MEMOIRS OF EMERIC Count Teckely.

In Four BOOKS.

Wherein are related all the most considerable Transactions in Hun­gary and the Ottoman Empire, from his Birth, Anno 1656, till after the Battel of Salankement, in the Year 1691.

Translated out of French.

LONDON, Printed for Tim. Goodwin at the Maiden­head against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleet-street, 1693.

To the Right Honourable RICHARD Earl of Bel­lomont, Treasurer to Her Majesty.

My Lord,

IT seems not unseasonable or improper to publish these Memoires under your Lord­ship's Protection, (though Truth needs no Hero to defend her:) the Beauty of Vertue, and ge­nerous Spirit of Liberty influ­enced Your glorious Ancestors, and runs still in the Veins and Blood of your Self, and Noble [Page vi]Family. 'Tis this sublime Cha­racter that shines so bright in most of the Greek and Latin Writers; this Purity and Majesty of Thought, Stile and Action, elevated the Ancients far above our Level, and rendred them such noble Monuments to Po­sterity, that at this Day they carry the highest Value, and the greatest Reputation. Where­as, in the late Ages, we have so far degenerated from the Candor and Sincerity of those Learned Authors, that either Sects in Religion, Factions in the State, or other private In­terests or Rewards, have made Men deviate so far from the old Rules of History, that the greatest part of the Modern is [Page vii]more like Romance, design'd to please some sorts of Readers, more than to profit or teach Mankind. Polybius, Lucian and others, foresaw the many Cor­ruptions that were like to o­verspread the Writers of Hi­story; therefore they thought fit to leave behind them some Rules and Methods for pre­serving its Native Purity.

My Lord,

These Memoires of Count Teckely, seem free from the a­forementioned Deseases of Hi­story. Methinks there appears in them something of the an­cient Air of Thucydides and Li­vy: The Author casts no Mists [Page viii]to mislead his Readers, puts on no Mask to deceive the common Eye; all here is na­ked Matter of Fact, without any superficial Gloss or Artifice, to corrupt the plain simple Truth; and therefore the most fit to be dedicated to your Lordship, by,

My Lord,
Your Lordship's Most humble Servant.

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

WHEN I first began to read this Book, I took up a strong Conceit that it was written by the Order of the French Court, of purpose to make the Protestant Princes of Germany jealous of the Emperor, and of the Court at Vienna, by shewing them how their Brethren had been treated in Hungary, both as to their Religion and their Civil Liberties, which I believe were the true foundation of this long and dangerous War, which brought the Imperial House with­in an Hair's breadth of Ruin: for had the Prime-Visier, in 1683, taken Vienna, and the French King been called in (as in ap­pearance he must) to save the rest of the [Page x] Germans from the Ottoman Yoke, the con­sequence would have been the utter ruine of this Branch of the Austrian Family, of the Liberties of Germany, and consequently, of the Liberty of all Europe, and of the Pro­testant Religion. But by considering the Sin­cerity and Plainness of these Memoires, one may conclude there can be no other Design in the Author, than to transmit to Posterity pure Matter of Fact.

If any thing in this World were capable of making a zealous Roman Catholick Prince reflect on the Dangers the Jesuits expose them to, for their own Interest, this were enough to make all the crowned Heads, that shall live hereafter, suspect and avoid the precipitate, foolish, unjust Counsels of this sort of Men. It is true, what so much threatned the ruine of the Emperor, by a wonderful Turn of the Divine Providence, in the event, became an Occasion of wresting Hungary intirely out of the Hands of the Turks; and the Imperial Forces pursuing their Advantages, in the end, brought the Ottoman House into the same Danger the Austrian had so happily e­scaped: but then this is owing intirely to the Goodness of God; and the Counsels that brought the Emperor into that Danger, are as much to be detested, as if they had succeeded.

It is much to be observed, that the same Methods that were used in Hungary, to ruine the Protestant Religion, and the Civil Liber­ties [Page xi]of that Nation, were also imployed after that in France for the same End; and began in England, Scotland and Ireland, in the last Reign; and carried as far as they had Time and Means to carry them, and by the same Men. So that it seems to be a formed Design, intended to be acted in one Place af­ter another, throughout Europe. It is hard, otherwise, to conceive how the same Maxims, and the same Politicks, should be put in exe­cution in such distant Places.

The first natural Inference that will arise from hence, is, That we can never enough ad­mire the Goodness of God in Delivering us so timely and so wonderfully out of a Danger which would have certainly prepared England for Ruine, if it had been effected.

But the best Ʋse of this is to be made by the Non-swearers: Let them consider seri­ously what Treatment the Hungarians have all met with; as well those that stuck to the Emperor, as those that joined with the Male­contents: Let them consider how little the Loyalty of the Protestants of France, was considered by the Present French King, who had been deposed in his Minority but for them: How little the Loyalty of those that had twice saved the late King, was regarded either in England or Ireland, when they found these Men would not abandon the Pro­testant Religion, and the Civil Liberties of England to them.

I am morally certain, there is no Man in England, of any Prudence, doth expect any better Treatment from the late King, if he should return, than they met with before; but rather much worse: and therefore, I am a­mazed to see so many reputed wise Men stand out against the Present Government, and seem to desire nothing more than to put them­selves and the Nation into such a Condition as must inevitably end in the Destruction of the late King, and the whole Royal Family, or the Ruine of the Protestant Religion, and the Civil Liberties of England. They every Day pester us with Libels against Their Majesties Persons and Government, and incurable Scru­ples of their own; but when they come to shew how the Nation should be secured, in case they had what they desire, never did Men, in their right Wits, talk more childlishly and imper­tinently.

Leaving them as incurable, I wish the rest of the Nation would read this little Book, and compare exactly in their Minds, what was done in Hungary, according to the Report of this Author, with what was done, or apparent­ly intended to be done in England; and then I believe the Consequence of it will be a fixed Resolution to spend the last Drop of their Bloods, and the last Penny of their Money, in the Defence of the Present Government.

Memoirs on the Life Of EMERIC Count of TEKELI.

The First Book.

Containing the History of what has pas­sed in Hungary from the Year 1656, to the Year 1671.

IF those that have any share in the Management of the States whereof Europe is composed, were mindful to leave to Posterity, Memoirs of what comes within their Knowledge, it would not at all be necessary to make such haste in publishing the Actions of Living Persons. Those who should come after us might inform themselves by by these Memoirs, after the Death of the Authors, and of those whose History [Page 2]would be comprehended therein. But Ministers of State minding nothing less, than to write what has pass'd under their Administration. Private Men ought not to be blamed, who carefully observing what falls out in Europe, and forgetting nothing as much as in them lies to di­stinguish the Truth from Falshood, pub­lish what passed in the view of all the World, without expecting the Death of those whose History they compose. Be­sides that they preserve the Memory of a great many Matters of Fact, which would otherwise be forgot, they thereby put themselves in a state of reaping Advan­tage from the Advice of those who have been concern'd in the things they speak of, and to deliver nothing for certain but what is unquestionable. A very great number of Events and Circumstances that are useful to be known, are like Summer Fruits, which we must quickly gather, or resolve to eat them corrupted; if we don't publish some things in the Times wherein they happen, Posterity learns them only by a confused Tradi­tion, which mixes Falshood with Truth, and often suppresses the most Essential parts.

This has made me take up a resoluti­on of giving the Publick what I could remark on the Life of Emeric Count of [Page 3]Tekeli, on whose person the Eyes of all Europe have been fixt for several Years; without expecting his death to publish what I could know of him. I am far from flattering my self with the thoughts of my having collected what may make a compleat History, but at least I can say that having no particular Interest, either to praise or dispraise him, I omit nothing with a design to conceal the Truth, as I add nothing herein to the advantage or disadvantage of any person. Besides, we must not believe that all the Life of Men that make a great figure in the World, should be always full of re­markable Intrigues. The greatest Men, as well as others, employ the half of their Life to satisfie the Necessities of Nature, and it is very much, that the other half is spent in a manner worthy of being known to Posterity.

A long time before the Birth of Count Tekely, A lively repre­sentation of the Miseries of a Di­vided Countrey, whose Life we undertake to write, the Emperors of the House of Austria, be­ing only Kings of Hungary by Election, The Hungarians distrust for their Civil Priviledges. began to be distrustful of the Loyalty of the Hungarians and complained that that People did not shew all that submis­sion to their Orders, which they owed [Page 4]them. On the other side, the Nobility of Hungary saw with sorrow an Elective Kingdom, to which their Merit might have formerly exalted them, become, in a sort, Hereditary to the House of Austria, whose Party was always the strongest in the Elections. They fear'd that in time it would become so powerful, that the Hungarians, stript of all their Priviledges, would have no more Liberty left them, than the Subjects of Hereditary Princes have at this day in the rest of Europe. A considerable part of the Hungarians, that followed Luther or Calvin, and who had a free exercise of their Religion, And Religion. feared further the loss of the Liberty of Conscience which they enjoyed with great comfort. These Fears were sensibly en­creast, because the Kings of Hungary, who were not in the least ignorant of the dis­position of that People, endeavoured to take measures to prevent this Distrust from producing any Disturbance hereaf­ter. The Nobility and People on their part, lookt upon these Precautions, as Chains prepared to fetter them with, when they least thought of it. They could not without a great deal of grief see them introduce as many Germans into Publick Places as was possible, which were for­merly bestowed only upon the Hunga­rian [Page 5]Nobility; and that under pretence of defending the Kingdom against the Turk, they encreased and multiplied German Garrisons in every place, with­out being at the pains of considering whether they were a Charge to the Na­tives of the Countrey. These Troops liv'd in no better Discipline than they used to do in Germany; and the provoked People did not fail to revenge them­selves on all occasions. The Lutherans and Calvinists were also sensible, that they strengthen'd the Roman Catholick Party by all means; and that they filled their Countreys with Missionaries, or Se­minary Priests, as we call them, and New Churches. As they knew that they could not hope to be tolerated, if the House of Austria should become ab­solute Mistress of the Kingdom; 'twas feared lest they should make use of the first occasion that they could meet with to gratifie themselves in this. When the Laws and the Antient Usages of the Countrey met with any opposition by the Precautions which the Emperors en­deavour'd to take against the ill humour of the Hungarians, they always interpret­ed these Laws and Usages in favour of what they design'd to do. The Hunga­rians opposed all this in the Diets of the Kingdom, to the utmost of their power; [Page 6]but as they had always the worst on't, their Efforts became every day more feeble. This was the reason that in the Year 1673. under the Reign of Leopold Ignatius, who mounted the Throne in 1655. the Roman Catholick and Impe­rial Party openly declared and testified by their Discourses, and by their Con­duct, that for the Catholick Religion to be the sole Religion in all Hungary, and Absolute and Hereditary Authority were according to them two things which they were in the wrong to controvert with the Emperor.

Besides these mutual Discontents a part of the Hungarian Nobility was ac­cused of serving themselves cunningly of this Disposition of Minds, to advance their particular Interests. Those among them that were in favour with the Em­peror, made use of his Authority to ac­complish their Designs; and the other whom standing by the Laws and Privi­ledges of their Countrey had rendred agreeable to the People, made advan­tage of the kindness that their Countrey­men had for them, without giving them­selves the trouble of considering whe­ther their Conduct was conformable to Equity, and to the Obedience which they owed to their Kings. It is even said, that to procure themselves a Sanctuary, in [Page 7]case of need, they had Intelligence with the Port; and that sometimes to em­broil the Emperor with the Grand-Signior, they made Incursions upon the Turks Lands; the blame whereof they laid on the German Garrisons, who were no ways concern'd in it, if we may be­lieve the Imperialists.

In this state were the Spirits and Af­fairs in Hungary, as far as can be learned from those who have given the History of them, about the time that Emeric Count of Tekely came into the World; which was in 1656. a year after Leopold Ignatius was Crowned King of Hungary.

His Father Stephan Tekely Count of Kersmark, Hereditary Great Bailiff of Arwa, and Baron of Shafnits, was one of the Richest Lords of Upper Hungary, where we are assured he had 300000 Livres Revenue, a Sum considerable any where else for a private Man, but espe­cially in a Countrey where Money is scarce, and where every thing that's ne­cessary for Life is very cheap. This Lord professed the Lutheran Religion, and took care to bring up his Son therein. He gave him the best Education that he could, in a place where Ingenious Men are rare, and where all the Imployment of the Nobility consists in going a Hunt­ing, and making merry one with another. [Page 8]That which might be of greatest advan­tage for him was the custom of riding, which is used there by Persons of Qual­ty from their Infancy. Being of a robust complexion he easily accommodated himself to this exercise, which was of great use to him, in the great Marcheswh ch he has since been frequently obliged to make, to surprize his Enemies, or to e­scape from their hands.

Whilst the first years of the Life of Emeric passed in the amusements of In­fancy, or the Recreations of most tender Youth, the affairs of Hungary were every day more and more embroiled. George Ragotski Vaivode of Transylvania, in the Year 1656 gave occasion to Troubles which are not yet ended. He without the knowledge of the Port entred Poland with 30000 Men, which Charles Gusta­vus, King of Sweden, had almost quite subdued, a little before; but that he was not in case to keep it, and would rather leave it to Ragotski, than to John Casimir King of Poland, whom he came to drive out of it, but Ragotski was defeated by the Polanders, with whom he was con­strain'd to make a dishonourable Peace; the Tartarians also cut off 2000 of the Residue of his Army, and took a great many Prisoners, as they were going home. But that which was more trouble­some [Page 9]to him was, that the Port, exaspe­rated against this Prince, who was their Vassal, and engaged to undertake no War without his permission, sent an Army into Transylvania, to punish him for his Disobedience. Ragotski hazard­ing a Battel with him, lost his life with it.

He had in vain implor'd the Emperors succour, who would have him first to de­liver up to him the Counties of Zathmar and Zambolich, on the Frontiers of Hun­gary. The Vaivodes of Transylvania held them of the Kings his Predecessors, on condition that they should never deliver them to the Turks. The Emperor fear'd lest these last should seize upon them, and that afterwards it would not be so easie to recover them out of their hands; and the States of Hungary pressed him on their part to keep some Troops on the Frontiers of the Kingdom for the safety of their Countrey, and to endeavour for the same reason to retake these Coun­tries whatever it should cost. But as the Deliberations of the House of Austria are ordinarily very slow, and the Execu­tions ill regulated, Ragotski perisht, as has been said, before the Motion of the Imperial Troops could give any Diver­sion in favour of the unhappy Vaivode. Besides this, the Hungarians, who had [Page 10]so strongly pressed the Emperor to send a Body of an Army to the Frontiers, thought they should be Hungarians, whom they should levy on the place: and were surprized to see the Count of Souches arrive with 10000 Germans, as if those of the Countrey had not been capable to defend themselves, or they were distrustful of them. In the begin­ning of the Year 1660. the Baron of Meierperg, who had been sent Envoy to the Vaivode to oblige him to restore the Counties of Zathmar, and Zambolich to the Emperor, heard of his defeat and death, but he did not cease to continue his March to acquit himself of his Com­mission, by addressing himself to Francis Ragotski Son to the deceased, and to his Widdow, who were retired into these Counties. They not being in case to undervalue the Emperors Indignation after that they had drawn that of the Turks upon them, consented to what­ever he pleased. In the mean while the Count of Souches had made his Army to advance, and the Hungarians furnisht him Provisions on free cost; but as the young Ragotski nor his Mother had not agreed on the manner how they should put the Emperor in possession of these two Provinces, there was great difficulty in it at first. He would intro­duce [Page 11]the Germans into all Places, and Ragotski maintain'd that it was sufficient that the Hungarian Garrisons that were there, had taken an Oath of Fidelity to the Emperor, but he was forc't to yield to receive German Troops in Tockay, Kalo and Zathmar, because they threatned to enter by force, and those Towns were not in case to resist them. In the mean while Erschot and Onod, two other places of these Counties, which were stronger, refused obstinately to receive them, and Souches could not undertake to force them. From this time the Hungarians began to fear more than ever, that they should be subjected to an Absolute or Arbitrary Government, without respect to any Law but the Will of its Soveraign. Some Princes and their Ministers have discovered strong Inclinations to assume a boundless Authority, when they have been suffer'd to do it, and it then seem­ed that the Imperial Council took great steps towards it, notwithstanding its natu­ral slowness so that they no longer doubt­ed of it. In the mean while they treated those as Seditious, and Enemies to the State, who durst speak of the Laws & Priviledges Which is the usual Method the Jesuits, the great Managers of the Imperial Affairs use on all such occasions.; tho' they protested at the same time that they had [Page 12]no design to meddle with them. But the Hungarians, whose Liberty was not yet wholly destroyed, did not cease to re­sist to the utmost, all that made any at­tempt upon them. Paul Wesselini was then Palatine of the Kingdom, a Dignity which he held for Life, and which clo­thed those to whom it was given with almost a Soveraign Authority, in Peace and War. This man who perfectly knew the designs of the Imperial Court, and that it was not safe to resist them openly, feign'd, as is said, a willingness to contribute to induce the Princess and Prince Ragotski to receive German Troops in every place; but he cunningly made them understand, that if they granted this Article, they would infallibly lose these Lands, and draw upon themselves the Hatred of all Hungary. Souches in vain proposed to give them assurances, that they would surrender all those Pla­ces, when there was no more occasion to fear the Turk on that side. They would not even give ear to another Expedient, which was, that they would put into Erschet and Onod, Hungarian Garrisons, but who should be paid by the Emperor, and should take an Oath of Fidelity unto him. Nothing could satisfie them, un­less the Emperor did suffer the States of Hungary to raise Troops in their [Page 13]Countrey, and to employ the Revenues of the Kingdom to maintain them.

The Imperial General who had reason to distrust the Hungarians as they distrus­ted him; Lodged the residue of his Troops in good intrenchments, Having received advice that the Turks beseiged Great Waradin in the County of Zathmar, on the Frontiers of Transylvania, he would, according to some Historians, make the best of this occasion, by put­ting German Troops into it. But the Inhabitants, who believed they were strong enough to defend themselves, re­fused to receive them. They believed that the Germans by assisting them a­gainst the Turks, would subdue them af­terward themselves on the first opportu­nity. The Protestants in the mean time were so ill treated in the Places where the Catholicks were the strongest; that several of them would rather venture to fall under the Protection or Dominion of the Turk, who does not force the Transylvanians to take up the Turban, than be exposed to the Caprices of a Prince absolutely governed by the Jesu­its, a more Barbarous sort of People, said the Hungarians, than the Dervices. They accused a Calvinist Minister of Wara­din, of having declared this dangerous Truth to the People. Other Historians [Page 14]assure us, that the Hungarians did their utmost in this occasion, but that the Em­perours Ministers, whom they advised of the Importance of that Place, and the danger it was in, neglected to send succours thither. The Prince de Portia Prime Minister, naturally timorous and uncapable of a ready resolution, thought upon the affairs of the War as slowly as could be. Being desirous to shew the Provinces wherein he had Lands, the Post that he held next to the Emperor, and to draw presents from all hands, he was induced to go to see Stiria, Carinthia, and the Neighbouring Provinces. During this Royal Progress the Hungarians demanded succour in vain; and tho' the Hungarians pressed at the Imperial Court to take Orders a­bout Waradin, they were little moved with their Prayers: They at last or­dained Count de Souches to succour it, but as he had not wherewith to do it, their Orders were to no purpose. This small City, flanked with five good Bastions, and an advantageous Situation, was tak­en fourty seven days after the Trenches were opened; the Inhabitants having for­gotten nothing that was necessary to de­fend themselves, except their refusal, ac­cording to some, of the German suc­cours, which were not strong enough to [Page 15]fight the Ottoman Army: The Turks af­terward put this City into the hands of a Sangiack, and made it a Magazine, & a Fron­teer Garrison against the Emperor, But then they made no attempt to make them­selves masters of the rest of the Lands depending on Transylvania, that the Ger­mans had seized; either because they would not entirely break with the Em­peror, or because the good Orders which the Count de Souches kept there, had rendred this Conquest very difficult for them.

This General seeing that the Season was advanced, and that the Turks made no Motion, thought of putting his Troops into Winter-quarters. He ob­tain'd in fine of the Princess Ragotski, that Onod should receive a German Gar­rison; and the Hungarians that the Ge­neral Quarters should be at Cassovia, a City of Upper Hungary, which was al­ways very averse from Lodging German Souldiers. The rest of the Troops were posted in diverse Places of the County of Zathmar. The Count, as is said, had agreed to enter Cassovia with only a Company of his Guards, and se­venty Musketeers. The Burgers should guard the Gates of the City, with two hundred Heyduques, or Foot-Souldiers, kept at the Emperors Charge, but who [Page 16]were to receive their Orders from the Ma­gistrates. As Souches was upon his March for Cassovia, whether for that he came with too many Men, and with a Train of Artillery, which there was no occasion for in Winter-Quarters; or whether the Palatine was sensible of his fault that he had committed in promising the Ger­mans Entry into a City of that impor­tance as Cassovia was; or for some other reasons, the People took the fright, and saw by the consequence that it was not without reason. When then the Count appear'd they shut the Gates, and the Burgers put themselves in Arms; which forced him to go and lodge near by it at Sassaw in a Countrey House of the Bishop of Agria's. He lodged the Cannon in sive adjacent Villages, where he distributed, the Souldiers. On the Complaints that the Count made of the manner how he had been received, 'twas answer'd him in the name of the States, that had been called at Cassovia before his arrival, that they never had received even their Kings, till they had first made them swear to preserve their Priviledges, one of the principal whereof was that they should never be forced to receive strange Troops into their Cities, and they could not part with a point of that impor­tance.

The Germans not only pretended to be lodged, but they would be maintained on free Quarters; as if the Revenues which the Emperor had from Hungary, had not been sufficient to sustain a small Body of an Army, without oppressing the People. Where-ever the Troops were, they took away all they could finger without paying for it; and (as it is the custom of Souldiers, who do not observe Discipline but when they re­ceive Pay,) they made more waste than was needful for their maintenance. The Hungarians on their part did not pardon any of these Violences, but killed them when they could take them at an advan­tage. They complained also to the Em­peror of the Quartering of these Troops, but no regard was had to their com­plaints; either because they did not be­lieve they were true, as they were, or because they had a design to push them on to a Revolt Which is ano­ther of the Je­suits Methods which they em­ploy on such oc­casions, that they might thereby have occa­sion to treat them as a Conquest, and so seize the great Estates of the Hun­garian Nobility. For in Hungary they believed that the Emperors Court was full of Princes and poor Gentlemen, who thirsted after other Mens Estates as much [Page 18]as any where in the World. The Hun­garians in the mean time were no less apprehensive of the Army than of the Turks; and indeed we are no less poor when we are ruined by good Christians, than when by the most wicked Ma­hometans.

Thereupon was publisht for the Hun­garians a Writing which contained a Breviate of the subjects of Complaint which they had, the principal Heads where of are these. ‘1. That the Pri­viledges of Hungary were entirely violated, by sending of Foreign Troops into a Countrey which its In­habitants could easily defend, would they make use of their strength: 2 That these Troops committed 1000. Violen­ces and Cruelties: 3. That the Hunga­rians that possessed some Offices, durst not do all their duty for fear of displea­sing the Emperor: 4. That they had thwarted all the Resolutions which the Diet had endeavour'd to take, for the good of the Kingdom, by Intrigues and Menaces: 5. That far from leav­ing the Protestants a free exercise of their Religion, which several Diets had granted them; they had driven them violently from their Churches, and had abused and banished their Ministers, for no other reason but be­cause [Page 19]they were not of their Princes Religion, which was not done even in Turky: That whereas one of the greatest Priviledges of the Hungarian Nobility bears, that whatever Crime they were Guilty of, it should not be tried but by a Judge of the Countrey, it had often been removed before German Judges. Note this as the 3d. Method of enslaving free Countries. 7. That for Crimes, which they accused some private men of, they had endea­to punish the whole Kingdom without distinguishing the Innocent from the Guilty: 8. That the Revenues which the Emperor received whether of the Mines, Excise or other Rights were more than sufficient to maintain the Troops that were sent thither from time to time, yet they were not at all paid, which obliged them to commit great extorsions on the Hungarians, or make Inroads on the Grand Signiors Lands, whose subjects revenge themselves afterwards by treating those of the Emperor in the same sort.’

The Year 1661 which followed these first troubles, did further verifie all the Complaints. The Transylvanians after the Death of George Rogotski, and the flight of Francis his Son, were divided [Page 20]into several Parties, about chusing a Suc­cessor to him; but the two strongest were that of Chimin Janos, upheld by the Emperor; and that of Folon Gabor, Son to Bethlem Gabor, who had been Vaivode before Ragotski. The second put himself under the Protection of the Port, and with the help of the Grand Vizier had the better of his Competitor; the Vizier having promis­ed to quit in his favours all sorts of Tri­butes of Transylvania for three Years. The former had at first sent to demand succour at Ʋienna, which was promised him so much the more easily, as the Emperors Interest engaged him to it. The Governour of Waradin, where was a strong Turkish Garrison, had put all the County of Za [...]hmar under contributi­on and threatned with Fire and Sword those that refused to pay what they de­manded. The Ottoman Army was al­ready in Transylvania, to assist Gabor. These Proceedings of the Turks gave Ground to fear that they had a design upon the Hungarians, the Council at Vi­enna concluded to send an Army into Transylvania, to hinder the Turks from making progress there. But they first demanded of Chimin Janos, two Places, as Pledges of his Fidelity, and to serve as Places of Arms for the Im­perial [Page 21]Troops. And he gave Zekelheid and Kovar, where they put two strong Ger­man Garrisons, and the Count of Montecu­culi was sent into Hungary to command an Army of twenty thousand Men there. From thence he passed into Transylvania where he preserved the Castle of Hust, and forced the Turks to raise the Seige of Forgarats. 'Tis even said that he prof­fered them battle, but that they would not accept of it. In the mean while the Grand Signior, not approving of the E­lection of Gabor conferr'd the Princi­pality of Transylvania on Michael Abaffi, who promised, as is said, a more consi­derable Tribute. The Transylvanans would rather acknowledge this last, than engage themselves in a very long War. They complyed with the Port, and Abaffi remained sole Vaivode of Transylvania.

A little time after the Turks having acquainted the Emperor, that if he would not molest Abaffi, they would attempt nothing upon Hungary. The Imperial Council thought fit to with­draw their Troops from Transylvania, but that was not done so soon, in the mean while Hungary not being concern­ed in these troubles we will insist no longer upon them.

