'd a great many fair Possessions in Transylvania, and France has supply'd him with 400000 Pistoles for that purpose: But you may very well imagine she did not do it for nothing; he no doubt was serviceable to her in his turn. Af­ter this we must not wonder if this Prince's Affairs have been so well ma­nag'd. He could not have pitch'd [Page 11]upon fitter Persons for his Service, nor more proper to bring his Designs a­bout, which nevertheless he has all along endeavour'd to conceal from his first pretended Rupture with France.

But before we come to Particulars of his Highness's Conduce in this War towards the most Serene Allies, let us look into the Causes of his Grievances, which oblig'd him to de­clare against a Crown he was ty'd to by a kind of Gordian Knot; and which France, upon Conclusion of the Peace, represented by Fire-works as an Em­blem, to denote to the Allies, that their Conjunction was easie to be dissolv'd when the Duke of Savoy was once withdrawn.

We have already made known the Conditions or rather Inclinations of this Duke's Favourites; and we are wil­ling to discharge his Highness and lay the Blame wholly upon those Mini­sters: Therefore let us dive into his most inmost Recesses, and have so much Charity for him as to believe his Designs were always just, and that [Page 12]he had all the reason in the World to break with France, to deliver himself from a Slavery he had so long under­gone.

The Occasion of his Royal High­ness's Engaging against this Crown must then be supposed to be too free himself from a Yoke that was into­lerable. His Neighbours the French reduc'd him to that Condition that he scarce durst rule in his own Pa­lace, but depended so absolutely on that Monarch, that he was even like a Vassal to his Lord; insomuch that upon his least Advances, France was presently upon the Catch to pry into his Conduct, tho' he never meant 'em the least harm. Fatal Law! which always imposes the greatest Respect and Submission upon the Weak. Nay, this Prince's strict Alliance with that Kingdom, by his Marriage with Ma­damoiselle d Orleans, did but subject him the more to a Power which exacts O­bedience from all.

This Affinity, which he no doubt foresaw to be fatal to him, his Court be­ing [Page 13]always crowded with French, which were as so many Spies set over him to inform their Master of whatever pass'd in his Councils, influenc'd him at last with the severest Discontent, and fil­led him full of secret Alarms and Fears that he might one Day be robb'd of his Dukedom in like manner as the Duke of Lorrain had been. We should never have done, if we intended to re­count the several Insults made him by the French King, even from his Minority to this Rupture, whereby we may perceive what desperate Ha­zards Princes run that match into the Royal Family of France.

If his Royal Highness had thought fit to have listen'd to the Advice of the Emperour and some Princes of Italy, his Neighbours and faithful Friends, who counsel'd him to marry one of the Princesses of the House of Newbourg, no doubt he had play'd his Game better, and follow'd, his In­terest surer: When, on the contrary, he now lies under the greatest Con­straint, to be turn'd and manag'd at the Pleasure of France; and to do [Page 14]whatever that Imperious Crown thinks fit to command.

The Alliances of the Princes of the House of Austria with France have cost 'em so dear, that their greatest Possessions are now in danger of de­volving to that Crown; and which has been the Occasion of the first Sparks that have, kindl'd this War in Europe. If therefore his Royal Highness had pleas'd to benefit him­self by these Examples, as many o­ther Princes have done, he would never have consented to this Marri­age; and thereupon might the better have secur'd his Quiet, ascertain'd the Succession of his Dominions to his rightful Heirs; might have maintain'd a Neutrality, and procur'd a strict Alliance with his Imperial Majesty, to whom he has had much greater Obligations than to the French King.

Moreover, what sufficient Reasons had not his Royal Highness to dis­trust the Councils of France, after their Designs to out him of his Throne, by filling his Head with Chimerical [Page 15]Thoughts of the Crown of Portugal? The French King had manag'd this Intrigue so secretly, and his Mini­sters carried it on with such Dexteri­ty, that they had persuaded the King of Portugal to bestow his Daughter in Marriage on this young Prince: And his Royal Highness was so far assur'd of the Sincerity of their In­tentions, that he had freely consen­ted to it, they having first insinuated to him, that the K. of Portugal being incapable of having more Children, his Crown by such means must in­fallibly descend to him. Hereupon it was advis'd necessary for this Duke to go to that Kingdom, abandon his own Dominions, and reside so far distant in Expectation of Don Pedro's Death, that he might be in a more im­mediate Readiness to ascend his Throne. Whilst this politick Crown fed the Court of Turin with these vain Hopes, it was intended the French King should seize upon his Domini­ons of Savoy, and unite 'em to his own.

This Negotiation was so far ad­vanc'd, that his Royal Highnesse's Equipage was set forth, and got as far as Grenoble, when the Dutchess Dowager his Mother, influenc'd by the chief Lords of the Court, who all perceiv'd clearly the Designs of France, to deprive this Prince of his Dukedom, did all she could to prevent so fatal a Miscarriage. Nevertheless all her En­deavours would have signified nothing, had not his Subjects with Tears in their Eyes, run in Crowds about his Palace, earnestly imploring their law­ful Sovereign not to leave 'em. His Royal Highness at length gave way to their importunate Entreaties, and suffer'd himself to be won by their just Prayers. Whereupon this Grand Negotiation, which had almost drain'd the Coffers of France, fell to the Ground on a sudden, and was never resum'd after.

His most Christian Majesty having been thus baffl'd in his Designs upon Savoy, dissembl'd his Resentments for some time; till at length he ac­quainted the Court of Turin by one [Page 17]of his Ministers, that he was extreme­ly sorry, that a Proposal to advance his Royal Highness to the Throne of Portugal should be so vigorously oppos'd. But since the Dutchess his Mother, and preposterous Love of his Subjects, had prevail'd against his En­deavours, he was resolv'd for his part to thank Don Pedro, by his Ambas­sador, for his kind Compliance with his Request, and leave the Duke to do as he thought fit: And moreover, that if he had but in the least ima­gin'd that his Negotiation would not have been accepted, he would never have troubl'd his Head about it. It has always been the Custom of France to enlarge its Dominions more by Policy than Force, and which has been partly owing to Mo­ney, and partly to the Address of its Ministers. This has been a Secret un­known to other Courts of Europe, or, perhaps rather abhorr'd by 'em.

But whatever it be, the French King finding it impossible to prevail so far against his Highness, by reason of the Situation of his Country, as to get [Page 18]any Entrance into Italy, to the end that he might strike in with the first Disturbances amongst those Princes, or, at least keep 'em in awe, and in­fuse Jealousie into 'em, as he has for­merly done to the other Princes of Europe his Neighbours; thought best, after this Baffle, to engage the young Duke by another Artifice; and that was to propose to him one of his own Daughters in Marriage. His most Christian Majesty's Interest was yet so good at the Court of Turin, that the Dutchess Dowager and his Royal Highness's Council preferr'd this Prof­fer of Madamoiselle d'Orleans to o­thers of the Emperour and some Prin­ces of Italy. The Fear of enraging so powerful a Monarch as that of France, and who might prove so dangerous a Neighbour, who had moreover formerly, at the Death of his Royal Highness's Father Charles Emanuel the second, consented to be his Guar­dian, soon enclin'd the Council of Turin to accept Madamoiselle d'Orleans before either the Princess of Newburgh or Tuscany. This was a Marriage therefore where Policy and Fear had a [Page 19]greater share than Inclination, and consequently his Royal Highness could not expect but what he has since so often experienc'd to his cost. Never­theless what has already happen'd, is nothing in respect of what in all Pro­bability may hereafter befal him. It may be, his Destiny has reserv'd a Scourge that shall prove fatal both to him, his Successours, and the general Repose of Italy besides. These are the Presages of such as are well vers'd in the Politicks of these times, and with­out any farther penetrating into Futu­rity, for my own part, I dare affirm, that one of these things must inevita­bly happen, either that France bound its Ambition on this side of Italy, or that she become one Day Mistriss of all Savoy.

The French King's Pretensions to this Dutchy, and the present Posture of Affairs encline him naturally to that end, and the only shift his Roy­al Highness seems to have had left, was to have persisted in that just War, in Conjunction with the most Serene Allies. The potent Princes which [Page 20]compose this League, have not been wanting to represent often to him by their Ministers his slippery Proceedings whilst he gave ear to the flattering Promises of the common Enemy. His Imperial and Catholick Majesty's Envoys were even tir'd with proffering their important Reasons which were so capable to undeceive him; but his Royal Highness rather enclin'd to be seduc'd by the Emissaries of France, than preserv'd by the wholsome Ad­vice of the Allies; the Difference between which being, that the Coun­cil and Promises of the Confede­rates were solid and real, when those of France were full of nothing but Venom, Deceit and Chimera's.

But to search deeper into the Court of Turin, which is, without dispute, one of the most subtle and politick in in Europe; it is asolutely necessary to trace back their first Differences with the French King: After which we in­tend to follow his Royal Highness Step by Step in his Conduct during this War, as well in regard to the French King as to the most Serene Al­lies.

At the beginning of the Year 1690, the French King having resolv'd to carry the War into Italy, the Duke of Fuensalida Governour of Milan, with all the diligence imaginable, began to raise Troops, fill up Magazines, and repair his Fortifications, to the end that he might be in a Condition to oppose the Progresses of the French, who were then marching towards Ita­ly. But at the same time, what most perplex'd this Governour, was the Con­duct of the Court of Turin; which was a Riddle so obscure, that even the most refin'd Politicians were not able to solve it. This gave him more Disturbance than all the Preparations of France. For on one hand he suspe­cted the D. of Savoy to have under­hand made a tripple Alliance with the French King and D. of Modena to joyn their Forces together, and fall upon the Milaneze; and on the other, he observ­ed this Prince so very wavering, that he knew not what to think of him: For at the same time that he promis'd the French King to stand Neuter, he enga­ged his Word to the Emperour and [Page 22]King of Spain, that he would declare on their side.

The different Dispositions of his Royal Highness at this Juncture, and his studi'd Conduct of Affairs, might very well augment the Jealousies and Suspicions of the French King, who began to fear that this Prince might at length play him an Italian Trick. The French therefore, who are gene­rally very wary, made it their chief Business to observe his Actions close­ly; and having discover'd something that seem'd to bode 'em no good, his Most Christian Majesty immediately sent him word, That he was not at all satisfi'd with his Neutrality, but further requir'd the Citadels of Verceil and Turin for Security of his Promise.

This haughty Message from the French King did not at all discompose the Duke; he was resolv'd upon an even Temper, the better to carry on his Designs: Therefore he contented himself for the present with only de­siring the French King to allow him some Time for an Answer. This pa­cifi'd [Page 23]the angry Monarch for a while, hoping thereby to obtain from him an exact Neutrality, which was all that he desir'd, to the end that the French might the more easily enter Italy, and facilitate the Conquest of Milan.

During this, the Emissaries of France at his Royal Highness's Court disco­ver'd another Proceeding, which ex­treamly augmented their Jealousies; and that was, That the Duke was about to forsake their Interest, and en­gage in that of the Emperour. All the World knows his Royal Highness pretends a Right to the Kingdom of Cyprus, since Lewis the Third, Duke or Savoy, married Charlotte Widow of John King of Portugal, Daughter of John, Son of James Paleologus Empe­rour of the East, who gave for Porti­on to his said Daughter Charlotte the Kingdom of Cyprus, in such manner, that this Lewis Duke of Savoy was Crown'd King of Cyprus in presence of John de Lusignan King of Cyprus, his Father-in-Law. From thence the Dukes of Sa­voy have the Title of Royal Highness, and bear an Arch'd Crown, which [Page 24]the Kings of France, or other Princes of Europe, have never disputed, al­ways giving 'em proportionable Re­spect; the Emperour only excepted, who wou'd never yet allow them that Regal Character.

His Royal Highness considering there was now a favourable Opportu­nity for him, since the Emperour thought fit to engage him by his Mi­nisters to break with France, made use of the Occasion to offer a Million of Florins to his Imperial Majesty, provi­ded he would acknowledge him King of Cyprus, and allow him the same Honours which the King of France and other Princes had always done. His Royal Highness further propos'd to his Imperial Majesty, That he would buy the Fiefs which he had got in Savoy and the Republick of Genoa, which properly belong'd to the Empe­rour; for both which he proffer'd vast Sums of Money, not doubting in the least but such Proposals wou'd be hearken'd to, at a time especially when the Emperour had so great Oc­casion for Money to support his Wars [Page 25]against two Puissant Enemies. Ne­vertheless, his Imperial Majesty at first refus'd all; but his Royal Highness not being a whit discourag'd, was re­solv'd still to manage France, and at the same time to repeat his Requests to the Emperour, till he had obtain'd what he so much desir'd.

This his Negotiation was at length concluded in his favour, and the Em­perour was willing to yield to the Duke's Demands, provided the Million of Florins were paid into the Bank of Venice. This Transaction extreamly surpriz'd the French Court, insomuch that they conceiv'd a more than ordi­nary Jealousie that his Royal Highness was entred into a strict Alliance with the House of Austria their Enemy. This they thought would soon appear by a Rupture on the Duke's Side, which would absolutely break their Measures, and exceedingly embroil their Designs on Italy; they having propos'd an Amity with his Royal Highness, and a Passage thro' his Do­minions, to be the best Means of dealing with the Milaneze, who they [Page 26]knew would never be strong enough to resist 'em, unless assisted by the Sa­voyard.

The Duke of Savoy, who is a great Master in the Art of Hypocrisie, made use of all his Cunning, after having plaid his own Game, to sweeten the French King; assuring him by his Mi­nister, That he never yet thought of forsaking his most Christian Majesty's Interest, nor attempting any thing which might in the least infringe the inviolable Union betwixt 'em. But nevertheless, these subtle Protestations of his were not capable to dissipate the Jealousies of that Monarch. He had already so well observ'd the Conduct of the Court of Turin, that he began to treat them as Dissemblers, and their Duke as a Cheat, who on the one side had plaid on his Most Christian Maje­sty, and on the other, on the Empe­rour. Mitchiavel has so well taught his Country-men, that we may affirm, the Italian Princes are those that un­derstand him best, and know how to make the best use of him.

It would be proper here to give an Account, before we proceed any fur­ther, of an Intrigue concerted some time since between the Emperour and his Royal Highness, and discover'd by the French meerly by force of Money, which made 'em ever after so very jealous of this Prince's Conduct, that upon his least Advances, his most Christian Majesty was immediately upon his Guard. This is the Relation, which must be suppos'd to be the more Authentick, as we had it from the best Original. In the Year 1687, a little after the famous League of Aus­burg, the Count B— was sent by his Imperial Majesty to the Court of Turin, to propose to his Royal High­ness a new Negotiation. His Most Christian Majesty being soon ac­quainted with it by his Emissaries, immediately writ to his Embassadour resident at that Court about it. Pur­suant to which, his Embassadour en­deavour'd all he could to be present at the Audience of this Minister, and moreover acquainted the Court of Turin, that he absolutely insisted there­upon. [Page 28]His Royal Highness believing he could never have a secret Interview with this Minister, by reason of the constant Attendance of the French Embassadour, resolv'd to comply with the latter, but withal determin'd, by a secret Intelligence with the Envoy, to convert all the Embassy into Cere­monies and Compliments.

When this was done, the Count was exceeding impatient to acquit himself of his true Negotiation, and therefore resolv'd to go disguis'd like a Page into the Duke's Chamber, where he soon got an Opportunity to present him with a Writing to sign, which contain'd some general Propositions; and moreover procur'd from him a Promise to be at the Carnival at Venice. His Royal Highness resolv'd to be there at the Time appointed; but to avoid suspicion, gave out, That he design'd only to go thither for Diver­sion; when his true Reason was to confer with the Duke of Bavaria, and some other Princes, about a Con­sederacy against France.

Some time after the Count's depar­ture, the Duke made known his in­tended Journey, when the French Em­bassador, fearing some Stratagem, would needs proffer his Service to wait on his Royal Highness, which the Duke endeavour'd to divert by all imaginable Means; but finding all fruitless, at last consented to his Re­quest, the better to prevent any Su­spicion that Minister might have of him.

These Princes being at length met at Venice, thought it most proper to treat secretly of the Affairs they came about; and for this purpose had pro­cur'd a very fit Person, a Monk, to go backwards and forwards among them.

By these Means an Alliance was soon struck up between the Emperour, the Dukes of Savoy and Bavaria, and some other Sovereign Princes, upon the Foot of the Project concerted at Ausburg. The Treaty being thus sign'd, the Princes took their Leaves [Page 30]of each other, and went towards their several Homes, after having drank liberally to the Success of an Union they had so luckily engag'd in. The Duke of Savoy return'd thro' his Dominions as he came, accompanied by the French Embassador, who had not so much as quitted him one Mo­ment all the while. His Royal High­ness, you must suppose, was not a little tickl'd with the Success of this Expedition, which nevertheless was of no long continuance; for they had scarce travell'd a League, before the French Minister began to reproach him very severely with having con­tracted a Confederacy with the King his Master's Enemies, which the Duke at first absolutely denyd; but the Embassador immediately thereupon shewing him a Copy of the Treaty, you may imagine he remain'd under the greatest Surprize.

I don't question but you will be glad to know by what Stratagem this Minister obtain'd a Paper of this Im­portance: Why, it was by means of the very Monk we before spoke of; [Page 31]for the Embassador having observ'd that Person to go and come often be­tween the Princes, thought it but good Policy to sound him, and at last so far succeeded, that upon paying the promis'd Sum of 200000 Livres, he obtain'd a true Copy of the Treaty. We may hereby observe, That no­thing can escape the Knowledge of France, since she is willing to give so liberally for her Intelligence. These subtle Proceedings of the Duke's caus'd his Most Christian Majesty ever after to give no great Credit to his Prote­stations, but always to suspect him of inclining to the Emperour's Interest.

