THe Iulii were so called (saith Alex. ab Alex.) à prima bar­bae lanugine, Gen. dier lib. 1. c. 9. [...] in Gr. (saith he) signifieth Primam in mento lanugi­nem. from the first wooll or down of the beard. Others think the name of the Iulii came from Iulus Ascanius, the Son of Aeneas.

At puer Ascanius, cui nunc cognomen Iulo. Virg. lib. 2. Aeneid. He reformed the Kalendar which was then confused, Annum ad cur­sum Solis ac­commodavit. and framed the whole year just unto the course of the Sun, that it should contain 365 daies, and appointed that e­very fourth year a whole day should be in­serted. Sueton. Therefore we call our year Annum Iulianum, and the Kalendar which we use Calendarium Iulianum; and that Month which was by them called Quintilis, He was born in that month Macrob. Sa­turn. cap. 12. be­cause it was the fifth Month, is now cal­led Iuly in honour of him.

[Page 2]For his other name Caesar, there are dif­ferent opinions of the original of it. Some derive it à caesiis oculis, from his grey eies. But Suetonius Sueton. de­scribes him to have been, Ni­gris vegetisque oculis micanti­bus, of a black quick spark­ling eie. refutes that, and saith he had black eies. Others say he was so cal­led à Caesarie, from a bush of hair with which he was born. Some say he was Primus Cae­sar, à Caeso Ma­tris utero di­ctus.cut out of his Mothers womb: although Fe­stus Pompeius thinks such are rather to be called Caesones, and Casaubon Animadvers. in Sueton. A­lex. ab Alex. Gen. dier. l. 1. c. 9. Beckman de Orig. Ling. Latin. vide Christiani Matth. Theatr. Histor. Theor. Pract. in Iul. Caes. cap. 1. Et Commentar. Schild. in Sue­tonium. rejecteth that Etymologie. Postellus in his introdu­ction, in Chaldaic. Ling. &c. saith the first Caesar could not be denominated, à Caeso matris utero, cum id nomen ante illum Caesa­rem, qui secta matre in lucem prodiit; pro Rege jam diu usurpatum sit. Caesonis nomine insignes plures extiterunt, é quibus Caeso Fa­bius, Caeso Quintius. Dictos autem Caesones à Caeso matris utero, qui necatis matribus nati sunt, tradunt. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 7. c. 9. Et Valer. Prob. Vnde et Caesaris nomen ortum sumpsisse sunt qui opinentur, ut Ael. Spartian in Ael. Vero et Serv. in Aen. 10. aliis tamen in alia euntibus. Gatak. Annotat. in Lib. 4. Marci Antonini Imperatoris. Others derive it à Caeso Elephanto, from his Grand-fa­thers killing an Elephant, which in the Carthaginian tongue is called Caesar. Si­gonius speaks much of it, but so that it should seem to be ambiguae fidei, and there­fore I shall leave it undetermined.

He was tall Forma om­nium civium excellentissi­mus, vigore a­nimi acerri­mus, munificen­tiae effusissimus. Paterculus. of stature, white and clear of complexion, somewhat full-faced, his limbs were well trussed, & in good plight, [Page 3] his eies black, lively, and quick. He was also very healthful, saving that in his lat­ter daies he was given to faint, and swoon suddenly. Seu inter res gerendas. i. e. cum aciem or­dinaret. Plu­tarch. Comitiali quoque morbo bis inter res agendas correptus est, saith Suetonius, twice in the midst of his Martial affairs, he was surprized with the falling sickness, which he stileth Morbum comitialem, Whiles he was setting his Army in battel aray. Fuchs. Instit. Medic. l. 3. Sect. 1. c. 11. Plato morbum divinum appel­lat, quia occu­pat in nobis di­vinae particu­lam aurae. Alii morbum sa­crum, vel quia detestandus est, vel quia divinitus immittitur. Dicitur etiam Herculeus, quia Hercules eo laboravit; item vulgo caducus. Lipsius. either because it chiefly invadeth, and seizeth on men in Comitiis, in popular Assemblies; or because their Comitia, their Parliaments or Assemblies were dissolved, and broke up by occasion thereof, if any chanced to fall sick of that disease, they reputing such an accident to be a sinister presage.

In Eloquence and warlike feats together, See Plinies Natural Hist. l. 7. c. 25. he either equalled, or excelled the glory of the very best.

Eloquentia attigit summorum gloriam: re militari excessit. Lipsius.

Caesar qui ne scait moins bien faire, Imperatoriam Majestatem non solum ar­mis decoratam, sed etiam legi­bus oportet esse armatam, ut utrumque tem­pus & bello­rum, & pacis recte possit gubernari. Justinian. Prooem. Institut. que bi­en dire.

Caesar who knows as well to write, as fight.

He held a Sword in one hand, and a Book in the other, with this Motto, Ex u­troque Caesar, Emperor by both.

[Page 4]He was counted the second man for E­loquence in his time, and gave place to the first; Summis Ora­toribus aemu­lus. Tacit. He was Cicero's rival in Elo­quence. because he would be the first and chiefest man of war, and Authority. Iu­lius Caesar, Scaliger writeth thus of him: Duae sunt aquilae solae in natura rerum, altera bellicae laudis, altera literariae; illa potentiae, haec sapientiae; Caesar & Aristoteles. Exer­cit. 94. Sect. 2.

Paterculus reckoning up the famous wits of those times, saith, Et proximum Ci­ceroni Caesarem. Nay Cicero himself in his Catalogue of Orators to Brutus, Illum omni­um fere Orato­rum latinè lo­qui elegantissi­mè, saith At­ticus there of him. Caesar quotidiano ser­moni egregiè utilissimus, cui Cicero laudem tribuit puri & incorrupti ser­monis Latini. Ludov. Viv. l. 3. de tradend. Discipl. saith, He cannot see any to whom Caesar might give place, and he highly commends him in his Oration pro Marcello. Est ejus viri pura oratio, sine fuco ac calamistris ornata, vel Romanis, vel Atticis Musis dignissima. Lipsius. Aulus Gellius scribit Caesarem ser­monis fuisse praeter alios suae aetatis castissi­mi.

He left Commentaries of his own Acts, touching the Gaul war, and the Civil war between Pompey and him. Commen­taries (saith B. De Vigenere in his anno­tations on Caesars Comment. of the Gaul war) are little particular memories which one makes either for himself, or for ano­ther, containing only the principal heads of the deeds and acts, of which he will af­ter write a History at his better leisure: Caesars Commentaries, (Sr. Francis Ba­con Advance of Learn. [...]. l. 2. Com­mentarios quosdam scrip­sit rerum sua­rum valde quidem pro­bandos; nu­di enim sunt, recti, & venu­sti: sanos qui­dem homines à scribendo de-terruit. Cicero de Clar. Orat. saith) is the best History of the world. King Iames exhorting his Son to [Page 5] the study of History, above all prophane Writers, commendeth this Book of Caesars to his reading, both for the sweet flowing of the stile, and the worthiness of the mat­ter it self. Qui non minor rerum su­arum praeco fuerit quàm earundem actor; saith Grotius in his Epistle to the Prince of Condee, prefixed to Martianus Capella. He saith there also that he wrote excel­lent Tragedies, and most large commen­dations of Hercules, of Grammar, and his own journies most elegantly, and highly commends his Anticatones.

He was a famous Mathematician, and diligent in that study, as Lucan writes of him.

He could at one time read and write, hear and indite, and if he did nothing else, he could dictate to 7 Actuaries or Penmen at once.

We ought to admire two things in him, which he had to perfection, and which render a Commander excellent; viz. that he forecast and provided for all things which might either further or hinder his design before he undertook it; and that in the very execution he failed not to take his advantage when occasion present­ed it, or to remedy upon the instant such unexpected accidents as befel; wherein he hath been inimitable. The Duke of Rohan's Observ. upon Caesars Comment. L. 6.

[Page 6] Anthony De Bandole hath parallel'd Cae­sar and Henry the fourth King of France. Both had (saith he) very high concepti­ons, a solid judgment, resolute execution; both were valiant, provident, firm to their designs, undertaking with confidence, guiding it with dexterity, overcoming all with valour. See more there.

In his Enterprizes he was both valiant and fortunate, and therefore singled out for an Idea or pattern of an absolute Ge­neral, especially for four military proper­ties very resplendent in him. First, labo­riousness in his affairs. Secondly, courage in his dangers. Speed Chron. Thirdly, industrious con­triving of what he undertook. Fourthly, quick dispatch in accomplishing what he had once begun.

Quintus Curtius speaking of Alexander the Great, Lucan. saith, Nullam virtutem Regis istius magis quàm celeritatem laud a verim. I can commend no vertue more in this King than speed.

In eleven daies he marched with his army six hundred miles.

Suetonius affirmeth, that Caesar did e­ver march formost before his troops, and most commonly bare-headed, and on foot, whether the Sun shined, or it rain­ed. Tully reports of him, that he was ne­ver heard to say to his Soldiers, Ite illuc, go forth thither, as they should go forth [Page 7] upon service, and he tarry behind in his Tent; but As you see me do, so do ye. Iudg. 7.17. One saith the like of Trajan, that in all hazards and perils he never said unto his Captains Go, but let us go: Do, but let us do. Venite huc, Come ye hither.

Pertinax was wont to say to his Soldiers Militemus; and Severus Septimius, The two prin­cipal men of the world, A­lexander and Caesar, have slain each of them (as Pliny reporteth) more than a million of men. Labore­mus: Livy bringeth in Valerius Corvinus thus speaking; Facta mea, non dicta vos milites sequi volo, nec disciplinam modo, sed exemplum etiam à me petere.

Under his conduct were slain eleven hundred fourscore and two thousand ene­mies. He fought in pitched field two and fifty times, saith Solinus, fifty saith Pliny, Signis collatis quinquagies dimicavit. and never was so much as in any hazard save only twice.

He conquered all France, Germany, Plin. Natural. Hist. lib. 7. c. 25. He took 1000 Towns, conquered 300 Nations. dis­covered us Britains, and made us Tributa­ry; and triumphed five times in Rome with unspeakable admiration.

It is observable, that in all his wars he hath alwaies been inferiour to his enemies in number, for which cause he hath al­waies helped himself by fortifications, more than ever any other hath done; which he made much the better, when he found himself not sufficiently strong to give battel, as he was a long time in Afri­ca: insomuch that Scipio wondred at his [Page 8] coldness; nevertheless he alwaies conti­nued his Soldiers in exercise, and him­self exercised new levyed men, and entred them by small skirmishes, wherein by his industry for the most part he had the best, and alwaies attempted something upon his enemy. The Duke of Rohan's Observ. on Caesars Comm. L. 5.

Suetonius. Nec vana de se prae­dicatio est Cae­saris, ante vi­ctum hostem esse quam vi­sum. L. Flor. Tam celer in agendo & consulta exe­quendo, ut persaepe nuntios de se praevenerit. He is renowned for his celerity in doing, and preventing the very report of his coming.

Caesar hath made himself as much re­doubted and admired by the great works which he caused his Soldiers to make, as by his great Battels. The Duke of Ro­han's treatise of Modern War. c. 4.

Having overcome King Pharnaces, and being desirous to advertise one of his friends of his quick expedition in di­spatching that war, he only wrote three words unto Anitius at Rome, Veni, vidi, vi­ci, I came, I saw, I overcame.

Charles the fift Emperor of Germany said, Veni, vidi, Deus vicit. Surius in bello Germanico.

He never put enemy to flight but he discamped him, Suetonius. and drave him out of the field: By this means he gave them whom he had once discomfited no time to be­think themselves.

[Page 9]In any doubtful and dangerous service, Suotonius. So William the Conqueror at his arrival in­to England, burnt the ships which transported his Army. his manner was to send away the Horses, and his own with the first, to the end that when all means of flight were gone, they might of necessity be forced the rather to stand to it, and abide to the last.

He called not his Soldiers Augustus did much reprove this humour in his Uncle, saying, Dum affectat carior fieri, auctori­tatem Princi­pis emollive­rat. Aurel. Vict. Milites, but Commilitones: not plain Soldiers, but by a more pleasing name, Fellow-soldiers. He maintained them so trim and brave, that he stuck not to set them out in po­lished Armour, damasked with silver and gold, as well for goodly shew, as because they should in Suetonius. Battel keep the same more surely for fear of damage and loss.

He loved them so affectionately, that when he heard of Tiberius his overthrow, It is reported of Alexander, that he infu­sed such cou­rage into his Souldiers. Vt illo praesente, nullius hostium arma vel iner­mes timuerint. Justin. l. 12. c. ult. Caesars eye made his Souldiers prodigal of their blood. Plutarchs Lives. and the Legions with him: he suffered the hair of his head and beard to grow long, and would not cut the same before he had revenged their death. By which means he both had his Soldiers most devoted unto him, and also made them truly valiant.

He was so entirely beloved of his Sol­diers, that to do him service (whereas o­therwise they were but like other men in any other private quarrel) if Caesars ho­nour [Page 10] were touched, they were invincible, and would so desperately, and with such fury venture themselves, that no man was able to abide them.

A private Soldier of his fought so va­liantly in Britain, that by his means he saved the Captains, which otherwise were in great danger to have been cast away (being driven into a Bogg;) then march­ing with great pain through the mire and dirt, half swimming, and half a foot, in the end he got to the other side, but left his shield behind him: Plutarch. Caesar wondering at his noble courage, ran to him with joy to embrace him: but the poor Soldier hanging down his head, the water stand­ing in his eyes, fell down at Caesars feet, and besought him to pardon him for lea­ving his Target behind him.

Petronius being taken by Scipio, he said he would give him his life; but he an­swered him again, that Caesars Soldiers did not use to have their lives given them, but to give others their lives; and with these words he drew his sword and thrust himself through.

Caesar at Alexandria being busie about the assault and winning of a Bridge, was driven by a sudden sally of the enemies to take a Boat, and many besides making hast to get into the same, Plutarchs Lives. he leapt into the sea, and by swimming almost a quar­ter of a mile recovered the next ship, bea­ring up his left hand all the while, for [Page 11] fear the writings he held therein should take wet, Paludamen­tum mordicus trahens, ne spolio potiretur hostis. Sueton. Milites erant sagati, Impe­ratores palu­dati. and drawing his rich coat-ar­mour after him by the teeth, because the enemy should not have it as a spoil.

Beholding advisedly the Image or por­traicture of Alexander the Great in the Temple of Hercules at Cales, at the sight thereof he fetched a deep sigh, Plutarch and Suetonius in C. Iulio. c. 7. i. e. 33. as being a­shamed that he had yet performed no me­morable act at those years, wherein Alex­ander had conquered the whole world. Saepe audivi Q. Maximum, P. Scipionem, praeterea civitatis nostrae praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere, cum majorum imagines intuerentur, vehementissimè sibi animum ad virtutem accendi; scilicet non ceram illam, neque figuram, tantam vim in sese habere; sed memoria rerum gestarum eam flammam egregiis vi­ris in pectore crescere, neque prius sedari, quàm virtus eorum famam atque gloriam adaequaverit. Salust. in Bello Iugurthino.

He was very much disquieted and dis­mayed with a dream the very night be­fore, (for he imagined in his sleep that he had carnal company with his Mother:) the Diviners and Wizards incited him to the hopes of most glorious achievements, Suetonius ubi supra. making this exposition of his dream, Ita visum in­terpretari va­nissimae artis auctoribus va­nissimis. that thereby was portended unto him the so­veraignty of the whole World; for his Mother whom he saw under him, betoke­ned the subjection of the Earth, Casaubon. Animadvers. which is counted the mother of all things.

There were two Factions in Rome at that time, Sylla was the chief of the one, and Marius of the other; Marius stood for the people, and Sylla defended the No­bles. [Page 12] Marius and all his Confederates were proclaimed Traitors, and enemies to the Common-wealth. Sylla determin­ing to kill Caesar, Plutarch. Suetonius. some of his friends told him, that it was to no purpose to put so young a Boy as he was so death: but Sylla answered again, Caesari multos Marios in­esse, that there were many Marii in that one Boy; implying, that he would be a great enemy unto their State. When the day of Election for summus Pontifex came, he told his Mother (kissing him) that that day she should see her Son chief Bishop of Rome, or banished from Rome.

He said, he had rather be the chiefest man in a poor Village, than the second person in Rome.

He did extreamly affect the name of King, and some were set on, as he passed by, in popular acclamation to salute him King; whereupon finding the cry weak and poor, he put it off thus in a kinde of jest, as if they had mistaken his sur-name, Non Rex sum, sed Caesar.

He often used these verses of Euripides, which he himself thus translated.

He alone managed all the affairs of State: his Collegue or Fellow-Consul did no­thing, in so much as divers Citizens plea­santly [Page 13] conceited, whensoever they signed, subscribed, or dated any writings to stand upon records, would merrily put it down thus; Such a thing was done not when Caesar and Bibulus, but when Iulius and Caesar were Consuls; setting down one & the same man twice by his name and sur­name; yea, and soon after these verses were commonly currant.

He was such an excellent Rider of a Horse from his youth, Equitandi u­sus Caesari a pueritia faci­lis adeo extitit ut reflexis in tergum mani­bus, equum ve­locissimis con­citare cursibus saepe consueve­rit. Plutarch. Solinus. Suetonius. that holding his hands behind him, he would gallop his Horse upon the spur. The Horse he used to ride upon was strangely marked, with feet resembling very near a mans, and the hoofs cloven like toes. Like to Alexanders Bucephalus. Plutarch. The Beast would abide no man else to ride him, and he himself was the first that backed him.

When one brought him his Horse to get upon, which he used in Battel, he said unto him; Solinus. When I have overcome mine enemies I will get upon him to follow the chase, but now let us give them charge. He gloried in nothing so much (saith Aust. 5. Ep.) as in pardon­ing his ene­mies, and gra­tifying his friends.

Benignitate adeo praeditus, ut quos armis subegerat, clementia magis vicerit. He was of so good a nature, that such as he sub­dued by Battel, he more overcame with gentleness.

[Page 14] He held neu­ters for his friends, con­trary to Pom­pey, who held them for ene­mies. Aurel. Vict.He said the greatest pleasure he took of his victories was, that he daily saved the lives of some of his country-men that bare arms against him.

Caesar dando, sublevando, ignoscendo, glo­riam adeptus est. Salust. in bel. Catilin.

When Pompey's head was presented to him, Vberrimas lachrymas profudit, he wept bitterly, and caused him to be honoura­bly buried, Idem dixit, non mihi pla­cet vindicta, sed victoria. saying; Ego Pompeii casum de­ploro, & meam fortunam metuo: I lament Pompey's fall, and fear mine own fortune.

When he found many Letters in Pom­pey's coffers, Dion. King Cotis ha­ving received for a Present many beauti­ful and rich Vessels, yet frail and easie to be broken, brake them all; that he might not be stirred to choler when they should happen to be broken. wherein divers testified their good will unto Pompey, and their hatred towards him, he neither read them, nor copied them out; but presently burnt them, lest being exasperated by them, he should have been forced to have commit­ted some greater evil.

When Pompey's Images had been thrown down, he caused them to be set up again, and Plutarch in Tullies life. Pompeii statas erigendo suas confirmavit. Cicero thereupon used this speech, that Caesar in setting up Pompey's Images again, made his own to stand surer.

He accounted his conquest of the two Pompeys (Sons to Pompey the great) in An­daluzia in Spain, the most glorious of all his victories; for he would often say after­wards, that at other times he fought for Fame and Victory, but that day he fought [Page 15] for his life, which he had never fought for before.

When some of his friends did counsel him to have a Guard for the safety of his Person, Mori satius est semel, quàm timore semper torqueri. and some also did offer themselves to serve him, he would never consent un­to it; but said, It was better to dye once, than alwaies to be afraid of death. Plutarch.

He said also, Mori se quam timeri malle, Sueton. saith Paterculus, when some advised him to keep by Armes what he had got by Armes.

When he was hindered by one of the Tribunes from taking some of the com­mon Treasure out of Saturns Temple, and told that it was against the Law, Tush, Silent leges inter Arma. said he, Time of Warre and Law are two things.

That speech of his was compounded both of terrour and clemency, to Metellus the Tribune; for Caesar entring into the inner Treasury of Rome to take the mo­ney there kept, Metellus forbad him; where­to Caesar said, That if he did not desist, he would lay him dead in the place; Adolescent difficilius est mihi hoc dice­re, quàm face­re. and pre­sently taking himself up, he added, young man, it is harder for me to speak it, than do it.

Magno illi Alexandro, sed sobrio, ne­que iracundo simillimus; qui semper & som­no & cibo in vitam, non in voluptatem uteretur. Paterculus. Plut. Sueton. He was a spare drinker of Wine, as his very enemies confessed, whence arose that Apophthegm of Cato, That of all that ever were, Caesar alone came sober to the o­verthrow of the State.

[Page 16]He was the first that devised the way for friends to talk together by writing Cyphers in letters, when he had no leisure to speak with them for his urgent busi­ness, and for the great distance from Rome.

He said, Caesars wife ought not only to be without fault, but also without all sus­pition of fault.

Plutarch. in Apophtheg.Being certified that Cato had slain him­self with his own hands, he seemed to be very sorry for it, Dixit invidere se Catoni mor­tem, quando sibi salutem invidisset. and said, O Cato, I envy thy death, because thou didst envy my glo­ry to save thy life.

Cicero wrote a book in commendation of Cato, Plutar. in the life of Cato. to justifie that action, which Cae­sar answered with another, which he cal­led Anti-Cato, both which are lost. Schil­dius out of Beroaldus saith, Cicero wrote a book intituled Cato, in commendation of him, which vexed Caesar, because he con­ceived the commendation of the other tended to his dispraise, and therefore he wrote two books against Cato, discovering his crimes, called Anti-Catones.

Being in a Pinnace or small Boat in a great storm, he said to the Master of it: Fellow, be of good cheer, for thou hast Caesar and his fortune with thee. Caesarem ve­his, & fortu­nam ejus.

So Charles the fifth taking his Horse to rush into the main battel, was requested to forbear; but he answered, An Emperor was never shot through with a bullet.

[Page 17]So William the second of England, com­ing to imbark at Portsmouth, the Master told him the weather was rough, and there was no passing without imminent danger, Tush, said he, set forward, I never yet heard of a King that was drowned. Dan. Hist.

Yet I may say of him as our Chronicler doth of one of our English Kings, Inerant illi confuso quodam temperamento, Cambd. in Annal. De Henrico 8. Iulian the Emperour in his Satyr up­on the Roman Emperours Taxeth his ambition. virtutes magnae & vitia non minora.

Suetonius and others, speak of his unna­tural uncleannesse and prodigious prodi­gality. He stole out of the Capitol 108000 pounds (reduced to our money) in gold at once, gave to Servilia a Jewel which cost him 46875 pounds, owed 1953125 pounds more than he was worth by his own con­fession. Plin. Lib. 7. c. 25. His shews and publick Donations in costlinesse are almost in valuable.

About the trimming of his body he was over curious, Circa corporis curam morosi­or, ut non solum tonderetur di­ligenter, ac ra­deretur sed velleretur eti­am Suetonius. so as he would not only be shaven very precisely, but also have his hair plucked.

The chiefest cause that made him mor­tally hated, was his excessive desire of ho­nour, and his slighting the Senators.

When his friends complained unto him of Antonius and Dolabella, that they inten­ded some mischief towards him, he answe­red them again, As for these fat men, and smooth-combed-heads, quoth he, I never rec­kon of them, but those pale-visaged, Odi pallidos & macilentos. & carrion lean people, I fear them most; meaning Brutus and Cassius.

[Page 18]He never refused to fight but in his lat­ter daies being then of this opinion, that the oftner he had gotten victory, the lesse he was to venture, and make trial of for­tune: also that a victory could gain him nothing so much as some disastrous cala­mity might take from him.

There conspired against him more than threescore, the heads of which conspiracy were Cassius and Brutus. He had fair war­ning of his death before it came, by many evident prodigies; Fires were seen in the Element, & spirits running up and down in the night, and solitary Birds at noon­day sitting in the great Market-place; as the Bird Regaliolus did flye with a little branch of Lawrel into the Court of Pom­peius, Or Regaviolus quasi Rex avi­um. Casaub. Animadvers. a sort of other Birds of divers kinds from out of the Grove hard by pursued after, and there pulled it in pieces.

Nec centum victimis perli­tare poterat. Florus, l. 4. Hist. Rom. c. 2. Caesar sacrificing to the gods, found that one of the Beasts which was sacrificed, had no heart, and that was a strange thing in Nature, how a Beast could live without a heart.

Eo ipso die dum ad sena­tumiret, libelli conjurationem & conjurato­rum nomina in­dicantes, inma­nus ipsi tradi­ti.There was a certain South-sayer that had given Caesar warning long before, to take heed of the day of the Ides of March (which is the fifteenth of the Month,) for on that day he should be in a great danger. That day being come, Caesar going unto the Se­nate-house, and speaking merrily to the South-sayer, told him, The Ides of March were come: So they be, softly answered the [Page 19] South-sayer, but yet they are not past.

[ Christianus Matthias Theat. Histor. Theo­ret. Pract. in Iul. Cap. 3. hath an elegant and memorable parallel history. Plutarch. Suetonius.

Henry the 4. King of France was disswa­ded from going abroad that day he was slain, by some, as a day mark't out by Astro­logers to portend danger to his person: yet he, a second Caesar as well in the course of his life as of his death, was little sway'd therewith, but like a King, and a Christian replyed; that it was an offence to God to give credit to these Prognostiques, & that having God to his guard, he feared no man. The Life and death of Henry the 4.]

The night before this Discourse had with the South-sayer, all the windows and doors of his chamber did flye open, and his Wife Calphurnia dreamed that Caesar was slain, & that she had him in her arms.

He was stabbed with 23 wounds; he one­ly gave one groan at the first thrust, Sueton. He was slain in Pompes Court. Tribus & viginti vul­neribus ad ter­ram datus est; sic ille qui ter­rarum orbem civili sanguine impleverat, tandem ipse sanguine suo curiam imple­vit. Luc. Flo. l. 4. Hist. Rom. c. 2. with­out uttering any words. Some say, That as M. Brutus came running upon him, he said, [...]; And thou my Son?

All men are of opinion, that such a death befel unto him as he desired; for when he had read in Xenophon how Cyrus being at the point of death, gave order for his Funeral, he seting light by so slow & lingering a kind of death, wished to dye quickly and of a sudden.

The very day before he was killed, in a certain discourse moved at super in Mar­cus [Page 20] Lepidus his house, upon that point, which was the best end of a mans life? He perferred that which was sudden and un­looked for. In the 8. Sep­tenarie. Plu­tarch. Sueton. Deum honor principi non ante habetur quam agere in­ter homines desierat.

He dyed in the 56. year of his age; Et in Deorum numerum relatus est, he was made a god after death (which could not defend himself from death, from cruel murther) and that N [...]n Sueton. Of this Cere­mony of the Apotheosis or deifying their Emperors, see Dr. Hack­wels Apology of Gods provi­dence. l. 4. Sect. 2. ore modo decernentium, sed & persuasione vulgi, Not only by their voyce which decreed such honour unto him, Tacit. but also by perswasion of the common people.

A Comet shined then for seven dayes together, arising about the eleventh hour of the day, and it was believed by those blind Heathen to be Caesars soul, who had been a Comet of combustion to the world.

Horace lib. 1. Ode 12. Percussorum autem fere ne­que triennio quisquam am­plius supervix. it, neque sua morte defunctus est. Sueton. Bellares est (Inquit Seneca) mori sua morte.Also upon his Image there is a Star set to the very crown of his head.

Of these Murtherers there was not one that either survived him above three years, or dyed a natural death.

All stood condemned, and by one mis­hap or other perished; A notable judgement of God upon the unnatural murderers of their Sove­raign. some by shipwrack, others by battel, and some again shortned their own dayes with the very same dag­ger wherewith they had wounded Caesar: Cassius as Plutarch reporteth, and Brutus according to Dion.

HE was stiled by the name of Augustus, Vel. ab augu­rio, vel ab au­gendo dictus. Cujus vitam mira quadam diligentia et arte contexuit Suetonius: quasi in uno hoc libro vo­luerit singu­lare specimen dare, in quod perfectionis fastigium pos­set cura scri­bendi vitas en­iti. Boecleri dissertatio politica in Suetonii C. Octavium Caesarem Augustum. Although all the other lives excel with a wonderful concinnity; yet Suetonius in this seems to have exceeded himself. i. e. worship­ful or sacred, which they thought to be a name of reverence and Majesty, because all consecrated and hallowed places were called Loca Augusta. That Moneth which was by them called Sextilis, because it was their sixth Month, is called Augustus in honour of him, and things of greatest splendor are called Augustissima. Iulius Caesar was his great Uncle, but his Father by adop­tion. He was called Octavius from his Fa­ther, and Augustus from his victory.

A man most nobly descended; for [Page 22] riches, honour, friends, Empire, fortu­nate victories, almost adored; for bodi­ly good things, of comly stature, Forma eximia, Suetonies. & per omnes aetatis gradus venustis­sima. Oculorum a­cies clarissimo­rum syderum modo vibrans. Corpore toto pulcher, sed oculis magis. Aurel. Vict. Of most amiable visage, and that al­so majestical by his bright and shining eies, Quibus etiam existintari volebat inesse quiddam divini vigoris. Wherein also (as he would have men believe) was seated a kind of Divine vigor: and he joyed much, if a man looking wishly upon him, held down his face, Sueton. as it were against the brightness of the Sun; therefore a cer­tain Soldier turning away his eies from beholding his face, and he demanding the reason why he did so, he answered; Quia fulmen oculorum tuorum ferre non pos­sum. Aurel. Vict.

Knolles in the Turkish Hist. saith of Ta­merlane. In his eies sate such a rare majestie as a man could hardly endure to behold them without closing his own. p. 235.

His hair was somewhat yellow, and his body freckled with spots, which his flat­terers would have the world believe were in form like stars.

He was indeed somewhat low, never­theless of a comely stature, Sueton. five foot and nine inches, His shooes were under­laid some­what with the highest, that he might seem taller than he was. Calciamentis altiusculis utebatur, ut pro­cerior quam erat videretur. Suetonius. Tertul. Apol. c. 34. the just measure saith one of our late famous Queen Elizabeth, who as she matched that Roman Emperor in happiness, and duration of Reign, so did [Page 23] she likewise in the stature of her body. Ci­ties were called Caesareae in honour of him, so in honour of our Virgin Queen was there a Country called Virginia.

Augustus Imperii formator, ne dominum quidem dici se volebat. Augustus the foun­der of the the Roman Empire (for his Father Caesar was but Metator rather than Impe­rator, the chalker of it out, than the setter of it up) This great man would not be cal­led Lord. Orosius lib. 7. c. 2. Upon the same day that our Saviour was born, he forbad them by E­dict to call him Lord, that all Lordship might be ascribed to him. Orosius. The Princes which followed him (though good) refu­sed not that title.

In his time our Saviour was born, Impe­rante Augustꝰ natus est Christus, Imperante Tiberio crucifixus. He consulting with the Oracle of Delphos about his Successor, re­ceived this answer:

Whereupon Augustus coming home, in the Capitol erected an Altar, and thereon in capital letters caused this inscription to be engraven, Haec est Ara Primogeniti Dei. Totus orbis) ad verbum, Tota habitabilis, ita ut subaudias Terra, A Hy­perbolical speech.

He is mentioned in the Scripture, Luke 2.1. There came an Edict from Augustus Caesar that all the world should be taxed, i. e. all the Provinces subject to the Ro­man [Page 24] Empire, for the Romans called them­selves Lords of the whole world.

He made not war upon any people with­out just and necessary causes; Nulli Genti sine justis & necessariis cau­sis bellum in­tulit. his saying was, That neither battel nor war was to be undertaken, unless there might be evidently seen more hope of gain than fear of damage. He likened such who sought after small commodities with great danger, Suetonius. Bellum est Iu­stum, quod ne­cessarium est; & arma sunt pia, quibus nul­la nisi in ar­mis relinqui­tur. spes. Li­vie Decad. 1. Lib. 9. unto those that Angle with a golden hook, which if it be broken off, no draught of Fish whatsoever is able to make amends for the loss. [That was prudent advice of Henry the fourth K. of France, to Henry the third his Brother, who would needs with those small forces they had, salley out of Tours upon the great Army of Charles Duke of Mayen; Sire (quoth he) N'hazardons pas un double Henry, contre un Carolus, i. e. Let us not venture a double Ducket for a single penny.] He was so trou­bled and astonished at the Relation of a Foil and overthrow of Varus, that for cer­tain months together he let the hair of his head and beard grow still, and wore it long, yea, and otherwhiles would run his head against the doors, crying out Quinti­lius Varus, deliver up my Legions again. Suetonius.

He deemed nothing less beseeming a per­fect and accomplish'd Capt. than temerity, Aurel. Vict. or rashness: using this speech, Satis cele­riter fieri, Sueton. quicquid commodè geritur, that is done soon enough, which is done well e­nough.

[Page 25]He was so exceedingly delighted with that proverbial saying, Festina lente, Aul. Gel. l. 10. c. 11. Ma­crob. Saturn. lib. 6. Eras. Adag. that he would not onely use it frequently in his daily Colloquies, but would insert it often in his Epistles; admonishing by these two words, that to effect any enter­prise, both the speedinesse of Industry, and the slownesse of diligence should con­cur.

The City being not adorned according to the Majesty of such an Empire, Vrbem lateri­tiam accepi, relinquo vobis marmoream. and sub­ject to the casualties of Deluges and fires, he beautified and set out so, as justly he made his boast, Aurel. Vict. that whereas he found it built of brick, he left it all of Marble. Sueton. Macrob.

Augusto profluens & quae Principem dece­ret, Eloquentia fuit. Tacit. Liberalibus studiis, praeser­tim eloquentiae in tantum in­cumbens, ut nullus ne in procinctu quidem laberetur dies, quin legeret, scriberet, declamaret. Aurel. Vict. He had a rea­dy, fluent, and eloquent speech, such as well became a Prince.

Grotius in his Epistle to the Prince of Con [...]ee prefixed to Martianus Capella, saith, he eloquently composed Sicilie, Epigrams, Achilles, some Geographical things.

Seeing upon a time a number of Citi­zens clad all in black, assembled to hear a publick speech, he with great indignati­on cryed out, Behold, ‘Romanos rerum Doimnos, gentem (que) togatam.’

The Romans, Lords of all the world, and long rob'd Nation.

[Page 26] Suetonius.He never recommended his sons unto the people, but with this clause added thereto, If they shall deserve.

Si merebun­tur.He gave charge to the Praetors of Rome, Ne paterentur nomen suum obsolefieri, Not to suffer his name to be worn thread­bare.

He would never lye awake in the Nisi aliquo assidente, nun­quam tenebris evigilavit. Sueton. lib. 2. c. 5. dark without one sitting by his bed side.

The Senate and people of Rome joyntly saluting him by the name of Pater Pa­triae, he with tears standing in his eies made answer unto them in these few words; Now that I have (mine honourable Lords) attained to the height of all my vowes and wishes, what remaineth else for me to crave of the immortal Gods, but that I may carry with me this universal consent of yours unto my lives end? Macrobius writes of him, that he carri­ed such an entire and fatherly affection to the Common-wealth, that he called it Filiam suam, his own Daughter; and therefore refused to be called Dominus, the Lord or Master of his Countrey, and would onely be called Pater Patriae, the Father of his Country, because he gover­ned it not per timorem, sed per amorem, not by fear, but by love.

Heraldus on Tertullians Apology, spea­king of Augustus and Tiberius his refusing the title of Lord, saith; Profesto existima­rim non sine numine id iis in mentem venisse, ut vel hac ratione Chricto omnium gentium vero Domino gloria sua servaretur illibata.

He would not lightly depart forth of the City, or any Town, nor enter into any place but in the evening, or by night, for [Page 27] disquieting any person in doing him ho­nour by way of dutiful attendance. Suet.

The beginning of friendship between him and Cinna was strange; Cinna had conspired against his life: After Augustus had discovered to him all his conspiracy which he knew, he said, ‘I have given thee thy life twice; first as an enemy, then a Rebel, and now I give thee the Consulship. Let us now be friends, and henceforth strive, whether I have with a better faith given thee thy life, or thou owest it to me.’ Augustus (saith Sueton. in vita Aug.) had not thenceforward in all Rome a greater friend than Cinna while he lived, and when he died, Cinna made him sole heir. vide Senec. l. 1. de clement. c. 9.

This was duly observed, that how of­ten soever he entred Rome, no punishment that day was inflicted upon any person.

He was grieved himself when he pro­nounced a grievous sentence, and he thought himself punished when he pu­nished others. Damnatorum poenas inter­dum acrius ferebat, quam qui plectebantur. Senec. lib. de Ira.

[Page 28] His special friends were Mecoenas, A­grippa, Virgil, Propertius.He would not suddenly entertain a league of friendship with any, but was a constant friend to those he loved.

Dion reporteth of him, that when he gave commandment to take tribute of the Iews, He permitted the Jews to use their li­berties. he would not suffer it to be taken from them on their Sabbath, but caused them to delay it till the next day.

He slept but upon a low bed, and the same but meanly spread, Ne toro qui­dem cubuisse ajunt, nisi hu­mili & modi­ce instrato. Veste non te­mere alia usus est, quam do­mestica ab uxore & sorore, filia, neptibusque confecta. Sueton. He termed sumptuous garments, Vexillum superbiae, nidumque luxuriae, the banner of pride, and nest of lechery. and laid with coverlets. He seldome wore any apparel but huswives cloath, made within the house by his Wife, his Sister, and Daugh­ter.

He was a man of very little meat, and fed for the most part on cheat bread and small fishes.

He caused the bones of Thallus (who had opened a Letter committed to his trust) to be broken, to the terror of such untrusty attendants. Sueton.

By one speech he did appease a tumul­tuous Army. Plutarch in Apoph. Audite juvenes senem, quem juvenem senes audiverunt. Ye young men hearken to me now old, whom old men have hearkened unto when young.

[Page 29]He had a special care to expresse his mind and meaning most plainly, and re­prehended Marcus Antonius for writing such things, that men did rather wonder at than understand.

It was elegantly said of him, Suetonius. I hate alike as departing from the mean, both Antiquaries, Cacozelos & antiquarios, ut diverso genere vitiosos, pari fastidio spre­vit. and affectors of novelties.

He did not so much observe Orthogra­phy, i. e. the form and precise rule of wri­ting set down by Grammarians, but seem­ed to follow their opinion who think men should write according as they speak.

He could not away so much as with the Winter Sun-shine, and therefore at home he never walked up and down in the Air, without a broad-brim'd hat upon his head.

In general Salutations he admitted the very Commons, entertaining the suits and desires of all commers with so great humanity, Putas te assem Elephanto da­re? Macrob. lib. 2. Sat. c. 4. Quasi Ele­phanto stipem. Sueton. as that he rebuked one of them merrily, because in reaching unto him a supplication, he did it so timorously, as if he had been reaching meat to an Ele­phant.

Augustus militem donis, populum annona, cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit. Tacit. lib. 1. Annal. He won the Soldiers with gifts, the people with provision of victuals, and all with the sweetnesse of rest and peace.

He said of Tiberius, Miserum populum Ro­manum, qui sub tam lentis maxillis erit, O unhappy people of Rome, that shall be [Page 30] under such a [...]low pair of jawes. By this Enigmatical speech he compared the state of the people of Rome unto the miserable case of one, whom some savage and cruel beast hath gotten between his teeth, not devouring and dispatching him at once, but there holdeth & cheweth him a long while in exceeding pain; alluding to the secret malice and dreaming nature withal of Tiberius.

To expresse the speedy expedition of a thing done hastily, he used this proverb, Citius quam asparagi coquantur. Sparages soon sodden, see Eras. Adag. Quicker (would he say) than Sparages can be sod­den.

Beholding certain rich strangers and forreigners at Rome carrying whelps of Dogs and Apes in their bosoms, Plutarch in the life of Pe­ricles saith no more than Caesar, but Eras. in his Apothegmes took it to be meant of Au­gustus. & making much of them, he did ask, Whether wo­men brought not forth children in their countries? Hereby giving a worthy and Princely admonition to them who do con­sume and waste upon Beasts, the natural affection and love due to men.

When he purposed never to do what he was requested, he was wont by way of Proverb to say, That he would do it, ad calendas Graecas, Suetonius. i. e. in our English Pro­verb, The Greeks had no Ca­lends. See Eras. Adag. at later Lammas, never.

He was so much afraid of Thunder and Lightning, that he ever carried about with him for a preservative remedy a Seales [Page 31] Or of a Sea­calf, which as Pliny writeth checketh all lightnings. Tonitrua & fulgura paulo infirmius expavescebat, ut semper & ubique pellem vituli marini circumferret pro remedio, at que ad omnem majoris tempestatis sus­picionem, in abditum & concameratum locum se reciperet. Sueton. skin; yea, and whensoever he suspected there would be any extraordinary storm or tempest, he would retire himself into a close secret room under ground, and vaulted above head.

In his time Wars ceased, Aurel. Vict. and Learning chiefly flourished. In the time of War the Temple was open. The Temple of Ianus was then shut in Rome, peace being gene­ral through the whole world.

Our Saviour was born in the 42 year of his reign say Epiphanius and Eusebius, 41. say Tertullian, and Iraeneus.

Receiving a challenge from Anthony, he returned him this answer, He bid Gatul­lus the railing Poet to sup­per, to shew that he had forgiven him. That if Antho­ny had a disposition to dye, or were weary of life, there were wayes enough else to death besides that. Thus the challenge was rejected, and yet his Honour untain­ted.

Affectabat jocos, Macrob. Sa­turn. l. 2. salvo tamen Majestatis pudorisque respectu. He was very pleasant, and had both an excellent dexterity in breaking of Jests, Seneca de Ira. and was very patient likewise in bearing of flouts. Vide Christ: Math. Theat. Hist. in Aug: p. 55, 56. Convitia si irascare, agnita videntur; spreta exolescunt. Tacitus. Probrosis in se dictis arrisit. He made himself merry [Page 32] with reproachful speeches touching him­self, therein manifesting his clemency, and also his wisdom.

When he had by Proclamation promi­sed a great sum of money to him that should bring in that famous Pirate Coro­cota, and put him in his power; He know­ing the Emperors mild and temperate vein, took the boldnesse to come himself, and told him that he was Corocota which came to submit himself, and demanded the summ promised to him that should bring him in; Augustus both pardoned him, and gave him the money. Dion.

Macrobius reporteth of him, that when he heard that at the commandment of Herod, l. 2. Saturn. cap. 4. Mat. 2.16. For his Jew­ish devotion prohibited him to deal with swine, but not Reli­gion, nor rea­son, nor nature could protect those Innocents from slaughter. all the children of Syria under two years old were slain, and that in the stirre his own son was also slain; Melius est (in­quit ille) Herodus porcum esse quam puerum. I had rather (saith he) be Herods swine than his son.

He commanded Herennius a dissolute young man to depart out of the Camp; and when he submissively intreated him not to send him home, Macrob. ib. Quoniam pu­debat adoles­centem fateri quibus ipse Caesari displi­cuisset, Caesar permisit ut sermonem inverteret, & culpam in ipsum conferret. Eras. Apotheg. Macrob. ubi supra. alledging that he could not tell what to say to his Father, he answered, Dic me [...]ibi displicuisse, say, that I displeased thee.

[Page 33]When Pacuvius did petere ab eo congiari­um, and said, That it was commonly spo­ken among men, that he had given him a great deal of money, Sed tu, inquit, noli credere.

Galba, who had a crooked back plead­ing before him, and often saying, Corrige in me si quid reprehendis, If you finde any fault in me correct it; Augustus answered, Ego te monere possum, corrigere non possum, I can but admonish thee, Macrob. Saturn. I cannot correct thee.

Being entertained by one at a Banquet very meanly and sparingly, after all was finished he departed, and at his farewel only whispered this in his ear, Non puta­bam me tibi tam familiarem, I did not think we had been so familiar.

When one tilled the place where his Fa­ther was buried, he said, Id. Ib. Hoc vere est mo­numentum Patris colere.

He was cholerick by nature, This counsel was given him, that when the ob­ject and occa­sions of Cho­ler were in his eye, he should not be moved before he had pro­nounced over the letters of the Alphabet. but his pa­tience in bearing of bitter Jests deserved much to be commended. A certain coun­tryman came to Rome, who did much re­semble him in outward feature, insomuch that all mens eyes were cast upon him, and Augustus hearing of it, caused him to be brought before him, asking him this question, Whether his Mother had ever been at Rome; the young man answered, No but his Father had oftentimes.

He sitting between Virgil & Horace, be­ing asked by one what he did? answered, [Page 34] Sedeo inter suspiria & lachrymas; per suspiria intelligens Virgilium suspirabundum, & per lachrymas Horatium lippientem.

Habenda est ad somnum culcitra, in qua ille cum tantum debe­ret, dormire potuit, Macr. Sat. l. 2. c. 4.He hearing that a certain Gentleman of Rome (who was deeply indebted) did sleep most securely, desired to buy the Bed whereupon he rested; it seeming a matter of much marvel to him, that one fallen into so deep arrerages could take his rest so well.