1662. The German Army being return'd into Hungary, began to give the Hungarians the same apprehensions as formerly. As they hoped that the Emperor would re­new a Truce with the Port, and that they would have no need of Forreign Troops in Hungary; they fear'd lest this Army would endeavour to seize all the Places of strength, and subject the King­dom to an absolute Authority. They already had treated the Protestants so ill, that 'twas easie to judge that they had resolved on their ruine. The Ro­man-Catholicks, tho zealous, and satis­fied otherwise to see the Protestant Re­ligion go down, were jealous that under pretence of extirpating Heresie they began entirely to enslave the Hungarian Nation. 'Twas commonly said, that 'twas thus that the House of Austria had reduced the Bohemians. All the Privi­ledges of Bohemia were involved in the ruine of the Protestants, and the same Armies that they had employed to de­stroy them, had served to oppress the Publick Liberty for ever. Philip II. King of Spain and his Children would have done the same thing in the Low Countreys; but seven of those Provinces, who had the Courage to re­sist them, had in fine shook off the Yoak [Page 23]their Tyranny, and their Inhabitants were at this day the most free and most happy People of Europe. One day the Palatine and the Arch-bishop of Strigonia, passing in the great Market of Presbourg, the People surrounded them; and some of the most stirring praid them to write to the Emperor, that the Priviledges of their Country did not permit that they should leave Forreign Troops there so long. These Lords endeavour'd to sweeten them, by the Promise that they made, that they would getrepresented to the Empe­ror what they desired. 'Tis not known whether they did it, but the Council at Vienna gave no Orders for the Army to return into Germany; and the Hungari­ans refused absolutely to furnish them Provisions, unless they paid for them, and shut the Gates of their Cities when they thought to come thither to take up their Winter Quarters. When they returned from Transylvania Raimond Count of Montecuculi, who commanded them, made them encamp near Tokai, expecting that the Emperor should mark out the places, where he meant they should be lodged In the mean while a great many Souldiers died of Fa­tigue and Hunger, because there was no­thing prepared for their subsistance, ei­ther for want of Money, or ill admini­stration [Page 24]of it, or that they had ground­lesly depended on the Liberality of the Hungarians.

The Emperor being inform'd of the ill condition of his Army, and how they were treated by the People of Hun­gary, ordered some of the principal Lords of the Countrey to come instant­ly to Vienna. Among those were the Arch-Bishop of Strigonia, and Francis Nadasti President of the Soveraign Council, who by the Emperors Order, jointly with those others who were made come to Vienna, sought out means of Subsistance for the Imperial Troops. After they had concluded what they were to do, they return'd into Hungary and Nadasti prevailed with them to re­ceive the sick Souldiers into Hospitals, and to furnish the rest Provisions and Lodging for some time. But the Hungarians grew quickly weary of these troublesome Guests, and returned to their first refusal, founded upon the same reasons as before. The German Troops, among several other Insolences had demolisht some Protestant Church­es, and plundered their Houses. The Protestants not being of humour to suf­fer these evil treatments, got together, and put all the German Souldiers to the sword who had removed never so little [Page 25]from their Quarters. The Emperor thereupon caused all those people to be attainted of High Treason. There need­ed no more to persuade them, that the Design was as much against their Posses­sions and Religion as their Persons, as a Roman-Catholick Histo­rian Hist. des trou­bles, de Hung. l. 1. p. 26. has well judged, That this reasoning was not far from Truth. ‘The Emperor, adds he, who pretends to so great Piety, receives blindly all the Counsels that are given him for the Glory of God, and the extirpation of Heresie; without considering that those that inspire these sentiments into him, [laudable in appearance, but dangerous in execution,] are moved thereto rather by humane considerati­ons than for the Interest of Heaven; and that they seek less to establish the Worship of the true Religion, than to preserve the Hereticks goods for themselves, which they had obtain'd the Confiscation of.’

The Hungarians, who did not look upon things with the same Eye, were so exasperated with this Conduct, that the States themselves Assembled at Cas­sovia, resolved to refuse the Imperial Troops Victuals and Lodging unless [Page 26]they paid for them, and got their Rea­sons represented to the Emperor.

At last in the month of July, the Im­perial States having entred into Negotia­tion with the Turks, 'twas resolved at Vienna to withdraw out of Hungary 9000 Men of the German Troops that were there at the end of the Campagne.

Baron John of Goes was gone to The­miswar on the Emperors side to treat with Ali Bassa, and the Accommodation was reckoned easie, because the Turks only demanded two things. They only required that a Fort should be demo­lisht which Count Nicholas de Serin had caused to be built upon the Mure, which discharges its self into the Save, that they might bring in thither the Booties which Rovers took from the Turks. They demanded further that the Empe­ror should call home his Troops that were in Transylvania and the Neighbou­ring Counties. Yet in the mean while all the Year was spent in sending and receiv­ing Courriers, without concluding any thing.

That same Year the Emperor made a severe Regulation, for the Marching and Quartering of Souldiers, which might have prevented many of the Dis­orders had it been observed, For this end they should have paid the Army [Page 27]well, and treated the Souldiers with the same severity that they punisht the Disobediences of the Hungarians, when they fell into the hands of the Imperial Comissaries. But whether they had neg­lected the second thing, or that they had some secret Order contrary to the Pro­clamation, the Troops which should lodge in the Cities of the Mountains a­bout the end of the Year 1662. to stay till they saw where they should be em­ployed the following Year, going a­long plundred several Countrey Houses, and committed the same Insolences there that they had done in conquered Lands. The Cities of the Hill Coun­trey having advice of this conduct, be­lieved that they had made the Regula­tion, that was spoke of, only to amuse them, and refused absolutely to receive eight hundred Men that should have taken up their Winter Quarters there. They offered in vain to pay all their charge, they would by no means trust people, that never kept their word but when they found it for their purpose. Besides tho they had agreed to furnish Forrage for nothing to the Cavalry, it made so great deso­lation, that they were forced to pay for it. Five hundred Men, to whom they had designed for their Winter-Quarters, [Page 28] Nagibamia a City of Upper Hungary, on the Frontiers of Transylva­nia, took so little notice of the Regula­tion during their March, that when they came before this place, the Inhabitants shut their Gates upon them, believing that they were more safe on the Turks side than on those that were come to defend them. The Germans who could not give any reason of their conduct, endeavour'd to maintain it by violence. They endeavoured to break open the Gates on the eighth of December; but the Inhabitants, who had called some of the Neighbouring Trained Bands to their assistance, charged them very roughly, and a great many were left dead on the place on both sides. The like Quarrels happened in other places in Hungary, where the Germans com­mitted the like Insolences, which con­strain'd the Emperor to withdraw the greatest part in the middle of Winter, for fear lest the desperate Hungarians should put these Ill-disciplin'd Souldiers to the sword in every place.

Chimin Janos having been defeated and kill'd by the Treachery of some of his Officers, in the beginning of the Campagne 1662. tho his Son and some others, attempted to oppose Michael Abffia, as is already said, the Party of [Page 29]this last was infine the strongest. The Emperor opposing his advancement, he joined himself wholly to the Turks.

The Negotiation of Themisware con­tinued all the Winter, the Turks mak­ing them still hope that it would be ea­sily accommodated. Yet they made a Bridge over the Morass of Essek, which might have been awatch-word to the Ger­mans that they had some design upon Hun­gary. But as the Commissaries met at The­miswar, to conclude the Truce, provided the Imperialists called home their Troops that were at Zekelheid, a place in Transylvania; and demolisht the For­tifications thereof, as the Turks for their part should that of St. Job, it could not be thought at Vienna, that there was any difficulty remaining to hinder the con­clusion of the Treaty. Yet the Grand Signior would not ratifie what had been done, unless the Emperor would re­nounce in due form, all claims that he could make to Transylvania, and all its dependences; that he should demolish the Fort of Serin, that he should pay the charges of the War, and that he should fend an Ambassador to the Port with great Presents. The Court of Vienna not being able to digest these Propositions, they began to commit acts of Hostility on both sides.

The Hungarians, who had beheld this Negotiation with grief, because it was not all communicated to them, were not at all sorry that it came to nothing. It seem'd hard to to them, that in a thing that concerned the Kingdom of Hungary only, two German Envoys were employed, who by the Orders of the Emperor, and without imparting it to the States, made Treaties whereupon the Repose or Ruine of the Hungarians depended. A little time after the Turks began to march with as great Numbers as they could into Hungary. The long Siege of Candy, which con­tinued seven Years, had exercised a great part of their Armies. The Em­peror and his Ministers who had lulled themselves asleep with hopes of a Peace, began too late to give notice to the States of Hungary, of the danger their Coun­trey was in, if they did not take speedy measures to oppose the Enemy. They answered the Emperor on May 6th, by the mouth of the Archbishop of Strigo­nia, who went to Vienna, that they would call together the Ban and the Ar­riere ban, and put all the Kingdom in Arms, if he would have it done; but that they might be in case to maintain their Troops, they must needs be raised before those of Germany arrived; be­cause [Page 31]otherwise these last would want so much Forrage that the Hungarian Cavalry after that could not make a Campagne. It was not thought fit at Vienna, that the Hungarians should put them­selves in a posture of defence alone, with­out the succours of the Germans and the Hungarians being unwilling to receive these last before they were in case to act themselves, a considerable time was spent, which gave occasion to the Turks to take a Place of Importance.

Achmet Coprogli, the Grand Vizier, had advanced at first to Belgrade, where was the Rendezvous of his Army. As soon as it was come together he marcht straight for the Bridge of Essex, wherein they had been at Work all the Winter, and from thence continuing their March to Buda, he afterwards, after a great deal of fatigue, by reason of excessive Rains, New-haussel. came before Newhaussel, on Aug. 14. After having summoned the place, which refused to surrender, he laid Siege to it, and carried it by capitu­lation on the 27th of September. It is situated on a Plain, near the River Nitrie, about two Leagues from Comorra and Ten from Presbourgh. They had be­gun to fortifie it, and had designed to flank it with six Bastions in form of a [Page 32]Star; but that was but half done, and they had not yet any Counterscarp. The Garrison consisted but of 3000 Foot and 500 Horse, which was not at all able to defend a Place half-fortified, against an Army of above 70000 Men having no hopes of being relieved. Count Adam de Forgats, and the Marquess-Gibert Pie, of Sa­voy commanded this Garrison. Whilst the Grand Vizier was marching, or busied at the Siege of Newhuassell, it happen'd that the Emperor fell sick of the small Pox; which retarded, for some days, all deliberations, the Emperors Mini­sters not daring to resolve on any thing while this Prince was in danger. Be­sides this, Prince Portia his Prime Mini­ster, was accused of having been of a Hu­mor so far from undertaking a War; that the desire he had to enjoy Peace, made him believe that the Turks desired it as sincerely on their part. As soon as the Emperor found himself better, he called a Diet at Presbourg, to hasten the Levying of the Arrier-ban, but it was very flow, and there were but few De­puties there. Those that did not come excused themselves on the fear they were possest with of being carried away by the Turks Scouts, or that they could not return home. As they had unseasona­bly refused the proffers they had made, [Page 33]in time; they too late required what they were no more in case to do, when it was necessary.

Montecuculi was encampt on the Da­nube near Presbourg with the few Troops the Emperor had on foot, to cover that place, and durst not stir during the Siege of Newhaussel. The Hungarians con­tenting themselves to act on the defen­sive, were bare Spectators of the Turks Actions; and these last took without resistance, in upper Hungary, Nitrie, Lewents and Novigrade. A little after the Imperial Garrisons that were in Tran­sylvania, in Zekelheid and Clausembourg, surrended the Places to Abaffi, for want of Provisions and Ammunition. The Grand Vizier contented himself with these Conquests, and design'd no more for that year than to keep what he had got.

During the Siege of Newhaussel, a Bo­dy of Tartarians had almost over-run all Moravia, and would have entred Stiria, had not Nicholas Count of Serin opposed them at the Passage of the Mure, and cut off 2000 of them that were already gone over. His Brother Peter de Serin assisted by Francis Marquess de Frangi­pani, and some of the Hungarian Nobi­lity, obtained likewise a considerable advantage over the Basha of Bosnia, [Page 34]whose Brother he took Prisoner, and routed the Army, as it was entring Croatia. He obtain'd this Victory on Octob. 16. a little after his Brother had beat the Tartars. These two Victories, very necessary to raise the Courage of the Imperialists, shewed what the Hungarians would have done, had the others had a design to make use of their strength rather than their money.

About the end of October, Achmet, after having taken care for the preserva­tion of his Conquests, returned to Adria­nople, where the Grand Signior was, and put his Troops into Winter Quarters, Montecuculi did the same with his, and there was no more action this year but some Inroads on both sides.

1664 The Emperor would gladly have had the Hungarians to furnish him Money to raise and maintain a German Army, to carry on the War, without their being concern'd in it, seeing them no ways disposed to do that, which they call'd a putting themselves into Chains, was present at a Diet at Ratisbonne in the beginning of 1664. to demand of all the Princes of the Empire succour against the Common Enemy. He obtain'd 30000 Men maintain'd, as well Cavalry as In­fantry, on condition that he should fur­nish the Ordnance, and Artillery, and [Page 35]Horses to draw it, besides, at his own charge, 16000 Horse and 18000 Foot. The Diet also would have the Troops of the Empire to form a separate Body, and that their Commanders should be Independant on those of the Emperors. The Bishop of Munster and the Mar­quess of Baden Dourlach were named to command them. It was no hard matter to see that the Princes of the Empire feared lest their Troops alone should be exposed, to spare those of the Emperor. 'Tis even said that they would have been glad that the House of Austria should lose nothing, but that they would have been This is insert­ed here to make the German Princes Jealous of the Emperor at this time. sorry to see it too potent, lest she should make use of that Power against the Members of the Complices, whom it would be more advanta­geous for her to assail than to drive the Turks beyond the Bosphorus. The Emperor sent likewise to demand succour in France, by Count Strozzi his Ambassador; and King Lewis XIV. out of Generosity, or with design to gain the affections of the German Princes, or to inform himself better of the state of Hungary, granted to the Emperor 4000 Foot and 2000 Horse, as one of the Princes of the League on the Rhine. 'Tis [Page 36]thought strange, that the Emperor should give occasion to the French King to be concern'd in the affairs of Germany, which good Policy would have requir'd that he should always be kept at a di­stance from. He might have shunn'd this by making use of the Hungarians, to defend their own Country; but this is lookt upon as a dangerous extremity, to which he could not come, unless he exposed himself to the inviolably keeping their Priviledges; which some A true re­mark on those Princes that de­sign against the Religion or Ci­vil Liberties of their People. Potentates judge the worst evil that can befal them.

The French Infantry under the Con­duct of Count de Cologni, took the short­est way to embarque on the Danube, where Boats were prepared to carry them to Vienna, where they disembar­qued. As for the Cavalry, it went over from Italy, where there was no more need of them since the Treaty of Pisa, into Carinthia, through the Estates of the Republick of Venice.

Whilst they were busied in these pre­parations Count Nicholas de Serin form'd a design upon Canisa. To open his way to the taking of this place, he over-run all the Country round about it, even to [Page 37]the Save, burning and plundering all before him. He burnt even the City of the five Churches, yet without taking the Cittadel, which was very well fortified. He beat all the Parties of Turks that he encountred, and having marched even to the Bridge of Essek, a part of which he cut off, he returned with a great deal of Booty and Prisoners. He believed that he had cut thus off the Communication of the Turks of Canisa with those of Scla­vonia and Bosnia; but they being sensi­ble of his design, laboured continually in repairing the Bridge of Essek, and pre­pared themselves to open the Campagn in good time. Yet the Count was for blocking up this Place, while the Frost facilitated the approach of the Imperial Troops; thinking that the Turks could not come to its relief before the Spring time, seeing their March would be slow and difficult, by reason of the Morasses through which they must pass.

He had certain advice, that since that the Fire had consumed by accident the Magazines of Canisa, they had not sent any Provisions thither, so much as they must have to endure a Blockade, accom­panied with a Siege. The Magistrates and Governor of Grats, the Capital of Stiria which the Garrison of Canisa kept in continual Alarms, mightily approved [Page 38]of this design, and engaged to favour it with all their Forces. Montecuculi a great Temporiser, and very unfit for ready or bold Enterprises, whether he followed his Natural Inclination, or through Jealousie, wholly disapproved this design; under pretence that the Troops would be ruined if they encamp­ed in the Morasses so early, and that they would be rendred uncapable of acting in the time when they should be most ne­cessary. But this design having been proposed in the Emperors Council of War was approved there, because they believed that by the Conquest of Canisa they might facilitate a Peace; either be­cause they came to keep what they had got on both sides, during this War, or that they made an ex­change. Canisa described. Canisa is a small place, flanked with four Bastions, but much stronger by Nature than by Art, being environed on all sides with a Morass, which cannot be past but on a Bridge or Boat, in places where the Water is deep enough. When they should have assembled their Troops necessary first to Block up this place, and afterward to attack it, before the Turks could succour it, there was almost no­thing found in a readiness, and the Ger­mans, who were accustomed to go as [Page 39]late out of their Winter Quarters as they could, did it with so much slowness, that they could not profit by the advan­tage that the Ice would have afforded them, had they been more early. They could not march till about the latter end of April, and the Turks who had time to discover the Enterprise, put out all useless persons out of it. When they approacht the Place, the Generals, who had represented this Enterprise as very easie, in the Exe­cution found difficulties which they did not at all foresee, or which they were not in case to surmount, after they had undervalued them in a Council of War. They could indeed diminish the Water of the Morass, by cutting some Banks, but it was not possible for them to dry it wholly. But they must seek Bavines and Earth from a far, and the Souldiers could scarce endure this fatigue. The Generals were, the Count of Strozzi for the Emperors Troops; that of Serin for the Hungarians and Croats; and that of Hollac for the Auxiliary Troops; and by ill luck they were almost never of one Opinion. The first was brave in his person; even to rashness, but high­spirited, and unfit to command in chief. The second fearless in fight in the open Field, but did not understand the way of Befieging and Attacking Places. The [Page 40]third void of experience in Arms, gave no mark of Judgment but in contradicting others. There needed not so much to frustrate this Enterprise, even tho' the Garrison should not have defended its self with that vigor with which it did. About the end of March, the Siege be­ing not yet much advanced, the Besieg­ers were informed that the Vizier ad­vanced in great Marches, to come to the relief of the place; and on reiterated advices that they had received, they raised the Siege and retreated with so great precipitation, that they left a considerable quantity of Provisions and Ammunition in their Lines.

Achmet did not content himself with having made them raise the Siege of Canisa, he would further take the Fort of Serin, * on the other side of the River Mure. Fort Sereni de­scribed. This Fort was situated on the steep side of a Hill o­ver against the Ford of the Mure, envi­roned with some Palisadoes, and some Works of Earth, with design, as has been said, to shelter the Prises which the Croats had taken from the Turks. The Free-booters having been often stopped at the Passage of the River, made Nicholas Count of Serin think of [Page 41]building this Fort on the other side, as a shelter for them,

The Grand Vizier employed all his For­cesto carry so uncousiderable a Post, and the Imperial Army which had be­seiged Canisa, being advanced on the other side of the River, were firmly re­solved to defend it, to hinder the Turks from passing the Mure in this place. Count Peter Serin, with some Croats came at that time to succour his Brother, having left the Count de Strasoldo Go­vernour of Carlestadt. The two Armies were encamped one over against the o­ther, and assoon as the Grand Vizier endeavoured to maintain the Attacques, by new Troops, the Imperialists took care to relieve the Garrison. A Body of Turks having one day passed the Ri­ver, Count Strozzi went against them, and charged them with so much Vigour, that he constrained them to repass with loss; but in this action he was wounded with a Musket Shot, whereof he died. In fine after a Months obstinate defence, (without Montecuculi's, who commanded the Body of the Imperial Troops, hav­ing any regard to them, tho Count Ni­cholas of Serin had sent to him several times to demand succours,) the Turks took the Fort by assault, and were dis­posed afterward to pass the River; be­cause [Page 42]having gain'd the Fort, they could safely run over all the Peninsula that lies between the Mure and the Drave, and which was then under the Govern­ment of Nicholas de Serin: They could go straight to Grats and alarm all Italy. The Imperial Army having foreseen their design, entrenched, and had made Redoubts from place to place, to dis­pute the passage with the Turks, who despairing of gaining it, marched ano­ther way. Count Nicholas de Serin com­plain'd much of Montecuculi, who had refused him succour, but had no satis­faction. He likewise in vain demanded to command in Chief a Body of a sepa­rate Army, they would not hear him speak of it, which made him quit the service shortly after. 'Twas good luck for the Christians, that the Vizier was not resolute to pass the River in that place; because the Imperalists began to want Powder, and Provisions became so scarce in their Camp, that several Souldiers died of Hunger. The Veneti­ans soon after sent a great Quantity of Powder; and decamping from thence, the Army was in a fairer way to have Provisions.

In the mean while Count de Souches got some advantage over the Turks on the other side of the Danube, of whom [Page 43]he beat several Parties, and retook Ni­trice and Lewents, with the same easi­ness as they had lost it. He also defeat­ed the Basha of Buda, and ran all over even to the Gates of Strigonia. But these advantages were of small conse­quence, if they had not hindred the Grand Vizier from executing his designs. He endeavoured to enter the Hereditary Countries, and particuarly Austria, where there being almost no places of strength, he hoped to lay it all waste.

All the Imperial Army, commanded by Monticuculi, observed his Motions, and followed him every day, yet not daring to offer a Battel. The Turks be­ing encamped on the Brink of the River Raab, near a Ford, over against a little Village named St. Godard, the Imperi­alists entrenched on the other side. On the last of July or the first of August in the Night, the Vizier caused three Bat­teries to be planted on the Brink of the River, and at break of day they began to Cannon the Imperialists; he made six thousand chosen Men of his Troops pass over under the shelter of the Can­non, and sent others after them instant­ly to cover them. Monticuculi had draw up his Army in Battalia, upon a Heighth, with the greatest part of his Army, and had sent but a few Troops [Page 44]to oppose the Turks passage. These last attacqued them so furiously, that in a very little time they put them en­tirely to flight, so that some of them that fled carried the news of the Defeat of the Imperial Army, as far as Grats. In the mean while Monticuculi, if we believe the French Relations, did not move from the place, for fear of losing the advantagious ground he stood upon, and all the Turkish Army had passed, without any hindrance from him, if the Count de Coligni and the Marquess, de la Feuillade, without expecting his Orders, had not marcht right upon the Janizaries that had passed first, and charged them with that briskness, that they put them into disorder at the first brunt, and made them retreat toward the River. Some German Regiments, being asham­ed to see strangers defend their Coun­trey more couragionsly than themselves, followed the Example of the French, and forced the Turks to repass the Raab in disorder, and with great loss. The Vizier durst not pass over himself to re­lieve his men, but appearing on Horse­back on the other side of the River, he encouraged them with Hand and Voice. Yet do what he could, he could not make them rally, and he lost sixteen thousand Men, because the brink of the River [Page 45]on his side was of difficult access, and steep almost every where, After this loss, he was so frightned that he decam­ped the following night, without carry­ing off his Cannon, fearing lest the Im­perialists, should entirely defeat his Army, if they should attacque them in the fright they were in. Yet Monticu­culi, maugre the advice of the French and of several others, contented him­self with this advantage, without dar­ing to follow them, tho the loss of the Imperialists was very unconsiderable. The Vizier retreated under the Cannon of Strigonia, and continued there some time, to hinder the Imperial Army from attempting the Seige of Newhaussel. Montecuculi, who acted always to the surest, durst not indeed attempt any thing, and his Conduct was so well ap­proved at Vienna, that the Emperor de­clared him General Lieutenant of his Ar­mies Count Peter de Serin is accused of hav­ing committed two great faults this Year. The first of separating from Count Stra­soldo Commandant of Carlest adt, in the absence of the Count de Aversperg, in stead of entring Bosnia with him after the defeat of the Basha: Which uncapa­citated Scrasoldo to do any thing. The other is that he had in vain attempted to hinder the Turks from going a foraging [Page 46]with his Croats, and two thousand Ger­man Horse, which Montecuculi had giv­en him for that purpose. After the death of his Brother, which happened in hunting, without being well known how, a little after the taking of his Fort; he did not fail to succeed him in the Dignity of Ban, or Viceroy of Dal­matia, Croatia, and Sclavonia; tho the report runs that the Court of Vienna, which would have it believed that a Boar had destroyed him, had caused him to be assassinated. He had also desired the Government of Carlestadt, but it was refused him. 'Tis said that the death of his Brother and this refusal made him disgust the Emperors service, and from that time he began to lay o­ther foundations for a new Grandeur. As the evil that is spoken of him is founded on what his Enemies have pub­lisht, before and after he was put to death, it is not safe to believe all that is spread in the World, tho we cannot disprove it.

We are assured that from that time, he joyned with the Hungarians, in whom he saw great signs of discontent, as to the Imperial Court. About the end of Summer, he went to the Bath of Trenschin, with all his Family, at the same time when the Widdow of George [Page 47]Ragotski arrived there with the Prince her Son, Wesselini was there also, and Negotiated a Marriage betweeen Francis Ragotski and the Daughter of Count Se­rin. Some Historians say, that 'twas thus that they formed the first project of a Conspiracy, whereof we shall speak afterwards.

However it be these Lords began to gain the Favour of the Hungarian Pro­testants of the Counties of Zathmar and Zambolich. The Princess of Ragotski af­ter she with her Children had embraced the Roman Catholick Religion, at the Instigation of the Emperor, had taken away their Churches, and had seized the fonds whereupon the Pensi­on of their Ministers was assigned, and had distributed the revenue to those whom her promises or evil treatment had engaged to make profession of the Roman-Catholick Religion. It was whispered to the Protestant Ministers, that if they required what had been tak­en away from them, it should be granted them, provided they employed the Count de Serin to interceed for them. They did not fail to make use of this ad­vice, and Ragotski, in consideration of his Father-in-Law restored them their Churches, and caused the Ministers to be paid the Arrears of their Pension, [Page 48]with a promise that they should thence­forth be punctually paid. The Prote­stants, who thought they were very hap­py in Roman-Catholick States, when they were promised the exercise of their Religion, and that their Pastors should have whereupon to subsist, received what Rogotski granted them as a signal favour, and testified that they were rea­dy to serve him with their Goods and Lives.

After the Victory of St. Godard, the Emperor, who had an extraordinary In­clination to make Peace, reapt no other advantage by it but that he thereby en­gaged the Turks to enter into new Ne­gotiations with him. Those that had been begun at Themiswar were only inter­rupted by the War. The Emperors Agents remain'd all that time near the Grand Vizer, who had retained them to renew it when he should find it for his purpose. Having told them that it would be no hard matter at that time to enter upon some accommodation, he permitted them to give advice of it to the Emperor. This Prince presently embraced this oc­casion, and sent orders to Montecuculi to commit no acts of Hostility. The Vi­zier did the same on his part, and the Treaty was concluded ten days after the Battel of Raab. Besides the secret Ar­ticles [Page 49]it was agreed that the Emperor should withdraw all his Troops from Transylvania, whereof Abaffi should re­main Master unmolested, and that the Estates thereof, in case he should die, should make an Election of a new Vai­vode, without any molestation, accord­ing to the ordinary manner; that the Turks should keep what they had taken, demolishing Zekelheid, on condition that they would not repair the Fort of Serin: That the Emperor, to whom the So­veraignty of the Lands, of the two Counties of Zathmar and Zambolich, which Ragotski enjoyed, had been given up, might notwithstanding build a Fort on the Tibisque to cover them: That this Truce should be for 20 years, and that in order to ratifie it, the Emperor should send to the Port an Ambassador, with a Present of 200000 Florens.