His Most Christian Majesty look'd upon this Treaty of Venice like that of Ausburg, to be a trifling Project, and no ways capable to oppose his De­signs: But notwitstanding, he reserv'd a Resolution to revenge the Treachery plaid him, upon the first Occasion. But as the League of Ausburg serv'd for a Foundation to that of Venice, so, no doubt, this Treaty of Venice has been a Ground-plot for the Confede­racy which has since been contracted with Savoy.

To return to my Subject: His Most Christian Majesty being but ill satis­fied with the Conduce of his Royal Highness, thought it high time not to suffer himself to be blinded any long­er by his fair Protestations; and there­fore without further delay command­ed Monsieur Catinat immediately to pass the Mountains with an Army of above 18000 Men. This General posted away before his Army to Turin, to learn from the Duke's own Mouth, what was hitherto only transmitted by Ministers, the Result of his Reso­lutions.

The Approaches of this Army soon alarm'd all the Princes of Italy, inso­much that they quickly got together to keep the War out of their own Territories, which was like to rage so fiercely in their Neighbourhood; or at least to endeavour a Neutrality, if they could not obtain an Accom­modation between the two Crowns. Herein the Great Duke of Tuscany was the most earnest; but what en­gag'd him chiefly, was, the dangerous [Page 33]Sickness of the Dauphiness, hoping that if she dy'd, by obliging France in this Mediation, he might have an Oppor­tunity to get his Daughter accepted in Marriage by the Dauphin.

The Duke of Fuensalida fearing lest Mareschal Catinat's arrival at Turin might alter the Dispositions of that Court, which had already determin'd to declare in favour of the Emperour, thought his surest way was to provide speedily for his Defence, in case Af­fairs might' happen disadvantageous for the Milaneze. He immediately therefore issu'd out Commissions for new Levies; writ to the Vice-Roy of Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia, to send him fresh Recruits; got ready his Ma­gazins, and soon stood upon his Guard, expecting Acts of Hostility every Day from the French.

Before we proceed further, it will not be amiss to give a short Account of the Rigours us'd by the Court of France towards his Royal Highness, by insisting peremptorily: on his dri­ving the Vaudois out of his Domini­ons, for no Reason; and which was one of the principal Motives that en­gag'd [Page 34]the Duke of Savoy to seek after his Liberty, by a timely breaking with that Tyrant. For whenever it pleas'd this Most Christian King to Command, he must unavoidably O­bey, being no better than a Tributary to his Pleasure. Every body knows, his Royal Highness cou'd not easily have been wrought upon to banish such faithful Subjects as the Vaudois, who had so often signalliz'd their Zeal and Courage for both him and his Predecessors: But this Most Christian King, having form'd his Design to extirpate the Reform'd Religion, not only out of France, but also where­ever else he could prevail, corrupted so the Inclinations of this Prince and his Ministers, that his Royal Highness all of a sudden became a Persecutor, in spite of his natural Disposition to the contrary. As soon therefore as this pernicious Practice was begun at Turin, you might there perceive the same cruel Spirit and Politicks reign as in France; and his Royal Highness, whatever natural aversion he had for such Barbarities, was forc'd to yield to the French Example, without so [Page 35]much as enquiring whether his Pro­ceedings were just or not.

The Vaudois had enjoy'd an uninter­rupted Exercise of their Religion ever since the War with the Genoese, and were never persecuted under the Reign of Charles Emanuel the Second, nor the Regency of the Dutchess Dowager, even till the Year 1685; which made them hope they might still have the same Liberty under the present Reign of Victor Amedeus II. and the rather, because they had done him considera­ble Services against the Mondovite Re­bels, which he suppress'd meerly by their Assistance, in the Year 1684. All these Considerations enclin'd his Royal Highness to write 'em a very obliging Letter; but the Machinati­ons of the French King, who had re­solv'd to destroy 'em, were so success­ful at the Court of Turin, that he ob­tain'd whatever he pleas'd, his Royal Highness not daring to refuse one in whose Power it was to force him to obey. The first Proceedings therefore of the French Ministers were to re­quire, That the Governor of the Val­lies should publish an Edict to forbid [Page 36]all. Strangers inhabiting there. This came out about the end of the end of the Year 1685, and was as a Fore-runner to all the Cruelties that were afterwards there practis'd. But here we may ex­cuse his Royal Highness thus far, that he only consented by a base Con­descension to have his Subjects but­cher'd by a Power that consults only his heat of Revenge and Ambition to rule Paramount in all the Courts of Europe.

After the Expiration of the Edict of Nantes, the Council of France, who vow'd the Destruction of the Vaudois, together with the Hugonots, made fresh Motions to the Duke of Savoy, to publish a second Edict against them; which they obtain'd the 31th of January 1686, and by which the Exercise of their Religion was forbid, under Penalty of their Lives, Confiscation of their Goods, Demolishing of their Temples, and Banishment of their Preachers: And moreover, their Children were to be Baptiz'd, and brought up in the Ca­tholick Religion, at the peril of their Father's being otherwise sent to the Gallies.

The Vaudois hereupon presented four subsequent Petitions to his Royal Highness, humbly praying to have this Edict revok'd; but all to no purpose: for they were likely to be redress'd only by Delays. They could not in the least imagine what should induce the Duke of Savoy to treat 'em after so barbarous a manner; never mis­trusting the Influence of the French Minister, because they thought them­selves secure of his Most Christian Majesty's Protection, he having before declar'd himself Garrantee of the Pa­tents granted 'em in the Years 1655 and 1664, which he not only pro­cur'd from his Royal Highness in their favour, but also sent a formidable Army into Piedmont to see 'em per­form'd.

The Noise these Inhumane Practi­ces made in the World, mov'd the Protestant Swiss-Cantons to dispatch their Deputies to his Royal Highness, endeavouring to disengage this Prince from his persisting in the Ruine of the Vaudois. These Ministers set forth from Basle in the Year 1686, at the beginning of the Month of March; [Page 38]when being arriv'd at Turin, and ha­ving obtain'd Audience of his Royal Highness, they insinuated, That the Protestant Cantons, their Masters, were extremely concern'd for the cruel Treatment of his Royal Highness's faithful Subjects the Vaudois, and that as well in regard of the Ties of Friendship between them, and Con­formity in Religion with them, as in respect of the Liberty of Conscience granted 'em by his Royal Highness in the Years 1655 and 1664, which was altogether the Product of their Medi­ation; and therefore, as they humbly conceiv'd, the Violation of it must be in prejudice of his Royal Highness's Word and Honour.

Whatever solid Arguments these Embassadors could use to undeceive his Royal Highness, and encline him to revoke his Bloody Edict, were still prevented by the Artifices of France, so that they might well have expected this Answer only, That the Duke of Savoy was so strictly engag'd to the Most Christian King, that it was not in his power to comply with their Request; nay, tho' his natural Tem­per [Page 39]was the most averse in the World from persecuting his most faithful Subjects; yet that of France having got the Ascendant both over him and his Council, he was no longer Ma­ster of either. This answer you may imagine was but very little to their liking; therefore the Ambassadours thought themselves oblig'd to present a Memorial to his Royal Highness, wherein among other things, they in­sinuated, that his Predecessors having engag'd their Royal Word to several Sovereigns, and particularly the Pro­testant Cantons their Masters, that they wou'd never disturb the Repose and Tranquillity of the Vaudois, and that because of their Royal Patents, they had granted 'em, they humbly con­ceiv'd his Royal Highness could not dispense with those Engagments with­out violating his Royal Word; and that because these Patents must not be barely look'd upon as Tolera­tions, but rather as perpetual Con­cessions, Irrevocable, Sacred and In­violable.

The Ambassadours enforced these Reasons by many others which re­lated [Page 40]more needy to the Interest and Politicks of Savoy; and which might have been capable to have mov'd him, had not the French King oppos'd them by others that tended altoge­ther to introduce Fire, Blood and Slaughter into the Dominions of this Prince. Understanding Men have all along clearly perceiv'd, that the chief Aim of France was to weaken the Duke, by ruining the Vaudois, who, for their Valour, were always look'd upon as his right Arm; and who, tho' with their small Number were able alone to bafflle the Designs of the French King, and oppose the Incursions of his Troops.

Many other Protestant Princes like­wise writ to his Royal Highness in Favour of the Vaudois; but all with­out doing any good. This most Christian King had gain'd so far up­on his Inclinations, that even in spite of himself he was forc'd to yield to the Torrent that bore him down be­fore it, and which at last carry'd him to a Precipice that foretold no less than the utter Ruin of his Domini­ons. The Swiss Ambassadors having [Page 41]at length demanded a positive Answer, his Royal Highness caus'd the Mar­quess of St. Thomas, one of his Mi­nisters for Foreign Affairs, to acquaint 'em, that he was extremely sorry it was not in his Power to comply with their Master's Request: And the French Minister moreover suggested to him to add, that provided the last Edict was not already put in Execution, he would endeavour to find some Expedi­ent to procure the Vaudois Leave to re­tire out of his Dominions after that they had disposed of their Possessi­ons.

We shall pass over in Silence several other Circumstances that relate to this Negotiation, it not being my Pur­pose to enter into Particulars of the Cruelties exercis'd against the Vau­dois, for which a much larger Volume would not suffice. I think my self only oblig'd to give an Account hereof the principal Accidents that have been the Occasion of the Differences between the Duke of Savoy and France, from the very Beginning of this War. I shall next proceed to examine the Conduct of his Royal Highness, since [Page 42]his Rupture, as well in regard to the most Serene Allies, as France, even to the Conclusion of the Treaty late­ly sign'd by him; by which he is once more reconcil'd to a Crown that has promised a great deal, but will, no doubt, perform little or no­thing.

We may affirm freely, that this Prince, having been a Slave to the French King so many Years, and groan'd so long under a Yoke that other Sovereigns now fight to be secur'd from, never had a fairer Occasion to release him­self than at present, which he would have laid hold on, had he been but the least sensible of his Interest. When a Man makes such Oversights as this, he seldom or never recovery, and per­haps for above these Hundred Years there may not happen a League so puissant and daring as this. There was no other way of withstanding the Greatness of France, but by a Union of so many Princes; that Crown be­ing too formidable to be oppos'd by a single Force. According to common Opinion, God Almighty only has reser­red this great Power to himself, who [Page 43]keeps in his hand the Performances of Princes; and who can in an In­stant thrust 'em from their Thrones, and deprive 'em both of their Autho­rities and their Force, whereof this History every where abounds with convincing Examples. This being granted, there is no doubt, but the League of these moil Serene Princes now in War, against France, has been rais'd by this Almighty Power, to humble the exorbitant Greatness of that Crown; and this will the more plainly appear, if we consider the Motives, that occasion'd it, its uninterrupted Continuance for nine Years together, remaining always firm, and not to be shaken by the At­tempts and Artifices which France has all along made use of to weaken, con­found or divide the Princes which com­pos'd it.

Notwithstanding these mighty Ef­forts, and continu'd Dissentions which this most Christian King has endea­vour'd to sow in almost all the Courts of Europe, they have nevertheless been so far from weakening them, that they have rather contributed towards a [Page 44]more firm and lading Alliance, which all the Confederates have unanimous­ly resolv'd to carry on, except Savoy only, who may be justly reproach'd hereafter by all Princes for so base a Compliance with a Monarch that is already above half ruin'd.

But before we go any farther, let us first see, what this Prince has freely promis'd to the most Serene Allies, and more particularly to the Empe­rour, King of England, and United Provinces, which are to be consider'd as the chief Actors in the League. In order whereunto, I shall oblige the Reader with a true Copy of the Trea­ty that his Royal Highness made with the Emperour, and which was pre­sented him by the Abbot Grimani to be sign'd; which is as follows:

On the other Part, the Abbot Gri­mani, in the Name of His Imperial Majesty and the Empire, promises,

This Treaty was Sign'd the Fourth of June, 1690; and the Abbot Gri­mani promis'd to get it Ratifi'd from Vienna in a Month.

We may observe by the first Article, That his Royal Highness promises and agrees by a solemn Oath, not to [Page 48]enter into any Treaty either of Peace or Truce, with the Most Christian King, without the Emperor's Con­lent; but to remain always under a good Correspondence with his Impe­rial Majesty, as a faithful Prince of the Empire. But where is now the Performance of this solemn Promise? What is become of all these serious Engagements, which ought to have been so Sacred and Inviolable? Have not they been lately dispens'd with by an unheard-of Baseness? It must be acknowledg'd, that by this Con­duct his Royal Highness has unpardon­ably affronted the Emperor, abus'd the most Serene Allies, and moreover been the greatest of Enemies to him­self, by sacrificing both his Dominions and his Liberty to the deceitful Pro­mises of France; by which means he will not fail to incur the severest In­dignation of so many Potent Princes he has betray'd, and from whom he has receiv'd so many repeated Ob­ligations.

By the second Article his Royal Highness promises to act altogether in Conjunction with the Emperor and [Page 49]the other Allies. But we can be confident here by convincing Proofs, which we shall make appear more at large hereafter, that his Royal High­ness has had several secret Intelligen­ces with Frame, throughout the whole Course of this War; and that he has been so far from acting in conjunction with the most Serene Allies, accord­ing to his solemn Promise, that he has all along under-hand favour'd the Enterprizes of the French King; and therein his Conduct has been the more faulty, as he has always endea­vour'd to approve his Sincerity and Good-will by his Envoys and other Ministers; but which we are now sensible had no other Aim than to get out of us the Drift of our Designs, which he forthwith sent to France. This has been the Occasion, in a great measure, that the Arms of the most Serene Allies have made so little Progress in Flanders, Germany, and else­where, because the French King being inform'd of all our Proceedings, took his Measures, and made his Advances accordingly; insomuch that his For­ces were almost always superiour in [Page 50]Number to ours, which baffl'd our Designs either to Besiege any Place, or give Battel: And if the glorious Un­dertaking of the Siege of Namur suc­ceded so well, we may ascribe it chiefly to the Duke of Savoy's know­ing nothing of it, being manag'd wholly by the King of England, with so great Circumspection and Pru­dence, that that Action alone deceiv'd the Vigilance of France.

The Conduce of his Royal High­ness during these late Years, has been so little conformable to an honest Meaning, that in full Congress many Ministers of the Allies have been ob­lig'd to reproach his Envoy, Monsieur de la Tour, That his Master did not proceed according to Justice: But this Envoy being a Man of Parts, and able to defend his Prince's Proceed­ings, had always an Excuse ready at hand; so that whilst he fed the Court of England, and die other Allies, with his Master's mighty Projects, his Roy­al Highness, by a secret Correspon­dence, did his Business with France, and moreover drain'd great Sums of Money from both Parties. Under­standing [Page 51]Men daily observ'd, That this Credulity of ours would be no small Obstacle to a General Peace, which we nevertheless pretend to force France to a Compliance with: But the End has shewn, that the Ita­lians are better Proficients in the Art of Deceiving, than others; and that sooner or later we always repent pla­cing too much Confidence in those People.

The third Article provides, That his Royal Highness shall always em­ploy his Forces against France or its Adherents, together with those of the Allies. But this Article will appear to have been no less violated on the Part of his Royal Highness, than the former: For those that Commanded the Auxiliary Troops in Italy, being Men of nice Discernment, and di­stinguish'd Merit, having made it their Business to pry into the Conduct and Proceedings of this Prince, have been Eye-witnesses of all his Intelligences with Monsieur Catinat, and have ac­quainted us. That his Royal Highness was so far from acting in Conjunction with the most Serene Allies, that he [Page 52]apparently made it his Business to spare his own Troops, and to expose those of the Confederates to the greateft Dangers. For in one Battel his Royal Highness's Generals, having private Intelligence with the French, delay'd till they were ready to pour down upon the Imperialists and Prote­stants with their superior Numbers, whilst the Savoyards only look'd on, or else betaking themselves to flight, abandon'd the English Troops to the Mercy of their Enemies. The like Practice has been generally observ'd in all the Skirmishes or Battels in Italy; insomuch that by these fatal Trea­cherries several brave and experienc'd Generals of the Allies have been in­humanely butcher'd, without Savoy's taking any care to remedy an Abuse that was the ruine of those that were only capable to make head against Frame, and secure his Royal Highness s Dominions.

After having spoken of the Engage­ments the Duke of Savoy had with the Emperor, and which ought eter­nally to have united him to the House of Austria; let us come to the strict [Page 53]Alliance he had contracted with the King of England: And hereof we cannot give you a more signal Proof than the specious Harangue made to his Britannick Majesty by his tricking Envoy the President de la Tour, which is as follows.

Can there be any thing more to the purpose, better studi'd, and more eloquent, than this Harangue? His Royal Highness seems to insinuate, he will always be govern'd by his Bri­tannick Majesty, to whom he solemnly vows eternal Friendship, and for whom he expresses the greatest Vene­ration imaginable: A Prince whom he acknowledges God has rais'd to the Crown of England to break off the Chains of Europe, and more particu­larly to free him from a Slavery which he had groan'd under so many Years. His Royal Highness, I say, professes so entire a Respect for the King of England, that he seems to think of nothing more than Revenge and Ho­stility against France; insomuch that to hear him speak, you would believe he were the most zealous of all the League.

But here we must observe, That his Royal Highness did not a little dissemble, when he dictated this Speech to his Envoy; and, for my part, I am of opinion, that a Man cannot have extraordinary Principles, that can so easily digest Hypocrisie [Page 56]and Treachery. Methinks a bare regard to ones Honour, of which every Man ought to be tender, especially Sovereign Princes, might have been a sufficient Check to such an inglorious Action, which is rather the result of a mean and dastardly Soul, than a brave and noble.

Whatever it be, certain it is, that this Prince, whom all Europe look'd upon with admiration, having taken off the Mask of Hypocrisie, shews us a quite different Face from what his Ministers, more Jesuits than Embassa­dors, had represented him.