When a Soldier bragged too much of a great scar in his forehead, At tu cum fu­gisti, nunquam post te respexe­ris? he asked him if he did not get it when he looked back as he fled.

He wrote a Tragedy called Ajax, which afterwards (because it displeased him) he blotted out with a spunge. Illius Ajax u­tinam ne in spongiam in­cubuisset, ha­beremus pro­fecto quod in­subidis illis op­poneremus, qui principum felicissima ingenia ab humaniorum ortium studio tanquam in­digno, summo rerum publi­carum damno avertunt. Therefore when Lucius a writer of Tragedies, asked him what his Ajax did? Caesar very witti­ly answered, In spongiam incubuit, alluding to the argument of the Fable, in which Ajax when he knew what things he had spoken and done in his madness, lying up­on his sword kill'd himself. Besides the pretty allusion unto the fabulous History of Ajax, Torrentius hath observed in the word Spongia a double signification, viz. a Spunge called deletilis, which Writers had at hand, either to wipe and wash out what misliked them, or to blur and blot the same; Grotius Prin­cipi Condaeo. whereupon Martial saith of it, V­tiles haec quoties scripta novare voles: and also a Sword, which addeth the better grace unto the conceit, considering that Ajax fell upon his own sword.

[Page 35]Having conquered his enemy, and re­turning home victorious, amongst others that came to congratulate his happy con­quest, there was one holding a Crow, which he had taught to say, Ave Caesar, Victor, Imperator, Macrob. Satur. God save the Emperor and Conqueror. He wondering to see the Bird so officious, gave a great sum of mo­ney for him. His fellow workman to whom none of that liberality came, affirmed that he had at home another Crow for Caesar, which he intreated he might bring; being brought, he expressed the words which he had learned, Ave victor, Impe­rator Antoni. The Emperor being nothing provoked therewith, thought it suffi­cient to bid him divide the donative with the other: being saluted in like manner of a Pazret, he caused him to be bought. This example allured a poor Cobler to try whether he could teach a Crow to use the like salutation, but he being at great expences in vain, was wont often to say, Opera & impensa periit, All my pains and charge is lost; but at the last the Crow began to utter the same salutation, which Augustus once hearing as he passed by, he answered, Satis domi salutatorum talium habeo, I have such salu­ters enough at home.

The Crow remembred to adde that which he had heard his Master complain­ing say, Opera & impensa periit, at which Caesar laughed, and gave more for [Page 36] him than any of the rest that he had bought.

He wrote a bitter Satyre against a Poet, but he wiped his lips and replyed not, say­ing, Periculosum est in eum scribere qui po­test proscribere.

Suetonius writeth of him, that he loved the expressions of the good will of his friends, and especially such as appeared by some Legacy given at their death; but yet whatsoever it was he would return it at one time or other to their children with advantage.

Non tamen vir tantus vitiis caruit; fuit e­nim paululum impatiens, le­vitur iracun­dus, occultè in­vidus, palam factiosus, do­minandi supra quàm aestimari potest avidissi­mus, studiosis­simus aleae lu­sor. Aurel. Vict.He wished three things to his Son, the favour of Pompey, the boldness of Alexan­der, and his own fortune.

He was not without his vices, being ve­ry impatient, secretly envious, and open­ly factious, very desirous to rule, and much given to dicing.

Though he was a man severe enough, yet he did not know the exceeding wanton­ness of Iulia his own daughter, and her open and audacious boldness; but Sueto­nius seems to be of a contrary opinion, for he saith, that he was much ashamed of [Page 37] her, Lex Iulia (which puni­sheth Adul­terers with death) was not made by Iulius, but by him. and that once he thought to put her to death. And when a freed woman of his named Phoebe, one that was privy to Iulia's lewdness, knit her own neck in a halter, and so ended her daies, he gave it out, That he wisht with all his heart he had been Phoebe's Father.

Out of great indignation against his two Daughters, and Posthun [...]us Agrippa his Grand-child, whereof the first two were Heroum filii noxae. infamous, and the last otherwise unwor­thy, he would say, that they were not his seed, but some impostume broken from him, and he used this verse of them, ‘O utinam aut coelebs mansissem, aut prole carerem!’

He was almost peerless in his Govern­ment, Solinus. yet there are to be found so many misfortunes in his life, that a man cannot easily discern whether he was more mise­rable, or more happy. Nam fere quo­ties audisset, cito, aut nullo cruciatu de­functum quem­piam, sibi & su­is [...] similem (hoc enim & ver­bo uti solebat) precabatur.

Bonam mortem putabat celerem & inspera­tam, quae nulla aegritudine pulsaret fores: So often as he heard of a man that had a quick passage with little sense of grief, he wished for himself and his such Euthanasy, such an easy death. He being at the point to die, thus addressed himself; called for his looking-glass, Suetonius. commanded to have his hair and beard combed, Suetonius. Et malas labentes corrigi, his riveled cheeks smoothed up; Vita nostra si­cut fabula, nec refert quam diu, sed quam bene acta sit. then asking his friends if he had acted his part well, Cum ita responderint, vos omnes igitur, inquit Plaudite.

[Page 38] l. 15. c. 7. The Climacte­rical year is fatal. Aulus Gellius mentioneth, that he sent a letter unto his step-son to this effect, ‘Rejoice with me my Son, for I have past over that deadly year & enemy to old age, threescore and three, in which number the sevenths and ninths do concur.’

He lived fifteen years after Christ was born, and dyed in his 76. year.

He was beloved of his people, for they erected a statue to M [...]sas the Physitian who in a sickness recovered him, and pla­ced it by Aesculapius: and the Senate much honoured him being dead, by consecra­ting Temples to him at Rome, and in o­ther famous Cities, and all the people much lamented his death, using that speech, Vtinam aut non nasceretur, aut non moreretur, Aurel. Vict. Would he had never been born or never dyed.

Paterculus said of the Roman Empire af­ter Augustus death, when there was such hope of enemies, fear of friends, expecta­tion of trouble in all, Tanta fuit unius vi­ri Majestas, ut nec bonis, neque contra malos opus armis foret: Such was the Majesty of one man, that his very presence took a­way all use of Arms.

LIVIA his Mother, whiles she went with child of him, Tiberius dictus à fluvio Tibe­re, quod jux­ta Tiberim na­tus esset. among many and sundry experiments which she made, and signs that she observed (and all to know whether she should bring forth a man-child or no) took closely an Egg from under a Hen that was sitting, Suetonius. and kept it warm, sometime in her own, otherwhiles in her womans hands by turns one after another, so long until there was hatched a Cock-chicken with a notable comb up­on the head. And when he was but a ve­ry babe, Scribonius the Astrologer gave out and warranted great matters of him, and namely, that he should one day reign as Monarch, but yet without the Royal En­signs, for as yet the Sovereign power of [Page 40] the Caesars was unknown.

He was of Personage tall, corpulent, big set and strong, of stature above the ordi­nary, broad between the shoulders, and large brested, fair of complexion, great goggle-ey'd, whereby he saw so clearly as is incredible to report. He used both hands alike; Suetonius. Nullius ma­nus vel ad fe­riendum vel ad impellen­dum fortiores fuerunt, quum in digitis ner­vos videretur habuisse non venas; nam & carra venientia digito salutari repulisse dicitur, & fortissimos quosque uno digito sic afflixisse, ut quasi ligni vel ferri ob­tusioris ictu percussi dolerent. Multa duorum digitorum allisione contrivit. Trebel. Pollio. de triginta Tyrannis in Mario.his joints were so firm, that with his finger he was able to bore through a green and sound table, with a fillop also to break the head of a good big boy; his speech was exceeding slow, not without a certain wan on gesticula­tion and fumbling with his fingers.

He refused the Empire a long time, put­ting on a most impudent and shameless mind, and seeming to rebuke his friends encouraging him thereto, as those who knew not what a monstrous and untaim­ed beast an Empire was. Tiberio suspen­sa semper, & obscura verba. He also held the Senate in suspence by ambiguous answers, and crafty delaies, when they besought him to take it upon him, Tacitus. yea & humbly de­based themselves before his knees, inso­much as some of them could endure him no longer, & one among the rest in that tumult cry'd out aloud, Let him either do it at once, or else give over quite; and a­nother openly to his face upbraided him in these words, Caeteri, quod pollicentur tar­dè [Page 41] praestant, tu quod praestas tardè polliceris. Aut agat, aut desistat. Eras. Apophtheg. Simile est Ci­ceronis istud de Epicureis 2. de fin. Caeteri (inquit) existi­mantur dicere melius quàm facere, hi mihi videntur facere melius quàm dicere. ‘Whereas other men be slack in doing & performing that which they have pro­mised, thou art slack in promising that which thou performest.’ In the end, as if he had been compelled, and complaining withall that there was imposed upon his shoulders a miserable and burdensome servitude, he took the Empire upon him.

The cause of this holding off and delay that he made, was the fear of imminent dangers on every side, insomuch as he would often say, Lupum se auribus tenere, Dicitur in eos qui ejusmodi negotio invol­vuntur, quod nequerelin­quere sit inte­grum, neque tolerari possit Eras. Adag. Eras. in Apoph. & alii. he held a Wolf by the ears.

He knowing excellent well how to con­ceal his own private passions, made him­self known to be an excellent Doctor in the cunning Art of discovering other mens thoughts, by which he may be said to set the roof over the Roman Monarchy. Advertisements from Parnassus by Boca­lini. Century 2. Advertis. 33. See more there.

He was very patient when any bad ru­mours or slanderous Libels were cast out, either of himself or those about him, and was wont to say (how wisely I determine not) In civitate libera linguam mentemque liberas esse debere, That in a free State men ought to have both tongue and thought free.

He taxed the indiscretion of the Ilien­ses comforting him long after the death Sueton. [Page 42] of his Son, with this answer, That he also was very sorry for them, because they had lost that worthy Citizen Hector, Sueton. one dead many hundred years before.

He was mild and gracious at the first, and seemed to be enclined to the good of the Common-wealth: when the Presi­dents and Governors abroad gave him councel to burden the Provinces with heavy Tributes and Taxes; Et Alexand. Magnus solitus erat dicere, se odisse olitorem qui herbas ra­dicitus convel­leret. he wrote back unto them, Boni Pastoris est tondere pecus, non deglubere, That it was the part of a good shepherd to shear his sheep, and not to flea them.

He held it good policy not to change his Officers often, lest new ones succeed­ing should oppress the people too much; whereas the old having means to enrich themselves, would not so fleece them in the latter end as at the beginning, making hast to do it, lest they were removed be­fore they could feather their nests well. See Montagues Acts and Monum. of the Church. c. 5. p. 37.

Et ut parsimo­niam publicam exemplo quoque juvaret solen­nibus ipse coe­nis pridiana saepe at semesa opsonia appo­suit, dimidia­tumque aprum, affirmans om­nia eadem habere quae totum.That by his own Example he might put forward the publick frugality, he him­self at his solemn and festival suppers, caused oftentimes to be served up to the Board viands dressed the day before, and those half eaten, saying, That the side of a wild Boar had in it the same of the whole.

[Page 43]One there was who called him Dominus, that is, Sir, but he gave him warning not to name him any more by way of con­tumely. Another chanced to say, His sa­cred business; and a third again, That he went into the Senate, Auctore se, that is, by his warrant or authority. He caused them both to change those words, and for au­ctore to say suasore, that is, By his advice and councel; and instead of sacred, to put in laborious and painful.

Quotidiana oscula prohibuit edicto, item strenarum commercium. He forbad expresly by Edict the usual and daily kisses com­monly given and taken, likewise the en­tercourse of New-years gifts to and fro.

Suetonius writeth of him, that he did Iura omnibus ferè asylis adimere, take away the priviledge of almost all their Sanctua­ries, because he observed the licentious a­buse of them.

At length he discovered those vices, which with much ado for a long time he had cloaked and concealed.

He was very cruel, covetous, and libidi­nous. Noctem conti­nuumque bidu­um epulando potandoque consumpsit. He was wont to adorn his chambers with most lascivious pictures, ut ita aspe­ctu deficientes libidines excitaret. vide Sue­ton. Sueton. in ejus vita. He spent with Flaccus Pomponius and L. Piso, a whole night and two daies outright in nothing else but eating and drinking; giving the Province of Syria into the Government of the first, and conferring the Provostship of Rome [Page 44] on the other; professing even in all his Letters, that they were Iucundissimi, & omnium horarum amici, his most pleasant Companions, and friends at all Assaies. Propter nimiam vini aviditatem, for his ex­cessive love of wine and hot waters, Suetonius. or because he loved to drink wine hot, which is delicate, Elegans Pa­ranomasia. So some play­ed upon the name of Epi­phanes, and called him E­pimanes, or mad man. See Iunius on 8. Dan. Others call the Duke of Lorrain the Duke des Larrons. he was for Tiberius named Biberius, for Claudius, Caldius, for Nero, Mero.

Le Theatre du monde. l. 2. See after in Caligula and Titus. Pliny l. 14. of Natural Hist. Not the thrice gallant Knight. Athenaeus memorat de Xenocrate, il­lum scilicet uno haustu sorpsisse vini congium. Gassend. de vita Epicuri. lib. 6. c. 6.One gives this reason of his drunken­ness, because his Nurse that gave him suck would drink exceedingly her self, and nourished him with sops soaked in wine.

A Lombard, for drinking in his presence three gallons of wine at one draught, and before he took his breath again, was dub­bed Knight by him, and sirnamed Tricon­gius, The three gallon Knight.

It is reported, that in his time there was invented Glass of that temper, that it would abide the hammer, and be bea­ten in length or breadth like lead, and pliable to bend every way like paper; and that the Inventor hereof was put to death by him. See Peacham's Valley of varieties. c. 17.

[Page 45]He erected a new Office, à voluptatibus, Nero had an Officer about him (to wit Petronius) who was cal­led Arbiter Neronianae li­bidinis, Tacit. Annal. l. 16▪ for the devising of new pleasures, where­in he placed Priscus a Gentleman of Rome, and one who had been Censor.

He advanced Sejanus to the highest place of Authority, not so much for any good will, as to be his instrument for the ac­complishing his wicked purposes.

He put to death a Soldier one of his own Guard, Latinis abstra­cta pro concre­tis simpliciter posita inten­dunt id quod dicitur; plus enim quam vel sordidum de­signat, vel san­guineum, exi­mie nimirum talem. Menti­tur qui te vi­tiosum, Zoile, dixit. Non vi­tiosus homo es, Zoile, sed vi­tium. Heins. Exercit. Sac. for stealing a Peacock out of a Garden.

Theodorus Gadareus his Master observing his bloudy disposition, called him, Lutum sanguine maceratum, A lump of clay soak­ed in blood; these verses were cast out of him:

He thought simple death so light a pu­nishment, that when he heard that Car­nulius one of the Prisoners had laid violent hands on himself, he cryed out, Sueton. Carnulius me evasit, Carnulius hath escaped my hands. Sueton.

His saying was, Oderint dum probent, Let them hate me so long as they suffer my proceedings to pass.

Nullus à poena hominum cessavit dies, ne religiosus quidem ac sacer.

There passed not a day over his head, no not so much as any festival and Reli­gious Holy-day, without execution and [Page 46] punishment of some: many were accused and condemned, together with their Chil­dren and Wives. Straight commandment was given, that the near kinsfolks of such persons as were condemned to die should not mourn and lament for them. No In­former and Promoter was discredited, but his Presentment taken, and every crime and trespass was accounted capital.

He said to one that requested death ra­ther than long imprisonment, Nondum te­cum redii in gratiam, Thou art not yet re­conciled to me that I should shew thee such favour. Suetonius.

Because Virgins by a received custom were not to be strangled; Tacitus he caused the Hangman first to deflour a Virgin, Suetonius. and then to strangle her.

Boeclerus in his political dissertations, observes, that he had two instruments of his wickedness, by which he cloaked his vilest actions.

1. Sermonis artificium, his ambiguous speeches. 2. Inanis quidam color juris, as here in that example of the Virgins last mentioned.

Among other kind of torments he de­vised, Suetonius. that when men had drunk largely of strong wine, their privy parts should be fast bound with Lute-strings, that so for want of means to avoid their Urine, they might endure intollerable pain.

Foelicem Priamum vocabat, quod superstes omnium suorum extitisset. Suetonius. He called Pria­mus [Page 47] happy, in that he over-lived all his Sons and Daughters.

He feared Thunder exceedingly, See the like in Augustus his life. and when the air or weather was any thing troubled, he ever carried a Chaplet or wreath of Lawrel about his neck, because that (as Pliny reporteth) is never blasted with Lightning.

He loved liberal Sciences most affectio­nately, Ingenio ad re­pentina longè ceriore. he would do things better of a sudden, extempore, than upon study and premeditation, Repentivis responsionibus, Aurel. Vict. aut consiliis melior, qvàm meditatis. He wrote a most eloquent complaint of the death of Iulius Caesar. Scribit Plu­tarchus in A­pophthegma­tis, Augustum dicere soli­tum, se Roma­ni Imperii suc­cessorem eum esse relicturum, qui nunquam bis de eadem re consultas­set; Tiberium significare volebat. Josephus lib. 18. of the Anti­quity of the Jews. c. 8.

He was much addicted to Astrological predictions, and such curious Arts, so that the greater part of those things which he executed in all his life time was ordered thereby; he gave the more credit to Di­vination, because in certain things he had found the conjectures correspondent to truth.

His usual Companions were Magicians and Sooth-sayers. The principal of these was Thrasyllus; whom Tiberius intending on a time, to thrust down from a Cliff as they walked together, in that he had fail­ed in a former prediction; & perceiving by his looks that he was troubled in mind, demanded the cause. Who replyed, that by his Art he foresaw some hardly to be a­voided [Page 48] danger to be neer him: whereat Tiberius amazed, altered his purpose.

Tu quoque Galba degu­stabis impe­rium.He seeing Galba one day coming to­wards him, spake thus of him to certain of his familiars, Behold the man that shall be one day honoured with the Roman Em­pire. Tacit. l. 4. Annal.

He made a Law called Lex Papia, Lipsius in his Commenta­ries on the third book of Tacitus, An­nal. treats largely of this Lex Papia. by which he forbad such men as were past sixty, or women past fifty to marry, as thinking them insufficient for generation; to which Lactantius seems to allude, thus jesting at the Heathen touching their great god Iupiter; How cometh it to pass that in your Poets, salacious Iupiter be­gets no more children? is he past sixty, and restrained by the Papian Law?

Certè Iuliam legem Papia fuisse auctam atque extensam satis constat. Sed quid sit ad­jectum, non ita constat Heraldi Commenta­rius. in Ap loget. Tertul.

Many of the Roman Caesars have been transported with self-admiration, they have shared the Months of the year a­mong them; Vide Tacit. l. 16. Annal. c. 12. April must be Neroneus, May Claudius, Domitian will have October, No­vember is for Tiberias, by the same token that when it was tendered to him, he askt the Senate wittily (as Xiphiline reports it) What they would do when they should have more than twelve Caesars?

It is called the Sea of Tiberius, Iohn 6.1. from a City on the bank of it, of that name, built by Herod, in honour of Tibe­rius [Page 49] Caesar, as Iosephus writeth in the 18. Book of his Jewish Antiquities.

Livie and Ovid dyed in the fourth year of Tiberius. Eusebius

Pilate by Letters signified unto him the Miracles of our Saviour Christ, The word Christians was first known to the world in his reign as Tertul­lian witnesseth in his Apology Tiberius ergo, cujus tempore nomen Christi­anum in secu­lum introjvit. his Resur­rection, and that he was supposed of many to bee God. The Romans had a Law, for­bidding any Emperor to consecrate or set up any god which was not first appro­ved by the Senate; for Tiberius Caesar hear­ing of Christs fame, by vertue of that Law moved the Senate to promulgate and re­late Christ among the number of their gods, who rejected him because he would be God alone, or because contrary to the Law of the Romans he was consecrated for God, before the Senate of Rome had so declared and approved him; whose folly Tertullian thus scoffeth; In Apologet. They refused to do it, saith Eusebius. l. 2. Hist. Eccles. c. 2. that the wisedome and Divine power of God in the Do­ctrine of salva­tion might not need the allowance and commendation of men. Apud vos de hu­mano arbitrio divinitas pensitatur, nisi homini Deus placuerit, Deus non erit, homo jam Deo propitius esse debedit. God should be God if man would let him.

Iosephus a Jew, and an enemy to Christ, in his 8. Book of Antiquities, c. 4. speaks the same things of Christ that Matthew doth; that he was a most worthy man, if it be lawful to call him a man (said he,) that he wrought many Miracles, & that he rose from the dead. Tacitus and Suetonius speak of his Miracles, Tacitus l. 15. Annal. c. [Page 50] 10. affirms that he was crucified under Pi­late in the time of Tiberius, Christus Tibe­rio imperante, per Procurato­rem Pontium Pilatum sup­plicio affectus eras. & that Teberius would have put him in the number of his gods. Plutar. De interitu Orac. reports, that under the Reign of Tiberius all the Oracles of the world ceased, of which the Poets bear witness, — cessant oracula Delphis. Iuv. Sat. 6.

Plutarch also in the same book reports, that in the later years of the reign of Ti­berius, a strange voice and exceeding hor­rible clamours, with hideous cries, screet­ches and howlings were heard by many in the Grecian Sea, complaining that the great god Pan was now departed. And this was brought before the Emperor, who marvelled greatly thereat, and could not by all his Diviners and Southsayers whom he called to that consultation, be able to gather out any reasonable meaning of this wonderful accident: but Christians may perswade themselves, that by the death of their great god Pan (which signifies all) was imported the utter overthrow of all wicked spirits. Iohn 12.13.

Our Lord was crucified in the 15. year of his reign, say Lib. adversus Iudaeos. Tertullian and Lib. 4. de ve­ra sapientia c. 10. Lactan­tius.

But Luke the Evangelist, 3. c. 1. v. ma­keth his Baptism to fall in the 15. year of Tiberius his reign. So then his Passion must be in the 18. or 19. for three years he preached salvation. Vide Vossium de tempore. Dominicae pas­sionis. Sect. 3. Ierome and Eusebius.

The fear of losing his Office under Tibe­rius [Page 51] Caesar, (whose Deputy he was over the Province of Iudaea,) made Pilate condemn Christ, Iohn 19.12, 13. but not long af­ter, he lost his Deputy-ship and Caesars fa­vour, and fled to Vienna, where living in banishment he killed himself; Euseb. Hist. l. 2. c. 7.

Iohn Baptist also suffered in his time.

Matth. 22.21. Our Saviour saith, Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesars. Romani Caesa­res imaginem suam imprime­bant monetae tam aureae quam argenteae

The money declared the subjection of their Nation; as if he should have said, If you think it absurd to pay Tribute, be not subject to the Roman Empire; but the mo­ney declareth that Caesar reigneth over you, Drusius. & your own secret allowance declar­eth that the liberty which you pretend, is lost and taken away. Ierome on the place doth well observe, that the name of Caesar is not proper, but appellative, because from the first Emperor Iulius Caesar all the rest were so called. Yet saith Gerhard in his Harmony, Christ properly understands Ti­berius who then ruled, whose Image the money did bear; to that wicked Emperor Tribute was due; so that charge 1 Tim. 2.2. was given by Paul, even then when Caesar was a persecutor of the Christian Religion.

Austin tells us, He that gave Soveraignty to Augustius, gave it also to Nero; he that gave it to the Vespatians Father and Son, sweetest Emperors, gave it also to Domiti­an that bloody monster, De civit. Dei. l. 5. c. 21.

[Page 52] Tiberius approved of the Christians Opi­nions, and threatned Death to them which accused them: This came to pass (saith l. 2. Eccles. Hist. c. 2. He with-held a Legacy from the people of Rome, which his predeces­sor Augustus had lately gi­ven; and per­ceiving a fel­low round a dead Corpse in the ear, we would needs know where­fore he did so, the fellow re­plyed, that he wished the de­parted soul to signifie to Augustus, the Commons of Rome were yet unpaid: for this bitter jest the Emperor caused him forthwith to be slain, & car­ry the news himself. Eusebius) by Divine providence, that the Doctrine of the Gospel having no rub at the first, might run over the whole world.

He made Capreae by his cruelty and lusts, but infamous and unhappy: Who with­drawing thither from the affairs of the Common wealth, because the Island was unaccessible on all sides, by reason of the upright Clifts, except only at one place, no man being suffered to land, but upon especial admittance, hence sent his mandates of death. In the mean-time making it a very stew of incredible beastli­ness. Insomuch that Capreae was stiled the Island of secret lusts, and he Capreneus, Sandys Travels. l. 4. p. 197. Capraeis mar­cescens Romae aderat ferro, si non consilio. E­manuelis Thesauri Caesares.

Dion writes, that a Phoenix was seen be­fore the last year of Tiberius, which bird is an Emblem of the Resurrection, and sig­nifieth that at that time Christ rose from the dead, and that the Gospel was then spread abroad, which affirmeth that the Dead shall rise again. Carion. Chron.

He dyed in the 78. year of his age, say Suetonius, Tacitus, and Aurel. Vict. 83. saith Eutropius. It was thought he was poysoned.

He raigned 23 years, say Eutropius, Sue­tonius, Orosius. 24 saith Aurel. Vict. 22 years, 7 months, and 20 dayes, Tertull. [Page 53] 22 years, Clem. Alexand. 22 years, 7 months, and so many dayes, saith Dion, 22 years and six months, Iosephus.

He raigned 22 years and 7 moneths; Doctor Willet on the Rom. 22. years, 11 months, 14 days, saith Euseb. as Do­ctor Willet sheweth in his Hexapla on Dan. where the account differs from this certain months, be­cause he fol­loweth Euseb. computation there. but the reason of the different computati­on, why some give unto him but 22 years, some 24, some but 23 is, because some count only the full years, some the moneths of his first and last year for whole years, some put the odde months toge­ther, and make one year of them.

He raigned after our Saviours Passion 4 years, 11 months, and 18 dayes.

The people joyed so much at his death, that running up and down at the first ti­dings thereof, some cryed out in this note, Tiberium in Tiberim, Let Tiberius be cast in­to Tiber; some offered sacrifices when they heard of it, and one meeting with his Ma­ster in some publick place, told him in the Hebrew Tongue, The Lion was dead.

SOme say this name of Ca­ligula was given him, for a certain kind of shooe cal­led Caliga, used among men of warr, and worn by him; or he got it by occa­sion of a merry word taken up in the Camp, Suetonius. because he was brought up there in the habit of an ordinary and common soldier among the rest. Quia natus in exercitu fue­rat, cognomen­tum calcea­menti milita­ris, i. e. Caligulae for­titus est.

He carried himself well before he was Emperor, so that it was said of him, Nec servum meliorem ullum, Aurel. Vict. nec deteriorem Domi­num fuisse. There was never a better ser­vant, and a worse Master.

He was very tall of stature, pale and wan-coloured, of body somewhat gross [Page 55] and unfashionable, his eies sunk in his head, and his Temples were hollow, his forehead was broad, the hair of his head grew thin, in all parts else he was hairy and shagged, and therefore it was a capi­tal offence, either to look upon him as he passed by, from an higher place, or once but to name a Suetonius. Goat upon any occasion whatsoever. It was held crimen laesae Majestatis, against his Imperial person. His face and visage being na­turally stern and grim, he made of pur­pose more crabbed and hideous, compo­sing and dressing it in a looking-glass, all manner of waies to seem more terrible, and to strike greater fear. Speed. Vultus horridus. Being clad of­tentimes with a cloak of needle-work, and embroidered with divers colours, Sueton. and the same set out with precious stones; Torserat per omnia quae in rerum natura tristissima sunt, fidiculis, Eculeo, igne, vultu suo. Se­neca. lib. 3. de Ira. in a coat also with long sleeves, and wearing bracelets withall, he would come abroad into the City.

In omnia fuit ei pro ratione impetus, sive ad cupiendum aliquid ingens et incredibile, se incitasset, sive ad patranda immania exarsis­set. Boecleri Dissertatio Polit. in Calig. He said that he did ap­prove of no­thing so much in his nature as his immo­desty.

On a time esteeming it a thing corre­spondent to his greatness who was Empe­ror, to exact that superiority on the Sea, which was answerable to his Soveraignty on the Land, being to cross the Sea be­tween Puteoli a City in Campania, and Misenum another maritime town, Sueton. he cau­sed a Bridge to be built betwixt one Cape of the Sea unto another, Novum & in­auditum specta­culi genus. for the space of three miles and more, on which he com­manded [Page 56] himself to be drawn in a Chariot, as if it were answerable to his Dignity.

Some are of opinion that he invented such a kind of Bridge in emulation of Xer­xes, who not without the wonder of the world, made a Bridge of planks over Hel­lespont an arm of the Sea, somewhat nar­rower than this: Others, that by a bruit blazed abroad of some huge and mon­strous piece of work, he might terrifie Germany and Britain, upon which Coun­tries he meant to make war. See Sandys Travels l. 4. p. 214.

He maintained his reputation with his Grand-father Tiberius, by no means but this; he shadowed his cruel mind with subtil modesty, and shewed not discontent either for the condemnation of his Mo­ther, or the banishment of his Brethren, Pari habitu semper cum Tiberio, haud mul­tum distantibus verbis, He did imitate him in his apparel, in his words, in all things as near as possibly he could.

He succeeded Tiberius in the Empire, but in cruelty far exceeded him. Tacit. lib. 6. Annal. Thus far forth as of a Prince (saith Suetonius,) re­late we must as of a Monster.

Sueton.He usurped the name of god, comman­ding his subjects to dignifie him with more than human honours; Aurel. Vict. In his Temple stood an Idol of fine gold, of himself; which was daily cloathed and adorned with the like garments which he then wore. Cuffe of Affectation. and ascending the Capitol, which among all the Temples in Rome is most religiously honoured, he was [Page 57] so bold as to salute Iupiter, and to call him brother.

He sent Petronius with an Army to Ie­rusalem, commanding him to set his sta­tue in the Temple, and if the Jews refu­sed to receive it, that those who withstood him he should put to the sword, and lead the rest captive; Joseph. l. 18. Antiq. c. 11. & 2. de bello Iudaic. c. 9. but partly by Petronius his prudence, and through Aristobulus his intercession with him, and King Agrippa's with Caligula, it was hindered.

The like is in the 21. lib. of Tacitus, where he thus writeth of the Jews, Sub Tiberio quies, deinde jussi a Caio Caesare ef­figiem ejus in Templo locare, arma potius sumpsere; quem motum mors Caesaris dire­mit.

He gave it out openly, that his own Mo­ther was begotten by Incest which Augu­stus committed with his own daughter Iulia. Suetonius.

He caused his Brother Tiberius to be slain, Suetonius. and reserved his Uncle Claudius (who was his Successor in the Empire) for nothing else, but to make him his laugh­ing-stock.

Many of honorable rank were by him put to death, and sawed asunder in the midst, because they had no good opinion of his shews, or had not sworn by his Genius.

[Page 58] Per Genium Principis Ro­manos jurare solitos, testes sunt Iuris­consulti nostri, quemadmodum & per salutem Principis, & per Principis venerationem. An ordinary thing it was at Rome to swear by the Genius, as also by the For­tune, and the health of their Emperors. And what a devout Oath was this, Per Genium, that is, the spirit or superinten­dent Angel of the Prince? which I take to be as much as his own good self, as ap­peareth by Tertullian, Citius apud vos per omnes Deos, quam per Genium principis, pe­jeratur, Schildius in Calig.Doct. Holland in Annotat. in Sue­ton. Dio (as Heraldus upon Tertullians Apologie observes) saith, Apologet. c. 28 that Augustus a most wise and moderate Prince, not only pardoned, but also suppressed this kind of Oath.

Suetonius.He forced Parents to be present at the execution of their own Children.

And when one Father excused himself by reason of sickness, he sent a Litter for him. Another of them immediately after the heavy spectacle of his Son put to death, he invited to his own board, made him great cheer, Suetonius. and by all manner of courte­sie provoked him to jocondness & mirth.

When his Grand-mother Antonia seem­ed to give him some admonition, Momen­to, ait, omnia mihi in omnes licere.

When he had at one time condemned a sort of Frenchmen and Greeks together, he made his boast, That he had subdued Gallo-Graecia, a Nation mixt of French and Greeks.

After he had well drunk and eaten, he took pleasure to cast his friends into the [Page 59] Sea, from on high, from a Bridge which he built at Puteoli before mentioned, and caused many to be drowned which sought to save them. Dion. lib. 50. of his Hist. Sue­tonius in Calig. cap. 32.

He would not permit any to suffer death, but after many strokes given, and those very softly. Ita in bello ci­vili Mariano, Marius qui­dam particu­latim amputa­tus, diu vivere vel potius diu mori coactus est, ut inquit e­leganter Au­gustin. lib. 3. de civ. Dei. His Command being general­ly and commonly known, Ita feri ut se mori sentiat, Strike so, that they may feel themselves dying, and endure the pains of an enduring death.

He executed on a time one whom he had not appointed to die, by error only and mistaking his name, but it makes no matter, quoth he, for even he also hath deserved death.

A certain Citizen of Praetors degree, Schildius. de­sired oftentimes from the retiring place where he was at Anticyra (into which Isle he went for his healths sake) to have his Licence continued; Hellebore that groweth in the Isle Anti­cyra, is of most effectual operation; the root is that whereof is made our sneesing pow­der, it purgeth extremely by vomit; thereupon ariseth the Pro­verb, Naviget Anticyram, that is, Let him sail to Anticyra; ap­plyed to one that is melancholick in the highest degree, and little better than mad. See Pliny's natural Hist. l. c. 342. but he gave order he should be killed outright, adding these words therewith, That blood-letting was necessary for him who in so long time had found no good by Hellebore, that is, by purging.

Being highly displeased upon a time with the multitude, for favouring the contrary faction to his, would God [Page 60] (quoth he) that the people of Rome had but one neck, At tu (inquit) unam cervi­cem habes, nos vero manus multas. meaning to chop them off at one blow; Vox carnifice quàm Imperatore dignior. Xiphil. A speech fitter for an Hang­man than an Emperor: Over whom, being kild by Chaereas, the people of Rome after­ward insulted.

He was wont openly to complain of the unhappy condition of the time wherein he lived, Queri de con­ditione tempo­rum suorum solebat, quod nullis calami­tatibus publi­cis insigniren­tur. as not renowned by any publick calamities; that his Government was like to be forgotten by the calm and prospe­rous current of all things, and therefore he would often wish for the overthrow of his Armies, Famine, Pestilence, Fire, Earth­quakes, Sueton. and the like.

Nonnunquam horreis praeclusis populo fa­mem indixit. He proclaimed a famine with­out scarcity. Suetonius.

While he was at his recreations and di­sports, he practised the same cruelty both in word and deed; oftentimes as he sate at dinner, some were examined upon the Rack in his presence, and others had their heads struck off.

His saying was, Oderint dunt metuant, Let them hate me, so they fear me.

Being one day very free at a great feast, he suddenly brake forth into a great laughter, and the Consuls who were next him demanding whereat he laughed so, his answer was, Quid nisi uno meo nutu jugula­ri utrumque vestrum statim posse? At what else (quoth he) but this, that with one nod [Page 61] of my head I can have both your throats cut immediately?

As oft as he kissed the neck of his Wife or Concubine, he would commonly adde, Tam bona cervix, simulac jussero, demetur. As fair and lovely a neck as this is, Sueton off it shall go if I do but speak the word. Dirissimae im­manitatis dic­tum; sed in Historia Tur­carum factum legimus hoc e­tiam dicto crudelius.

He complained of the iniquity of the time, that one doubting to be poysoned of him did take counterpoyson, or a re­medy against it; what sayes he, Antidotum adversus Caesarem? Is there any Antidote a­gainst Caesar? Casaub. in Calig.

His cruelty (as Dion saith) was not im­puted to his Father or Mother, Vide plura ibid. but to his Nurse, which was a most cruel woman her self, and used to rub her breast nipple with blood, causing him to suck it; which he practised also afterwards, for he did not only delight in the committing of many Murders, but through insatiable desire of blood, would with his tongue suck and lick off the blood that stuck upon his sword or dagger.

Videtur Natura edidisse, (saith Seneca) ut ostenderet quid summa vitia in summa fortu­na possent. De Cons. ad Helviam. c. 9. Nature seemed to have brought him forth, to shew what effects the greatest vice joyned with the greatest fortune could produce.

And it may justly be verified of his times, what Senecca saith in another place, Res humanas sub illo in eum statum decidisse, In his Preface to his fourth book of natu­ral questions. ut in­ter misericordiae opera baberetur occidi. Un­der [Page 62] him things were brought to that pass, as it was reckoned amongst the works of mercy to be slain.

De quo nescio an decuerit memoriae prodi, ni­si forte quia juvat de Principibus nosse omnia, Aurel. Vict. ut improbi saltem famae metu talia declinent.

Concerning whom (saith Aurel. Victor.) I know not whether it shall be meet to have recorded any thing, but that peradventure it is expedient to know all things of Prin­ces, that wicked men at least with fear of the report may decline such things.

He was very expert in the Greek, and vulgar Roman Tongues. He was also of a fluent speech, and if he had been to plead and declaim against one, when he was an­gry once, he had both words and senten­ces at will: when he was about to make an Oration, his manner was to threaten in these terms, Peroraturus stricturum se lucubrationis suae telum mi­nabatur. Sueton. viz. That he would draw forth and let drive at his adversary, the keen weapon and dart of his night-study by Candle-light.

He would have removed the writings of Virgil and Livie out of all Libraries; he said, Virgil was a man of no wit, and very mean learning, and taxed Livie of verbo­sity, and negligence in penning his Hi­story.

He said, Seneca's works were Arena sine calce, Minutissimis sententiis re­rum fregit pon­dera, saith Quintilian of Seneca. Sueton. Sand without Lime, because he of­ten spoke short sentences, having no con­nextion amongst themselves.

Nepotinis sumptibus omnium prodigorum ingenia superavit, In riotous & wastful ex­pences [Page 63] he exceeded the wits and inventi­ons of all the prodigal spend-thrifts that ever were, Commentus portentosissima genera cibo­rum atque coe­narum. inventing most monstrous kinds of meats, and making sumptuous Feasts. He would drink off most precious and costly Pearls dissolved in Vinegar. Sueton. Luxus fuit por­tentosi, ut qui etiam panes deauratos habuerit. He spent in one year two Millions, and 700000 of Sestertiums. He would set be­fore his Guests loaves of Bread and other viands all of Which had a glorious sight to look on, yet there was nothing for the conten­tation of Nature: so the Papists set their glittering service of He­brew, Greek, and Latine before the people, a goodly shew to gaze on, and wonder at. Bish. Iewel. Cael. Rhodig. Suetonius. Gold, saying commonly withall, Aut frugi hominem esse oportere, aut Caesarem, That a man must either be fru­gall, or else Caesar.

He held the wills of great men as void and of no effect, Hic non toto vertente anno sex millia sep­tingenta & quinquaginta myriadum au­reorum prode­git. in case any person would come forth and say, That they purposed and intended at their death to make Caesar their Heir; he declared also by an Edict, that he would receive New-years gifts, & so he stood the first day of Ianuary in the entry of his house, Cael. Rhod. lect. Antiq. l. 20. c. 14. ready to take what pieces of money soever came, which the multitude of all sects and degrees, with full hands and bosoms powred out before him; nay, Contrectandae pecuniae cupi­dine incensus. Saepe super im­mensos aureo­rum acervos patentissimo diffusos loco, & nudis pedibus spatiatus, & toto corpore ali­quandiu volutatus est. Sueton. he took such delight in handling of money, that oftentimes he would both walk bare-footed up and down, yea, and [Page 64] wallow also a good while with his whole body upon huge heaps of coined pieces of gold spread here and there in a most large open place.

There were in his secret Cabinet found two Books, bearing divers titles. The one had for the inscription, These things were found after his death. Gladius, the Sword; the other, Pugio, Pugio à pun­gendo, quia Punctim potius quam caesim vulnerat. i.e. the Dagger, or Rapi­er; They contained both of them the marks and names of such as were appoin­ted unto death. There was found besides, a big chest full of divers poisons, which soon after being by Claudius drowned in the Sea, Sueton. infected and poison­ed the same, and many Fishes were killed therewith, which the Tide cast into the next shores.

He set light by the gods, and threatned the Aire if it rained upon his Game-play­ers, Quanta dementia fuit? putavit aut sibi noceri ne a Iove quidem posse, aut se nocere & Iovi posse. Senec. de Ira. lib. 1. cap. 16. How great madness was it to think that either Iupiter could not hurt him, See before in the life of Au­gustus and Ti­berius. or that him­self could hurt Iupiter? Yet notwithstand­ing at the least thunder and lightning he used to wink close with both eyes, to en­wrap also and cover his whole head; but if the same were greater and somewhat ex­traordinary, he would start out of his Bed, and hide himself under the Bed-sted.

Dion reporteth of two, that when the Emperor was sick, thinking to get much as a reward for their great love to the Em­peror, [Page 65] vowed, that on condition he might live, they themselves would dye to excuse him; he recovering, afterward took them at their word, and put them to death, lest they should break their vow, and prove perjured persons.

Having recalled one from exile which had been long banished, he demanded of him, What he was wont to do there? Who made answer thus by way of flattery, I prayed (quoth he) to the gods alwayes, that Tiberius (as now it is come to pass) might perish, and you become Emperor. Hereupon Caligula thinking that those whom he had banished prayed likewise for his death, sent about into the Islands to kill them every one. Sueton.

In taking the review of Goals, & Pri­soners therein, as they were sorted to their offences, he without once looking upon the title and cause of their imprisonment, standing only within a Gallery; comman­ded that all in the midst, à calvo ad calvum, that is, from one bald pate to another, should be led forth to execution. Sueton.

He was murthered at last himself, Only 28 years 4 moneths, and 24 dayes, Casaubon. who had put so many to death. He lived 29 years saith Suetonius, 39 Eutropius. He reign­ed three years, ten months, & eight dayes, There is a great diffe­rence among Chronogra­phers, about the computation of his years. Three years, ten moneths, and eightteen dayes, saith Euseb. Doctor Willet on the Epist. to the Rom. say Suetonius and Eutropius; four years say Clemens, Tacitus, and Sextus Aurel. four years, ten months, and eight dayes, saith [Page 66] Beda; three years, nine moneths, 28 dayes, saith Dion; three years, eight moneths, and thirteen dayes, saith Tertullian; three years, six moneths, Iosephus; three years, nine moneths, 22 dayes, saith Epiphanius: but the whole time of his reign was three years, ten moneths, and eight dayes. They which give to him full four years, count the odde moneths and dayes for a whole year.

Valerius Asiaticus, who had been Con­sul, came forth among the people, who were in an uproar because of the rumors of the Emperors death, Ioseph. l. 19. of the Antiq. of the Jews c. 1. and supposing it a strange matter that no man knew who had slain the Emperor, whilst every one enqui­red who it was that had done the deed, Vtinam ego cum intefecis­sem Xiphilin. O, saith he, would it had been I that had done it!

His death concerned the security of the Lawes, and the safety of all men; and had he not been speedily cut off, Our Nation (saith Iosephus) almost had been utterly ex­terminated.

His monies were all melted by the de­cree of the Senate; as King Richard the thirds Cognizance the white Bore was torn from every signe, that his Monument might perish. Speed.

AFter the death of Caligula, certain Soldiers in a hur­ry going to plunder the Pallace, one perceiving the feet of a man hidden in a hole, plucks him out by the heeles; this proves to be Claudius, who falling on his knees, and de­siring his life might be spared, the Sol­diers lift him on their shoulders, and pro­claim him Emperor; This took so with the multitude, that the Senate for their own safety were fain to give way unto it.

In the fiftieth year of his Age he attain­ed to the Empire, Primus Caesa­rum fidem mi­litis praemio pignorarus. and he was the first of all the Caesars that obliged unto him the Soldiers fealty by a fee and reward.

His Mother Antonia was wont to call him, Sueton. Portentum hominis, The Monster, and fan­tasticall shape of a man, Nec absolutum à Natura, sed inchoatum. as if he had not [Page 68] been finished, but only begun by Nature; and if she reproved any one for his foolish­ness, she would say, He was more sottish than her Son Claudius.

saith he also of him. And again, ‘Omnia in imperio habuit praeter Imperium.’

He was personable, and carried a pre­sence not without Authority and Majesty. His countenance was lively, his gray hairs beautiful, which became him well, with a good fat and round neck under them; yet many things disgraced him, viz. undecent laughter, and unseemly anger, by reason that he would froth and slaver at the mouth, and had evermore his nose drop­ping, his head continually shaking, some­what stammering in his speech.

He was inhumane towards strangers, & made an Edict forbidding all strangers, Romanorum gentilitia nomina ferre, to be called by the Roman names. Sueton.

He commanded all Jewes to depart from Rome, Act 18.2.

The Jewes (saith Suetonius) who by in­stigation of one This some think is to be understood of Christians, whom we find in the Ec­clesiastical writers to be misnamed by the Ethnick Infidels Chri­stians, like as Christ himself Chrestus in scorn. Chrestus, were evermore tumultuous, he banished Rome.