When these Articles were publisht very different judgments were made of it▪ some blamed the Emperor for this, that he was so far from reaping any fruit from a glorious victory, that he abandoned to the Turks, Transylvania, Newhaussel and a considerable part of Hungary. They were astonisht that an Army of 40000 chosen Men, paid in a great partby others, had been made use of to no other end than to preserve to the Infidels the [Page 50]Conquests they had made. The Impe­rial Ministers excused themselves with necessity, and they said that they chose rather to make a Peace that was not ve­ry honourable than a War that would be destructive to the Emperor. Yet some have believed that the principal reasons of this Peace were, on one hand, the Fear the Emperor was possessed with, that he should not be long succoured by the Troops of the Empire, who did not look upon his advancement with a good Eye: and on the other side the humour of the Prince of Porcia, prime Minister to the Emperor, strongly inclined to a Peace, because he was not capable to maintain himself in the credit he was in during the War. Add to this, that Leopold himself thought on nothing else than to receive Margaret of Austria his Spouse, and fear'd that if Philip IV. should die while the Empire was em­broil'd in the Hungarian War, the French King would invade his Estates.

None were so troubled at so shame­ful a Treaty as the Hungarians. They saw themselves thereby abandon'd to the Turks, who in the midst of the Peace would not fail to work them 1000 mis­chiess by means of the new Garrison of Newhaussel. The two Counts of Serin and the Croats, who were in their Interests, [Page 51]disapproved it extreamly, because ha­ving been the first to advice the War, and the Fort of Serin having been part­ly a cause of it, they saw well that they should be despised during the Peace, or even hated as the Authors of a War de­structive to the Emperor.

Some Hungarians were so bold as to rob the Secretary to the Emperors Resident, near the Grand Vizier, and to take away from him the Treaty of Peace, which he carried to Vienna. This action and the complaints of the Hungarians, who said openly, that they had shamefully abandoned almost all Lower Hungary to the Turks, and a part of the Upper to the Insolences of the Garrison of Newbaussel, obliged the Emperor to cause some of the Prin­cipal Lords of Hungary to come to Vien­na, to appease them. The Prince of Lobkovits Prime Minister, after the death of Porcia, spoke to them in name of the Emperor, and endeavoured to make them comprehend that this Peace was absolutely necessary. He added, that the Emperor was ready to withdraw the German Troops from the rest of Hunga­ry, provided the Hungarians repaired the Fortifications of several little places near were put therein. These Lords could [Page 52]answer nothing to this, but that they would communicate what they had said to the first Diet, who should not fail af­terwards to send Deputies to Vienna.

In the mean while Count Gautier Lesle was dispatcht to the Port, who went to Adrianople with the Grand Vizier, who led him as in Triumph, to ratifie the Treaty of Peace there. The Grand Signior sent on his part to Vienna, Cara Mahomet Bassa, for the same design, and brought the Count de Lesle to Con­stantinople to receive him there with more State.

1665 Lobkovits Propositions were answered by writing in the beginning of the Year 1665. The Hungarians repre­sented, that the Kingdom had reason to complain that they had concluded a Peace with the Turk, without the con­sent of the States, that the Kings of Hun­gary had no Right to do it: That it was not an easie thing to hinder the Inroads of the Turks, that the German Soldiers, whom they would send against them, would do little less mischief than they: That in fine they could not be resolved to ratifie a Peace so disadvantageous to their Countrey, nor suffer themselves to be robbed by strangers.

Prince Lobkovits remonstrated to them anew, the necessity they were under to [Page 53]make Peace with the Turks, and told them, that they could not complain that the Negotiation of Peace had been un­known to the States of Hungary, since the Emperors Agents had communicated their Instructions to them at Presbourgh; he added that it was true that they had concluded a Peace with great haste, but that that was done to take advantage of the good Disposition of the Vizier, which might change: That as to the rest, the Hungarians saw themselves deliver­ed thereby from all the horrours, that so deadly a War would draw after it, which should be more cause of joy to them than the loss of Newhaussel was of sorrow: That in fine the Emperor would build Forts near Newhaussel, and put Troops therein, to oppose the Inroads of the Garrison.

The Hungarians seeming better satis­fied than at first, did not fail to reply to Lobkovits, that the Officers that com­manded the Troops, should be of their own Nation then: That he needed take no other Expedient to curb the Garrison of Newhaussel, than to reassemble under some Colours, a great number of Hun­garian Soldiers, who were spread throughout the Kingdom, and without Employs, That they might put those people in places of Hungary exposed to [Page 54]the Turks, instead of the Germans, who did not much less mischief than the Infi­dels, through want of Discipline and of being paid. The Emperor having at last agreed to these Articles from the Mouth, they subscribed the Peace, and carried back the Crown of the Kingdom of Hungary to Presbourg, which had been carried to Vienna during the War. The Emperor dismist the greatest part of his Troops, and the Bishop of Munster, and the Marquess de Baden Dourlach, Generals of the Troops of the Empire, with con­fiderable presents; after which they de­parted, and delivered their Troops to those that had given them.

One would have thought after this, that Hungary should enjoy a long Peace, but the Promise that was mutually given on one side, not to meddle with the Pri­viledges of the Kingdom, and on the other to observe the Treaty of Peace, was not kept on either side. The Count de Rothal Commissary General to the Emperor having withdrawn some Impe­rial Troops from Transylvania, that re­mained there, instead of leading them the way to the Hereditary Countreys, placed them anew in the Upper Hungary at Zathmar, Tokai, Kalo and Onod, never minding the Complaints of the Hunga­rians. There were also German Garri­sons [Page 55]put into Nitrie and Lewents, which Souches, as has been said, retook from the Turks. The Hungarians seeing that they had not kept their promise which they had given them, made Inroads up on the Turks, as if the War had sti­continued; they made complaints of it Vienna, and reveng'd themselves cruelly on all the Frontiers of Christian Hungary One of the first Hungarians that mount­ed his Horse, to violate the Treaty of Peace, was Count Palaffi Imbre, with de­sign to make the fault be charged upon Wesselini the Palatine, his particular Ene­my, as if he had done nothing but by his Order. Palaffi not being believed, or the Council of Vienna not judging it fit to act against Wesselini, he was so far transported, that he attempted to plun­der and burn the Palatines Lands; but Ragotski and Abaffi taking this lasts part hindred Palaffi from executing any thing, though he had demanded assistance from, the Turks, and had offered them his Son, and the Fort of Debin which be­longed to him, as Pledges of his Fidelity. The disturbances of the Hungarians among themselves, which should have been determined by the Laws of the Countrey, gave occasion to their Ene­mies, to represent them as common di­sturbers at the Imperial Court, who [Page 56]seeking but a plausible pretence, to leave the German Garrisons that were there among them, did not fail to make advan­tage by what presented it self.

The Hungarians were further accused of having made several attempts on the person of their King. According to the Laws of Hungary, the King should call a general Diet of the Kingdom every third year, and be present himself at it, to regulate the Affairs of State. The Diet then having been called in form at Presbourg Sept. 27. 1665. the Hungarians earnestly prayed that the Emperor would be there, but he absolutely refused it. 'Twas said since that there was a Con­spiracy among them to seize his Person. Whether this was true, or that the Em­peror not designing to agree to the cal­ling back of the German Troops, which he knew well they would demand of him, would not for this reason put him­self into their hands, he gave them new matter of complaint by this refusal.

1666 In the beginning of the Year 1666. the Soveraign Chamber of Hun­gary, sollicited by the complaints of the Inhabitants of Zathmar, sent some De­puties to Vienna, to complain that Co­lonel Spaar, who commanded the Troops that were put into that place, had con­strained the Inhabitants to give him a [Page 57]of Money, as if it were to pay off the Garrison, but that he converted it to his own use. The same Deputies had order to represent the Extorsions and Violences of all the German Troops, and to demand that he would call them home according to the promise that he had made to them.

Besides the reasons of not calling them back, that have been already related, there, came pat for the Emperors purpose, advice that the Hungarian Protestants had chosen Heads, to oppose the progress of the Roman Religion in Upper Hun­gary, by the Example and Authority of the Family of Ragotski. Whether this advice were true or not, there needed no more to stop the mouths of the De­puties, who durst not take the Prote­stants part.

Those that are of humour to make Conspiracies, or what men would make to be such, do not stop at the first, unless they have a mind to prevent them. Fear­ing to be punished for their Projects that have not succeeded, if they should come to be discovered, they endeavour all anew to put those, against whom they have conspired, in a state uncapable to do them any hurt. The Counts Nadasti and Serin formed once more a design of seizing the Emperors person, who must [Page 58]pass by near Puttendorf, going to meet his Empress. Count Serin who brought his Daughter to Ragotski, to consummate the Marriage, was under this pretence come into Hungary with a numerous Train. They had likewise publisht that the Turks would make sure of a consi­derable Pass, to send Troops into Dal­matia against the Venetians, with whom they were still at Wars, and that the Emperor favour'd it under-hand. To op­pose this design of the Infidels, they had almost raised 500 Men, for whom they had assign'd Puttendorf as the place of Randezvouse. The Emperor must ride Post near by that with the Prince of Lobkovits, Master of his House, and twelve Horse-men; and it would have been easie for those Troops to invest him, if the Emperor had not passed sooner than the Conspirators believed he would, and before their Troops were arrived. The Emperor met happily with his new Spouse, and led her to Vienna, where the Marriage was consummated on Decemb. 5. 1666.

1667 The Year following they spoke of having her Crowned Queen of Hungary, and the States of the Kingdom were called together for this purpose at Presbourg. The Counts of Upper Hun­gary refused to send their Deputies thi­ther, [Page 59]unless they call'd home the Ger­man Troops, which they refused so much the more obstinately as they de­manded it eagerly. The Emperor was not ignorant they would not have given so many fresh on-sets on this Article, but to recover their Liberties and Pri­viledges; which perhaps they might make use of in a manner disadvantageous to his House, if he should happen to die; and the Hungarians could not endure, that the House of Austria should from thenceforth look upon Hungary as her Hereditary Countreys, where it should have an Authority little different from that which the Grand Signior has over his Subjects. In the mean while they protested on the one hand, that they would no ways infringe the Priviledges of the Hungarian Nation; and on the other, that they had nothing so much in their Hearts, as the Glory and Advance­ment of the Imperial House. So true it is, that we must keep at least in appea­rance the Laws of a Society, if we would not quite lose it.

About this time Francis Wesselini, who has since been charged by some with slowness and softness, because he did not execute the Emperors Orders rea­dily, and by others with Infidelity for the same reason. Perhaps being very [Page 60]subject to the Gout, and to other Infir­mities, he did not act with a readiness necessary in great Affairs; and that re­fusing to violate the Laws of his Coun­trey as they would have had him, his Fi­delity became suspected. These two de­pend the one upon the other. It is rare that a great People complains of the Viola­tion of their Priviledges without any reason; and it is common with Princes to treat Magistrates and People that re­fuse to pay them blind Obedience as se­ditious and troublesome. Count Nadasti, President of the Soveraign Council, and one of the best Qualified Gentlemen of Hungary, stood up for the Dignity of Palatin, but the Emperor mistrusting him, refused it, and judged it better for his purpose not to fill it in the state he found the Kingdom in then; fearing lest he whom he should confer it upon, should make use of the Authority of his Office to maintain the Priviledges that the Court of Vienna had for a long time cast an ill Eye upon.

1668 'Tis said that Nadasti, disgust­ed that he was refused a Dignity, which he thought was his due, attempted a third time to kill the Emperor, or to seize his person. The Expedient was to set the Imperial Palace on fire, and to stop the Emperor, who would not fail [Page 61]to depart Vienna in great haste to flee from the Fire. 'Tis added that Nadasti corrupted a Carpenter, who wrought in the new Apartment that the Emperor had caused to be made, and which was set on fire Feb. 23. It is at least very certain, that the Fire seized on the Impe­rial Palace that day, that it was not known at first how it happened, and that no effect of this Conspiracy was seen. It has been said since, that the Truth of all was discovered by Papers and the Con­fessions of Nadasti, who had no body to take his part after his Death. He was likewise accused of designing to Poison the Emperor at a Feast, to which he had invited all the Imperial Court; and 'tis said that his Wife hindred it, by causing to serve to the Emperor another Pasty instead of that which was poisoned. He had a mind another time, if we may be­lieve some Historians, to poison the Water which that Prince drank, by cast­ing a dead Dog into it that had died of poison. The boldness of these Enter­prizes, and many other Circumstances, made them to be but little believed; it is difficult to judge surely of it, on what is said. The Interests that Men often have to destroy persons either rich or considerable for their Offices, and the great care that has been taken to make [Page 62]them unjustly pass for Traitors, have hindred a great many people from be­ing credulous in these matters; that they look upon almost all Conspiracies that are spoken of as fabulous; unless those against whom they have been made, have been either killed or wounded.

The death of Count d' Aversperg, Go­vernour of Carlestadt, bred in the Count de Serin a desire to have his Post, by means whereof he would be Master of Croatia. The Countess his Spouse part­ed for Vienna with this design; but tho' she forgot nothing, to obtain this Go­vernment for her Husband, she could not compass her design. It was resolved at Vienna, by little and little, to put the Nobility of Hungary and Croatia out of case to come and importune the Em­peror, about the observation of the Usages and Laws of their Countrey. For this effect, far from gaining by Graces those whom they suspected to be too much wedded to them, they refused them every thing that was in their power to keep from them. The Go­vernment of Carlestadt was given to Joseph Count of Haberstein, Knight of Malta; and the Countess of Serin re­turned into Upper Hungary, to her Son-in-law Ragotski in the greatest dis­content.

They still continued their complaints against the German Garisons in that Countrey. Yet they obtain'd no re­calling of them, nor Justice for the In­juries they had committed on the Inha­bitants, for that it was resolved upon at Vienna, to mortifie them as much as was possible; to suppress, as they com­monly spake, the Seditious Discourse of the Laws and Priviledges which those people had continually in their Mouths. All this and the not very pliable humour of the Hungarians, made them put several of the German Souldiers to the Sword, as they had done more than once. The Princess Ragotski, who was grown a Zealous Ro­man-Catholick, did not suffer the Pro­testants to be well used long in her Sons Lands; so that People believing that the Emperor, perhaps not being well affect­ed towards Ragotski, upon the account of his Father-in-law the Count de Serin, would do them some Justice, they made their Application to Vienna, to obtain their being supported as at first. And they at the same time complained of the Disorders of the German Souldi­ers.

1669. The Hungarians were treat­ed harshlier than ever on this last com­plaint, & were upbraided with all the losses [Page 64]that were sustain'd in Hungary for seve­ral Years, as if they had been the causes of them. As to what concern'd the Pro­testants Father Emeric, Confessor to the Emperor had so exasperated that Prince against Heresie, that he spoke of nothing but their abjuring it, without which they would not hear them more; as if they must change their sentiments or pretend to have others, on things of so great importance, by Menaces and harsh usage.

When the Deputies which had carried these complaints were returned home, and had inform'd the People of their ill success, one might have seen all their minds alarm'd, and vainly seeeking for remedies for so great evils. To let the Germans alone, said they, who treat the Hungarians worse than the Turks. were to resolve to live in misery and contempt, to oppose them by force would stir up a Civil War, whereof they could not foresee the end, and whereof the Infidels might reap terri­ble advantages.

The Protestants in particular knew not wither to turn themselves, not dar­ing to trust themselves to the Roman-Catholicks, among whom there were few persons so moderate to bemoan them, if the violences of the Germans [Page 65]had not been extended on the Roman-Catholicks too. The Lutherans and Calvinists, according to their wont, scarcely agreed among themselves in these extremities, and if one of these Parties of Protestants were ill treated the other would be little concern'd for it.

The mischiefs that were common to all the Hungarians of what Religion soever they were, unless they were ready for every thing that should be commanded them, without making any use of the Judgment that God has giv­en all men; these misfortunes, I say, form'd a kind of Union among them. Perhaps also the Humour of the Nation equally impatient and peevish contri­buted to make a kind of Harmony among their complaints, and ingaged them in common to seek Remedies for their evils. The example of the Tran­sylvanians among whom there is far greater diversity of Religions, since there are Socinians publickly tolerated, and who live in quiet under the Pro­tection of the Turk, was a Temptation to them. They resolved to demand the same Protection of the Port by a Deputation shameful to Christianity: For, in fine, suppose that a Christian Prince give to People of the same Religi­gion, [Page 66]just reason to believe that they shall be better under the Empire of In­fidels, than under his; or that Christian Subjects should make such a Judgment without reason, which yet is very diffi­cult; however it is a thing that the Ma­hume tans themselves have never done with respect to the Christians. Behold the Fruits of Efforts, that were made to shake off a Despotick Empire over Souls and Bodies.

'Tis said that the Counts Nadasti, Serin, Frangipani, and Taptembach, entred into this Conspiracy, with almost all the richest Nobility of Hungary; some through Ambition or Interest; others through hatred to the German Nation, which they could not endure in their Lands, some few for the sole Love of the Liberty of the Hungarian Nation; the greatest part for these different Mo­tives that were at the same time pre­sented to their Mind.

They durst not send Deputies of their Nation, for fear the Emperors Resident at the Port should smell out their design too soon. They imployed Transylva­nians, who being under the Protection of the Port could go and come without suspicion. The Deputies were receiv­ed very well of the Grand Signior at first, but as he did nothing but by the [Page 67]Interposition of his Prime Vizier, he referred them to this Minister, who was then in Candia. As he was extra­ordinarily busied in the Siege of this place, he referred them to his Interpre­ter Pangiotti; to whom they were for­bidden to say any thing, because it was believed that he favoured the Imperia­lists. This retarded the Negotiation, but in fine they propos'd to the Vizier to make the Kingdom of Hungary Tri­butary to the Port, and to put it under its Protection, on condition that as to the rest, the Grand Signior would leave them all their Priviledges. They re­presented that it would be easie to with­draw them from the Obedience to the Emperor, if the Port sent into Hungary an Army of an hundred thousand Men, to take the places where there were Ger­man Garrisons; during which time the Hungarians for their part, would enter the Hereditary Countries, or oppose with a considerable Army the Troops that should come from Germany. They offered to the Turks to leave them the Places they had conquered; which should serve as a Pledge to assure them of the Fidelity of the Hungarians. The Infidels after they had heard these Pro­positions did not think they had offered them enough; they would have them [Page 68]to put several Cities into their hands, before they broke entirely with the Emperor, to assure them that they would not break, and these were the most important places of the Kingdom. The Deputies could not yield to this Article, and when they had given ad­vice of it in Hungary, they answered only, that the Places which the Turkish Army should take should continue the Grand Signiors. They could not re­solve to give Pledges before they had received some succours. The Turks continuing firm in their demands, the Deputies took leave of the Vizier with­out having done any thing, and without obtaining any thing in writing to shew in Hungary. Yet they promised them in General Terms to Assist them as much as they could.

'Tis not known whether the Grand Vizier, being still puzled with the Siege of Candy, would not engage him­self in a new Enterprize, or if the Losses which he had sustain'd in this Island, or in Hungary, discouraged him from em­bracing what they proposed to him; but we are assured that Pangiotti gave notice of what passed to the Emperors Resident.

1670 The Court of Vienna having received this Advice, caused exact search [Page 69]to be made every where to find out the Heads of the Conspiracy, and gave ne­cessary Orders to raise Recruits in every place, and to have an Army on foot in­stantly. About that time the Count Tattembach was betrayed, as is said, by one of his Grooms, who had the Copy of a Project that his Master had con­certed since the Year 1667. with the Count de Serin, to make themselves Ma­sters of Croatia and Stiria. An Officer named Bukouashi, was also gone to the Port for the Count of Serin, to offer her a yearly Tribute for Croatia and Stiria, if she would assist him to put himself in Possession of it. Whether that they would amuse the Count, or that Bu­kouaski cheated him, he vainly believed that a small Body of an Army would come to him from Canisa, to assist him to surprize Grats, which he would give up to be plundered at the beginning of the Campagne. He had already drawn together what Troops he could, and had writ to his Friends several Letters that were intercepted. He had thought he could easily surprize Copranits a City of Croatia, which he had promised to deli­ver up to the Turks, but he could not compass his end. He received no Money of Ragotski, who should lend him a con­siderable sum, to pay his Troops, and [Page 70]others which he had caused to be raised in Valachia, who refused to march with­out Money; so that he could keep none with him but a few Morlaques. Fran­gipani on the other side endeavoured in vain to Master Zagabria, and several other Cities of Croatia, and discovered at the same time a design, which he was not then in case to execute. They sur­prized also some of his Letters to Offi­cers, in whom he confided, & to whom he told all. The want of Secrecy, and the precipitation and imprudence of the Heads, if what is reported be true, made their design miscarry in Croatia. The Count of Tattembach was arrested at Grats on March 22. 1670. which appa­rently made the Count of Serin, without expecting the Succour that he hoped from the Turks, and without having ta­ken any certain measure, take the Field, and commit some Acts of Hostility, which not being able to weaken the Em­peror, did only render the Advice that was given him indubitable, and con­firm'd the Depositions of some of his Accomplices that were gone to Vienna. The Troops which the Emperor had got together from every place being partly on foot, General Spankaw was sent into Croatia with 6000 Men, besides those that were order'd to enter; to [Page 71]suppress, if it was possible, the Conspi­racy, which was not yet supported by any considerable Force. The Count of Serin surprized before he was in a state of Defence, and not knowing that the Emperor was very well inform'd of his Designs, thought it his best to feign, and sent straight an Express for Vienna, to assure him of his Fidelity, and to ex­cuse his Conduct as much as is possible. He own'd that he had had correspon­dence with the Turks, but that it was only to penetrate the better into their Designs, which the Emperor had per­mitted him before; that it is further true, that they had made great proffers to him, but he added that he had re­fused them all.

The Court of Vienna did not suffer it self to be amused with such gross ser­vices; it ordered Spankan to lay Siege to Shacketorn, whither the Count was retreated, with Frangipani his Brother­in law. Not being in case to resist, he sent P. Marc Forstal Augustin to Vienna, to endeavour to find out some way of accommodation. They required of him to send his Son for an Hostage, and that he should entirely surrender himself at the Emperors discretion, after which they promised to grant him an Amnesty. The Count brave in fight, but not verst [Page 72]in Politicks, did not know that they did not ordinarily send an Amnesty but to those whom they could not undertake to on­nish without running a great risque, he fell into the Snare which was laid for him, and staid at Shacketorn, whither Spankan went to besiege him. In vain he sent to this General to tell him that he had made his Peace at the Imperial Court, Spankan executed his Orders, which had not as yet been recalled. The Place not being in a state of Defence, was taken in a little time, Serin and Erangipani having abandoned it. In the mean while they took the formers Wife Prisoner there, and plundered their best effects. They were gone out with thirty Horse, with a design to cast themselves at the Emperors feet, by the advice of the Count of Keri who betrayed them, & received them in his Castle, whence they were carried Prisoners to Vienna. After they were taken, it was not hard matter to reduce the small number that sided with them in Croatia into Obedience.

The Lords of Hungary that were en­tred into the same Conspiracy with Serin and Frangipani, and who had got more Men than they, took the Field too late. Their pretence at first was the fear they were in that the Turks had some design upon Hungary, because they had [Page 73]ordered to find out the Fords of several Rivers, which were very low that Sum­mer. They held, notwithstanding the Emperors Prohibition, who had had advice of it, an Assembly at Cassovia, where a great number of Nobility and Deputies from several Counties of Hungary met, they resolved in this As­sembly to form a Body of an Army of twelve thousand Men, eight thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse; to op­pose, as they said, the Incursions of the Turks. The Emperor thereupon cited those that had been at this kind of Diet, and adjourn'd them to meet at Newsol, promising to satisfie their Law­ful Complaints. But those that were engaged in this affair, saw very well, that the Council of Vienna fought only to gain time, and being already resolv­ed to defend their Priviledges by Arms, were but little frightned with this Ci­tation. 'Tis said that Nadasti whom the Emperor did not yet suspect, hindred them secretly from obeying his Orders, tho he pretended to make them exe­cute them. The Malecontents made haste to levy as many Men as they could, to put them under Ragotski's command, who had promised to maintain two thousand Men for himself. The thir­teen Counties made for this end an [Page 74]Act of Union with their Deputies sign­ed.

Ragotski endeavoured to surprize Tokai, and Mongats, his Mothers Resi­dence, and where his Fathers Treasures were. His Mother would not yield up that place to him, either because of the Money which she kept there, or be­cause she had not been of the Party. In the mean while those that con­tinued faithful to the Emperor met at Newsol, but to no purpose, because the Demands which the Malecontents made were rejected with disdain. They de­sired that the Protestant Churches might be restored to them, as having possessed them peaceably for several Years? That they would recall all the Germans, and that they should put Hun­garian Souldiers in their place; that the Troops they had raised should con­tinue on foot, to make War on the Turks by their particular Authority. We are assured that there was joy at Vienna, especially when they had taken the Count of Serin, and knew that the Turks continued neuter, that they had found out a sure way to forfeit the Estates of the Nobility of Hungary; for they d [...]d nor doubt but they could easily compass their end on the Malecontents, if the Turks did not concern themselves, [Page 75]as indeed they thought they would take no share in these troubles▪ The Empe­ror who at first had demanded succours of the Diet at Rattisbonne, and had ob­tain'd it, thanked those who had engag­ed to furnish him in it, having enough of his own Troops to reduce the Male­contents. The event shewed that he was not mistaken, and he might suffici­ently judge of it, by the little skill the Chiefs had, which appeared in all their conduct. It was as easie to conjecture, that the People would not acquit themselves of their duty as they ought; because that in a Society, where no bo­dy has a right to command, and cannot get himself fear'd, 'tis rare that Obe­dience is exact, especially in the begin­nings.

Ragotski not being expeditious enough, or not understanding the Office he had taken upon him, had no success in any thing; the Imperial Troops on the contrary advanced without losing time, and began to force the Passes in Upper Hungary, that the Malecontents had seized. The Turks would not break with the Emperor, as they had flattered themselves, and some Troops of Valachia which Ragotski was to have did not come. All this joyn'd with the sollicitation of his Mother and Father [Page 76]in-law, who writ Letters to him from Prison, wherein he advised him to sur­render himself to the Emperor; all this, I say, was more than enough to make his Sword drop out of his hand. He disbanded his Troops the greatest part whereof retired into Transylvania; and his Mother went to Vienna to beg his Pardon. She obtain'd it on condition that he would receive an Imperial Garrison into all Places that belonged to him, which he should maintain on his own Charges.

The Principal the Head of Malecon­tents having abandon'd them, it was no hard matter for General Spork, who commanded an Army of above fifteen thousand Men, to reduce all the rest. No place of the Malecontents was strong enough nor provided as it ought, to maintain a Siege against him. Even the Hungarians that were no ways con­cern'd in the Conspiracy were treated as Rebels, as to what concerns the quartering of Souldiers, and the other Inconveniences, which an Army with­out Money and Provisions use to pro­duce in Places through which they pass. They durst not so much as complain, for fear of being punisht as Re­bels.