When we seriously reflect upon the Particulars of his Royal Highness's Conduct during this War, we may observe how many different Strata­gems he has made use of to blind the Confederates, discover their secret Designs, therewithal speedily to in­form France; and lastly, to drain this latter, and more openly the former, of vast Sums of Money, with which lie has all along fill'd his Coffers. This Passion thus prevailing over his Highness, makes us look upon his Treachery as the Fruits of a sordid [Page 57]Avarice and base Policy, by which he has servilely comply'd with France, and withal endeavour'd to sacrifice the Interest of the most Serene Allies, as likewise the Common Safety of Europe, whatever his Minister de la Tour might say to the contrary. I be­lieve this is his truest Character, tho' that Envoy and the rest of his Fra­ternity have endeavour'd to lull the Allies, by representing their Master as another Caesar or Alexander, abound­ing with Zeal, Constancy, and Bra­very, and who would sooner chuse to die a thousand times, than act any thing that should be in the least con­trary to the Interest of the most Au­gust Alliance he had engag'd in.

However Matters go, these flatter­ing Ministers will never be able to excuse their Matter's Conduct. We are but too well acquainted with the Occasion of it, tho' one would think a Prince should have consulted his Honour and Conscience, before he attempted any thing at least that might have prejudic'd those that had so generously afforded him Protection, at a time especially when he stood in so great need of it.

We have already seen the President de la Tour's Speech to the King of Eng­land, whereby his Royal Highness promises to enter into a strict Alliance with his Britannick Majesty and the o­ther Confederates. Now let us come to that of the Marquess de Govon, his Highness's Envoy extraordinary to King James, the Sixth of September last.

We may find by this Harangue that his Royal Highness thinks fit to dis­semble no longer. He has now per­form'd his Bargain. His Minister the Marquess of Govon has given a true Copy of his Inclinations; and, no doubt he had the same Sentiments when the subtle de la Tour pro­nounc'd his study'd Harangue; but then you must suppose he had not sufficiently fleec'd the Allies. Let us observe therefore there is something exceeding singular in the two different Characters which these Ministers represent: One con­gratulates King William upon his glori­ous Access to the Throne, while the other flatters King James with a Pro­spect of his Restauration. But to shew farther how exceedingly the Duke of Savoy has both slighted and abus'd his Alliance with so many Se­rene Princes, notwithstanding their repeated Kindnesses towards him, we [Page 61]must here examine into his Conduct during the whole War in Italy, the Particulars of which will be so much the more Authentick, as we have all along sufficient Proofs of what we affirm; and I am pretty well assu­red that all who are acquainted with the Court of Turin, will be ready to subscribe to what I say. 'Tis not up­on Account of Hatred or Partiality that I undertake herein to undeceive the Publick in an Affair that the Presi­dent de la Tour took so much Pains to conceal from the Court of England and States General, during his Residence at the Hague.

I know very well that he made it his chief Business to influence the Confe­derates, that whatever Account they might have of his Matter's partial Pro­ceedings, it came altogether from the Malice of certain Jacobites, whose end was to render his Royal Highness suspected, that they might thereby the better occasion a Disunion, which they imagin'd would prove fatal to the League. He likewise en­deavour'd to prove the most discerning of our Friends to be French Enissari [...]s, [Page 62]whilst he play'd his own part under a counterfeit Sincerity, fed the Credu­lity of the Allies with fair hopes, and by that means at length he obtain'd whatever he could desire; whilst his politick Matter was carrying on his Designs, which at last concluded in a Treaty with the French King. No­thing sure can be more base than this Practice: But let us proceed to Par­ticulars.

You must know in the first Place, that in all the Councils of War held at Turin, from the very first Cam­pagn, down to the last, the Duke of Savoy and his Ministers would never admit any of those of the Allies, but whom they thought fit; and exclude the best affected, such as the Prote­stant Generals, and other wise Officers, who might otherwise have been able to baffle their Designs, and detect their Treacheries. Whence it comes to pass, that all the Resolutions taken in those Councils of War, have been in favour of the Enemy. To this may be added, the Antipathy that was all along observable betwixt the Generals of his Royal Highness and those of [Page 63]the Allies; witness the repeated In­sults and bloody Outrages the Mar­quesses of Bagnasque and Parella offer­ed to those Officers of the Allies who had best signaliz'd themselves upon eve­ry Occasion, and this by reason of their so loyally adhering to their. Master's Interest, who had entrusted 'em with the Command of their Forces.

Secondly, the slow Proceedings of the Court of Turin were partial, the Italian Generals never caring to be in the Field, till they had given suffici­ent time to Catinat to rally his Army, and receive Recruits which were sent him from several Parts of France. Hence it comes, that he was always first in A­ction, and possess'd himself of the most advantagious Posts: for being su­periour in Number, and having the Field at liberty, he might very easily effect whatever he undertook, they ne­ver offering to oppose him till he had done his Business, or at least, was in a fair way to do it. I pass by the fre­quent Intelligences by Spies between the Generals, that nothing might be acted but by common Content.

In the third Place, the Care the Court of Turin took to establish Ma­gazines and Markets where the French were permitted to come and buy what­ever Subsistence they had occasion for, at a time, especially when most of their Provinces were reduc'd to the extremest Want; and, which ought to be look'd upon as a just Scourge sent by God to humble that haughty Power. This Want, I say, must ne­cessarily have forc'd the French forth­with to have re-pass'd the Mountains, had not his Royal Highness and his Council timely provided for their Re­lief, by causing all sorts of Commo­dities to be brought from Milan and other parts of Italy, to regale their E­nemy's Army. This was all done in Sight of the Allies; and when­ever any Complaints were made, the Senate of Turin was dumb, or answer­ed only by Riddles, after the Italian Manner. All this while his Royal Highness crowded his Coffers with French Lonid'ors; and Mareschal Cati­nat, who knew well his Temper, was not at all sparing of 'em.

The Honour of France, and Preser­vation of an Army, which was just then ready to perish, gave way for no Parsimony. I mention nothing but what is notoriously known; and I appeal to the Generals of the most Serene Allies, who then commanded in Italy, if they have not been Eye­witnesses of all I affirm.

But let us proceed to other Practises, which are no less remarkable than the former. In the fifth Place, let us ob­serve the Permission that his Royal Highness gave to some Fellows dis­guised like Peasants, and sent incog­nito by Catinat to subborn and list the Protestant Soldiers of die Regiments of Miremont and Montauban, whom they intended to carry off to the French Ar­my, to the end that by their Diser­tion the King of England's Forces might be so much the more weaken­ed and their own augmented. This, no doubt, was with design to favour the French King; who, if he could but get those Protestant Enemies into his Power, thought himself secure of his Project, by the Intelligence he all a­long had with his Royal Highness. [Page 66]This Relation is so much the less to be question'd, as it was verify'd by the Surprizal of several of these disguis'd Traytors by the Officers of these Re­giments, who taking 'em in the very Act, after having debauch'd above five and twenty Soldiers, immediately com­plain'd of 'em to his Royal Highness, who remitting 'em to a Council of War, the Officers went away very well satisfied, believing they would be pu­nished according to the Enormity of their Crimes: But, would you think it? instead of doing so exemplary a Piece of Justice, they quite contrary assisted 'em in their Escape. Of all which, to comply with the Reader's Curiosity, we will give the several Par­ticulars.

Mareschal Catinat every Market-day sent a Piemonteze, disguis'd like a Pea­sant, into the Protestants Winter-Quarters, where this Traytor was wont to debauch by Money or fair Promises, about twenty five or thirty at a time, and send 'em by Night with a Guide to Pignerol. Herewith the Of­ficers of these Regiments being at length inform'd, by means of some [Page 67]Deserters, who had been taken, resolv'd to pretend to be lifted themselves, that they might the better discover the Vil­lain, who took upon him to list. For this Purpose they put on their com­mon Soldiers Clothes, and by means of one of those Deserters who had been taken, they were conducted to the counterfeit Peasant's Quarters, who receiving 'em with a great deal of Joy, immediately gave them Mo­ney, and told 'em the Names of the Regiments, and Captains that wait­ed for 'em at Pignerol. The Day of their Departure being come, the Pea­sant promis'd to go along with 'em; when they being between twenty and thirty in all, as well Officers as Soldi­ers, began to set forward; But their Piemonteze Captain was soon surpriz'd by a Present of Irons being brought him to carry him before the Governour, who promis'd the severest Justice on so villanous a Design. Some time after fix Officers of the fame Regi­ments went and polled themselves in the Night-time, in a Place where they knew the Deserters must needs pass, with design to discover more of [Page 68]these Villans, who were sent to se­duce their Men to the Enemy. For this purpose they got up into sev [...]al Trees, that they might keep them­selves the better from being discovered. Whilst they lay thus conceal'd, there came a Peasant from the Town, whom they presently seiz'd, and diving into his Pockets, found a Letter from the Governour, in whose Hands they had left the first Traytor. This Letter was an Answer to one of the Duke of Savoy's, whereby he gave his Highness to understand, that according to his Commands, he would continue Mat­ters so, that the Piemonteze Prisoner should escape without having any harm done him. The Peasant upon demand who gave him that Letter, answer'd, it was the Governour him­self; which sufficiently laid open the secret Intellegences the Court of Turin had with the Enemy, in order to ruine the Protestant Regiments. The Original of this Letter is still to be seen in my Lord Galloway's Hands, as a Monument of the Treachery and Baseness of the Generals and other Officers of his Royal Highness.

His Royal Highness saw all this with his own Eyes; nothing escap'd his Knowledge. Nevertheless every thing was pass'd by in profound Silence, and neglect. The poor Officers only of these Regiments, might murmur and com­plain, as long as they pleas'd, to see themselves in a fair way to be ruin'd by these repeated Desertions. To this Remark we may farther add the De­sign his Royal Highness had to sell these Regiments by an usurp'd Autho­rity to the Venetians to go and serve in the Morea, which they must un­doubtedly have yielded to, had not they so vigorously oppos'd those Pro­posals, affirming they belong'd only to his Britannick Majesty, in whose Power it was alone to dispose of 'em in that Nature. These Matters being thus transacled in the Sight of all Eu­rope, shall his Royal Highness's flatter­ing Ministers for the future dare to boast their Master's Sincerity without a just Reproach? But let us proceed to the other Treacheries.

In the sixth Place comes the Con­duct of his Royal Highness towards several French Refugees; who being [Page 70]oblig'd to pass thro' this Prince's Ar­my, instead of receiving them civilly, as he ought to have done; on the con­trary he caus'd 'em all to be arrested; and moreover order'd them to be bound Hand and Foot, and sent to Mareschal Cannat as Deserters from his Army; and this altho' several Letters were writ him from France, that they had never been in any Service; but were the Sons of several rich Merchants, whom their Fathers thought fit to send out of that Kingdom. I believe there was never the like Cruelty thought on; and, which, sufficiently demon­strates, how little his Royal High­ness seem'd to value the King of Eng­land, who had all along declar'd him­self their Protector, whilst his Ear­nestness to comply with France was thereby unquestionably made appear. Of this Action I my self was an Eye-witness, as well as all the Offi­cers of the Auxiliary Forces.

In the seventh Place, the Court of Turin every Year receiv'd the French Fashions, by rich Presents from the King of France and Monsieur, to the Duke of Savoy and his Dutchess, in­somuch [Page 71]that there was a continual Concourse of Courriers between France and Turin, which shew'd the strict Union between the two Crowns in spight of all the Well-meaning preten­ded to the Allies.

In the eighth Place, his Royal Highness s Conduct in besieging Guil­lestre and Ambroa in Dauphinè, before he had made himself Master of Bri­anzon, where the French had their chief Magazines, as well as neglect­ing several other Polls to favour his Retreat, and cut off that of Monsieur Catinat, visibly prove his Royal High­ness had all along Intelligence with the French, and that they two play'd their Game by Confederacy, which those Officers in the Army who had least Experience could easily discover. The deceas'd Mareschal Schomberg of happy Memory was therewithal more than ordinarily af­fected. He observ'd all their Proceed­ings; but they were altogether out of his Power to redress. The Italian Junto governed all, and provided his Royal Highness did but amuse the Confederacy with his imaginary [Page 72]Conquests and Irruptions into France, he had leisure enough to receive Mo­ney on both sides.

In the ninth Place, upon his Royal Highness's entering Dauphinè, where­as he ought to have taken care that Count Schomberg, who commanded a separate Army, which daily encrea­sed by the Protestants which joyn'd him from all Provinces of France, might not want Provisions, he not only suffer'd 'em to want Provisions, but also necessary Amunition, for fear that Body mighty become more pow­erful than that which his Highness commanded, and which consequently might have proceeded farther than his private Intelligence with France would give leave; which oblig'd him to go no farther than Gap, his bare entring Dauphinè being sufficient to blind the Allies, and drain their Pur­ses. Hereupon the Protestants under Count Schomberg's Conduct, not being able to subsist, were forc'd to disperse, which was the true Reason of the small Progress of the Confederates Arms in Dauphinè.

There was also another Passage, which manifestly proves the Duke of Savoy's Intelligence with France, which was, that his Royal Highness apprehending the Confederate Forces might grow too potent, and overrun France, which was not at all conducing to his purpose, suddenly feign'd a Relapse of his Illness by the Small-Pox; of which, 'tis certain he was perfectly well in eight Days, intend­ing this suppos'd Indisposition to be an Excuse for his Retreat, when he might have taken Grenoble, the Capital City of Dauphinè, and thence proceeded with his victorious Arms as far as Lyons; and at the same time made so considerable a Diversion, that it would have been easie for the Al­lies to have taken some important Place, or at least to have enter'd that Kingdom either by way of Flanders, the Franche Comte, or County of Lux­embourg.

The most considerable Officers in our Army, under the Command of Count Schomberg, assure us unani­mously, that this was the only Op­portunity to have brought France to [Page 74]reasonable Terms, provided the Duke of Savoy had but done his Part. This Campagne would have forc'd the French King to whatever Conditions we could have desir'd, and moreover might have produc'd an honourable and lasting Peace. He was like to be attack'd then on his weak Side, and that Army might have march'd into the very Heart of his Kingdom, with­out his being able to oppose 'em in the least, unless he would have ex­pos'd the other Side, which would have been but the same thing. But we find the Duke of Savoy thought fit to stop their Proceedings by several Policies; one of which was, by suf­fering the poor Protestants, under the Command of Count Schomberg, to perish with Hunger, the Remainder of which were forc'd to disperse in search of Sustenance, having not seen a morsel of Bread for eight days to­gether. Thus we may see, that those who have always assur'd us that the Duke of Savoy shuffl'd with the Allies, spoke true, as we have since found by experience. But what is more re­markable, is, that this Prince, not­withstanding [Page 75]the many juggling Parts he has plaid, yet pretends to have done the League many considerable Services. These his Ministers endea­vour to explain, by perswading us, that their Master's chief Aim was all along a General Peace. But after all has been said, I leave to any rational Man to judge, if the Allies would do prudently to depend any farther upon such a Mediator. But let us proceed to what follows, that we may know what they and their Master were able to do, had they been but rightly dispos'd.

We have just now observ'd, That his Royal Highness found means to stop the Progress of the Arms of the Allies; but we forgot to add, how he manag'd his own Troops, and those of the Emperour commanded by his Generals, who acted all along in Confederacy with Catinat, in a Pare repugnant to all the Rules of good Po­licy, and which was extremely ex­claim'd against by Mareschal Schom­berg, but to no purpose. This was to lay all in Blood and Ashes, and make more Ravage and Havock in less than [Page 76]three Months, than the Tartars and Turks do in many Campagns together by their Incursions. This Conduct of his was directly contrary to that of Count Schomberg, whose Method was to conquer rather by Goodness and Clemency, than Rigour and Cruelty; by which means he drew to his Army an infinite number of People from all Provinces of France, and might have perform'd something very considera­ble, had they not been basely pre­vented. But here the Protestants, not being able to conceive the Duke enter'd France out of any kindness to them, when they saw him burn their Houses, and plunder their Goods, by which he reduc'd 'em all to Beggary and Misery, soon forsook his Army, joyn'd the Militia against him, and from Friends became irreconcilable Enemies to the Allies.

Another Practice of the Duke's up­on the like Occasion, broke all the Measures of Monsieur Schomberg, which was to march towards the Rhone, and approach the Sevenes, with design to fortifie himself there all the Winter, and by those means kindle an [Page 77]an intestine War, which would infal­libly have been fatal to France. This Affair was concerted with a great deal of Prudence, and afterwards put in practise, one would think, with as much Caution, tho' it prov'd quite to the contrary: For Monsieur Schomberg having sent several Officers, disguis'd like Peasants, among the Malecon­tents, got a Promise from 'em, That they would rife the first opportunity; which Secret he immediately entrust­ed to the Duke of Savoy, who almost as soon reveal'd it to the Court of France; so that when it was expected the Protestants should be up in Arms, they were all of a sudden clapp'd up and secur'd, and this by reason his Royal Highness had sent their Names to the French King.

Monsieur Chanlais was at the Court of Turin, with no other Design than to penetrate into those of the Allies, which his Royal Highness communi­cated to him: And when Complaints were made to that Prince for suffering such a suspected Man near him, he answer'd, That he was sent from the French King to make him Proposals [Page 78]towards an Accommodation, which he had always rejected as injurious to his Honour, and the sincere desire he ever had to remain strictly united to the most Serene Allies; and by this Sham he eluded the just Suspicions that were entertain'd of his foul Play. In fine, his Highness was so indiffe­rent about the Design of penetrating into the Heart of France, that Count Schomberg and the Officers of his Party did openly complain of it: But his Highness had a mind to sacrifice, is it were out of a Frolick, the Inte­rest of the Allies; and was well e­nough pleas'd, provided he might follow the Directions of the Court of France; that being all the Advantage he aim'd at in this great Expedition, since which things always went worse and worse.