Acts 11.28. there is mention made of a great Dearth throughout all the World, [Page 69] which came to pass in the dayes of Claudi­us Caesar, of which famine Eusebius, Lib 20. Antiq. c. 2. Iose­phus, Lib. 12. of his Annals. Tacitus, & Suetonius likewise speak.

There was a woman that would not ac­knowledge her own son, and when by evi­dences and arguments alledged pro & con­tra on both sides, the question rested in equall ballance doubtful, he awarded that she should be wedded to the young man; and so forced her to confess the truth, and to take him for her child.

One cryed out upon a forger of writings, and required that both his hands might be cut off; he made no more ado, but forth­with called instantly to have the Hang­man sent for, Sueton. with his chopping-knife and Butchers block to do the deed.

The Lawyers were wont to abuse his Pa­tience so much, that as he was going down from the Judgement Seat, they would not only call upon him to come back again, but also take hold of his Gown­lappet and skirt, yea and some while catch him by the foot, and so hold him still with them; one of the Graecian Lawyers pleading before him, in earnest altercation used these words, [...], Et tu se­nex es & stultus. Thou art both old and fool besides.

He gave this counsel to a libidinous young man Si non castè, tamen cautè. And his Symbol, was, Generis virtus nobilitas.

Idem planè ac­cidit Herodi Magno, cum uxorem Mari­amnem occi­disset.He was very forgetful; when Messalina was (by his own commandment) killed, within a while after he asked, Cur Domina non veniret? Why his Lady came not to him? Many of those whom he had condem­ned, Josephus Orig. lib. 10. c. 11. Casau­bonus. the very morrow immediately after he sent for, to bear him company at dice-play.

One of his Guests, who was thought to have closely stollen away a cup of Gold the day before, Sueton. he re-invited again the morrow, and then set before him a stone-pot to drink in.

It is reported that he meant to set forth an Edict, Sueton. Quo veniam daret flatum crepi­tumque ventris in convivio emittendi, wherein he would give folk leave to break wind downward, and let it go even with crack at the very board; having certain intelli­gence, that there was one who for man­ners and modesty sake, by holding it in en­dangered his life.

Hence the Epigram,

Suetonius.He played at Dice most earnestly, (con­cerning the Art and skill whereof he pu­blished also a little book) being wont to ply the Game even whiles he was carried up and down, having his Caroch and Dice­board [Page 71] so fitted, as there might be no con­fusion nor shufling at all in play.

He was very timorous and pusillanimous at his first coming to the Empire; Erat Natura performidolo­sus. Aurel. Vict. he durst not for certain dayes go to any feast, with­out Pensioners standing about him with their Spears and Javelins, Sueton. & his Soldiers waiting at the table; neither visited he any sick person, unless the Bed-chamber where the party lay was first searched: He would scarce suffer Attendants and Clarks to car­ry their Pen-sheaths, and Pen-knife-cases.

He concealed not his foolishness, but gave it out, and protested in certain short Orations, that he counterfeited himself a fool for the nonce during Caius dayes, be­cause otherwise he would not have esca­ped, nor attained to the Imperial place which he aimed at, and was then entred upon.

He sailed beyond Britain, and subdued the Orcades, Claudius Cae­sar, tumultu­antem Britan­niam perdomu­it; ab eo Clau­dio cestrium oppidum, quod nunc Glocestri­um dicunt. added them to the Roman Empire, and called his Sons name, Eutropius. Bri­tannicus.

He was not uneloquent, nor unlearned, but was rather a great student in the Libe­ral Sciences. He wrote Histories, Livie being his Tutor. He had good skill in the Greek Tongue, professing as any occasion was offered, his affectionate love to it, and the excellency thereof. When a certain Barbarian discoursed in Greek and Latine; See you be skilfull (quoth he) in both our Lan­guages. Vtroque ser­mone nostro sis peritus.

[Page 72] Extant & in ipsa imperii Claudiani admi­nistratione, quaedam Principis non mali docu­menta. Boeclerus.

It was generally thought that he was killed by poison; and it was a just Judge­ment of God upon him, for he was so glut­tonous and insatiable in eating and drinking, that he thought no time or place sufficient thereto; & ever did eat so much, that most commonly surfeiting, he used Vomits to discharge his stomack, Others say, Agrippina his Wife tempe­red the poison in the meat which he most delighted in, viz. a Mushrome, Infusum delectabili cibo boletorum venenum Tacit. Annal. Boletum medicatum avidissimo ciborum talium obtulit. Sueton. Whence Martial. Boletum, qualem Claudius edit, edas. putting a feather into his throat; in which feather some Authors affirm that poison was gi­ven him.

The Virgin Mary dyed in his time, in the 59. year of her age, saith Nicephorus.

He lived 64 years, say some: 63 years, 2 months, and 13 dayes, saith Ca­saubon.

He reigned 13 years, 8 moneths, and 20 dayes, 13 years, 9 moneths, and 7 dayes, saith Tertul. say Dio, and Iosephus. He reigned 14 years, according to Tacitus, Suetonius, Clem. Alexand. Eutrop. Orosius; 13 years 8 moneths, and 20 dayes after Eusebius. 14 years, 7 moneths, and 28 dayes after Beda. Doct. Willet. But the whole time of his reign was 13 years, 8 moneths, and 20 dayes. They which do give unto him 14 years, do count the odde moneths for a whole year.

NERO was a proper Name (which noted Vertue and Fortitude, Alex. ab A­lex. Gen. dier. l. 1. c. 9. Gell. l. 11. of that Greek word [...] the sinews, be­ing the conjunction and strength of the members) and such persons also were of the Romans called Neroes, as excelled others in the most egregious Fortitude and Noble Ver­tues. Afterward when this Tyrant Nero (who descended of the Claudii which were Sabines) had degenerated from all the Heroicall vertues of his Ancestors, and became so bloody and cruel, he gave occasion to posterity to change that pro­per name into a name Appellative, so that they called them that were cruel Nerones, and those that were more cruel Neroniores.

[Page 74]When Domitius his friends by way of gratulation wished him joy of his Son new born, Suetonius. Mali corvi malum ovum. See the like of Tiberius, and of Caligula in. Suetonius. c. 11. he said, That of himself and Agrip­pina there could nothing come into the world but accursed, detestable, and to the hurt of the weal Publick.

Of stature he was indifferent, within a little of 6 foot; his body full of speckles, and freckles, and foul of skin besides. The hair of his head somewhat yellow, his countenance and visage rather fair than lovely and well-favoured. His eyes gray and dim, his neck full and fat, his body bearing out, and his legs slender and small.

He began his reign with a glorious shew of piety and kindness. Those Tributes and Taxes which were any thing heavy, he ei­ther quite, abolished or abated. Whensoe­ver he was put in mind to subscribe, & set his hand to a warrant for the execution of any person condemned to dye, Suetonius. he would say, Lib 2. de Cle­mentia. Quàm vellem nescire literas! O that I knew not one letter of the book! Seneca his Tutor did much extoll that speech of his, as if it had proceeded from a pitiful heart. Factus Natu­ra, & consue­tudine exerci­tus velare odi­um fallacibus blanditiis.

He was framed by Nature, and practised by custom (saith Tacitus) to cloak hatred with flattering speeches.

Many times he saluted all the degrees of the City one after another, Tacitus by rote and without book. Annal. 14. When the Senate upon a time gave him thanks, Sueton. he answered, Cum meruero, Imitatur illam Augusti vocem, Si merebuntur. Do so when I shall deserve.

[Page 75]Within the first twelve moneths of his Government, he poisoned Britannicus, who was his Cozen-german, his adoptive Brother and Testamentary partner in the Empire. Boltons Nero Caesar.

His quinquennium or first five years were such, that Trajan himself is said to have admired, using this speech, Procul differre cunctos Principes Neronis quinquennio. Aurel. Vict. But it is thought that it was rather the reign of his Governors Seneca and Burrhus, than properly his.

Neronis initia, si demas parricidium, Claudii, cujus etsi non auctor, conscius ta­men fuit, itemque Britannici jus inter versum, de caetero valde speciosa fuerunt: Ab­detis adhuc vitiis, & praevalentibus bonarum rerum auctoribus. Boecleri Dissertatio Politica.

He delighted exceedingly in Musick, Suetonius. and would shew his skill upon the open stage, often using the Greek Proverb, That hidden Musick was nought worth. All the while he was singing, it was not lawful for any per­son to depart out of the Theatre, were the cause never so necessary. It is reported, that some great-bellied woman falling in­to travel, Suetonius. were delivered upon the very Scaffolds; yea, He not only commanded all the Sta­tues and Im­ages of the most excel­lent Musitians to be defaced, and his own to be erected in lieu of them; but also put many of them under hand to death, by emulation of their fame. Sueton. & Bapt. Fulg l. 8. & many men besides weary of tedious hearing, & praysing him, when the Town gates were shut, either by stealth lept down from the Walls, or counterfei­ting [Page 76] themselves dead, were carried forth as Corpses to be buried. But how timorous­ly, with what thought and anguish of mind, with what emulation of his concur­rents, and fear of the Umpire he strove for Mastery, it is almost incredible. He never durst once spit and reach up flegm, and he wiped away the very sweat of his for­head with his arm only.

There was a boy named Sporus, whose genitories he cut off, and assayed thereby to transform him into the nature of a wo­man: Sueton. then he caused him to be brought unto him, as a Bride without a dowry, in a fine yellow vail after the solemn manner of Marriage, not without a goodly train attending upon him, whom he maintained as a wife; whereupon one brake this witty jest, That it would have been happy for the world, if Domitius (his Father) had wedded such a wife.

He said jestingly of Claudius, That he left morari inter homines, Suetonius. with a long sylla­ble, meaning that he spent his dayes foolishly.

Divitiarum ac pecuniae fructum non alium putabat quàm profu­sionem. Nero qua­dragenis in punctum Se­stertiis aleam lusit. Coel. Rhod. l. 20. c. 24.He was very profuse and prodigal in expences, he never put on the same Gar­ment twice; when he played at hazard, he ventured no lesse than 3125 pounds at a cast, upon every point or prick of the [Page 77] chance. He fished with a golden Net, drawn and knit with cords twisted of pur­ple, and crimson silk in grain. When he made any journey, he never had under 1000 Caroches in his train, his Mules were shod with silver, Suetonius. but in no one thing was he more wastful than in building. Bis & vicies mille sesterti­um donationi­bus Nero effu­derat. See Sueton. and Tacitus of this house, Annal. 15. c. 10. It is reported also of Heliogabalus, that his apparel was rich, and most extream costly, and yet he would never wear one garment twice; his shooes were embellished with Pearls and Diamons; his seat strewed with musk and amber; his bed covered with gold and purple, and beset with most costly jewels; his way strewed with the powder of gold and silver; his ves­sels (even of basest use) all gold; his diet so profuse, that at every supper in his Court was usually spent 1000 l. sterling. His house was so large that it contained three Galleries of a mile a piece in length, & a standing Pool like unto a Sea, & the same inclosed round about with buildings in form of Cities. Tacit. l. 1. Hist. c. 6. It was laid all over with gold, He most la­vishly gave a­way two and twenty hun­dred millions of Sesterces. garnished with precious stones, and mother of pearl. He said, He now at length began to live like a man: and himself named it, Domum auream, a gol­den house. His Mother Agrippina being with Child with him, went to consult with the Chaldeans or South-sayers a­bout her Son; they answered her, That he should reign, but kill his Mother; but she being very ambitious, slighted that, saying, Occidat modo imperit, Let him kill me so he may be King.

[Page 78] Neque tamen sceleris con­scientiam, aut statim aut unquam post ferre potuit; saepe confessus exagitari se materna spe­cie, verberibus furiarum, ac taedis ardenti­bus.This was accomplished afterwards, for he caused his Mother to be murdered, and not only so, but (which was more horri­ble) he took an exact view of her dead bo­dy, and beheld it Crowner-like, saying, He did not think he had had so fair a Mother.

The sentence nevertheless doth in part acquit him from her incestuous famili­aritie. For how was it strange to him that his Mother should be so handsome, if she had been his Concubine? Boltons Nero Caesar. Suetonius.

His Father he poisoned, he slew his Brother Germanicus, and his Sister Antonia, and both his wives Poppaea and Octavia, Eutropius. his Aunt Domitia, Sueton. Aurel. Vict. Orosius. his son in law Rufinus, and his Instructers, Seneca and Lucan.

There was no kind of affinity, and con­sanguinity, were it never so near, but it felt the weight of his deadly hands.

The first persecution was under him in the 13. year of his reign. In Apologet. cap. 5. Primus Nero in hanc sectam cum maximè Romae orien­tem Caesariano gladio ferociit. Tertullian calls him, Dedicator damnationis nostrae, i. e. the first that made a Law to condemn Christi­ans to death.

Tertullian, Hist. Eccles. l. 2. c. 25. Eusebius, L. 13. de ve­ra Sap. c. 21. Lactantius, Aret. Probl. Pet. du Moul. Def. of the Cathol. Faith l. ubi supra. and others say, that he put Peter and Paul to death.

Paulus à Nerone (saith Eusebius) Romae capite truncatus, & Petrus palo affixus scri­buntur; & Historia huic fidem facit, quod illic coemeteria habentur in quibus Petri & Pauli nuncupatio ad hunc usque diem obtinet.

[Page 79] Chrys. and Theophyl. upon the fourth Chapter of the second to Timonhy, alledge this to be the cause wherefore he put Paul to death, because Paul had converted to the Christian Faith Nero's Butler, whom he made great account of; thereunto he com­manded him to be beheaded: others say, it was because he converted one of Nero his Concubines, which afterward refused to company with him; but we need as­signe no other cause of Nero's rage against the Apostle, Though Nero were so wicked, yet Paul maketh mention of some Saints in his Court. Phil. 4.22. than that which Eusebius and Ierom both do touch, the cruelty of that bloody Tyrant joyned with a wicked de­testation of the Christian Faith.

His cruelty is by Paul compared to the mouth of a Lion, 2. Tim. 4.17. but here then ariseth an objection, how Paul should suffer under him, when he saith there, that he was delivered? Therefore Paul was his prisoner twice, he was set at liberty after his first imprisonment at Rome, Phil. 1.25. Philem. 22. Heb. 13.23. 2 Tim. 4.16, 17. The reason is thus alledged by Eusebius; Neronem in principio Imperii mitiorem fuisse, That Nero in the beginning of his Empire was more gentle and mild, but after­ward when Paul was taken again, Euseb. in Chron. & Hieron. lib. de Script. Eccles. Nero then being become a most cruel Tyrant, caused him to be put to death. He dyed in the 14. year of Nero's reign, and the 37. year after the Passion of Christ.

Seneca disswaded him from killing some, with this speech, Licèt (saith he) quam plu­rimos [Page 80] occidas, Yet Seneca was the Au­thor of Agrip­pinas death, upon the sup­possition of necessity. tamen non pates successorem tuum occidore. Xiphiline. Although thou killest very many, yet thou canst not kill thy Successor.

The Tyrannous rage of this Emperor was so fierce against the Christians (as Eu­sebius reporteth) usque adeo ut videret reple­tas humanis corporibus civitates, Hist. Eccles. l. 2. c. 24, 25, 26. jacentes mortuos simul cum parvulis senes, Nero subdidit reos, & quae­sitissimis poenis affecit eos, quos per fla­gitia invisos, vulgus Chri­stianos appel­labat; Auctor ejus nominis Christus. foeminarum­que absque ulla sexus reverentia in publico re­jecta starent cadavere: i. e. Insomuch that a man might then see Cities lye full of mens bodies, the old lying there with the young, and the dead bodies of women cast out naked, without all reverence of that Sex, in the open streets.

In this persecution also Iames the grea­ter, Tacit. 15. Annal. and the lesse, Philip, Bartholomew, Barnabas, Mark, suffered.

Addita pere­untibus ludi­bria, ut fera­rum tergori­bus contecti, canum lania­tu interirent, aut crucibus affixi, aut flammandi; & ubi dies defecisset, in usum no­cturni luminis urerentur.Christians were covered in wild beasts skins, and torn in pieces with Dogs, or fastned on crosses, or burn in fire; and when the day failed, they were burnt in the night, to make them serve as torches to give light. They put a pitched coat upon the Christians to make them burn the better, called Tunica molesta, a trouble­some coat.

Sulpitius Severus observes this of Nero (in the 3. book of his History) that it was his own bad life which made him hate Christians; for he still thought they censured him; Tacit. l. 1. Annal. and could not but expect, what they knew he deserved. Sueton. in Claud.

[Page 81]He caused Rome to be set on fire in twelve places together, that he might the better conceive the flames of Troy, singing unto it Homer's verses, and being a pleasant Spectator thereof, as at a Feu­de-joy. Ad levandam sceleris atrocitatem (saith Polyd. Lib. 8. de Invent. rerum cap. 6. Ta­citus calleth them, hated for their wic­kedness, guil­ty, and wor­thy of utmost punishment, and their Re­ligion a pesti­lent and per­nicious super­stition. See 15. of his An­nal. c. 10. Virgil) to avoid the infa­my thereof, he laid the fault on the inno­cent, and suborned some falsly to accuse the Christians as Authors of that fire; whereupon he put many of them to death: but Tacitus will clear them, who yet was their enemy. Non perinde (saith he) cri­mine incendii, quàm odio humani generis convicti sunt.

Suetonius (being no Christian) calleth the Christians men of new and pernicious superstition: Afflicti suppliciis Christiani, Sub Nerone saeva & infe­sta Virtutibus tempora. Non nisi grande aliquod bonum à Nerone dam­natum. Ter­tul. Apol. ad­versus Gentes. Nero virtutem ipsam exscin­dere concupi­vit. Tacit. Annal. l. 16. (saith he) genus hominum superstitionis no­vae & maleficae.

Under Nero to do ill was not alwaies safe, alwaies unsafe to do well. He was so hateful an adversary to all righteous­ness, that Eusebius following the exam­ple and words of Tertullian, affirmeth, that if the Gospel had not been an excel­lent thing, it had not been condemned by Nero. He was (as Augustine Lib. 20. c. 19. De Civit: Dei. In his time, Amnes retro fluere visi sunt. Plin. l. 2. c. 103 wit­nesseth) commonly reputed Antichrist. He came into the world an Agrippa, or born with his feet forward, and turned the world upside down before he went out of it. In him alone all the corruptions which had been ingendred in Rome, from [Page 82] the birth of Rome till his own daies, seem­ed drawn together into one impostume or boyl.

When one in common talk upon a time chanced to say,

Nay rather, quoth he, [...], whiles vital spirit remains in me.

Erat ei aeter­nitatis perpe­tuaeque famae cupido, sed in­consulta.He had a desire (though it were foolish and inconsiderate) of eternity and perpe­tual fame, and therefore abolishing the old names of many things and places, he did put upon them new after his own. Suetonius. He called the Month April Neroneus, Which thing in him Com­modus the Emperor imi­tated, calling Rome Commo­diana. he meant also to have named Rome, Neropo­lis, Nero's City.

He pronounced an oration composed by Seneca: Tacit. l. 13. of Annal. It was observed, that he was the first Emperor that needed another mans Eloquence; for Iulius Caesar was equal with the famous Orators: and Augustus had a ready, fluent, and eloquent speech, such as well became a Prince; Tiberius had great skill in weighing his words; yea, Caligula's troubled mind hindered not his eloquence; neither wanted Clau­dius elegancy, when he had premedita­ted.

Post Tacitum scripsit, eum­que interdum tacitè redar­guit. Famian. Strad. Prolus. Hist. l. 1.The study of Nero was Versification, which Tacitus thinks he borrowed, ha­ving no gift therein at all; but Suetonius (who often doth disagree with Tacitus, [Page 83] unnamed) both proves he had, and proves it well: it was one of his exercises to tran­slate Greek Tragedies into Latine, who made true Tragedies in blood, Being admo­nished by A­strologers that he should once be cast out of the Empire, he is reported to have used this speech to himself, Artem quaevis terrà alit; ni­mirum intelli­gens cithari­stiam, princi­pi gratam, pri­vato necessari­am, quam ex­cercere eum non puduit. Deductus (Nero) in fo­rum tyro, po­pulo congidri­um, Militi Donativum proposuit. such as e­ven the Greeks never feigned.

Nothing netled him more than when he was blamed by Vindex for an unskilful Musitian: he said of himself a little be­fore his death, Qualis Artifex pereo? What an excellent Artisan do I dye? meaning of his skill in playing of Trage­dies; as indeed his whole life and death was all but one Tragedy.

Vespasian asked Apollonius, what was Ne­ro 's overthrow? he answered, Nero could touch and tune the Harp well, but in Govern­ment sometimes he used to wind the pins too high, and sometimes to let them down too low; thereby intimating, that he applyed Corrosives where gentle Lenitives would have served the turn, and again he ap­plyed Lenitives where Corrosives were needful.

Additum nomine Neronis Donativum Mi­liti, congiarium plebi. Tacit. 12. Annal.

The Princes liberalities to the Soldiers were called Donativa, Sueton. (which they be­stowed upon some great victory, Imperatoris munus quod populo dabatu [...] congiarium dictum est, quod vero Mi­litibus, Dona­tivum. Alex. ab Alex. Gen­dier. l. 5. c. 24. or rather extraordinary occasions;) to the people, or otherwise to his friends, Congiaria; doubtless because at the first certain mea­sures called Congii, of wine or oyl were be­stowed, and afterwards other things were given, yet the ancient name remained.

[Page 84] Mos erat principibus Romanis, ut simul­atque Augusti à militibus nuncupati erant, donativum eis erogarent, quo militum benevo­lentiam conciliarent sibi. Valesius in Mar­cellini. lib. 26.

Vindex first stirred the stone, which row­ling tumbled Nero out of his seat. Sir Henry Sa­vil on Tacit. Nec adhuc e­rat damnati Principis ex­emplum.

When it was told Iulius Vindex, that Nero by publick Edict had prized his head at 10000 thousand Sesterces, (that is a­bove fourscore thousand pounds in our coin, Neither was there ever be­fore a Presi­dent of any Prince by pub­lick sentence deposed. Ta­cit. l. 1. Hist.) Well, quoth he again, and he that kils Nero, and brings me his head, shall have mine in exchange. Qui Neronem interfecerit, & ad me caput ejus attulerit, is meum accipiet caput in mercedis loco. Xi­philin.

Sueton. Nero consulting the Delphick (or ra­ther divellish) Oracle, He entreated that some one of those that were with him, would kill himself first, and by his example help him to take his death. Itaque nec a­micum habeo, nec inimicum; dedecorose vixi, turpius peream. he received this an­swer, That he should take heed of th [...] year 73 which he supposing to be meant of his own age, rested secure, being far short of it; but he was deluded by the am­biguous construction of those words, and so fell into the hands of Galba, a man in­deed of those years.

At last the Senate proclaiming him a publick enemy unto Mankind, condemned him to be drawn through the City, and to be whipped to death; which sentence when he heard of, finding no man to strike him, Aurel. Vict. and exclaiming against them all, ‘What, have I neither friend nor foe? (said he) I have lived dishonorably, let [Page 85] me dye shamefully; Defecit que extantibus ri­gentibusque o­culis, ad hor­rorem formidi­nemque visen­tium. and then he strake himself throagh with his own sword, and was a hor [...]ible spectacle to all beholders.’

He dyed in the 32 year of his age, saith Suetonius; and 14 year of his reign, say Tacitus, Clem. Alexand. Eusebius, and Eu­tropius, the very day of the year on which he had murdered his wife Octavia; and by his death brought so great joy unto the people generally, that the Commons wore caps to testifie their freedom recove­red, and ran sporting up and down throughout the City.

Some say that Nero is yet alive (saith Baronius out of Sueton. & Severus) although he did thrust himself through with a sword yet some think that his wounds were healed, Vide Boxhor­nii Hist. Vni­vers. à Chris­ti tempore. p. 125, 126, 127. and that he survived accor­ding to that in the Rev. 13.3. and that he shall be Antichrist; but Bellarmine himself saith, It is a persumptuous folly to say that Nero shall be revived and received as An­tichrist; and Suarez calls it, Anilem fabu­lam, a foolish Fable.

SOme think his name Galba came by occasion of a Town in Spain, Progenies Cae­sarum in Ne­rone defecit, saith Sueton. Est certum & omnes Histori­ci notant, saith Casau­bon upon him. In Nero the majestical tree of the Caesars wi­thered. Bol­ton's Nero Cae­sar c. l. 5. See more there. which af­ter it had been a long time in vain assaulted, he at length set on fire with burning brands besmeared all over with Galbanum: others, because in a long sick­ness which he had, he used continually Galbeum, i. e. remedies wrapped in wooll: some again because he seemed very fat, and such a one the French doth name Galba: or contrariwise because he was slender, as certain little worms are cal­led Galbae. Sueton.

[Page 87]He succeeded Nero, Ipsa aetas Gal­bae & irrisui & fastido e­rat assuetis ju­ventae Neronis, & Imperatores forma ac de­core corporis (ut est mos vulgi) compa­rantibus. Ta­cit. l. 1. Hist. Statura fuit justa, capite praecalvo, ocu­lis caeruleis, adunco naso, manibus pedibusque articulari morbo distortissimis: ut neque calceum perpeti, neque libellos evolvere aut tenere omnino valeret. Suetonius. Ingenium Galbae malè habitat. Both Suetonius and Tacitus accurately describe him, and his age being much despised, there was great licentiousness and confusion; whereupon a Senator said in full Senate, It were better to live where nothing is lawful, than where all things are lawful.

He was of full stature, his head bald, his eies gray, and his nose hooked; his hands and feet by reason of the Gout ex­ceeding crooked, insomuch as he was not able to abide shooes on the one, or to hold his books with the other.

There was an excrescence or bunch of flesh in the right side of his body, and it hung downward so much, as it could hardly be tyed up with a truss or swa­thing band: yet he had a great wit, though a deformed body, like a good in­strument in a bad case.

Being with general applause and great good liking placed in state, he behaved himself under expectation, and though in most points he shewed himself a vertuous Prince, Suetonius. Sir Henry Sa­vil on Tacit. yet his good Acts were not so me­morable, as those were odious and displea­sant wherein he did amiss.

He obtained the Empire with greater favour and authority than he managed it when he was therein; so that he over­came [Page 88] Nero by his good name, Plutarch. and the good opinion men had of him, and not through his own force and power.

Major privato visus dum privatus fuit, & omnium consensu capax Imperii nisi imperas­set. Tacitus, l. 1. Hist. He seemed more than a private man whilest he was private, and by all mens opinions capable of the Empire, had he never been Emperor.

His verbis claudit Tacitus descriptionem Galbae, qua more Historicis usitato; supre­ma ejus pro sequitur. Boecleri. Dissertatio. Historica.

He lived in honourable fame and esti­mation in the reign of five Emperors, Tacitus, l. 1. Hist. Alie­no Imperio faelicior quam suo. He was in greater prosperity, Vetus in fa­milia Nobi­litas, magnae opes. Taci­tus. and lived more hap­pily under the Empire of others than in his own. His house was of ancient Nobi­lity and great wealth, He neither neglect­ed his fame, Famae nec in­curiosus, nec venditator: Pecuniae alie­nae non appe­tens, suae par­cus, publicae avarus. nor yet was ambitiously careful of it: of other mens money he was not greedy, sparing of his own, of the common a niggard.

As he sacrificed within a publick Tem­ple, a Boy among other Ministers holding the Censer, Tacitus. l. 1. Hist. suddenly had all the hair of his head turned gray. Some made this in­terpretation of it, Suetonius. that thereby was signi­fied a change in the State, Plutarch. Aurel. Vict. Eutropius. and that an [Page 89] old man should succeed a young, even himself in Nero's stead.

He was of a middle temperature, neither to be admired nor contemned; Ipsi me­dium ingenium, magis extr [...] vitia, Tacitus l. 1. Hist. quàm cum virtutibus, rather void of ill parts, The same saith Hayward of our Henry the fourth. than furnished with good.

In the Palace, Iulius Atticus, one of the bill-men met him, holding out a bloody sword in his hand, with which he cryed aloud, he had slain Otho; My friend, Hujus breve Imperium fuit, & quod bona haberet exor­dia, nisi ad severitatem promptior vi­deretur. Eu­tropius. quoth Galba, who bad thee? A man of rare vertue (saith Tacitus) to keep in awe a licentious Soldier; whom neither threats could terrifie, nor flattering speech cor­rupt and abuse: thence it was a usual speech through the Camp.

For eight years space (before he was Emperor) he governed a Province of Spain variably, and with an uneven hand; at first sharp, severe, violent, afterward he grew to be slochful, careless, idle.

Being entreated for a Gentleman con­demned, The Delin­quent plea­ded that he was a Ro­man Citi­zen, and therefore not to be crucified. that he might not die the death of ordinary Malefactors, he commanded that the Gallows should be dealbata, whi­ted, or coloured for him; Quasi solatio & honore poenam levaturus, as if the painted Gibbet might add solace and honour to his death.

[Page 90]When there was a question made of an heifer before him, whose it should be, ar­guments and witnesses being brought on both sides; he so decreed it, that she should be led with her head covered to the place where she was wont to be water­ed, and there being uncovered, he judg­ed her his to whom she went of her own accord.

Among the liberal Sciences he gave him­self to the study of the Civil Law.

Laudata olim, & militari fama celebra­ta severitas ejus angebat coaspernantes veterem disci­plinam, atque ita 14. annis à Nerone as­suefactos, ut haud minus vitia Princi­pum amarent, quàm olim virtutes vere­bantur.He cryed to his Soldiers, Ego vester, & vos mei; I am wholly devoted unto you, and you are wholly devoted unto me.

His severity which was wont to be high­ly commended by the voice of the Soldi­ers, was now displeasant to them who were generally weary of the ancient Dis­cipline, and so trained up by Nero 14 years, that now they loved their Empe­rors no less for their vices, than once they reverenced them for their vertues.

His hardness towards his Soldiers caused him to fall; for a large Donative being promised to them in Galba's name, and they requiring if not so much, Tacit. l. 1. Hist. yet so much at least as they were wont to re­ceive, he wholly refused the suit, adding withall, Cornel. Ta­citus. l. 1. Hist. Legi à se militem, non emi, That his manner had ever been to choose, and not to buy his Soldiers.

Vox pro republica honesta, ipsi anceps; A saying no doubt fit for a great Prince in a more vertuous age, Tacit. lib. 1. Hist. not so in those seasons [Page 91] for him, who suffered himself to be sold every hour, and abused to all purposes.

He was killed by the wiles of Otho, Eutropius. in the Market-place; the Soldiers flying up­on him, and giving him many wounds, Plutarch. he held out his neck unto them, and bad them strike hardly, if it were to do their Country good.

He dyed in the 73. year of his age, Suetonius. Eutropius. 7 Months, 6 daies, Ter­tul. 7 Months 2 daies, Eu­sebius. and seventh month of his Empire.

He reigned seven months, and so many daies. Aurel. Vict.

GALBA rather received the Empire offered to him, than took it from another. But Otho being stirred up with an ardent desire of ruling, used ill means to compass his design. A Galba beneficium respublica, ab Othone perniciem expecta­bat, saith Boeclerus in his Political dis­sertation. Vtrumque (saith he) brevitas temporis & infoelicitas exitus, similes facit: nisi quod Galba alieno scelere; Otho autem suo, periere.

Tacitus and Suetonius observe, that his Father was so like unto Tiberius, that most men held him to be his own Son.

[Page 93] Tam non absimilis facie Tiberio principi fuit, Sueton. ut plerique procreatum ex eo crede­rent.

He was of a mean and low stature, he had feeble feet, and crooked shanks. Galericulus capiti propter raritatem ca­pillorum adap­tatus. He wore by reason of his thin hair a perruck or counterfeit cap of false hair, so fitted and fastned to his head, that any man would have taken it for his own. Sueton. He was wont to shave, and besmear his face all over with soaked bread; this bread was made of bean and rice flower, of the finest wheat also; a depilatory to keep hair from growing, especially being wet and soak­ed in some juyce or liquor appropriate thereto, as the blood of Bats, Frogs, or the Tunie-fish: to this effeminacy of Otho alludeth the Satyrical Poet in this Verse, ‘Et pressum in faciem digitis extender [...] panem. Iuvenal.’

Which devise he took to at first, when the down began to bud forth, because he would never have a beard.

He was of a noble house (saith Plutarch) but ever given to sensuality and pleasure from his Cradle: His Mothers side was more noble than his Fathers. Vita omni turpis, maxi­mè adolescen­tia. insomuch as his Father swinged him and soundly for it. He used night-walking, and as he met any one ei­ther feeble or cupshotten, he would catch hold of him, lay him upon a Sol­diers Gabardine, Aurel. Vict. and so tosse and hoist him up in the air. Suetonius.

Pueritiam incuriose, Tacit. l. 1. Hist. adolescentiam petu­lanter egerat. He spent his tender years [Page 94] without regard of his honour, his youth afterwards in all dissolute dissorder.

Suetonius.He repaired often to his Glass to see his face, that he might keep it clean.

Similitudo morum parit amicitiam, likeness is the cause of liking.He was one of Nero's chief Minions and Favourites, such was the congruence of their humours and dispositions.

Gratus Neroni aemulatione luxus.

He was in grace with Nero through e­mulation of vice. Tacit. l. 1. Hist.

Neroni criminose familiaris, He was sin­fully familiar with Nero. Aurel. Vict. Otho flagran­tissimus in a­micitia Nero­nis habebatur. Tacit. An­nal. l. 13. He was privy and party to all his Counsels and secret de­signs; to avert all manner of suspicion, that very day which Nero had appointed for the murthering of his Mother, he en­tertained them both at supper with most exquisite Dainties, Sueton. and the kindest wel­come that might be.

Suetonius.He subscribed Nero's name unto his Let­ters Patents, Plutarch. till the Noble men of Rome misliked it.

Frustrà moritur Nero, si Otho vivit.

Tacitus Hist. lib. 1.He strove by gifts, and all other means to oblige the Soldiers unto him before he was Emperor, Adorare vul­gus, jacere os­cula, & omnia serviliter pro Imperio. Tacit. Hist. lib. 1. and to win their hearts by fair promises; he protested before them all assembled together, that himself would have and hold no more than just that which they would leave for him. One calleth him the Roman Absalom. Hee worship­ped the peo­ple, dispensed frequently his courtesies and plausibilities, crouch­ed and accommodated himself to the basest routs, that thereby he might c [...]eep into an usurped honour. Tacit. l. 2. Hist.

[Page 95] Cui uni apud Militem fides, Plutarch. dum & ipse non nisi Militibus credit. The Soldiers on­ly trusted him, because he trusted none else.

All of them together put up a petition to him, and besought him to command their persons, whilst they had one drop of blood left in their bodies to do him service. But amongst others, there was a poor Soldier drawing out his sword, said unto him, ‘Know, O Caesar, that all my Companions are determined to dye in this sort for thee; and so slew him­self.’

Rebus prosperis incertus, Tacitus. & inter adver­sa melior.

A man in prosperity uncertainly carri­ried, and governing himself in adversity.

At the same time that he was created Emperor in the City of Rome, Vitellius was proclaimed Emperor in Germany.

Duo omnium mortalium impudicitia, Tacitus l. 1. Hist. ig­navia, luxuria deterrimi, velut ad perden­dum Imperium fataliter electi, saith Tacitus of Otho and Vitellius.

Two of all mortal men the most dete­stable creatures in slothfulness, inconti­nency, and wastful life, fatally elected to ruine the Empire.

But though in the first book of Tacitus his History they are both compared as like in opposition to a good Prince; yet in his second book they are opposed the one to the other as unlike, with notes of [Page 96] distinction. Vitellii ignavae voluptates, O­thonis flagrantissimae libidines. Vitellius ven­tre & gula sibi ipsi bostis; Otho luxu, saevitià, audacia, Vitellius a Drunkard and Glutton, Otho a wanton and licentious liver. Reipublicae exitiosior ducebatur; of the one side, an ill mind in a man of nothing, and of the other, an ill mind joyned with courage and edge.

The drowsie Pleasures of Vitellius were feared lesse than the burning lusts of Otho. Plutarch. Vitellius in excesse of Belly-chear was an enemy to himself; Otho in riot, cruelty, audaciousness, reputed more dangerous to the state.

Plutarch.It was hard to judge which of them two was most licentiously given, most effemi­nate, least skilful, poorer or most indeb­ted, before he was Emperor.

Tacitus l. 2. Hist. Magna & misera civitas eodem anno O­thonem Vitelliumque passa. A great and mi­serable City, which in the same year sup­ported an Otho and a Vitellius.

We may learn by Otho (said Sir Henry Savil) that the fortune of a rash man is Torrenti similis, which a riseth at an instant, and falls in a moment.

Tacitus l. 2. Hist. Alii diutius Imperium tenuerunt, nemo tam fortiter reliquet; it was his own speech, Others have kept the Empire longer, none hath ever so valiantly left it.

Tacitus l. 2. Hist. Plura de extremis loqui pars ignaviae est.

Irent propere, ne remorando iram victoris exasperarent. Tacitus Hist. l. 2. He thought it a part of dastardy to speak too much of death.

When he saw his side the weaker and going to the walls, he counselled his Sol­diers [Page 97] to provide for their safety by hying them to the winner.

Martial made this witty Epigram of his death, l. 6. Epig. 32.

He slew himself with his own hands, Plutarch re­porteth the like of Cato. but slept so soundly the night before, that the Grooms of his Chamber heard him snort.

Many of his Soldiers who were present about him, Plutarch. Suetonius. Aurel. Vict. when with plentiful tears they had kissed his hands and feet as he lay dead, and commended him withall for a most valiant man, and the only Em­peror that ever was; presently in the place, and not far from the funeral fire killed themselves. Many of them also who were absent, hearing of the news of his end, for very grief of heart ran with their weapons one at another to death.

Most men who in his life time cursed and detested him, He lived not much more honestly than Nero, but dy­ed far more honourably. when he was dead highly praised him; so as it was a com­mon and rife speech, that Galba was by him slain, not so much for that he affe­cted to be Sovereign Ruler, as because he desired to recover the state of the Re­publick, and the freedom that was lost.

[Page 98]His saying was, Melius est unum pro mul­tis, quam pro uno multos mori; an excel­lent and worthy speech of an Emperor, preferring the publick good before his own private. Sic imperium quod maximo scelere invaserat, maxima virtute deposuit, as Xiphilinus noteth out of Dion.

More suo Tran­quillus annum inchoatum pro pleno numerat. Nam alii 37. solum vixisse aiunt. Casaub. Animadvers. in Sueton.He dyed but 37 years old saith Plu­tarch; 38 say Eutropius, and Suetonius; and was Emperor but three months, Plu­tarch; three months and five daies, Ter­tullian; four months, Aurelius Victor. He dyed in the 59. day of his Empire, saith Eutropius; 95. saith Suetonius.

HE was beyond measure tall; he had a red face, Familia hono­rata magis quam nobili. occasioned by swilling in wine, Eutropius. and a great fat paunch besides, & some­what limped upon one leg, by a hurt former­ly received.

He was stained with all manner of re­prochable villanies; he was familiar with Caius for his love to Chariot-run­ning, and with Claudius for his affection to Dice-play, but he was in greater fa­vour with Nero for his wicked conditions likewise; for he attended and followed him as he did sing, not by compulsion, as many a good man, but selling his honour [Page 100] to nourish his Riot, and feed his belly, to which he enthralled himself.

He found some supplications that were exhibited unto Otho, by such as claimed reward for their good service in killing Galba, and gave command that they should be sought out and executed every one. A worthy and magnificent begin­ning, such as might give good hope of an excellent Prince, had he not managed all matters else according to his own na­tural disposition, and the course of his former life, rather than respecting the Majesty of an Emperor.

When he came into the field where a battel was fought, and some of his train loathed and abhorred the putrified cor­ruption of the dead bodies, he stuck not to hearten and encourage them with this cursed speech, Optimè olere occisum ho­stem, & melius civem, That an enemy slain had a very good smell, but a Citizen far better.

[That was also a wicked speech of Charles the ninth of France, at the Pari­sian massacre, when beholding the dead carcasses, he said that the smell of a dead enemy was good.]

He banished from Rome and Italy all the judicial Astrologers called Mathematici­ans, because they had said, that his reign should not endure one year to an end.

Nulla re contemtiorem se fecit Vitellius, quam ignavia & luxuria. Boecleri Dissertatio Politica.

[Page 101]If he could have forborn his riotous li­ving, or used any moderation therein, Prorsus si lu­xuriam tempe­raret, avari­tiam non ti­meres. Tacit. l. 2. Hist. Homo profuri­dae gulae. covetousness was a crime in him not to be feared, but he was shamefully given to his belly without all order or measure; Epularum foeda & inexplebilis libido, saith Tacitus: for which purpose there were daily brought out of Rome and Italy, Sueton. Ir­ritamenta Gulae, Ad vos deinde transeo, quo­rum profunda & insatiabilis gula, hinc ma­ria scrutatur, hinc terras. all provocations of Glut­tony. The high-waies from both the Seas sounded of nothing else but of Caterers, and Purveyors; the greatest men in the City were spent and consumed in provi­ding of Cates for the banquets; Seneca Ep. 89. the Ci­ties themselves were wasted.

The Soldiers grew worse, and degenera­ted from labour and vertue, partly by turning themselves to pleasures, and part­ly through the contemptibleness of the Commander.

He would eat four meals a day, 5 Saith Eutro­pius. break­fast, Dinner, Supper, and Rere-banquet, or after Supper; being able to bear them all very well: he used to vomit It was an ordinary pra­ctise among them. ordina­rily. His manner was to send word that he would break his fast with one friend, dine with another, and all in one day; Epulas quas toto orbe con­quirunt, nec concoquere dignantur. and every one of those refections when it stood them least, cost them 3235 l. sterling. But the most notorious and memorable supper above all other, Note: Seneca. was that which his brother made for a welcome at his first coming to Rome; Suetonius calls it an Adventi­tious Supper. at which were served up at the Table before him two thousand [Page 102] several dishes of Fish, the most dainty and choicest that could be had, Eutropius. and seven thousand fowl. Sueton.

His meats were not touched in gross, but an eye only of this bird, or a tongue of that Fish were tasted, that the spoils of many might be taken at one meal. Phoenicopterus is a water fowl haunting lakes and fens, and the river Nilus, as Hesiod writeth. The feathers be of colour red, or purple, whereof it taketh the name, and the tongue is a most dainty and pleasant morsel.Yet himself surpassed this sumptuous feast at the dedication of the platter, which for its huge capacity he used to call the Target of Minerva. In this he blended to­gether the Livers of Guilt-heads, the de­licate brains of Pheasants and Peacocks, the tongues of Phoenicopters, the tender small guts of Sea-Lampires sent as far as from the Carpathian Sea, and the straights of Spain, by his Captains over Gallies.

For the making of this Charger there was a furnace built of purpose in the field. Mucianus (after the death of Vitel­lius) alluding to this monstrous platter, All gluttons to this day pass under his name. and ripping up his whole life, upbraided the memorial of him in these very terms, calling his excess that way, Patinarum pa­ludes, Platters as broad as Pools or Ponds.

Nunquam ita ad curas intentus, ut volup­tatis oblivisceretur. Tacitus l. 2. Hist. He was never so in­tentively addicted to serious affairs, that he would forget his pastimes.

[Page 103]In his Train all was disorderly and full of drunkenness, Apud Vitelli­um omnia in­disposita, te­mulenta, per­vigiliis ac Bac­chanalibus, quam discipli­nae & castris propiora. more like to Wakes and Feasts of Bacchus, than to a Camp where Discipline should be.

He was forward enough to put to death any man; he killed Noble men, and his School-fellows. He delivered Blaesus over to the Executioner to suffer death, but straightwaies called him back again; Tacit. l. 2. Hist. Iste mente cru­delis, avarus (que) cum profu­sione. and when all that were by praised him for his Clemency, he commanded the said party to be killed before his face, saying withall, Velle se pascere oculos, Aurel. Vict. Audita est sae­vissima Vitel­lii vox, qui se pavisse ocu­los spectata inimici morte jactavit. that he would feed his eies with seeing his death. At the execution of another he caused two of his Sons to bear him com­pany, because they presumed to entreat for their Fathers sake.

A Gentleman of Rome being haled a­way to take his death, Tacit. Hist. l. 3. he cryed aloud unto him, Sir, I have made you heir; then he compelled him to bring forth his writing-Tables concerning his last Will, and so soon as he read therein, Sueton. that a freed man of the Testators was nominated fellow-heir with him, he commanded both Master and man to be killed.

He was suspected also to have consented to his own Mothers death.

Impar curis gravioribus, saith Tacitus of him, he was unmeet to weild weigh­ty affairs.

[Page 104]The Empire was conferred upon him by those that knew him not, and yet ne­ver man found so constant good will of his Soldiers by vertuous means, as he did with all his cowardly sloth.

Tanta torpedo invaserat animum, ut si Principem eum fuisse caeteri non meminissent, Tacit. l. 3. Hist. ipse oblivisceretur.

So great a sencelesness did possess his mind, that if other men had not remem­bred that he had been a Prince, (and therefore was not to look for security in a private estate) he himself would quickly have forgotten it.