In the mean while the Count de Serin who at first was made to hope he should obtain the Emperors Pardon, grew e­very day more Guilty, and his Brother-in-law Frangipani is charged with hav­ing betrayed him in Prison, that he might the more easily obtain a Pardon for himself, and to succeed to his Offices. We are assured further, that there were found at Muran, the City of the Resi­dence of Palatine Wesselini, wherein several Assemblies of the Malecontents had been held, a vast number of Papers, in the hands of one Nagiferents, Secre­tary to the League. By these Papers they learn'd all the Circumstances, and Accomplices of the Conspiracy, which were very pat for the purpose, of the Ministers thirsting after the Estates of others, especially the richest of Hunga­ry. It is surprizing that this Nagiferents, who was forc't to deliver those Papers to the Prince of Lorrain, did not burn those dangerous evidences of a Plot that had proved abortive, when he saw the Place beseiged. If this be true, as well as many other Circumstances of the Ruine of this Party which are reported, we must acknowledge that the Hunga­rian Nobility was scarce capable to suc­ceed in an Enterprize of this importance.

'Tis said that they discovered by these Papers, that Count Adasti was an Accomplice of the Conspiracy; which being, 'tis hard to comprehend how he staid at Puttendorf, when they came to seize him. It's true we are in­formed that he rendezvouzed, for the next day, five hundred Men, that should have attended him even to the Lands of Venice. The expedient was dangerous, and it had been more safe for him to have made his escape with a small company, and on the first ad­vice he had received of the taking of Muran. But this Conduct suits very well with designs equally enormous and extravagant that are attributed to him. However it be he was too rich to escape, and eight Millions of Livers which he was worth in Estate, served much to ag­gravate his Crime.

1671 We have no design to re­late in particular the Circumstances of his Prison, no more than of the other Counts that have been spoke of. We will only say that in the Diet of Hungary that was assembled at Lentch the Hungarians, besides their ancient Complaints, that the German Souldiers made them renew, with a great deal of Grief, demanded according to their un­controvertible Priviledges, to be Judg­es [Page 79]of the Prisoners. This was absolute­ly refused them under pretence that some of them were the Emperors Offi­cers. They feared that the Hungarian Judges, tho Innocent as to the Conspi­racy would either find the accusation ill grounded, or that counterbalancing the Duties of Princes with those of Subjects, they would Judge those Counts as inno­nocent, at least, as those who would de­prive Hungary of all its Priviledges. It was nothing at Vienna, to violate the most equitable Laws; and thereby to reduce an Infinite Number of Innocent Families to Misery; on the contrary it was a crime but to complain of it, and an attempt deserving the utmost Punish­ment, but to defend their Laws, by the same way by which they would ruine them. They were not of the same Judgment in Hungary, and these diffe­rent Judgments, did not suit the Impe­rial Court. The four Prisoners were condemned to be beheaded for High Treason, by Judges of the Emperors appointment: Count Nadasti was exe­cuted at Vienna on Aug. 30. 1671. And the Counts of Serin and Frangipani the same day at Newstadt. Count Tattem­bach suffered the same Punishment at Grats, Decemb. 1. 1671. His Death having been delayed by reason of [Page 80]some controversie that there was about the Confiscation of his Estate.

In making their Process, we find, as is said, that almost all the best qualified Nobility of Hungary had some hand in the Conspiracy; some for effectually tam­pering in it, others for not discovering it, others again for not opposing it as they ought. 'Tis thus that Vargas * the Spanish Minister in the Low Countries maintain'd that the Hereticks having robbed the Churches, Ever. Reidani Annal. Lib. 1. p. 5. and the Orthodox having done nothing to hinder them, they ought all to be hanged. The Hungarian Nobility understood thereby that there was no means of escape left them but by flight or by ransoming themselves with great sums, or in fine by defending themselves. Every one took one of these three ways, according to the State of his Affairs, and the Dis­position he found himself in. The Em­peror having notice that some had for­tified themselves in their Castles, with a design to defend themselves by force, against the search that might be made for them, sent General Heister with thousand Horse to seize those People. He made himself master of all the pla­ces pertaining to the Counts of Oster­chits, Petrozzi, and Baragozzi, where [Page 81]'tis said he found a great deal of Provi­sions and Ammunitions. From thence he marched against Stephan Count of Te­keli, who protested that he had always been faithful to the Emperor, and offer­ed to justifie himself acccording to the Forms established by the Laws of Hun­gary; but who was ready to have re­course to Force for his defence, if they pretended to have no respect to these Laws, and to judge him after the Turk­ish way, as he saw they had done as to others. He did not at all believe that Princes could by Divine Right violate all the Laws, and the People who had chosen them for their good, and not for their destruction, should have no right to oppose some other thing than sole Patience. He distinguisht by an ill timed notion the Subjects of Christian Princes, and engaged by their Oath and Religion to observe certain Laws; from those who obey the Turk, and who are under a kind of Slavery. To extirpate so gross Errors, and to put Tekeli and others that were there out of a condition of relapsing into them again, General Heister advanced with his Troops, with design to fight him, if he durst stand in his way. Tekeli had caus­ed all the Avenues of his Castle to be secured, which being amongst Moun­tains, [Page 82]was easie to keep. This obliged Heister to demand Cannon and Foot, with whom he lay down before the Castle of Kus [...] where Tekely was shut up. During the first days of the Siege this Prince died of sickness, and left his Son in the bands of some of his Friends, who endeavoured to defend themselves vigorously, till after some days the Trenches being opened, the Garrison spake of capitulating and surrendred the place. Before they came to that, as the Siege was not at all regular, no more than the Fortifications of the Place; Young Tekeli, aged fifteen years, saved himself in the Night time, with Barrigozzi, Petrozzi, and some others. They retired into the Castle of Licowa where Heister immediately besieged them. A Bomb setting their Powder on fire they demanded a capitulation. Count Paul Esterhasi, Genral of the Kingdom, advanced to speak to them, but there was some treachery on one side or other, in this capitulation, since some shot with a Musket upon Esterhasi, and that he took Baragozzi Prisoner and sent him to Vienna. The others saved themselves once more in the Night, and without hindrance got into the Castle of Hust in Transylvania. That of Licowa surrendred it self the [Page 83]next day, and by its surrendry le [...] the Imperialists absolute Masters of Upper Hungary. 'Twas thus that Count Tekeli, made his first Apprentiship at his own cost in the matter of War. All his moveables were seized, and all his Plate, and that of all the other Malecontents. They carried it to Vienna, as in Triumph, and this was not unseasonable for paying the German Troops, one part of what was due to them, without speak­ing of what might continue in the hands of those who were commissioned to go and seize the most considerable Riches of Hungary.

The End of the First Book.

Memoirs on the Life Of EMERIC Count of TEKELI. The Second Book.

Containing the most Remarkable Occur­rences from the Year 1671. to the Year 168 [...].

COƲNT TEKELI being arrived at Transylvania, if we may believe the common report, immediately puts himself under the Protection of the Turks, and pays them the Tribute which they call the Carche, after which the Emperor could not pursue him, without running the hazard of breaking with the Part.

Abaffi received the Malecontents very kindly, because he had cause to com­plain [Page 85]of the Imperial Troops which were upon the Frontiers of Transylvania, and often made very great ravages upon his Lands. In the mean while he takes a journey to the Port, which joyned with some movements of the Turkish Army from Thrace, gave ground of fear that the Grand Signior would take part with the Male-contents, who, as was said, sollicited him to send an Army into Hungary: But soon after it was known that the Turks had no design so hastily to engage in a War, which they could not make without great expence.

1672 The Imperial Council being delivered from this fear, and seeing that all who could resist the design which it had to treat Hungary as a conquered Countrey, were dead, or banished, or intimidated by the ill success of their Efforts, thought that now at last the time was come to execute this pro­ject. The first remarkable attempt, which was made for this, was the va­cating the important charge of Pala­tine, which investing them who had it with a very great Authority, put them into a condition when they would to frustrate the designs which the Mini­sters at Vienna had upon the Liberty of the Hungarians.

If any one were disobliged by them, [Page 86]he could hardly fail of taking his re­venge, at least of convicting them be­fore Judges of the Countrey, of having violated the Laws of their Countrey, which it was not easie to do. As this dignity was for Life, the Death of him who was invested with it was peace­ably to be expected; or else it was to be forced from him; an expedient dangerous, and likely to make the Kingdom revolt. Instead of the Pala­tine, the Emperor resolved to send a Governour whom he might recall when he pleased, and to whom he might give no authority but what he found fitting. he also formed a new Sovereign Chamber, composed of eight Counsellors, and of two Secretaries, besides the President who was to be the Governour of the Realm. John Gasper Ampringhen, Great Master of the Teutonick Order, was cho­sen to fill this last place; whether it were that he was judged the most likely to acquit himself well of this employ­ment, or that being born in Hungary the People might not look on him as a Forreigner. This was conceived within the Year 1672.

1673 In the Twenty Eighth of February, in the Year following, the Emperor Signed a Declaration, by which he gave his Subjects of Hungary to un­derstand [Page 87]

  • 1. That he had established in their Countrey a Sovereign Court which should regulate Publick and Private Affairs in the last resort.
  • 2. That he had chosen for President of this Chamber, John Gasper Ampringhen, Prince of the Empire and Great Master of the Teutonick Order; and would have them render him an entire Obedience as to his own Person, and also to the orders of the new Court.

The Great Master made his entry on the twenty second of March, and immediately after, the Chamber ap­plyed it self to remedy the disorders of the Realm, which were very great. Ill meaning Persons on both sides having taken occasion from the troubles to commit all sorts of outrages. Two things gave the Chamber the most trou­bles, and in the end caused new broils. The first was the Regulation of the Troops which they were obliged to maintain in Hungary, rather against the Malecontents, than against the Turks. They found no way more proper to pre­vent the Insolence of the Souldiers, than to appoint Commissaries in every County who should furnish the Troops with all things necessary, and keep them within their Duty. The second was the Protestant Religion which they were resolved to extirpate whatever it [Page 88]cost them. Besides that the Catholick-Zeal was satisfied with that, the Eccle­siasticks and Laicks found no burden of the Protestants goods which were Con­fiscated for very slight faults, that they might be obliged to change their Reli­gion. ‘Many Calvinist and Lutherian Ministers, says an honest Priest, who writes the History of these Troubles in Italian; since they would not mo­derate their Seditious Ardour to Preach new Doctrines, were sent to the Gallies of Naples, to learn Modesty and Obedience in Chains, &c. The Rigor which they used to re-esta­blish the Catholick Religion and in searching out them who adhear'd to Protestancy, gave many companions to them who had fled to Transylvania. The Protestants had in divers Languages published the Persecution, which they said had been in Hungary against them of their Religion. And the Ministers whom they had sent to the Gallies of Naples were not delivered till the Year 1676. By the mediation of Michael de Ruyter, Admiral to the Ʋnited Provinces. The Zealous Catholicks who were of­fended at this, have seen by the conse­quences, what People so treated are capable of doing, and have repented a little too late.

Prince Ragotski died soon after his re­conciliation with the Inperial Court, and the Transylvanians pushed on by the Male-contents who were retired among them, redemanded of the Emperor the Counties Zathmar and Zambolich. At the same time many Hungarian Gentlemen assembled their Friends together to op­pose the Violences of the new Soveraign Chamber. They form a Body of 12000 Men, and surprize Kalo and Little Wara­din, thro' the default of General Spankau and some other Imperial Commanders more fit to ruine and evil entreat the Peasants and disarmed Burghers, than to fight an Enemy, or take good measures against them.

The Emperor was obliged to send into Hungary 10000 Men under General Kops, whom the Male-contents fail'd not to re­sist in many Rencounters. As this was not a War of Quarter, they defended themselves desperately, and treated the Germans with the last Rigour, as they had been treated before. We will not enter into the detail of what pass'd on both sides, this belongs rather to a ge­neral History of Hungary, than to the Life of Teckely, who was then very young as to the Fatigues of the War. It is enough to have describ'd in general the condition which Hungary was then in, [Page 90]ruin'd by its Friends as well as by its Enemies, and brought in vain to wish under the best Catholicks in Europe the repose which the Subjects and Vassals of Infidels enjoyed in their fight.

1674 From the year 1674. the Turks, who had been but spectators of these Troubles, or who since the Peace, had fomented them only under-hand, began more openly to side with the Male-con­tents. During the whole year there were divers Rencounters between the. Troops of Neighbouring Bassaes mingled with Hungarian Fugitives, and the Impe­rial Garrisons; wherein sometimes one side had the better, sometimes the other. It is not known whether the Imperial Ministers did not make these Confusions last the longer with design that they might the more easily profit themselves of the miseries of Hungary. At least they accuse Prince Lobkovits the Emperors Chief Minister of holding Intel­ligence with the Male-contents, and Count Souches was in disgrace for a like suspi­cion.

1675 1675. For this or some other rea­son the Imperial Court thought fit to en­deavour to bring the Male-contents to their duty by way of Treaty. Abaffi be­ing offer'd for a Mediator, gave hope of bringing the matter to a conclusion, but [Page 91]it was presently perceiv'd that there was no likelihood of pacifying Hungary so soon. In some Assemblies which were held for this end within that Realm and Transylvania, the Male-contents demand­ed a general Act of Indempnity with the re-establishment of their Priviledges, and of their Churches, and the reparation of their Losses, which was far from casting themselves upon the Emperors Clemency, and expecting what he would vouch­safe them of his bounty, as it had been expected from them. As they demand­ed possibly too much, they were offer'd too little, and it was so visible, that no­thing was sought but to destroy them when they had laid down their Arms, and were return'd to their duty, that they rejected that proposal with scorn. Nevertheless the Emperor soon after pub­lish'd an Amnesty for all them who should lay down their Arms, but few persons did so, and Declarations of this nature had been so frequently violated, when it could be with impunity, that to the misfortune of those who us'd them, no body believ'd them but when they were not in a condition to violate them. It was also in vain that the Viceroy pro­mis'd the Male-contents to re-establish them in the possession of their goods, and to grant them the free exercise of their [Page 92]Religion, upon taking a new Oath of Al­legiance, and dismissing all their Troops. This promise could not move any body, because the Viceroy did not speak of re-establishing also the Priviledges of the Realm, and without that no body could submit without laying himself again at the discretion of the Imperialists; so both Parties continued to ravage Hungary.

Soon after Abaffi openly demanded the Counties of Zathmar and Zambolich, which he said had been yielded to him by Ragot­ski; and the Emperor having rejected this demand, the Vaivode took the Field with 12000 Men, beat Spankan, and laid Siege to Zathmar, yet he could not take this place, and all was at last reduced to bare Incursions where the young Tekely be­gan to make his Courage and Conduct appear. He was greatly beloved by Abaffi, who trusted him in an infinite number of things concerning both the Government of Transylvania and his other Designs. Thence it was not diffi­cult to see that unless things extreamly changed their face, he would soon be the most considerable Head of the Party. At the same time the Garrison of Newhausel, and those of the Frontier Towns be­longing to the Turks, began to make In­cursions very far into the Lands of the Emperor, and demanded Contributions [Page 93]throughout the whole Neighbourhood. The Imperial Council sent to make Com­plaints to the Bassaes, but as it fear'd, lest it should irritate them, these Complaints not being supported with any vigour, nor with any disposition to revenge, if they should be slighted, the Turks had no regard to them. They had not been us'd to shew equity to them who evi­denc'd a dread of them, and yet less to People from whom they pretended that they had receiv'd Injuries, as they com­plain'd that they had from the Emperor.

1676 1676. Hostilities continuing on all sides Count Strasoldo surprizes Debrezen a Town Tributary to the Turks, and but a few Leagues distant from Great Wa­radin. The Male-contents often retired thither as to a place of security, and where they thought the Imperialists durst not touch them. And indeed though they were not displeased at Vienna with the Action of Straesoldo, they failed not to disavow it, through fear of entring into a new War with the Turks, who threatned to break with them for that. The Transylvanians being farther exas­perated and the Turks always having the disadvantage in all their Parties which they sent out to fight, they seem'd dis­posed to joyn together, and vigorously to support the Male-contentents.

To appease them on the Emperors side, Incursions upon the Lands of the Turks were prohibited; but the last did not dis­continue their Incursions, altho' the Emperor had sent an Express to Constan­tinople, to know the intention of the Grand Signior, who gave him no very clear answer.

The Male-contents did not act with less vigor, nor made war worse, by great Parties which they sent on all sides, and which often beat the Germans, altho they had a considerable Army in a Body. It often not being known where they were, or what place they came to attack, it was equally difficult to prevent them, or to make defence a­gainst their enterprizes.

1677 1677. The Year 1677. was not more fortunate for the Imperial Court than the precedent, altho it began with the Count Baragozzies offers to the Male­contents to forget what was past, to re­store them to the possession of their goods, to give them in every County one Calvinist and one Lutherian Church, and to receive them into all Offices within the Realm, without having re­gard to their Religon. Fifteen hun­dred persons accepted these terms, but the rest would not hear speak of them; because there always was in these offers [Page 95]essential defects which was remediless, which was that sufficient assurances were not given the Male-contents, that they should not be broken. The Emperor encreases the number of his Troops, and sends several Generals under the command of Kops: But the Male-con­tents succoured by the Transylvanians form a Body of more than twenty thou­sand men, commanded by Vladislaus Wesselini, Son of the Deceased Pala­tine.

It happened also that the Poles having made a Peace with the Turks, good part of their disbanded Troops came to joyn the banished Hungarians led by Count Boham. This General at the same time gain'd a Signal Victory over General Smith, whom he entirely defeated, altho he was stronger than himself.

When all the Forces were joyned they were in a condition to make Head against the Imperialists and to incom­mode them by seizing the better part of their Convoys. Understanding also that the Impertalists were not paid they found means of debauching a consider­able number of the Hungarians who were in the Emperors service, by pro­mising them more pay than they had in the Imperial Army. Kops incensed at this desertion, and unadvisedly imagin­ing [Page 96]by that means to discourage the Hungarian Rebels, caused all the Priso­ners which he had taken in divers Ren­cou [...]rs to be slain. He contented not himself [...] them strangled, but caused [...]. Wesselini did not fail to [...] [...]ers which he had in the same manner among whom there were several Officers of note. This Brutal manner of making War having lasted some time, the Coun­cil at Vienna censur'd Kops for beginning it, and forbad the doing so any more, for sear of driving the Hungarians to despair, instead of making them lay down their Arms; and of wanting Officers and Soul­diers to serve in so cruel a War. These Orders were extreamly necessary for the Imperial General, who having more cruelty than conduct, made continual Losses, and saw his Army daily diminish for want of provisions. At that time Count Tekely came from Transylvania to the Camp of the Male-contents at the Head of 2000 Men, and in his way took the Town of Nagibania, abandon'd by the Imperialists. But the Imperial Army having retaken it, after his departure Wesselini retook it, and put in it a Garri­son of 1500 Men, this place deserving to be taken care of by reason of the Mines of Gold which are there.

1678 1678. At the beginning of the year 1678. the Council at Vienna offer'd the Hungarians three Churches in the Upper Hungary, and some other things, endea­vouring to appease them: But these of­fers were receiv'd as the former. The Turks no more regarded the Complaints made them of their suffering the Male­contents to retire on to their Lands. The Bassaes answered very roughly, and Hoff­man the Emperors Secretary being come to Constantinople, was not more favour­ably receiv'd by the Grand Visier. In the mean while the Male-contents supported by Abaffi, whom they had profitably as­sisted against an unquiet Person call'd Pedipold, who endeavour'd to make him­self Master of Transylvania, took the Field, and instead of General Kops, they were opposed by Count Wormb, whose disposition being more mild, was fitter to sweeten spirits exasperated by the Cruelties of his Predecessor.

Seeing that however the Male-contents did not return to their duty, they deba­ted in the Assembly of States held at Bedemburg, about restoring to the Pro­testants all the Churches which had been taken from them throughout Hungary. The Catholick Hungarians believed also, as well as the Protestants, that the change which had been made in the form of the [Page 98]Government, was so great an obstacle to the tranquillity of the Kingdom, that if the Antient Usages were not re-establish­ed, there would never be Peace. Some Hungarian Lords went to represent to the Emperor the result of what had been treated of among the States, and which were reduced in substance to what I have been saying. But the Imperial Mi­nisters made so great difficulties upon each of the two Articles, that it was well seen that nothing but force could oblige them to put matters upon the same foot on which they formerly stood.

The Male-contents were not yet in a condition to force them, being divided among themselves about a Chief Com­mander. The Count Wesselini, the Pala­tine's Brother, who till then had had the command of the Principal Troops, which his Nephew commanded but under him, being dead, the greater part of the Male­contents would put Count Tekely in his place, and in the end he carried it against the young Wesselini. He had commanded the Body of Transylvanian Troops which Abaffi had sent the Male-contents, and be­sides had acquired much reputation. As soon as he was chosen Generalissimo, he took a review of his Troops, and found that they were 12000 Men, besides some others which Tekely his kinsman brought [Page 99]out of Transylvania. He had also some Artillery, and found himself indiffe­rently furnish'd with the most necessary provisions. In this condition he enter'd Ʋpper Hungary, and drew near to Mon­gats, with intent to enter into some con­ference with Ragotski's Widdow Daugh­ter of Count Serini. But this was in vain, because her Mother-in-law hinder'd it, and sent some Troops to beat up the Quarters of Teckely, which were entirely defeated. A Son of Count Serini, Brother to Prince Ragotski, who commanded a Party, was made Prisoner in this Action, and after serv'd Teckely to settle that Commerce which he desired. These be­ginnings, and a considerable succour of Tartars, which this General receiv'd at that time, gave the Emperor fear. This Prince immediately renew'd the offers which he had made the Male-contents, and Teckely on his side pretended to en­ter into a Treaty, and in the mean while pillaged some Towns upon the Moun­tains, and among others Missakuesca. A­bout the same time he surprises a Cou­rier, who went to the Port with Instru­ctions for Hoffman, who had been com­manded to endeavour the re-establish­ment of Pedipold which he could not ef­fect. These Papers help'd them to take better measures than they had done, for [Page 100]many matters of importance, and Hoffman returning to Vienna soon after confirm'd the Imperial Court in the suspicion it had, that the Turks sought an occasion to break with it.

The Imperial Army commanded by Count Wormb, and after his being recall'd, (which they say was for his ill Conduct) by Count Leslie, finding it self much wea­ker than that of the Male-contents, con­tented it self to keep advantagiously intrenched, to traverse their designs, without daring to come to a Battle, to which Teckely endeavour'd to draw them. It was not only inferiour in number to the Counts, but also in no condition to do any thing vigorously, because it was not paid, and it was difficult to make it sub­sist at the charge of the Hungarians. Count Saros then came in to Teckely. Torna an head Town, having another depend­ing on it, also yielded to him, and several other small places did the like. The Cittadel of Torna, which a party of Germans made themselves Masters of in the absence of Teckely, was retaken a se­cond time, by the help of Hungarians who had staid there, and who drove out the German Garrison. The Imperial Army encamped under Eperies upon the Ri­ver Tareza, made no movement, and but weakly incommoded the March of [Page 101]the Male-contents, although they had been reinforc'd with some Regiments which had much ado to joyn them. Tekely pro­fiting of this occasion, caus'd it to be pub­lish'd throughout Hungary, that he had no design but to re-establish the King­dom in its Antient Priviledges, and by a Manifesto exhorted all true Hungarians to joyn and help him to deliver their Countrey from the Miseries which it suffer'd by the attempts of the Germans, who sought only to enslave them. He threatned to treat as Enemies, not only those who favour'd the Forreigners, but also those who pretended to stand neu­ter. These Threats joyned to Truths disadvantageous to the Germans, and of which Hungary was but too much convinced, had considerable Effect, and much encreas'd his Army, which was twenty thousand strong in the month of August. Then it was that he attacqued Eperies, while Count Wormb was gone to receive some Troops from Silesia. He carried it in three days, tho' it was one of the most important places of Ʋpper Hungary, and went on towards the end of September, to seize all that is near Mount Crapach. He took the Town of Rosemberg by Assault, and set fire to the Castle, where 200 Souldiers of Strasol­do's Regiment perished. From thence [Page 96] [...] [Page 97] [...] [Page 98] [...] [Page 99] [...] [Page 100] [...] [Page 101] [...] [Page 102]he sent about 2000 Tartars, who took and pillaged Newstadt, pass'd the Waag at Trentschin in spite of the Imperialists, and made great Ravages in Moravia.

After that the Male-contents returned on the sides of Transylvania, that they might not leave it open to the Imperial­ist's, Tekely staid at Nagibania and at the Castle of Kivar, with the Infantry and Cannon, expecting some Transylvanian Troops who were to joyn him. Tekely with the Hungarian Cavalry, and Boham at the head of the Polish parted from thence to go find out the Imperiali Army, with a design to come upon them on-awares but found that Count Losly adver­tised of their march had divided his Forces into three Bodies.

One of these Bodies went a great way from the others to avoid fighting, but Tekely made them be followed by some Squadrons who overtook them near Leutsch, and entirely defeated them, while Boham cut in pieces the second, and himself defeated the third, so that the whole Imperial Army was put to the rout. One Party was sav'd in the Castle of Rosemberg, which had been abandoned, but they were soon taken and put to the Sword. From thence a Detatchment was sent to support the Tartars, who ravaged Moravia, and on the other side Colonel [Page 103]Josuah a Monk, who had forsaken his Habit, and turn'd Protestant, enters Au­stria with Troops, which he had gather­ed together in Hungary full of ruin'd Fa­milies, who not knowing how to sub­sist, followed the first, who presented him­self to them, to make a little War. Al­though these Incursions much incom­moded the Hereditary Countries, they not retaining any place, and contenting them­selves with only pillaging, did nothing diversive, which might put the Male-con­tents into a condition to be settled Ma­sters of Hungary, or hinder the Emperor from entring it. The Hungarians wanted the Art of fortifying Towns, and the means of providing them with what was necessary for a long resistance, so that it was more easie to take them, than to keep them. Nor were they more in a condition always to keep on foot an Ar­my equally strong, which might cover the Frontiers of the places they conquer'd, and they as well wanted Discipline as Money; so that the War was more like a tumultuous Robbing than a War ma­nag'd with prudence, or sustained by the Forces of a well-order'd State, and by a disciplin'd Army. The Imperialists act­ed with better order, and were provided with better means for keeping what they had, but yet they often wanted Money, [Page 104]and Hungary ruin'd by both sides, could not longer alone make their Armies sub­sist. This was the reason that matters went on very slowly, and that they were not in the Field early enough, and late enough to oppose the Incursions of the Male-contents.