When the Allies entred Dauphine, and possest themselves of Guillistre, they made there 2500 Irishmen Priso­ners. What did his Highness do with them? He sent them to Piedmont, and a great part of them made their escape by the way, thro' his own Orders, and return'd into France: [Page 79]The rest of them were sent to the Blockade before Casal. All the World knows what care France had taken to send Provisions into that Place, which was reduc'd to great Straits for want of them. The Irish being now before Casal, and the General that comman­ded the Blockade being a good Sa­voyard, he suffer'd them to go into the Place, according to the secret Orders he had from his Highness; so that France got still some Advantage by her seeming Losses. At the Sur­render of Casal, it was articl'd. That all the Cannon should be carried away. This was put in execution: But what did his Highness do with it? He remov'd it from Casal, to send it to Pignerol. Several Pieces of that Artillery having been stopt by the Confederate Troops, who saw them file off towards Pignerol, his Highness sent presently Orders to let them go; and by night those Pieces were car­ried to a certain Post within three Hours March of Pignerol, where the French came to fetch them. More­over, the Generals of the Auxiliary Troops knew very well that the Siege [Page 80]of Casal was never undertaken with his Highness's Consent; and if after much Debate, that Siege was at last resolv'd upon, 'twas because it was observ'd that his Highness's Design was only to amuse a great part of the Confederate Troops with a Blockade, lest they should be employ'd elsewhere against France, whose Interest he has favour'd all along.

We may also relate in this place, as an undeniable Proof of his High­ness's juggling with France, the fre­quent Indispositions he pretended when any thing was to be done a­gainst that Crown. Upon these Oc­casions he was benumb d and frozen, always sick, there was nothing ready, he wanted all things, he had no Mo­ney, because he was not paid, said his Ministers. But his private Treaty with the French King is scarce conclu­ded, but he presently takes off his perfidious Mask: Then he is all Fire, full of Courage and Bravery; he is in perfect Health; in short, there's nothing wanting to besiege Valance: He is the first in viewing the Works, and encouraging the French Soldiers [Page 81]by his own Example: He confers with Monsieur Catinat about the Means of possessing himself of all the Milanese, and putting all the neighbouring States under Contributi­on; and does more, in some measure, against the Allies in less than six Weeks time, than he had done against France during six Campagns of open War. Was there ever such a foul, dissembling, tricking Conduct as this is?

Let us proceed to the Bombarding of Pignerol. The Emperour and King of Great Britain had several times writ to his Highness to lay Siege to that important Fortress, both for his private Interest, and the Honour of the Confederates: And in order to it, they had taken care to provide him with all Necessaries for that Expedi­tion. But his Highness still juggling with the French King, trick'd the most Serene Allies upon this occasion, as he had done upon all other; and changes the Project of a Siege, una­nimously resolv'd upon by all the Ge­nerals, into a pitiful Bombardment: For the greatest part of the Bombs [Page 82]being full of Sand, burst in the Air, without any effect; and his Highness's Engineers did not understand one another, because Orders were ill given. In short, this Enteprize mis­carried, as others had done, because the least of the Court of Turn's, Thoughts were to make any Conquest upon France.

In fine, we may add to all these Transactions, the premeditated De­sign of his Royal Highness's Generals, of destroying all the Protestants that serv'd in his Army, without excepti­on, by exposing them to inevitable Danger, as they did at the Battel of Stafarde, and in all other Rencounters. What pass'd in the Camp of Dement is still an undeniable Proof of it; witness the Complaints that were made to his Highness by the Marquess of Montauban and the Baron of Bearn. That Prince's Indifference in an Af­fair of the greatest consequence, made him still excuse his Generals, and lay the blame upon those whose only aim was to maintain the Interest of the Allies, and vindicate the injur'd Ho­nour of the King of England, by con­vincing [Page 83]vincing his Highness by Authentick Proofs and undeniable matter of Fact, that his Generals betray'd him, and favour'd the Designs of Mareschal de Catinat, by the secret Intelligence they had with him. But his Highness was so far from disowning the Con­duct of his Generals, that he rather authoriz'd it, since they did nothing without his Consent and private Orders.

The Marquess of Montauban and the Baron of Bearn, who have given sig­nal Proofs of their Bravery upon all Occasions, took these Treacheries so much to heart, that they were at last forc'd to engage in a Quarrel, which had been of sad Consequence to the Marquess of Bagnasque, had that General had Courage enough to have decided the Controversie by the Sword, when he was challeng'd from the Marquess of Montauban, by the Baron of Bearn, who brought him the Parole of Honour.

We shall briefly relate what pass'd upon this Occasion; both because 'tis a curious Story that will serve to make the World perfectly acquainted with the Genius of the Court of Turin, and [Page 84]and the Cowardise of his Highness's Generals; and at the same time to make the Eulogy of the Conduct of the Marquess of Montauban, and the Baron of Bearn, the full of which was Colonel of a Regiment of Protestants, and the other Major of a Brigade. The glorious Proofs these two Officers have given of their Merit, have gain'd them much Reputation in Italy; and the Bravery of the Baron of Bearn, who is born of an illustrious Family in France, has upon this Occasion justly deserv'd the Applauses of all the Offices of the Auxiliary Troops of the Confederates; the Particulars of which are as follows.

The Marquess of Bagnasque, chief Favourite to the Duke of Savoy, and first General of his Forces, resolv'd by his Highness's Consent to rid himself of all the Protestants; and having try'd several ways to destroy them, which prov'd all ineffectual, through the Prudence and Wisdom of their Commanders, endeavour'd at last to put his detestable Design in Execu­tion, by separating them from the rest of the Army. This happen'd at the [Page 85]Camp of Demont, where the innocent Blood of so many brave Men was to be spilt by as barbarous and cruel a Slaughter as ever was the Bloody Massacre of St. Bartholomew.

The only Regiments of Protestants that were then in the Army, were those of Lillemarais and Montauban, commanded by the Marquess of Montauban. These two Regiments were therefore separated from the rest of his Highness's Troops, by the Or­ders of General Bagnasque, to their great Surprize and Astonishment at a thing so unusual and barbarous. The Night being over, the Officers of those Regiments perceiv'd at Break of Day General Bagnasque, at the Head of fourscore Officers, making towards them with their Pistols ready cock'd in their Hands. They were follow'd by a great Detatchment of choice Men to support them. Bagnasque went presently up to Monsieur de Montau­ban, with design to shoot him, which was to be a Signal for his Highness's Troops, who were in order of Battle, to make a Discharge upon the two Regiments of Protestants. But the [Page 86]Marquess of Montauban's Prudence secur'd the Lives of his Men; because instead of making any Show of stand­ing upon his Defence, which was all that General Bagnasque desir'd, the bet­ter to excuse himself and colour his Treachery, he was contented open­ly to protest against the Violence done him, and said he would make his Complaints to the Duke of Savoy, and to his Master the King of Great Bri­tain; adding, that this was a Violati­on of the Right of Nations, and an Abuse offer'd to the Honour of his Ma­ster, of which he would be revenged.

General Bagnasque who thought the Protestants would have fir'd upon his Men, was quite out of Countenance by this unexpected Conduct, and return'd to his Army mad with the Sting of the Disappointment. The Mar­quess of Montaubau highly resented this Violence, and the abusive Language Bagnasque gave him, to provoke him to make Resistance, which he could not do at that time, without ex­posing his Men to he cruelly slaugh­ter'd at the first Discharge, since Bag­nasque's Party was above 100 to one: [Page 87]Therefore he prudently dissembl'd his Resentment for the present, expecting a favourable Opportunity to be reveng'd.

The Marquess of Montauban being come to the Court of Turin, made his Complaints to his Royal High­ness, and gave him the Particulars of the Treachery and Barbarity of his General. The Duke of Savoy was so far from espousing the Quarrel of op­press d Innocence, that on the contra­ry he excus'd Bagnasque, and made appear, in the Sequel of this Affair, that he authoriz'd all that his Gene­ral had done; to the great Dissatisfa­ction of all the Officers of the Auxi­liary Troops, who highly commend­ed the Marquess of Montauban's Pru­dence upon this Occasion.

The Marquess of Montauban resolv­ed at last to revenge the Abuse offer'd him, by his own Sword, and challenge General Bagnasque. He could not put this Design in Execution as long as he was in the Service; because Bagnasque commanded in chief under his Royal Highness all the Auxiliary Troops. Having consulted with several Officers of Merit, his Friends, he at last took the [Page 88]Resolution to lay down his Commissi­on, and went immediately to his Highness to make him a Compliment, and take his Leave of him, pretend­ing a Design of retiring into Holland. After this first Step, he staid some Days in Turin, in order to challenge General Bagnasque; who having a Hint given him of it, his Cowardise made him keep within doors; and by this Pre­caution baffl'd the Vigilance of the Marquess of Montauban, and broke his Measures. In the mean time he had taken his Leave of the Duke of Savoy; and the Fear of being arrested, if his Design should be discover'd to his Highness, made him use a Stratagem, both to get Bagnasque out of his House, and secure himself against being surpriz'd. In order to that, he applied himself to the Baron of Bearn, and concerted with him what he ought to do in his Absence.

The Baron of Bearn, who always made it a Point of Honour to lay hold of any Opportunity, where either he can serve a Friend, or signalize his Courage, took readily upon him this [Page 89]Negotiation, which requir'd no less Prudence than Secresie to bring it a­bout, as will appear in the Sequel of this Discourse.

Eight Days were past after the Mar­quess of Montauban's Departure, before the Baron of Bearn could put his De­sign in Execution; because General Bagnasque kept still within doors. At last his Spies came to tell him one Morning, that Bagnasque design'd to go to Mass, and that his Coach was ready at his Door. The Baron of Bearn without losing time, went strait to that General's House; and being come into the Court, he saw Bagnasque in his Coach. The Baron of Bearn kept at a distance, for fear of inter­rupting the Conversation of a Lady that was then at the Boot speaking to the General.

Assoon as the Lady was gone, he came near the Coach, open'd the Boot, and desir'd the General Bagnasque to oblige him so far as to come out of his Coach for a Moment, and go to a Corner of his Court, having some­thing to communicate to him. Bag­nasque came out of the Coach, leaning [Page 90]on the Baron of Bearn's Hand; be­cause he was troubl'd with the Gout; and going a little aside, the Baron of Bearn spoke to him thus: Sir, I have the more willingly took upon me a Com­mission the Marquess of Montauban has given me, because he has to do with a Per­son whose Virtue and Merit equal the great Reputation he has in the World He has desir d me to tell you, that he expects Sa­tisfaction for the Abuses offer'd him in the Camp of Demont, at the Head of the Troops of the King of England. And for that purpose he leaves to you to appoint the time, to choose your own Arms, the Number of those that are to fight, and the way of Fighting, either on Foot or on Horseback; and only reserves to him­self the Choice of the Place, which must be out of his Royal Highness's Dominions; because he has took his leave of him; and disires he should know nothing of it.

The Marquess of Bagnasque extreme­ly surpriz'd at this unexpected Com­pliment, answer'd with his natural Haughtiness; Monsieur de Montauban will not fight, I am sure: He'll never come to the Place. Sir, return d the Baron of Bearn, I bring you the Parole of Ho­nour [Page 91]from the Marquess of Montauban, and I will answer for it. Surely he will never fight, reply'd General Bagnasque in a higher Tone; and if Monsieur de Montauban thinks himself injur'd, let him demand Satisfaction himself. Sir, return'd the Baron, Such Words do not only wrong those that send these fort of Compliments, but offend at the same time the Honour of those that make them. And clapping his Hand to his Sword, he told the General, Sir, You must resolve quickly; for I shall not leave you till I have a positive Answer; And if you wo'nt have to do with the Marquess of Montauban, you must have to do with me. To this the Marquess of Bagnasque answer'd to the Baron, Sir, I will fight with Pi­stols on Herseback: As for the Place, I cannot appoint it at present. But Sir, re­ply'd the Baron, The Marquess of Mon­tauban being out of his Highness's Domi­nions, I must go and give him an Account of what I have done. Sir, return'd Bagnasque, I will write you word about it where [...]ver you are. By this time they perceiv'd Monsieur Chamousset, Govern­our of the Citadel of Turin, who came to see General Bagnasque; and the [Page 92]Baron of Bearn told the General, Sir, let as talk of other Things, and keep this Affair secret among our selves. They presently chang'd their Discourse, and Monsieur Chamousset being come up to them, they talkt about the new Arms that were to be given to the King of England's Troops next Campagn, and other indifferent Things.

Bagnasque having took Coach again, the Baron of Bearn staid so long with Chamousset till the General was gone a good way the Street, for fear he should tell him what had pass'd be­twixt them: And immediately after the Baron took Post: to acquaint the Marquess of Montanban with his Ne­gotiation, expecting a Letter from General Bagnasque about the Place of Assignation. The Baron of Bearn be­ing inform'd from Turin, that Bag­nasque, in stead of being as good as his Word, had been so imprudent as to make this Affair publick; and that, upon his acquainting his Wife with it, she had had a Miscarriage; and that these Reports were spread all over Turin, and even come to his Highness's Ears; was so incens'd against Bag­nasque, [Page 93]that he resolv'd to return in­cognito to Turin, to force him to keep his Promise.

You must know, that after the Ba­ron of Bearn's departure, Bagnasque had sent for all his Relations, and ha­ving acquainted them with what had past, they consulted together how to secure the Reputation of the General, and baffle the Pursuits of Messieurs de Montauban and de Bearn. After a long Conference, they thought it conveni­ent to send to Monsieur Duprè, a Co­lonel in the Imperial Troops, to know of him whether in Germany an Infe­rior Officer, who thought himself in­jur'd by his General, had right to Challenge him? Colonel Duprà, who is an old Officer, told them, he had, provided the offended Officer took his time, when the General was not at the Head of the Troops under his Command. These Gentlemen report­ed to Monsieur de Bagnasque and his Relations, Monsieur Dupre's Answer, which was not satisfactory, because they did not tell Duprè who the Chal­lenge had been sent to, thinking the Colonel would have exprest himself [Page 94]quite mother way, upon considera­tion of Monsieur Bagnasque's Quality; so that they were sent back to Mon­sieur Dupré, with a Charge to give him the Particulars of the whole Af­fair, and tell him the Names of those that had made the Challenge, and him the Challenge was made to.

Colonel Dupré was at that time in his Chamber, troubled with the Gout, and sitting in an Arm-Chair. His Lieutenant-Colonel and several other Officers were come to make him a Visit, when Bagnasque's Relations en­tred the Room, and said aloud before all the Company, That when they ask'd Monsieur Dupré's Advice, they had forgot to acquaint him, that the Challenge in question was sent to Bagnasque by the Baron of Bearn, from the Marquis of Montauban. Monsieur Dupré made answer, That those Gen­tlemen were Men of Quality, Ho­nour, and Merit; and besides, that being in a Service different from that of the General's, the time of his Command being over, they had right to demand Satisfaction by the Sword, of the Injuries that had been offer'd [Page 95]them. The Lieutenant-Colonel back'd his Sentiments, and said, That it was the common Practice in Germany, and almost every where else; That Mes­sieurs de Montauban and de Bearn were brave and honourable Officers in the Army, and that Monsieur de Bagnasque ought not to refuse them the Satisfa­ction they demanded of him.

The Baron of Bearn finding by all these Proceedings, that General Bag­nasque made a Fool of him, and de­sign'd to shuffle off his Promise, bent his Thoughts upon the Means of en­tring Turin without being known; which was no easie matter, because the Guards were doubled at the City-Gates, and no Person admitted in, without being first examin'd. In or­der to this Design, he put on a Livery, and under that Disguise baffl'd the Vigilance of the Guards, and went incognito to a Jew-Merchant, who liv'd four Houses from that of Gene­ral Bagnasque's, where he staid, wait­ing for the General's going out. And as his Window look'd into the Court of Bagnasque's House, one Morning having perceiv'd his Coach at the [Page 96]Door, he got himself ready, and or­der'd a Sergeant of Montauban's Regi­ment, who had accompanied him disguis'd under a Peasant's Habit, to observe all that pass'd, and that in case the General's Men came to their Master's Relief, he should draw upon them and fight them.

General Bagnasque having took Coach at his Door, went into the Street; when the Baron of Bearn ma­king strait up to him, and striking the Horses with his Cane, stopt them short, open'd the Boot, and thrust himself into the Coach. The Gene­ral was in the greatest Surprize ima­ginable at the sight of the Baron of Bearn: Sir, said the Baron to him, I expect you shall make good your Pro­mise; our Affair is now publick, and one of us is no Man of Honour. At that, he took Bagnasque by the Arm, to get him out of the Coach, and force him to draw. That General having open'd his Coat, told him, Sir, I will fight with Pistols on Horse-back. We must have Seconds, and Judges of the Combate. I ll fight Monsieur de Montauban; and as for you, Sir, I have a very gailant [Page 97]Gentleman, who will find you sufficient Play. Sir, (reply'd the Baron of Bearn) I am glad you take care of your own Security: When the Gentleman you design for me, shall have any Business with me, I am confident it will never injure his Reputation. In the mean time, what Day do you appoint for the Perfor­mance of your Promise? Sir, (answer'd General Bagnasque) Count Serval my Nephew is going to be married; the Wed­ding will be kept at Verceil: I am to be at it, and for that purpose I'll set out from this Place on Twelfth-day Eve, and the next day I'll be at Verceil, where we'll fight. You may depend upon it, and ac­quaint the Marquess of Montauban with it, that he may be ready against that Time.

The Baron of Bearn took his leave of General Bagnasque, and having be­fore-hand hir'd Post-horses at the three Gates of the City, he mounted the first that he could come at, and went to Carignan thro' a By-way, for fear of being surpriz'd; for about half an Hour after his departure, Bag­nasque order'd the Gates of the City to be shut, in order to arrest him, ac­cording [Page 98]to his Highness's Command. Several Horsemen were immediately sent up and down the Countrey; but the Baron of Bearn baited but one moment at Carignan, and went Post to Milan, where the Marquess of Montauban staid for him. At his ar­rival he gave him the Particulars of this second Challenge.