Tacit. l. 2. Hist. A contumelia quàm à laude propius fuerit, post Vitellium eligi.

It was more a disgrace than a praise, to be chosen after Vitellius.

He used no other defences against the ruine which approched him, but only to keep out the memory and report of it with fortification of mirth and fot­tishness, that so he might be delivered from the pains of preserving himself. Prae­terita, instantia, futura, pari oblivione di­miserat; mirum apud ipsum de bello silentium, prohibiti per civitatem sermones, &c. Tacit. Hist. lib. 3. Tacit. l. 3. Hist.

Ita formatae Principis aures, ut aspera quae utilia, nec quidquam nisi jucundum & laesurum acciperet.

The Princes ears were so framed, that he accounted all sharp that was wholsome, and liked of nothing but that [Page 105] which was presently pleasant, and after­wards hurtful.

Amicitias dum magnitudine munerum, Tacit. l. 3. Hist. non constantia morum continere putat, meruit magis quàm habuit.

He deserved rather than found faithful friends, because he sought them more by great gifts than vertuous behaviour.

At the last he was slain in an ignomi­nious manner, having many scornful in­dignities offered unto him both in deed and word; Suetonius. they drew his head backward by the bush of the hair (as condemned Malefactors are wont to be served) and a swords point was set under his chin, He was killed by Vespasians Soldiers upon the stairs Ge­moniae, where he suffered Vespasians brother to be slain. to the end he might shew his face, and not hold it down while some pelted him with dung and dirty mire: others called him with open mouth, Incendiary or Firebrand, because he burnt the Capi­tol; and Patinarium or Platter-Knight, for his Gormandizing, and great Platter; and some of the common sort twitted him with the deformities of his body: being all mangled with many small strokes, he was killed in the end. Nume­rosis ictibus confossus interiit.

He was slain Aurel. Vict. in the 57. year of his age, when he had reigned eight months and five daies, say l. 5. of the wars of the Jews, c. 13. Iosephus, Tacitus. Suetonius. Eutropius. and Chron. Eu­sebius; eight months and ten daies, saith [Page 106] Lib. adver­sus Iudaeos Tertullian. Hist. 2.27. Ipse abundè ratus si prae­sentibus frue­retur, nec in longum con­sultans, novies mille sesterti­um paucissimis mensibus in­tervertisse cre­ditur. Tacitus reporteth, that in those few months wherein he reigned, he had wasted nine hundred millions of Sesterces, which amounteth to seven mil­lions thirty one thousand two hundred and fifty pounds sterling; and Iosephus Octo menses ac dies quinque potitus Imperio, jugulatur in me­dia Vrbe; quem si vivere diutius contigisset, ejus Luxuriae satis esse Imperium non potuisset. Joseph. de Bello Iudaico. thinketh if he had lived longer, the whole revenues of the Empire had not been sufficient to have maintained his Gluttony.

GEntis Flaviae in rem Ro­manam merita tam prosperos habuere successus, ut duo­decimum intra annum Ves­pasiani & Titi industria con­cussum undique & turba­tum impe [...]ii cor in meliorem statum convaluerit. Boeclerus.

Princeps per omnia fortunae, Eutropius. & humani actus morisque argumenta, vel jactatus vel exercitus. Boecleri Dissertatio Politica. Princeps obscurè quidem natus, sed optimis comparandus, privata vita illustris.

[Page 108]He was of a middle stature, well set, his limbs compact and strongly made, vultu veluti nitentis, Suetonius. That saying of Martial a­greeth with this. Nam fa­ciem duram Phoebe cacan­tis habes. Vir multorum salium. Lodo­vic. Viv. he looked still as if he strained hard for a stool, whereupon a Buffon brake a pretty jest on him; for when Vespasian seemed to request him to say something of him as well as of others in the company, Dicam, inquit, cum ven­trem exonerare desieris. I will let you alone, saith he, till you have done your business.

He was very pleasant and facetious him­self; for being advertised by Florus to pronounce A word in Lat. that sig­nifies Carts or Wains. Plaustra rather than Plostra, Convitiorum plaustra. he saluted him the next morning by the name of Flaurus.

When the apparition of a Comet or blazing starr was thought to portend his death, he replyed merrily, that the bushy star ( Stella Crinita) noted not him but the Parthian King, Sueton. Aurel. Vict. Ipse enim comatus est, ego vero calvus; for, he weareth bushy locks, but I am bald. But he dyed a little while after, System. Phys. l. 6. and by his example (saith Kecker­man) warned men to forbare jesting at Gods great work [...] and Prodigies.

An Oxe having cast off his yoke, ran fu­riously into the room where he sate at Sup­per, where affrighting his attendants from him, he straight prostrates himself before his feet, as if he had been weary, offering his neck to his clemency. Suetonius. Suetonius.

[Page 109]When he came to the Empire, the Ex­chequer was so impoverished, that he pro­tested in open Senate, that he wanted to settle the Common-wealth 40 Millions of Sestertiums; which protestations (saith Suetonius) seemed probable, Quia & malè partis optimè usus est.

He fought 30 Battels in Britain, took 20 Townes, and adjoyned the Isle of Wight to the obedience of the Roman Empire.

When a certain gallant youth smelling hot of sweet balms and perfumes, came unto him to give thanks for an office ob­tained at his hands, after a strange coun­tenance shewing his dislike of him, he gave him also in words a most bitter check, Maluissem allium obolu­isses. say­ing, I would rather thou hadst stunk of Gar­lick; and so revoked his Letters Patents for the grant. Suetonius.

He never carried in his mind, nor re­venged displeasures done unto him. He married the daughter of Vitellius, his ene­my, into a most noble house, gave unto her a rich Dowry withall, and furniture ac­cordingly.

He was made Totus ex clementia (as the Historian tells us) yet for all that, Suetonius. Placidissimae bonitatis. Machi­nationes nefariorum assiduas expertus est, He found daily treacheries attempted against him. Eutropius.

Iustis etiam suppliciis illachrymavit & ingemuit. Sueton.

He was so compassionate a Prince, that [Page 110] he was wont to sigh and weep, even for them that were condignly punished.

Eutropius.An innocent person was not punished but when he was absent, and not aware thereof, or at leastwise unwilling there­to, and deceived.

But he was severe towards Iulius Sabi­nus, who in tims past said he was Caesar; and taking up arms, was at last conque­red and brought to Rome. His wife spake to Vespasian in his behalf, pleading that he had two sons of her; and supplicating to him for mercy to her husband and her self, used these words, Ego, o Caesar, hos in monumento peperi aluique, ut plures tibi supplices essemus: By which speech, al­though she drew tears from him and those that were present, yet she could not pro­cure her Husbands pardon. Dion.

The Soldiers elected him Emperor, and requested him to preserve the Empire being in great danger to be lost. Iosephus, l. 5. of the wars of the Jews, c. 10. Yet he (though he had been alwaies careful for the good of the Common-wealth) refused to be Emperor, deeming himself indeed to have deserved it, but rather chusing to live a private life, wherein was secu­rity, than in the height of fortune and honour with perpetual danger. The Cap­tains were most earnest because he refused it, and the Soldiers flocked about him with drawn swords, threatning his death except he would consent to live as he de­served; yet he strove a long time to avert [Page 111] their determination, being loth to be Emperor; at last seeing he could not avoid it, he accepted their offer.

He comforted his Soldiers with these and such like speeches, Iosephus, l. 4. of the wars of the Jews, c. 2. I will expose my self to all dangers with you, and go first to fight, and come last from fight. Tacitus l. 2. Hist.

Ipse Vespasianus milites adire, hortari, bo­nos laude, segnes exemplo incitare saepius quam coercere; vitia magis amicorum quam virtutes dissimulans.

He would go in his own person, and en­courage the Soldiers, inciting the good by praise, the slow by example rather than correction; he was more ready to conceal the Vices of his friends, than the vertues.

It was a worthy report which Pliny gave of him, if he flattered him not, to whom being Emperor he wrote thus; Nec quic­quam in te mutavit fortunae amplitudo, nisi ut prodesse tantundem posses & velles. Great­nesse and Majesty have changed nothing in you but this, that your power to do good should be answerable to your will.

Solus omnium ante se Principum, in melius mutatus est. Tacit. l. 1. Hist.

The only Prince before his time which changed to the better; for after him, Titus his Son changed also the same way.

[Page 112] Prorsus si avaritia abesset, antiquis duci­bus par. Tacitus.

A vigilant Warrior, and in all respects, set avarice aside, comparable to the Com­manders of ancient time.

Sueton, Homo turpiter avidus. Sola est in quo merito culpetur pecuniae cu­piditas.

Eras. Adag.The only thing for which he might worthily be blamed was covetousness.

He not only called for arrerages due in Galba's time, but raised new Tributes, and laid upon the Provinces more grievous im­positions, doubling them in some places.

Suetonius. Negotiationes vel privato pudendas propa­lam exercuit.

He did negotiate and deal in certain Trades, which it was a shame for a private person to use: buying up and engrossing some Commodities at a cheap hand, that afterwards he might vend them at higher rates. Neither did he spare to sell Honours to such as sued for them, or absolutions to such as were accused, whether they pro­ved guilty or not. Suetonius. He was thought of set purpose to have made choice of the most greedy proling Officers he could any where find out, Not unlike to this was that speech of Dio­genes, Dixit Dionysium amicis uti pro vasculis, quae dum plena sunt evacuat, & abjicit vacua. and to have advanced them to the highest place, that being thereby grown rich, he might condemn their persons, and confiscate their goods. And it was commonly said, that he used these men as spunges, Quod quasi & siccos madefaceret, & exprimeret humentes; be­cause he did wet them well when they [Page 113] were dry, and presse them hard when they were wet.

Some write that he was by nature most covetous, and an old neat-herd upbraided him once therewith; who being at his hands denied freedom without paying for it (which he humbly craved of him now in­vested in the Empire) cried out with a­loud voyce, Vulpem pilum mutare non mores, Suetonius. Quicquid in­fixum & inge­nitum est, le­niri potest arte, non vinci. that the Fox might change his hair but not his qualities.

He laid an imposition upon urine, and being by his Son Titus put in mind of the baseness of it, Seneca. he took a piece of money received for the use, and putting it to his Sons nose, demanded of him whether he was offended with the smell or no, Sueton. Atqui (inquit è lotio est, and yet (quoth he) it cometh of urine: Vnde Juvenalis,

There are some of a contrary opinion, Infirmus, ut quidam pravè putant, adver­sus pecuniam cum satis con­stet aerarii in­opia & clade urbium, ne que novas eum, ne­que postea ha­bitas vectigali­um pensiones exquisivisse, Aurel. Vict. that he was driven to spoyl, to pill and poll of necessity, even for extream want, both in the common Treasury, and also in his own Exchequer; whereof he gave some testimony in the beginning of his Empire, professing (as was said before) that there was need of forty millions to set the State upright again: which opinion (saith Suetonius) seems to sound more near unto the truth, because the money [Page 114] by him ill gotten he used and bestowed very well, for he was most liberal to all sorts of men.

Restitutionem Capitolii aggressus, ruderibus purgandis manus primus admovit, ac suo collo quaedam extulit. Suetonius.

In the third building of the Capitol, Vespasian carried the first basket of earth, after him the Nobility did the like, to make the people more forward in the ser­vice; and perhaps the custom of laying the first stone in a building, Sueton. hath from hence, if not beginning, Aurel. Vict. yet growth.

Oportet Epis­copum concio­nantem mori. Jewel.It was his speech, Oportet Imperatorem stantem mori, An Emperor ought to dye standing. And likewise he said at his death, Vt puto Deus fio, id est, morior; nam post mor­tem Caesares referebantur in numerum deo­rum. Me thinks (quoth he) I am a deify­ing, Aurel. Vict. and growing to be a god.

Annum agens vitae absque uno septuagesi­mum interiit. Sueton.

He lived threescore and 9 years, 7 months, and 7 daies over.

He reigned 2 years, saith Eusebius.

FOR his natural goodness and noble disposition, Speed saith as much of Henry the 5th, whom he compareth to Titus. Ed­gar Etheling, Englands darling. he was cal­led Amor & deliciae humani ge­neris, The lovely darling, and delightful joy of mankind. Tantum illi ad promerendam omnium voluntatem, vel ingenii, vel artis, vel fortunae superfuit. Sueton.

So fully was he either endued with good nature and disposition, or enriched with skill and cunning, or else graced with fortunes favour.

Augustin De Civit. Dei. lib. 5. cap. 21. calls him Suavissimum Principem, a most sweet Prince.

He was learned in the Greek and La­tine tongues, and in most excellent wri­ting.

[Page 116]Yet God made him a terrible scourge to the Nation of the Jews, who forsook the Lord Jesus, and preferred Caesar; for as our Saviour prophesied concerning Ieru­salem, that a stone should not be left upon a stone, Matth. 24.2. So it was fulfilled forty years after his Ascension, by Ve­spasian the Emperor, and his Son Titus, say Eusebius and Iosephus. And by that which followeth in the same Ch. 21. v. he meaneth the tribulation the Jews were to endure at the siege, Dr. Sclat. and surprisal of Ie­rusalem by Vespasian and Titus. In the time of which siege the Jews were oppres­sed with a grievous famine, in which their food was old shooes, Mr. Perkins. old leather, old hay, and the dung of beasts. There dy­ed partly of the sword, Vespasian brake into their City at Cedron, where they took Christ, on the same feast day that Christ was taken, he whipped them where they whip­ped Christ, he sold twen­ty Jews for a penny, as they sold Christ for thirty pence. B. Andr. Cat. and partly of the famine, eleven hundred thousand of the poorer sort; two thousand in one night were embowelled, six thousand were burned in a Porch of the Temple. The whole City was sacked and burnt, and laid level to the ground; and ninety seven thousand taken captives, and ap­plyed to base and miserable service.

So many of the Jews were crucifyed, that by relation of their own Iosephus de bello Iudaico lib. 6. c. 12.) there remain­ed no more space to set crosses in, nor a­ny more crosses to crucify bodies upon.

[Page 117]At the very first, even in his child-hood there shone forth in him gifts both of bo­dy and mind, and the same more and more still by degrees, as he grew in years.

He was therefore sickly, because his Nurse was so.

Ingenium quantaecunque fortunae capax, Tacitus l. 2. Hist. de­cor oris cum quadam Majestate.

A person capable of any dignity, Forma egre­gia, & cui non minus au­ctoritatis in­esset quam gratiae. were it never so great; of a goodly presence and countenance, wherein was seated no less Majesty than favour and beauty.

His stature was not tall, and his belly bare out somewhat with the most. Sueton. He had a singular memory, Facundissimus, bellicosissimus, moderatissi­mus. Eutro­pius. and was very doci­ble; he was most skilful in handling his weapon, and withall a passing good Horse­man. He was facilis ad extemporalitatem usque. He was of a prompt and ready wit, Sueton. and would have spoken well ex tempore; He was also skilful in Musick; he could write with cyphers, and by artificial cha­racters, both very fast and very fair, stri­ving by way of sport and mirth with his own Clerks, whether he or they could write fastest: Sueton. He was able to express and imitate what hand soever he had seen, and would often say, that he could have been a notable forger and counterfeiter of writings.

Whiles he was a private person, he be­haved [Page 118] himself not altogether so well as when he was Emperor.

His youthful affections were settled somewhat upon Berenice the Queen of Iewry; Berenice. Di­on. & Joseph. notwithstanding in no such de­gree that it was any hinderance to his ho­nourable actions.

Suetonius.The Feasts which he made were plea­sant merriments rather than lavish and sumptuous. Convivia in­stituit jucunda magis quam profusa.

No gross vice could be found in him, but many excellent vertues. Suetonius.

He never dismissed any Petitioner with a tear in his eye, or a heavy heart; and when his Domestical servants about his Person would seem to tell him that he promised more than he was able to per­form; Sueton: his saying was, Non oportet quen­quam à sermone Principis tristem discedere. Hadrianus Caesar said, it was trouble­some to him if he saw any sad. No man ought to depart from the speech of a Prince, sad and discontented.

Calling to mind one time as he sate at Supper, Aurel. Vict. that he had done nothing for a­ny man that day, Sueton. he uttered this memo­rable and praise-worthy Apophthegm, Eutropius. A­mici, diem perdidi. Or rather it must be read (saith Ca­sa [...]b) Ami­ci, hodie di­em perdidi. My Friends, I have lost a day.

If he had not bestowed some benefit up­on one or other, he was wont to say (saith M [...]llerus) Hodie non imperavi quia nemini benefeci.

[Page 119]His Rule and Government was merciful, he received no accusation against those who were reported to have spoken evil of him, saying, Ego cum nihil faciam dignum propter quod contumelia afficiar, mendacia nihil curo. When I shall do nothing wor­thy of blame, I care not for lies.

He said, Periturum se potius quam perditurum adjurans. he would rather die himself than put others to death. He proceeded no further against two noblemen convi­cted for affecting and aspiring to the Em­pire, Sueton. than to admonish them to desist and give over, saying, Suetonius. Eutropius. Aurel. Vict. that Sovereign Power was the gift of Destiny and Divine provi­dence; if they were Petitioners for any thing else, he promised to give it unto them.

He would not endure to kill, or seque­ster and confine his Brother Domitian (though he never ceased to lay wait for his life) but still made him partner with him in his Sovereign Government, Aurel. Vict. Suetonius. and often with tears exhorted him to mutual love.

There fell out in his daies some heavy accidents; a fire in the City of Rome, which lasted three daies and three nights; Tacitus. Sueton. Aurel. Vict. and a grievous Pestilence, wherein there dyed ten thousand a day; and Vesuvius a mountain in Campania flamed with great horrour; Pliny the natural Historian then Admiral of the Roman Navie, desirous to discover the reason, was suffocated with the smoak thereof, as his Nephew witness­eth [Page 120] in an Epistle of his to Cornelius Tacitus. Pliny. l. 6. Epist. 16. Am: Marcellinus observeth, that the ashes thereof transported in the Air, obscured all Europe; others say, that they dark­ned the Sun.

He was a valiant Soldier; going once to espy the enemy, Ioseph. l. 6. c. 2 of the Wars of the Jews. From his wonderful escape at the walls of Ieru­salem, Iose­phus collects, Imperatorum pericula De­um curare; That God takes care of Princes in their danger. Ibid. and not to fight, not­withstanding that an infinite number of darts and arrows were shot at him, and he had no Armour at all, yet received he not one wound, but all past him, as though upon purpose every one had strove to have mist him. And he with his sword made way, and cut many upon the face that opposed themselves against him, and so they falling down, he with his horse past over them. The Jews seeing Titus his va­lour, exhorted one another to set upon him, but whither soever he turned, the Jews fled and would not abide by it.

In the last assault of Jerusalem, he slew twelve enemies that defended the wall, Suetonius. Eutropius. with just so many arrows shot, and won the City with great joy, and favourable applause of all his Soldiers.

He being to see that executed which Christ foretold should happen to Jerusa­lem, Iosephus de Bell. Iud. l. 6. c. 14.7. & 10. stretched forth his hands, and cal­led Heaven and Earth to witness in great bitterness, that he was not to blame that the Jews perished in such sort, but they themselves; and would not by any means that fire should be set on the Tem­ple. Comparing the desolation of Jeru­salem [Page 121] with the beauty and goodly build­ings that were before it was destroyed, L. 7. of the wars of the Jews. c. 24. he lamented and pittied the overthrow there­of, saith Iosephus.

It is likely that he would have carried a milder hand upon the Jews his Priso­ners, after his sacking the City of Jeru­salem, than to east so many thousand of them to the Lions, and other beasts to be devoured, Illud adagium Festina lentè, arridebat du [...]bus Impe­ratoribus Ro­manis, omni­um facilè lau­datissimis, Au­gusto & Tito; quorum utri­que singularis quaedam ade­rat animi magnitudo, cum incredi­bili quadam lenitate faci­litateque con­juncta. Eras. in Adag. as he did on the birth-day of his Brother Domitian, but that the heavy curse of God which boiled against that Nation, did urge his gentle and calm na­ture to bring them to destruction.

He did stamp in his Coin a Dolphin and an Anchor, with this Impress, Sat cito si sat bene. A Dolphin out-strips the ship, that's soon enough; an Anchor stayeth the ship, that's well enough. A Dolphin and Anchor, Soon enough if well enough.

It was said of him, Abstinuit alieno, ut si quis unquam. If ever any man abstained from that which was not his own, he was the man.

Though he was the mirrour of men a­mong the Heathen, Suetonius. yet he was loth to de­part out of this world; Multum con­questus, eripi sibi vitam im­merenti, neque enim extare ullum suum fa­ctum poeniten­dum, excepto duntaxat uno. for being carried in his Horse-litter, and knowing that he must die, he looked upwards towards Heaven, and complained very pitiously, that his life should be taken from him who had not deserved to die, for he knew not (he said) of any sin that ever he committed but only one.

[Page 122] Suetonius writes as if he had dyed of a natural death, Whether his over familiar acquaintance with his Bro­thers wife Domitia, as Sueton. or with the Queen Bere­nice, as Speed, is uncertain. Senatus tantas mortuo gratias egit, laudesque congessit, quan­tas ne vivo quidem un­quam atque praesenti. but Aurel. Vict. saith, he was poysoned by his Brother Domitian, Titus à Domitiano leporis marini vi peremp­tus. Cael. Rhod. Lect. Antiq. l. 6. c. 30.

Morte praeventus est, majore hominum dam­no quam suo.

He was cut short and prevented by death, to the greater loss of Mankind than of himself, saith Suetonius.

The Senate gave him more thanks be­ing dead, than ever they did living and present.

His death was much lamented, so that they call'd him generally, Delicias publi­cas; and wept for him as if the world had been deprived of a perpetual Protector. Suetonius. Tantus luctus eo mortuo publicus fuit, Aurel. Vict. ut om­nes tanquam in propria doluerint orbitate. Eutropius. He lived 39 years five months, 25 daies, saith Carion.

He dyed in the 42. year of his age, saith Suetonius, 41 say Aurel. Victor. and Eutropius.

When he had reigned two years, two months and twenty daies, say Suetonius, Aurel. Vict. Carion; eight months, saith Eutropius.

HE was called Domitian from his Mother Domitilla, as Titus (his Brother) was called Vespasian from his Father. Titus cognomi­ne paterno di­ctus Vespasia­nus, alter fra­ter cognomine materno à Do­mitilla Do­mitianus est appellatus.

He was Associate to his Brother Titus in govern­ment during his life, and after his death was his Successor. Casaub.

Perceiving many of his Predecessors to be hated, asked one, how he might so rule as not to be hated? the Party an­swered, Tu fac contra, Do thou contrary to that they have done.

Yet he neither resembled his Father Vespasian nor his Brother Titus. Neroni, Eutropius: [Page 124] aut Caligulae, Licet patris fratrisque dissi­milis memori­am nominis sui in expiabili detestatione perfudit, ta­men receptissi­ma inclaruit lege, qua mi­naciter inter­dixerat, ne in­tra terminos jurisdictionis Romanae Cas­traret quis­quam puerum quod ni conti­gisset, quis eo­rum ferret ex­amina, quorum paucitas diffi­cilè toleratur? Am: Marcel: l. 15. qut Tiberio similior, quam Pa­tri vel Fratri suo.

He was tall of stature, his countenance modest, and given much to redness; his eyes full and great, but his sight very dim. He was fair and of comely presence, espe­cially in his youth; all his body was well shaped throughout, excepting his feet, the toes whereof were of the shortest; after­wards he became disfigured, and blemish­ed with baldness, with a fat grand panch, and slender shanks.

In the beginning of his Empire his man­ner was to retire himself daily into a se­cret place for one hour, and there to do nothing else but cratch flyes, and with the sharp point of a bodkin prick them through; in so much as when one enquired whether any body were with Caesar with­in? Crispus made answer not impertinent­ly, Ne Musca quidam, No, not so much as a Flye. Stylis ridicule remotis omni­bus, muscarum agmina perse­quebatur.

Hippocrates reckons up this for one sign of Melan­choly, when men catch flyes;And because he commanded the Vines to be cut down, he addes,

In the Administration of the Empire, he behaved himself for a good while variable as one made of an equal mixture and temper of Vice and Vertues, Muscas capta­re atrae bilis indicium. Sueton. until at [Page 125] length he turned his vertues also into vices.

He neglected all Liberal Studies in the beginning of his Empire, albeit he took order to repair the Libraries consumed with fire, sending as far as At Alexan­dria in Egypt was that fa­mous Library of King Ptolomeus Philadelphus, & the other Ptolomies Progenitors, containing the number well near of 700000 Books, Aul. Gel. Noct. Attic. l. 7. c. 1. Alexandria for copies of Books.

His ordinary speech was not unelegant, Vellem tam formosus esse quàm Metius sibi videtur. sometimes he would deliver Apophthegms; as for example, he wished, That he had been as fair and well-favoured as Metius did think himself to be: another time he said, Conditionem Principum mi­serrimam aie­bat, quibus de conjuratione comperta non crederetur, ni­si occisis. That the condition of Princes was most miserable, who could not be credited touching a Conspiracy plainly detected, unless they were first slain.

This speech was used also by Adrian, Misera conditio Imperatorum, quibus, de af­fectata tyrandine, Sueton. nisi occisis non potest credi. Vulcat. Gallic. in Avidio Cassio.

He had no affection to bear Arms, or wield weapons, Sagittarum tam doctus fu­it, ut inter pa­tentes digitos extentae manus viri procul posite spicula ejus transvola­rent. but delighted especially to shoot Arrows. He would drive his Ar­rows point blank, so just against the Palm of a mans right hand, standing a far off, and holding it forth stretched open for a mark, as they should all directly passe through the voyd spaces between the fin­gers, and do him no harm at all. Aurel. Vict. Suetonius.

[Page 126] Simile quid audivi à fide dignis & [...] fa­ct umde duce Brundewi­zensi, qui suis pedissequis ac pueris honora­riis imperavit, inter digitorum extensorum intervalla retinerent dalerum Imperialem, quem sumpto selopo minore, è patentibus digitis globulo innoxiè exemit. Paulus Voetius in Herodiani Marcum & Commodum. p. 178. & 179.During his abode at Alba, many have seen him shoot at an hundred wild beasts at a time, and purposely so to hit some of them in the head, that his shafts appeared there like a pair of horns.

It was rumoured abroad, that in his In­fancy Dragons were found about him in manner of a Guard, which is but a Fable; for he himself, Tacitus. l. 11. Annal. who never derogated from himself, was wont to report but of one Serpent which was seen in his Chamber.

When he was mounted once to the Im­perial state, he made his boast in the very Senate, Suetonius. that it was he who had given unto his Father and Brother both the Empire, and they had but delivered it up to him again.

Martial writeth thus to him in his Epi­grams.

He was precise and industrious in mini­string Justice, he reserved many times de­finitive sentences given for favour, and ob­tained by flattery; he did so chastise those that were faulty in that kind, that the Officers were never more temperate, or just in their places.

[Page 127]He repressed false informations, and sharply punished such informers, using this saying, Princeps qui delatores non castigat, irritat. The Prince that chastened not Promoters, setteth them on to promote.

At the first he so abhorred all Blood­shed and slaughter, that he purposed to publish an Edict, forbidding to kill and sacrifice any Oxe; and he scarce gave the least suspicion of Covetousness. But he continued not long in this strain, but fell after both to Cruelty and Avarice.

He was not only cruel, but very subtil and crafty in cloking of his cruelty.

Nunquam tristiorem sententiam sine praefa­tione clementiae pronuntiabit, Suetonius. ut non aliud jam certius atrocis exitus signum esset, quam Principis lenitas. He never pronounced a­ny heavy bloody Sentence without some preamble and preface of clemency, so that there was not now a surer signe of some horrible end and conclusion, than a mild beginning and gentle Exordium.

It is reported of him, that, Eum se im­pensissimè diligere simulabat, quem maximè in­teremptum vellet. He would seem to love them most, whom he willed least should live.

It was sufficient, if any deed or word whatsoever was objected against any one, to make it high Treason against the Prince. Inheritances (though they belonged to the greatest strangers) were held confis­cate, and adjudged to the Emperors [Page 128] Coffers, in case but one would come forth & depose, that he heard the party deceased say whiles he lived, Sue [...]onius. that Caesar was his heir.

Primus Domi­tianus Domi­num se & De­um appellari jussit.He was the first Emperor who comman­ded himself to be called Lord, and God. He sent out his writs in this form, Dominus & Deus noster fic fieri jubet, Our Lord and God thus commandeth. Eusebius in Chronicis. Whereupon af­terward this order was taken up, that nei­ther in the writing or speech of any man, Sueton. he should be otherwise called. Eutropius.

Aurel. Vict. Edictum Domini Deique nostri. Martial.

Virgil called Augustus God, Deus no­bis haec etia fecit.A true fore-runner of his successor the Pope, who in the Extravagants (and well it deserves to be put there) is styled Domi­nus Deus noster Papa, and his Decrees are styled Oracles. Vnde institu­tum posthac, ut ne scripto quidem nec sermone eujusquam appellaretur aliter. Suetonius. An Oracle signifieth the answer of God. Rom. 3.2.

Dominus meus Vnus est, Deus, omnipotens & aeternus. Qui pater patriae est, quomodo Dominus est? Sed & gratius nomen est pictatis quam potestatis; etiam familiae magis patres, quam Domini vocantur: tanto abest, ut Impera­tor Deus debeat dici, quod non potest credi non modo turpissima sed & perniciosa adulatione Tertul. Apol. 35. Euseb. Eccle. Hist. l. 3. c. 15.

Portio Nero­nis de crude­litate; for his cruelty a piece of Nero. Tertul. He was reproachfully called by the people bald Nero, because he was like him in cruelty but bald. Et calvo serviret Roma Neroni. Juvenal.The second persecution was under him in the twelth year of his reign; he most cruelly persecuted the Christians, because [Page 129] they would not give the Title of Lord to any but Christ, Nec omitti de­bet in maximis ejus facinori­bus, Christia­norum vexatio afflictioque. nor worship any but God. In this second great persecution, the beloved Disciple of Christ, the Evangelist Iohn (when he taught the Church of Ephe­sus) was banished to the Isle of Patmos for the Word of God; Boeclerus. where he wrote the Revelation.

Cletus, Nicomedes, Pontia, Theodora, Do­micilla were then famous Martyrs.

There were many learned Scholars in his time; Iuvenal, Martial, Valerius Flac­cus, Silius Italicus, Poets: Epictetus the Philosopher, and Apollonius Tyanaeus a fa­mous Magician: Cornelius Tacitus the Hi­storian, Iulius Solinus, Quintilian, Iosephus the Writer of Jewish Antiquities.

Boeclerus in his Political Dissertation saith, He was an enemy to learning, pu­nishing Historians for their most true prai­ses of great men. He thought that wise men above others observed and disliked the hainous offences of Tyrants, and would record them.

He was proud like Nero, and persecuted innocent Christians as he did.

Tertullian called him Neronis portionem, In vita Agri­colae. Praecipua sub Domitiano miseriarum pars erat, videre & aspici. Eusebius, haeredem; the one a part, the o­ther, the Heir of Nero: Nero tantum subtraxit ocu­los, jussitque scelera, non spectavit. and Tacitus puts only this difference between them, that Nero indeed commanded cruel murders, but Domitian not only commanded them, [Page 130] but beheld them himself; and so he was Bis Parricida (as Valerius L. 9. c. 11. Maximus saith of another) Concilio prius, iterum specta­culo.

He caused the line of David to be dili­gently sought out, and extinguished, for fear lest he were yet to come out of the House of David which should enjoy the Kingdom.

He was so fearful, that he walked al­most continually in his Gallery, Valde solici­tus, quod sciret ultimum vitae diem, saith Suetonius. He was much tor­tured in mind, because he fore-knew his end. Sueton. which he caused to be set with the stone Phengites, that by the brightness thereof as in a glass, ( Plin. l. 36. c. 22.) he might see what was done behind him.

That is admirable which Writers have related concerning Apollonius Tyanaeus, a Pythagorick Philosopher, and famous Ma­gician, who suddenly, as amazed, cried out at Ephesus when Domitian was slain, O Stephen, strike the Tyrant: and a little after he said, It is well, thou hast struck him, thou hast wounded him, thou hast killed him.

Nactus est tandem Domitianus exitum suis facinoribus dignum. Boeclerus. He saith al­so, Qui hanc Historiam cum exitu Commodi Imperatoris comparaverit, non ovum ovo simi­lius reperiet, quam utriusque tyranni casum.

As his life was like unto the life of Nero, so was he not unlike him in his death; for his own Wife Domitia and friends conspi­red against him, Suetonius. Aurel. Vict. Carion. and slew him: his Body was carried to the grave by Porters, and buried without honour; the Senate of [Page 131] Rome also decreed, that his name should be rased, that all his Acts should be rescin­ded, and his memorial abolished quite for ever.

He perished in the 54th year of his life, Aurel. Vict. & Eutropius. Carion. Chron. about the 15th of his reign.

With whom both Tacitus and Suetonius end their History.

DOmitian thus made a­way, He was 76 years old when he was Emperor. Carion. Coccejus Nerva a prudent, honou­rable, and aged per­son was elected Em­peror by the Senate; He was the first of all the Emperors not born in Rome, as after him there were few born in it. his birth was noble, and of Italy, in the City Narnia, and of the Province Vmbria, ruling so well, as he may be esteemed too good a Prince long to continue in so bad an age; who reformed many enormities, and remit­ted many grievous tributes and exacti­ons; also he recalled from banishment the Christians severely dispersed, and [Page 141] suffered them to enjoy the freedom of their profession, Suidas. Nicephorus. at which time Iohn the Evangelist returned from Patmos (where­in he had been confined) unto Ephesus, a City in Asia the less, where after his re­turn he lived four years. The excellent temper of his Government is by a glance in Cornelius Tacitus touched to the life, Postquam divus Nerva res olim insociabiles miscuisset, imperium & libertatem. In vita Agri­colae. Dion writeth of him, that he was so good a Prince, that he once uttered this speech, Nihil se fecisse quo minus possit deposito im­perio privatus tuto vivere, He remembreth not to have done any thing why he should not live securely, and without fear of any body, although he gave over the Em­pire. His symbole was, Mens bona regnum possidet. He discharged the City of the new impositions which Vespasian and Do­mitian had laid upon them, and comman­ded that goods unjustly taken should be restored to the owners.

He was very eloquent, and a good Poet, as Martial testifies of him, ‘Quanta quies placidi, tanta est facundia Nervae.’

See Martial's Epigram of him, lib. 11. epig. 6.

Herodes Atticus found a great treasure in his house, but fearing calumnies, he wrote to Nerva, and discovered it. He wrote back again; Vtere, use it. But he being not so secure, wrote again; At e­nim thesaurus privati hominis conditionem [Page 142] superat, But the treasure exceeds the condi­tion of a private man: Nerva again nobly replied, Ergo abutere. Lips. in Plin. Paneg.

On a reverse of Nerva is found a team of horses let loose, with this inscription, Vehiculatione per Italiam remissa; where­by we learn (which no Historian remem­bers) that the Roman Emperors com­manded all the carriages of the Country; that Nerva remitted that burden; and that the grievance was so heavy, that coins were stamped in remembrance of this Emperors goodness that eased them of it. See the coins in L. Hulsius, and Speed's Chronicle.

Sextus Aurel. Victor writeth thus; Quid Nerva prudentius aut moderatius? quid Tra­jano divinius? Quid praestantius Hadriano?

Having reigned only one year, four months and nine daies, he dyed of a passionate anger conceived against a Se­nator, in the year of Christ his Incarna­tion ninety nine, Dion Cassius. the twenty seventh day of January, and seventy sixth of his own age.

UNto Nerva succeeded Vlpi­us Trajanus into the Ro­man Empire, Speed Chron. Trajanus Tu­dernino Hi­spaniae oppido oriundus est, in quo nihil praeter unum Trajanum est quod commen­demus. Opes nec exiguae, supra priva­tum modum evectae. Cor­pore valido, & forma quae digna imperio vi­debatur, erat. in the 42. year of his age, who was born near unto Sevil in the Territories of Spain, of a Noble Family, but was much more ennobled in himself for his Princely en­dowments; which moved Nerva in his life time to adopt him into so high a cal­ling, and the whole Senate after his death joyfully to confirm his Election, and so often to honour him with the ti­tle of the most excellent Prince in publick Dedications. He raised the Roman Em­pire unto the very highest pitch of glory, Boxhorn. orat. de vita & moribus Trajani. and spread the power of their command [Page 144] into the largest circuit that ever before or since hath been possessed.

Dr. Heylin in his Cosmography in Tar­taria, saith Cremam or Crim, the ancient feat of the Chams, or Princes of the Tar­tars, was held impregnable. But Florus saith, it was taken by some of the Roman Emperors, and so most likely to be Tra­jan; the first that ever extended the Ro­man Empire beyond Danubius and the Euxine.

Caput non dia­dema sed galea ornabat; & qua manu scep­trum domi, ea­dem gladium bello tenebat.He subdued Dacia, made subject Arme­nia, Parthia and Mesopotomia, conquered Assyria, Persia, and Babylon; passed Tigris, and stretched the confines of the Roman Empire unto the remotest Dominions of the Indies, which never before that time had heard of the Roman name. Boxhorn. For his person, Praesens ade­rat non specta­tor tantum, sed & inter pri­mos bellato­rum; ut vir­tuti consiliis (que) ejus omnia de­berentur. he was not very learned, yet he was a great admirer of, and Benefactor to Learning; a Founder of famous Libra­ries, a perpetual advancer of Learned men to Office, Eruditissi­mos, quamvis ipse parcae esset scientiae, mo­derateque elo­quens, dilige­bat. Aurel. Vict. and a familiar Conver­ser with learned Professors. Quem honorem dicendi Magistris? quam dignationem sapi­entiae doctoribus babes? ut sub te spiritum, & sanguinem, & patriam receperint studia, quae priorum temporum immanitas exiliis pu­niebat. Plin. Secund. Paneg.

Of stature he was big, of complexion swarthy, thin of hair both head and beard, he had a hooked nose, broad shoulders, long hands and a pleasant eye. Plutarch was his Master.

[Page 145]He stirred up the third persecution, wherein Ignatius, and Simon the Son of Cleophas, and many other worthy saints of God received the Crown of Martyr­dom, in such cruel manner, as that his other vertues are much clouded by that Taxation; for mollification whereof, Eusebius. Eccles. Hist. l. 3. c. 30. he was entreated by Plinius Secundus, whose Epistles to that purpose are yet extant, viz. the 97. of his tenth Book, where he hath this passage to Trajan concerning them; Affirmabant hanc fuisse summam vel culpae suae, vel erroris, quod essent soliti stato die ante lucem convenire, carmenque Christo quasi Deo dicere secum invicem; seque Sacra­mento non in Scelus aliquid obstringere, sed ne furta, ne latrocinia, ne adulteria com­mitterent, ne fidem fallerent, ne depositum appellati abnegarent, &c. to which Letter Trajan thus replyeth, Conquirendi non sunt; si deferantur & arguantur, puniendi sunt.

Whereupon Tertullian in his Apology hath this passage, O Sententiam necessitate confusam! negat inquirendos ut innocentes, & mandat puniendos ut nocentes. Parcit & saevit; dissimulat & animadvertit. Quid te­ipsum censura circumvenis? Si damnas cur non & inquiris? si non inquiris, Nemo supplici vultu, sed laeti & alacres non tam prin­cipem quam patrem agnos­cebant. Box­horn. Orat. cur non & absolvis?

He was affable and familiar even with his inferiors; of such carriage toward his subjects, as he himself would wish (he said) his Prince to use towards him, if he [Page 146] had been a subject. Aequus, clemens, pati­entissimus, atque in amicos perfidelis, saith Aurelius Victor of him. Accipe gladi­um quem pro me, si recte impero, sin minus, contra me distringe. He was a great ob­server of Justice, insomuch that when he invested any Pretor, he commanded him to use the same even against his own per­son, if he violated Law or equity.

He erected many famous buildings, and upon whatsoever he builded or re­paired, would set up a glorious superscrip­tion in honour of himself; whence Con­stantine the Great called him Herbam Pa­rietariam, the Wall-flower, because his name was upon so many walls. Alexander Severus is rather to be commended, who caused that precept of the Gospel to be engraved on the frontispiece of his Pa­lace, Quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne fe­ceris.

Dion reporteth this Apophthegm of him, Nullum se unquam virum bonum male habiturum, nedum occisurum. Dies ille triplici gaudio laetus (saith Pliny in a Panegyrick to him) qui principem abstulit pessimum, de­dit optimum, meliorem optimo genuit.

In solo Plinio Trajanum habemus, in Tra­jano imaginem omnium magnarum virtutum. Qui ea libertate omnia scripsit, qua Trajanus fecit; adeo ut incomparabili principe opus dignissimum sit & ipsum incomparabile. Box­horn. Orat.

Rara temporum foelicitas, ubi sentire quae velis, L. 1. Hist. & quae sentias dicere licet, saith Ta­citus of his reign: a man so exceedingly [Page 147] wel-beloved of the Senate, & of the people of Rome, that after his daies, whensoever a new Emperor was elected, they wished unto him the good success of Augustus, and the uprightness of Trajan.

He died by a flux the seventh day of August, after he had reigned 19 years, Carion Chron. six months and 15 daies, and of his age 64.

It was his word, Non mi­hi sed populo, signifying that which he was often heard to say; Ita se rem­publicam ge­sturum, ut sci­ret rem populi esse, non suam, AFTER the death of Tra­jan, his Nephew Aelius A­drianus by the consent of the Army, who swore to him obedience, was pro­claimed Emperor; the Se­nate▪ likewise confirmed their choice, as being a man endued with gifts both of Art and Nature, answerable to the fortunes of his estate. His birth was of Spain, in the City Italica, near unto Sevil where Trajan was born; his Father Noble, Hic Graecis li­teris impensius eruditus, à ple­ris (que) Graeculus appellatus est. Aurel. Vict. and his Mother in Cales descended of an honourable stock. Bochartus De Phaenicum coloniis l. 1. c. 25. saith, that A­drian being a private man learned in [Page 149] Castalia, that he should be Emperor, by a prophesie written in a Laurel leaf which he cast into that fountain. Res est sine ex­emplo (saith Bochart) quaeque illum ita per­cussit, ut postquam ad imperium evectus est, fontem obstruxerit ingenti mole saxorum, ne quis ad capessendam Rempublicam eadem ra­tione impelleretur. He was a great Mathe­matician, skilful in Arithmetick, Geome­try, and judicial Astrology, learned in the Greek and Latine Tongues, well seen in Physick, and knew the vertues of Herbs, Roots, Stones; a singular Musitian both for Theory and Practise, and could both limn and carve with approbation of the skilful; He said right­ly, Testibus, non testimoniis credendum. but above all is the admirable re­port of his m [...]mory, who never (they say) forgot any thing that he had either read or heard.

If he discovered any man to have the like skill with him in all sciences (in the which he very much excelled) by whom there might be danger lest he were over­come, through envy and too greedy a de­sire of singularity, he caused him to be killed. Among the which was Apollodorus the Architect, a man beyond comparison excellent in that Art; for that the Empe­ror having sent unto him the plat-form of a great work which he had contrived, he by his efficacious reasons had proved, that in some place it was to be corrected. Cuffe of Affectation. He quotes Dion and Bapt. Fulg. l. 8.

[Page 150] Curiositatum omnium explo­rator. Tertul. Apol. He was the most curious man that lived, & the most universal enquirer, in so much as it was noted for an error in his mind, that he desired to comprehend all, Sir Francis Bacon Ad­vanc. of Learn. and not reserve himself for the worthiest things; but it pleased God to use the curiosity of this Emperor as an induce­ment to the peace of the Church in those dayes: for having Christ in veneration, not as a God or Saviour, but as a wonder or novelty; and having his picture in his Gallery matched with Apollonius (with whom in his vain imgination he thought he had some conformity) yet it served the turn to allay the bitter hatred of those times against the Christian name, so as the Church had peace during his time.

He was a great favourer of learned men. In Adriani Principis aulam non viri tantum militares, sed innumerabiles Philosophorum greges, tanquam in Lycaeum aut veterem A­cademiam magnis de rebus disputaturi con­fluebant. Alphonsus Garcias Matamorus in narat. Apologet. de Acad. & viris literatis. t. 2. Piccartus Observat. Historico-polit. Dec. 17. c. 5. instanceth in K. Alphonsus and others, who delighted in the society of learned men.

He was minded (as Lampridius writeth) to have built a Temple to the service of Christ, had not some disswaded him there­from.

He was of Personage tall and very strong, of a good complexion, and amiable [Page 151] countenance, wearing the hair of his head and beard long.

To shew that he counted hatred retained a base and unprincely disposition, as soon as he came to the Empire, he laid aside all his former enmities; Insomuch as that meeting with one who had been his capital enemy, he said unto him, Evasisti, Thou art now escaped from my displeasure. Spartianus in Adriano. videsis Casaubonum.