In the mean while the Towns on the Mountains openly favour'd Tekely, and had almost all been his, if he had known how to keep them. Alsol, which had submitted to him, was no sooner aban­doned, but the Imperialists put in a Gar­rison which he was obliged to attacque. He carried it in few days by scaling the Walls, and soon after Newsole, which passes for the Capital of the Mountains, Chemnitz, Bolsenaw, and Libnia fell into his hands through the weakness of the Imperial Garrisons which were in them. The Emperors Army commanded by Count Wormb, not being in a condition to give Battel to Tekely, and the progress of the Male-contents frightning the Council at Vienna, they came again to a Treaty, which had no success. Tekely and his Party were sollicited to name what they desired of the Emperor, with promise that whatever was equitable should be granted them. Thereupon they answer'd very warmly, that they did not believe that any thing which they should de­mand [Page 105]would be refus'd, and if it should be, they would give up to the Turks all the Towns which they had taken. They would have the Emperor expel from Hungary all the Church-men whom they should name; that he should grant them in due form an Amnesty for all that was pass'd, that he should give the Protestants the free exercise of their Religion, that he should restore to the possession of their goods all them who had been dispos­sessed, that he should permit the Dyet to chuse a Palatine of their Nation, and to set on foot again the first form of Go­vernment. In fine, that he should give the Male-contents security for the obser­vation of the Articles. No other answer was made by the Emperor to these Propo­sitions, than that they should be commu­nicated to the Dyet of Hungary, and hanging this Treaty, so good a number of Troops was sent to Count Wormb, that he resolved to go to attacque Tekely and Boham. He found them near Alsol, and on their side prepared to fight. They fell to blows at break of day, and the Fight lasted till three hours after Noon. At that time the Imperialists having receiv'd a Reinforcement, and the Male-contents beginning to give ground, Teckely and Boham caus'd a Retreat to be sounded, and retired without disorder under the [Page 106]Cannon of Alsol. The Imperialists endea­voured to intercept them by taking a shorter way cross the Mountain, but that Pass was so vigorously defended by a Re­giment of Cavalry which the Malecon­tents had placed there, that the Imperial­ists retired with much loss.

The next day Teckely having receiv'd a recruit of 1000 Men, marched again to oppose the Imperial Army, and took the Corn almost in the view of the Town of Bustroc, the Garrison of which had made some discharges of Cannon upon his Avant Guard. After that, the season being far advanc'd, he made a Truce for some months with the Imperial General, who was upon withdrawing within few days, and putting the Army again under Count Leslie. Who came to it about the end of November, and having had some difference with Count Woarmb, he declared that he would not observe the Truce which that General had concluded with the Male-contents, but the precise Orders which came to him from Vienna, obliged him to keep it. The Imperial Court also thought it self obliged to give Teckely leave to lodge his Troops in Ʋpper Hun­gary, possibly because it was not in a con­dition to hinder him, or, as others held, that it might make some accommoda­tion with him. Teckely, Palassi, Imbre, [Page 107]and Boham took their Quarters at De­brezen, Wesselini at Nagibania, Filek and Harak. Teckely took a Journey to Tran­sylvania to preserve Abaffi in the good sentiments which he had towards the Male-contents, and to come to a closer Treaty with the Port, which had given him hopes of Succours. A little before the Princess Ragotski had endeavoured to corrupt Teckely, by offering him one of her Daughters in Marriage, and making him other considerable promises if he would quit the party of the Male-contents. He did not reject these Proposals, which being discovered to some persons, he be­came suspected by the other Leaders. The very Troops which he commanded refused to obey him any longer, and put themselves under Wesselini, who quartered them in the County of Zathmar and its Neighbourhood.

1679 1679. The Emperor who had been engaged in a War with France ever since the year 1673. and obliged to em­ploy good part of his Troops for the defence of the Empire, being near con­cluding a Peace with France, found him­self in a condition to speak more haugh­tily to the Male-contents; believing that he had put a division among the Leaders, by rendring Teckely suspected, and being able to dispose of a greater number of [Page 108]Troops, he demanded of the Male-con­tents, that before entring into a Treaty they would send home all the Auxiliary Forces which they had, and promised to have regard to their Complaints, but they took care not to fall into so gross a snare. It soon after appeared that he would not grant them any thing, for that he ever pretended to govern the Kingdom by a Viceroy, & not to give the Protestants any Churches but in Villages.

The Truce being ended there was no speaking of either side of renewing it, and action began in the middle of Win­ter. Tekeli who had spoken of an accom­modation and who would have his E­state restored, found himself but abused in these hopes. These very goods which were worth more than two Mil­lions, being in the hands of some per­sons who were in credit at the Court of Vienna hindred him from forsaking the party in which he had been engag­ed. This is not the first time that they have rendred those suspected, whom they would have destroyed, by pretend­ing that they would restore what they had taken away. They had no design but to ruine for ever the Nobility of Hungary, who were concerned in the Revolt, and by no means to let them have wherewith to live in Peace. Te­keli [Page 109]did not fail to be revenged of this policy, and the Male-contents under­standing how he was used confided in him more than ever. He seized on Chemnitz a Town on the Mountains which the Male-contents had had, and which they knew not how to keep: and made Incursions which much in­commoded the Imperialists. The same was done on all sides, and the Army of the Male-contents although deprived of the Polish succours was Master of the Field, by reason of the sickness of Count Lesly and the weakness of the Imperial Army. The Plague which was in Hungary and in Austria abated the Efforts of both parties, and at the same time broke off some Treaties which had been begun; where the Emperor appear'd dis­posed at last to yield to the Male-contents the greatest part of their demands. This misfortune was herein advantage­ous; that the Imperialists were in no condition to profit of their divisions. Wesselini the Palatines Son had command­ed the Army while Tekeli had been in Transylvania, and pretended to com­mand it till the end of the Campagne af­ter the arrival of the other, who came at the beginning of October, with a re­cruit of four thousand men. Tekeli maintained that having been chosen [Page 110]Chief in his absence which had been for the good of the Party, he ought not to deprive him of the command. Wes­felini said that he being in possession no body ought to dispute the rank which he held. This difference so heated their Spirits, that the Army being divided between them came to blows; Tekeli had the advantage, and having taken his Competitor Prisoner, contented himself to send him to Clausembourg in Transylvania. The Campagne ended without any thing considerable done, only that they agreed on a suspension of Arms which was to continue till the end of April, in the ensuing Year.

1680 1680. While the Armies were in Winter Quarters, Count Lesly being troubled with the Gout, went to Prague, where the Emperor was by rea­son of the Plague which ravaged Austria. The frequent illness of the General did not permit him to command the Army any longer, Count Caprara was sent in his place▪ He arrived at the very time of great disorders in the Army which not being paid was daily diminished by desertions. Two Regiments mutinied, and since there was nothing but words to give them instead of mony they went over to the Enemy, which occasioned mony to be speedily sent, lest the rest of [Page 111]the Army should follow their example. The Male contents might have profited themselves of this conjuncture if they had had a little more mony, and if they had been as able in matters of State as they were for making Incursions.

Teckely was accused of having intend­ed quite another thing than the ad­vancement of the common good of this Party. It was said that heaskt leave of the Emperor to marry the Widdow of Prince Ragotski, and that he offered to turn Catholick, and to enter into the Emperors Party if he would restore him his Estate. The Emperor who feared that he should make him too powerful by this Marriage, especially if at the same time he should restore him his Estate in the same condition it had been in before the Troubles; or else being resolved never to restore his Estate to him; haughtily rejected his proposals. Thereupon, how­ever it had been at other times, in the Dyet which was held at Tirnaw, to break all measures which might be taken to bring in the generality of the Male con­tents, incapable of distinguishing the snares laid for them from an honest Treaty or Stratagem of War, Teckely declared that he would make no Treaty without leave of the Port. This put the Emperor into a fright, wherefore he sent [Page 112]to Constantinople to know whether the Turks were so engaged with the Male-contents as these would have it believed. In the mean while the Truce ends, and notwithstanding the apparent Negotia­tions for an Accommodation, Hostilities began again by divers Incursions, where the Male-contents, much better Party. Men than the Imperialists, carried several advantages over them.

Teckely soon after invested Zathmar, but after having blocked it up for some time, he was obliged to leave it, and to divide his Army into three Bodies, one of which he commanded, and the other two had for Heads Petrozzi and Palassi Imbre. They endeavoured to enter upon the Emperors Territories by different ways, and were repulsed in some Ren­counters, as they had the better in others, without coming to any decision. It is said, that in some Standards of the Male-contents, which the Imperia­lists gained, Comes Tekeli qui pro Deo & Patria pugnat. there were these words, Count Te­keli, who fights for God and his Countrey.’

In the Month of September this Count entred into Kersmark, a Town depen­dant upon his Family, and obliged the Inhabitants to take an Oath of Fidelity to him. He also took Leitschaw, which [Page 113]the Imperialists in vain endeavour'd to re­lieve; the Detachement which they had sent, being beaten. After that, he put his Troops into Winter Quarters; and the Imperialists did the same. The Ne­gotiations which had been begun, and so often broken off, were again set on foot, but the Plague which spread very much in Hungary, interrupted the Progress, and suffer'd not the Diet to be assembled, in which alone an Accom­modation could be treated of with any Effect. This oblig'd them to make a Truce for some Months, which how­ever tended to no purpose.

1681 1681. The Protestants demanded, that their Churches should be re-esta­blished, and that their Schools should be restor'd, with all their Foundations, in the Condition in which they had been left. The Wishes of all the Hun­garian Nation, concurr'd for having a Palatine as before, and who was of their Nation. It demanded also, as it had always done, that the German Garrisons should be withdrawn, or that they might have Hungarian Chiefs given them, who might hinder those Disorders which they daily committed with Impunity. The Malecontents sent to the Emperor some Deputies, who were to confer with his Ministers at Presburgh, while they [Page 114]expected the Assembly of the Diet at Pedemburg, which was to be on the Fourth of February. In the mean while, there was an attempt to seize Tekeli at a Country-House where he was with a small Company, a long time before the Truce expir'd. But he being advertiz'd of it, went to expect them who had laid this Design, in a place through which they were to pass, and cut them in pie­ces. Although he pretended after that Accident to be always dispos'd for an Accommodation, it was too easie for him to see that they only sought to surprize him, for him to give Credit to the Pro­posals which were made him. The Em­peror, who would have his Son a recog­niz'd King of Hungary, to facilitate this Design, began in appearance much to abate of his rigour, and to yield to the greatest part of the Articles, but at the same time he would have the bare De­claration that he would place the Crown of Hungary on his Son to be sufficient, without the Interposition of the States. It was replied, That the Kingdom ha­ving ever to that time been Elective, it was fit that the Aroh-Duke should go through the ancient Formalities, and this was likely to break off all the Nego­tiations. The Diet being put off to the Month of April, the Emperor advanc'd [Page 115]as far as Neustad, that he might be the nearer, and might more readily end the differences which might arise. The Malecontents had notice to send their Deputies, but they made Difficulties of coming presently, because the Emperor had brought some Regiments with him for the Security of his Person. At the same time, Tekeli receiv'd a Chiaous from the Grand Seignior; by whom it was said, That the Port assur'd him of its Prote­ction, provided he would not enter into any Accommodation. It was said also, That he shew'd one of the Emperor's Agents a Letter, wherein Abaffi by Or­der of the Port, promis'd him very great Advantages, if he would continue the War; and that the Count told the A­gent, that not being able to agree with the Emperor, without running the risque of losing the Lands which he had in Transylvania if he should come to a Con­clusion, in that case it would be but just that they should make up his loss. This the Emperor's Agent thought a notable dif­ficulty, and his Estate being considera­ble, there was no probability that there was any intention of rendring Tekeli the Value of it. On the other side, the Clergy of Hungary, being appris'd that the Emperor was dispos'd to restore to the Protestants their Churches & Schools, [Page 116]sent Deputies to him, to represent what Injury he would do the Catholick Reli­gion, if he should thus serve it. As some thought, these Remonstrances hinder'd the Emperor from Executing the Design which he had form'd in the end, to grant the Protestants a Demand they had so long since made: But according to others, the appearance of a disposi­tion to grant them being but a Feint, the Emperor himself caus'd this Deputa­tion from the Clergy of Hungary, to lay upon them the hatred which a too obsti­nate refusal, might draw upon the Court at Vienna; and that the Protestants might believe, that of it self it was not ill-dispos'd towards them, since the Empe­ror did nothing of this, without first communicating it to his Confessor, Father Emerics, soon after Archbishop of Vi­enna; many people found it difficult to believe that this new Dignity had made him give his consent to the treating the Protestants better.

The Diet being open'd, the Emperor came to Bedembourg; and at last, after many difficulties, they were to come to the Election of a Palatine, and to restore the Government to its ancient Form. The Great Master of the Teutonick Order, who had been Viceroy, had done nothing but exasperated their Spirits, and spoil'd [Page 171]all the Affairs; being neither a Man of the Cabinet, nor of the War. The Diet nam'd some Lords and presented them to the Emperor, who chose Count Paul Esterhasi; after which, he return'd to Newstadt, when the new Palatine had taken the Oath of Allegiance to him.

The next day a Courier brought a Letter sign'd by Tekeli and Six of the most considerable of the Malecontents; in which they declar'd, That they were ready to accept the Amnesty, Provided some Articles might be granted them; the greatest part of which were the same which they had demanded before. There was One new one which was the Cause that this Letter had no Effect, which is, that they demanded a Sum of Money to be Paid the Turks which they had pro­mis'd. This Letter being sent the Em­peror, he wholly rejected the last Article, and from that time Hostilities began again in the usual manner by Incursions. Nevertheless, the Diet propos'd to Te­keli a countinuance of the Suspension of Arms, which he promis'd to observe, provided, that Count Caprara observ'd it on his side, and that care were taken as soon as possibly to cover the Prote­stants from the vexatious Wars they had been expos'd to that time, by giv­ing them the free exercise of their [Page 118]Religion. The Diet sent Deputies to the Emperor, to represent to him the Necessity he was under to yield this Article; and farther, to pray him to turn out of Employment all them who had labour'd to have the Form of the Government of Hungary chang'd, and caus'd the Troubles by violating the Laws of the Realm. As these had done nothing but by Order of the Court at Vienna, and with its Approbation, this Demand appear'd too hardy: The Em­peror took time to answer it, nor would then consent to grant freedom of Reli­gion, although he before seem'd suffi­ciently inclin'd to satisfie the Protestants therein.

It is said, that the Grand Seignior be­ing advertis'd of the disposition Tekeli was in to agree with the Emperor, sent him a Bassa, who promis'd him the Principality of Transylvania after the Death of Abaffi, and other Advantages to the Malecontents, if they would put what they held in Hungary, and what they should take, under the Protection of the Port; and that they consented and promis'd to Pay a Tribute of Eighty thousand Crowns, provided it assisted them with a Speedy and Powerful Sup­ply

The Diet, who fear'd as much as the [Page 119] Emperor, lest the Turks who had newly made a Truce for Twenty Years with the Moscovites, should enter Hungary with all their Forces; hastened to con­clude something which might satisfie the Malecontents.

Endeavours at the same time were us'd to draw Tekeli to come to the Diet, by offering him the Sons of the Palatine as Hostages; but he absolutely refus'd to go, fearing Treachery. In fine it was concluded, with the consent of the Em­peror, that the Protestants should have those Churches restor'd which they had built at their own Charges, but not the Churches which they had taken from the Catholicks; with liberty to build Three more new ones, and to have Preaching as before. They also enga­ged to Pay once for all a certain Sum to the Turks, in lieu of a yearly Tribute, upon condition that they lengthned out the Truce of the Year 1664. for Twen­ty Years. In July, these Conclusions were communicated to Tekely, who kept firm to what he had demanded. He would have all places whatever where the Protestants had had Preachings, to be absolutely restor'd; and that the pro­mis'd Tribute should be Paid which the Malecontents could not deny, because the Turks had their Wives and Children in [Page 120]Hostage. Although this was no bad Reason, there was another not men­tioned, which was yet more forcible. The Inconve­nience of break­ing Faith. Which is that after what had pass'd, it was no more possible for the Malecontents to trust to any Treaty, being strongly per­swaded that the destroying them would never be scrupled when it could be done with security. Where Soveraign Princes think they have right to vio­late all sorts of Treaties with their Subjects, nothing but a Foreign Prote­ction, and that interested in their Pre­servation, can assure those who have once taken Arms against them. There­fore the Malecontents could not hope to be restor'd to their Countrey under the Government of the House of Austria, but by rendring the Kingdom of Hun­gary Tributary to the Turks, who would find themselves engaged to support those who had render'd them this important Service.

And from that time, the Turks began to make great Preparations, and the re­port ran, that they would go Succour Tekeli with 20000 Men, who joyn'd to the Hungarians and Transylvanians, might put them into a condition to Conquer all Hungary. This oblig'd Count Caprara [Page 121]to draw nearer to Tekeli, to observe his March, and hinder him from joyning the Turks. This report appear'd false, at least for that Year, and all was re­duc'd to Incursions and Pillages, like to those of former Years. Tekeli took Be­sermin, Little Waradin and Kalo; but ra­ther to Sack, than keep them.

Soon after Abaffi, who always had Pretensions upon the County of Zath­mar, joyn'd Tekeli with an Army of Transylvanians, and with him undertook the Siege of Zathmar. Their Army being 30000 strong, Count Caprara was in no Condition to attack them with his much Inferior in Number. All that he could do was to seize the Passes, to hinder the Enemies from proceeding to attack the Towns on the Mountains, or to cast themselves on any other side up­on the Emperor's Lands. However Te­keli nimbly pass'd the Tibisque with a Detachment of 5000 Men, while Abaffi continued the Siege. With this Body Tekeli exacted very great Contributions from divers places, for permitting the Hungarians to gather their Vintages. Abaffi in a little time makes himself Master of the Town; but having found more resistance from the Cittadel than he expected, he at last rais'd the Siege, and contented himself with Pillaging se­veral [Page 122]Villages about Samos; some be­liev'd that he had rais'd this Siege, be­cause the Grand Seignior had sent him word that he intended that place as soon as they were Masters of it should be put into the hand of a Bassa who assisted Abaffi. Others said, that it pro­ceeded from a misunderstanding be­tween the Transylvanians and Hungarians; and that this was the cause of raising the Siege. The worst which hapned to them was, that some German Troops coming up to Abaffi's Army, which ex­pected no such thing, put it into disor­der, and took all their Booty. After which, they pursued it even into Tran­sylvania, and made more waste than that had done in Hungary.

The Campagne ended as the precede­ing Years, with a Suspension of Arms for some Months, and Tekeli was permit­ted to put his Troops into Winter-Quarters within Four Counties on the other side of the Tibis (que) At last the Diet settled the Article concerning Re­ligion, which contain'd these following Heads:

  • 1. That the Free-Towns and all Estates depending immediately on the Crown, should enjoy Liberty of Conscience.
  • 2. That they should have a Free Exercise of their Religion, yet with­out [Page 123]injuring the Rights of particular Lords.
  • 3. That the Hungarian Soldiers, which should be in Garrison upon the Frontiers, should enjoy the same Liberty.
  • 4. That the Priests and Ministers should keep Possessions of the places of which they were seiz'd without the one sorts driving out the other.
  • 5. That it shall be permitted the Lutherans and Calvinists to build two Churches; one for one Communion, and the other for the other, in the Counties which had none.
  • 6. Lords and Gentlemen should be permitted to build Chappels in their Ca­stles, and to have the Exercise of their Religion.
  • 7. That the Catholicks should have the free Exercise of their Religion through­out the Realm.
  • 8. That the Lutherans of Presbourg should be permitted to build a Church in a place which should be appointed them.
  • 9. That the Differences which might arise concerning Religion, should be judged by the King.
  • 10. That it should be forbidden upon pain of the King's displeasure to all Persons whatsoever, to speak ill of the [Page 124]Religions tolerated, and to injure those who profess'd them.

The Protestants were not entirely sa­tisfy'd with that Article, but it must pass for that time; and the Emperor to sweeten the People, restor'd the Con­fiscated Goods which had not been dis­pos'd of to those who could pretend to them, by the Death or Absence of the Possessors. He also gave Gratifications to divers Hungarian Lords, and outed from their Charges some Persons who were not acceptable to the Hungarian Nation. All this was made known to Tekeli, who would abate nothing of what he had de­manded manifestly.

1682 1682. The Turks were dispos'd for great Enterprize, and there was no doubt but it was for Hungary; though they did not yet say so. The Emperor resolv'd to send Count Albert Caprara the Ge­neral's Brother to Constantinople, to en­deavour to divert this Tempest, by offer­ing the Port the Counties of Zathmar & Ziptpow. He departed the 7th of Febru­ary, & arriv'd at Constantinople the 11th of April; But he might as he went per­ceive that his Journey would be to no purpose; for beyond Belgrade he met an Agent for Tekeli, who told some of the Envoy's Followers, that they went to Constantinople too late; and that his Ma­ster [Page 125]had already taken all his Measures. In truth, all the Negotiations of Count Caprara came to nothing; and some have said, that the Port had declared before, that it intended to put Hungary upon the same foot with Transylvania, and to make a Vaivode of Count Teckely, who should pay a yearly Tribute.

In the mean while the Truce being ready to expire, it was agreed on both sides that it should be prolong'd till the first of July, yet they ceased not to make incursions on both sides. And the Malecontents seized the Corn which the Emperor had caused to be bought in Poland for the subsistance of the Army in Hungary. The Emperor having re­ceived advice from Constantinople that the Turks gathered Troops together from all parts of their Empire, and that they were well disposed in favour of Tekeli, who might be of great use to them for the conquest of Hungary; re­solved at last to offer him all his Estate, and to suffer him to marry the Widdow of Prince Ragotski: But Tekely made a mock at this forced offer, believing himself in a condition to do what he desired in a manner much more sure by the help of the Turks.

He soon after came to Buda with a Body of Cavalry of three thousand men, [Page 126]and had a conferrence with the Bassa who received him magnificently, by the Grand Signiors order. They took measures together for the Campagne which was upon the beginning, and effects of their interview were soon seen. But before the opening of the Campagne, he understood that the Prin­cess Ragotski whom he had long sought was ready to receive him at Mongats, and to marry him when he would. Besides she could entirely dispose of that place, and of her own Person, be­cause her Mother-in Law being dead she remained Guardian to a Daughter which she had by Prince Ragotski. It was said that this Lady could never par­don the Emperor the death of her Father and Mother, and that this reason was none of the least which engaged her to give her hand to a Lord that appeared an irreconcileable enemy to the Court at Vienna. The marriage being celebrated Tekely put Garrisons into all places which depended on the house of Ra­gotski. New Efforts were made to gain him: They feigned as if at the very first they had consented to his marriage, and sent him his Brother-in-Law the Young Count Serini whom they had permitted to take the Title of his House, and to whom they made great promises if he could [Page 127]bring Tekeli to some accommodation. But Count Serini who had no more for­gotten the death of his Father and Mo­ther let himself be gained and promis­ed his Brother-in-Law to favour him in all he could.

As soon as the Truce was expired a Body of Tartars whom the Turks had caused to come, made Incursion as far as Trenschin, and carried away a great number of People, which they carryed into the Lands of the Turks to sell. Tekeli on his side with an Army made up of Male-contents and Turks feigned as if he would march to Cassovie, but coming on a sudden before: Zathmar he surprized the Cittadel, and turned out the Garrison, which consisted of but fourscore men. From thence having be­gun to Cannonade the Town he obliged it to surrender in few days. Count Stra­soldo with all possible speed drew toge­ther some Troops to relieve it as soon he had advice that the Cittadel had been surprised, but he could not come in time. The Court at Vienna af­frighted at the loss of a place which had more than once resisted Armies of the Transylvanians and Malecontents, sent new Troops into Hungary with Ammunition and Provisions, and Count Staremberg, to take the command of the whole [Page 128]Army instead of Caprara who was indis­posed. Zathmar fell again the same year into the hands of the Imperialists, through the neglect of the Male-contents Tekeli marched also to Cassovie, which he thought to surprize through an intelli­gence which he had within the Castle. But this blow failing, because he with whom he had the intelligence, was disco­ver'd, he resolv'd to attacque the place in form, and presently invested it with 12000 Men, who were soon reinforc'd with a supply, which made his Army more than twice as strong. He took it the 14th of August, after the Trenches had been opened three days, and con­strain'd the Garrison, which at first had answered fiercely enough, to surrender at discretion. Teckely gave it liberty to retire without Arms wither it would. About 400 chose to go out, the rest put themselves under the service of the Count, but a Mine having sprung after that, and kill'd some of Teckeley's Soul­diers, of which no notice had been gi­ven by Colonel Lamb, who commanded in the place, the 400 who would have gone out, were put to the Sword, and the Governour was detained Prisoner. Teckely for fifty thousand Crowns pre­serv'd the Town from being pillaged.

After having put in a Garrison, the [Page 129] Male-contents joyned with a considerable Body of Turkish Troops commanded by the Bassa of Buda, marched together to Eperies, which yielded without resistance, and was soon after demolished that it might not be garrisoned. This Army takes also Leutch, the Fort of Zipt and Zendre, and enters into the County of Sapuse, where it pillages and burns some other places. Soon after it divides, and Teckely, tho' sick with a Tertian Ague, goes to ravage Silesia while the Turks take Tokai. Altho' the Turks made open War with the Emperor under pretence that the Port had not declared, and had not sent all their Forces into Hungary, the neighbouring Bassaes, to whom com­plaint was made of the Infractions, main­tain stoutly that they had not in the least broken the Truce in pursuing, as they said, some Fugitives who daily pillaged their Lands, and in destroying the places to which they retired. At the same time the Bassa of Waradin takes Filek, which surrenders on the 16th of September, af­ter three assaults. The Garrison which was made up of Hungarians and Germans, are all made Prisoners, unless they that would take part with the Turks; which the greatest part of the Hungarians did, but the Germans who had not consented to the surrender of the place, remained [Page 130]Prisoners. In the mean while Teckely bought the Governour in paying his Ran­som. The news of the Siege of Filek be­ing carried to the Imperial Commanders, Count Strasoldo marched on one side with 7000 Men, of which 3000 were Horse, and 4000 Foot; Count Caprara on ano­ther side with 6000 Men, and the Pa­latine Esterhasi with a Body of Hungarian Militia; but being come too late, they durst not attacque the Turks, tho' infe­riour in number. In the mean while Teckely made himself Master of divers places among the Mountains. These so nimble successes caus'd the Imperial Court to suspect that the Commanders held correspondence with the Male-contents. and Lamb was arrested, being accus'd of having ill defended Cassovie, and Strasol­do, for making a false report of the con­dition in which he had found the Towns in Hungary. This is the custom of Prit­ces whose Arms are unfortunate for want of their making the preparations necessary to carry on the War, to accuse the Commanders of neglect of their du­ty, or else of Treachery. Lamb died in Prison before he had time to justifie him­self, but Strasoldo easily made it appear that the account which he had given of the Towns of Hungary was very true, but that they had not sent either the [Page 131]Troops or Provisions which he had judg'd necessary to keep them, tho' he had made many instances to have them. Then it was that the Grand Signior thought it time to recompence Teckely for the services he had daily rendred the Port, by declaring him Prince of Ʋpper Hungary. To that end he sent him a Vest, a Cymeter and a Standard, accord­ing to the custom of the Port, with the Grand Signiors Patent. From that time Teckely coyn'd Money which was stampt on one side with these words, Partium Regni. Emeric Earl Teckely Prince and Lord of the Con­federates of the Kingdom of Hungary, and this on the reverse; For God, his Coun­trey, and Liberty.

About that time the Campaign ended, excepting some few Incursions by the Male-contents. Soon after a suspension of Arms was agreed on, and during that time Teckely offer'd the Emperor the Towns of the Mountains, if he would pay him a certain sum monthly, and at the same time threatned to burn them all if this offer were not accepted. The Emperor answered him, that to treat with his Soveraign he ought before all things to lay down his Arms; a condition too hard for the Head of a Party who had all sorts of reasons not in the least to [Page 132]trust them against whom he had made War. Besides, Teckely, who knew the design of the Turks, which was manifest soon after, made these offers only to amuse the Council at Vienna, and to make it believe that he would not make War otherwise than he had done the former years; that is to say, that he would aban­don what he had taken, without putting himself to pain in keeping when an Ar­my should appear. Therefore he was ve­ry little astonish'd at the haughty answer which had been made him, having on the other side reason to rejoice that the Emperor seem'd to fall into the snare.