These two Gentlemen had now no other Thoughts than to get their Arms ready against the appointed day; and because Monsieur de Bag­nasque had demanded Judges of the Fight, they pitch'd upon Colonel Beetsleer, a Grison by Birth, who was in the Service of the King of Spain. They could not chuse a Person of greater Merit, nor one that Ge­neral Bagnasque ought to be less jea­lous of. Colonel Beetsleer accepted of their Proposal like a Gentleman: He told them, he would not only be a Spectator of the Fight, but also ac­count it an Honour to draw his Sword in their Quarrel. They return'd him their Thanks, and desir'd him only to do them the Honour to be present as Judge of the Fight, which he very generously granted.

One day the Baron of Bearn going out of Monsieur Beetsleer's House, per­ceiv'd the Marquess Daix, Lieutenant in the Guards of his Royal Highness, who was come Post from Turin. He went presently to the Marquess of Montauban, to confer with him about what they had to do: For the Mar­quess Daix had brought Orders, which his Royal Highness had obtain'd from Monsieur de Leganez Governor of the Milanese, who hapned to be then at Turin, to arrest them: And while the Marquess Daix enquired for the House of Monsieur Louvigny, who command­ed in Milan in the absence of Mon­sieur de Leganez, to put his Orders in execution, Messieurs de Montauban and de Bearn, having first discours'd with Colonel Beetsleer, resolv'd to take Post, and leave Milan with all expedition.

To put the change upon the Mar­quess Daix, and baffle the Design of his Journey, they hir'd a Calash, which they gave to their Servants, ordering them to go before, and make as if they design'd for Casal; but to come to meet them at Verceil by some by-way or other. The Marquess Daix being [Page 100]deluded by this Artifice, went Post to Casal, with design to prevail with the Governor of that Place to arrest them there. In the mean time the Marquess of Montauban and the Baron of Bearn, having desir'd Colonel Beetsleer to follow them, repair'd to the Borough of Verceil, the Place of Assignation. They arriv'd there seven days before, and staid till seven days after the time appointed by Monsieur Bag­nasque: But that General broke his Promise, and never came to the Place. Messieurs de Montaubon and de Bearn entred an Act of their Appearance and Stay, and took Certificates of the Parson and Magistrates of the Place; and seeing all their Endeavours were eluded by the Cowardise of Monsieur de Bagnasque, the Marquess of Mon­tauban resolv'd at last to go for Hol­land, and the Baron of Bearn to return to Turin, with design to fight Bagnasque where-ever he could meet him, and revenge the Contempt, and Breach of his Promise.

It is to be observed by the By, That if Messieurs de Montauban and de Bearn had been arrested at Milan by [Page 101]the Marquess Daix, Bagnasque, to se­cure his Honour, had resolv'd to go to the appointed Place, whilst his Rela­tions would have given out in Turin, That Messieurs de Montauban and de Bearn were Cowards, who had broke the Appointment. At last Bagnasque's Friends, considering that the General was not safe, and that the Baron of Bearn, who had stopt him in his own Coach in the middle of Turin, would sooner or later surprise him a third time, thought it convenient to use all means to make away with so dange­rous an Enemy; and for that purpose, they gave Two hundred Pistols to Ten or Twelve Soldiers to murder him.

Some of these villanous Wretches having communicated their detestable Design to some of their Comerades of the Regiment of Montauban, these gave Information of it to their Officers, who presently notified it to the Baron of Bearn. The Hatred and Resent­ment of Bagnasque did not stop here: The Marquesses of Pianese, Caral, Tane, and Perella, all four related to that Ge­neral, had several Conferences upon that Affair. The Safety of Bagnasque's [Page 102]Person, (who besides the great Places he had both in the Army and at Court, was also his Royal Highness's Favourite) was so dear to them, that they us'd all their Endeavours with his Royal Highness to get an Order to put Bagnasque under arrest; both to make his Family easie, and break the De­signs of the Baron of Bearn, who would have attack'd him where-ever he could have met him.

His Royal Highness espous'd the Quarrel of his General so warmly, that he prevail'd with my Lord Gal­loway to deprive the Baron of all his Employments, notwithstanding the Remonstrances of Monsieur Lilemarais, who wrote to his Lordship, that Mat­ers could not be carried to that ex­tremity, without doing him the great­est Injustice in the World; since the Baron of Bearn was acknowledg'd by all the Army to be a brave Officer, who always had discharg'd his Duty with Honour, and who, besides that, was distinguish'd by his Quality, as being extracted from one of the no­blest Families in France. But all this was to no purpose; for Bagnasque's [Page 103]Cowardise, and the great Interest he had at Court, still prevail'd upon all other Considerations.

However, his Royal Highness be­ing satisfied of the Valour and Merit of the Baron of Bearn, resolv'd at last to desire my Lord Galloway to make him advantageous Offers from him, upon condition that he would re­nounce the Marquess of Montauban's Interest, and forget what had past be­tween him and General Bagnasque. The Baron of Bearn answer'd, That he acted not in this Affair out of any private Interest, but only because the Honour of the King of England was at stake, since General Bagnasque had abus'd his Troops, and their Comman­der the Marquess of Montauban; and that for his part, he had rather sacri­fice all his Employments, than aban­don his Friend's Cause.

My Lord Galloway order'd him, by his Royal Highness's Command, to be under Arrest, and told him, That the present Juncture of Affairs exacted from him that Complaisance for his Royal Highness. The Baron of Bearn protested against the Injustice done [Page 104]him, and put himself under the Pro­tection of the Confederate Princes. Monsieur de Varennes General of the Troops of Brandenburgh, Monsieur Vander-Meer Minister of the States, and several other Men of Note, being now concern'd in this Affair, my Lord Galloway prevail'd with his High­ness to have the Baron of Bearn re­leas'd from his Confinement. Thus being at liberty, he at last left Turin, and went into Holland, to give His Majesty of Great Britain an Account of all that had past in this Affair. Before his departure, his Highness de­sir'd my Lord Galloway to offer him a Regiment, if he would go and serve the Venetians; and upon his refusal, he offer'd him Money, and Letters of Recommendation to the King of Eng­land. He answer'd, That he return'd his Royal Highness Thanks for the Offers made him upon so hard Terms; That if my Lord Galloway was pleas'd to give him Letters for his Britannick Majesty, he would gladly accept of them; but as for those of his High­ness, he had no occasion for them; and that the only Favour he expected [Page 105]from him, was to order the Payment of the Arrears due to him. The Duke of Savoy seeing that all these Offers were not able to shake his Re­solution, or make him betray his Ho­nour, spoke no more about that Af­fair. Only my Lord Galloway and Monsieur Vander-Meer gave him Let­ters; the first, for the King; and the other, for the States of the United Provinces.

You have in this short History a faithful Picture of the Ministers of the Court of Savoy, of the Genius and Inclinations of his Highness's Ge­nerals; and in fine, of the shuffling Conduct of that Prince with respect to the Troops of the Allies. We say nothing here but what is notoriously known; and if we would recount all the Treacheries we have seen with our own Eyes, we should swell up this Discourse to a great Volume. How­ever, we would have the World know, that it was not for want of his High­ness's Endeavours, if all the Confede­rate Troops were not sacrific'd to the French; and that nothing but the Pru­dence and Wisdom of the Generals [Page 106]that commanded them, has sav'd them from his premeditated Designs of de­stroying them.

After that, I leave to the Confede­rates to judge, whether, at this time, they ought to look upon the Duke of Savoy as a well-affected Prince, who never had ought but the Interest of the Confederacy in prospect, as his Ministers are pleas'd to insinuate it; or as a sworn and irreconcileable Ene­my, the more dangerous, in that he has been acquainted with all that pass'd in the Closet of the Confede­rate Princes, both to serve his own Ends, and those of the Common Enemy.

Cautions may be us'd against the Surprizes of an open and declar'd Enemy; but 'tis a very hard matter to prevent being cheated by a Confe­derate Prince, who proclaims his Friendship and the Sincerity of his Intentions in all the Courts of Europe, by his flattering Ministers; and who, at the bottom, is no better than a dis­sembling Shuffler. Honesty is now a days a Cloke for every Body; and the greatest Cheats in the World are [Page 107]still industriously careful to be ac­counted Honest. I confess, 'tis im­possible to read any Man's Thoughts: But however, one might have known by all the Actions of the Duke of Savoy, and the repeated Informations that have been given to the Confede­rates, that he kept Intelligence with France: Yet at this very time there are some People that can hardly be­lieve it; which is much the same thing, as if a Man should first shut his Eyes, and then maintain, that it is Night at Noon-day. This pernicious Supineness and Carelesness is now the Cause of the ill Dispositions towards the Conclusion of a General Peace.

Haughty and ambitious France fan­cies to have done much, by winning over the Duke of Savoy to her Inte­rest: She hopes by that to shake the Constancy of the other Princes, draw off some of the weakest by the Ex­ample of his Royal Highness, offering them great Advantages; and after she has engag'd these, she reckons upon the Division of the Heads of the Con­federacy, who will at last grow weary of a War that does but exhaust their [Page 108]Riches. But we may assure the French Council, that they are in a mighty Errour in this Point, and that they entertain themselves with empty chi­merical Hopes, since the Heads of the Confeder [...]cy who have supply'd the Duke of Savoy with all the Ne­cessaries for the Diversion he promis'd to make, but did not perform, are fully resolv'd to take such Measures for the future, as never to be cheated again by any of their Allies; and besides, never to make a Peace with France, but upon such Terms as they have agreed amongst themselves: And whatever France may imagine, they shall not want for Money: Two or three Campagns more do not signi­fie much; and then we may see who shall have the better on't. ▪Tis enough we are very well inform'd of the For­ces of that Crown, and what she's able to do, being so exhausted as she is, and having left no Stone unturn'd to procure a Peace. The only thing the Confederates seem now to be con­cern'd for, is the Perfidiousness of the Duke of Savoy, who has most basely betray'd them; this they take more [Page 109]to heart, than all the imaginary Ad­vantages France expects to draw from it.

By all this we may safely conclude, that when the Duke of Savoy entred into the Alliance, he had no other Aim in prospect, than to favour the Designs of France, under the specious Pretence of some Discontents against that Crown. The Mask is now turn'd up; and we have evidently discover'd, that he has acted in combination with France during all the War of Italy. Now these are the Fruits which the French King and Duke of Savoy ex­pected to reap from their secret In­telligence. First, The Duke of Savoy hop'd to get considerably, by empty­ing the Purses of so many Allies who must have recourse to him, to get an easie Passage into France, and by that means effect as much in one Cam­pagn, as could be perform'd in the Process of a long War. The French King likewise thought it no less for his advantage, than the Duke his Confederate; because this Prince cry­ing out for Help, the Confederates would be sure to send him a great [Page 110]number of Auxiliaries, with vast Sums of Money, to maintain and keep up a Diversion, which was look'd upon as the only way to bring France to rea­sonable Terms; and these were as many Enemies from which the French King freed himself in Flanders and Germany, while Monsieur de Catinat, his General, kept them at a Bay with a Handful of Men, who had never been able to stand before them, had not the Duke of Savoy juggl'd with him.

The French King cunningly improving the Diversion he oblig'd the Confede­rates to make in Italy through the Duke of Savoy's means, pursu'd his Conquests in Flanders and on the Rhine. He won Battels, and took strong Pla­ces, under the Conduct of the Ma­reschals of Luxemburg and de Lorge, to whom he always sent the Choice of his Men, whereas he only gave Mon­sieur Catinat new-rais'd raw Soldiers, or Irishmen, because he went upon sure grounds, and that this was suffi­cient to entertain a War on that Side.

Another great Reason prevail'd with the French King, which extreme­ly [Page 111]favour'd his Designs towards the Ruine of the other Confederate Prin­ces; and which was never found out, till the Ill was grown past Remedy. This was, that the Duke of Savoy de­claring himself for the Confederates, and at the same time keeping his In­telligence with France, the Ministers of the Duke would be still welcome in all the Courts of the Alli'd Princes, and that under colour of a Common Concern, he would be made privy to all the Secrets, and be acquainted with their strong and weak Side, which he would discover to the French King. 'Tis for that reason that the Duke of Savoy sent none but choice Wits (and most of them Jesuits, as being the most subtle and intriguing) to reside with the Confederate Princes. Those Ministers have extreamly well dis­charg'd their Duty; for it has been observ'd, that every Post the Court of France had certain and precise Infor­mations of all that pass'd in the Con­gress, in the Councils of War, and all other Consultations. Hence it is, that the French King and his Generals were always upon their Guard; and [Page 112]whatever the Allies undertook, the French expected them behind good Retrenchments, provided with all Ne­cessaries to make their Designs mis­carry.

To this also ought to be imputed the inconsiderable Successes of the Bombardments, and other Enterpri­ses of the Confederate Fleet upon the French Coasts: For the President de la Tour, who resided at the Court of England during the Winter, never came back but to acquaint the Duke his Master (as this did the French King) with all the Designs that were to be put in execution the next Cam­pagn.

There's still another Reason that has much contributed to induce the Duke of Savoy to play Jack of Both Sides during this War; which is, That his Dominions being very poor, and several of his Subjects forc'd thro' Ne­cessity to beg their Bread in most Countries of Europe, he hop'd by the War of Italy to draw with the Auxili­ary Troops of the Confederates, a great part of their Moneys: Which indeed has made his People very rich, [Page 113]and fill'd his Coffers so, that at this time he may be said to be one of the richest Princes of Christendom in ready Cash. This Money was not all got by the Confederates; France has also brought in her Share, since 'tis her Gold only that has dazzl'd this Prince and his Ministers. But the French King little cares how much he gives, so he may compass his Ends, and gra­tifie his Ambition. That Monarch express'd his Thoughts very plainly about that Matter: For being one day at dinner when News was brought him that the Treaty was at last con­cluded with the Duke of Savoy, he said before all the Company, That the Peace of Italy had cost him dear; but he was sure a general Peace would make him amends for all the Sums he had disburs'd. These Words need neither Explana­tion nor Comment; therefore let's return to our Subject.

When the Duke of Savoy declar'd for the Allies against France, he hop'd to reap by it an Advantage no less considerable than all the rest, since it nearly concerns his Honour and pri­vate Interest. For since the Death of [Page 114]his Predecessor Charles Emanuel II. he had liv'd an obscure retir'd Life, that little became a Sovereign Prince, who takes Place among Crown'd Heads, altho' his Revenues be in no manner answerable to that high Dignity. Therefore it was now high time for him to make himself talk'd of in the World, to illustrate his Reign by some great Action, and eternize his Memo­ry by some surprizing Event. His Temper and Inclinations did naturally lead him to it: For, to give every one his Due, he is a Man of Cou­rage, and wants nothing that can make a great Warrior. All these Rea­sons prompted him to take upon him that Part which we have seen him act ever since the beginning of the War. By this means he design'd to make his Friendship and Alliance courted by all the Princes in Europe, and become, as it were, the Umpire and Arbitrator of the General Peace.

Another thing which the Duke of Savoy aim'd at, was to lay such great Obligations upon France, (at a Jun­cture when she was expos'd to a World of Enemies, that had conspir'd her [Page 115]Ruin) as would engage the French King not to treat him as a Pety Prince, as he did before, and to have more Regard and Esteem for him for the future. As for the French King, besides the Advantages he design'd to draw from his Royal Highness's Se­cret Alliance, which was to bring the Confederates to a General Peace, he has still had another Artifice in prospect, which neither the Duke nor his Council ever thought of, and which will prove fatal to his Domi­nions and Liberty. For by engaging him to side with the Allies, and be­tray them afterwards, he draws upon him their irreconcilable Hatred: And the Confederates have all the Reason in the World to treat him for the fu­ture as an ambidextrous Shuffler, and refuse him their Assistance, when France, after a Peace is concluded, shall go to strip him of his Domini­ons, as she did the Duke of Lorrain, and several other Princes who had done her almost the like Services.

It is not the first time that the Dukes of Savoy have lost their Dominions, as appears by the Quarrels which [Page 116] Charles Emanuel, Grandfather to his Royal Highness had with King Henry III. and Henry IV. of France. Henry III. being in War against a powerful League, Charles Emanuel did much the same as Victor Amedeus his Successor has done in our Days. Me entertain'd great Hopes of enlarging his Fortune if he should improve that Opportuni­ty, to declare himself against France; and accordingly in the Year 1588, he joyn'd his Arms to those of the Ene­mies of Henry III. and having formed a powerful Party, of which he made himself Chief, he entred Provence, sur­priz'd the Cities of Marseilles and Ar­les; and was so puff'd up with these Successes, that he coin'd a Medal to eternize his Memory; where he was represented under the Emblem of a Centaurus trampling upon a Crown, with this Motto, OPPORTUNE, Seasonably; meaning that he could not have a more seasonable Opportunity to hum­ble France. He paid dear for this Bravado; for in the Year 1600, Henry IV. having pacify'd the Trou­bles and Commotions that distracted France, and had given Occasion to [Page 117] Charles Emanuel to form great De­signs against that Crown, resolv'd to be reveng'd of him; and having bent the Stress of the War towards Italy, made himself Master of the greatest Part of Savoy and Piedmont. And to be even with the Duke, he coin'd a Medal, where he was seen in the Fi­gure of Hercules beating down with his Club the proud Centaurus, with this Latin Motto, OPPORTUNIUS; that is, More Seasonably and Successfully. Af­ter the Conquest of Savoy and Pied­mont, Henry IV. at the Entreaty of Pope Clement VIII. was at last pre­vail'd upon to be reconcil'd with the distress'd Duke; tho' it was the Opinion of all the Politicians of those Times, that Henry IV. ought to have kept Savoy and Piedmont, both to chastize the inconsiderate Rashness of that Prince, and have a free and open Way to enter Italy whenever he pleas'd. This is the Advice that Cardinal d'Ossat, one of the greatest Statesmen in those Days gave Henry IV. But upon this Occasion that Mo­narch shew'd more Generosity than Policy, and restor'd Charles Emanuel to all his Dominions.