Valesius in his Annotat. in Cap. 18. Orat. Constantini Imp. ad sanctorum Caetum. saith the verses of the Sybils were feigned by idle men, and published for the Sybils about the time of this Emperor Adrian. Certe (saith he) nemo antiquior Iustino eo­rum mentionem fecit. Nam si Sibylla (saith he still) tam clarè de Christo praedixerat, cur Paulus in suis epistolis, & cum ad Athenien­ses verba faceret, ejus testimonio non est usus, maximè cum Aratum alios Gentilium poetas ci­tare non dedignetur? Vide plura, ibid. Quid Pseudo sibyllina oracula, quae Christiani gentibus objiciebant, quum tamen è Christianorum officina prodiissent, in Gentium autem bibliothecis non reperirentur? Scal. in Opusc.

When a woman called to him passing by, saying, Audi me Caesar, Hear me Caesar, and he answered, Non est otium, I have no leasure, she cryed out, Noli ergo imperare, then cease to Some say this was spo­ken to Philip of Macedon. reign; at that speech he be­ing moved, staid and heard the Dion laudat Adrianum, qui in causis cogno­scendis fuerit & facillimus & diligentissi­mus, adeo ut u­ni causae cog­noscendae & dijudicandae saepe dies un­decim aut duo­decim tribu e­ret, nonnun­quam etiam noctes simul insumeret. woman. It was accounted discretion in him, that would not dispute his best with Adrian, [Page 152] sing himself, That it was reason to yeeld to him that commanded thirty legions.

Though he was famous for his industry, wit, memory, and fortunate successe, and could in his fatal sickness command others to be slain, yet death denyed subjection to him. His servant which undertook it fled, his adopted Son pretended piety, his own hand was prevented by attendants, his so­licited Physician slew himself that he might not slay the Emperor, who yet com­plained at his death, Many Physicians have slain the Emperor. Turba medico­rum Caesarem perdidit. He sported at death with these Verses:

When he had reigned in great honour and love the space of one and twenty years, five months and fifteen daies, and lived fifty two years, he dyed the eighth or tenth day of Iuly of a Dropsie, which malady so tormented him, that willingly he refused all sustenance, and languished away through faintnesse.

UNto Adrianus succeeded An­toninus Pius, Hunc ferè nullae vitiorum labes macula­vit. Aurelius Victor. Vixit ingenti honestate pri­vatus, majori in imperio; Pius propter clementiam dictus est. Eutropius. who was for his many vertues, or ra­ther piety toward the Gods, Sur-named Pius; for piety (to speak pro­perly) is the true worship of God, as Austin shews in his 10. book de Civit. Dei c. 1. But he was not truly pious, because he knew not the true God.

He was compared for his peace and po­licy unto Numa Pompilius, the second King of Rome. His birth was in Lombar­dy, the Son of Aurelius Fulvius. He was a Prince excellently learned, and had the [Page 154] patient and subtile wit of a School-man, insomuch as in common speech (which leaves no vertue untaxed) he was called Cymini-Sector, a carver or divider of Cumin Seed, which is one of the least seeds; such a patience he had, and set­tled spirit to enter into the least and most exact differences of causes: he likewise approached a degree nearer unto Christi­anity, and became as Agrippa said to Paul, half a Christian; holding their religion and law in good opinion, and not only staying persecution, but giving way to the advancement of Christians. In his time Iustin Martyr wrote notable books of Apologie for the Christians, His Symbole was, Melius servare unum quaem occide­re mille. which were preserved and read in the Senate of Rome, and mollified the Emperors mind towards them. He was favourable to all sorts of men, having that Apophthegm of Scipio Africanus rife in his mouth, Scipio Africa­nus was wont to say, Malle se unum civem servare quam mille hostes occidere. that ‘He had rather save one subjects life than kill a thousand enemies.’

He was of stature tall, of a seemly pre­sence, in countenance majestical, in man­ners mild, of a singular wit, very learned and eloquent, Solus omnium principum sine civili sangui­ne fuit. a great lover of Husban­dry, peaceable, merciful and bounteous; he neither in his youth did any thing rashly, nor in his age any thing neg­ligently. Carion. In time of a great famine which was in Rome, he provided for their wants, and maintained the people with bread and wine, the most of the time the famine [Page 155] lasted; making victuals to be brought from all parts, and paying for the same at his own cost.

Having reigned twenty and two years, 23 Saith Carion. seven months and twenty six daies, he dyed of a Fever at Porium the seventh of March, 70 Carion. the year of his life 75. and of Christ 162.

His death was generally lamented, and the Romans did him great honour, and made sacrifices to him, Canonizing him for a God, and building a Temple also to him.

This was the first time wherein the Roman Em­pire was go­verned by two Augusti; Do­mitian was Titus his Asso­ciate, yet was he not called or accounted Augustus un­til the death of his Brother Titus: but now two Emperors reigned at one and the self-same time. THere succeeded Antoninus the Divi fratres, the two adoptive Brethren, Lucius Aelius Verus, Son to Aelius Verus, (who delighted much in the softer kind of learning, and was wont to call the Poet Martial his Virgil) and Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, whereof the latter who obscu­red his Collegue, and survived him long, was named the Philosopher, who as he excelled all the rest in learning, so he ex­celled them likewise in perfection of all [Page 157] royal vertues. Betwixt their natures and conditions was as much odds as between day and night; the one very moderate, loving and industrious; the other proud, careless, and cruel; the fruits whereof the poor Christians felt, whose chiefest Pillars, Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna, and Iustin Martyr an excellent Philosopher, with more were put to most cruel deaths.

Yet Heraldus on Tertullian, saith, they published no Laws nor Edicts against the Christians, but the Governors and Ma­gistrates of many Provinces were cruel towards them, without any new com­mand or Edict.

After his death the whole Government returned to Antoninus Philosophus only, Vir quem mi­rari facilius quis quam lau­dare possit; à principio vitae tranquillissi­mus, adeo ut in infantia quoque vultum nec ex gaudio nec ex maerore mutaret. whose Symbol was, Regni Clementia cu­stos.

He wrote twelve books of his own af­fairs, on which both Mr. Gataker hath commented in Latine, and Dr. Merick Casaubon both in Latine and English.

He was sur-named The Philosopher, not only for his knowledge, but also practice of Philosophy; Eutropius. Studium Philosophiae con­stans, & indefessum nomen illi celeberrimum conciliavit. Gatak. Annotat. in lib. 1. Ant. He had often in his mouth that speech of Pla­to, Tune florent respublicae, quando vel Phi­losophus regit, vel Rex Philosophatur. Yet some say, that this inscription (of Philoso­pher) attributed to him, was not genuine. The Grecians call him only Marcus, or [Page 158] Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, without the ad­dition of Philosopher. Notae P. Voet. in Marci & Commodi Imperatorum vitam. This good Emperor possessed the Seat of Majesty 19 years and 11 daies, wherein he alwaies approved himself in wit excellent, in life vertuous, very learned and eloquent, full of clemency, justice and temperance; Tantum Mar­co sapientiae, innocentiae, ac literarum fuit, ut is Marco­mannos, cum filio Commodo quem Caesarem suffecerat, petiturus, Philosophorum obtestantium vi circumfunderetur; ne se expeditioni aut pugnae prius committeret, quàm sectarum ardua & occulta explanavisset. Aurel. Vict. no­thing inferior to most of all the worthiest Emperors before him, nor matchable in qualities by many of the Monarchs that followed him.

He would not believe that Avidius Cassius could ever have deposed him; and his reason was, The Gods had greater care of him, than to let Cassius wrong him unde­servedly. Vulc. Gallicanus in vita Avidii Cassii.

Iulian the Emperor in his Book entitu­led Caesares, being a Pasquil or Satyr to de­ride all his predecessors, feigned that they were all invited to a Banquet of the gods, and Silenus the Jester sate at the lower end of the Table, and bestowed a scoff on eve­ry one as they came in; but when Anto­ninus Philosophus entred, he was gravelled and out of countenance, not knowing where to carp at him, save at the last he gave a glance at his patience towards his wife.

[Page 159]When his Armies were even famished The Chri­stian Legion was after that time called Fulminatrix. Euseb. Eccles. Hist. l. 5. c. 5. though Vale­sius (in loc.) think it im­probable, that the whole Le­gion of the Roman Soldiers at that time was Christians, (which yet Eusebius seems to affirm) and he would have it rather called Legio Fulminea, than Fulminatrix. Tertullian in the fifth Chap­ter of his Apologie mentions it; upon which saith Heraldus in his Commentary. Testata historia, sed quam profani scriptores quum divinam potentiam non intelligerent, interpolarunt, ac tantum tam­que insigne Dei beneficium magicis incantationibus sacrilege tribu­erunt. Istud Cassius, Arnuphis Aegyptii, vel Iuliani, ut apud Suidam alius nescio quis, magicis procurationibus, Marci ipsius precibus Capitolinus, moribus pietatique Claudianus, Christiano nomini iniquiores adscribant. Gatak. Annotat. in Lib. 1. Antonini Imperatoris. His Wife Faustina (by whose means partly he ob­tained the Empire) was a Princess, but a lewd and wanton wo­man; one counselled him to put her away, but he answered, Si uxorem dimittimus, reddamus & dotem; chusing rather to have his house defiled, than little. for want of Water, the Christians by their prayers procured rain from Heaven to their great refreshing, and the Barba­rians were dashed with thunder and fire; whereupon he mitigated the rage against Christs Professors, and in his time the Church for the most part was in peace. He dyed the seventh day of March, in the year of our Lord 181. and of his own age fifty nine.

HIS name agreed not with his disposition, he being called Commodus, who (was according to l. 7. c. 16. Semper incom­modus saith Vopisous in vi­ta Taciti Im­peratoris. c. 6. Pau­lus Orosius) cunctis incom­modus.

Dion writeth yet, that he was not naturally malicious, but as inno­cent as any; only his too great simplicity and timorousness inslaved him to them he conversed with: through whose seduction he became debauched and cruel.

Concerning his birth there passeth this story or fiction; His mother Annia Valeria Faustina (daughter of Antoninus Pius, and wife of Antoninus Philosophus) when she saw certain Gladiators or sword-players going [Page 161] to fight, was monstrously inflamed with the love of one of them: upon whom she doted so extreamly, that her affection was almost grown to phrensy, languishing wherewith, she confessed her love-mad­ness to her husband. See Iuvenal of Hippia Sat. 6. from verse 82. to the 114. He perceiving her distemper to increase, consulted with the Chaldeans or Sooth-sayers, what was best to be done in so desperate a case, for the saving of his wife's life, and the quenching of her unchast desires. They after long consideration determined, that there was left for her but one only remedy, as strange as the disease; viz. to cause the said Gladiator to be murdered secretly that she might not know of it, and that the next night her husband intended to lye with her, a cup full of his luke-warm blood changed into the likeness of water should be given her to drink, ut sese Nescio quis primus subla­varet hoc loco reposuit pro eo quod vetus e­ditio & scrip­ti codices ha­bebant, suble­varet. Quam veram esse scripturam quovis pignore contendere sum paratus. Non dicit autem quomodo sublevaret se Faustina sanguine illius gladiatoris occisi. Quod de industria tacuit hic auctor, & modestis verbis mollivit horrendum medicationis genus. Non dubium certè est. pro remedio sanguinem illum ebibisse Faustinam, atque ita se sublevasse. Nam sublevare, subvenire, succurrere, juvare, verba sunt medelarum & medicamentorum propria apud illos qui de experimentis scripserunt. Salmasius in Historiam Augustam. p. 91. Sunt qui scri­bant, gladiatoris hujus quem Faustina deperibat, sanguinem, in aquae speciem mutatum, illi infaustae fuisse propinatum; cui reifingendae vi­detur vox ista sublevaret ansam praebuisse. Hoc tamen commentum se­cutus est ille suaviludius qui inscriptionem eam composuit quae a Faustina posita fingitur, amore isto liberata. Casaubonus in hunc Capitolini locum. Palatinus adhaeret vulgatis, sublevaret, quod tamen minus quadrat, saith Gruter on the place. sub­levaret: which was performed according­ly, and she cured of her disease, but with [Page 162] this bad successe; for that night, as it is said, she was delivered of Commodus, who in qualities resembled that Gladiator upon this occasion, as some reported: which they ascribed to the power of her imagina­tion, but others esteemed him a Bastard. Capitolinus in Marco Antonino. c. 17.

The conjecture that Commodus was born in adultery, is confirmed by the Extant tamen nummi multi in ejus hono­rem cusi, cum hac i [...]scripti­one, PUDICI­TIA. Casau­bonus in Hist. Aug. behavior of Faustina his mother at Cajeta, where she was wont want only to gaze on naked gladiators and mariners. Capitoli­nus ibid. Aurelius Victor.

When his mother was with child with him and his twin-brother Antoninus (who dyed when 4 months old) she dreamed that she brought forth two Serpents, one whereof, viz. Commodus, as the event pro­ved, exceeded in fierceness. Lampridius in Commodo. c. 1.

Tiberius presaged of Caligula, that he would prove a very poysonous Serpent to the people of Rome, and a Phaethon to the whole earth; and so he did, shewing himself not only an enemy to vertue, but also to all that savoured of it. Suetonius in Caligula. c. 11.

Commodus was more noble by descent than any of the former Emperors, and the most Fuit revera Commodus forma corporis justa, ut Lam­pridius; sed ingenio mori­busque pla­nè distortissi­mis. Gatake­rus in Antoni­num. p. 45.beautiful person of his time. He­rodianus. l. 1. c. ult.

He hath a place in Adrianus Barlandus his book among the Litterati urbis Romae Principes.

[Page 163] Iulius Pollux dedicateth his Onomasticon to him.

Valesius in Excerpta Peiresci thinks Soli­nus, Author of the Polyhistor, to be his contemporary, and that he was the Iulius Solon who being made Senator with other bankrupts, was said by way of reproach to he banisht into the Senate.

He was so excellent a marks-man, that he would hit with an arrow or dart what­soever he [...]. aimed at, exceeding the most expert Parthian Archers, and Numidian Darters which he had about him. Herodi­anus l. 1. c. 15. editionis Boeclerianae.

He darted at wild beasts so dexterously, that he never threw the second time, nor gave them any wound but was mortal. Id. ibid. Nulli certior fuit manus & majore dexte­ritate praedita: nisi quam his in rebus nactus erat felicita­tem, studiis foedissimis con­taminasset.

His skill is the more remarkable, he be­ing left handed, as Dio writeth; who saith, he boasted thereof.

Once he shot forked arrows at Moresco Estriches, which were wonderful swift of foot, using their wings as sails in running. These he did hit so full in the neck, that though their heads were struck off with the furiousness of the blow, yet they ran awhile headless, Gladiator & luctator eximi­us, Iaculator certissimus. as if they had not been hurt. Herodianus ubi supra. Herodianus fine lib. 1. in­terprete Ste­phano.

[ Fromondus writeth of an Eagle, whose head being chopt off by an angry Clown, Dietericus in Breviario hi­storico. for quarreling with his dog, the Body flew [Page 164] over the barn near the place of this rude execution. This was done at Fromond his Fathers house; nor is the story improba­ble, if we consider what ordinarily hap­pens in Pigeons and Ducks, when their heads are cut off. He mentions also a Malefactor beheaded at Antwerp, whose head, when it had given some few jumps into the crowd, and a Dog fell a licking the blood, caught the Dogs ear in its teeth, and held it so fast, that he being frighted ran away with the mans head hanging at his ear, to the great astonishment and confusion of the people. This was told Fromondus by an ey-witnesse of the fact. Dr. More of the Immortality of the Soul. lib. 3. c. 14.]

Another time a Panther having fastned upon a man, (who was brought into the lists) so that all thought she would instant­ly tear him in pieces; Commodus darted at her so happily, that he killed the beast & saved the man, preventing the [...]. Herodia­nus, l. 1. c. 15. impres­sion of her teeth with the point of his dart.

[ Alcon seeing his son Phalerus (one of the Argonauts) sleeping on the grasse, and a Serpent creeping on his breast, slew the Serpent, and saved his son.

[Page 165]Sidonius Apollinaris in paneg. Majori­ani, videsis Servium in sextam Virgilii Ec­logam.]

Commodus slew also 100 Lions with so many darts; Dio saith Bears. their bodies falling in such order, that they might easily be num­bred (not one dart miscarrying.) Hero­dianus ubi supra.

[ Celeberrimum illud est, Commodum Cae­sarem in solicitudinibus & aestuationibus the­atricorum certaminum, quando ex superiore loco ursos jaculis impetebat: quod refert Di­on, ingens poculum dulcis vini solitum hau­rire [...]. In quo a spectantibus id in con­viviis frequens, succlamatum fuerit, [...], id est Vivas: sed amphibolice pronunciatum Grammatici contendunt, perinde ac dicatur; Compleas vivendi modum, id est, Morere. Rhodiginus Antiqu. Lectionum. l. 7. c. 26.]

He used to retain with him the children of them whom he sent to be Lieutenants of Provinces, as pledges of their Allegi­ance and fidelity. Herodianus l. 3. c. 2.

Commodus Imperii pa­terni, non & instituti haeres. Gatakerus in Ant. p. 4. resembled his Father in nothing, but that he also in person fought fortunately against the Germans. Eu­tropius l. 8.

He exceeded in lust, covetousness, and cruelty; was faithful to none: and most fierce against those whom he had before advanced to the greatest honours, and en­riched with most vast rewards. Sextus Au­relius Victor in his Epitome.

[Page 166]He and Heliogabalus conferred all the dignities of the Empire upon men for lust and licentiousness most like unto them­selves. Patris virtu­tes spurcissimis vitiis expunx­it, adeo diffici­lius est, filium probum gigne­re, quam eli­gere; felici­bus ab usque Trajano adop­tionibus, infe­licissima in Marco sobole. Bussieres in Flosculis Hist. Walsinghams Manual.

Commodus was so monstrously debauch­ed, that very often he encountred the Gladiators at their own weapons in the Amphitheatre. Victor's Epitome.

Gladiatoribus convixit, & gladiatorem se perfectum exhibuit: secutoribus cumprimis tam impense favens, ut (Dione auctore) eo­rum armatura uteretur. Gatakerus in An­toninum [...] p. 4.

He was the first Emperor that had been hitherto born in the time of his Fathers Empire. Dr. Heylin's Geography.

He was the first Roman Emperor who through covetousness sold offices for mo­ney; Vespasian had done it before him, but through necessity, finding the com­mon-wealth in debt, and the treasure exhausted. Mariana and Turquet's History of Spain translated by Grimston.

He killed some though innocent, in­stead of others who were guilty, and did let offenders escape for money. Lampri­dius in Commodo. cap. 14.

If any one had an enemy of whom he would be revenged, he needed but to bargain with Commodus for a sum of mo­ney to kill him. Id. Ibid.

He pretended that he would go into A­frick, that he might raise money for that feigned journey, which when he had ga­thered, [Page 167] he spent in banqueting and ga­ming. Id. ib.

He was so careless in serious matters that he wrote nothing more than Vale in many of his letters; and so serious in things of light or ill concernment, that he caused to be registred how often he fre­quented the fence-school, with all his cruelties and impurities. Id. ibid. c. 13 compared with the 11. and 15.

He encountred the Gladiators 735 times, saith Lampridius in his life, cap. 11. and 12. the same Author writeth that 365 of those fights were in his Fathers reign. On which place Casaubon observeth, Est digna res maxima admiratione, hanc filii sui insaniam tantum virum inhibere non potuisse.

He employed not himself in any thing which In his arti­fex, quae stati­onis imperato­riae non erant. Lampridius. cap. 1. became an Emperor; making glasses, dancing, singing, piping, playing the Buffoon and fencer: bathing seven or eight times in the day, eating in the Bath, drinking in the Theatre in womans habit; Homo furio­sus putabat magnum fa­cere, cum suos convivas ab esu ciborum quibus ipse delectaretur hac spurcitie averteret. Ca­saubonus. mingling human excrements with the daintiest fare, tasting them him­self, thinking so to mock others. Id. Ibid.

He kept 300 Concubines, and so many Boyes which he used as women; whereof Saoterus was chief: like Commod. Im­perator, qui natus est eo die quo Caligula; tanquam eundem haberet horoscopum, & ipse sorores constupravit, concubinas (que) suas sub oculis suis constuprari ab amicis jubebat. Beroald. in Suet. Caligulam habuit velut exemplar quod imitaretur. Id. Ibid. Ca­ligula commanded women to be ravished [Page 168] in his sight, committed incest as he did with all his Sisters; and exceeded him (saith Tristan) in polluting the Temples with whoredom and human blood.

We read not of any Emperors which were more cruel, than those who were most fearful and effeminate; as Tiberius, Caligula, Nero, Commodus. B. Reynolds of the Passions. p. 152.

His natural incontinence was incre­dibly enflamed with divers sorts of oint­ments (used by him to preserve himself from the Pestilence, whilst it reigned throughout Italy) which were of so hot and subtile a quality, that they excited in him the unquenchable flames of extra­ordinary lasciviousness. Theodorus Me­tochita.

What names this beastly Monster, ra­ther than Emperor, gave to his atten­dants, I dare not mention, lest I should offend chast ears, and modest minds. Cam­den in his Remains.

He was so cruel, that when he was but twelve years old, because the bath in which he washed was a little too warm, he commanded that the heater of it should be cast into a hot furnace: but his Tutor Pitholaus who was put upon the employ­ment, burned a wethers skin instead of the man; ut fidem poenae de faetore nidoris impleret. Lampridius in Commodo. c. 1.

Dio lib. 71. reporteth that the Physi­tians poysoned his Father to gratify him.

[Page 169]He put to death his Wife Crispina, his eldest sister Lucilla soror Commodi, quae nupta fuerat Vero, post Veri mortem a Com­modo commode tractata. Cae­terum post­quam Commo­dus uxorem duxit, coacta cedere imperatoris uxori, adeo id aegrè tulit, ut adver­sus fratrem occultam seditionem moverit. Ea cum malè cessisset, in­gens Commodo in Senatum Romanum odium concitavit, ita ut inde Commodus nunquam bene commodarit urbi. Vnde Perennis occasionem nactus bona reorum piscandi, tantas congessit divitias, ut ad imperium occupandum aspirarit. Sed ut is oppressus, Cleander non minor ty­rannus successit. Quo caeso, deinde caedes promiscuè durarunt, donec per concubinam Marciam ac alios conjuratos Commodus strangulatus est. Glareanus in Eutropium. Lucilla, and Annia Faustina his Fathers Cousin German, with 24 of the eminentest Personages of the Roman Empire.

Interfecit quamplurimos senatores, maxi­mè quos animadvertit nobilitate industriaque excellere. P. Orosius l. 7. c. 16.

He commanded one to be cast to wild beasts, for reading the life of Caligula in Suetonius, because he had the same birth­day with Caligula. August 31. Lampridius in Com­mod. c. 10.

Some for deferring to kill their Anta­gonists, he commanded to be tyed toge­ther with them, and so to fight all at once: which being done, they strove each against other, and killed divers of the Spectators, who were forced by the narrowness of the place, and multitude to press too near. Xiphilinus in Commodo.

His very jests were cruel; seeing one have white hairs among black ones, he set on his head a starling, which thinking it picked worms, made festers. Lampridius in Commodo. c. 10.

[Page 170]He cut a fat man off at the middle of the belly, that he might see his entrals drop out suddenly. Id. ibid. c. 10.

He called them Monopodios vocando, qui­bus singulos pedes fregisset Commodus, per jocum adlude­bat ad gentis illius appella­tionem; qui­bus a natura finguli tantum pedes, atque inde [...] & [...] dice­bantur: nec mihi dubium est eo respexisse per jocum, cum illis ap­pellationibus luderet in re­bus tristissimi exempli sae­vissimus impe­rator. Salma­sius. Quos lus­cos fecisset jo­cose appella­bat Commodus Luscinios. Luscinii au­tem sunt Lus­ciniae; nam Luscinius & Luscinia dice­batur. Id. ibid. Monopodii and Luscinii whom he deprived of a foot or eye. Id. ib.

He made the Priests of Isis beat their breasts with Pine-apples to the mis­chieving of themselves; charged Bellona her worshippers to cut off their arm in earnest: and stained the service of Mithras with real homicide. Lampridius in Com­modo. c. 9.

He imitated Chirurgions in letting blood, and Barbers in trimming; under which pretence he cut off ears and noses: wherefore such was his jealousy of all men, that he was forced to be his own Barber.

Commodus once gathered together all the sick men and cripples in Rome, to whose knees tying somewhat like the feet of Dragons, (such as Poets feign the Giants have) he killed them with his club, ha­ving first given them spunges to throw at him instead of stones, with seeming op­position. Quia dicitur Hercules cum mon­stris & gigantibus pugnasse, & vicisse, voluit & novus hic Hercules Romanus gigantes oc­cidere. Vix credi possit tantus furor, nisi narraret qui praesens vidit omnia Dio. Ca­saubonus.

Having killed an Ostrich and cut off his head, he came where the Senators sate [Page 171] in the Theatre, and holding out the birds head in one hand, and a bloody sword in the other, said nothing: only nodded his head with a smiling countenance, to shew he would do as much for them. Which moving laughter, had occasioned the slaughter of many; had not Dio per­swaded those who sate near him, to champ bay leaves (which he took out of his Chaplet) as himself did, by the constant motion of his mouth, to conceal the in­dicium of laughter.

Under a shew of fencing he often slew his Antagonists, who encountred him on­ly with foils. Aurelius Victor.

Histories not only affirm that he played the Gladiator, but his statue in that fa­shion stark naked, with his drawn sword in his hand, is yet extant at Rome in the Farnesian Palace. See Sandys Travels l. 4.

He imitated Neronis insa­nia Commo­di turpitudini per omnes fla­gitii gradus [...] est, ideoque hic a nobis producta, egregium sc. par: princeps histrio & gladiator. Boeclerus in Herodianum. p. 380. Nero in driving of Cha­riots, and if Laetus had not deterred him, he would have burned Rome, as Nero did.

So exceeding great was the madness of this vile monster, that he sent a letter to the Senate with this style: Imperator Cae­sar Lucius, Aelius, Aurelius, Commodus, Antoninus, Augustus, Pius, Foelix, Sarma­ticus, Germanicus maximus, Peireskius misit ad Cot­tonum ectypos variorum nummorum, ac nominatim Commodi, ob inusitatam scripturam vocis Britannia, per duplex T T, & simplex N. Gassendus de vita Peireskii. lib. 2. Britannicus, [Page 172] pacator orbis terrarum, Invictus, Romanus Cum quo ja­culandi arte fe­ras (que) occidendi industria cer­tabat. Ferunt enim multas summa dexte­ritate necare, & uno quidem ictu solitum. Album item, quodcunque poneretur col­lineando feri­re consuevisse, & vulnera, plagasque le­thales dijudi­cavisse. Ant. Augustinus Dial. V. Antiq. Hercules, Pontifex Maximus, Tribunitiae potestatis, XVIII. Imperator, VIII. Con­sul, VII. Pater Patriae, &c. Xiphilinus in Commodo.

The former Emperors at pleasure some­times took some few names to themselves, sometimes bestowed them on others. In latter times, vertue decaying, ambition in titles encreased. Yet Iustinian accoun­ted as a sober Emperor, hath his style notwithstanding not much shorter. Imp. Caesar Flavius Justinianus, Alemannicus, Gothicus, Francicus, Germanicus, Anticus, Alanicus, Vandalicus, Africanus, Pius, Foe­lix, Inclytus victor, ac Triumphator semper Augustus. Sr. H. Savil on Tacitus's Histo­ry. p. 36.

He called Rome after his name, and all the months after his sur-names, viz.

January,

Amazonius.

February,

Invictus.

March,

Faelix.

April,

Pius.

May,

Lucius.

June,

Aelius.

July,

Aurelius.

August.

Commodus.

September,

Augustus.

October,

Herculeus.

November,

Romanus.

December,

Exuperatorius.

[Page 173]Which titles through madness he of­ten altered, except that of Amazonius, taken up out of love to Marcia his Con­cubine, whose picture he wore upon the outside of his garment; and of Exuperato­rius, because he would have been thought to excel all men: as appeareth by his be­ing sacrificed to as a God. Lampridius in Commodo. c. 11. & 9.

When his Favorite Perennis was dead, he repealed many things that were done by him; but persisted not above 30 dayes in his reformation, permitting Cleander to be more licencious than Perennis: He designing 25 Consuls for one year, w ^ch was never done before, nor since; and chang­ing the Pretorian Prefects daily and hour­ly: Martius Quartus holding the place only 5 dayes, Niger but 6 hours; and those whom Commodus himself made Pre­fects, lasted not 3 years. Lampridius in Commodo. c. 6. &. 15.

Yea to such dotage he was grown, [...]; Athenaeus lib. 12. c. 9. that he refused his fathers name, commanding himself, in stead of Commodus the son of Marcus, to be styl'd Hercules the son of Iu­piter; and accordingly he forsook the Ro­man and Imperial habit, thrusting him­self into a Lions skin, and carried a great club in his hand: and (which made him extremely ridiculous) he put on also pur­ple Amazonian robes embroydered with [Page 174] gold; expressing in one and the same garb austerity and effeminateness: this was his daily attire.

Camden writeth in his Britannia that a statue of Commodus was digged out of an hill in Richmond-shire, called Burgh, where the Romans had a garrison. Tunc posita haec statua videatur, saith he, cum ille im­modicus sui aestimator, eo vesaniae processerit, ut Herculem Romanum Iovis filium se dici jusserit. Est enim Herculis habitu efformata, & dextra clava armata, cui subest mutila, & lacunis interrupta inscriptio.

Fox in his Acts and Monuments saith, Commodus wore a Lions skin, that he might be counted King of men, as the Lion is of beasts.

He commanded many Statues of him­self to be erected throughout the City, and one before the Senate-house in form of an Archer ready to shoot; that his very Images might strike terror into the be­holders. Herodian. lib. 1. c. 14. Lampridius in Commodo. c. 9. Dio.

He was so mad that he purposed to for­sake his palace, and live in a fence-school; and now being weary of the name of Hercules, he assumed the name of a famous sword-player deceased.

On New-years day he determined in great solemnity to issue forth of a fence­school, from which Marcia, Laetus, and Electus disswaded him; but he incensed with them, commanded them to depart, [Page 175] and retiring into his bed-chamber, to re­pose himself at noon (as he was wont,) he wrote their names in a table-book, dooming them to death that night. De multis ju­gulandis cogi­tans, ipse jugu­latur ultimo die anni. Cappellus. Hav­ing done this, he laid his table-book on the pallet, not imagining that any would enter into his chamber. His darling Philo-Commodus being sport-ful while Commodus was bathing entred the bed-chamber (as he used) and taking the book to play with, as he came forth again was met by Marcia; who took the book from him, lest he might spoil some weighty matter. As soon as she perceived it was Commodus his own hand, she greatly de­sired to read it. But finding the deadly contents, she discovered to Electus and Lae­tus the danger they were in, who all re­solved to purchase their own security by Commodus his death, and concluded it most convenient to Et Commo­dum quidem primo occulta­tius veneno pe­tivere, anno regni tertio fe­rè atque deci­mo: cujus vis frustrata per cibum quo se casu repleve­rat; cum tan­dem alvi dolo­rem causare­tur, auctore medico princi­pe factionis in palaestram per­rexit. ibi per ministrum un­gendi, (nam fortè is quo (que) è consilio erat) faucibus quasi arte exerciti [...] bracchiorum nodo validius pressis, exspira­vit. Aurelius Vict. Schotti. dispatch him by poy­son; which Marcia having given to him, it cast him into a slumber, out of which awaking he vomited extremely: the con­spirators fearing fulness might expel the poyson, with great promises perswade Nar­cissus a bold young man to strangle him.

He lived 31 years 4 months, reigned 12 years, 9 months and 14 dayes. In him the Aelian together with the Aurelian fa­mily was extinguished, as the Iulian in Nero. Tristan.

How joyful his death was both to Se­nate and people, their assemblies in the [Page 176] Temples to give thanks for their delive­rance, and their execrations pronounced against him, at large reported by Lampri­dius, do manifest.

He was counted an enemy of mankind, both while he lived and after his death. Orosius, Eutropius.

The Christians escaped Quoniam le­ge veteri in Christianos confitentes ac perseverantes capitalis poena fuerat consti­tuta, M. Au­relius Prin­ceps [...], sed hac quidem in re paulo supersti­tiosior & legum observantior, legem omnino tollere noluit, sed eam quo potuit modo enervavit & frustratus est, capitali poena in accusatores constituta. Atque haec est causa praecipua, propter quam imperante Commodo & usque ad edictum Severi Ecclesia tanta pace ac tranquillitate usa est. Heraldus in Apologet. Tertul. p. 46.47. persecution from him by the mediation of Marcia ▪ who favoured their doctrine. Dio.

Of all Emperors until Constantine he was most favourable unto Christians, whatsoever he was otherwise. Montague's Acts and Monuments of the Church. c. 7. paragr. 115.

In respect of much persecution before, those times were called Halcyonia sub Com­modo Ecclesiae. Lloid's consent of time, p. 599.

Redintegrata adfulsit Imperante Commodo Britannis Lux Christiana. Seldeni Janus Anglor. lib. 1.

Anno a Christo Domino in salutem misso 183. Lucius primus Rex Christianus. Ete­nim [...] Eleutherius P P. & Com­modus Aug. Ex quo plane fallit Beda, & fal­litur in suo de hac re [...]. Idem in Chronologia ancillante ad finem Jani Angl. Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca Christo [Page 177] subdita, scripsit hisce temporibus Tertullia­nus. Vsserius in Indice Chronologico Brit. Eccl. Primordiis subjuncto. p. 1079.

Silenus (in Iulian the Apostate's Satyre against the Emperors his Predecessors) passeth by Commodus in silence, as not worth a jest; but taxeth his Father for leaving such a plague after him to the Roman Empire, knowing what a one his Son was: having a Son-in-law Pompeia­nus worthier to rule than this Phaethon, and who was able to give better advice to him, than he could give to himself.

From the time of this wicked Emperor Commodus, to Gordian who was the 28. Emperor, greater were the troubles of the Roman Empire than before. Dr. Ri­chard Reynolds the Physitian in his Chro­nicle of the Emperors, p. 161.

In his reign there died often on one day at Rome of the Pestilence, 2000. An innumerable company perished not only in the City, but also throughout all the Roman Empire almost, by infected nee­dles cast upon them by malicious per­sons; an evil that happened in Domi­tian his time: but the people of Rome thought no pest so grievous as Commodus, saith Dio.

From hence the Roman story proceeds from the golden age to that of iron; such a change there was of affairs under Com­modus. Xiphilinus in Marco Ant. Philos.

A Commodo in Constantinum Magnum, si [Page 178] unius & alterius principis tempora & merita excipimus, nihil aliud licet animad vertere, quam caedes assiduas principum, scelera atque prodigia tyrannidis, lanienas virorum il­lustrium, dedecora, vulnera, ruinas imperii; quas auspicato exortu Magnus ille Constan­tinus paulisper stitit ac sufflaminavit. Boecle­rus in Epistola dedicatoria, praefixa Hero­diano.

His Deputy in Britain, Vlpius Marcellus, was so vigilant that the Soldiers thought he never slept at night; and of such tem­perance, that he caused his bread to be brought to him into the Camp, from Rome, that for the staleness of it, he might eat no more than was needful. See Suidas in [...].

WAS so called either for his reluctance in accepting the Empire, or Quod longè verisimilius est, saith Boe­clerus in He­rodianum. rather for his pertinacious resolution in his youth to be a Wood-monger, as his father was, when he would have made him a Scholar.

Yet at last he was perswaded by his Fa­ther to apply himself to learning, He is reckon­ed by Barlan­dus among the learned Ro­man Empe­rors. in which he was such a proficient, that he succeeded his Master Sulpitius Apollinaris in the teaching of Grammer: but gaining little thereby, Xiphilinus in Commodo saith, he was skilful in Greek. he served in the Camp with such proof of his valour, that upon the death of Commodus he was chosen Em­peror. [Page 180] For the murther being done in the night, Laetus went in all hast to Pertinax, and saluted him with the unexpected name of Emperor; but he thought Laetus was sent from Commodus to kill him, till he was certified of Commodus his death, by one of his servants whom he sent to view his carkass.

So different was the opinion of all men concerning Pertinax and Commodus, that many hearing of Commodus his death, thought the report was raised by himself to try mens inclinations; wherefore many Governors of Provinces imprisoned those who related it, not because they would not have had the news to be true, but for that they thought it more dangerous to believe the death of Commodus, than not to come in to Pertinax, by whom e­very one was confident that they should be easily pardoned, whereas with Com­modus innocence gave no security. Ex­cerpta Peiresci. p. 728.

Iulian the Apostate in his Caesars feign­eth that Pertinax was admitted into the Banquet of the Gods, where he complain­ed of his Assasinates. Nemesis commisera­ting him, saith they shall have small joy thereof; yet charged him that he seemed to be conscious of Commodus his death, or at least to approve of it.

Pertinax was forced to accept the Em­pire by Laetus and Electus, when he was a­bove 60 years old; yet admitted not [Page 181] any symbol of sovereignty, and declined so envious a Title, till compelled by the Senate.

He chiefly refused the Empire, because he was to succeed a Tyrant, who by his disorders had so impoverisht the State, and rendred the Soldiers so loose, that he saw 'twas impossible to avoid a publick odium, by the use of a necessary remedy. Tristan.

He would not let his Wife receive the title of Empress, Sufficere in­quit, debet, quod ego ipse invitus reg­navi, quum non mererer. nor his son be called Caesar, as the Senate had decreed, lest he should be corrupted, but deferred it till he might deserve it; not admitting him being a youth into the Court, Iornandes. but causing him to lead a private life.

He permitted not his Name to be stam­ped on the peculiar goods of the Empe­rors, saying, ‘That the propriety there­of belonged to the State in general.’ Herodian. l. 2. c. 4.

He enacted that all the wast ground in Italy and other Countries (though of the Princes demesn) should be improved and freely given to them who would manur [...] it: to which purpose, he granted to hus­bandmen 10 years immunity from all taxes, and security from all further trou­ble during his reign. Herodian.

He banished informers, preserved the commoners from the injury of Soldiers, and released all Imposts exacted by Ty­rants. Id.

[Page 182]He never could be induced to revenge an injury. S. A. Victoris Epitome.

He was too negligent of his Wife Flavia Titiana's chastity, who openly loved a In matrona­rum, etiam principum, a­moribus, pri­mas semper fe­runt partes citharaedi; a­deo per aures ad animum blandè influit vox duplex, o­ris fidiumque: capiunturque praterea oculi gesticulatione illa manuum irrequietarum. Gruterus. Fidler; he in the mean time being as ardently and infamously enamoured on his Concubine Cornificia. Capitolinus. c. 13.

He was called [...], a giver of good words, because he was rather a fawning than a kind Prince; promising well but performing ill.

Such was his Capitolinus negligentius dicam an sini­sterius inter­dum de mori­bus ejus judi­cat. Boeclerus in Herodia­num. p. 395. niggardliness, that he would set before his guests a Sallad of Lettuce divided into two parts; and ex­cept something were sent him, he would appoint nine pound weight of flesh unto three messes; and if any other dish hap­pened to be presented to him, he caused it to be set up until the next day. Gruterus. He would send to his friends two morsels of meat, or part of a tripe, and for exceedings a leg or wing of a hen. Capitolinus in Per­tinace. c. 12.

Tristan paralleleth him with Vespasian.

His strict discipline and short donatives displeased the Soldiers, who conspired against him, and elected Falco Emperor, whom the Senate sentenced, but Pertinax cryed out, ‘God forbid, that during my reign any Senator be put to death, though deservedly.’ Xiphiline.

Laetus pretending to punish this sedition, caused the death of divers Soldiers, that the rest might mutiny, which they did, [Page 183] two hundred entring the Palace with drawn swords, whom Pertinax was advi­sed to fly from: but he indiscreetly re­jecting that good councel, met them, thinking with his Majesty to make them afraid and leave off their enterprise, which fell out accordingly; for immediately they all retreated, except one Tausius a Tungrian, who Ter Consul, Commodi insi­diis eripitur, ac diademate donatur, sed funesto, ut quo non totos tres menses potitus sit. Jac. Cap­pellus in cent. Eccles. Hist. p. 46. ran him into the breast, saying, Hunc tibi gladium milites mittunt.

Dio censureth him thus, Non norat ho­mo multarum rerum peritus, multa simul tuto corrigi non posse: sed si quid aliud in rebus humanis, tum imprimis reipublicae consti­tutionem & tempus & sapientiam requirere.

He having endured all manner of la­bours, and being bandied from one ex­treme to another, P. Helvius Pertinax, ite­rum Consul, & adhuc pri­vatus appella­tur, Inscript. IV. p. 56. è qua simul convellitur id, quod aiunt, Pertinacem fuisse dictum, quod imperium Pertinaciter recusasset. was called the 'Tennis­bal of fortune.

Pertinax, quamvis plerunque virtus mili­taris in agrestem feritatem, pacis industria in pusillanimitatem excedit, utra (que) laude prae­stabat, gravis bello, pace prudens. Et auda­ciam quidem cum virtute, adversus exteros & seditiosos: aequitatem vero cum justitia, erga populares & modestos adhibebat. Cum­que provectus esset ad imperium orbis, non ita se imparem tali fastigio passus est depre­hendi, ut modo humiliorem justo, modo insolen­tiorem se praeberet, Christ. Ad. Ruperti Ob­servat. in mi­norem Besol­di Synopsin. p. 334. sed per omnia ab initio usque ad finem aequabili tenore usus, gravis fuit sine tristitia, comis sine humilitate, pru­dens sine calliditate, justus sine acerbitate, [Page 184] frugalis sine sorditie, magnanimus sine arro­gantia. Excerpta Peiresci.

He lived 67 years lacking 4 months and 3 daies, and reigned 87 daies, saith Dio. lib. 73.

Hujusdem dignissima illa vox est, quae au­reis literis scribatur in omnibus curiis ac pala­tiis: ‘Satius est inopem rempub. obtinere, quam ad divitiarum cumulum per discrimi­num atque dedecorum vestigia pervenire.’ Christoph. Ad. Rupertus in Besoldi synop. min. p. 335.

His greatest fault was his ill husbandry; for as trees in their first growth are de­fended by bryars, which afterwards un­cut up, overthrow the flourishing of the tree: so an unlawful elected Prince sel­dome escapes pulling down, by those that set him up; for covetousness being the cause of their combination, nothing can serve their unsatiable desires, nor be thought a sufficient recompence. Sir W. Cornwallis the younger in his Encomium of Iulian the Apostate.

Pertinacis Principatus solo tempore minor est optimi cujusque Principis regimine, saith Boeclerus in his dedicatory Epistle prefixed to Herodian; adding, Id quod etiam de Maximo & Balbino potest affirmari.

Being dead, it was decreed he should be called Divus; in whose praise with in­geminated shouts, till they were hoarse again, the people cryed out: Pertinace imperante securi viximus: neminem timui­mus. [Page 185] Patri pio, Patri Senatus, Patri omni­um bonorum. Victor's Epitome.

Mirè nugan­tur Georgius Monachus & Cedrenus, qui Didium [...] nuncupatum scribunt, quod magna pecu­niae vi imperi­um esset merca­tus. Christop. Adami Ru­perti Observat. in mi norem Synopsin Be­soldi, p. 337. SOLDIERS proclaiming the sale of the Empire, Iu­lian's wife and his daugh­ters, with some Parasites, urged him to accept of the proffer, since he could exceed any in largesses. Herodian. l. 2. c. 6.

Sulpitian Father-in-law to Pertinax offered each Soldier 200 Crowns, but Iulian out-bidding him, and promising more than they demanded or expe­cted, obtained the Empire of them; who feared lest Sulpitian might revenge Perti­nax his death, as his Competitor suggested to them. Xiphiline.

[Page 187] Herodian justly complaineth of this Donative; Omittitur in se­rie Imperato­rum a nonnul­lis Julianus, tum quia malo more imperium mercatus erat, tum quia sta­tim res novae ipsum excepe­runt, rectori­bus provincia­rum ejus impe­rium detre­ctantibus, do­nec rerum summa ad Se­verum perve­nit. Interval­lum ergo illud inter Pertina­cis mortem, & Severi initia, certamina po­tius de Princi­patu, quàm Principatum habuit. Atque ita habemus causam cur & Julianus praete­reatur, & Per­tinacis imperio plures adjici­antur menses. Imperio, in­quam, ejus nor vitae interval­lum turbarum post mortem e­jus exortarum contribuitur. Boeclerus in Herodianum p. 390. From this occasion and begin­ning, the Soldiers grew every day more shameless, and less regardful of their Prince: so that their covetousness encrea­sing, and the contempt they had of their Emperors waxing more and more, ended at last in their frequent shedding of their blood, in hope to have a better market of the next Successor.

Barlandus placeth Iulian among the learned Roman Princes.

He entered the City, all the Soldiers calling him Emperor, the Citizens nei­ther daring to resist, nor yet approving the election by joyful acclamations, as the custome was to other Emperors; but cur­sing him and throwing stones at him. He­rodian ubi suprà.

He being hated, Syria elected Niger, Germany chose Severus Emperor, who took Albinus as partner.