But soon after it was understood at the Court of Vienna, that the Grand Sig­nior came to Adrianople, and that the Grand Vizier was upon coming to Belgrade, which made the Emperor send Envoys to demand Assistance of the Princes of the Empire, and to make an Allyance with Poland. Care was taken at the same time to exaggerate among the Hungarians who had submitted to the Emperor the perfidy and impiety of the Male-contents, who would draw upon Christendom all the Forces of the Ottoman Empire. They on their side accus'd the Imperial Council of an inexcusable obstinacy, since it would never do them justice, when it well knew that they would in the end [Page 133]be obliged to go ask it at Constantinople, and that the Turks once mov'd would not content themselves to do what was desir'd of them, but would pretend to be recompenced with new Conquests. In the mean while they made powerful preparations in Europe and in Asia, and all the World presag'd that the follow­ing year they would enter into a cruel War. Teckely continued a long while sick of a Tertian Ague at Mongats, where he had divers Conferences with one sent Express from the Emperor to endeavour to gain him, but as he had no greater security given him of the Execu­tion of the Promises made him than be­fore, and nothing else was demanded of him but to break entirely with the Port to destroy him in the end the more ea­sily, nothing could be advanc'd on that side.

1683 1683. At the beginning of the year 1683. the Turks and the Imperialists march'd their Troops towards their Frontiers as speedily as was possible, but as on one side one saw the whole Ottoman Empire in motion, and that the German Princes were not yet resolv'd upon the Succours which they should send into Hungary, there was reason to fear, not only for the rest of the Realm, but also for the Hereditary Provinces. The Em­perors [Page 134]Treasury which was not less drain'd in Peace than in War, was less than ever in a condition to make an extraordinary Effort, and the Subjects of the House of Austria, who for a long time had con­tributed more than they could afford in hope of seeing the exactions lessened, would rather have furnish'd Men than Money. Besides, there was not seen in the preparations either the order or activity which had been necessary by reason of the multitude of Commissa­ries equal in Authority, and of their desire to gain at the expence of their Master, to which desire it was said they were Subjects, because they hop'd for no other recompence.

In the month of January Teckely open­ed a Diet which he had summoned to Cassovia about the end of the preceding year. There came the Deputies not only of the Towns of Hungary, which had submitted to him, but also of the Neigh­bouring Counties which he threatned to pillage if they did not send. The Em­peror himself sent Hoffman, Auditor of the Counsel of War, if it were possible to discover and break the designs of the Male-contents. Teckely said in the As­sembly, that there was no means to pre­serve any Liberty to Hungary, but to stick to the Interest of the Turks, who [Page 135]would reduce it to the same foot with Transylvania. He represented their For­ces, and the design they had to carry on their Conquests so far, that Ʋpper Hun­gary should be shut up between their Lands and Poland, so that it was time to declare for them, that by that means they might be the better us'd; that for himself he had done what he could to retard their Enterprize, but that he could not possibly. Nevertheless there were none but Male-contents who concluded openly to embrace the Party of the Port, others demanded time to consider, and fail'd not to advertise the Emperor of what pass'd. His Envoy also return'd without doing any thing, and it was in vain that it was proposed at Vienna to a man whom Teckely had sent to give his Master the Soveraignty of all the Lands which he had possessed in Ʋpper Hungary and some others. This man could not conclude on so great an affair, and the Turks were advanced too far to be likely to consent to an accommodation of this nature. In the mean while Teckely, to shew that it was not through a spirit of revenge that he was engag'd in the War, sent home without Ransom a consider­able number of German Prisoners which he had taken the last Campaign. At the same time he guarded all the Passes of [Page 136]the Ʋpper Hungary, to hinder the Impe­rialists from furnishing the places they yet had with Victuals and Ammunition.

On the other side the Grand Signior having come to Adrianople, about the end of the foregoing year, the Standard of the Horses Tail was set up from the second of January, and the Army began to draw to the side of Belgrade, where its Rendezvous was. The ways from Adrianople to that place were seen co­vered with Troops which marched day and night. They who saw this March assure us, that to lose no time, they caus'd a quantity of necessary provisions to march by night by the light of an in­finite number of large Lanthorns of white Linnen placed at convenient di­stances, and tied to the tops of Pikes. Although great preparations were op­portunely made, both the Army and the Places thro' which it pass'd suffered much from the Season. The Peasants were constrained to furnish what they had of Forage and Victuals, if it could be found in their houses, and if there was no body in them they were burnt. The Peasants losing less by these firings than if they had staid in their houses, aban­doned a great many Villages to retire with what they could carry to the Woods and Mountains. Altho' what [Page 137]was possible was done in Austria, to put it into a Condition to resist the Turks, the Finances were either so ill admini­ster'd or so wasted, that the Soldiers not being paid, deserted in great numbers, and often took part with the Army of the Malecontents. One party was plac'd in the Isle of Schut, and the Inhabitants were so ill treated, that they were ob­liged to abandon their Houses, and to retire where they could within the Neighbourhood. These disorders so in­cens'd those very Hungarians who had kept within obedience, that if they had serv'd themselves of this occasion with readiness and vigour, possibly they might have made all Hungary rebel. But in the course of these Wars, it has been a Thousand times observ'd, that neither the Imperialists have known how to Pro­fit of the Faults of the Malecontents, nor the Malecontents of those of the Imperia­lists. More Order, a little more Dis­cipline, and a little Skill in the Art Military, might have mutually serv'd and hurt both sides: and if the one did not profit by the Advantages which they gain'd from time to time, the others had no better Conduct when they had the better.

In the Month of February, the Turks had a design upon the Isle of Schut, whe­ther [Page 138]they hop'd to go over the Ice; but there being a Thaw the Enterprize fail'd and some Soldiers were drown'd. Tekeli endeavour'd also in vain some Weeks after to surprize Tirnaw, that he might hinder the Communication of Leopol­stadt, with Trentshin. The Count Sum­mon'd another Diet to Casseire, & threat­ned as he had before, to Pillage those Hungarians who would not be there. He did not fail to execute his Menaces against them who refus'd to meet him, although the Emperor had forbidden them. While he was employ'd in these Military Executions, he receiv'd the News of having a Daughter born at Mongats, and he pray'd the Vaivode of Transylvania to be Godfather; who sent a Gentleman of the best Quality to stand for him.

At the beginning of May, the Grand Vizier arriv'd at Belgrade; and soon after about the same time, the Emperor had a Review of his Army near Presburg. It consisted of near 40000 Men, of which more than 12000 were Cavalry. But as he came not to Command, he soon after return'd to Vienna, and left the Command to the Duke of Lorrain. That Prince after having long weigh'd whe­ther he should attack Gran or Newhau­sel, determin'd upon the last, and went [Page 139]to form the Siege at the beginning of June, when the Ottoman Army march'd back again. Upon the advice which he had, he drew into the Isle of Schut, to observe the Enemy from thence with greater Security, and to be in a condition to act on either side the Danube, as should seem fitting. He went not far from thence, because they could not yet judge with certainty of the design of the Turks.

After having pass'd the Save, they en­camp'd near Esseck, and there it was that Tekeli came up to the Vizier, having cross'd the Danube at Valkowar. There were sent to meet him 3 Leagues off before his coming up, the Chiaous Bassa, accom­panied with the Spahilar Aga, and divers other Aga's, to whom Mauro Cordato the Grand Seignior's Chief Interpreter serv'd for Trucheman. Sixscore of the Viziers Dellies came to offer him their Services, and told him, That they came to obey his Orders. They put themselves at the Head the rest of the March towards the Camp of the Turks ▪ After them march'd 150 Hussars well mounted, with Trumpets and Kettle-Drums. One of them carried a Standard of a Blew Co­lour, where one might see in Gold an Arm with a naked Sword in the hand, and the Name of Tekeli about it. There [Page 140]was also a Red Standard with his Arms, and some others with Six led Horses. Fifty Hungarian Gentlemen, Protestants and Catholicks; and among others Count Humanai followed. One might see after that a Cornet who was follow'd with divers Hungarians mingled among Turks. Seven other Saddle-Horses were led by Grooms cloath'd in the Hungarian fa­shion. One might see after them Tekeli himself upon an Horse proudly har­nass'd, which the Vizier had sent him. There were about six Persons with Ty­gers Skins upon their Backs, cloathed in the Hungarian fashion, with a grey Cloath lin'd with white Wolves Skin, with edges of Silver upon the Hems, and long white Feathers in their Caps. There was also another Coach and two Calashes follow'd, with a Green Standard at the Head of a Company of Heydukes well appointed and arm'd. At last came a Troop of Cavaliers, who with the for­mer made the number of 400. In this order Tekeli arriv'd at the Tent of the Vizier, who treated him and all his Followers with Sweet­meats. Caftans.

The Vizier also presented him with a Vest lin'd with Ermine, and cover'd with a Stuff with small Flowers of Sil­ver upon a red Ground; after which, [Page 141]he was Conducted to a Tent which had been prepar'd for him, and which was encompass'd with divers others for the Nobility which he had with him. Te­keli had this Reception in the sight of the Emperor's Envoy, that he might see the esteem which they had at the Port for this Head of the Malecontents.

Tekeli had several Conferences with the Grand Vizier upon the Designs which they might form in concert, and upon those which each might execute by him­self; after which he return'd for Casso­via. As soon as he was arriv'd, he pub­lish'd a Manifesto, by which he exhor­ted all the Hungarians who had any love for their Countrey to range themselves under his Standards, and assur'd them, if they did, of the Protection of the Grand Seignior, who had oblig'd himself to maintain them in their Estates, their Religion, and their Privileges. On the other side, he threatned those who should obstinately adhere to the Emperor to Pillage their Lands, and give them no Quarter. As soon as this Manifesto came into Lower Hungary, Papa, Thata, Westprin and Lewentz received those that Tekeli sent, these Towns being too much expos'd to the Turks, whose Army was too near for them to take long time to consider what they had to do. The [Page 142] Emperor fearing lest all the Towns which he had in Hungary should do the like, and turn out his Garrisons, gave Orders to the Governours to send out all the Ammunition, and to abandon them, that they might render themselves at the Camp, which General Schultz had form'd near the Waag. This Order was execu­ted with much precipitation, and the Ecclesiastick Catholicks withdrew at the same time, lest the Protestants should re­venge themselves upon them, for the ills they had suffer'd at their sollicita­tion. At the same time almost all the abandon'd places receiv'd Tekeli, and if he, or the Turks had been content with that Advantage that Campagne, and had only applied themselves to fortifie the places as they might have been, and once for all to make themselves Masters of the Passes, possibly they might to this day have possess'd all Hungary. But we have often already remark'd, that the Malecontents were fit only to make In­cursions.

In the mean while, the Turkish Ar­my, as some said 200000 strong, and according to others 120000 advanc'd towards Austria, without staying to at­tack either Raab or Comorra, as it was thought it would have done. So that the Duke of Lorrain, who had weakned [Page 143]his Army, that he might leave in those places Garrisons able to employ the Turks, at least some time, took care for no more than to place himself in some advantageous Post, to observe the Ene­my. Forty thousand Men which he had, were not able to dispute the Field with so numerous an Army as that of the Turks. Therefore he posted himself about the end of June, between Rabuits and Raab, and there expected the Enemies Army. On the First of July, it appear'd on the other side of Raab, and the Im­perialists, that they might dispute the Pass, rais'd Batteries upon the River, which in some places incommoded the Turks. But they at the same time rais'd others, and detach'd a considerable Body of Cavalry to go search an other Ford which was higher, and which Count Bu­diani defended with some Hungarians. Some Malecontents who led the Turkish Cavalry, no sooner appear'd to Budiani, but he turn'd to their side, and suffer'd the Enemies Troops to pass. They marchd directly to Rabuits, which they went through without opposition, and instead of applying themselves to en­close the Duke of Lorrain, or to attack him on one side, while the Body of the Army came upon him on the other; they employ'd themselves in Pillaging [Page 144]and making Slaves. The Passage over the River being thus gain'd, the Duke of Lorrain caus'd the Infantry in the Isle of Schut to march, and kept the Cavalry with him, to observe the Enemy. A few days after, there was a Skirmish near Petronel, between that Cavalry and the Enemie's; which at first was with­out any great Advantage on either side; although the Imperial Cavalry soon gave ground. In the mean while, since there was no probability of stopping the march of the Enemies, and that it was seen they intended for Vienna; the Duke of Lorrain himself gave Order to Pillage all about, that the Turks might not find wherewith to subsist, and this Order was punctually executed, the German Troops being excellent at making waste in a Country belonging to Friends as well as Enemies. The Emperor who staid at Vienna till then, took no longer time to consider on which side the Danube he should retire, and a few days after he pass'd over the Bridges of Vienna to get to Lintz by great Journeys, for fear of being Surrounded by the Tartars, who ran on all parts. We are assur'd that there went out of Vienna more than 60000 Souls, who imitated the Prudence of the Court, and who did not think fit to be Buried under the Ruines of that [Page 145]Town. On the 12th of July, they be­gan to Burn the Suburbs, and to dispose all things for a vigorous defence. It ha­ving not been imagin'd that the Turks would leave behind them Comorra and Raab unattack'd, it was thought there was time enough to fortifie the place, if they should carry the two others. So that there were only the old Fortifica­tions, which were not in a condition long to resist so Puissant an Army; if the Turks had known what belong'd to attacking a place. Before they had in­vested it, the Duke of Lorrain put in all the Foot which he could get together, which made about 17000, with a great Number of Gentry, who had thrown themselves into the place, besides the Burghers who were fit to bear Arms, Ernest Roger Count Staremberg, Great Master of the Ordonance, was declar'd Governor, and had given him several Generals who were to Command under him. The Duke of Lorrain having pro­vided for all things, as much as the short­ness of time would permit, retir'd be­yond the Bridges with the Horse, having given Order to break them; so that it was suspected that he was not sure of undertaking the Defence as he did after­wards. On the 14th of July, the Turks encampt before the Town, and began [Page 146]to work on their Lines. The Town of Vienna being situated on the Southern Mouth of the Danube, which in that place makes two Isles, cross which Men pass the River over three Bridges; The Vizier little skill'd in War, and uncapa­ble of good Counsel, did not at the first make any effort for rendring himself Master of these Bridges, which he might have done; but placed all his Army on the middle of the Town. He afterwards when it was too late repented of this Fault, when he had continued a suffi­ciently long time before the place. The Works were not carried on with more Skill, the Turks having only some Runa­gades for Engineers, who seem'd able among People who understood nothing at all; but they are not comparable to the Christian Engineers. Therefore they employed much time, and lost abundance of People to gain the Works, which Christian Troops could have gain'd ea­sily, and without great loss. On the other side, the Imperialists had a num­ber of Engineers, who if they were not well exercis'd, at least were more than those of the Turks, and their Comman­ders Brave and Able, perfectly well-employed their Men; who for the most part rather want Heads than Courage. I will not stay here to recount the Cir­cumstances [Page 147]of the Siege, of which many Relations have been made; because Te­keli had no part in it.

While the Turks press'd Vienna, which they did at first with Vigour enough; he form'd a design of Besieging with 20000 Hungarians and 8000 Turks, the Castle of Presburg, which held out a­gainst him, although the Town had been Surrender'd. The Duke of Lorrain ha­ving Intelligence of it, sent on that side 200 Foot, convoy'd with 300 Horse, to endeavour to enter the Castle; but the Convoy was beaten, and the 200 Men obliged to return. Upon this News, he with speed march'd his Cavalry, which consisted of 8000 Germans and 2000 Poles, Commanded by Lubomirski, and put 200 into the Castle. The Burghers surpriz'd to see an Imperial Army, sur­render'd almost as soon as they were Summon'd, and hardly gave the Male­contents time to retire to their Camp; which was not far from the Town. Te­keli incens'd at this Affront, which they had now done, sent a Detachment of his Army to fall upon the Enemy, which at first made no movement, because it was not yet rang'd in Battel. But as they soon as it was, who apparently had ima­gin'd that they should find no more than a Party of Imperial Horse, believing [Page 148]them sufficiently employ'd in opposing the Incursions of the Tartars, were sur­priz'd to see the whole Army march towards them, and since theirs was in­feriour in number, they soon after thought of retiring. They did it in very good order; but being warmly charg'd by the Imperialists, they began to fly as fast as they could, some to Tirnaw, and others to a River two Miles distant, on the other side of which they made a stand and stopt the Enemy, who did not think it worth their while to pursue them farther.

This Action was towards Evening, and in the Night Tekeli, who was en­camp'd at some distance from thence, thought that he ought to dislodge against the opinion of the Turks, who were en­camp'd by themselves near him; the Reason which he gave was, That it was of Importance to rally them who had newly been defeated, and dangerous to expose affrighted Troops to a Victorious Army. Thereupon the Turks divided from him, and would not rejoyn him but by express Order from the Grand Vizier. This mixture of Christian and Mahume­tan Troops commanded by different Heads, produces no good. The Heads would often be of different Sentiments, [...] [...]uld one yield to the other, and [Page 149]the Turks would have the Christians undergo all the hazard when there was any, as the Christians sought for nothing but advantaging themselves at the ex­pence of the Turks. Their Design had been to seize the Castle of Presburg, that they might have a Passage there over the Danube, that they might easily maintain a Communication with one another. For that end, the Turkish Cavalry which was not employ'd at the Siege, ought to have search'd out that of the Imperialists, and have constrained them to withdraw into Germany; which had not been diffi­cult for any other People besides the Turks to have done.

The Duke of Lorrain, being drawn nearer to Vienna, that he might incom­mode the Besiegers as much as he could possibly, the Malecontents provided for the Turks divers Boats, by means of which, they might have some Commu­nication with them, and at the same time might enter into Moravia, from whence they might draw considerable Contribu­tions and part of which they might ra­vage; nor could the Imperialists be able to hinder them. These last, in truth, march'd against the Malecontents, to take from them what they had gotten, and having come up to them, Charg'd them with vigour enough; but 300 Horse [Page 150]who came to their Assistance, sav'd the Booty which they had taken.

The Imperialists took the way of Tuln and Krembs, to receive the Auxiliary Troops who came from all Parts of Ger­many and Poland as fast as they could pos­sibly. But having received advice that the Tartars and Turks followed by Te­keli were entered into Moravia, they were oblig'd to turn on that side. In the end, the Grand Vizier having known that the Succours advanc'd, and that the Imperial Horse march'd to joyn them, gave Orders to the Tartars and Male-contents to make waste in the Hereditary Countrey as far as they could, either to oblige the Duke of Lorrain to return that way, or to take from the Succours all means of subsist­ing when they should arrive. From the 23d of August the Tartars had enter'd Moravia, and had begun to make the Country in such a manner desolate, that it could not recover in a long time; for the Male-contents they were content­ed to keep encamp'd near Mark, and to promise the Tartars to follow them. In the mean while they did not advance at all, and it seem'd as if Tekeli as much fear'd the Success of the Siege of Vienna, and the Consequences which the taking of that Place might have, as he had be­fore fear'd the Victories of the Emperor.

In truth, were it supposed that the Turks had made themselves Masters of all Hungary, and of part of the Heredi­tary Countries of the House of Austria, they would have had no more need of Teckely, and perhaps might treat him with as much contempt as they had late­ly paid him honours while he was ne­cessary to them. On the other side, if the Turks should fail in the Siege of Vienna, the Emperor would be more for­midable than ever, because ordinarily the Turks who are insupportable with good Fortune, have little courage un­der bad. Teckely made these reflections, or had some other reason for acting less vigorously than ordinarily, and did not manage his Forces without cause.

The Duke of Lorrain having made Detatchment to discover the condi­ion of the Enemy, followed immedi­ately after with all his Horse. The Tar­tars and Turks seeing the Imperialists come up, put themselves into a posture to re­ceive them, and fell upon them so brisk­ly, that at the first they routed some Squadrons, and some pierced even to the Body of Reserve, but not being suffi­ciently sustained, the greatest part of them who had advanced so far perished. After that the Tartars having in vain attempted to gain the Flank of the Im­perialists, [Page 152]their Army divided into two parts, and one part retired towards Teckely's Camp, the other towards the Bridges of Vienna, where a great many perished who cast themselves into the Danube, in hopes of swimming over.

The Infidels were inferior in number to the Imperialists, who had then above 30000 Horse. There perished in that action between 1000 and 1200 Men of the Turks and Tartars, who had appa­rently been Conquerors if Teckely had assisted them to purpose. The Turkish Troops, and those of the Male-contents having been repulsed and beaten more than once on the other side the Danube, the Vizier could hardly have any com­munication with them, nor give them assistance, that there was one of the greatest faults which he made in the Enterprize of the Siege of Vienna, whereas he ought before all things to be Master of the two Mouths of the Da­nube, and to pursue the Imperial Army, which could not have made head against a much greater number of Troops; so that while one part of the Army had carried on the Siege, the other might have cover'd it, and have foraged all about which the Vizier having understood too late, order'd the Walachians and Mol­davians to labour to rebuild the Bridges [Page 153]of Vienna which the Imperialists had bro­ken, and they began to do so, but the imperial Horse being posted on the other side with some Foot and Cannon, they could not bring it to pass. In the mean while the King of Poland being-arrived with his Army by the way of Moravia, he left a Detachment with some Impe­rial Troops to oppose the designs of the Male-contents while he passed the Danube to joyn other Auxiliary Forces, and to attacque the Turks in concert with them. During the Siege Teckely having pass'd the Danube at Gran, went to salute the Vizier and having conferr'd with him, was sent back again, leaving in the Camp only 1000 commanded by the Counts Nadasti and Budiani.

The Place was pressed with vigour enough till the 11th of September, and had been reduc'd to extremity, when the Relief began to appear. We are assured that notwithstanding the re­sistance and bravery of the besieged, the Vizier had carried the Place before the Relief could be ready, if he had been lov'd by his Souldiers; but being greedy, and having undertook to furnish the provisions, he had done it with such husbandry, that he drew upon him the hatred of all men; besides that he was also hated by divers Bassaes. Being but [Page 154]ittle skill'd in the Art Military, not on­ly he knew not how to press on the Siege, but he also committed two ca­pital faults, besides those which we have taken notice of. He caus'd all about Vienna to be wasted by the Tar­tars, instead of making all that he could find about it serve for the use of his Ar­my, a fault which made his Army suffer much at the end of the Siege. And yet farther, instead of securing the Field on the side by which succours might come, and when he had notice of their first approach, and he had not the precaution to seize the hollow ways and defiles thro' which they must needs come to him. After this ill Conduct he went out of his Lines to endeavour to beat back the Succours, the force of which he did not know, but having seen a formidable Army which amounted to more than 60000 Men compos'd of the best Troops of Germany and Poland, he thought of nothing but retreating, and abandoning his Baggage with all that was in his Camp; so that having on the 12th of September stop'd the Christian Army for seven or eight hours by dis­puting the ground, and by a Skirmish of one part of his Troops who retreated insensibly, as soon as night was come he marched with diligence towards the [Page 155]Passes of Rabuits and Raab, which he had caus'd to be guarded by Abaffi, that he might retreat on that side if he could not take Vienna. The day following he repass'd the Raab without being pursued by the Christian Army, which being wearied with the great Marches it had made, was obliged to rest some days. Thus it was that Vienna was delivered after a Siege of near two months, chiefly by the bravery of the King of Poland and the Duke of Lorrain, who gave the chief Orders, and had the greatest share in the defeat of the Enemy. The second being engaged to serve the Emperor to the utmost, was praised by all Europe for having done it so well, both during the whole Siege, and the day it was rais'd. The King of Poland, to whom the grandeur of the House of Austria might have given more umbrage than the Conquest of some Towns; for the Ottoman Empire, acquired eternal Glory in despising the suggestions of a base Policy, and in leaving his Countrey to relieve a Town abandoned by its pro­per Soveraign, when there was danger of arriving too late. If the Male-contents of Hungary had done as much for the Port, or rather for themselves, their Af­fairs had not been in the declension as they have since been. But they seem [Page 156]born to have great occasions and to lose them; as their Enemies from that time seemed in possession of braving the Ot­toman Empire with Forces which it de­spised a few years before, and which in truth they could not have equall'd if it had known how to serve it self of them.

The King of Poland and the Duke of Lorrain resolving to follow the Turks while they were under their fright, al­tho' the Saxon Troops had refused to go any farther, parted the eighteenth of the Month, and marched towards the Isle of Schut, where they passed the Danube seven or eight days after to go towards Lewentz and Buda, whither the Armies of the Male-contents and Turks were re­treated, after having reinforced the Gar­risons of Newhausel and Gran. There the Vizier desirous to cast upon others the faults which he had committed, and vext at the defeat of his Enterprize, put to death the Bassa of Buda and some others, besides several subaltern Offi­cers, as not having well acquitted them­selves at the Siege, and in the March to Vienna. The Season being far advanced, and the Troops of Franconia and the Bavarian Foot being withdrawn some time after those of Saxony, they were not in a condition to attempt any thing [Page 157]considerable. The Garrisons of the Places belonging to the Turks, being, as has been said, reinforc'd, the Armies of the Turks and Male-contents were not far from thence, and for all their loss, much more strong, being together, than the Christian Army. In the mean while, that they might not have ad­vanc'd in vain, the King of Poland and the Duke of Lorrain resolved to march towards Barkan, which is a Fort upon the Northern side of the Danube at the head of the Bridge of Gran. It was judg'd that if they could render themselves Masters of that Post, they should be in a condition to undertake the Siege of Gran, if they thought fit, and might hinder the communication of Newhausel with Buda. On the seventh of October the King of Poland having had false Ad­vice that the Detachment of Turks which was at Barkan, was not consi­derable advanc'd with his Horse with­out expecting the coming up of the Foot contrary to the Opinion of the Duke of Lorrain, who fail'd not also to march immediately after him with the Imperial Horse. The Poles at first drove back some Squadrons of Turks who appeared, bur thinking to give them the Chase, a great Body of Horse came from behind an Hill, and [Page 158]charg'd them with so much impetuo­sity, that it made them to flie in their turn. The King sustain'd his Men by other Squadrons, and himself advanc'd at their Head; but those that fled, and the Shock of the Turks put them in­to disorder, and they gave ground when the Imperial Horse who had pass'd a Defile on the left hand to come into the Plain where the Fight was, begun to put themselves in order of Battle and to advance, so that it was ranged for falling upon the Turks in the Flank. The Infidels seeing new Troops come to them, and fearing to engage again, after making an halt, retreated insensibly and in good order, nor did the Imperial Cavalry pursue them.