One might now very well ask Victor Amedeus II. who broke with France in a Conjuncture of time, much like that when Charles Emanuel declar'd himself against Henry III. that is, when all Europe arm'd against her, and attack'd her on the four Corners of the Kingdom. One might, I say, ask that Prince, who is now at last recon­cil'd with the French King, through the Mediation of the Pope and the other Princes of Italy, what Security France gives him to put his Dominions out of Danger? Will not the French King after a general Peace is concluded, have the fairest Opportunity in the World to strip him of them? Shall he want Pretences for that Purpose? And is not the Duke of Savoy's Con­duct at the first Breaking out of the War of Italy a sufficient one, since he alone has carried the Fire-brand of War into France by the Irruption into Dauphine? All these Proceedings will furnish new Matter of Discord and Division, which in time will kindle a greater Fire, and revive the old Pretensions of the French King to the Dukedom of Savoy, Princi­pality [Page 119]of Piedmont, and County of Nice.

Savoy was annex'd to the Crown of France, about twelve hundred Years ago. This happen'd in the Reign of King Clovis, who got it by way of Conquest from Gundebald King of Bur­gundy; because this Prince had embrac'd the Party of Alaric King of the Goths, who wag'd War against France, Clovis incens'd against Gundebald, turn'd him out of his Dominions, and reduc'd him to live on a small Pension the rest of his Life. This unfortunate Prince being dead, his Dominions fell for ever to the Crown of France by the Decease of Clotildis, Sister to Gundebald, and Wife to Clovis, to whom they belong'd by Legal Right after her Brother's Death. So that this Princess dying without Issue, they were appropriated to the Crown of France, although Savoy had several times been given by way of Appen­age to the second and third Sons, till the Emperour Charles the Bald present­ed Bozon, Count of Arles with the anci­ent Kingdom of Burgundy, to which he joyn'd Savoy to be holden for ever by [Page 120]by Fealty and Homage from the Em­perour of Germany.

The Kingom of Arles was of no long Duration, and had but four or five Kings, the last of which named Rodol­phus, being dead without Issue, Hum­bert of Morienne, who then was Go­vernour of Savoy, was vested with it by the Emperour Conradus the Salick. He was succeeded by Amedeus his Son, from whom is deriv'd the present Fa­mily of Savoy; which is the more il­lustrious and ancient, because Hum­bert was descended from the Dukes of Saxony.

However the Crown of France main­tains now-a-days, that the vesting of those Dominions had no legal Foun­dation: First, because the Empire ought to return hereditarily to the House of France, after the Decease of Charles the Burley, the last Emperour of the Carlovingian Race, upon whom Conradus the Salick had usurp'd it. Besides this, France produces another Title to Savoy; which is, that it was annex'd to it a long time before the Erection of the Empire; and therefore ought now to be accounted a part of its Demesnes. [Page 121]To all these Claims to Savoy, France adds still a new one; which is deriv'd from Louise of Savoy Mother to Fran­cis I. King of France, and Daughter to Philip VII. Duke of Savoy; who at his Marriage with Margaret of Bourbon, had stipulated that their Children should succeed one another in the Dutchy and all its Dependencies.

Philip had two Children by Marga­ret, viz. Philibert and Louise; Philibert being dead, Louise his Sister claim'd the Succession; but because there was still two Male-Children by a second Marriage, viz. Charles and the Duke of Nemours, who by the Prerogative of their Sex set up their Title to the Dutchy, Louise was postpon'd, and Charles made himself Master of Savoy, with the Consent of the States of the Country. After all these several in­testine Quarrels, Savoy was again di­sturbed by the War Francis I. made in Italy. This Prince having entred that Dutchy with a formidable Army, re­duc'd it to his Obedience in a very little time. The Conquest of the Principality of Piedmont and County of Nice soon follow'd that of Savoy; [Page 122]all which cost Francis I. but one Cam­pagn. By this means Charles was en­tirely dispossess'd of his Dominions, and had not one Foot of Ground left him.

Francis I. and Henry II. his Succes­sor, were Masters of them for about twenty four Years; that is, till the Peace of Chateau in Cambresis was con­cluded in 1559, whereby King Henry yielded to Spain above 400 Towns and 198 Garison'd Fortresses, among which were compris'd all those of Savoy and Piedmont, except Turin, Viniers, Ville­neuve, Ast, Chevas and Pignerol, which Charles IX. and Henry III. at last resto­red to the Duke.

However, as it is most certain that the French King never stints his Preten­sions, nor regards the Treaties made by his Predecessors, he will be sure to revive in due time the Title he has to Savoy; which is like to be as soon as a general Peace is concluded. So that the present Duke of Savoy may be said to be like those that are born to be unhappy: For he never moves a Step to favour the Designs of France, but he draws towards the Brink of a Precipice.

Several Reasons engage the French King to set up anew his Title to Savoy as soon as a general Peace is concluded. First or all, the new Right he gets by the Marriage of the young Dutchess of Savoy, the Duke's eldest Daughter, with the Duke of Burgundy; because in case the Issue Male fail, that Princess becomes presumptive Heir of all the Domini­ons of Victor Amedeus II. her Father. And 'tis certain the Court of France did much depend upon that, although its Ministers have endeavour'd to give another Turn to the Eagerness the French King has shew'd in courting the Duke. 'Tis a Truth acknowledg'd by all Politicians, that the chief way the French King has us'd to enlarge his Do­minions, has always been by Marriages, since he seldom or never concluded a Treaty of Peace, but he had a Prince or a Princess of the Blood to bestow upon his Enemies, in order to make them subservient to his Designs. But as soon as the Deferences and Respects usually paid to new-married People, are over, France always speaks to another Tune, and will have her own at any rate. [Page 124]So that the Duke of Savoy may take his Measures accordingly: And I will be a false Prophet, if the Match he has lately concluded with the Duke of Burgundy do not prove fatal to his Liberty, and the Tranquillity of his Dominions. The second Reason that will induce the French King to pick a Quarrel with the Duke of Savoy, is, that he never forgives Injuries that are offer'd him; and if he seems now to court and flatter him, 'tis only to draw him the better to the Trap he lays for him. 'Tis certain the French King will never pardon his declaring himself against him, and taking up Arms to favour the Designs of his E­nemies: And the first Business of this Monarch's Revenge, will be to enslave him. All the Submissions his Royal Highness will then use, such as to go to France in Person (as did the Doge of Genoa some Years ago) to express his Sorrow for embracing the Confede­racy; all these respectful Steps, I say, will serve but to encrease the Contempt France has for a Prince that can do her no Hurt.

The third Motive that will engage France not to have any regard for the Duke of Savoy after the Conclusion of a general Peace, is the great Passion she ever had to have no other Bounda­ries than the Alps on the Side of Italy. Therefore we ought to look upon the Restitution of the important Place and Fortress of Pignerol as a fallacious Chimera, and a Decoy of the French King's to bring the Duke of Savoy to a Negotiation of Peace; well know­ing that this Prince being once dis­arm'd, and depriv'd of all the Sup­plies of the Confederates, it will bean easie matter to make him submit to what Terms he pleases. So that his Highness's Safety did entirely depend upon the Support of the Confederate Princes.

Having briefly related the several Claims of the French King to Savoy, and the several Motives, which will infallibly induce him to revive them as soon as he is rid of all his Ene­mies; we shall now speak to the Wrong his Royal Highness has done the Allies, after they have been so kind to him as to share with him, the Ho­nour [Page 126]of bringing to reasonable Terms a Monarch, who from the beginning of his Reign has meditated the Sla­very of all Europe. But what makes the Duke of Savoy's Conduct the more inexcusable, is, that by undoing himself, he had a mind to involve all the Confederates in the same Ruin, and blast, as it were in one Moment ail the Fruits that were to be gathered from nine Campaigns, which have cost the Allied Princes the Blood of their most faithful Subjects, and their own Toils and Labours, not to men­tion the vast Treasure that has been spent to maintain and carry on the War.

The Duke of Savoy's late Conduct in putting himself at the Head of a French Army, to hasten the Reduction of Valence (which had been follow'd by the entire Conquest of the Mi­lanese) is but too plain a Proof of what he aims at; and of the secret Corre­spondence he has had all along with France, in order to betray the Allies: To which may be added, his being so busie in hastening the Emperour and King of Spain to accept of a Neu­trality, [Page 127]without giving the Negotia­ [...]s Time to consider of and exa­mine so important an Affair, so that his only end was to force all the Al­lies to agree to the general Peace, which France courts with so much Impatience, and which she had never brought about if it had not been for Duke of Savoy. 'Tis upon that Ac­count that the French King has had so much regard for the Court of Turin; because he had been long acquainted with the Genius and weak Side of his Royal Highness, which is to be en­tirely governed by Interest.

Therefore we must not wonder if the Gold of France has been more powerful with the Duke of Savoy than the Honour he would have got by standing it out at a Juncture of Af­fairs, which would infallibly have ruin'd France, and procur'd great Advantages to all the Confederates, not to speak of a solid and lasting Peace that would have ensued. I do not doubt but the French King's In­trigues have been favour'd upon this Occasion, by the unanimous Concur­rence of the Princes of Italy. The [Page 128]War in that Country fill'd them with Fears and Jealousies, and kept 'em extremely subject, by reason of the Contributions they were oblig'd to pay to the Auxiliary Troops. This Constraint, and the other Dis­orders which are the inseparable At­tendants of War, have engag'd 'em to join their Instances with the ear­nest Endeavours of the French King, and all together have undoubtedly much contributed to make the Duke of Savoy take a course so directly opposite to his Interest.

His Royal Highness's Ministers do openly complain, that the Confede­rates have not perform'd what they promis'd to the Duke their Master; That he wanted Men and Money at a time when his Dominions lay expos'd as a Prey to a powerful Army incamp'd at the Gates of Tu­rin, with full Resolution to bombard it, if the Duke did not presently accept of the French King's Offers: That his Highness having consider'd the imminent Danger of losing all in one Moment, was forc'd to pre­fer the Repose and Safety of his [Page 129]People to all the private Advantages he might have got by making a longer Resistance; which amount to no more than the Honour of not forsaking a Party whose Interest it was to prolong the War, thereby to force the French King to make more advantagious Offers than those he had already made: And that in this case his Highness wrongs himself more than the Confederates.

To this we answer, That the Allies are very well inform'd of the true Mo­tives that have prevail'd with his Highness upon this Occasion, since all the Intrigue was juggl'd with the French King at our Lady of Loretto's.

This pious Journy of the Court of Turin, was only design'd to draw the Pre­liminaries of a Treaty which his High­ness & his Ministers have been so care­ful of keeping secret from the Allies.

'Tis well known, that his Highness thro' the Mediation of the Pope's Nuntio, and some Princes of Italy, enter'd into Articles with France, and agreed with the French King's Pleni­potentiaries upon all the Steps he was to make to cheat the Confederates.

According to this Project the French King promis'd to reinforce considera­bly his Army in Italy, to give Or­ders to Monsieur Catinat to be early in the Field, and prevent thereby the Arrival of the Auxiliary Troops which the Emperour and the other Confede­rate Princes sent to his Assistance: That Monsieur Catinat should go and incamp before the Gates of Turin, threatning to bombard that capital City, and lay it in Ashes in less than 24 Hours, unless his Highness pre­vented the impending Storm by a spee­dy Reconciliation with the French King upon the Terms he offer'd him. That by this means his Highness would be excus'd, and his Conduct seem less suspicious and blameable to the Allies.

It was no hard matter for the Ge­nerals that commanded the Auxiliary Troops of the Confederates in Italy to penetrate into the Designs of the Court of Turin, by reason of the little Care his Highness took of ma­king himself Master of such Posts as might have made Monsieur Catinat's Designs miscarry. On the contrary, [Page 131]one might have read his secret Joy in his Face: For he knew very well that there was nothing to be fear'd from the great Preparations of the French. Yet the better to colour his Play, he caused all the Ladies, and the Lords unfit for War, to go out of Turin. On the other side, it was given out in the French Army, that they only waited for the heavy Can­non and Bomb-Waggons from Pigne­rol. But this Artillery and Ammuni­tion was still coming; and that Slow­ness, so unusual with the French, es­pecially in important Expeditions, is an undeniable Proof that the Court of Turin juggl'd, and acted in Com­bination with France, to baffle the Confederates. In the mean time the French King's Emissaries went to and fro from the Court of Turin to Mon­sieur Catinat; and all that to put the Change upon the Confederates, and cover the foul Play and Treachery of his Royal Highness.

We should never have dons, if we did relate all the Artifices that have been used to carry on this important Negotiation, which was look'd upon [Page 132]by France, as the great Wheel that is to set all the Springs going a towards a general Peace.

Let's now come to the private Trea­ty his Royal Highness has lately con­cluded. By that Treaty the French King promises him,

• I. The Restitution of the important Fortress of Pignerol, upon condition that its Fortifications shall be razed at a general Peace.
• II. To give him four Millions of Livres in ready Mony, to be paid on the same Day the Treaty is rati­fied.
• III. The Restitution of Nice, Mont­melian and other Places, conquer'd upon his Royal Highness by the Arms of the most Christian King, from the beginning of the War to this present time.
• IV. To match the young Dutch­ess of Savoy, his eldest Daughter, with his Highness the Duke of Bur­gundy.
• V. That the Princess shall have Honours paid her as Dutch­ess of Burgundy, and in that Qua­lity shall take place at the Court [Page 133]of France, of the Princesses of the Blood.
• VI. That upon the Confederates refusing a Neutrality in Italy, his most Christian Majesty engages to join his Forces to those of his Royal Highness towards the Conquest of the Mi­lanese.
• VII. That after the Reduction of that Dutchy the most Christian King shall put it into the Hands of his Roy­al Highness, to enjoy it for ever, with­out demanding any thing for the Ex­pences of that Expedition, and to se­cure him in the Possession of it, by protecting him against the Arms of the House of Austria.
• VIII. That he renounces for ever all the Rights and Claims which he and his Predecessors have had to the Duke­dom of Savoy, Principality of Pied­mont, and County of Nice.
• IX. That in case the War continue in Italy by the Refusal of the Neutra­lity, the most Christian King will lend him his Forces for the Conquest of Ge­neva: That if the Neutrality be accepted, that Expedition shall be reserv'd till after the general Peace.

His Royal Highness, on his Part, promises to the French King,

• I. To renounce the Confederacy, and join himself for ever with the Crown of France: To act unanimous­ly with the Most Christian King, in all that can make their Union lasting, and their Alliance inviolable for the future.
• II. That he shall never give his Consent to the Restoration of the Vaudois; and that he shall repeal all the Edicts by which he had lately granted them the free Exercise of their Religion, and their Return to the Valleys.
• III. That he will use his Mediati­on to bring the Allies to a General Peace.

Let us examine these Articles, and see whether his Royal Highness ought at this time to depend upon the Word of a Monarch who never scrupl'd to violate the Treaties he had concluded with the other Princes of Europe, with­out any Exception.

We must consider, in the first place, That when the French King consents to restore Pignerol, he does as much [Page 135]as give the Key of his Kingdom (on the Side of the Alps) to keep, to the Duke of Savoy, and loses for ever all the Advantages he had, by that im­portent Place, upon all the Princes of Italy. By that means he leaves the Province of Dauphinê expos'd to the Irruptions of his Enemies, and con­firms the staggering Liberty of all the Princes beyond the Alps, who were before as it were bridled up by Casal and Pignerol. To this we may add, That by that Restitution he sacrifices all the Resentments, which for some late Years have occasion'd the Quar­rels he has had with the Court of Rome, during the Papacy of Innocent XI. with the Republick of Genoa, and some other States of Italy.

If the French King be sincere in the Restitution of Pignerol, the Duke of Savoy has all the reason in the World to be satisfied with the Generosity of France, and not to grudge all the Complaisance he has had for that Crown. And indeed, 'tis a great matter for his Highness to get so im­portent a Place as Pignerol. Besides, the French King does not stay till he [Page 136]be compell'd to it by force of Arms: He makes this voluntary Present to his Royal Highness, even at a time when his Forces are so much superiour in Italy, and that he is in a condition to strip the Duke of all his Territories, by the taking of Turin, the Capital City of his Dominions.

'Tis a great matter, I say, for the Duke of Savoy to get Pignerol: But after we have taken a View of what the French King gives to his Highness, let's see what he reserves to himself. He consents to the Restitution of Pig­nerol, I grant it; but then this is to be at a General Peace, and after all its Fortifications are razed to the Ground. By these two Reservations the French King plainly shews, First, That what he aim'd at, was to engage the Duke of Savoy to use his utmost Endeavours to hasten a General Peace: Secondly, That when he restores this Place dis­mantl'd, 'tis only with design to re-take it whenever he pleases: So that at best the Duke of Savoy is like to enjoy it but for some small time; and perhaps Ten Months after the General Peace is concluded, the French King will [Page 137]order his Troops to clear the Place.

To be convinc'd of this, we must observe, That in all Treaties of Peace, the French King never offers to restore any strong Place, but on condition of razing the Fortifications; which shews his Double-dealing, his want of Sincerity, and his secret De­sire of making himself Master of them as soon as he has gain'd his present Ends, which are chiefly, to disarm his Enemies, while he keeps on foot a numerous Army of well-disciplin'd experience'd Soldiers, when the other Princes disband theirs. 'Tis well-known by experience, that France can raise again the Fortifications of a Place in very few Months, and that often with little Expence, because he not only makes use of his own Soldi­ers, but also of the Inhabitants of the Place, and their Money to boot: Witness the Fortifications of most of the Fortresses in Flanders, which have been built with the vast Sums that he got by Contributions. All that the French King provides for his Share, are Engineers, good Order, and Di­ligence; as for Materials and Money, [Page 138]the poor Inhabitant is always oblig'd to find them.