The rise of these 3 Commanders, with the fall of Iulian, was prognosticated by the appearance of 3 Stars about the Sun (while Iulian sacrificed) conspicuous to all but the flattering pur-blind Senators. Xi­philine.

A boy also divining by a looking-glass, saw Severus his advance and Iulian's depar­ture. Spartian c. 7.

Severus hasting to Rome was met by Em­bassadors from Iulian with the offer of half the Empire; which he refused, and [Page 188] was by the Senate (who lately proclai­med him Traitor) declared Emperor.

Duo ingentia gravabant vi­rum odia: al­terum militum quod eis pro­missa dare non poterat; alte­rum populi, quod perfidus in optimum principem fu­isse traderetur. Glareanus in Eutropium. Orosius, ab in­itio Pertinacis ad finem Iuliani, annum unum absumptum fuisse dicit, senis mensibus utri­usque Imperio imputatis. Quod falsum est; vix enim dimidium anni in­ter initium Pertinacis & Severi interjectum est. Scaliger in Eusebium. Menses septem imperium tenuit, necem magno emercatus. Cappellus.The soldiers discontented because Iu­lian kept not his Covenant, and hoping to purchase favour with Severus, slew their Chapman in his palace; he thus expostu­lating with them, Quid rei gravis admisi? quem interfeci?

He was so penurious, that if any one had sent him a Pig or an Hare, it served 3 dayes; often supping only on pulse or herbs. Spartianus in Iuliano. c. 3.

He lived 60 years, 4 months, and so ma­ny dayes; and reigned 66 dayes. Dio.

Annus CXCV. tres Imperatores vidit, P. Helvium Pertinacem, M. Didium Iulianum, & L. Septimium Severum: priores duo pau­corum mensium, posterior multorum annorum fuit. Marcus Velserus Rerum Augustae Vin­delicorum l. 6. p. 136, 137.

He being old, honourable and rich, by the purchase of the Empire lessened his e­state, impaired his credit, and lost his life.

ENGAGED both in the war against Septimius Se­verus, Miror Onu­phrium Panvi­nium homi nem alioqui dili­gentem, adul­terina quaedam secutum un­mismata, in suis commen­tariis edidisse, C. PESCEN­NIUS. NI­GERIUS. with like unfortu­nate event, being both conquered, and having their heads set upon a pole.

Niger had his name à nigra cervice, saith Spartian in his life c. 6. who writeth c. 1. that his Father was, called Annius Fuscus.

Albinus was so called, quod, exceptus u­tero, Vrsinus in Dionem. p. 1052. contra consuetudinem puerorum qui nas­cuntur, & solent rubere, esset candidissimus. Capitolinus in his life c. 4. who confirm­eth his relation with this passage in an [Page 190] Epistle of Ceionius Posthumius (Father of Albinus) to Aelius Bassianus then Pro­consul of Africk: Nigrum Al­bino adjunxi­mus, quia am­bo consortes belli fuerunt contra Seve­rum; etiam Nominis, quod alter ab albe­dine corporis (qua, infans editus in lu­cem, caeteris infantibus ru­bedine obduc­tis) alter a ni­gredine colli traxit; quin & exitu simi­les, nam utro­rumque caput cruci affixum. Elenchus MS. Numismatum in Bibliothe­ca Bodleiana. Filius mihi natus est, ita candidus statim toto corpore, ut linteamen quo exceptus est, vinceret. Quare susceptum eum Albinorum Familiae, quae mihi tecum com­munis est, dedi, Albini nomine imposito.

Fuit candore mirabili, & ut plerique putant, ex eo nomen accepit. Id. ibid. c. 13.

Niger his voice was so lowd and pier­cing, that it would be heard a mile, unless the wind stood cross, saith Spartian in Nigro. c. 6.

He would have his soldiers when they went to battel, carry neither gold nor silver in their purses, but leave it with the Common-wealth, that the fight being en­ded they might have it again: or if they dyed, their wives and children might en­joy it. Id. ibid. c. 10.

He was a great admirer of Annibal and Marius; for the Scipio's he thought them rather fortunate than valiant: there was no toil he commanded his soldiers, but himself would bear a part therein, even in carrying of burdens. And yet so far from vaunting, as that when one would have set forth his Acts, he bad him write of theirs who were dead; holding it a vanity to write of those, of whose favour or wrath the inditers stood in hope or fear. Id. ibid. c. 11, 12.

When his Soldiers mutinyed for want of wine, he said to them, ‘What need you [Page 191] wine, Spartianus o­perae pretium sanè fecit, in colligendis, quae de Nigro & Albino re­periri poteran; caeteri enim sparsim & car­ptim agunt. Boeclerus in Herodianum. p. 308. that have the River Nile to drink of?’ Spartianus ubi supra. c. 7.

That water is better than ours; (for it will feed a pace, and therefore the E­gyptians would not let their calvish God Apis drink thereof.) Bp. Smith's Sermons, p. 28.

Idem ob unius gallinacei direptionem, de­cem commanipulones qui raptum ab uno come­derant, securi percuti jussit; & fecisset, Praelia Seve­rianorum eum Nigrianis per seriem annota­vit Dio. Id. ibid. p. 410. nisi ab omni exercitu prope usque ad motum sedi­tionis esset rogatus: & quum pepercisset, jussit ut denorum gallinaceorum precia pro­vinciali redderent decem qui simul furto con­vixerant. Spartianus in Nigro. c. 10.

Vir domi forisque conspicuus, Non tantam illi conspicui­tatem tribuit Dio, qui modi­ce modesteque de illo loqui­tur. Salmasius. imperator in­faelix. Id. ibid. c. 6.

Niger was overthrown at the first en­counter of his party with Severus, through the treachery of Aemilianus his General, as it was thought; and the next fight in which he engaged personally, was totally defeated, near the Bay of Issus, where Alex­ander the Great vanquished Darius.

Severus having compelled Niger's Cap­tains (whose children he kept as pledges) to betray their Masters affairs, when he had attained his ends, slew them & their children. Herodianus lib. 3. c. 2. &. 5.

Albinus warred with Severus, for with­holding the copartner-ship promised him; whom Severus feared as a valiant Sol­dier, whereas he slighted Iulian & Niger, who were negligent and luxurious.

[Page 192] Armorum strenuus, prorsus ut non male sui temporis Catilina diceretur. Capitolinus in Albino. c. 3. Severus regna­vit 18. annos, creatus hoc an­no 3. Kalend. Octobr. fru­stra renitentibus Albino & Pescennio Ni­gro. Et Ni­ger quidem hoc quoque pe­riit anno. Al­binum autem inescaturus Severus, ei partem impe­rii offert. Jac. Cappellus in Hist. Eccles. 5. Centuriis ad annum Christi. 193.

Albinus did eat so much, as humane reason cannot well comprehend, saith Capitolinus in his life. c. 11. In the mor­ning fasting he dispatcht 500 dryed figs and an 100 Campanian peaches, 10 me­lons of Ostia, and 20 pound weight of La­vican grapes, besides an hundred gnat­nappers and 40 Oisters.

Hoc tamen in eo laudandum, quod aversae Ve­neris semper fuerit ignarus. Christoph. Ada­mus Rupertus in Besoldi minorem historiae sy­nopsin. p. 340.

Albinus with the choice Soldiery of Bri­tain entred France and near Lyons took the fi [...]ld against Severus; but with no better success than Niger had done in Asia the less.

Severus taking Albinus prisoner, com­manded him to be slain, caused his body to be laid before his palace, rode over him, & at last cast his mangled corps (the stench whereof could not be endured) into the river Rhosn, with the carkases of his wife and children.

Circa majestatem Imperatoris infamamur, tamen nunquam Albiniani, nec Nigriani, vel Cassiani inveniri potuerunt Christiani. Tertullianus ad Scapulam. cap. 2.

Of the possession of the East by Cassius first against Antonine, and then by Niger against Severus, and of the West by Albinus [Page 193] against the same Severus, and by their respective accomplices Tertullian saith; None of the Christians were ever found to be Albinians, Nigrians, or Cassians. That is, they none of them interested themselves in the causes of Albinus, Niger, or Cassius, or were partakers with, up­holders of, or sticklers for them. Mr. Gee in The Magistrates Original illustrated & vindicated. ch. 10. Sect. 7.

HE was one of the 25 Con­suls made in one year by Cleander, Commodus his favourite. Xiphilinus in Commodo.

He was an African, of so low birth, that, when he enrolled himself into the family of Marcus Aurelius, one Pollenius Sebennus is reported to have said, ‘O Caesar I con­gratulate thy fortune, that thou hast found a Father:’ as if he had not had a Father before, his original being so base and obscure; reflecting hereby also upon the chastity of his Mother. Tristan.

[Page 195]Having ascended from mean estate to the highest honour, he was wont to say; Omnia fui, nihil expedit: I have been all things, and am never the better. Spartia­nus in Severo c. 18.

In his childhood before he was taught Greek or Latine, he exercised himself in no other play but that which is called in Latine Ad judices, being a personating of Justice. Spartianus in Septimio Severo. cap. 1.

He dreamed that he saw in one of the market-places at Rome a horse to throw Pertinax, who had mounted on him, Magnus reve­ra princeps Severus; qui (que) severitate sua reformavit multa in me­lius, teste im­primis Tertul­liano in libel­lo de pallio. quare etiam FVNDATOR IMPERII, in quadam inscri­ptione nomina­tur. Casaubo­nus in Histo­riam Augu­stam. and to suffer himself to back him; a brass I­mage of which dream remained in Hero­dian's time. Herodian, Xiphiline.

He would be called Pertinax, for the re­spect he had to Pertinax the Emperor slain by Iulian, saith Eutropius l. 9.

He was expert in the Mathematicks, a good Philosopher, and eloquent Orator.

He was sufficiently learned in the La­tine, but was readier in the Punic tongue, as being born at Leptis within the Pro­vince of Africk. Sextus Aurelius Victor in his Epitome.

Nothing is comparable to Severus his conflicts or conquests, either for multitude of forces, commotion of Countries, num­ber of battels, length of journies, or speed in marches. Herodian l. 3. c. 7.

His Soldiers endured all difficulties cheerfully in emulation of him, who ex­cited them to hardship by his own exam­ple.

He was so inured to continual action, that even at his last gasp he said; Is there any thing for me to do? Xiphiline.

Byzantium was of great strength in the flourish of the Roman Empire. The walls of a just height, every stone whereof was so joined with couplets of Brass, that the whole seemed but one entire piece; a­dorned besides with Turrets, Bulwarks, and other arts of Fortification. Siding with Niger in his war against Severus, it endured a siege of three years against all the forces of the Romans: during which time the people were so distressed by Fa­mine, that men meeting in the streets, would draw and fight; the Conqueror feeding on the Vanquished. For want of Artillery to discharge on the Assailants, they cast down upon them whole Statues made of Brass, and the like curious ima­gery. Houses they pulled down to get timber for shipping; the women cutting off their hair to inch out their tackle: and having thus patched up a Navy of 500 Sail, lost it all by one tempest. Com­pelled [Page 197] to yield by this misfortune, the principal of the Nobility were put to the sword, the wealth of the Inhabitants gi­ven for a prey to the Soldiers; the walls thereof dismantled, the Town left in rub­bish. Yet there appeared so much of ma­jesty and beauty in the very ruines; Vt mireris utrum eorum qui primi extruxerunt, vel eorum qui deinceps sunt demoliti, vires sint potiores, as Herodian hath it.

Instead of punishing he entertained and rewarded Priscus an Engineer, who did him most mischief in his siege of Byzan­tium. Xiphiline.

Entring into Alexandria he found in­scribed on the gate Domini Nigri est urbs; with which being offended, the inhabi­tants met him, crying: Novimus nos dix­isse Domini Nigri esse urbem; tu enim es Nigri Dominus. For which ingenious in­terpretation of their ambiguous inscrip­tion he pardoned them. Suidas in [...].

When certain of his Officers went a­bout to perswade him to rase out an Epi­gram made in commendation of Niger, (at the basis of whose statue it was engra­ved) he expressed his dislike by these words; Si talis fuit, sciant omnes qualem vicerimus: si talis non fuit, putent omnes nos vicisse talem: immo sic sit, quia fuit talis. In­genuously and wisely confessing the worth of his enemy. Spartianus in Nigro c. 12.

The Nigrians possessed of the Cilician streights and entrances, couragiously [Page 198] withstood the Severian party; till at last a sudden tempest of rain and thunder con­tinually darting in their faces (as if the very Heavens had been armed against them) they were fain to leave the pas­sage, and therewith the victory to the adverse faction; having sold that at the loss of 20000 of their own lives, which Alexander had the happiness or the had to buy for nothing. Dr. Heylin's Geogra­phy.

When he was Lieutenant in Africk, one of his inferior acquaintance met him going in state with his bundle of rods car­ried before him, and embraced him fa­miliarly as his quondam chamber-fellow; whom he caused to be beaten, the cryer proclaiming, ‘Embrace not rudely a Ro­man Lieutenant.’ From which time Lieutenants have not gone of foot. Spar­tian.

Plautian his favourite was so great with him, that one of Plautian's Officers be­ing commanded by Severus, then at lei­sure, to plead a cause, refused, saying; He could not do it unless Plautian commanded him. Xiphiline.

Dio cumpri­mis diligenter describit Atr. obsidionis se­riem casusque. Boeclerus in Herodianum. p. 419.At the siege of Atrae, when he had bea­ten down a great part of the wall, and his Soldiers were ready to enter, he commanded a retreat, hoping thereby to induce the Arabians to discover that great treasure there laid up. But his cove­tous design was miserably disappointed, [Page 199] for the besieged immediately made up their wall and kept him out. Xiphiline.

Being used to get the victory, he now reputed himself conquered, because he could not overcome. Herodian l. 3. c. 9.

When one who lived in Albinus his quarters, would have excused his forced assistance of him to Severus, demanding what he would have done if it had been his own case? Severus answered; Ea per­ferrem quae tu, I would suffer as you do. Au­relius Victor.

He boasted to the Senate of his clemen­cy, although he slew at one time forty of the most illustrious personages of the Ro­man Empire, not hearing them in their defence, contrary to a law which himself first made; proving himself thereby truly to answer his name; being Imperator vere nominis sui, vere Pertinax, vere Severus: Spartianus in Sept. Sev. c. 14. so that Silenus might well say (in Iuliani Caesaribus) ‘I dare not speak against him, I am so terrified with his inexorable cruelty.’

Io. Antiochenus saith he was a great Soldier, but his covetousness transported him beyond his valour.

He was more covetous and cruel than any of his Predecessors. Tristan.

In his first British war he lost 50000 men, as Dio acknowledgeth.

Upon a second defection in Britain, he commanded an universal slaughter of his enemies, in these verses:

Having vanquished Albinus and Niger, he begun to make a great slaughter of those, Natura saevus, multis semper bellis lacessi­tus, fortissime quidem remp. sed laboriosissi­mè rexit. Oro­sius l. 7. c. 17. Of his vertues and vices, but especially his dissimulation, see Broch­mands Ethica Hist. c. 3. which had taken part with them. As he was committing this slaughter, he said unto Bassianus and Geta his chil­dren; ‘I by this means shall ease you of your enemies; to which when Bassianus so farr consented, that he advised to have even their children put to death, Geta is reported to have demanded the number of them that were to be slain, which when his Father told him; he asked, Have they neither parents, nor friends?’ when it was answered by Severus, that they had many: Geta replyed, ‘Then more in the City will mourn, than rejoyce for our victory, and you will leave us more ene­mies than you take from us.’ This wise speech of this young prince touched so well the heart of Severus (although he was cruel) that he would needs cease from his slaughter, but that Plautian and other courtiers, which aimed at the enriching of themselves by confiscations incited him to continue. A Discourse against Machi­avel [Page 201] translated into English. p. 272. out of Capitolinus in Geta. c. 4.

For his native severity, Septimius Afer was as well fitted to the impetuous dis­position of the Roman Empire, when he undertook it, as any medicine can be to the malady, for which it is by art prepa­red. And yet his practise (though ex­actly answering to Machiavel's rules of reformation) found but the Mountebanks successe; be cured some present mischiefs, but procured more grievous secret and permanent inconveniences. The barbarous nations which longed most for Romes de­struction, learned the use & art of making the Romans weapons and artillery, from the discontented Exiles, which his severity thrust upon them; nor did Constantine the great (though Leunclavius be willing to pre­ferr the unsanctified Zosimus his bil against him, to Christian Princes) half so much weaken the Empire, by his largess towards Christians, as Septimius did wound it, by seeking to restore, or rather to intend the rigour of ancient discipline amongst modern dissolute Romans. Dr. Iackson of the divine Attributes. part 2. p. 282, 283.

He gained his sur-name Britannicus, by building, or at least repairing the Picts-wal between England and Scotland, 132 miles in length, against the incursions of the Scots and Picts. At every miles end was a tower, and pipes of brass (in the wall betwixt every tower) conveyed the [Page 202] least noise from garison to garison, with­out interruption; so news of an approch­ing enemy was quickly spred over the borders, and occasional provision made for resistance. There were also resting places for the Areans, who were appoin­ted by the Ancients (saith Amm. Marcelli­nus) to serve for foot-posts, to run as oc­currents fell between the Officers, and carry them word of the least stirring. Since the wall is ruined, & that way of dispatch taken away, many inhabitants there-about hold land by a tenure in Cornage (as Lawyers speak) being bound by blow­ing a horn to discover the irruption of the enemy. Cambden's Britannia.

It is reported by Spartian, that in his passage to York a little before his death, a Black-Moor with a Cypresse garland on his head did meet Severus, (who bid him, as unfortunate, to be put out of his sight) and saluted him thus; Totum fuisti, totum vicisti, jam Deus esto victor. At his en­trance into the City, he was by errour of a rustical Sooth-sayer (who guided him) brought into the Temple of Bellona: and black beasts, being appointed for sacrifice, did of themselves follow him to his palace. Which things, however they fell out ac­cidentally, yet were interpreted as omi­nous by others in respect of the event.

While he lay sick of the gout at York, the soldiers saluting his son Bassianus Em­peror, he arose and caused the principal [Page 203] of them to be brought before him, and when they prostrate craved pardon, he laying his hand on his head, said; Senti­tisne tandem caput imperare, non pedes? Spar­tianus in Severo. c. 18.

Per quae verba affecti corporis impedimento animi magnitudinem atque prudentiam con­tulit. Quam severe igitur arbitrari possumus in alterius generis seditionem animadversu­rum fuisse, cum filii dignitatem, cujus post se cupidissimus erat, a militibus privatim procu­ratam tam acerbo supplicio ulcisci vellet? B. Fulgosus lib. 2. c. 2.

A little before his death he caused his Porphyry [...]urn to be brought before him, & taking it into his hand, said; ‘Thou shalt contain him whom the world could not.’ Xiphiline.

He said to his Sons on his death-bed, ‘Agree among your selves, enrich the con­soldiers, & contemn all others.’ Id. ibid.

In relation to which union he bad them read in Salust. Micypsa's dying speech to his sons, in which there is this expression; Concordia res parvae crescunt, discordia mag­nae dilabuntur. Spartian. c. 21.

By his pernicious advice to his sons to study only the enriching of the soldiery, he made a breach in the impenetrable wall of the Roman power, as the Greek Epi­grammatist calls it. For after Severus his reign, for 30 lawful Emperors, the Ro­man Empire saw in the space of 150 years, more than an 100 Tyrants. The disci­pline [Page 204] of the vertuous Emperors occasioning the wicked ones to mount on the throne. As the tragical ends of young G [...]rdian, of Alexander Severus, of Posthumus, Probus and Aurelian manifested. Tristan.

A Prince of indifferent worth, had not his vertue suffered ship-wrack by his affections; Erant ei filii multo chariores quam cives: which though a private man may con­fess whose Government is but a houshold, it is a shame for a Prince whose office as it resembles the gods in power, so it should in being free from partiality. Sr. William Cornwallis junior in his Encomium of Iulian the Apostate.

He ended his life with these words, Tur­batam Rempublicam ubique accepi, pacatam etiam Britannis relinquo, senex & pedibus ae­ger, firmum Imperium Antoninis meis relin­quens si boni erunt, imbecillum si mali. Spartian c. 23.

Before he dyed he was so pained in all his body, but especially in his feet, that not able to endure the torment, he called for poyson, which being denyed, he gree­dily glutted himself with gross meats, and not able to digest them, dyed of a sur­fet. Sextus Aurelius Victor's Epitome.

The imprecation of Plautius. Quintillus that he might not die when he would, ha­ving the like effect upon Severus, as that of Severianus had upon Adrian. Xiph.

Some say he dyed rather through grief for his son Caracalla's wickednesse, than of any other malady.

[Page 205]He lived 65 years 9 months and 52 days, and reigned 17 years, 8 months & 3 dayes.

He was buryed in a place near York, which to this day is called Severs-hill.

It was said of him by the Senate, that either he should not have been born, or not have dyed; having done so much mischief in pursuit of greatness, and so much good when he was established. Spar­tian. c. 18.

When he offered to make his Son-in-law Probus, Prefect of the City, Probus re­fused, saying; ‘It seemed less to him to be a Prefect, than to be Son-in-law to a Prince.’ Spartian. 1 Sam. 18.23.

He married Martia, and after her death Iulia Mater Ca­racallae fuit, non noverca, atque hinc ru­it commentum illud quo dici­tur Caracallus Juliam nover­cam suam uxo­rem duxisse: quod nec ag­noscit Dio, nec Herodianus, qui inter pes­simi perditissi­mique impera­toris probra non omisissent hoc incestum facinus refer­re. Quod ut minus facino­rosum videre­tur, finxerunt authores isti, novercam illi Juliam, non matrem fuisse, ut sic daretur locus huic opi­nioni, quam matris nomen prorsus respue­bat. Salmasius in Historiam Augustam p. 143. Domna, because he found by her nativity she should be matched with a King; though he foresaw not by his art his destiny to marry a whore: whom he yet bare with through excess of affection, though she was guilty of a con­spiracy. Spartian. c. 3. and 18.

He was deifyed after his death by the Senate.

He was the most warlike of all the Em­perors that were before him, quick of apprehension, persevering in all things which he determined; where he enclined to favour admirable and constant, dili­gent in seeking out friends, and liberal in rewarding them: equally vehement towards friends and foes. Sextus Aurelius Victor in his Epitome.

[Page 206]He was the only Emperor created out of Africk, saith Eutropius lib. 8.

He associated his Sons in the Sovereign­ty, and declared them Emperors. Herodian lib. 3. c. 9. editionis Boeclerianae.

Sed quae putabat Severus futura amoris vincula, fiebant irarum incitamenta, saith Iacobus Cappellus in his Historiae Ecclesiasti­cae centuriae.

In Severus his reign the world was so loose that 3000 were indicted for adulte­ry.

When Iulia blamed the wife of Argento­coxus a Northern Britain, because her country people accompanied promiscu­ously (10 or 12 men having 2 or 3 Women common among them) she not ignorant of the Roman incontinency, replyed; ‘We accompany openly with the best, but vile persons defile you secretly.’ Xiphiline.

Dio writeth that in Severus his time it rained silver at Rome in Augustus's forum.

O pluviam salutarem, & supparem illi, qua Iupiter ad Danaen suam penetravit! sed nimis hic infrequentem inquies. Sed avaritiam tuam effervescentem infusa hac frigida confutabo. Rore illo argenteo, addit Dio, nummos aliquot aereos oblivi, mansit color 3 dies; 4 ^to. quicquid oblitum fuerat, evanuit. For­mondus Meteorolog. l. 5. c. 6. Art. 3. Severus caused the 5th. persecution.

[Page 207] Tertullian his book de corona militis ac­quainteth us with the occasion of the per­secution of the Christians, in the reign of Severus. The Emperor ere he marched into the East (in that expedition wherein he o­verthew the Parthians) made his elder son his partner in the Tribunitial power, & by his liberality pleased the Quinta post Neronem, per­secutione Christianos excruc [...]avi [...], plurimique per diversos pro­vine [...] marty­ria c [...]nati [...]. Han [...] profanam in Christanos & Ecclesiam Dei praesumptio­nem Severi, coelestis ultio e vestigio acta subsequitur. Nam continuo rapitur, vel potius retrahi­tur in Galliam Severus, e Sy­ria ad tertium civile bellum, Vnum jam enim Romae adver­sum Julianum, aliud in Syria contra Poscen­nium gesserat, tertium Clodi­us Albinus Ju­liani in occi­dendo Pertinace socius, qui se in Gallia Caesarem fecerat, suscitabat; cujus bello multum utrinque Romani sanguinis fusum est. Albinus tamen apud Lugdunum oppressus & interfectus est. Severus Victor in Britannias defectu penè omnium sociorum trahitur. Paulus Orosius lib. 7. c. 17. people former­ly inraged with the many punishments he inflicted. By occasion of this liberality, as it seemeth; a Christian Soldier holding a cer­tain garland or crown in his hand, as if it were wickedness for him to set it on his head as the rest did, was asked why he did so, and answered, that he was a Christian. This was the occasion of the Emperors rage. William Howel in his Institution of ge­neral History. lib. 4. ch. 5. p. 856, &c. Thomas Ford's Apophthegmes. p. 2.

Persequutio illa exorta est, ob eam sane praecipuè caussam quod contra Principis edicta Christiani coitiones inire viderentur: qua­propter criminationem istam pluribus diluit Tertullianus hoc libro. Heraldus in Apolo­get. Tertul. p. 3.

Succedunt duo filii, nihil pa­ternum haben­tes praeter e­jus vitia, im­primis vero major. Iac. Cappellus. in 5 Centuriis His­toriae Ecclesi­asticae. p. 5. BAssianus was so called from Iulius Bassianus his Grand­father by the Mothers side, and his Father na­med him Antoninus, out of respect to the Antonini, whose memory was ho­noured by the Romans.

He was called Caracalla from a new fashioned cassock he wore, reaching down to his ancles.

He was a hopeful youth, and endeared himself to the people by weeping and turning away his eyes, when condemned persons were cast to wild beasts (which [Page 209] tenderness Baronius thinketh proceeded from his Christian Nurse Eubodia) yet af­ter he was so changed he seemed not the same. Spartian c. 12.

He resembled his Father in conditions, but was somewhat sharper, and ful of threatning. Eutropius lib. 9.

Knowing well that he could not make himself seem more beautiful than he was, he would take the advantage to appear more terrible, affecting a cruel and furi­ous countenance. Tristan in the 2. part of his Commentaries Historiques. See the 12.18.21.26.29.31. Meda [...]ls of him there.

He attempted to kill his Father; and put to death the Physicians for not hast­ning his death (as he commanded) slew his father in law Plautian, his wife Plau­tilla, and her brother Plautus, Antipater the famous Sophister of that age, Cilo his Tutor, and Euhodus his Foster-father: sparing not any who either honoured his Father, or was honoured by him.

When at the Circensian sports (where himself was a spectator) the people cast some scoff at a Chariotier which he favou­red, he taking it as an affront to himself, suddenly commanded his Soldiers to rush among the multitude, and kill all who had scorned the Chariot-driver. Upon this command, it being impossible to find out the delinquents in so great a throng (none confessing himself guilty) the Sol­diers spared none who they light upon, [Page 210] but either slew them, or took away what they had for a ransom. Herodianus lib. 4. cap. 6.

He put down Aristotles Schools, burnt his books, saying he conspired against A­lexander. Xiphiline.

Having seen the body of Alexander the Great, he commanded his followers to call him Alexander and Antoninus Magnus; and by flatterers was brought to a fond conceit, that he walked like Alexander with an awful countenance, and bent his head to the left shoulder; and whatever he observed in the countenance of Alex­ander, he imitated to the life, and per­swaded himself that he had the same line­aments and proportions. Sextus Aurelius Victor his Epitome.

I have seen divers ridiculous Images, which had one entire body; and one head, which had two half-faces, to wit, Alexanders and Antonines; saith Herodian l. 4. c. 8.

He was excessively given to Adultery, while able, Caius & Au­gustus severis­simas aliorum cupiditatibus leges statuerunt, quum ipsi interim, omnium, qua venerant, lecto­rum pressores dicerentur. Rivius in Justiniani Imp. Defensione, p. 99. yet most severely punished it in others. Excerpta Peiresci, p. 755.

[Page 211]Being unable to wear true armour through his weakness of body, he wore counterfeit harness that none might at­tempt to assassinate him, Excerpta Peiresci.

Ei cum caetera omnia, tum nummus adul­terinus erat: nam pro argento, aurove quod nobis daret, plumbum argentatum, & aes in­auratum parabat. Xiphilinus in Cara­callo.

He would shew courtesie when he inten­ded mischief; so that his kindness was more feared than his anger. Spartianus in Geta c. 7.

Having miserably impoverished the people, his mother reproved him, to whom he shewing his naked sword, repli­ed; As long as I have this, I will not want, Xiphiline.

Where he wintered, or but intended to winter, he caused Amphitheatres and Cir­ques for publick games to be erected, and within a while to be taken down a­gain. Id. ibid.

He learned the vices of three Nations, from whom he drew his original; of the French, vanity, timorousness, and idle­ness; of the Africans, roughness and wildness; of the Syrians, cunning and ma­lice: partaking of none of their vertues. Boeclerus in Herodianum, p. 433.

He preferred Hannibal, Sylla and Tibe­rius, before other Commanders for their cruelty; in which he exceeded his Father, and all the preceding Emperors.

[Page 212]He confessed that in all his life he never learned to do good. Xiphiline.

He abstained not from killing of men on his very birth-day; and when a van­quished Gladiator sued to him for prote­ction, his answer was: ‘Suppl [...]cate thy Antagonist, for I may not save thee.’ Whereupon the unhappy man was de­stroyed by his Adversary, who perhaps would not else have done it but for this expression, not daring to seem more cle­ment than the Emperor. Xiphilinus in Caracallo.

He delighted more in Magicians and Juglers than in men of worth; for seeing himself hated, he told the Romans he could command his own security, though not their love; and therefore he less va­lued reproaches, or feared dangers by their disfavour. Xiphiline, Zonaras.

Vixit sub An­tonino non Philosopho, quod in Eusebii Chronico Hie­ronymiano [...]er­peram scrip­tum, sed Ca­racalla, cui & sua [...], vivo adhuc patre Severo, dica­vit. Vossius de Poetis Graecis.Yet Oppian, who when banished by Se­verus wrote the Cynegeticks, and after his decease dedicated that work to Caracalla, was therefore called from exile, and re­ceived a piece of gold for every verse in his Poem.

Having negotiated a marriage with Ar­duwan or Artabanus (the King of Parthia) his daughter; and going to solemnize the Nuptials, he was met by the old King, with the flower of his Soldiers, People, and Nobles in their triumphal orna­ments. No sooner was this honourable retinue come nigh Caracalla his Army, [Page 213] but the watch-word given, In Parthia quid gesserit, aliter Hero­dianus, aliter Dio narrat. Certum tamen est eum etiam illic perfidia truculenta po­tius quam vir­tute grassa­tum. Jacobus Cappellus in [...] Cent. Hist Ec. Paulo fusius desc [...]ibit He­rodianus fa­ctum crudeli­tatis & perfi­diae plenum: quod Dio & Spartianus brevissimè pe stringunt verius, quam narrant. Boe­clerus in He­rodianum, p. 433. the Roman Soldiers (according to their Emperors di­rection) put them all to the sword: the King himself hardly escaping wi [...]h life.

Antoninus Imperator, in toga prae [...]tans, & non iners, nec tutilis in bello, cum adversus Parthos armis exerceretur, visis cataphra­ctis, adeo totus in metum venit, ut ultro ad regem conciliatrices literas daret. Q [...]as cum Rex immodicus animi respuisset, insolentia quidem barbari debellata est, sed patefactum est, in his tantam inesse violentiam, ut ea vincendus fideret, & superaturus timeret. Nazarii Panegyricus Constantino Magno dictus. Tristan inferreth that Caracalla is aimed at, though not named, no other Emperor surnamed Antoninus, ever having waged war with the Parthians. Non recor­dor id in historicis legere. Itaque fides sit pe­nes auctorem, sai [...]h Livineius.

As Caligula having killed many French and Greeks, bragged that he had con­quered Gallo-Graecia; so Caracalla having perfidiously slain a great number of G [...]r­mans and Parthians, usurped the titles of Germanicus and Parthicus. Tristan in his parallel of Caracalla with Caligula.

Being incensed against the A [...]xandri­ans, who traduced him for his fratricide, and nick-named his mother Iocasta, he commanded the strongest of them to be listed for service; whom when he had en­rolled, he killed, after the example of Ptolemeus Euergetes, the 8. of that name, [Page 214] called Physcon; giving moreover a signal to the Soldiers to kill their hosts.

A slaughter so great and universal, that the river Nilus coloured with the blood of the slain, might not improperly at that time be called a Red-sea. Dr. Hey­lin's Geography.

He restored all profligate persons who were exiled, to their liberty; and present­ly after filled the Islands where they were banished with more exiles. Xiphiline.

The Senate appointing a sacrifice to the Gods, Baronius pro­duceth a Me­dail of Seve­rus with Ca­racalla and Geta's heads on the re­verse, & these words, Con­cordia perpe­tua. but especially to Concord, for their agreement; a beast was prepared for slaughter by the Priests of that Goddess, and the Consul went to perform the Rites. But neither could he find the Priests, nor they him, though almost the whole night was spent in seeking one another, so that then there could be no sacrifice: the next day two Wolves ascended into the Capi­tol, and were driven thence, one of which was taken in the Market-place, the other after was killed without the walls. This related to Antoninus and Geta, saith Dion, lib. 77.

He slew his brother Geta in his mothers arms, whom he forced to dissemble mirth; He consecrated the sword wherewith he killed him sequestred their goods in whose wills Geta's name was found, & slew 20000 persons related to him; spending whole nights in such tragical executions. Com­dare Dion with Herodian.

[Page 215]To cloke which fratricide with shew of constraint, first to the Soldiers and then in the Senate, he accused his brother to have sought his death, and that in defence of himself he was forced to kill him; and thereupon fled to the Pretorian bands for safety of his life, as though further con­spiracies had been intended against him in the City.

Haecque omnia, probabile est divinitus con­tigisse, in ultionem innocentis sanguinis Chri­stiani; quem Severus Imperator, ac Sena­tus, populusque Romanus, paucos ante annos injustissime effudissent. Besoldus in majore Synopsi Hist. Univers. ex Baronio.

Notwithstanding his cruelty he arro­gated to himself the name of Pius; and after his conquering the Germans, he was not ashamed of the title Erat res ri­dicula, Ger­manicum dici velle eum qui fratrem suum occidisset. de­buitenim home sceleratus co­gitare, multos sic cognomen interpretatu­ros, quasi de sublato fratre germano glo­riaretur, non de victis Ger­maniae populis. Germanicus, though through the ambiguity of the word he might be thought to boast of his brothers murder. Hemelarius.

He allowed Geta a good funeral, buri­ed him in a stately monument built by Severus, called Septizonium; wept as of­ten as he saw his picture, or heard men­tion of his name: and being told that his Fratricide might be expiated in some degree by calling his brother a God, he answered; Sit Divus modo non sit vivus. Spartian in Geta, c. 3.

For the murther of his brother he was punished with madness by the Furies, Casaubonus. de­servedly called Vltrice Deae.

[Page 216]Affrighted with the Ghost of his Father and Commodus, he prohibited any upon pain of death to name Geta; and broke the money stamped with his Effigies, and abolished all the playes instituted in ho­nour of his birth-day.

By his Favourites the name of Geta was rased out of all Monuments and Im­perial inscriptions, as we have seen some of them defaced upon some Altar stones found in Britain. Speeds Chron.

He slew Papinian the famous Lawyer, Ejusdem scele­ris p [...]incip [...]s (que) f [...]it, fratrem Imperii con­sortem, mox jurisc [...]nsul [...]um Papin [...]anum licentiae ad­ve [...]santem è medio tollere. Jac Gotho­fredi Vlpi­anus, p. 11. because sollicited by him to defend his Fratricide, he said; ‘It was a crime ea [...]lyer commi [...]ted than excused.’ Spar­tian, c. 8.

He did chide the Executioner, because he beheaded Papinian with an Ax, and not with a Sword. Spartian in Caracalla c. 4. and in Geta c. 6. Xiphiline.

When he ascribed to himself the titles of Germanicus, Arabicus, and Alemanicus, Sarmaticus Maximus, and Parthicus Maxi­mus; Helvius Perti [...]ax son to the Empe­ror Pertinax jestingly said, Add if you please Geticus Maximus, because of his brother Geta's murther, and because the Gothes (whom he overcame in his passage to the East) are called Getae: which occasioned Pertinax his death. Spartian in Geta ubi su­prà, & in Caracalla, c. 10.

Being in Mesopotamia he writes to Ma­ternianus, to whom he committed com­mand at Rome, to enquire of the Magici­ans [Page 217] (to whom he was so addicted) whe­ther any intended to surprize the Empire. Maternianus writes back that Series histo­riae diligenter etiam a Dione est exposita; qui in aliqui­bus variat. Boeclerus in Herodianum, p. 434. Macrinus treacherously aspired to the Empire; which Letter with others Caracalla recei­ved while he was at his [...]port, and deli­vered them to Macrinus to give him an account of. Macrinus broke up the letters, and fell upon that which aimed at his de­struction; wherefore finding his own dan­ger, he reserved that letter to himself, ac­quainting Caracalla with the rest. But fearing lest Maternianus should write again of the same business, he resolved to pre­vent his imminent danger by this plot. He perswades Martialis a Centurion, and one of Caracalla's guard (whose brother the Emperor had slain a few daies before, up­on an accusation without proof) to di­spatch him; which he Rufus Festus in his Brevi­arium, saith he died pro­pria morte, differing therein from other Histori­ans, as Cuspi­nian upon Fe­stus sheweth. did, whilest the Emperor was about to ease nature.

When he went out of a certain gate, he heeded not the detaining of him, and tear­ing his garment by a Lion, whom he used to play with, and named Acinaces; who held him as it were by an extraordinary instinct, as if he foreknew the misfortune ready to befal him. Dion.

It was but just, that he who had killed so many of his friends, should be slain by the treason of his enemies.

Both Caligula and Caracalla reigned but a little while. Both were killed by milita­ry Tribunes, the one by Cassius Chaerea, [Page 218] whom he was wonted to tax with effemi­nacy: and the other by Martialis, who was employed by Macrinus, whom Cara­calla charged with the same fault. And which is wonderful, they both dyed be­ing 29 years old, and both their Assassi­nates were slain after them. Tristan in his parallel of Caracalla with Caligula.

He reigned 6 years, 2 months and 2 daies.

Serapion an Egyptian a few daies be­fore told him, Imperante illo Sarapion qui­dam Mathe­maticus Ma­crinum osten­dit Antonino in Senatu, mox imperio poti­turum. Verum is, postquam demonstratum minus recte observasset, pro Macrino alium e medio tolli jubet. that he should die shortly, and Macrinus should succeed him: for which he was cast to a Lion, and though the beast spared him, Macrinus would not. Xiphiline.

Both Nero and Caracalla dyed violent deaths, and both had for their Succes­sors old men whom they loved not at all, and who reigned not long, being both slain by the practises of two effeminate persons, who were Otho and Heliogabalus. Tristan in his parallel of Caracalla with Nero.

Metochita. Tarantam vocabant eum, a cognomine cu­jusdam gladiatoris, & statura minimi, & forma faedissimi, & animo tum ferocissimi, tum maximè sanguinarii. Dio Leunclavii in octavo, p. 904.

When he was dead, it appeared that he procured as much poyson from the Inha­bitants of upper Asia, as cost 220000 crowns, that he might poison several waies as many as he pleased. Xiphiline.

[Page 219] Excerpta Peiresci call him furiosum, ad omnia praecipitem, virtutis, & illustrium vi­rorum hostem; bonis exitiosum, caedibus assi­duè saevientem; prodigum in milites, [...], rapacem, nec a fraternis manibus abstinentem; vitiis suis gloriantem, omnibus denique terri­bilem; nisi Germanis & alis hostibus, qui stultum ridebant, pecunia emungebant, vel cladibus mulctabant.

It is to be admired, that a man so ex­tremely wicked, tempered himself from slaughter of the Christians. R. B. his lives of all the Roman Emperors, p. 61.

His Wife Plautilla had as much for her dowry as would have served 50 Empres­ses. Diligenter de­scripsit ea quae ad Plautiani historiam per­tinent, Dio. Baeclerus in Herodiadum. p. 421. Her Father Plautian made men Eu­nuchs, who were married and had chil­dren; and their children also were gel­ded, that she might have musick-masters who might teach her the better, and do­mesticks of this sort fitter to compose tunes for her.

When Caracalla and Geta would have entred into the assembly of the Gods, with Severus their Eather, Iulian feigneth that Minos forbad them, but better dis­cerning one from the other, he admit­ted Geta the younger as lesse wicked, and sent back Caracalla to suffer the punish­ments he deserved. See Spanhem the Son's Remarques sur les Caesars, p. 246, 247.

Absorpsit Britannicas res abhinc, quae ad civilem aliquatenus pertinent administratio­nem, [Page 220] Lethe usque ad Probi tempora Imp. Sel­deni Analecta Anglo Britannica. l. 1. c. 7.

MAcrinus was of so obscure parentage, Parentum origine tam ignobili; ut longè aptissi­mè illi asino, quem a genio deductum in Palatium diximus, assi­milatus fuerit. Dio Leuncla­vii in octavo, p. 904. that according to the custom of the Moors, he had one of his ears bo­red through. Xiphiline.

He was made a Prefect by Caracallus omnium durissimus, & ut uno complectamur verbo, parricida & in­cest [...]s, patris, matris, fratris inimicus, a Macrino qui eum occide­ra [...], timore milium, ac maximè praetorianorum, inter deos relatus est. Spartianus in Caracallo, c. 11. Caracalla, after whose death he was elected Emperor by the Sol­diers, who were ignorant of his treason, the suspicion whereof he escaped by a seeming sorrow.

[Page 222]The Romans were so glad of Caracal­la's death, that they considered not whe­ther Macrinus was good or bad; Macrini imperium lubentibus animis admittebant, non tam secum expendentes, cuinam servituri es­sent, quam quo tyranno essent liberati: & quemvis e vulgo putantes ipso futurum opta­biliorem. Dio Leunclanii in octavo p. 908.

He made his son Diadumenus, Caesar; so Ferunt Dia­dematum pu­erum appella­tum: sed ubi adoleverit, avi sui nomine materni, Dia­dumenum vo­catum; quam­vis non mul­tum abhorru­erit abillo signo diade­matis nomen Diadumeni. Lampriaius. in Diadume­no. called either from his Grand-Father by the Mothers side, or because he was born with a Diadem on his head, like a bow­string. Lampridius in Diadumeno. c. 4.

They did nothing memorable by rea­son of the short time of their reign. Eu­tropius. lib. 8.

He commanded Diadumenus forthwith to be called Antoninus by the Soldiers; and assumed to himself the name of Seve­rus, whose memory he pretended to re­verence, that he might deface the suspi­cion of assasinating his Son, saith Tri­stan.

He imitated Marcus Aurelius in a slow pace and low voice, and Nero in a cruel life.

Instead of Macrinus he was by his own servants called Macellinus, as one would say Butcher, quod macelli specie domus ejus cruentaretur sanguine vernularum. Because his house was like a shamble of murthered men. Capitolinus in Macrino, c. 13.

He was named Mezentius, because like him, he joined live bodies to dead.

[Page 223]He commanded 2 Soldiers, who had ravished their hostesses maid, to be sewed up in the bellies of 2 great Oxen, their heads only left out that they might speak one to another.

He caused those Soldiers who commit­ted adultery to be tyed to the women, and burnt alive; though his wife Nonia Celsa was insatiable that way.

He shut living men in seiled walls, where they dyed miserably.

Mothe le Vayer in his Opuscules, p. 27, &c. thinketh that one reason why Macrinus banished Lucius Priscillianus a valiant Captain into an Island where he dyed, was because he had the boldness to en­counter 4 such fierce beasts, as a Bear, a Leopard, a Lyoness and a Lyon; though his cruel carriage under Caracalla who advanced him, afforded sufficient pre­tence for his punishment, as Dion infor­meth us, l. 78.

Macrinus said he was clement, when he punished but one Soldier in an hundred with capital punishment for a mutiny, when he thought they deserved to be de­cimated, or at least one in 20 to suffer.

Having written to the Senate, that he knew no body desired his death, Fulvius Diogenianus cryed out; Yes but we all do.

Having concluded a peace with Artaba­nus the Parthian King, he returned to Antioch in Syria, and there spent his time in sensual pleasures; being drenched so [Page 224] far therein, that the Army began to dis­like his government, and to favour young Bassianus then at Emesa in Phoenicia, with Maesa his Grand-mother by his mothers side: who there had built a Temple to the Sun, and ordained him a Priest, for which he was called Helagabalus, in the Phoeni­cian language, The Priest of the Sun. To this Temple resorted many of the Soldi­ers, and seeing his beauty, allured Maesa to bring him to their Camp; where re­ported to be the Son of Caracalla, the Soldiers proclaimed him Emperor, and maintained his right against Macrinus: who met him in the confines between Phoenicia and Syria, fought a bloudy bat­tel, but being put to flight, hasted to Dio non in loco tantum caedis, sed in historia etiam Diadumeni variat. Boe­clerus in He­rodianum, p. 438. Chalcedon, fell sick, and was slain by the Soldiers (with his Son Diadumenus) be­cause he contracted their pay, and sup­pressed their luxury. Victor's Epitome.