The affrighted Poles had all the diffi­culty in the World to be put again into order, and talkt of nothing but going into Winter-Quarters, without attempting any thing farther. The King, to diminish their fright, en­treated the Duke of Lorrain to take the right hand, which was nearest the Enemy, and marched his Troops to the left. They encamped in this order while they expected the Foot, to which Orders had been sent to make haste. They arrived the next day, and a reso­lution [Page 159]was taken to attacque the Turks the day following, being the 9th of October. The Christian Army was about Thirty thousand, two thirds of which was Cavalry, and the rest In­fantry. For the Turks they were but Fourteen thousand Spahies, and Twelve hundred Janizaries.

The Christian Army advanced in the morning after having formed three Lines, the two first of which were of Imperial Troops, and the last of those of Poland, one part of which ne­vertheless was in the first Lines on the right and left, one commanded by the King, the other by General Jablanow­ski. The Turks appeared about Nine a Clock, rang'd in Battle as if they had been in a condition to resist an Army twice as strong as theirs, possibly not knowing the number of the Enemies, or puffed up with the advantage they had gain'd over the Poles two days be­fore. Immediately they charg'd Jabla­nowski, who was on the left Wing, thinking to rout the Poles in the first Engagement: But they being support­ed by the Imperialists, the Turks turned all their Forces to that side, without minding the right, and the main Body which flank'd them, and with which they were within half an hour inclos'd [Page 160]and put to the rout. This is the na­ture of the Turks to act at first with an extream impetuosity, without regarding danger, but when their Shock is over, and that they begin to be terrified, they run into disorder, and nothing is able to put new Courage into them. As soon as they were once broken, they ran with all speed to Barkan, and the first that came pass'd the Bridge over the Danube with speed, and broke it after them without staving for the rest of their Army. Soon after the Fort was attacqued on all sides, and was entred with Sword in hand, the Turks who had not pass'd over the Bridge madly threw themselves into the Danube, endeavour­ing to gain the other side either on Horse-back or by swiming, instead of defending themselves. As soon as it was understood that they might lodge all night at Barkan, both Poles and Germans were desirous of it, and for fear they should Quarrel Count Starem­berg caused the Cermans to go out. The Poles having observed the Heads of some of their Companions, which the Turks had set upon the Palisadoes, set fire to the Fort and burnt it down. We are assured that Tekely during the action was not far from thence, and that he drew near to joyn the Turks by [Page 161]the Viziers order; but having seen what had passed from the Neighbouring Mountains, he went back as fast as he could. If this be true we must avow that this Count ill ferv'd them who had given him the Title of Prince of Hun­gary. In the mean while, if before he acted weakly for them for fear he should make them too powerful, it was time to assist them with all his Forces, lest he with them should be driven out of Hungary. However it were whether through weakness or ill poli­ticks the Malecontents did not do what they should have done, on this and o­ther occasions.

After the taking the Fort of Barkan it was found that this Post being commanded by the Castle of Gran was of no use towards the Seige of that Town, and that there wanted time to put it into a condition of defence, the Pa­lisadoes having been burnt. Therefore they abandoned it, and the Duke of Lorrain judged that it would not be dif­ficult to pass the Danube a little higher over against the two Isles, which he designed to do an hours march above Gran. Order was given to the Gover­nour of Comorra to send the Bridge of Boats which was before that place, to serve on this occasion. The King of [Page 162] Poland had been of a contray Opinion, but the Duke of Lorrain so strongly re­presented to him, both the facility of the Enterprize, and the dishonour it would be for the Christians to end the Campaign, without having drawn any advantage from the consternation which they had cast among the Enemies by the Victories which they had newly gain'd, that the King at last consented to stay and cover the Siege continuing en­camped on the side of Barkan.

While they were at these terms Count Humanai comes with some Com­manders of the Malecontents into the Camp of the King of Poland to entreat Audience of him. He grants it them, and after some Complements they tell him, they were very sorry to see Hum­gary covered with Trops of Turks and Tartars as it had been, and the Neigh­bouring Countries exposed to the danger of falling under the Turkish Do­mination, but that they were not the cause, that all these misfortunes with all their Consequences, ought to be at­tributed to them who had advised the Emperor to violate all the Laws and all the Priviledges of Hungary; to have occasion to pillage it without his know­ledge, and the goods of those who should oppose them; while none were [Page 163]able to demand justice against them, that it ought not to be thought strange that the Nobility and People of Hunga­ry had desired the Conservation of their Priviledges with as much Ardour as strangers had laboured to take them away. That it were unjust to exact from them, that they should see all their Laws overturned, and their Goods and Families become a prey and sport to the Germans without stirring. That they had a thousand times carried their Complaints to His Imperial Ma­jesty, that they always found him preju­diced against them, by the great credit which they had who look on Hungary as an assured Pillage, if they could introduce an Arbitrary Government. That if not obtaining any satisfaction from his Ma­jesties Council, some of the Nobility had taken unlawful ways to prevent the ruine of their Countrey, this fault would be at least as pardonable as the Pillages and Violences of strangers: That also the greatest part did not at the begin­ning enter into any Conspiracy, but that the Enemies of the Realm had with joy taken advantage of the faults of some few, that they might treat as Rebels all who had any thing to lose, and seize on their goods; this strange co [...]nduct has oblig'd a great number to d [...] ­part [Page 164]part from them. That as to be accused and have an Estate, was the same thing as to be Condemned to Death, or at least to lose all that one had: Despair had put in Arms the People who de­manded nothing but to live in Peace, obeying the Emperor and the Laws, that in pursuance thereof the Emperors evil Counsellors had carried him to change the whole form of the Government without having any regard to Privi­ledges, of which they who remained within Obedience ought not to have been despoiled by reason of Male-con­tents. That in truth he had reastablish­ed the Ancient Government but as to the rest the Laws had no more Autho­rity than before, and the Realm was dai­ly a prey to strangers. That the Male­contents had not ceased to offer his Imperi­al Majesty to lay down Arms, if he would re-establish the Laws, and would give any security that they should not be used as formerly. That they came still with the same intention, and that they pray'd his Majesty of Poland to in­terceed for them, not doubting but he was touch'd with the miseries of Hun­gary; and for so many years to see blood-spilt which might be better employed The King of Poland testified to them a sensible concernment at what had pas­sed [Page 165]and expressed a great desire of seeing their miseries at an end. He be­lieved at the same time that he was bound to procure them Audience of the Duke of Lorrain who refused to hear them without the Emperors leave, but at last thought fit to comply with the King of Poland. The Deputies of the Malecontents, after having protest­ed that whatever opinion might be conceived of their conduct, against which they would have it that an infi­nite number of People were prejudiced without having well examined it, they had always been for Peace and did not yet demand any thing else: They re­presented that they were ready to en­ter into a Treaty with Commissioners; that his Imperial Majesty should give them that, for that end it was necessa­ry as it had been at the end of former Campaigns to make a suspension of Arms, and to mark the Counties of Hungary where it should be found fit for the Troops of the Malecontents to take their Winter Quarters. The Duke of Lorrain, who had no Orders, thereupon represented to them the wrong which they had done in con­tinuing in Rebellion, and exhorted them to renounce all manner of Alliance with the Turks to lay down their Arms and [Page 166]implore the Emperor's Clemency; af­ter which, he doubted not but they would have cause to praise his Boun­ty. The Deputies replied, That if they had taken Arms, and had en­ter'd into any Engagement with the Turks, it was but by force, after ha­ving seen that their Enemies hinder'd the Emperor from having any regard to their just Complaints; and that there was no appearance that he would do them Justice. Thereupon they went back to the King of Poland, where they stay'd some time; and by that it was perceiv'd, that they were not in such a terrour as was thought.

Soon after Lewentz opened its Gates to the Imperialists, and the Counties of Tirnaw, Trenshin, and Nitrie, who had taken part with the Malecontents, at the arrival of the Turkish Army, de­clar'd against them after the Battel at Barkan. As soon as the Bridge which the Duke of Lorrain caus'd to be made was finish'd, and that his Troops had pass'd to the other side, the County of Wesprin followed the example of the others. On the 23d of October, the Duke of Lorrain encamp'd at Gran, upon the Avenues of Buda, to hinder them from relieving the place on that side. He had been reinforced with [Page 167]the Elector of Bavaria's Foot, which he sent the Emperor; from which Men were assur'd that this was to close the Campagne with an Enterprize which might bring Honour to the Imperial Arms. He also came himself to the Camp with what Horse he had on the 26th in the Morning, and saw the Reduction of the Place the day after. The Garrison near 4000 Strong, went out the 28th with Arms and Baggage according to the Capitulation, and was Conducted to Buda. Although the Fortifications of Gran were not considerable; yet a Garrison so nu­merous might easily have defended it a long while, if the Losses which the Turks had this Campagne had not in­timidated them. Besides the Castle which is upon a Rock, and which has a Spring of Running Water, which alone might supply them some Weeks, if a disorder had not been among the Infidels. The Visier, who accor­ding to the Rules of War, ought to have Cover'd Gran, and who had nothing to fear, being still much more strong than the Imperialists, retir'd not only to Buda, but also to Esseck, and from thence to Belgrade; where he was Strangled for his Ill Conduct, the 25th of December the same Year, [Page 168]by Order of the Grand Seignior.

The Duke of Lorrain gave the Go­vernment of Gran to Carlowits, Ma­jor of the Regiment of Count Marc Staremberg, with a Garrison of a Thou­sand Men, and repassed the Danube to the Army on the 30th, after ha­ving given the Necessary Orders for repairing the Breaches of the Place. They spoke of nothing after that but Winter Quarters, and there were as­sign'd to the King of Poland, the Counties of Eperies, Cassovia, and To­kai, which the Malecontents had the preceding Winter with the Frontiers of Transylvania. As to the last Ar­ticle, the King agreed with the Vai­voide for Money, that he might not be burthensome to the Transylvanians and obtain'd of the Emperor a lar­ger extent, for his Quarters in Hun­gary.

Before his parting to go thither, the King gave the Duke of Lorrain to understand, that he would ob­lige him in hearing once more the Proposals of the Malecontents. The Duke excus'd himself at first, for that he had not yet received from the Emperor any Power to treat of this Affair; but the King represent­ing to him, that without engaging [Page 169]himself to any thing, he might hear what they ask'd, and take such Mea­sures thereupon as he should judge fit­ting, he consented. For that end, a Meeting was had in the King's Tent the Fifth of November. The Vice-Chancellor of Hungary, who had been instructed by the Deputies of the Male­contents, was their Spokesman. He in few words made appear the Ad­vantage the Emperor might draw from Hungary, by granting what they askt, in the War against the Turks, in which, being joyn'd with his Army, they might easily resist the Infidels without necessity of seeking help else­where. He shew'd that His Imperial Majesty, who values himself upon his Clemency more than any other Ver­tue, would do a good thing in giving Peace to an infinite number of Inno­cents, who would suffer more than could be imagin'd in a Civil and Fo­reign War. After that, he propos'd Six Articles on the part of the Male­contents, which he desir'd to be gran­ted:

  • 1. The Censervation of their Pri­vileges.
  • 2. Liberty of Conscience.
  • [Page 170]3. The Restitution of Confiscated Estates.
  • 4. The Summoning a Free Diet, and wherein they could to contribute to­wards it.
  • 5. Winter Quarters and a Suspen­sion of Arms while they were upon a Treaty.
  • 6. The Soveraignty of some Coun­ties which had the Year before been offer'd to Tekeli.

The Vicechancellor of Polund added to this, That although they had had great Advantages against the Turks, they must not imagine that they had entirely quell'd them; That by ma­king the Malecontents desperate, they would joyn them with the Turks for ever; and that it was impossible to be assor'd that this Conjuncture would not sometime yet produce great E­vils.

The Duke of Lorrain answer'd, That they might expect all from the Cle­mency of His Imperial Majesty, if they would immediately break with the Turks and submit themselves to the discretion of their Soveraign. That this was all the Counsel that he could give, and that he had no other [Page 171]Answer to make to their Propositions. Thereupon they separated, and the Deputies return'd to the place from whence they came.

The Duke of Lorrain applied him­self to put the Imperial Troops into the Quarters which had been assign'd them, and left the Counts Rabata and Caraffa, with Baron Merci, to Com­mand them. All the Necessary Or­ders being given, he took the way of Lintz, where the Emperor still was. The King of Poland, who had parted some time before for Cassovia, took in his way the Small Town of Schim, where was a Turkish Garrison. He continued on his March, and sent to Summon Cassovia; which having a strong Garrison of Malecontents, refus'd to Surrender. The King not know­ing how to force them in the middle of the Winter, and not liking to leave his Troops expos'd to the Incursions of the Malecontents in a Country of which they had no knowledge; made but little stay in Ʋpper Hungary. He gave Order to his Army, excepting some Foot to enter into Poland, and took the Passes to return to Cracovia. His Army followed him soon after, and left the Germans the liberty to [Page 172]take the Quarters which had been assign'd them.

Cara Mustapha had presented him­self before the Grand Seignior the first time at Belgrade; and to excuse him­self, had laid the blame upon several others, and particularly upon Tekeli, by whom he said he had been be­tray'd. The Grand Seignior at first ap­pear'd satisfied with his Reasons; but whether it were that as soon as he came to Adrianople, whither he went soon after, some had taken Care in his Presence to aggravate the Faults of the Vizier, or upon any other oc­casion, he, as has been said, sent to have him Strangled. In the mean while Tekeli having notice of the ill Impressions the Vizier had given of him to his Highness, and not being a­ble to subsist without Aid of the Port, took a Bold Resolution, which suc­ceeded well. He render'd himself at Adrianople, and having obtain'd Audi­ence of the Grand Seignior, he told him, That being inform'd that his Conduct had been mis-represented to his Highness, he came to justifie him­self before him, or to offer him his Head, if he were culpable. The Grand Seignior was touch'd at his Submission, [Page 173]and the Confidence which he appear'd to have in the Justice of the Musulmans. He gave him Commissioners, to whom Tekeli related the particulars of the Vizier's Faults, of which he had been already inform'd in part. Among these Faults, he particularly enlarg'd upon one of them, on which we have remark'd above; which is, That the Vizier not having given him Troops enough to act on the other side the Danube, the Imperial Horse, which were the best Horse in the World, had been in a condition to traverse his Designs; and that it had been strong enough to be Master of the greater part of Hungary, almost in the View of so formidable a Body. Besides, not be­ing able to have Communication rea­dy and easie enough with the Vizier, who was not Master of the Danube, he could not be reliev'd when he needed it, nor could give the Neces­sary Advices; That if the Vizier had had the Precaution to render him­self Master of some Pass upon the Danube, though he had not succeeded before Vienna, he might have preserv'd to the Grand Seignior all the Upper Hun­gary, which held with the Malecontents, by retreating on that side; That his [Page 174]Army joyn'd to that of the Malecon­tents was yet stronger than was neces­sary to beat the Army of the Emperor and the King of Poland, in case they durst have pursued the Vizier; and that it had been easie to take Quar­ters in those Parts of Hungary, where the Imperialists had never been, but because they had abandon'd them.

These Reasons supported by the Vi­zier's Enemies, and conformable to the Prejudices they had given the Grand Seignior against the Conduct of that Minister, appear'd to him so plausible, that he promis'd Tekeli his Protection, and gave him his word, that he would never forsake him. The Count for his part fail'd not to give hope, that with the Assistance of the Port, he would restore Matters into so good a Con­dition, that he should give the Empe­ror more trouble than ever. The Grand Seignior, after having caus'd Ca­ra Mustapha to be put to Death, nam'd in his Place Ibrahim, who before had been Caimacan. This new Vizier after he had a long time consulted with the other Ministers of the Port, was of Opinion to make Peace with the Em­peror; but the Grand Seignior, as they assure us, was so opposite to this, [Page 175]whether because of his word pass'd to Tekeli, or for any other Reason, that he followed the contrary Opi­nion, which was for his continuing the War.

The End of the Second Book.

MEMOIRES FOR THE LIFE OF Emeric, Count Teckely. BOOK III.

Containing the History of what arrived to him from the Year 1684, to the Year 1687.

TEckely being returned into Hun­gary, immediately saw the Ef­fects of the Grand-Signor's Promises, in that the Bassa's of the Neighbouring Cities sent to offer him what Assistance he should have oc­casion [Page 2]for. The Emperor, on his side, set out an Act of Oblivion, in the begin­ning of the Year 1684, wherein he gave an Assurance, 1st. To re-establish all those who had born Arms against his Service, in their Honours, and in their Estates, which should not be forfeited. 2d. That they who formerly possessed Employ­ments, should be indempnified for the Loss of their Posts, which had been con­ferred upon others. 3d. That Orders should be exhibited for maintaining Of­ficers and Souldiers, by dispersing them into the Garisons of Hungary. The De­claration also purported, That from the 15th of February, those Male-contents that would return to their Duty, should find the Emperor's Commissioners at Presbourg, ready to accept their Oaths, and to hear their Remonstrances, in or­der to give an Account thereof to the Imperial Council, which would not for­get to afford them Satisfaction. At last it threatned those, who would not enjoy the benefit of this General Pardon, with the severest Rigours that have been ac­customed to be practised against obstinate Rebels.

This Declaration, which would have been laugh'd at before the Turks had been defeated, produced some effect a­mongst People fatigued with so long a [Page 3]War, and from which they did not see how they could disengage themselves with Honour. The Barons Baragozzi were of the first, who thought upon de­serting the Party of the Male-contents; and the eldest of this Family withdrew himself into the Castle of Zakwar, which belonged to him, with three hundred Hussars. The Count Humanai, who had been deputed to the King of Poland, and the Duke of Lorrain, did the same, and fixed himself in his Castle of Ʋngwar, where he thought himself secure. They were suddenly to be followed by the two young Barons Baragozzi, by Andrew Sche­miski, Francis Cl [...]bai, and Stephen Maskai; but Teckely having been advised of their Design, made them to be apprehended, and the Council of War condemned them to lose their Heads. This was the first rigorous Example that was made of those who abandoned the Party. The Neces­sity of preventing the dangerous Conse­quence of those Desertions, which would have been too frequent, obliged the Heads of the Male-contents to use severe­ly those who committed this Fault, of what Quality soever. In effect, the De­sign was not then so much to make War against the Emperor, as it was to obtain of him the Observation of the Laws, and afterwards to restore themselves to his [Page 4]Obedience: It was high-time to act even­ly, and to exercise a severe Discipline in the Army, in order to frame a Body, whereof all the Members were to conquer or perish together. Teckely had a mind, in consequence of this Resolution, to go and force Baragozzi in his Castle; but the Count of Rabata being come to his Assi­stance, he turned his Arms against Ʋng­war, which surrendred at Discretion, af­ter three days Resistance. Humanai, who was within it, was brought to Cassovia, where he lost his Head.

These Severities stop'd the Course of the Desertions, as well as two conside­rable Omissions in the General Pardon; whereof one was Liberty of Conscience, and the other, the Security of Privileges. These two Articles being the only Cause of the War, those who loved the Free­dom of their Country, more than their Ease, could not induce themselves to lay down their Arms, without obtaining what they demanded thereupon.

Teckely being unable to procure a Truce for this Winter, made the Imperialists repent of it, by the perpetual Incursions and Undertakings he made against them. He attacked Michelsdorf, where the King of Poland had left three hundred Lithua­nians in Winter-quarters. He made him­self Master of it, killed part of these Li­thuanians, [Page 5]and made the rest Prisoners of War. The Troops of Poland, who had made great Marches to come into Hungary, seeing that instead of reposing themselves during Winter, it was necessary to be engaging with the Male-contents at all moments, and to be satisfied with a very small matter, by reason of the Indigence which reigned in the Places where they were; these Troops, I say, deserted eve­ry day, which obliged the King of Poland to recal them. Besides, this Prince had no Interest in exterminating entirely the Male-contents, to render the Emperor ab­solute Master in Hungary, without any one's, but the House of Austria, receiv­ing any Advantage by it. These Troops were no sooner withdrawn, but Teckely seized upon their Quarters, and fixed there a Party of his own.

The Turks, on their side, acted with more Vigor than was imagined, and for all they had been repulsed in several pla­ces, they did not fail to besiege and take, in the Month of March, Leutsch, wherein was the Regiment of Grana, and a hun­dred Horse of Caraffa's. This General, having been too remiss in hastning to the Succour of this Place, received Advice of its being carried, as he was marching on that side with some Troops. Debrezen, which the Turks had vainly attempted to [Page 6]win some time before, now underwent the same destiny. Teckely, in the mean time, got all that is about the Cities of the Mountains, and made Contributions be paid to him in all Places that he could not conveniently hold. In these Movements, the Imperialists, commanded by Colonel Heuster, defeated also a Detachment of five hundred of his Men, whom he had ap­pointed as a Conduct of Petrozzi; altho the Advantage was generally on the side of the Male-contents.

Judging themselves now to be in a Con­dition of obtaining something with the Emperor, they sent to entreat the King of Poland again to intervene in this Affair, and consented, if he thought fit, to ac­knowledg him for Mediator. The King of Poland having received them favoura­bly enough, offered his Mediation to the Emperor to reconcile, if it was possible, his Subjects with him: But the Court of Vienna, which thought to be soon prepa­red to expel for-ever the Male-contents from Hungary, and to establish a Despo­tick Power there, would hearken to no sort of Composition. There-upon the King declared, That for the future he would not permit his Troops to be em­ployed against the Male-contents, altho he offered them still to serve against the Turks. This Declaration did not displease [Page 7]the Polanders, who look'd upon it as a thing of ill Presage to them, that Hungary should become Hereditory, and that it should be no longer permitted to talk of Laws and Privileges there. It is known that the Grandees of this Kingdom are very jealous of their Liberties, and parti­cularly of the Right they have to choose their Kings; and in this Disposition per­haps they had done better to joyn them­selves entirely to the Malecontents, in or­der to oblige the Emperor to grant them Peace, and to render themselves Promo­ters of the Treaty, than to assist the Em­peror to make himself absolute.

About this time an Artifice was em­ployed more than ever in Hungary, which has succeeded many times to destroy Par­ties composed of Persons of different Re­ligions. To disingage the Catholicks from the Protestants, the Imperialists said every where, that it was nothing but a War of Religion that was made; and that if the Catholicks, who had no occasion to de­mand Liberty of Conscience, submitted themselves to the Emperor, they would obtain whatsoever they desired. Under a Pretext that Teckely had put to death the Count Humanai, and some Catholick Lords, they endeavoured to perswade those of this Religion, that the Head of the Malecontents did labour insensibly to [Page 2] [...] [Page 3] [...] [Page 4] [...] [Page 5] [...] [Page 6] [...] [Page 7] [...] [Page 8]destroy it, and that if he was ever the Master, he would not endure it. These Discourses, wherein was observed some­thing of appearance, were capable of se­ducing a world of Persons, if so be they had not been opposed by some Declara­tion of Lustre, and which was generally dispersed. 'Tis this engaged Teckely to write a Letter to his Holiness, dated the 12th of April, whose Contents are as fol­low.

He said that in the Year 1683, he had declared to Saponara, Envoy to his Im­perial Majesty, that he was ready to put an end, as far as his Power extended, to the Civil War of Hungary, if he might obtain certain Conditions which he de­manded, provided that the King and States of Poland were Guarantees of the Treaty; That finding himself absolutely denied, he had been obliged to tie himself more strongly than before to the Interests of the Port; That he had entred into this Engagement, not that he had not as much Zeal as any one for the Christian Religion, but because he saw most clearly, that the Emperonr excluding the Hungarians from the Defence of their Country, he could not possibly be in a State of opposing the Ottoman Puissance: That he could not reasonably be treated as a Rebel, since he had not taken up Arms to deprive the [Page 9]King of Hungary of his due, but only to preserve to his Country those Privileges which had been allowed it before the House of Austria had a foot therein. That his Holiness might consult thereupon the Letters of King Andrew II, which were in the Records of the Vatican: That be­fore he came to take up Arms he had seen his Estate confiscated and pillaged, as well as an infinite number of Catholick Gentle­men, to whom was appointed incompetent Judges to condemn them to Death or Ba­nishment, without having any regard to the usual Formalities of Justice: That George Leppaz, Archbishop of Strigonium, had used the same Instances with them, for the Observation of those Privileges which the Emperor had solemnly sworn to keep firm at his coming to the Crown. That all these Complaints had been un­successful, and were rejected with Disdain by the German Counsellors of his Impe­rial Majesty: But as for him he had never inclined towards the Destruction of the Catholick Religion in Hungary, nor would. In a word, that he aimed at nothing else, in respect of Religion, but to preserve the Freedom granted by the Laws and Diets before the Reign of Leopold to the Prote­stants of Hungary, without designing to touch upon the Rights of the Catholicks.

The Turks advanced in the beginning of June new Troops towards Buda, under the Command of Kara Hussan Oglon, who had been made Grand Vizier, but having marched too slowly, the duke of Lorrain prevented him. About the 16th of the Month he went to attack Vicegrad, which is below the Gran, to hinder the Turks from relieving Neuhauzel by removing farther off their Frontiers on this side. He won the City the very Evening of the Day he arrived there, and the Castle surrendred the next day after, having made an ap­pearance of a Defensive Resolution. In the mean time a Detachment of Turks fell upon the Baggage which had been left near Strigonium, in order to march with more Expedition, but they were repulsed, and the Imperial Army, which was before Vicegrad, had nothing but the fear of having lost it. The Castle was found to be absolutely unprovided of Ammunition and Provision, which had proceeded from the Confusion which the Death of the Vizier had introduced into Affairs. There was also a Battel near Weitzen about the end of the Month, between the Imperial Army, which had repassed to the other side of the Danube, and a considerable Body of Turks, who were defeated, and constrained to retire to Buda in Confusion after a loss of five or six hundred Men. [Page 11]After that Weitzen, a small Place which is upon the Northern Arm of the Danube, in that place where it forms the Isle of St. Andrew, was attack'd so unexpectedly, that five hundred Turks who were therein surrended at Discretion. From thence they marched straight on to Pest, which the Garison abandoned after having set fire to it, and ruined the Fortifications. The Garison retired to Buda, and as soon as the Army appeared, some Janizaries that were left to guard the Bridg of Boats which were there, broke it down before they could obstruct them. They endea­voured to extinguish the Conflagration of Pest, and left some Troops there to re­pair the Fortifications that remained, be­cause this Post might be of advantage in case there was any thought of undertaking the Siege of Buda. But those who had been left there were so incommoded some days following by the Cannon of Buda, that it was necessary to withdraw them from thence. After that they made a Bridge of Boats over against the Isle of St. Andrew, over which the Army having passed upon the 10th of July, it gained a considerable Advantage upon some Tur­kish Troops who came to engage it with­out knowing the whole Imperial Army was there.

Four days after it marched-to Buda, a famous City, in that it has been the Resi­dence of the ancient Kings of Hungary, and for two or three Sieges it had sustain­ed against the Christians without being taken, since Solyman became Master of it in 1541. It was notwithstanding but ill fortified, being flanked with none but old Towers without any Bastions, in so much that nothing but a powerful Garison could render the taking difficult to a General pro­vided with Conveniencies, and dexterous in the Art of besieging Towns. It was at that time filled with all sorts of Ammu­nition, and defended by a Garison of eight thousand Men commanded by five Bassas. Nevertheless they did not think it proper to persevere in holding the lower Town, which they set on fire as soon as they were besieged, in order to retire into the upper one, which is supported by a good Castle, and is much more easy to defend. During the first days of this Siege, the Imperialists got three conside­rable Advantages upon the Turks. The Croats defeated fifteen hundred Men near Wirowitza, and four hundred as they re­turned from this Defeat; and the greatest part of the Imperial Army being gone out of its Lines, beat, a few days after, a Tur­kish Army of twenty thousand Men, who were encamped some Leagues from Buda [Page 13]in order to relieve the Place if it was possible, or to incommode the Imperialists during the Siege, and to cover the rest of Hungary. The Turks at the same time sustained great Losses in Croatia, and the Malecontents were disadvantag'd in divers places.