This Consideration makes the French King value so little the Restoration of a strong Place, provided its Fortifica­tions be demolish'd, without which lie would never consent to it. His End therefore in restoring Pignerol, was to cast a Mist before the Duke of Savoy's Eyes, and decoy him to break all the Engagements he was enter'd into with the Confederates: But when he has brought his Designs about, he will retake it the more easily, because its Fortifications will then be razed, which he shall never want either for Money, Men, or Materials to rebuild. Besides, what use can the Duke of Savoy make of Pignerol, when dis­mantl'd? Will that hinder the French King from having a free Passage to enter his Dominions upon the first Quarrel? Or, is his Country the more secure by it? Not at all: Therefore 'tis evidently plain, that the French has had no other Design than to delude the Duke of Savoy, and at the same time lay a Trap for the Confederates, the sooner to bring them to treat of a General Peace.

After all, what does the French King give more to that Prince, than what he had already offer'd in the first Pro­posals of Peace he made to the Al­lies? But the Design of the Confede­rates was to oblige France to surrender Pignerol into the Hands of the Duke of Savoy, in the Condition it was at that time, and would never hear of its being raz'd. Nevertheless, his Roy­al Highness accepts of it as such, and thinks it a good Bargain to get it in any Condition the French King is pleas'd to restore it to him. But he may judge by this first Step, of the Since­rity of the French King's Promises; and since that Monarch deludes him in this Article, he must expect no better in all the rest. Therefore he loses more by abandoning the Confe­deracy, than he gets by entring into a Private Treaty, to the prejudice of his own Interest, and the Contempt of so many Princes, who had never hearken'd to a Peace, without procu­ring to him the Restitution of all his Places, with new Advantages, which would have secur'd for ever his Repose and Liberty, render'd his Condition [Page 140]more Honourable, and justifi'd his Conduct.

Let's come to the Second Article. The French King promises to pay Four Millions of Livres upon the Ratifica­tion of the Treaty. 'Tis likely the French King will be as good as his Word, as to those Four Millions, let Money be never so scarce in France, as well as elsewhere, since this great Negotiation could never have been brought about without the Ready. The Reason of it is, that the Duke of Savoy is certainly the most covetous Prince in Europe; and that's the weak Side by which the Ministers of France have crept into his Favour, and have been so much consider'd at the Court of Turin. Thro' the means of their Louidors they have been made privy to the most secret Consultations and Resolves of the Cabinet-Council, and have at last brought things to that pass they are now at. The French King little matters what he spends, provided he bring his Designs about. The first Rule of his Politicks is, to stick at no Cost to triumph over his Enemies; and therefore he has been [Page 141]willing enough to part with those Four Millions: 'Tis Money he has lent upon Usury, of which he expects a Cent. per Cent. Interest. But it is now the Confederates Part to take their Measures accordingly, and look to their Private Interests. The French King, as we said before, explain'd himself openly upon that Matter, and did not stick to say, That a General Peace will make him amends for the Char­ges he has been at for the Peace of Italy.

But if nothing but Money could satisfie the Duke of Savoy, and en­gage him to be true to the Confede­racy, I wonder he, or his Ministers, did not give a Hint of it to the Al­lies; for, I am sure, they would have given him Satisfaction in an Af­fair which was of so great conse­quence to them, and have attempted any thing that had appear'd possible, to give him more than ever France de­signs or promis'd to give. To this, the French King's Partisans will an­swer, That it was a very difficult matter for the Confederates to pay so great a Sum to the Duke, since there still remains Four Millions five [Page 142]hundred thousand Livres due to him. To which I reply, That these Arrears had long since been paid, had not his Highness's Conduct given sufficient Reasons to suspect his juggling with France. The King of England has had several Informations of his Foul-play a long while ago; and if he did not take notice of it, 'tis because it was hop'd he might by amicable Means be kept from a Design that will cer­tainly be his Ruine.

By the third Article the French King promises to restore to the Duke of Savoy, Nice, Montmelian, and in ge­neral all the Places conquer'd during this War: which Restitution is the least thing he could have expelled at a General Peace. But those that have had a watchful Eye over his Highness's Conduct, do assure us, that Nice was yielded up to the French by his Orders; and that the Gover­nour of that Place, the better to co­ver his Foul-play, found a way to blow up the Magazin, and spread at the same time a Report, That this was effected by the French Bombs; whereas it was nothing but the result [Page 143]of his Treachery, and of the secret Intelligence betwixt the French King and his Royal Highness.

The Reduction of the important Fortress of Montmelian was owing to the same Destiny as that of Nice; and the French had never made them­selves Masters of it, but for the secret Orders his Highness gave to the Mar­quess of Bagnasque its Governour. The vigorous Resistance of Coni de­ceiv'd both his Highness and the French; and it must be wholly ascrib'd to the Bravery of Monsieur Julien, and the French Protestants who defend­ed the Place. 'Tis well known, that his Highness, to be reveng'd of it, in­stead of recompensing the Merit of so many gallant Men, who signaliz'd themselves in the Defence of that Place, did, by an unheard-of Barba­rity, keep them from the Preferments that fell to them of Course; which enrag'd Monsieur Julien, and some other Officers, to that degree, that they quitted his Highness's Service, and went over to that of France. The French King presently made Monsieur Julien a Lieutenant-General, and ad­vanc'd [Page 144]the other Officers proportiona­bly to their Merit.

By what follow'd, it is plain, that his Highness's Design in abusing those Officers, was only to be rid of them, because they were look'd upon at the Court of Turin as an Obstacle that broke all the Measures the Duke of Savoy had taken with the French King. One may see, by all these Proceedings, how careful the Duke was to please the French King in all things, and to act in combination with him, to im­pose upon the Allies. This Conduct has constantly been observ'd in Italy during all the Campagns, from the beginning of the War to this present time: Therefore the small Progress of the Confederate Forces is not to be wonder'd at, since the only thing his Royal Highness aim'd at, was to amuse them, and favour the Designs of France by this Diversion.

There's all the Justice in the World for the French King to restore all the Places he has taken from the Duke of Savoy, since he did deposite them in trust into his Hands, till there was a Peace. The French King now keeps [Page 145]his Promise, and so far his Highness has reason to be satisfi'd. The Affairs have succeeded according to the Pro­jects they had concerted together; and the French King is mightily ob­lig'd to the Duke for playing his part so well. But Time will shew whether his Highness ought always to have the same Thoughts of the French King's Honesty, who has made him a Property upon this Occasion, just as he formerly did Cardinal Furstemberg, to compass his grand De­signs, which are now a Riddle to the Court of Turin, but which will be accomplish'd when the general Peace is concluded.

To this we may add, that his Highness ought not to have been in such haste to conclude a private Treaty with France, upon Considera­tion of the Advantages he gets by it. The most serene Allies would have procur'd to him the Restitution of all his Places; and France had already offer'd it to them: So that his High­ness would have made a more Ho­nourable Treaty, and contributed be­sides to the Conclusion of a solid [Page 146]and lasting general Peace, both for him and all the Confederates; where­as by his late Proceedings he raises the Hopes of the common Enemy, violates his Promise and the Oaths he had sworn to the Allies.

Let us now proceed to the Marriage of the young Princess of Savoy with the Duke of Burgundy. This Match has dazzl'd the Duke of Savoy and his Ministers, and ought to be look'd upon as the greatest Artifice of the Council of France, to bring that Prince to a separate Peace. And in­deed it is much for a Prince of his Degree to have his Daughter mar­ried to the Duke of Burgundy, the first Son of France, and presumptive Heir to the Crown, not to mention the Heroical Virtues that shine in that young Prince, to the Admiration of all the Court.

According to the general Course of human Life, this young Duke is like to sit one Day on the Throne. Nay, perhaps the Crown is reserv'd for him, preferable to the Dolphin his Father: and therefore his Highness may reaso­nably flatter himself to see his Daugh­ter Queen of France.

And here we must acknowledge the French King's Council to be compos'd of most wise and judici­ous Politicians; and admire how for­tunate that Monarch is in all his Undertakings; and how skilful and subtle his Ministers are in bringing a­bout their Negotiations.

The Restitution of the Places taken from the Duke of Savoy, was too little to engage that Prince: And on the other hand, the French King could not without his Assistance make a Breach to the Union of the Confederate Princes, and thereby compass his Aim, which is a general Peace. Now what could they have offer'd him, that looks more glo­rious, more fair, and more alluring than this Match? Nothing in the World. Several Millions of Money, and the other Advantages the French King proposed to the Duke, had been ineffectual, and nothing less than this Alliance was ever able to in­duce him to sacrifice the solemn En­gagements he had with the most se­rene Allies.

France was ever happy in her Al­liances; and 'tis to the Matches of the Princes and Princesses of the Blood into the House of Austria, and some other Princely Families of Eu­rope, that she owes that supreme De­gree of Grandeur and Power, at which we see her arriv'd in our Days: And on the contrary, 'tis by those Matches that Spain is now in a declining Con­dition. This being first laid as a Principle, there's no question but that the same Considerations have prevail'd with the French King to propose a Marriage between the Duke of Bur­gundy and his Highness's Daughter. For over and above the private Advan­tages he hopes to get by it towards a general Peace, he has still further Designs unknown to the Court of Tu­rin, which are undoubtedly to lay the Foundations of several new Pretensions and Claims to the Dominions of his Royal Highness, which will be set up in due season, in case the Duke should die without Issue Male. It is his High­ness's Ministers Part to frame their Measures accordingly; and if they be at present French by Inclination, [Page 149]they may very well be so one Day by Duty. 'Tis to no purpose to alledge that the Court of Turin has obviated that Inconvenience, by causing the Duke of Burgundy to renounce the Succession to the Duke of Savoy's Dominions, in case of no Issue Male. The Experience of what pass'd be­twixt the French King and the late King of Spain on the Account of the Marriage of Maria Theresa, does fully evince by the Quarrels that have kin­dled the present War, how little one may depend upon such Renunciations. The Kings of France seldom keep their Word after the Ratification of a Treaty; since we see the present French King has broke all the Oaths he made at his Marriage. 'Tis upon that score that all the Princes of Europe have at this time undertook a War to pro­tect the Crown of Spain in her law­ful Rights, against the Attempts, U­surpations and double Dealing of the French King; and does not the Duke of Savoy expose himself by this Match to the same Quarrels, and the Danger of losing his Dominions?

What could Spain do (in the weak Condition she is now in) without the Support of the Confederate Princes? Had she not been stript by this time of the best part of her Dominions? And when France shall attack the Duke of Savoy upon the same Ac­count, will that Prince be able to resist him with his own Forces? Must he not then call the most serene Allies to his Assistance, whose Interest he now basely forsakes, in contempt of that Alliance he had so earnestly courted?

I am perswaded, that if the Court of Turin had duly consider'd the sad Consequences that may attend the Marriage of the young Princess of Savoy, his Royal Highness would not have been in such haste to consent to it; since in all probability this Match will cost him dear, and be fatal to his Liberty and the Repose of his Sub­jects. But rather he would have made it his Business to entertain the friendly Engagements he was in with the Allies, upon Consideration of their powerful Protection, upon which he might have depended for present and future Advantages.

In fine, the French King, to make this Alliance look the more glorious and glittering to the Court of Turin, order'd the Honours due to a Dutchess of Burgundy, to be paid to the Prin­cess of Savoy at her Arrival at the Court of France. Yet before he went so far, he caus'd the Book of the Ce­remonies of the Crown to be turn'd over: And as it was found that the Daughter of Maximilian the Empe­rour, had the Honours of Dolphiness paid her in France, under the Reign of Lewis XI. tho' she never had been such; because the ceremonial Book says in explicit Terms, that those Ho­nours were not paid to her as Daugh­ter to the Emperour, but as Dolphi­ness design'd: And so the Case being the same, the French King resolv'd to look upon the Princess of Savoy as his Grand-daughter; and order'd that at her Arrival at the Bridge of Beauvoisin, she should be receiv'd as such; and that none but the Dutchess of Lude should have the Privilege of sitting before her.

We see by all this what mighty care the French King has taken to have this Marriage lik'd at the Court of Turin. The Princess of Savoy is far from being handsome: But the Duke of Burgundy is an accomplish'd Prince. Assoon as the March was agreed upon, they presented that Princess's Picture to the Duke, asking him how he did like her; She's handsome enough to give a Peace to Italy, return'd agreeably that young Prince. The French King and all the Court did extremely com­mend this witty and judicious Re­partee, which, by the by, was a tart Jest upon all the Artifices which France has us'd to draw off the Duke of Savoy from the Confederacy, and engage him to make a separate Peace.

'Twould be an endless Work nicely to examine the secret Springs which the French Council have set a going at the Courts of Rome, and of all the other Princes of Italy to bring this Negotiation about. There are no Tricks, no Fetches, that they have not employ'd; not to mention the vast Summs they have given to cor­rupt his Royal Highness's Favourite [Page 153]Ministers, who by their shameful A­varice, have at last prevailed with him to consent to an Alliance that will make him a Slave for ever, and cost him the infallible Loss of his Domi­nions.

It is provided by the sixth Article, that in case the Allies do not agree to a Neutrality in Italy, the French King and the Duke of Savoy will joyn their Forces together in order to con­quer the Milanese: And this, on the Duke's part, is the highest Degree of Treachery imaginable. If that Prince had only been contented to forsake the Interest of the most serene Allies, and to receive under-hand those Summs of Money that France has remitted to him, he might now in some mea­sure excuse himself, by publishing to the World, that he could not refuse the Advantageous Offers made to him without betraying his own Interest, and opposing his good Fortune.

But his Royal Highness does not confine himself within those Bounds; For with one Hand he receives Money of the Confederates, and with the other of France; and moreover [Page 154]plots and contrives with the common Enemy the Ruin of his best Friends and Allies; and makes his Market of their Liberty and his own. He puts him­self at the Head of the French Forces; and in the same Campagn is General of two powerful contrary Armies. Was there ever so singular, and at the same time so perfidious a Conduct as this is? But what can engage this Prince in this foul Play. That Que­stion is answer'd in this Article—, the Hopes of conquering the Mila­nese. The French King tells him by his Ministers, what Title he has to that Dutchy, which he looks upon as a Dependency from the Crown of France, upon the Account of the Marriage of Lowis of Orleans, Son to Charles V, King of France, with Valentina Galeas, Daughter to John Galeas Duke of Milan, who claim'd the Suc­cession to that Dutchy by the Decease of her two Brothers, who left no Issue.

By this Artifice the French King has cunningly insinuated himself into the Court of Turin; and while he enter­tains the Duke of Savoy with the Chi­merical [Page 155]Hopes of conquering the Dutchy of Milan, he makes him a Property to his Designs, which are the Neutrality in Italy. By that means the French King frees himself from a most burdensome and expensive War, which perplex'd him more than all the Ar­mies he keeps in Flanders and on the Rhine; and gives besides a fatal Blow to the Union of the Confederate Prin­ces. This Event on one side raises the Honour and Hopes of the French King; and on the other makes the Duke of Savoy's Conduct for ever odious to the Allies.

There's no Question but the Mini­sters of France did give his Royal High­ness to understand, that the Milanese would infallibly fall a Prey to him; because, said they, there was little Probability of the Allies ever con­senting to a Neutrality; and by this Decoy they have drawn in this cre­dulous Prince, while the Court of France was very well persuaded that the Affairs would turn a contrary way. To put still the Change upon him, and delude him the better, the French King promises him by the se­venth [Page 156]Article, that after the Redu­ction of that Dutchy, it shall be put into his Highness's Hands, by him to be enjoy'd for ever, without demand­ing any thing for the Expences of this Expedition; and his most Christian Majesty engages himself besides to protect him in the peaceful Enjoyment of i [...], against the Arms of the House of Austria.

When a Man seriously reflects upon all the sine Promises of the French King, to engage his Royal Highness, he will not be much surpriz'd at the small Precaution the Council of Tu­rin have us'd in so important an Af­fair. To hear the French Ministers speak, 'twas but entring the Milanese to make an entire Conquest of it. They reckon upon it as a thing already done: and to dazzle his Royal High­ness, they [...]tter him with their Pro­tection against the House of Austria, they promise to secure him in the En­joyment of it for ever; and over and above all this, their Generosity goes so far, as to be at all the Changes of this Expedition, of which the French King makes a Present to his Royal Highness.

The French King was ever liberal of fallacious Promises. He might as well have promis'd to the Duke of Savoy the Conquest of all Italy, as he has done that of the Milanese. If his Royal Highness be so credulous as to depend upon his Word, he'll soon be Master of all the Princes beyond the Alps. But time will make it ap­pear that nothing can be more Chime­rical than those Projects. This, as well as the preceding Articles, have been kept very secret by the Council of France; because they have been look'd upon as the chief Springs to engage the Duke of of Savoy, by the Hopes of becoming the greatest Prince of Italy. Ambition and a Desire of en­larging ones Power was ever a natural Passion in all Sovereigns; and I doubt not but France has done more at the Court of Turin by this Artifice, than by all the other Stratagems he has there employ'd.

Let's come to the VIIIth Article. The most Christian King renounces for ever all the Rights and Pretensions he and his Predecessors had to the Dukedom of Savoy, the Principality [Page 158]of Piedmont, and County of Nice. One can so little depend upon such sort of Renunciations, that the Expe­rience of this Age has taught all the Princes of Europe, that the French King observes Treaties no longer than they serve his Interest: For if after the Ra­tification is sign'd, his Conncil do but suggest to him a new way of extend­ing his Power and Dominions, nothing is able to stop him. He then only consults his Favourite-Policy, and knows no other Rule besides his Am­bition, to which there's no prescri­bing of just Bounds; because he is still too powerful. The stronger docs e­ver give Laws to the weaker. And since the French King is not yet re­due'd by the united Forces of the most powerful Princes in Europe, we must necessarily conclude, that he has not yet chung'd his Maxims.