Macrinus a thing made by chance, and overthrown by chance; came from a base progeny, and was ruined by an Infant. Sir W. Cornwallis the younger in his Enco­mium of Iulian the Apostate.

His fate was foretold by the Oracle in these verses.

[Page 225] Pater timidus & impudens fuit, Caesus est cum filio, nihil ex paterna clari­tate praeter im­meritam mor­tem auferente. qui pa­cem emit a Parthis; honores dedit indignis. Sed nec in filio quicquam, praeter pulchritu­dinem, memorabile. Chr. Ad. Ruperti Ob­servat. in Synop. Besoldi min. p. 348.

Macrinus's defeat arising from fear, Bussieres in Flosculis Hi­storiarum. was ominously signified by a Dove flying to the Statue of Severus (whose name he as­sumed) when the Senate received his let­ters. Dio Leunclavii in octavo, p: 915, 916.

Laudem Macrinus supra mortales alios in­venisset, si non pro se adpetivisset imperium; sed aliquem è Senatu delectum, qui Romanis praeesset rebus, imperatorem designasset. Hac nimirum sola ratione culpam paratarum Ca­racallo insidiarum (veluti qui suae tantum­modo salutis causa, non imperii cupiditate adductus, earum fuisset auctor) evitasset. Nunc autem & infamiae notam sibimet ipse inussit, & seipsum ita perdidit; ut illa tam contumelia, quam calamitate, dignissimus fu­erit. Nam qui regnum adfectavit id tempo­ris, quo ne senatoris quidem nomen adhuc ha­bebat: idem & celerimè pariter & non sine gravissimis aerumnis amisit. Id. ibid. p. 917.

He lived 54 years, reigned one year and 2 months.

THE outward form is no small circumstance to in­duce the multitude to re­verence; since as defor­mity in a Prince hath of­tentime occasioned con­tempt even to deprivation: so on the contrary hath an amiable shape streng­thened very weak pretentions, and in Antoninus Non satis possum mirari, quid impule­rit hominem alioqui dili­gentem, & in veterum nu­mismatum tractatione versatum, Onuphrium Panvinium, ut Alagabalum in suis com­mentariis ubi­que edendum curaverit, cum ut ipse testa­tur, in anti­quis numis­matibus E­LAGABAL. incisum obser­vaverit. Ursi­nus in Dio­nem, p. 1054. Helagabalus was sufficient ti­tle to an Empire, even in a military ele­ction. Habington's Edward the 4th p. 6, 7.

Quoniam tota stirps Helagabali & conso­brini ejus Alexandri Severi, magnopere con­fusa est & obscura, eam hic proponam. Igitur Julius Bassianus è Phoenice oriundus filias ha­buit Juliam Domnam Augustam conjugem Severi, & Maesam. Juliae filius fuit Cara­calla [Page 227] qui & Bassianus ex nomine avi materni dictus. Maesa Julium maritum habuit vi­rum Consularem, ex quo duas filias peperit Sohaemiadem & Mamaeam. Quarum So­haemias quidem Vario Marcello Senatorii lo­ci viro nupta filium habuit Avitum, qui & Bassianus dictus est ex avi ac proavi materni nomine, ex paterno autem nomine Varius. Itaque fallitur Lampridius qui Helagaba­lum Varium dictum esse scribit ex aviae Variae nomine. Nec minus falli eundem puto, cum Alexandrum Severum Varii filium, Variae nepotem fuisse dicit. Neque enim credibile est patrem Helagabali & Alexandri uno eodem­que appellatos nomine. Potius crediderim er­ravisse Lampridium, qui Alexandri patrem facit qui erat Helagabali. Et enim si Varium Helagabali patrem esse scisset, certè id in ojus vita retulisset, quo loco causas quaerit cur He­lagabalus dictus est Varius. Ac duas quidem ejus appellationis ibi causas retulit, hanc quam dixi praetermisit. Proinde non dubito errorem illum in stirpe Alexandri Severi ex ignoratione Lampridii fluxisse. Nisi forte Va­rii filium interpretari placet, adoptatum ab Helagabalo qui & Varius est dictus. Caete­rum naturalis Alexandri Severi pater igno­ratur. Ab auctoribus autem Mamaeae filius ferè dici solet. Quod in gratiam Mamaeae a Senatu decretum fuisse credibile est, quem­admodum patres olim censuerant, ut Tibe­rius Augustus Liviae filius diceretur, teste Dione. Avus quidem ejus dictus est Alexi­anus, si credimus Herodiano, l. 5. idque ini­tio [Page 228] nomen fuit Alexandro Severo. Valesius in Excerpta Peiresci, p. 111, 112.

This Monster had more names and sur­names (saith Tristan) than Hydra had heads; for whilest he was a private man he was called Varius Avitus Lupus, Va­rius from his reputed Father Varius Mar­cellus Nec debuit Alagabalus deliciarum portentum ali­bi nasci quàm in Syria. P. Molinaeus in Epist. Greg. Nysseni De euntibus Hie­rosolymam, p. 26. a Syrian, Avitus Lupus from Iulius Avitus Lupus his Grand-father by the mothers side; after being presented to the Soldiers to obtain their favour, he was named Bassianus: by whom when he was received and proclaimed Emperor, they gave him the name of Antoninus. He was the last Emperor upon whom that name was conferred, which because he dishonoured, he was called Pseud-Antoni­nus. He was named Assyrius (saith Dion) because he was often seen in publick clothed with a barbarous habit, such as his Countrymen the Priests of Syria, Quod non mi­nus insolens quàm si Iovis sacerdos aut dialis flamen ipsam Iovis appellationem sibi vindicas­set. Casau­bon. anci­ently called Assyria, used to wear. His de­bauchednesse made him to be sur-named the Roman Sardanapalus. He had the sur­name of Helagabalus given to him, Novo exem­plo hic fana­ticus, de nomi­ne ejus dei cu­jus sacerdos fuit, se quoque dici voluit. be­cause he was Priest of Helagabalus the pe­culiar god of the Emesenes; so strange a Deity, that Authors Mirè vari­ant in hoc vo­cabulo libri veteres. Syl­burgius in Indice rerum & verb. Notab. in Rom. Hist. syntagmate Graeco-Latino. agree not about the writing, or meaning of his name: though it be most probable that it signi­fieth the Sun.

[Page 229]He was the spurious issue of Caracalla and Symia Syra, which Scaliger rendreth Lunula Onychine.

Appellationes imponere a rebus, quae in a­moribus & deliciis sunt, omnium nationum commune est, a floribus, ab arboribus, herbis, gemmis, mundo muliebri. Sed hoc Iudaeis, Aethiopibus, Syris, Arabibus tam frequens, tam vulgo usitatum, ut earum nationum proprium videri possit. Scaliger in Eusebium.

He had 6 Wives in the short time of his reign; the first of which was Annia Fau­stina, of Commodus his linage, for the en­joyment of whom he caused Pomponius Bassus her husband to be put to death, not permitting her to weep for him. Divorcing her, On a reverse of Annia Fau­stina is writ­ten Concordia: and on one of Paula's Con­cordia aeterna. he married Cornelia Paula a most Illu­strious Roman Lady ( That he might the sooner be a Father (said he) who was not able to be a man;) yet soon after only because she had a spot in her body, as he said, he put her away, Tristan. and stripping her of all ho­nours, sequestred her to a private life. Af­ter pretending he was in love, he violently took out of Vesta her sacred Nunnery at Rome, Iulia Aquilia Severa a Vestal Vir­gin, and married her, which by the Heathens was held such a crime, that the Nun which had carnal know­ledge of a man, was buried alive: writing to the Senate, who were grie­ved at his sacrilegious act, That she was a fit match for a Priest, and impudently af­firmed he did it, That from himself a [Page 230] Priest and his Wife the chief Priestess of Ve­sta, there might be born issue worthy of the Gods. Yet he quickly turned away this Wife, for to espouse another, with 2 more whose names are unknown; it being dif­ficult to determine whether he be to be blamed more for his frequent and illegal marriages, or his sudden and causeless di­vorces. And at last being possessed with a continual inconstancy (having changed 5 times in 4 years) he returned to Aquiliae Severa. compare Dion l. 79. with Herodian, l. 5. c. 6.

He so favoured Aurelius Zoticus, that himself commanded him to be taken (of all the chief Officers for the Emperors husband. Zoticus was supplanted by Hie­rocles, admitted to the same familiarity by Helagabalus, and styled his husband also.

Nor did he thus play at fast and loose with humane Matrimonies only, but now his God also wanted a Wife. Him he mar­ried first to Pallas, after (saying, His God liked not so martial a Wife) to Vrania, con­cluding it was fitter to match the Sun and Moon together, making his God almost as fickle as himself. Herodian, l. 5. c. 6.

He gave all the treasure in the Temple of Vrania to his God, for a portion with her.

He commanded all the people of Rome and Italy to use all publick and private feasts for joy of the wedding.

[Page 231]He erected in the suburbs a magnificent Temple, Is Deum suum circumferens ac reliquis om­nibus praefe­rens & Coele­sti Carthagi­nensium deae matrimonio copulans, Epo­nam etiam nescio quam deam obtru­dens, nihil re­liqui fecit ad summam pro­terviam. Jac. Cappellus in Eccl. Christ. cent. 2. p. 51. into which every year with great solemnity he brought his God, whom he preferred before Iupiter, and made an Edict that the Romans should pray to the new god Helagabalus before all other gods, who, he said, were servants of his God, spoiling their Temples to en­rich that of his, nay would have had no other gods worshipped at Rome, saith Lampridius in Helagab. c. 3. Nec Romanas tantum voluit extinguere religiones, sed per orbem terrae unum studens ut Helagabalus deus unus ubique coleretur. Id. ib.

So inordinate was his concupiscence, that nature not permitting, what his de­sires prompted him unto; turning his lusts upon himself, he cut off his privities, consecrating himself to Cybele; and charged all to call him Bassiana, instead of Bassianus. Sextus Aurelius Victor in his Epitome.

Ad ritum patrium, non temere, pudenda sacravit spurcissimus ille. Seldenus de Diis Syris, syntagmatis secundi capite primo, edi­tionis L. B. p. 228.

He was a man for all women, and a wo­man for all men. Coeffeteau.

He so far differed from the manners of men, Non homo no­minandus est, sed upupa fae­dissima, saith Benevenutus de Rambald is in his Augu­stalis. that modesty permitteth not to re­late his greatest vices; the Devil in the form of an Hermaphrodite, not being a­ble to act greater lewdness than he did, saith Tristan.

[Page 232] Lampridius thus beginneth the story of Helagabalus: ‘I would never have wrote the beastly life of Helagabalus, that it might not have been known, that he was a Roman Emperor, unless Caligula, Nero and Vitellius had before sate in the same throne.’

Boccaline feigneth that Lampridius was severely proceeded against by Apollo, and that by order of the whole Con­gregation of Parnassus, his Histories was turned back upon his hands, and he was freely told; ‘That he should go and teach those execrable lusts in the pub­lick Classis, wherewith he had so de­lighted himself to fill his shameful pa­pers, wherein he had written the lives of Helagabalus, Caracalla, and other lascivious Monsters of Nature.’ Parnassus cent. 1. advertisement 55.

It is questioned whether were greater his boundless Prodigality, Iuan Vasilo­wich sent to the City of Mosko to pro­vide for him a colpack or measure full of live fleas for a medi­cine. They returned an­swer that the thing was impossible; and if they could get them, yet they could not measure them, for leaping out. Whereupon he beat out of their shins 7000 rubbels for a mulct. G. Fletchers History of Russia, cap. 12. p. 106. his stupendious Leachery, or his fantastical Foolery; the last of which his Imperial vertues he gave proof of, when he commanded his servants to bring him a thousand pound weight of Spi­ders offering them a reward, & received of them ten thousand pound weight, where­upon he said, That now he understood the greatnesse of Rome: at another time he [Page 233] caused to be gathered ten thousand Mice, a thousand Weazels, and a thousand Pole­cats, which he brought forth in a pub­lick shew to the people, for some wise State-purpose, like the former, Speed's Chron.

He disfigured his fair face with foul tinctures; he slept in the day, transacted affairs in the night.

Being near the Sea, he never tasted fish; nor flesh when he was farthest in the Con­tinent: he said, ‘That fare was best which cost most.’

In gluttony he exceeded Apicius and Vitellius. Lampridius in Helagabalo, c. 24.

He ridiculously wore Jewels, and those curiously engraved, on his feet; as if the rarity of the work could be discerned there. Lampridius in Helagab. c. 23.

His habit was betwixt the sacred long vestment of the Phoenicians, and the effe­minate apparel of the Medes, for he scorned the Roman or Greek attire, as made of greasy wool. Herodianus, lib. 5. cap. 5.

That he might seem magnificent, he drowned Ships in the Haven; paying the owners for their fraught: and drew fishes out of his Ponds with Oxen. Lampridius ibid. c. 32, and 24.

He built stately Baths, which being but once used were plucked down. Lampridius c. 30.

[Page 234]He received the superfluous burden of his belly in vessels of Gold. Lampridius in Helagab. c. 32.

He said, ‘If he had an heir, he would teach him to do as he did.’

When he was but a private man, be­ing reproved for his prodigality by a friend, who asked him, ‘Whether he did not fear want hereafter?’ he answer­ed; ‘What can be better for me than to be heir to my self?’

In confesso est, Helagabalum Imperatorem triclinia, quandoque lectos & porticus, omni florum genere stravisse, ut Liliis, Violis, Hy­acynthis & Narcissis, ac per eos ambulasse, se­que unguentis omnium fragrantissimis nudum saepenumero perunxisse. Quem secuti Impera­tores, prope nullam molliciem sibi non permise­runt, nullum voluptatis poculum reliquerunt ingustatum. Quod ego in Romanis principibus quamvis damnem plurimum: non tamen admo­dum miror, cum etiam apud eos abjectissimi homunculi idem sibi indulserint. Jac. Grasse­rus in Auctario ad Text. officin. p. 425.

He conferred honours on sordid per­sons, and put great persons upon mean employments, causing the entrails of the sacrifices to be born by Generals of Ar­mies, and chief Officers of State.

He advanced his teachers and ministers of most lewd and wicked acts to honours, whiles in the mean time he thrust down, or murdered excellent persons. Holland in his Chronology, at the end of Amm. [Page 235] Marcellinus translated by him. Impuros & flagitiosos homines, item aurigas & histrio­nes, facit Legatos, Consules, Duces. Diete­ricus in Breviario Historico.

In imitation of Apicius he would fre­quently eat Camels heels, the combs of Cocks newly cut, the tongues of Pea­cocks and Nightingales, with the entrails of Mullets, Partridges eggs, the heads of Parrats, Pheasants, and Peacocks, and the brains of Thrushes and Phoenicopters. Id. Ib. c. 20.

He had served in at a meal the heads of 600 Estridges, only that he might eat their brains. Id. Ib. c. 30.

He fed his horses with grapes, his dogs with The Goose is the trusty Centinel of the Roman Capitol, whom Helagabalus hated and the Romans honoured so much. Finch in his man transformed. 15th Character. Geese livers (a dainty then,) Lions and other beasts with Parrats and Phea­sants. Id. Ib. c. 20. and 21.

He often changed his Pallets, and lay not on any couch unless it was stuffed with Hares fur, or the feathers under Plinius per­dices promis­cuè iniri fate­tur. Forsan ideo libidino­sissimus homo Helagabalus, in pulvinari­bus culcitris (que) substerni sibi voluit perdi­cum plumas. Sim. Abbes Gabbema in Priapeia, an­nexa Petro­nio, p. 20. Partridges wings. Id. Ib. c. 19.

One day he would eat nothing but Pheasant, another day Chickens, on ano­ther this or that Fish, at one time Ostri­ches, at another Herbs, or Apples, other­whiles sweet-meats, or white-meats only. Id. Ib.

One of his feasts was hardly ended in a day, the several messes being prepared, [Page 236] and eaten successively in the houses of his several friends, one dwelling in the Ca­pitol, another on mount Caelius, a 3. be­yond Tiber, &c. one staying for another, till the dishes went through all their hou­ses. Lampridius, c. 30.

In parasitas tantum sce­lestus nebulo ingeniosus & justus fuisse videtur, saith Goulartius.He tyed his Parasites to a wheel, and turned them up and down in water, cal­ling them his Ixionian friends. Id. ibid. cap. 24.

He thrust them also out of his dining­rooms, which had deceitful floors, into chambers filled with roses, that smo­thered with them, they might meet with the bitterness of death in sweetness. Id. Ib. c. 21.

He Tantalized them with mock-feasts in wax, wood, ivory, marble, glass; some­times what himself did eat was woven or wrought with a needle on their Napkins: otherwhiles so many dishes of meat as were provided for him, were painted upon their tables: only allowing them to drink. Id. Ib. c. 26 and 27.

At the 2. and 3. course he caused Bears, Pardals, Lyons and Leopards, which lac­ked their teeth and claws, to be brought in suddenly by their Keepers, to terrifie them who were ignorant of their inabili­ty to hurt. Lamprid. c. 21.

He shut them up when they were drunk, turning in upon them in the night these disarmed beasts, with the fear of which many dyed. Id. ib. c. 25.

[Page 237]Their yearly salaries were pitchers full of Frogs, Scorpions, Serpents and Flyes. Digna certè & domino & ministris sti­pendia. Jo. Cluverus in Hist. Epit. Id. Ib. c. 26.

Many times he kept them in their lod­gings from night to morning with old Black-moor women, whereas he told them he had provided most beautiful ones for them. Id. ib. c. 30.

When the people had taken up their places before day in the Theatre to behold the sports, he caused Serpents to be thrown among them, whereby many of them were sore bitten and hurt by flight. Lampridius, c. 23.

He to gratifie his mother, Solus omnium imperatorum fuit, sub quo mulier quasi clarissima, loco viri senatum ingressa est. did fantasti­cally set up a Parliament of Women, with sutable Orders, as how to attire, where take place, when salute; but af­ter his death all Women were deprived of that priviledge by the Senate. Id. ib. c. 4. and 18. Lampridius.

He did drive Chariots drawn by Ele­phants in the Vatican, levelling the Tombs which stood in his way; he was also drawn by 4 Camels in the Circus, by 4 Mastives in the Palace, after he was Em­peror; by 4 Stags in publick, sometimes by Lions he naming himself Magna Mater, also by Tigers counterfeiting Bacchus, un­to whom through his excessive humour of drinking he was something more like: other whiles 4 naked Wenches drew him, he being also naked. Lampridius, c. 23, 28, 29.

[Page 238]He was addicted to divination by inspe­ction of the bowels of young men sacrifi­ced, chusing many fair Gentlemen throughout all Italy, whose Parents were living, that their sorrow might be the greater. Lamprid. c. 8.

By perswasion of Maesa his Grand-mo­ther, who pretended to free him from cares of state, he proclaimeth Alexander Severus his Cousin-german Caesar; ma­keth him Consul with himself, and a­dopteth him for his Son: the Senate ri­diculously voting what he commanded, viz. Alex. Severus who was 12 years old, to be the Son of Helagabalus that was but 16.

He assaying in vain to draw his cousen to his unseemly courses, repented that he had made him his Collegue in the Em­pire; expelled all his Tutors from the Court, and put the chief of them to death: alledging ridiculously, ‘That the Pedants spoiled his Son, not suf­fering him to dance and revel, but teaching him to be modest and use manly exercises.’ Herodian, l. 5. c. 7. Lampridius, c 13.

That he revenged himself on none who mocked him upon the reading of Macrinus his letters against him at Rome: [Page 239] Tristan imputeth to the prudent modera­tion of Maesa and Eutychianus, by whose means chiefly he got the Empire, whom he yet put to death with cruel ingrati­tude, only because he was advised by him to reform.

The Syrian Priests having foretold him that he should die a violent death, he built a rich and stately Tower whence he might throw himself down; pre­paring also cords of crimson-silk and gold to strangle himself with; rich swords to thrust himself through; keeping poy­son in boxes of Emeralds and Iacynth, that he might chuse a death according to his humour: saying, ‘That however he dyed, his death should be glorious in the eies of men, and such a one as none ever dyed.’ But he failed of his hope; though not of his desert; for the Soldi­ers of his own guard, whom he com­manded to make away his Cousin-german and deface his Statues, for the love they bare to Alexander Severus, killed Helaga­balus himself in a Privy, whither he fled to esape them.

His body was drawn by a Soldier through all the Streets of Rome, like the carkass of a dog, with this military pro­clamation: ‘The whelp of untamed and ravening lust.’ At last when the quantity of his body was greater than would enter into the stool of a Privy, (wherein for the last funeral ceremony it [Page 240] should have been buried) they drew it to Tiber, Hic finis Anto­ninorum no­mini in rep. fuit, scienti­bus cunctis istum Antoni­num tam vita falsum fuisse quàm nomine. Lampridius, c. 33. binding it to an heavy weight, and so cast it into the River, that it might neither float above water, nor be buried; he being the only Emperor who was ever so punished.

From these things that hapned unto him he was called Tiberinus & Tractitius.

They did also thrust stakes through the fundament of some of his lewd compani­ons, that their death might be confor­mable to their life.

Brevem temporum seriem per generationes & regna primus ex nostris Julius Africanus sub Imperatore Marco Aurelio Antonino, simplici historiae stylo elicuit, inquit Isidorus, qui his verbis & quintum claudit Originum librum & Chronicon suum orditur. Non est autem hic intelligendus Marcus Aurelius An­toninus Philosophus, sed Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, qui dicebatur Helagabalus sive potius Elagabalus. Gerh. Ioh. Vossius de Histor. Graecis. l. 2. c. 15.

It is observable that notwithstanding he not only permitted, but also encoura­ged his subjects to live licentiously: Sir Thomas Elyot his I­mage of Go­vern. ch. 3. more­over was so liberal toward them, that he fed them with most delicate and exquisite meats, gave unto them abundance of mo­ney, and all the plate, were it of gold or silver, wherewith he was served, to them who dined or supped with him, and made many other sumptuous distributions to the people: yet the Roman never­theless [Page 241] abhorring in him their own vices, or rather being satiated therewith, slew him, as is above mentioned, in the Victor in his Epit. saith he lived but 16 years. 21. year of his age, when he had reigned Herodian saith 6 years. 3 years 9 months and 4 daies.

HE was named Alexander, Longè aliter hujus nominis causam expli­cat Dio, quem vide. Casaub. because he was born in the Temple of Alexander the Great, and on that day that Alexander died; he had a Foster-father called Philip, and a nurse named Olympias, in allusion to Alexander the Great's Father and Mother. Lampri­dius in Alexandro Severo. c. 5, and 13. who reckoneth 14 omens of his coming to the Empire.

Of his pedi­gree, see He­lagabalus in the begin­ning.He is called Alexander Mammaeae from his Mother Mammaea more known than his Father.

Though he was strict in his discipline, [Page 243] yet Cap. 12. But Heraldus in Apologet. Tertul. p. 40. saith, Ab ani­mifirmitudine & constantia Alexander Mammaeae op­timus Princi­pum, Severi nomen meruit. Lampridius erroneously affirmeth that he was named Severus for his severity to the Soldiers. Tristan tom. 2. p. 385.

His Mother Iulia Mammaea (daughter of Maesa) was a Christian woman, and did send for Origen to instruct her son in the grounds of the Christian religion.

He was the first Emperor that favoured Christians.

He was the first who received at one time all ornaments and tokens of honour, which he purchased by his honest life and vertuous manners, whereby he ob­tained such favour of all men, that when his Cousin-german Helagabalus would have slain him, he could not for the Sol­diers and Senates resistance: he proving himself worthy to be preserved by the Se­nate and Soldiers, and to be elected Em­peror by the votes of all good men, when he was but 16 years old. Lamprid. c. 2.

He was then so modest, that when the Senate and people would have given to him the sur-names of Antonius and Quod ei qua­si Alexandro est oblatum. Mag­nus as principal titles of Honour, he hum­bly refused them, saying openly unto the Senate; ‘It pleaseth me not to assume what belongeth to others, and I find my self overladen with your love, for these high names of honour are too bur­densom to me.’ Whereupon (saith Lam­pridius in Alexander Severus c. 12.) he gained more honour, than if he had taken titles upon him, and from that time he [Page 244] had the repute of a moderate and wise man.

By the counsel of his wise and vertu­ous Mother, he purged his Palace, ex­cluding out of his Court dishonest and in­famous persons; and would suffer none in his houshold but of necessary use: bind­ing himself by an oath, that he would not have a superfluous number of servants, lest he should burden the Common-wealth with his provision, saying; Malum pupil­lum esse Imperatorem qui ex visceribus pro­vincialium homines non necessarios, nec reip. utiles pasceret. Lampridius. c. 15.

He was a most vertuous young man, and of necessary use to the Common-wealth. Lampridius in Helagabalo, c. 13. and in Alexandro Severo, c. 4.

No day passed, wherein he did not ali­quid mansuetum, civile, pium; but in such manner that he consumed not the com­mon Treasure. Id. Ib. c. 20.

He went usually betime in the morning to his devotion in his Closet, where were set the images of Apollonius, Christ, Abra­ham and Orpheus. Lampridius. c. 29.

He did read much the life of Alexander the Great, whom he imitated especially; labouring to be thought worthy of his name, and to excel him: yet abhorred his drunkeness and cruelty toward his friends (though the one and the other is extenuated by some good Authors, to whom he often gave credit.) Id. c. 50, and 30

[Page 245]He went oftentimes to hear Greek and Latine Rhetoricians and Poets; heard al­so Orators reciting causes, which they had pleaded before him, or the City-Prefects. Lampridius. c. 35.

He would not hear Orators or Poets speak any thing to his praise (counting it folly as Pescennius Niger did) but willing­ly heard Orations of the acts of other good Princes, or of famous Romans; and most gladly such as were made in praise of Alexander the Great. Id. Ib.

He had the picture of Virgil and Tully, with Achilles and other great persons in his lesser lararium; Alexander the Great among those he worshipped as Gods in his greater. Id. Ib. c. 31.

He was at first harsh, after favourable to Christians, thought to build a Temple to Christ, but was diverted by Vlpian and others, who having consulted their Heathen gods, received this answer (saith Lampridius c. 43.) that if that were suffer­ed, all men would be Christians, and all other Temples desolate.

He delighted not in cloath of gold or silks, saying; Government consisted in vertue, and not in costly apparel. Lampridius. c. 33.

At his table he drunk not in cups of gold, & kept not above Hoc quis sine admiratione summa legat? nam per anti­quissimas Ro­manorum le­ges. quae con­viviis modum ponebant, centum tamen argenti libras convivio licuis inferre. Casaubonus. 200 pound weight of silver vessels in his house. Id. Ib. c. 34.

[Page 246] Lamprid. c. 31He sold Jewels that were given to him, counting it unfit for himself to possess such things, as he could neither give to his Soldiers, nor any man find profit in. Wherefore when an Embassador had gi­ven to the Empress 2 unions of wonderful greatness, he commanded them to be sold: and when none could be found who would give as much as they were prized at, lest any ill example should proceed from his Wife, if she wore that which no body could buy, he caused them to be hanged at the ears of the Image of Venus: Sir Tho. Eliot his Image of govern. thereby declaring that such things either for the inestimable price were fitter for gods than men; or for the unprofitable beauty thereof served only for persons of wanton dispositions, whereof Venus was goddess and patroness.

He would be saluted by his name; if any man bowed his head, or spoke any thing in flattery, he was repulsed if his quality admitted of it, or greatly derided. Lampridius in Alexandro Severo, c. 18.

He would not suffer any to come into his presence, but such as were honest and of good report, commanding that none should enter into his Palace, but only such who knew themselves to be free from vice: causing it to be proclaimed that no person knowing himself to be a Thief, should presume to salute him upon pain of capital punishment, saying moreover; Thieves only complain of poverty, seek­ing [Page 247] thereby to hide their mischievous li­ving. Id. Ib.

He prohibited infamous women to sa­lute his Wife or Mother. Id. ib. c. 25.

He ordered that condemnations should be rare, but reversed not those which passed. Id. ib. c. 21.

He was strict in his own manners, where­fore all noble men assayed to imitate him, and honourable Matrons followed the Empress her example. Id. ib. c. 41.

He caused the sinews of one of his Se­cretary's fingers to be cut through, Spectarunt hoc saepius. an­tiqui legum conditores, ut qua parte quis peccasset, ea­dem puniretur. so that he could never write after, and banished him, for forging a false bill in his Coun­sel. Id. Ib. c. 28. Videsis plura.

He commanded one of his own servants, (who had abused him by receiving 100 Crowns of a Soldier for a bribe) to be hanged in the high way, Casaubon. wherein his ser­vants most frequently passed to his Man­nors without the City. Id. ib. c. 23.

He used like severity toward Soldiers; Vix annos vi­ginti natus in summa rerum affluentia, magnoque Im­perio, & ipsè se egregium militaris dis­ciplinae exem­plum praestitit, & a militib us ut idem age­rent, exegit. Neque enim alio quàm militari cibo utebatur, apertoque tentorio ut omnes conspicerent vescebatur. Fulgosius. l. 2. c. 2. for when he heard that one of them had wronged a poor old woman, he cashiered him and made him be bondslave to the woman, that he being a Carpenter might with his trade and labour maintain her: and when the Soldiers were grieved there­at, he perswaded them to be contented, and made them afraid to grudge at it. Id. ib. c. 51.

[Page 248]He said that a Soldier is never afraid, but when he is well appareled, and his purse furnished with money. Lampridius in Alex. Severo. c. 52.

He would in no case permit Offices to be sold; ‘For (said he) he who buyeth, must sell; I will not endure any mer­chandise of authority, which if I tole­rate, I cannot afterwards condemn; and I shall be ashamed to punish him who sold what I permitted him to buy.’ Id. ib. c. 49.

He so abborred bribery, that if by chance he saw a Judge therewith corrup­ted, he was ready to scratch out his eies; and was so incensed at the sight of such Extortioners, that he would immediately vomit up choler, his face being as it were on fire, and he not able of a long time to speak a word. Id. ib. c. 17. out of Encolpius and Seprimius.

Prodiit ante annos ferme abhinc centum Londini, libellus Anglicanus Imago Guber­nationis seu The Image of Governance dicius, quem in Epistola ad proceres Angli­canos dedicatoria, è Graeco sermone transtu­lisse se ait Thomas Eliotus eques auratus, atque celebris tunc inter liberatos nominis (de quo videsis Balaeum Cent. 8. script. 77. & Pitsaeum aetate 16, script. 969) atque ex­emplar Graecum commodato accepisse a Cla­rissimo quodam Neapolitano, cui nomen Pude­ricus. Autorem libelli asserit fuisse Encol­pium Alex. Severo a Commentariis. Et En­colpium [Page 249] quidem scriptis mandasse res aliquas Alexandri illius scimus ex Lampridio qui vitam ejus contexens Encolpium semel & ite­rum adhibet autorem, quo & familiarissimo usum fuisse ait Alexandrum. Graecum puto nullibi jam extare. Sed capite libelli hujus vicesimo quinto, veluti ex Encolpii Graecis, narratur, Alexandrum, hortatu Mammaeae matris, Origenem (qui coaevus quidem erat) ex Aegypto accercivisse, ac literas ad episcopum Alexandriae datas, quibus ei jussum est ne O­rigenis iter impediret; praefixo qui ad hunc modum sonat titulo, Alex. Imp. Aug. &c. Alexandro Archiepiscopo Christianorum in magna civitate Alexandriae [...]. Graecum enim hoc vocabulum in margine apposuit Eliotus, ut sciret lector quid in Grae­cis responderet verbis suis Anglicanis Well to do. Dissertationes dein etiam addit aliquot Alexandri & Originis de rebus divinis. Sed nullus tune temporis planè episcopus Alexan­driae, Alexander dictus est, nec ullus ante Constantinum. Neque aliud quàm Graeculi alicujus recentioris commentum libellum illum fuisse dubito, utcunque sanè Lampridio sub­inde satis concordem. Seldenus in Interse­rendis ad Eutychium, p. 174, 175.

When one Septimius Arabinus, who in the time of Helagabalus, was infamous for bribery, came in the company of Sena­tors to salute him, he cryed out invoca­ting his Syrian God with other Deities; O Marna, O Iupiter, O Dii immmortales, Arabinus non solum vivit, verum etiam in [Page 250] Senatum venit: fortassis etiam de me sperat; tam fatuum, tam stultum esse me judicat. A­rabinus not only liveth, but cometh into the Senate, (alluding to Tully his speech against Catiline) perhaps to be presumeth on me, judging me to be an ignorant and foolish Prince. Id. ib.

He had a favourite named Vetronius Tu­rinus, who used to be more familiar with him than others, which so blinded him, that he by lies confirmed the opinion of many, who thought the Emperor would do nothing without his advice. Which abuse the Emperor hearing of, used this plot to circumvent him. He caused one to desire something of him openly, and after to sue privily to Turinus to help him in his demand, and secretly to move the Emperor for him: which being done, Tu­rinus promised his good will to the Peti­tioner, and soon after said that he had sollicited the Emperor therein, (whereas he spoke not a word thereof) and expe­cted his answer; whereupon he received of the said person a great sum of money, which the Emperor knowing, caused him to call often on Turinus; who, as if he had other business in hand, only beckon­ed on him without speaking any thing to him, the Emperor in the interim having given to another that which this man su­ed for, who grudging thereat, discovered openly what Turinus had received of him: whereupon the Emperor commanded Tu­rinus [Page 251] to be accused openly in his presence, and all things being proved by sufficient and credible Witnesses, in whose presence he had received bribes, and in whose hearing he had promised great matters: he was adjudged by the Emperor to be bound to a stake in the Market-place, and to be smothered to death with smoke of green sticks and wet stubble, the Bedel being commanded to cry the mean while, Fumo punitur qui vendidit fumum; He pe­risheth by smoke who had vented smoke instead of substance. Alexandrum Severum non laudo optimum alioquin prin­cipem, qui fu­mo ex stipulis & humidis lignis facto, eum puniit, qui vendiderat fumum. Ca­saubonus in Vulcatii Gal­licani Avidi­um Cassium. cap. 4. But lest men should think the judgment was too rigorous for one of­fence, before he was condemned to die, the Emperor made diligent search, and found by evident proofs, that Turinus had often and in many causes received money of both parties, promising to pro­mote their cause to the Emperor. Lam­pridius, c. 35. and 36.

He had in his chamber bills containing the number of his Soldiers, with their names, and what time they had served; and when he was alone, he perused their accounts, and the number of them with their dignities and wages, that he might be surely provided upon all occasions: wherefore when he had any thing to do with them, he could tell many of their names. When he was sollicited to pro­mote any one, he marked his name, and then searched his books of Pittacia à [...], & [...]. remem­brance, wherein were the names of them [Page 252] who served him, with the time of their service, also their reward, and at whose request they were promoted. Id. ib. c. 21.

His Soldiers marched like Senators to the Persian war, the Country loving them as brethren, and honouring him as a God. Lampridius in Alexandro Severo, cap. 50.

In his expedition if any Soldier going out of the way passed through another mans ground, he would cause him to be beaten with rods, or be drubbed in his sight: or if the dignity of the person freed him from such punishments, he would severely reprove him, saying; Vis­ne hoc in agro tuo fieri, quod alteri facis? Lamprid. c. 51.

Sandys in his Travels lib. 1. writeth, that amongst the Turkish commandments this is one, drawn originally from our Saviours, Thou shalt not do, what thou wouldest not have done to thee: with which speech Alexander Severus was so delighted, that he caused it to be written on the wals of houses, and to be publickly proclaim­ed by a Cryer, that all might the better observe it. Camerarius in his Historical Meditations saith, Vlpian hence framed the constitution which is found in the Pandects under the title: Quod quisque juris in alterum statuerit, ut ipse eodem jure utatur.

[Page 253]When the Soldiers mutinyed at Antioch, Herodianus Alexandrum ut ignavum, matrem ejus Mammaeam ut impiam, traducit: sed videtur id fa­cere, religio­nis Christia­nae, cui fave­bant, odio: cum Lampri­dius tot nomi­nibus Alexan­drum com­mendet ob fru­galitatem, li­beralitatem, integritatem, adeoque forti­tudinem. Jac. Cappellus in Eccles. Christ. cent. 2. p. 52. because he exercised martial discipline upon some of them for debauchedness, he stilled them with these words; Quirites discedite, atque arma deponite. A wonder­ful example, they all putting off their arms and soldiers coats, departed to their several lodgings. Then the Emperors guard brought all the Standards into the Camp, and the people themselves brought all their armour to the Emperors Palace: yet that very Legion which he disbanded, being sued unto 30 daies before he went toward Persia, he received again, and by their valour especially, he overcame his enemies: notwithstanding ere he de­parted he put to death the Commanders of that Legion, because the Soldiers pas­sed their time riotously at Daphne, through their negligence or connivence. Id. ib. c. 53, 54.

Herodian writeth that the Romans were vanquished in this War. But Lam­pridius, Eutropius, Orosius and Zosimus say, that Severus obtained the victory, took Ctesiphon with Babylon, and subdued also Arabia.

Fides Herodiani nutat in Alexandro & Maximino. Vossius de Histor. Graec.

He so heard the complaints of Soldiers against their Commanders, that if he found any Officer faulty, he punished him according to the quality of the offence, without purpose of pardon. Id. ib. c. 23.

[Page 254]He made one a Pretorian Prefect, who fled to avoid so arduous an employment, saying; Invitos, non ambientes in republica collocandos, They were fit to bear offices of state who shunned them, not those that sued for them. Id. ib. c. 19.

He never made a Senator without the counsel and approbation of the whole Se­nate, testimony of him being given by honourable persons; but if either the Se­nators who gave their suffrage, or the witnesses were found to have spoke untru­ly, they were put into the lowest places of esteem, being also condemned by the people as deceivers and forgers without hope of remission. Lampridius, c. 19.

Doctos refor­midat, nihil enim acutius calamo rerum perito, is Gou­lartius his marginal note.He loved learned men, and feared them also very much, lest they should write any thing sharply of him. Lamprid. c. 3.

His Mother Mammaea and his Grand­mother Maesa chose out of the Senate 16 grave and honourable Peers for his Coun­sellors and Assistants, without whose con­sent nothing was to pass as an Act of State. Herodian, l. 6. c. 1.

He transacted no weighty matter of ju­dicature, without the advice of no less than 50 most learned and wise men, be­side 20 Lawyers (18 whereof were Scho­lars [Page 255] of Papinian) of whom Ideo summus Imperator fu­it, quod ejus consiliis prae­cipuè Rempub­licam rexit. Vlpian was chief. Every mans opinion was heard, and what they said was written; a com­petent time being given each Counsellor to consider what they propounded, that they might not speak unadvisedly in mat­ters of importance. Lampridius, Lampridius c. 51. See Aelians Vari­ous History, l. 3. c. 17. cap. 16. and 68.

In Law and business of state, intelligent, learned and eloquent men were of his Councel; in military affairs old Com­manders, who had behaved themselves valiantly in several battels, and were ex­pert in the situation of places, pitching of fields, and preparation of camps; in each matters he advised with the best Hi­storians: asking them, what the Empe­rors of Rome or Princes of forreign coun­tries in former times did in like cases as were then in debate. Id. ib. c. 16.

He said, they only should be advanced who could order the Common-wealth by themselves, and not by Deputies, adding thereto, that martial men had their ad­ministrations, and Scholars theirs: and therefore every one should do that where­of he had most knowledge. Lampridius in Alexandro Severo, c. 46.

When he appointed Governors of Pro­vinces, he published their names, exhor­ting and encouraging the people to bring in what exception they could against them, and manifestly to prove the crime, if there was cause of accusation; provi­ded, [Page 256] if they did not sufficiently prove their charge, and that their accusation proceeded from malice, the accuser should forthwith be beheaded: for, said he, Since Christians and Iews use this method in ordi­nation of Priests, it is most reasonable that the like course should be taken in the choice of Rectors of Provinces, to whom are committed the lives and fortunes of those who are under them. Id. ib. c. 49.

When certain Hucksters and Cooks pre­tended they had right to a place which was consecrated by the Christians, and it was enquired what was his pleasure there­in, he answered; It was better that God should be worshipped there after any sort, than that the places should be put to vain uses. Id. ib. c. 49.

Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical History l. 6. saith, that there were many Christians in his family.

He freely sent of his Treasure to many poor men for the purchasing of lands, re­ceiving his money from the rents thereof. Lampridius in Alex. Sev. c. 21.

To many Cities which were defaced by Earthquakes, he remitted the tribute for their reparation. Id. c. 44.

He wrote down so far as he could re­member what he had given to any man, and if he found any to whom he had ei­ther given nothing, or that which was not equal to his merit, he called them un­to him, saying; What is the cause thou askest [Page 257] nothing of me? It was more troublesome to him (saith one) to be asked no­thing, than to give much. Wouldst thou have me be in thy debt? Ask something that thou mayest not complain of me for want of promotion. He gave such things as impaired not his ho­nour; viz. goods of men attainted, not being in gold, silver or jewels: for that was put in the common treasury. Lampri­dius in Alex. Sev. c. 46.

When any one had exercised his office in the Common-wealth well, at the end of his term when there was a Successor ap­pointed, he would say to him who de­parted out of his office; Gratias tibi agit Respublica: and would so reward him, that being a private person, he might ac­cording to his degree live in good fashion. His reward was in land, cattel, horses, grain, iron, stone, and other things ne­cessary for Edifices. Id. Ibid. c. 32.

He allowed every Judge of a Province 20 pound weight in silver, 6 silver pots, 2 Mules, 2 Mulets, 2 Horses, a Horse-kee­per and a Muletor, 2 Robes to sit in judg­ment, one honourable garment to wear in his house, one for his bath, one Cook, and 100 crowns; their employment be­ing ended, they were bound to restore the Mules, Mulets, Horses, Muletors and Cooks: but might retain the residue if they had discharged their office well, o­therwise they payed 4 times as much as they received. Id. Ib. c. 42.

He thought the safety of the State de­pended upon the Soldiers. Lampridius in Alex. Severo, c. 47.

[Page 258]He gave such lands as he won out of the Enemies hands to his Lords Marchers, and his Soldiers, that they should be theirs, and their heirs for ever, so they would be Soldiers, neither should they at any time come to the hands of private men, saying ‘They would more care­fully serve, if they fought for their own lands.’ Lampridius in Alexandro Severo.

He did let no day pass without exerci­sing himself in learning and martial af­fairs. Id. Ib. c. 3.

After publick affairs whether martial or civil, he employed himself most about the reading of Greek Authors, as Plato de republica. And when he would read a­ny Latine books, he chiefly made use of Tully his Offices, and his tract De republica, not now extant. Sometime he read Ora­tors and Poets, among whom was Serenus Sammonicus (whom he knew and favour­ed) and also Horace. Lampridius in Alex. Sev. c. 30.

‘When he dined or supped abroad, he had ever with him Vlpian or other learned men, In jocis Alex­ander dulcissi­mus fuit, in fabulis amabi­lis, in convi­viis comis, ita ut quisque pos­ceret quod vel­let. Lampri­dius in Alex­andro Severo, c. 4. that he might benefit himself by their discourse, with which he said; that he was both recreated and fed. Id. ib. c. 34.’

He delighted not so much in Latine eloquence, as in the Greek, in which he made elegant verses; inclined to Musick, was learned in the Mathematicks; and ap­pointed [Page 259] the professors of those sciences openly to propose questions at Rome, for the information of those who were that way addicted. In divination he was so skilful, that he excelled the Augurs of Gascony, Spain, and Hungary. He painted excellently, sang very pleasantly, but never before any, except the Pages of his Privy-chamber. He wrote the lives of good Princes in verse, which he sung un­to the Harp and Organs. Sir Thomas Eliot his Image of Govern. ex Lamprid. c. 3. & 27.

He never had any scenical sports at a feast, but delighted much in making whelps to play with young pigs, in the fighting of Partridges, and in little birds flying up and down. To lighten his pub­lick cares, he had Aviaries of Peacocks, Pheasants, Ducks, Partridges, and Ring­doves; which he so extreamly liked, that he had about 20000 of them: for the feeding whereof his servants provided by sale of their Eggs and young ones. Lampridius in Alex. Sev. c. 41.

Every day also he did some good to others, in which (saith Tristan) he had an advantage of happiness above Titus, who could not express the like goodness above the space of a years in which he reigned.

Alexander Mammaeae satis copiosa expo­sitione (quippe cum tredecim annis regnave­rit) utique est ad praeclari imaginem imperii descriptus: adeo planè nihil desideratur eo­rum, quae vel ad educationem Principalis so­bolis, [Page 260] vel ad normam imperatoriae virtutis, vel ad temperamentum singularis potestatis, vel ad disciplinam aulae, vel ad confilia publicae tranquillitatis creduntur pertinere. Boeclerus in Dedicatione, praefixa Herodia­no.

If necessity required, he heard matters before day, staying till it was late; never seeming to be weary or troubled: but had all the time the same countenance, in all things appearing merry and pleasant. Lampridius, c. 29.

He was so courteous that he visited the meanest of his sick friends, desiring them to tell him their minds freely of every thing, and hearing them attentively; and when he had heard them throughly, whatsoever he found amiss he carefully amended: and when his Mother Mammaea and his Wife Memmia blamed him for his great civility, saying it made his autho­rity contemptible, he answered; ‘But more secure and durable.’ Id. ibid. cap. 20.

He repaired most of the Bridges which were built by Trajan, leaving notwithstan­ding the name and honour thereof to Trajan. Id. ib. c: 26.

In all the time of his reign, which lasted 14 years, he suffered none to die, but those who were condemned by law; a rare vertue, and not practised by any since Marcus Aurelius: and there had been nothing wanting to have rendred him a [Page 261] most excellent Prince, had not his Mo­ther who was (a good woman, but) Mulier san­cta, sed ava­ra. Lampri­dius, c. 14. too miserable, stained his honour by her sor­did demeanor. Herodian, l. 6. c. 9.

When he was passing along in his ex­pedition against the Germans through France, a Druid woman cryed out after him in the Gallick tongue, ‘Go thy way and look not for the victory, and trust not thy Soldiers.’ Purchas his Pilgrims the first part. l. 1. c. 12. p. 101.

Thrasybulus his friend foretelling that he should die by the hand of a Barbarian, he rejoiced, thinking that he should die a warlike death; but he was mistaken in his interpretation, dying not in war: for the Soldiers enraged with his discipline, and his Mother Mammaea's covetousness, slew them both near Mentz in Quod Lam­pridius Alex­andrum occi­sum refert in Britannia vel in Gallia, vi­detur hinc na­tum, quod consilium in Britannia captum, & quidem hoc, ut videtur, anno, proxime se­quente pera­ctum est in Gallia. Jac. Cappellus in 5 Centuriis. ad an. Dom. 234. Germany, by the instigation of Maximinus a Muletor whom he had raised.

Herodianus VI. Maximinum ait imperi­um usurpasse primum: deinde Alexandrum cum matre sua necasse; in quo a Lampridio discrepat. Petavius De Doctrina Temporum, lib. 13. p. 699.

S. Aurelius Victor saith that when Alex­ander saw himself forsaken of his guard, he cryed out upon her which gave him his life, as the cause of his death; adding that Mammaea had reduced her son to such an extremity by her sparing humor, who if never so little was left at their overfrugal table; reserved it till another time.

Verè Mammaeus à studio in matrem Mam­maeam, Matris cultu plus quam pi­us. Aur. Vict. ex cujus arbitrio & consilio multa administrat infeliciter & cum proprio exitio. Dietericus in Breviario historico.

Iulian bringeth in Silenus, Iupiter's buffon, thus deriding him: O te hominem amentissimum, & nullius plane consilii! qui ad tantum dignitatis fastigium elatus, tuas res ex animi tui sententia non administrasti, sed tuas pecunias matri commisisti, neque tibi in mentem venit, longe satius & utilius esse eas amicis impartiri, quam sibi recondere.

He lived 29 years 11 months and 7 daies, and reigned (saith Lampridius) 13 years and 9 daies.

Quibus Consulibus natus sit Alexander, legisse me non memini, inter historices quidem [Page 263] omnes eum constat occisum fuisse anno Imperii tertio decimo: sed quoto aetatis anno ambigu­um. Apud Lampridium enim invenies, an. 29, in Victoris vero Epitome 26, ex quibus tamen numeris, si tredecim annos imperii de­duxeris, Alexandrum rerum potiri coepisse anno aetatis sexto decim [...] aut decimo tertio colliges: nisi & illi quoque numeri utrique falsi sint. Vinetus in Eutropium.

He found his real Sepulchre in Rome, but his empty grave in Gallia. Dr Brown's Urn-burial. p. 41.

He is the more to be honoured and admired, since being come of uncertain lineage, born far from Rome, and in so barbarous a Country as Syria, he so well governed the Roman Empire, which be­fore his time was extremely corrupted with detestable vices. See Lamprid. c. 66, &c.

Dio was contemporary and Consul with Alexander, with whom he endeth his history, of which Bussieres in his Flos­culi historici passeth this censure; Tunc Dio Cassius principi charus & fastis insertus, inauguravit literas trabea; Romanae Graecus scriptor historiae perquam accuratus, quam ta­men negligentia temporum perdidit, dum stu­diosa brevitatis in Xiphilino, ignorantiam fovet, & umbram amans corpus amittit.

Dio Cassius Coccejanus historicus pruden­tissimus, & immerito a J. Lipsio in Catalogo prudentiae Doctorum [in not. ad polit.] prae­teritus. Forstnerus ad Tacitum, p. 101.

[Page 264] Dio Cassius in Casaubons opinion, the most accurate Historian, saith Bolton in his Nero Caesar, p. 233.

Sub eodem principe floruit Herodianus, qui Graecè quoque scripsit historiam pauciorum quidem quàm Cassius annorum, sed admodum judiciosam & elegantem, a Commodo, qui regnare coepit anno V. C. 933. ad Maximi­num, qui periit anno 990. Jac. Cappellus p. 8. praefationis, praefixae Centuriis quinque Ecclesiasticae Historiae.

Dioni & Tacito, non contextu tantum operis, sed pragmaticae gravitatis compara­tione adjungendus. Boeclerus in Epistola De­dicatoria, praefixa Herodiano.

Sub eoque vixit Aelianus, qui de Varia Historia scripsit. Besoldus in majore Synopsi Historiae universae.

MAximinus spent his youth in keeping cattel, yet was advanced afterward for his Ego (ut [...], cui magna solet esse fides, te­stem faciam) Belgam (An­twerpianum se ferebat) in Galliis, Anno 1583. vidi no­vem pedes al­titudine exce­dentem. stature which excee­ded 8 foot by 6 fingers. Capitolinus in Maxim. c. 1. and in Maximino jun. c. 2. [ Parsons by trade a Black-smith, the Kings Porter ( anno 1624.) was found by just mea­sure to be 7 foot and 2 inches. And I hear that a Welsh-man lately entertained by the Prince in the like place, outstrips the Smith in height by 5 inches, yet is still growing, so as in time he may well come unto 8 foot. Dr. Hakewil in his Apology, Merula Cos­mographiae parte prima, l. 3. c. 14. l. 3. c. 3. sect. 3.]

His body was so great that his Wifes bracelet served him for a ring. Capitoli­nus in Maximino, c. 6.

[Page 266]His stomach was answerable; he eating daily 40, sometimes 60 pound weight of flesh; and drinking 6 gallons of wine. Id. Ibid. c. 4.

His strength was sutable; he being a­ble to draw Wains loaden with his hands; Eodem tempo­re, quo Maxi­minus suae monstrosae for­titudinis ope­ra hinc inde exercebat, ille admirandi r [...] ­boris gigas Starcatherus pugil Sueticus (cujus paulo ante memini­mus) aliique quam plurimi, in prima Go­thorum patria aditis ubique clarissimis & memorabili­bus facinori­bus viguerunt. Olaus Magnus fol. 445. to strike out the teeth of a horse with his fist, to break his thighs with a kick; to crumble tophy stones between his fingers, and to cleave young Trees: for which he was called Hercules, A [...]aeus, and Milo; as Achilles, Hector and Ajax, for his valour. Id. ib. c. 6. and 8.

Sept. Severus celebrating the birth-day of his Son Geta with military sports, gave the winners for a reward jewels, collars, bracelets, belts; Maximinus who was new­ly come to the army, and could scarce speak Latine came before him, entreating his leave that he might put forth himself in these exercises. Severus wondring at the greatness of his body, granted his re­quest; but upon condition, that he should not encounter with any Soldier, Nequid à rudi homine militaribus viris veniret injuriae, saith Iornandes in Geticis, c. 15. but with such as were water-bearers and ser­vitors of the Camp, among which were very strong and stout men. Maximinus overcame 16 of them before he rested, receiving so many smaller rewards, but not such as were given to the Soldiers; and was listed for service. Three daies af­ter the Emperor riding to view his Camp, saw Maximinus (who was yet but a fresh water-soldier) out of order; wherefore [Page 267] he commanded a Colonel to call him into his rank, and to instruct him in the duty he was to observe in the Wars: Maximi­nus imagining the Emperor spake of him, kneeled down at his feet. The Emperor desiring to see whether he could run well or no, spurred his horse and took several turns in the field; and seeing Maximinus left not off running, old Severus being tired said to Maximinus, ‘ Thracian, will you wrestle after your race?’ whereto he answered, ‘So long as it shall please your Majesty.’ Then the Emperor chusing 7 of the strongest men in his army, Maximi­nus overcame them without resting be­tween. Whereupon Severus commanded a collar of gold to be given to him alone, with certain pieces of silver; made him one of his guard, and commanded that he should continually attend in the Palace: by which means he came to be esteemed by the Commanders and Soldiers, and to obtain what he desired of the Emperor. Id. Ib. c. 2, 3.

He was diligent as well after, as before his preferment, saying; Ego quo major fu­ero, tanto plus laborabo: and rather than his Soldiers should be out of action, he employed them in hunting.

Even in his old age he would throw down 5, 6, or 7 Soldiers (whom he wrest­led with) one after another; and being challenged by a Tribune who envied him, when they met, Maximinus gave him such [Page 268] a blow on the brest with the palm of his hand, that he threw him flat upon his back, saying in sport; Date alium sed Tri­bunum. Id. ib. c. 6.

Caracallo made Maximinus a Centurion; (in Macrinus his reign he left the army out of hatred to the assasinate of his Sove­reign;) even Helagabalus permitted him to be a Tribune: but Alexander Severus gave him the command of a Legion, whose death notwithstanding he disloyally pra­ctised (as is before mentioned;) whereup­on he was elected Emperor by the Soldi­ers, without the consent of the Senate. Id. ibid. c. 4, 5, 7, 8.

It appeareth unquestionably that he committed this villany (notwithstanding the doubts of some) because he killed all Alexanders relations and friends. Tristan.

He arrogantly usurped the names of Cajus Iulius Verus, and the proud Epi­thets of Invictus, Fortissimus and Nobilissi­mus; notwithstanding his ignoble extra­ction. Tristan.

He suffered no noble person to be about him, and out of a desire to conceal the baseness of his birth, slew even the best of his friends who were conscious of it. Lam­pridius, c. 19.

His tyranny caused many to conspire against him, which he discovering, took an occasion to renew his cruelty.

Maximinus first thanked Macedonius, who treacherously slew Tycus that had re­belled [Page 269] against him, but afterward put him to death as a Traitor. Capitolinus, c. 11.

Praeclarum tyranni factum, & verè singu­lare, nam tota vita unicum hoc laude dig­num. Elenchus MS Numismatum in Biblio­theca Bodleiana.

He slew all of the faction of his adver­sary Magnus without any judicial process, Maximino imperium jam constabilitum obtinente, gra­vis omnes in­cessit poeniten­tia, quod acer­bam tyranni­dem modera­to cum impe­rio commutas­sent. Zosimus, lib. 1. not satisfied with the slaughter of above 4000. Capitolinus, c. 10.

Maximus Pupienus (who made prepara­tions at Ravenna to wage war against him by the Senates appointment) was excee­dingly afraid of him, saying often; that he was not engaged against a man, but a Cyclops: and Balbinus (who was made his Collegue in the Empire by the Senate, and staid at Rome) trembled at the na­ming of him.

He was so feared at Rome, that when he was in Italy, the women with their chil­dren prayed solemnly in their Temples that he might never return; having heard that some were crucified by him, some in­closed in beasts newly killed, others cast to wild beasts, others bruised with clubs, without any regard to the quality of per­sons. Id. ibid. c. 8.

For his cruelty (which he thought ne­cessary for his security) he was hated, and called Cyclops, Busiris, Scyron, Phalaris, Ty­phon, and Gyges. Id. ib. and c. 9.

He was so infatuated with the confidence of his own greatness & personal strength, [Page 270] that he entertained a conceit, that death durst not adventure to encounter him, for fear of having his Javelin broke about his own crazy skull, and all his Skeleton of bones rattled to dust. Dr. Charleton's Darkness of Atheism dispelled by the light of nature, p. 178.

Because he thought himself immortal, he was covertly defied in the Theatre by a Comoedian in these verses:

What was spoken in sport, befel him in earnest; for Maximinus hasting with his army towards Rome to be revenged of the Senate which intended resistance, was op­posed at Aquileja, where women made bow-strings of their hair to shoot against him; Capitolinus in Maximino jun. & in Maximo & Balbino. at which repulse he became so fu­rious that he killed many of his own Sol­diers, wherewith the rest being enraged slew him and his Son, saying; Canis pessi­mi ne catulus quidem relinquendus: Of a bad litter not a whelp is to be left.

He was 65 years old when he dyed, and his Son 21.

The time of their reign is not agreed upon.

The Messenger who brought word of their death, came from Aquileja to Rome [Page 271] (798 miles) in 4 daies. Capitolinus, c. 25.

Magna sane diligentia: sed non incredibi­lis; cum similis celeritatis aut etiam majoris exempla & apud veteres legantur, & hodie­que edi saepissimè videamus. Constat hodier­nos veredarios Roma Lutetiam saepe diebus sex septem commeare: quae longè major con­tentio est. Casaubonus.

When his head with his sons were brought to Rome, all ran to the Altars to thank the Gods, and Balbinus sacrificed Hecatombs for his deliverance, com­manding the same to be done throughout the Empire. Maximinus junior tantae pulchritudinis fuit, ut passim amatus sit a procacioribus feminis. non­nullae etiam optaverunt de eo concipere. Capitolinus in Maximino jun. c. 1.

Scribit Aelius Sabinus (quod pretermitten­dum non fuit) tantam pulchritudinem oris su­isse in filio, ut etiam caput ejus mortui jam nigrum, jam sordens, jam maceratum, deflu­ente tabo, velut umbra pulcherrima videretur. Denique quum caput Maximini pilo circum­ferretur, & ex hoc ingens gaudium esset, prope par moeror erat, quod & filii caput pariter portaretur. Capitolinus in Maximino juni­ore, c. 6.

Maximinus was the Author of the 6. per­secution, Persecutio ista sub Maximi­no Imp. post diuturnam Ecclesiae pa­cem repente oborta est ob frequentes & gravissimos terrae motus, quos more suo Gentiles Christianis imputabant ut testis est Firmilianus in Epistola ad Cyprianum. Vide Baronium ad annum Christi 237. Valesius in Eusebium, p. 127. which Tristan thinks he raised only that he might confiscate the Chri­stians goods, his sacrilegious covetous­ness not permitting him to spare Heathen Temples.

[Page 272]As this persecution was the shortest, so it was the most violent; not of the com­mon sort so much, as of their especial Lea­ders: who were either cut off from them, or hirelings intruded for them, or their flock set up against them. Bishop Prideaux in his Introduction to History, out of Chry­sostom.

Hujus Maximini monumenta sunt, Bra­carae Augustae vicus & porta Maximini, quae hodie quoque post tot saecula nomen retinent. Certum est Romanos omnes Imperatores tum per se tum per magistratus, res praeclaras in Hispania gessisse. Quod tum ex plurimis ipso­rum monumentis, tum ex antiquis numismatis constat. Quae ego omnium ferè Imperatorum insignita nominibus vidi, & pleraque etiam habeo penes me, multa largitus amicis. Va­saeus in Chron. Hispan. p. 266.

GORDIAN the elder was son of Metius Marullus and Vlpia Gordiana, deriving his pedigree by the Fa­thers side from the Grac­chi, and by the Mothers from Trajan the Emperor. Capitolinus in tribus Gordianis, c. 2.

His Father, Grand-father, and great Grand-father were Consuls; as also were his Father-in-law, with his Grand-father on both sides, and both her great Grand-fathers. Id. ibid.

He was made Pro-consul of Africk at the age of fourscore, having been Ruler of many other Provinces, and well ex­ercised [Page 274] in State-affairs. Herodian lib. 7. cap. 5.

The Africans so loved him, that some compared him to Scipio, De Gordiani dignitatibus, laudibusque per gradus ho­norum & glo­riae partis, ut & de delato imperio pro­lixè Capitoli­nus in Gordi­ano a c. 3. usque ad 9. Boeclerus in Herodianum, p. 452. others to Cato; many called him Mutius Scaevola, Rutilius, & C. Laelius. Capitolinus in tribus Gor­dianis, c. 5.

Moribus ita moderatus ut nihil possis dicere quod ille aut cupidè, aut immodestè, aut ni­miè fecerit. Id. ib. c. 6.

Populo Rom. ita commendatus suis actibus erat ut toto dignus videretur imperio. Id. Ibid. c. 9.

The young Gentlemen of Tysdrum ex­asperated by the tyranny of Maximinus his favourite (Governor of Carthage) slew him; and proclaimed Gordian Emperor, whom they thought the Romans would like, because he was nobly descended: He though somewhat coy, yet being natu­rally desirous of honour, accepted their offer with a little reluctance: chusing ra­ther to avoid the present, than future pe­ril; holding it not inglorious to die in his old age (if need were) in Imperial robes. Hereupon all Africk revolted, and many Cities pulling down Maximines Ima­ges, erected Gordians Statues; whom they surnamed African: (for so the Sou­thern Libyans are called by the Romans.) Herodian, l. 7. c. 5.

He banished all Informers, and suffered those that were unjustly condemned to reverse the judgment by pleading. Id. ib. c. 6.

[Page 275]He recalled all exiles, and promised to give the Soldiers more than ever Em­peror did, and to reward the Commons with an extraordinary Congiary. Id. Ib.

Vitalian, the Pretorian Prefect at Rome, a bloudy instrument of Maximinus's, was killed by Gordian's appointment.

Those who obeyed his order therein, gave out that Maximine was slain; at the hearing whereof, the Romans defaced the Images and Statues of Maximinus: ha­tred (which till then was over-awed by fear) pouring out it self, without stop, through the Floud-gates of licentiousness. The Senate also conjecturing that it was so, decreed that all Maximine's honours should be abolished: and declared Gordi­an and his Son Emperors. Idem ubi supra, & c. 7.

The Senate at last understood their danger, better than their relief, Maximine his affairs prospering at Carthage unexpe­ctedly. Capellianus an enemy to Gordian, and true to Maximine, defeated Gordian his Son (who was sent against him) with all his followers. So great was the number that fell, that the principal persons could not be found to receive funeral honour, nor the dead body of the young Prince. Idem ubi supra, &c. 9. Capitolinus in tri­bus Gordianis, c. 16.

Gordian the Father hearing of this, through despair strangled himself. Capito­linus, ubi supra.

[Page 276] Sanè etsi uter perierit prior non planè con­stat, ambos tamen in Afr [...]ca mortem obiisse, non est dubium. Zosimus tamen ex aliis scrip­toribus tradit naufragio utrumque periisse, cum ex Africa in Italiam trajicerent. Ca­saubonus.

Gordian the elder lived 80 years, and yet died of a violent death, when he was scarce warm in his Empire; A man of an high spirit, and renowned, learned, and a Poet; and constantly happy throughout the whole course of his life, save only that he ended his daies by a violent death. Sir Francis Bacon.

Eo solum Imperator, ne sua morte decede­ret. Bussieres in Flosculis Historiarum.

Gordian the Son had 22 Concubines, by each of which he left 3 or 4 children; be­ing therefore called the Priamus, and by many in merriment The Priapus of his time. Capitolinus in tribus Gordianis, c. 19.

Quidam Sammonicus Serenus LX. & duo millia librorum censuit in sua Bibliotheca; quam moriens reliquit Gordiano minori, a degustato imperio obscuro, ab ista literatorum ore ad coelum lato. Lansius in Mantissa con­sultationum de primatu inter provincias Eu­ropae, p. 76.

Concerning the time of their reign, and Capitolinus his error therein, See Pe­tavius's Rationarium Temporum, the 2. part and 4. book, p. 200.

[Page 277] Sanè, quod pretermittendum esse non cen­sui, quia mirabile visum est, This is que­stioned by Tristan in his Historical Commenta­ries, tom. 2. lectum apud Vulcatium Terentianum, qui & ipse histo­riam sui temporis scripsit, in literas misi; Gordianum seniorem Augusti vultum sic re­presentasse, ut & vocem, & oris honorem, & staturam ejus oftentare videretur: filium vero, Pompeio simillimum visum, quamvis Pompeius obesi corporis fuisse denegatur. Ca­pitolinus in tribus Gordianis, c. 21.

Maximus i­dem est, qui Pupienus. Quod ignoras­se Capitoli­num Maxi­mini junioris fine, plerique mirantur. Boe­clerus in He­rodianum, p. 454. UPon the death of the 2 Gor­dians the Senate chose Pu­pienus and Balbinus Empe­rors in opposition to Max­iminus. In the mean time the Commons decryed the election, but especi­ally rejected Pupienus, as too austere; and cryed out that they would presently kill them both, and have a Prince of Gordi­an's lineage, Tristis ac se­verus Pupi [...]ni vul [...]us fuit, quod & num­mi [...]i [...]ui test [...]ntur quos vid [...]us. Ca­sau [...]n. that the Empire might con­ [...]inue in that name. Balbinus and Pupi­enus assaying to go forth of the Capitol, were kept in with clubs and stones, till they deluded the people by this inven­tion.

[Page 279]There was in the City a little boy, Son to Gordian's daughter, and of his Grand­fathers name; whom they sent for thi­ther. They who were sent for him, find­ing him playing at home, lifted him on their shoulders, and so carried him through the crowd, telling the people he was G [...]rdian's Nephew, and of his name; the people shouting for joy, and casting leaves upon him. When the Senate had proclaimed him Caesar (his minority not permitting him to manage the state) and the people were calmed, the elected Em­perors were suffered to pass to the Palace. Her [...]dian. l. 7. c. 10.

Balbinus was both noble and ancient, Ridiculè Oro­sius, l. 7. fra­tres fuisse scri­bit, cum alter nobilis, igno­bilis alter fu­erit, Capitoli­no auctore. Schottus in Aur. Victorem. Pupienus was ignobly descended, but had born many offices, which having dis­charged with wisdom and valour, he was highly prized by the Senate.

Nonnulli ita hos comparandos putant, ut alterum severum, clementem alterum; bonum illum, istum constantem; illum nihil largi­entem, hunc affluentem copiis omnibus dice­rent. Capitolinus in Maximo & Balbino, cap. 7.

Timebant severitatem Maximi homines vulgares, quam & Senatui acceptissimam & sibi adversissimam esse credebant. Capitoli­nus in Maximo & Balbino, ex correctione Salmasii, p. 271.

These Emperors were not joined in af­fection, as in authority; each holding himself most deserving: each having [Page 280] their own, and standing upon their own guard.

The election of these Emperors by the Senate displeased the Soldiers so much, that at last they assaulted the Court, and easily Maximini imperio duo GORDIANI, pater & filius principatum arripientes, unus post u­num interiere. Pari etiam to­nore PUPI­ENUS & BALBINUS regnum inva­dentes, per­emti sunt. slew these Senatorian Emperors, (as they called them) being at variance; crying out to the people, that they had but slain them, whom themselves first re­jected.

This wretched and disastrous end had these venerable and renowned Persona­ges, whom their noble lineage and illu­strious merits mounted to the highest Throne of human glory. Herodian, l. 8. c. ult.

Zosimus saith that Balbinus and Pupi­enus would have killed young Gordian, Victoris Epit. be­cause he was more beloved of the Soldiers, by whom he was made Caesar; who hear­ing of their design, prevented them: but Boeclerus on Herodian, p. 457. thinketh he is mistaken, or that this was but preten­ded.

Confundit, ut arbitror Historiam Philippi cum hac narratione: nisi fors milites ad ex­cusandum parricidium tale quid in vulgus sparserunt.

UPon the death of Balbinus and Pupienus, Amatus est à populo, & Se­natu & mili­tibus ante Philippi fa­ctionem, ita ut nemo Prin­cipum. Capi­tolinus in tri­bus Gordianis, c. 31. Gordian the third, before created Cae­sar by the Senate through the importunity of the Soldiers, was made Em­peror by a general con­sent in the 13. year of his age.

Capitolinus in tribus Gordianis, c. 21. saith he resembled Scipio Asiaticus.

He married Tranquillina daughter of Misitheus, whom he loved and honoured for his learning; by whose advice he transacted state affairs prosperously, ex­pelling Sapor King of Persia from Syria, recovering Antioch, Nisibis, and Carrae by [Page 282] his assistance: for which success the Se­nate appointed a triumph for Gordian, and a triumphal Chariot for Misitheus with this inscription: Misitheo parenti Principum Pop. Rom. Tutori Reip. S. P. Q. R. The Inscription is singular, and the quality of the Prince's Father nothing common, at that time when the seat of the Empire had not yet been transferred from Rome to Constantinople: For after that, this quality was conferred as a Ti­tle of Office; and vulgarly, those who had the principal direction of affairs, were called the Fathers of the Empire, and of the Emperor. Balsac's Aristippus, p. 15.

Misitheus was soon missed for counsel and trust, being poisoned by Philip an Arabian of ignoble parentage, who was made Prefect in his stead, and aspired to the Empire.

Philip secretly caused a scarcity of vi­ctuals in the Army, which he did, that the Soldiers might imagine it to be oc­casioned by Gordian's neglect, whom he charged with inability to govern, being so young.

The Officers were corrupted by Philip, and the Soldiers through ignorance of his deceipt, made him Gordian's Gover­nor, whereupon he grew so insolent, that he commanded all, as if he had been sole Emperor.

[Page 283] Gordian disce [...]ning his aim, complain­eth openly to the Soldiers of the wrong which was done to him by Philip, not­withstanding all obligations to the con­trary; but Philip's project prevailing, Gordian since he could not share in the Empire, sued to be a Captain, which was denyed him: Philip not thinking himself safe (whilest Gordian of great blood and esteem was alive) slew him in the Victor in his Epit. saith the 20th. 22. year of his age, and 6. of his reign; as if Justice her self appeared evi­dently to take vengeance on the Traitors, each of his Murtherers with the same Poinyard wherewith they slew him, Indicium non diu impera­turi Gordiani hoc fuit, quod eclipsis solis facta est, ut nex credere­tur, neque sine luminibus accensis quic­quam agi pos­set. Capitoli­nus in tribus Gordianis, c. 23. killed himself.

The Soldiers that buried him near Persia, wrote his title of honour upon his Sepulchre in Greek and Latine, in the Persian, Iewish and Egyptian tongues, that it might be read of all, as Capitolinus writeth in Gordianis.

His body being interred in the confines of the Roman and Persian Empire, gave name to a place, which was for that cause called The Sepulchre of Gordian. Sextus Aurelius Victor in his Epitome.

Five Languages secured not the Epi­taph of Gordian, saith Dr. Brown in his Urn-burial, p. 81.

Gordian's Motto was, Miser est imperator apud quem vera reticent [...]r; which was his own case.

PHILIP the Father writing to the Senate of Gordian's death as if it had happen­ed naturally, S. P. Q. R. primo impe­rium Marco cuidam, cum is subito mo­reretur Seve­ro Hostiliano detulit, sed cum & hic vena male se­cta decederet, toleravit Phi­lippum. Laet in compend. Hist. was by them proclaimed Emperour, through fear of the Sol­diers.

He was born of mean Parents, his Fa­ther having been a notable Captain of thieves in Arabia. Sextus Aurelius Victor in his Epitome.

Patre latronum Duce natus, latrocinio qua­si Imperium rapuit. Pareus (vel potius Al­tingius) in Medulla Historiae Profanae.

[Page 285] Per militiam ad honores venit, & per sce­lus ad Imperium. Glareanus in Eutro­pium.

The Gothes infesting Mysia and Asia, Jo [...]apianus Philippi tem­poribus impe­rium in O­riente occupa­vit: sed sta­tim oppressus, cum imperio vitam simul amisit. Auctor Zosimus. Casaubonus de iis qui post Gordianum tertium Prin­cipes fuerunt ad Valeria­num usque. Philip sent Marinus against them, who as soon as he came into those parts drew his Army into a rebellion, and proclaimed himself Emperor; taking (he said) his example from Philip, who raised his title by his Sovereigns fall.

Philip complaining very much to the Senate of Marinus his ingratitude, Decius bid him not fear, for Marinus should suffer for it, as he did; for the mutable Soldi­ers, who even now erected him, sudden­ly threw him down, and slew him.

Decius being sent in Marinus his room, was also proclaimed Emperor by the Sol­diers, though against his will, out of their hatred to Philip. Eodem tempo­re quo Jotapi­anus in Syria, Marinus in Pannonia vel Moesia a legi­onibus praesi­diariis saluta­tus est impera­tor, nec mul­to post trucida­tus, ut nar­rant Zosimus & Zonaras. Id. ib. Victor Schotti maketh Iotapia [...]us to usurp the Empire in Decius his time.

Decius sent secretly to Philip, professing he meant to escape the Soldiers, and per­sist in his allegiance: Philip fearing that was but policy (lest Decius should be stronger by delays) hasted himself with a great Army, and being overcome was Ferro adeptus impe­rium, ferro vitam pariter cum Imperio finivit. Aventinus. slain by the Soldiers at Verona, his head being cut off through the teeth.

At the news whereof the Pretorian Sol­diers slew his son, but 12 years old; who [Page 286] was so composed, Ambo, quam­vis dive [...]sis lo­cis tumultu militari & Decii fraude interfecti sunt. O [...]sius, l. 7. c. 20. that from the 5th year of his age, none by any invention could make him laugh: and when his Father was tickled with laughter at the secular plays, he looked on him with an estran­ged countenance.

Baronius in A. C. 253. de utriusque mor­te hanc inscriptionem profert, & agn [...]s­cit pro ve [...]ri: ANNO CHRIST. CCLIII. IMP. DIVVS PHI­LIPPVS SENIOR VERONAE ETROMAE IVNIOR A SA­TELLITIBVS OCCISVS EST. Sed Scal. ad Euseb. supposit [...]tiam esse satis demonstrat, & descriptam ex Chronico Hie­ronymiano Rupertus in min. synop. Be­soldi, p. 358.

Veronensi [...] Inscriptio, quam in Annalibus laudat Baronius, & Adolphus Occo, testatur Anno Christi CCLIII. caesos esse Philippos. Sed adulterina & nugatoria est epigraphe, quam merito neglexit Onufrius. Neque enim annorum putatio ita vetus est; quam demum post Dionysium passim usurpatam esse constat. Itaque nihil erat, quod ad rationes suas cum [...] illo monumento conciliandas, Annalium, Chronicorumque Scriptores bien­nium Philippis arrogarent. Atque ut De­ciis ambobus Coss. necatos esse Philippos ar­bitremur, nequaquam is annus erit aerae Chri­stianae CCLIII, ut Annalibus esse videtur; sed CCII. verum ante Decios amb [...]s Consu­les, Philippos extinctos esse, probabilius est. Petavius De Doctrina Temp [...]rum, l. 11. c. 26.

[Page 287]The time of their reign was 7 years, say some, others say 6, some but Theodorus Metochita in hist. Rom. 5

Annos potentiae quinque egere. Victor Schotti.

The elder Philip's age is not related by any Historian.

Eusebius reports of him, that he was the first Christian Emperor; and that being desirous to join with the multi­tude in the Ecclesiastical prayers, he could not be admitted till he had first rendred an account of his Faith, and joined himself with such as for their sins were examined, and set in the place of Penitents; therefore because he was faulty in many things, saith the Histo­rian, he willingly obeyed, and declared by his works his sincere and religious mind towards God. The Martyrologies will have him and his Son converted by occasion of the celebrating the 1000th year from the building of Rome, and being baptized by Pope Fabianus, after confession of his sins, to have been ad­mitted to the Communion. But saith Cap­pellus, if any of this had been true, would the Senate that was so set against the Christians have reckoned him among the Gods? At least would not Deciu [...] have ob­jected this as a crime against him? William Howel his History from the beginning of the world to Constantine, p. 872.

Marciam Otaciliam Severam Augustam, Philippi senioris ux [...]rem, religionis Christianae [Page 288] sacris imbutam fuisse plerique autumant. Quae res effecisse videtur, ut Philippum quo­que uxoris gratia aequiorem piis, palam Chri­stianum fuisse Eusebius aliique multi scripse­rint. Assentior vero doctissimis viris, qui pu­tant cum Zonara, duos Philippos, hunc nempe Augustum, & alterum praefectum Au­gustalem, Eugeniae martyris patrem, ab an­tiquis rerum Ecclesiasticarum scriptoribus Graecis fuisse confuses. Casaubon.

DECIVS was elect [...]d Emperor by the Per­sian Legions, pro­claimed in Verona by the Roman Soldiers, and had the voices of the Senate to con­firm him.

He was noble by birth, an experienced, wise and va­liant Prince; and might have been rec­koned among the best; had he not with an heathenish rage Ad perse­quendos inter­ficiendosque Christianos, VII. post Ne­ronem fera­lia dispersit Edicta, pluri­mosque sanctorum ad coronas Christi de suis crucibus misit. Orosius, l. 7. c. 21. persecuted the Chri­stians, being Author of the 7. persecution.

[Page 290] Persecutio non ab aliquo principali edicto coepit; In Decius his time Lucius Priscus Vice­roy of Mace­donia usurped the Empire, and Marcus Aufidius Per­penna Licini­anus. sed integro anno antecessit. Vates enim sive poeta, quisquis tandem ille fuit, vulgus adversus nos compulit & concitavit, superstitione propria & gentili adactum atque inflammatum. Hi autem ab eo excitati totam pietatem & daemonum culturam in eo sitam existimarunt, ut caedibus contra nos grassa­rentur. Heraldus in Apologet. Tertul. p. 142, ex Eusebio.

He put more Christians to death in a year and an half, than Trajan (whose name he had, See Besoldus his major sy­nopsis of Hist. and whom he would have been thought to resemble) in 20. Tristan.

It was the Devils policy to employ e­specially men noted for moral honesty and abilities to massacre God's Saints, that the world might believe those could not chuse but be most abominable, whom such wise and pious men were so earnest to extinguish. Prideaux's Introduction to History.

The Novatians would not communicate with them, who had denyed the Faith in the persecution of Decius, and afterwards repenting turned to the same Faith again. Nicephorus Callistus, l. 12. c. 38.

Ille, qui omnes a baptismo vel semel relapsos crudeli errore damnabat, non existimans ite­rum in Ecclesiam recipiendos, quid aliud quam Ecclesiarum concordiam dissipabat: hos ad desperationem, illos ad privata agens con­cilia & coetus? Giselinus in Prudentium, p. 446.

[Page 291] Eusebius Eccles. hist. l. 6. saith, Novatus taught there was no hope of salvation for them that fell in time of persecution; though they performed all things that appertain to true conversion, and a right profession of the Faith. Yet Socrates af­firmeth Eccles. hist. l. 1. that the Novatians did not simply deny salvation to such, but the peace of the Church only, and the participation of holy mysteries. There is no heed to be given to Socrates in this relation (though otherwise a faithful Hi­storian) because he was a Novatian, and would therefore speak as favourably as he could of his own opinion, which was hateful to most of the Churches in those times. Hoard his Soul's misery and re­covery, p. 472, 474.

The fear of Decius his persecution gave the original to a Monkish life.

He was victorious against the Gothes, and joining a fresh battel with them, was overthrown by the treason of his Gene­ral, Gallus, saith Pomponius Laetus.

His Son was mortally wounded by an arrow, himself leaping into a Iusta Dei vindicta, ut qui sangui­nem Christia­norum sitie­rat, coenum biberet, & in terram uligi­nosam vivus descenderet.whirl-pool was never seen after.

Tristan thinketh this misfortune befel Decius for a punishment of his persecu­tions.

Vopiscus in the life of Aurelian, and Pom­ponius Laetus compare Decius and his Son with the Decii Mures, Hemelarius. who devoted them­selves to destruction in a dangerous fight, [Page 292] for the safety of their Country, which depended thereupon. But the comparison doth not agree, saith Tristan. For the 2 ancient Decii rendred the Romans victo­rious by their death, whereas these by theirs made them slaves to the Barbarians, and lost many of their Provinces. Besides that Decius the Father was drowned and swallowed up in his flight, which hath no resemblance with the end of the Decii of the ancient Common-wealth.

He dyed at the age of 50, having reign­ed 2 years.

Non tacendum Imperatores aliquot Roma­no imperio genuisse Pannoniam, inter quos Decius, Aurelianus, Valer. Probus, Flav. Valentinianus praecipui fuerunt. Vadiani Epitome trium terrae partium.

GALLVS appearing much grieved for Decius his death, was not suspected; which facilitated his at­taining of the Empire.

He descended from an honourable Family in Rome, but was stain'd (besides Treason) with a cruel and evil Government.

He made a dishonourable peace with the Gothes, whereby the Romans became tribu­taries yearly to them; who violated the a­greement, spoiling Dardania, Thrace, Thes­saly, Macedonia, Greece & Asia: by their ex­ample [Page 294] the Persians entred Syria, and rui­yned Armenia. P. Laetus.

He caused Virtus Augustorum to be stam­ped upon his, and his Sons Medals, as if he had got the Empire by valour and not by deceit. Pomponius Laetus.

Gallus and Volusian continued the 7th persecution, of which Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria, in a Letter of his recorded by Eusebius, wrote thus. ‘As for Gallus, he neither remembred the calamities of Decius, nor did he so diligently as he ought, consider with himself before­hand, what it might be, that had been the chief occasion of his ruine: but unhappily, to his great misery, stumbled upon the same stone, though apparent­ly set before his eies. Who in the full sail of prosperity, when he might have boasted of his hearts desire in all things, by cruel Edicts began to proscribe those religious men, who for the peace of his Kingdom, and for the health and safety of his own Person, were wont to make earnest prayers and intercessions unto God. Who therefore at the same time, when he drove them away, did drive with them those prayers also, which for him they were accustomed to pour unto God.’ And lest any man think it strange, that this holy Bishop should lay it to a professed Heathen Em­perors charge, that he made no greater account of the solemn prayers and sup­plications [Page 295] of Christians; I would not have it unknown, that even Heathen Emperors (some of them) though o­therwise very ill affected to Christianity, had nevertheless such an opinion of these prayers, as that they thought themselves and their Empire the more secure for them. The use of daily publick prayers, in 3 Positions, p. 24, 25.

Under these two Emperors arose a plague in Ethiopia, which spread it self by degrees in all the Provinces of the Roman Empire, Exoritur ultio violati nomi­nis Christiani, & usque quo ad profligan­das Ecclesias Edicta Decii cucurrerunt, eatenus incre­dibilium mor­borum pestis intenditur; nulla ferè pro­vincia Roma­na, nulla ci­vitas, nulla domus fuit, quae non illa generali pe­stilentia cor­repta atque vastata sit. Orosius, l. 7. c. 21. and lasted 15 years saith Igna­tius; and so great was the mortality, that in Alexandria, as Dionysius above mentioned reports, there was not one house of the City free, and the remainder of the Inhabitants equalled not the num­ber of old men in former times: By means whereof St. Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, (who lived in that age) took occasion to write that excellent Treatise De Mortali­tate. And Lipsius his censure of this pesti­lence is, Non alia unquam major lues mihi lecta, spatio temporum sive terrarum.

Ex apertione cujusdam cistulae, tam saeva universo orbi incubuit pestis, ut Romae quo­tidie ad VM. hominum in Libitinae rationes venirent. Laet 's history from Christs time.

Huc pertinet nummus Imp. Galli, APOL­LINI SALVTARI. Nam quoties alicui Deo cognomen SALVTARIS apponitur, id argumento est hostiis illi Deo factumad pesti­lentem morbum expiandum. Scaliger in Eu­sebium.

[Page 296] Gallo Volusi­anoque favor quaesitus, eo quod anxie stu­diose (que) renuissi­mi cujusque exequias cu­rarent. Sex­tus Aurelius Victor de Cae­saribus. Vtri­que Aurelius Victor HOSTILIANVM PERPENNAM adjungit. Micraelius in Syntag. hist. polit. C. A. Rupertus & Goltzius call him C. Valens Hostilianus Messius Quintus. Aemylianus, his General having over­come the Gothes, grew so proud thereup­on, that he aspired to the Empire, which he purchased by the good will of the Soldiers, who slew Gallus and his Son in battel.

Dexippus who lived in those times saith, he governed but 18 months.

HE was an African of ob­scure parentage, Aemylianus obscurissime natus, obscu­rius impera­vit, ac rertio mense extin­ctus est. Eu­trop. l. 9. and a­rose to be a General from a common Sol­dier.

His election was at first contradicted by the Ita­lian band, who sought to make Valerian Emperor, to which the Senate enclined because of Valerian's renown.

Aemilian's Army hearing of the electi­on of Valerian, tumultuously Quasi parca­rum forceps Imperium es­set, aut Pur­pura foret sto­la libitinae. Bussieres in Flosculis Hi­storiarum. murdered their own creature. Zosimus, whom Besol­dus followeth in his major & minor Sy­nopsis of History; ut Casaubon concurs with Aurelius Victor, who saith he died of a disease.

[Page 298]He was 46 years old, saith S. Aurelius Victor in his Epitome, representing him to be valiant, without rashness or precipi­tation.

Some reckon him among Usurpers, but his title is allowed by Eutropius.

Of 30 Emperors who reigned since Octavius Augustus his time, until Valerian, 6 of them escaped not the hands of murthe­rers. Lloid's Consent of time.

Spanhem the Son in his Remarques up­on Iulian's Caesars, p. 253. thinks Iulian mentioneth not those Emperors that reigned between Alexander Severus and Valerian; because the Roman Empire was invaded by Tyrants, who reigned but a few months, or years at most; which reason is alledged by Lampridius for his passing from Alexander Severus to Aurelian, and those that governed the Empire a longer time.

HE was nobly descended, and of such esteem among the Romans, that being a private man, and absent, they chose him for their Censor; Valeriani vitae censura est. an office of great dignity, ever conferred upon the best, saith Trebellius Pollio who wrote his life.

Haud consona de hoc Valeriano authores prodidere. Sex. Aurel. stolidum & multum inertem narrat, neque ad aliquem usum publicum, officio, consilio vel gestis aecommo­datum. Contra Trebellius mire hunc laudat, adducto Senatusconsulto in ejus rei testimoni­um. Pomponius Laetus ait eum fuisse homi­nem [Page 300] majoris spei ac opinionis, quàm fortunae: id quod res ipsa ostendit. Glareanus in Eutro­pium, p. 223.

At the beginning of his reign he was gracious to the Christians above any of his Predecessors, but after being perverted by Macrianus an Egyptian Magician (who aspired to the Empire in his Son's time) he was Author Adigi per tormentae Chri­stianos ad ido­lolatriam, ab­negantesque interfici jussit, fuso per om­nem Romani regni latitu­dinem sancto­rum sangui­ne. Orosius, l. 7. c. 22. of the eighth persecu­tion.

As this was the outward and political cause, so St. Cyprian sheweth other cau­ses more special and Ecclesiastical in the 4th Epistle of his 4th Book. In which Epistle (worthy to be read of all) Cy­prian describeth a certain vision, seen long before this tempest of persecution hapned; wherein the Christians are up­braided for not being so vigilant in prayer as they should.

Tarapha de Regib. Hisp. saith Hemite­rius and Chelidonius 2 Spanish Martyrs (of whom Prudentius writeth [...] hym­no primo) suffered under Valerian.

Prudentius in hymno dicit ignorari tempus, quo passi sint; sed Chronica Hispana huic adscribunt persecutioni: quod ita esse, ex Eborensi Breviario constat. Vasaei Chroni­con. Hispan. p. 276. Where it is added, that they were Soldiers, and sons of Marcellus a Centurion, who also was a Martyr (saith Vasaeus, p. 282.) being be­headed for professing Christianity, by A­gricolaus, Licinius's deputy.

[Page 301] Fructuosus a Bishop, being charged to worship Gallienus his heathen Gods, an­swered; Prudentius Peristeph. Hymn. 6. ‘I worship no dumb God of stocks and blocks which the Emperor worshipeth, but I worship the Lord and Master of Gallienus, the Father and Creator of all times.’ For witnessing which good confession, this blessed and fruitful Bishop with his 2 Deacons Augu­rius and Eulogius were burned.

Marinus a Nobleman and Captain in Cesarea Palaestina standing for a Centurion­ship, that fell to him by right of succes­sion, his Competitor to prevent him, ac­cused him to Achaius the Judge for being a Christian; who examining him of his Faith, and finding it true, gave him three hours to deliberate, whether he would lose his Office and life, or renounce Christ and his profession. Marinus being much perplexed what to resolve on, Theo­tecnus the godly Bishop of Cesarea took him by the hand, led him into the Church, set the New Testament and his sword (re­presentations of God and the world) be­fore him, bidding him freely chuse which of them he would have. He taking up the New Testament, the wise Bishop convin­ced thereby that he preferred God before the world, encouraged him to be con­stant even to death, and God whom he chose would be constant to him. Where­upon he went boldly to the Judge, from whom he received the sentence of death. Eusebius, Ec. Hist. l. 7. c. 14.