In the Year 1640, there was a Book printed at Madrid, and writ by a Spa­nish Plenipotentiary, entituled, Succes­sos principales de la Monarchia de l' Espa­nia el Anno 1639. wherein the Au­thor, by a kind of Prophetical Spirit, said, that the French King took the [Page 159]way to arrive at the Empire: That his Predecessors had shew'd it him by the taking of Mets, Toul and Verdun: That Lewis XIII. had follow'd them, by making himself Master of Alsatia and Lorrain: That if Lewis XIV. could but take Thionville, he would seize up­on Luxemberg, compleat the Conquest of the Dutchy of Burgundy, lay the Palatinate open and without Defence, and would make himself absolute in all the Country of Treves, and all the ancient Austrasia. His Prophecy went still further: He added, that by the Conquest of Thionville, that Mo­narch would make the three Catho­lick Electors his Subjects: That Spain would lose Flanders, the Empire and Cities of Germany their Liberty, and the German Princes their Domi­nions.

This Prophecy had certainly been accomplish'd, had the Confederate Princes any longer delay'd to put a Stop to the Designs of the French King.

However we may say, that 'tis by the Violation of Treaties that he has laid the Foundation of that over­grown [Page 160]Power, which one might justly call the Tyrant of Europe, and which has an absolute Sway in almost all Courts.

After so many living Examples, and repeated Experience of the small Cre­dit that can be given to the French King's Word, we may safely con­clude, that his late Renunciation to the Dominions of his Royal Highness, will not be of long Continu­ance.

The ninth Article whereby the French King engages and promises to assist the Duke of Savoy, in order to reduce the City of Geneva, was never made publick, through Reasons of State and Policy; as well as several others which have secretly been agreed upon by the French King and the Duke of Savoy. Time will clear this great Mystery. However it is certain that France for these many Years past has meditated the Ruin of that City. The Protestant Religion, which is pro­fess'd there, is the chief Reason of these two Princes Hatred against it. Besides, the good Successes the French King has had in extinguishing the [Page 161]Reform'd Religion in France, give him the Hopes to bring it under his Subjection after a general Peace is concluded. This grand Design had by this time been accomplish'd, had he not fear'd a Rupture with the Switzers, who have declar'd them­selves Protectors of it. He has alrea­dy but too many Enemies upon his Back; and therefore it is convenient for him to dissemble and temporize till he has decided the Quarrels he has with the Allied Princes. In the mean time he has taken all the ne­cessary Measures for that Purpose, and the French Resident at Geneva, is an ill Omen to the Safety and Liberty of that Republick, since he only lives there to know their weak and strong Sides, and observe all that passes, which he presently ac­quaints his Master withal.

But when all is done, perhaps the French King promises more to the Duke, than he is able to perform. 'Tis not the first time he has been out in his Projects. The Face of Affairs does often change in a moment; and a small Disappointment may make [Page 162]his Designs miscarry. But let us sup­pose that the French will make himself Master of Geneva; what Security can his Royal Highness have that he will put it into his Hands, and punctually perform all his Promises? I do not know any Body would take upon him that Guarranty. The French King's Honesty in those sort of Mat­ters is now become so slippery and suspicious, that it is more likely he would keep that Conquest for him­self, than resign it to the Duke. Let us therefore conclude, That this Arti­cle is just as those that went before, that is, imaginary and chimerical. The French King will never want for colourable Pretences to call back his Word, and keep his Promises to the Duke no farther than he has a mind to

Thus having examin'd the Treaty of Peace concluded betwixt the French King and Victor Amedeus II. Duke of Savoy; let's now consider the Conse­quences of that Peace: And first let us begin with its solemn Publication at Paris, on the Tenth of September, 1696.

This Peace, as you see, was pub­lish'd at Paris with all the Pomp and Solemnity that usually attend those great Events in which France has a more than ordinary Concern: And there's no doubt but she has affected to shew an uncommon Magnificence in this, thereby to dazle the Confe­derate Princes, and make the Success of a Negotiation, which she looks up­on as the Foundation of a General Peace, sound high in all the Courts of Europe. The French King's Policy [Page 165]is good enough, as to that matter: He loses nothing by crying up and proclaiming whatever he does and un­dertakes; but often draws a great deal of Good from a false Shew, and so turns both his good and bad Successes to his own advantage. According to this Maxim, it is observable, That during this War, when he has lost a Battel or a Town, or suffer'd any other Damage, he has caus'd Publick Rejoycings to be made, and order'd his Generals and Governours of Towns to discharge their Artillery, as if he had won a signal Victory over his Enemies. This Conduct, tho' a little unsincere, has brought great Advantages to him.

First, By that means he has dazzl'd his Subjects, and kept them in Obe­dience, by flattering them with ima­ginary Successes; and has receiv'd from them, at the same time, all the necessary Subsidies to answer the vast Charges of a burdensom War. Se­condly, He thereby has confirm'd the staggering Fidelity of the Conquer'd Nations. In fine, He has rais'd the drooping Spirits of the Soldiers that [Page 166]fought under his Generals, and has, as we say, set a good Face on a bad Game: Witness the extravagant Re­joicings made at Paris after the Battel of the Boyne, upon the false Report of the Death of the King of England, those that were made after the loss of a Fight at Sea, and generally in all the Rencounters where the French King's Arms were worsted. But we may freely say, That all the Parade and Ostentation of the Court of France, upon the score of the Peace of Italy, will be so far from making any Impression upon the most Serene Allies, to engage them to agree the sooner to a General Peace, that it will rather beget in them the Resolution of carrying on the War more vigo­rously than ever. Their Interest has no relation with that of the Duke of Savoy; and if that Prince has been willing to undo himself, and sacrifice his Dominions and Liberty out of a Frolick, the Confederate Princes will not make his Conduct the Standard of Theirs. They have taken up Arms to make a solid and lasting Peace, and will not lay them down upon any other Terms.

The general Publication of that Peace was follow'd by a Letter di­rected to the Archbishop of Paris, in order to have Te Deum sung as a Thanksgiving; wherein the French King gives us a true Idea of the Mo­tives upon which he has acted during this War. There the Language and Genius of the Court of France are express'd in their genuine and natural Colours. That Piece being already made publick, we shall dispense with inserting it here; and tho' it deserve to be examin'd at large, we will con­tent our selves with making some few particular Reflections upon it, and so conclude. The Court of France never publishes Pieces of that importance, before they are maturely studied, and have past the Censure of his most able Ministers. In a word, This is a Draught in Little of the vast Designs and most secret Thoughts of the French King.

That Monarch begins with the Mo­tives that have induc'd him to take up Arms, which are to defend Religion and Vindicate the Injur'd Majesty of KINGS. This Declaration is agree­able [Page 168]to that he made before, in all the Manifesto's he publish'd before the Rupture. And therefore we may conclude, That the Council of France have long before studied the Artifices they now employ to break the Union of the Confederate Princes. Those Artifices are so much the more dan­gerous, as they strike at the most sen­sible Part of Civil Society, that is to say, Religion, and the Majesty of Kings. As to the first, All Sovereign States are naturally very tender of the Reli­gion they profess; the Catholick Prin­ces, of their Religion; and the Pro­testant Princes, of theirs: But to hear the French King speak, one would think him the Only Defender of the Roman Catholick Religion, and that the Em­perour, the King of Spain, and the other Catholick Princes, whose Zeal is unquestionable, have abandon'd its Interest.

If the French King should spread abroad such Discourses in an unknown Country, remote from our Continent, and among a barbarous People, igno­rant of the Transactions of Europe for these Fifty Years past, especially since [Page 169]the Death of Cardinal Mazarin, 'tis certain he might impose upon their Credulity: But what can be more ab­surd and extravagant, than to publish now all those Impostures before the face of all Christendom, to which he has been a Scourge and a Persecutor? Witness the Quarrels he had with the Court of Rome, under the Pontificate of Innocent XI. If that Pious Pope had not oppos'd all the Extravagancies of the Court of France, were not we like to see the Church rent and torn by a more cruel and monstrous Schism, than ever the Persecutions of the most dreadful Heathen Tyrants have been? There's no need of renew­ing here the Remembrance of those Ills that have made all Christendom to groan; they are too fresh to be for­gotten: Let us be contented to say, That the French King is so unsincere upon that Point, that all the Confe­derate Princes are fully convinc'd that Religion has the least share in his un­dertaking the present War. 'Tis well known also, that it is upon another Motive, that he has supprest the Re­form'd Religion in France. This last [Page 170]Step ought to be look'd upon as a se­cret Spring to make himself a surer Way to the Universal Monarchy; since we see he has in a manner done more mischief to the Catholick than Protestant Princes. This is a dange­rous Decoy, and a secret Warning to the Catholick Princes, who are in Confederacy with the Protestant, not to give ear to the Artifices of France, whose aim is to disunite them, and, by that means, invade their Domini­ons and Liberty.

The Duke of Savoy, as we have seen of late, has begun to make a Breach in that Alliance: The Mini­sters of France, like deceitful Syrens, have drawn him into dangerous Snares, by their sweet enchanting Voice. The fair and specious Pre­tence of Religion has put all the Courts of Italy in motion, and by that means the French King was re­concil'd to the Court of Rome, which was before his mortal Enemy. He could not have pitch'd upon a surer way to further his Designs, than by pretending, as he does at this time, that he acts out of a Zeal for Reli­gion: [Page 171]By that means he casts a Mist before the Eyes of all the Catholick Princes; and insinuates himself into all Courts. But what will become of the Dominions of so many Sove­reigns, if once divided from the Al­liance of the Protestant Princes? Since we now see that their Safety and mutual Preservation wholly de­pends upon that Alliance. We still repeat it here: Let not the Duke of Savoy's Example ever shake this sacred Union; for this is the only thing the French King aims at, and the Hinges upon which all his Designs turn. All Princes are for their Share in an Af­fair that concerns every one in parti­cular, and all in general.

The present War is not upon the account of Religion: 'Tis only France that says so, to impose upon the Con­federates, and disunite them. 'Tis plain, the French King endeavours to perswade the Catholick Princes, that the only Cause which has brought this War upon him, is the implacable Hatred of the Protestant Princes a­gainst him, for persecuting his Prote­stant Subjects; which is both false and [Page 172]ridiculous: For if the French King had design'd nothing but the pretend­ed Extirpation of Heresie, never had the present War been kindled in Eu­rope; because the different Interests of the Protestant Princes were so far from uniting them in a Cause which was so just in it self, that they rather seem'd to divide them still the more.

'Tis therefore to no purpose that the French King makes use of the Cloke of Religion, to cover a Con­duce which every one knows to have no other than Temporal Motives; such as are the Violation of all Trea­ties, the Usurpation of his Neighbours Dominions, the Ruin of the House of Austria, the Protecting of the Turk, his Designs upon England, by support­ing the late King James, his Attempts upon the Princes and States beyond the Alps, the Slavery of all Europe, and, in a word, the accomplishing of his grand Master-piece, the Universal Monarchy. After so many cruel and treacherous Attempts, after so many Reasons of Complaint given to the Confederates, and after the repeated Experiences they have had of the [Page 173] French King's Double-dealing and Foul-play, how can they now believe he is sincere, when he tells us, That he had no other Aim than the Defence and Protection of Religion.

Let's now pass to the Majesty of Kings, of which the French King de­clares himself Defender and Prote­ctor. For these Nine Years past, says that Monarch, he maintains the War against a Conspiracy of all Europe. Upon what account? To defend Re­ligion, and Vindicate the Majesty of Kings: Nothing can be more Great, more Glorious, and more Noble, than such a Design. That Monarch em­ploys all his Forces, exhausts his Trea­sures, and sacrifices his People and Subjects, and all this to vindicate the Majesty of Kings. We must confess the French King's Zeal to be very great, his Projects magnanimous and pious, in a word; worthy of the First Monarch of Christendom. King James is to be accounted Happy for being under the Protection of France, pro­vided this Protection be Sincere, and the French King do not play foul upon this Occasion, as he has done hereto­fore [Page 174]in several Quarrels betwixt Chri­stian Princes. He has often been seen to espouse the Interest of the one, by forsaking the Party of the other for whom he had declar'd himself, and do such Work as has ruin'd both in the Conclusion.

So that in all Quarrels he alone has got something by them: He never keeps such a stir, and takes so much pains for nothing; and whenever he does any great Service, 'tis always up­on condition, that the private Advan­tages he shall draw from it, will be proportionable to his Labour. Ac­cording to this Principle, if the French King could make a Peace with the Allies upon such easie Terms as he desires, the Majesty of Kings, which he pretends to vindicate, would soon be forgotten; I had almost said, sa­crific'd; for, what will he not do, when his Interest lies at stake? No­thing can be more singular than the Zeal and Ardour the French King pre­tends for King James's Interest: All the World are inform'd, how the pernicious Counsels of France have been the Cause of the Misfortunes [Page 175]and Fall of that Prince. 'Tis France that has rais'd him to the Throne, by secret and underhand Practices, un­known to most People to this very day; and it may be said, That France has made him lose his Crown, by put­ting him upon such violent Methods as have render'd him odious to his Subjects, whose Ruin he had con­triv'd, if God Almighty had not snatch'd them from the impending Danger by a miraculous Revolution. The French King's Zeal and Genera­lity deserve to be commended: He endeavours to restore a Prince he has been the Ruin of, and this he calls, Vindicating the Majesty of Kings; for which he sacrifices the Majesty of all other Monarchs in Christendom. Who can be so credulous, as to think his Conduct sincere upon this Occasion? And is it possible the French King can strain those fine Sentiments of Com­miseration for an unfortunate Prince, so high, as not to scruple to declare War against all Europe, to vindicate that pretended Majesty of Kings?

We may rather say, that he has quite another thing in Prospect, and that [Page 176]he only uses the Majesty of Kings as a Pretence to colour a bad Cause, fur­ther his grand Designs, weaken the Confederacy by the Ruine of the For­ces of the Crown of England, and weary the Allies by the Tediousness of the War; still keeping his old Max­ims and Inclinations, which would soon revive more fierce than ever, if he could clap up a bad Peace with the Confederate Princes. Those are the true Motives that prevail with the French King to vindicate the pretend­ed Majesty of Kings, which he makes sound so high in all the Courts of Christendom.

'Tis upon that Account that he de­files himself with all manner of Crimes. Wicked Attempts, Plots, Treacheries and Murders, are nothing to him.

If by this means the French King pretends to vindicate the Majesty of Kings, he must own his Cause to be very bad; and that the Upshot of all the Honour that will accrue to him upon this score, will be no more than a monstrous Parallel of what has been practised by those Heathen Princes that have been the Execration [Page 177]of their Age. This Conduct ought to make all Christendom to tremble, since the Court of France is so far from disowning it, that they rather seem to authorize it openly by the vil­lanous Assassins they send over to England. If this be the way whereby the French. King endeavours to arrive at a general Peace, we must confess that it will cost dear to all Europe, and that all Honesty is banish'd from the World.

The French King having acquainted the World with the Motives that made him undertake the present War, exalts the Progresses wherewith God Almighty has bless'd his Designs and prosper'd his Enterprizes. To hear him speak, his Arms have always been triumphant and victorious; and all the Advantages the Allies have had during this war, are to be counted for no­thing, and France alone has all the Honour of it. We do not wonder at this Haughtiness: We know well e­nough this is the Language of the Court of France. That Crown is so used to those Expressions, that unless she be entirely pull'd down, and strip­ped [Page 178]of her best Possessions, she never will own her Losses; and perhaps then too she will still keep up her Pride. Glory must at any rate go be­fore all her Enterprizes. The French Nation alone knows now-a-days how to command and make war, and all other Nations are ignorant and fit for nothing but to obey her proud Domi­nation.

Yet for all this, the Confederates carried the very first Campagn three important Fortresses on the Rhine. These Conquests were follow'd by a Victory won at Wallcour, by the Defeat of the best of French Kings Troops. Altho' this Fight was not general, the Advantages the Allies had in it gain'd them as much Honour as ever the French got in the Battels they won under the Conduct of the Mareschal of Luxemburg; And during this Cam­pagn the Confederate Arms were triumphant wherever▪ they fought. The Irruption into Dauphine, under the Conduct of the Duke of Savoy, and the Sea-Fight that was fought betwixt the French and Confederate Fleet, do also deserve to be reckon'd [Page 179]among the Advantages got by the Confederates. The Siege of Namur, where France had the Shame to see the Triumph of the Arms of the Al­lies, is too memorable to be pass'd over in Silence. This only Conquest eclip­ses all the Victories of wich the French King now brags with so much Pride, since his united Forces were not able to prevent it; and that in spite of the Presence of a Mareschal of France, who got into the Place, supported by an Army within, and another with­out, as numerous as ever France had: Since, I say, all these Precautions have had no other Effect than to ha­sten the taking of that Fortress, and heighten the Honour of the Allies: If after all these Advantages, the French King gives it out, that he always was superiour, it must be confess'd, that he makes Fools of all the Nations of Europe who have been Spectators of 'em; and affronts besides the Honour of so many generous and brave Princes who have signaliz'd themselves in 'em. All those prosperous Successes that have waited on my Arms, says the French King, have been the more grateful to [Page 180]me, as that I flatter'd my self they might conduce to a Peace. The Allies do freely own, that France has been prosperous in her Undertakings; but they hope also that they have a Right to have the Advantages they got over that Crown taken notice of; and they cannot hear without a just Resentment those Discourses which the French pub­lish to the World, to rob them of the Honour they have gain'd in this War at the Expence of their Blood, and Loss of their best Subjects and bravest Generals. All these Considerations ought to engage the Council of France to speak another Language. Altho' the Duke of Savoy have deserted 'em, their Union will not be the less in­violable for it; and France has no great reason to boast so much of her Su­periority. A cross Accident is able to make her lose all the Advantages she pretends to draw from the Peace of I­taly: Therefore she ought to have more Regard for the Allies than she has hi­therto express'd; and by a just Con­descension prevent the dubious For­tune of War, and hasten the Conclusion of an honourable and lasting Peace.