But as the Imperialists could not con­quer in so many parts, nor besiege several places long without losing a world of Men, the Army which besieged Buda could receive no considerable Succour from the rest, and without Succour it durst not attempt a general Assault, altho it was possessed of almost all the Outworks of the Place. This Army had already lost in the beginning of August near eight thousand Men, either in Battels, or in the Siege, or else by Sickness. It had not Am­munition enough, nor Provision, nor Fod­der. Kara Mehemet Bassa of Buda, was one of the best Officers of the Turkish Empire, and made all possible Resistance. The whole Garison was likewise fixed up­on defending the Place to extremity, and fatigued the Imperial Army by vigorous Sallies. Altho there were considerable Breaches made, the Turks were intrench­ed and pallisado'd behind, because the Imperialists were not in a condition to take the advantage of it quick enough. Notwithstanding Kara Mehemet was killed [Page 14]with a Cannon Bullet, which took off his Thigh, the rest did not lose their Cou­rage thereupon, in hopes of being speedi­ly relieved by the Serasquier, who marched in the place of the Visier. The Besiegers lost every moment Persons of note, and several of the chief Officers were sick or wounded. The Duke of Lorrain him­self was taken with a Feaver, and the Count of Rabata was commanded to come and assist him in the Functions of General, which he could not discharge with suf­ficient Exactness, by reason of his Indis­position.

The Imperial Army being in this Con­dition, the Elector of Bavaria arrived with his Troops the ninth of September; and his Arrival was extreamly necessary to revive the Hearts of the Souldiers. He gave Directions for the raising of new Batteries, and disposed all things for vi­gorous Assaults: but it is said, that they employed not in this Siege all the Art that is necessary in these Encounters, and which is of more Service than the number of Souldiers, and all imaginable Vigour. The Bombs and Careasses were not in sufficient quantity, nor the Artillery well enough prepared. The Ingineers in too small number, and perhaps as little experien­ced, as they were rarely paid, were but a moderate Assistance. They were almost [Page 15]constrained to win the Place, if one may say so, by force of Arms, in which the Turks are not inferiour to the Germans. In the mean time Zouglan Serasquier, had an Opportunity of throwing Succours in­to the Place three times, in spite of the German Army; whose Lines were either not well made, or not well enough guar­ded. It is also said, That the Duke of Lorrain having attempted to engage him more than once to a Battel, he had the ad­dress to get away, without engaging, after he had accomplished his Will. At length the Christian Army, after having lost a world of Men, not only by the Fights it had sustained, but also by Want and ill Weather, was obliged to raise the Siege about the middle of November. It was feared that the Serasquier would have at­tacked it in its Retreat; but it had time to make one, without being pursued, and without leaving any thing except some dismounted Cannon, which they took care to bury least the Turks should make use of them. The Serasquier had Troops e­now, as it is reported; and committed a considerable Fault by hot setting upon this Army in its Retreat; which being so fa­tigu'd as it was, could not have held out before him, according to all appearance. He contented himself with sending the Tartars into the Isle of St. Andrew, where [Page 16]they killed some distemper'd Souldiers; and chose rather to follow the Maxim of those, who say, that one should make a Bridg of Gold for his Enemies, rather than hazard his Army against Men, who per­haps would fight like desperate Persons.

Whilst the Duke of Lorrain was em­ployed in the Siege of Buda, General Schultz made War upon the Male-contents in Ʋpper-Hungary, with a small Body of an Army, and much more Success. He took in the Month of September, Seben, a little City at two Leagues distance from Eperies, where he made the Garison, which Teckely had thrown in a day before, Pri­soners of War; the Inhabitants having surrendered in spite of it, by reason of the Inconvenience which the Bombs had caus'd them. The Hungarians of this Garison were cut in pieces by Baragozzi, who ac­cused Teckely of having impaled some Offi­cers of his Regiment; and who was in­censed against all the party, upon the ac­count of the Death of his two Brothers. Zeban, which Teckely thought would have resisted longer, being taken; Schultz or­dered every one of his Horse-men to take a Foot-Souldier behind him, and marched upon the 17th of September, in the night, directly to the Camp of Teckely; where being arrived by break of day, he set upon him with so much Expedition, that he had [Page 17]not time to call his Troops to Arms, nor to put himself in a Condition of defence, as he might easily have done, if he had been advertised. Teckely thought that the surest way, in this occasion, was to aban­don his Baggage and his Ammunition to the Germans, who would amuze themselves by pillaging, instead of following him. And it happened so; the Germans, who had marched in the night, being glad to find where-withal to refesh themselves in the Camp of the Male-contents. General Schultz advanced, notwithstanding, the same day, the [...]nnon which he had found in the Camp of Teckely, against Eperies, whose Fortifications were as yet unfini­shed: but Teckely having rallied his Men some Leagues from thence, sent back forthwith two thousand Men, who entred in the Place. The General was constrain­ed to turn upon another side; and took, without much resistance, Barsfeld, and the Castles of Stropho, Makowitz, and Do­nawitz. The Army which Teckely had then, was too small to keep the field, and the greatest part of his Troops were in Garison in divers important Places. The Burgesses of Cities not being very well af­fected to the Party, or wanting Courage, did not oppose the Imperial Troops, when they had left them the Care of their de­fence; and they held not Men enough to [Page 18]furnish all the Cities they had a mind to hold; and to form, at the same time, a Body of an Army able to undertake some­thing.

The Turks, after the Imperial Army was gone, made several Incursions towards Vicegrad and Grana; nevertheless, with­out attempting any thing considerable: but upon the other Bank of the Danube, they took Weitzen, whose Garison was for the most part out in pieces, notwith­standing they had cap [...]tulated. As the Garison of Newhausel extreamly and that it had been vainly attempted to take Bu­da, at the end of the Campaign the Im­perialists formed the Blockade of New­hausel, to obstruct all entrance of Succours and Provisions, with a Design to besiege this Place in the beginning of the follow­ing Campaign.

The Imperial Troops took their Win­ter-Quarters in Hungary, and upon the Frontiers of Austria; Lands that had been but little cultivated since the Turks and Christians had made a havock there­in, in emulation of one another. So that amongst the various Hardships they en­dured there, Famine was the greatest. The Souldiers dispossessed the Country-People of the small Provisions which they [Page 19]had left, and many of these unhappy Wretches were obliged to go to Buda, and to other Places of the Turks, to en­deavour to get Bread. The Governour of Buda received a good number of them, whom he put to repair the Fortifications of the Place.

The Troops of General Schultz suf­fered, like the rest, in Ʋpper-Hungary, which was not less havock'd than the Lower; insomuch, that he was obliged to retire near Eperies, where he posted him­self in order to attempt the obtaining of the City, by incommoding the Garison. Teckely being advised of his Retreat, pur­sued him in haste, and entirely defeated his Rear. Schultz had Orders after that, to support the Blockade of Newhausel, and had some Horse appointed to him, to pre­vent any entrance therein. But Teckely having a Charge from the Grand-Signor to victual the Place, he attended the Con­voy, with three thousand Horse, and threw therein, in spite of Schultz, three hundred Chariots of Provisions, and three hundred Horse-men, who carried each a Sack of Meal behind him. Some days after there entred a second Convoy, which brought above two thousand Sacks of Meal. In the beginning of February the Turks attempted to put other Necessa­ries in the Town for its Defence; but [Page 20]they were twice repulsed with loss, by the Imperialists. A few days after, Tecke­ly having, unawares, assaulted General Schultz, who had beat the Turks, he kil­led 900 of his Men, and took all his Bag­gage, which he brought off with 400 Pri­soners. Thus he revenged the Affront, which t'other had given him near Eperies, and also routed a Bayarian Regiment, which was in Quarters at Neudorf; after which, he introduced, in safety, a Convoy within Newhausel. In vain did Schultz pretend to become Master of the Castle of Ʋngwar; he was obliged to retire after he had sustained some loss. But Colonel Heusler beat several Parties of the Turks, retook Weitzen, and put the Garison to the Sword; but being unable to undertake to keep the Place, nor to carry off the Am­munition which he found therein, he set fire to it.

In the beginning of May, Schultz re­turned before Ʋngwar to endeavour to ob­tain his Revenge. He took in five days the lower Town, made a vigorous Attack upon the Castle, and rendred himself Master of some Works, but not without loss. A Party of the Troops of the Male­contents being advanced to succour the Place, he went to meet them, and gave them a Defeat; but as he returned, and made no question of winning this Castle [Page 21]in few days, he had Advice that Teckely came forward with a considerable Body: He did not think himself in a Condition to attend him, and rather chose to leave his Cannon, than to be surprized.

The Duke of Lorrain at length took the Field with the Forces of the Emperor, which amounted to 24 or 25000 Men, and with the Troops of the Empire, ought to make an Army of 60000. After ha­ving considered some time whether he should besiege Novigrad, and after that, march to Buda, as it had been projected before the Campaign, he determined up­on the Siege of Newhausel, and went to encamp before the Place upon the 16th of July. He pressed it with as much Vigour, as the German Armies are accustomed to attack any place; but the Turks did not defend themselves ill, and there passed a­bove a Month before they had hopes of reducing the Garison to capitulate. This gave the Serasquier an Opportunity of advancing with an Army of 60000 Men, on t'other side of the Danube, to take Vice­grad, and form the Siege of Gran. The Duke of Lorrain having notice of it, and fearing lest the Serasquier should obtain it in few days, and then come upon him with all his Troops, resolved, after some Consultations, to go and assault him be­fore the Imperial Army was more fatigued, [Page 22]than it was by the Siege of Newhausel. He left before the Place a sufficient num­ber of Troops to repulse the Efforts of the Garison, whilst the rest of the Army was absent, and to advance the Works as much as possible.

Upon the 8th of August he passed the Danube at Comora, upon two Bridges, and his Army advanced towards Gran in or­der of Battel. The next day he met the Commander of Vicegrad, with 70 Soul­diers, who had surrendred after 12 days Resistance. The 11th he arrived in sight of Gran, and the Turks, informed of his March, after having raised the Siege up­on the 10th, and sent their great Bag­gage to Buda, went to meet him, under the Conduct of the Serasquier. The Duke of Lorrain, being advised of the raising of the Siege, did not cease to send Relief to Gran, in case the Turks should recom­mence the Siege a-new. In the mean time, having learn'd that the Serasquier had an Army of above 60000 Men, and approached with a Design to fight the Christian Army, who were not above 40000; he resolved to withdraw to a place, where the two Wings being co­vered on one side by the Danube, and on the other by the Mountains, he might en­gage without apprehension of being in­volved. The Imperialists arrived there [Page 23]the 16th, and put themselves in order of Battel, in expectation of the Turks, who had not failed to pursue them as soon as they found they had dislodged. Having rank'd themselves in battel Array at their leisure, by reason of a Mist that arose at Day-break, and which entirely kept them from the sight of the Turks, they received these last, who pursued them as if they had fled, with so much Firmness and Or­der, that they could never discompose them, altho they came several times to the Charge. The Christian Army having thus escaped their first Fury, began to charge them in its turn, in advancing a little, and thundring much more violent upon them than before. The Turks were soon after in disorder, notwithstanding the Serasquier, (who was wounded in per­forming excellently his Duty) did all that was possible to prevent it. At length they fled towards their Camp, beyond a Marsh, which covered them upon one side. They stopt a little in this Post, but not imagining themselves secure there, be­cause they had filled up part of the Marsh, in order to pursue the Christian Army, they marched on further, after they had taken away all they could in their Camp as they passed. The Christians, who marched in order, for fear the Turks ral­lying should suddenly come and fall up­on [Page 24]on them, advanced to the Marsh, and af­terwards entred the Camp of the Turks, where they found their Artillery, and a good quantity of Ammunition.

Whilst the Army of the Duke of Lor­rain was beating the Turks, the Count Caprara press'd Newhausel more and more. The Garison being reduced from 3000 to 1700 Men, the Commander dead of his Wounds, and divers other Officers like­wise killed or wounded, the Place was taken by Assault the 19th of August.

The Forces of the Turks being all em­ployed on the other side of the Danube, in the Lower-Hungary, or in Croatia, where Count Lesle got several Advantages over them, which we don't intend to recite; Teckely, in vain, demanded Succour of the Serasquier. That was the cause of the taking of Eperies, whose Fortifications were as yet unfinished. General Schultz took it by Composition upon the 11th of August, 22 days after the Trenches were opened. The Capitulation was, That the Commander, who was a German, and had served in the Quality of Colonel in the Troops of Brandenburgh, should be re­ceived in those of the Emperor: That the German Souldiers should have the same Advantage: That the Hungarians might likewise enter into the same Troops, or retire where they pleased, after having [Page 25]received a Month's Pay from the Magi­strates of Eperies: That the Citizens should enjoy the same Liberty of Con­science, which the Emperor had allowed to other Cities that had returned to their Obedience: That the Nobility should remain unmolested in their Estates, after having sworn a new Oath of Fidelity to the Emperor: That the Magistrates should retain their Offices, and that a general Pardon should be given for all that is past. This Capitulation, wherein e­very Body was equally included, decla­red enough that there was a Weariness of holding for a Party, which every day be­came more weak. Peterhasi, one of the chief Male-contents, came some Weeks after to the Camp of Schultz to surren­der himself, with six hundred Men, in order to enjoy the Benefit of the Act of Oblivion; to which he was immediately received. After that, the Serasquier thought only upon separating his Troops, and to six them in those places which he judged to be most exposed. He sent some to Agria and Esseck, which the Im­perialists had begun to attack. The Ba­ron de Merci, began also with some Re­giments the Blockade of Agria, altho he had much ado to subsist about this Place; the Bassa having cut off or spoil'd all the Forage, in the apprehension of a Siege. [Page 26]The Turks being in pain for themselves, did not consider Teckely, who, in the weak Circumstances he was in, suffered Tokai to be taken with some other Places of small note.

About the end of September, the Count Caprara was dispatch'd with new Re­cruits to command the Army of Upper Hungary in the place of Schultz. He marched directly to Cassovia, and invested it the second of October, without being able notwithstanding to prevent the Counts of Astrowitz and some others from throwing themselves in it with Troops. They made a very vigorous Resistance immediately, and found themselves in a condition of holding out a good while; but Teckely who had a Body of 7 or 8000 Men only, was not in a state of relieving it, and feared with reason that it would be taken, if not supported. He had a long time demanded Succors of the Bassa of Great Waradin, to maintain himself against the Imperial Army, without receiving any; and he redoubled his Instances as soon as Casso­via was besieged. The Bassa replied, that he could undertake nothing without the express Orders of the Grand Signior, which he expected every day. A little while after he sent to inform Teckely, that he had received Orders with positive Commands to discover them to none but [Page 27]him, and that he pray'd him to repair to Waradin, in order to confer together. Thereupon Teckely accompanied with his Army, advanced that way with Petrozzi and his chief Officers. The Bassa came to meet them, and invited them into the City, which they entred at the Discharge of all the Artillery. The Army encamp­ed about the Place, whilst the Officers were regaled by the Bassa who was extreamly civil to them. But at the conclusion of the Feast, when Teckely expected to enter into a private Conference, certain Jani­zaries came into the Room with Chains, wherewith they bound him by the Di­rection of the Bassa, who said he had received this Order from the Port. As for the other Officers, he civilly sent them back to their Troops, and told Petrozzi that he might put himself at the Head of them, and conduct Affairs till new Orders. In all appearance the Serasquier, or some other Turkish Officer had accused Teckely, to justify himself in the sense of the Grand Signior, whom the ill Fortune of the War had incensed against his Ge­nerals, as if it had been by their fault that the Imperialists had obtained so ma­ny Advantages, and taken so many Places. It seemed that if Teckely had discharged his Duty as he should, he must have made a greater Diversion of the Imperial [Page 28]Troops, and they have gained conside­rably less.

The unseasonableness of the ill Policy of the Turks had like to have ruined en­tirely the Malecontents Party, and really brought it a Prejudice which it could ne­ver since repair. Petrozzi, either frighted at the Imprisonment of Teckely, or else weary of the Fatigues of War, disposed the Officers and Troops which he com­manded, to accept the general Pardon which the Emperor offered to those who would embrace his Party. This Body be­ing without a Head, and not knowing what course to take without the Assistance of the Turks, was easily perswaded; and Deputies were sent in his Name to Capra­ra, to know if he would receive him. Caprara joyfully received them all, and engaged himself to let them enjoy the general Pardon, after which they all re­paired to his Camp. They took a new Oath of Fidelity, and those who had a mind to be concerned in the Emperor's Troops, remain'd there. The Garison of Cassovia understanding how things were carried, judged Count Teckely to be abso­lutely lost, and followed their Example. The Conditions of its Surrender were al­most the same with those of Eperies. They likewise seized upon other Places of Hun­gary, whereof the Malecontents were [Page 29]possess'd, and they found in Zolnock's considerable quantity of Provisions.

About the same time the Imperialists sent Petrozzi with a Convoy to Mongatz to let the Princess, the Wife of Teckely, know what had befallen her Husband, and to dispose her to resign this Fortress to the Emperor, and also that of Patack, which she still maintained, since at least there was no possibility of saving her Husband, nor re-establishing the Party. She answered, that she could not believe her Husband had been seized on; and that if so be he was advanced into the Turkish Territories, it was only to consult of Measures with the Grand Signior for the ensuing Campaign. Upon this Reply Patack was assaulted, which was taken in a few days, and they began the Blockade of Mongatz.

1686 1686. In the beginning of the follow­ing Year, the Princess published Letters, as dated from Belgrade by her Husband, wherein he observed to her that his Inno­cence had been acknowledged at the Port, and that a Bassa, who had accused him, and arrested him without Order, was condem­ned to give him Reparation of Honour. He added, that he only waited for the new Serasquier, in order to take the Field with him, and that he would soon raise the Blockade of Mongatz, exhorting his Wife to hearken to no Proposals of Peace. [Page 30]Whether these Letters were real or no, it is certain that the Turks were soon convinced of the fault they had commit­ted, in arresting the Head of the Male­contents at so dangerous a Conjuncture; and instead of misusing him, he was set at Liberty, to see whether they could act with Success, under his means against the Imperialists.

Caprara about this time wrote a Letter to the Princess, and represented to her, that in the Extremity to which the Affairs of the Party were reduced, the Count her Husband being arrested by the Turks, and the greatest part of the Malecontents returned to their Duty, it was time for her likewise to indemnify her self with her Family, in having recourse to the Mercy of the Emperor. She answered, that she was not of opinion, that she had offered this Prince any occasion of making War against her; and that being Guar­dian to those Children she had had by the Prince Ragotski, she was obliged to pre­serve to them, as much as possibly she could, the Places which had appertained to their Father: That it was no occasion of surprize to find a Mother defending the Rights of her Children, or a Wife not declaring against her Husband. That what was affirmed of his Imprisonment, was nothing but a Fiction, since he would [Page 31]appear the following Campaign: In short, that there was no Reputation for those who used their Endeavours to dispossess Orphans, and to force a Castle defended by a Woman. Caprara thereupon dispo­sed himself to the Siege of Mongatz which required much time, this Place be­ing seated upon a very high Rock, steep on all sides, and hardly to be reduced but by Famine. It is upon the River Torza, between Ʋngwar and Zathmar, and has above three hundred Towns in its Juris­diction.

The Turks continuing to make little Progress in their Affairs, soon after had a sense of the Disadvantage they had given themselves by the apprehension of Teckely, not only by the weakning of the whole Party of Malecontents, but also by the taking of Lippa, a City between the Ri­ver Maros, the Teys and the Danube, where they had great Magazines. This City being secured by a River and Great Wa­radin, appeared to be out of danger; but the Imperial Horse, being accompanied with Hungarians, to whom this Country was perfectly known, and having nothing to fear elsewhere, advanced so far, and gain'd all the Ammunition and Provisions that were found therein. The neighbour­ing Bassa's were sensible then more than ever, that Teckely was much more necessa­ry [Page 32]to them than they had imagined, and made haste to put him in a condition of commencing the Campaign as soon as possible, and to recollect once again the Friends he still retained in Hungary. In the mean time he composed a Discourse directed to the Hungarians, which he sent by one of his Domesticks, who had con­tinued with him; and coming from Bel­grade to Temiswaer, dispersed from thence a great number of its Copies in Hungary. This Piece being important, and contain­ing all the Subjects of Complaints which the Hungarians had against the Emperor, and what they replied to the Accusations of the Imperialists, better than any other extant, it shall be inferted here intire▪

The Discourse of Count Teckely, containing the Reasons which the Hungarians have to take up Arms against the Emperor.

YE People of Hungary, you are sud­denly to see me in the Field, in order to defend your oppressed Liberty: Unite all your Minds, and join your Arms, to concur with me in so laudable [Page 33]a Design. The French King should have done well to reflect on his own Actions at home, and those of another Prince, before he had thus ex­posed the Emperor's Proceedings in Hun­gary; however he may expect we will consi­der them. The Em­peror offers to you an Act of Oblivion, but be careful how you are seduced by this imposing Charm. To accept a Pardon, is to acknowledg a Guilt where there is none.

You may have recourse to Force, to defend your Privileges, without being accused, with Justice, of Rebellion. Tis what Andrew the Second has observed by his Declaration, whose Terms in­form you, that 'tis for the Palatine to support your Freedom. But what Assi­stance can you expect from thence, if he is Stranger, as have been under the precedent Reigns the Suoudis, the Mans­fields, the Bastes, the Tranhausers, and the Buquois? And what Protection can you hope for from Bishops, if Prelacies are only conferred upon the Germans? How should the Nobles dare to under­take, if the Governments of the most important Places of the Kingdom are in the Hands of Persons devoted to the House of Austria, and Strangers to your Nation? Have not your Ancestors seen those of Waradin and Javarin commit­ted to Pucchain Lesle, and Montecuculi, [Page 34]and that of Cassovia to Teuffembach, and Beljoycuse? Have not you your selves still fresh in Memory the Barbarities which have been exercised in their Go­vernments by Sporks, the Spaniards, and the K [...]ps?

It is true, that we have seen under this Reign Count Wesselini invested with the Charge of Palatin of the Kingdom: but how long was it left vacant after his Death, because it was observed this ge­nerous Count had concerted the Design of defending your Liberty? It is true; that this Dignity has been since confer­red upon a Hungarian, but it proceeded from an Observation of my being armed to maintain your Privileges. They have been seen to be re-established, when Ste­phen Boskai, Gabriel Betlem, and George Ragotski, demanded at the Head of an Army, the performance of the Decla­rations granted by your first Kings, and whereof their Successors had swonn the Observation at their coming to the Crown. But how long have these Re­gulations endured? As long as they who had obtained them, have been in a condition to preserve you in those Li­berties which they had procured you.

Why should Vienna delivered, Gran and Newhausel re-taken, make you sus­pect the Circumstances of the Turks? [Page 35]The Vigor with which they defended Buda last Campaign, ought to convince you of their Forces. What the Em­peror can oppose against them, can't be supposed very considerable; and one may say that his Funds for the Payment of his Army are but ill assured. If the present▪Pope should shut up his Purse, or after him another should succeed of less Zeal for Religion, should you not see this great Body disperse it self for want of Maintenance? Can you em­bark your selves upon so weak a Vessel, which is in danger of being split against the least Rock it encounters? Let the Venetians cease to divert a part of the Ottoman Forces in the Morea, let the Poles be weary of disputing a Passage with the Tartars; Let the Pope withdraw his Succours, can you expect not to be the Victims of your own Credulity, and the first crush'd in pieces by the formi­dable Power of an Enemy, who reigns in three parts of the World?

You cannot fix any Confidence in the word of a Prince, who is incessantly besieged by certain Persons, who re­ferring all things to their Passions, and not knowing what it is to govern People, concern themselves in what they do not understand. They endeavour to per­swade the King, that one may without [Page 36]breach of Duty, infringe all the En­gagements taken with Rebels. If they had well perused St. Austin, they would have seen, that this Father of the Church is of a contrary Opinion, when he says to Boniface, in the 105th. Epistle; Fides supr [...]mum rerum humanarum vin­culum est, sacra laus fides inter hostes; Faith is the supream Bond of humane Societies; and its greatest Commen­dation is, that it ought to be inviolably observed even amongst Enemies. To which agrees, the Disposition of the Roman Law, in the 5th. Law in the Digest. de Pactis; where it is said, that Pactum pacis ligat; All Covenants of Peace oblige. Take care of experien­cing the Misfortune of the Bohemians, who laying down their Arms in 1621, upon the Faith of a general Pardon, saw themselves dispossessed of their E­states, and the chief of them brought to punishment, like infamous Offenders.

But why should I seek Examples a­mongst our Neighbours, when you have a fresh one amongst your selves? That innocent Blood, which the Hang­men have spilled, still reaks and calls to you for Vengeance. Is it not upon the Faith of these fallacious Treaties, and those deluding Pardons, that the Protectors of your Liberties have [Page 37]brought their Heads upon a Scaffold? But who are these Heroes, that have been treated like vile Criminals? Why Francis Nadasti, Count of Forgarats, who by his transcendent Qualities, had been esteemed worthy of entring into the Senate, before the Age appointed by the Laws; who had exercised the Charge of Judg of the Court-Royal, those of Governor of the Counties of Castle-ferra [...], Kalo and Chemnitz, Com­mander of the Garisons of Alts [...]l, Lin­daw and Nemfr; who had been made Counsellor of the Courtick Council, and Substitute of the Palatin of the King­dom, after the Death of Count Wesse­lini, during the Vacancy of the Charge. 'Tis Peter de Serini, Ban of Dalmatia, Slavenia and Croatia; who in his most tender Youth, jointly with his Brother Nicholas, Count de Serini, had repulsed the Turks in so glorious a manner, that his Valour had procured him the E­steem of all Neighbouring Nations. 'Tis, in a word, Francis of Tersats, Count of Frangipani, equally illustrious for the Antiquity of his Nobility, and his personal Qualities. All these have perished by relying on their Faith.

What Formalities have been observed in their Trials? Were they condem­ned by their natural Judges, pursuant [Page 38]to the Rights of the Hungarians? By no means; They had Commissioners allowed them that were all Strangers, ignorant in our Laws, and devoted to those who were fixed upon their De­struction. Who was chosen to be Pre­sident of this Commission? John Count of Rothal, whose inhuman Temper is but too well known, not only in this Kingdom, but also in the Hereditary Lands of the Emperor. These Com­missioners, Did they observe the ac­customed Rules? Did they hearken to the Accused in their Defences? Did they confront their Witnesses? No­thing of the matter; notwithstanding they pronounced their Sentences upon Nadasti, in Vienna, and upon the other two Counts at Neustad, upon the 30th of April 1671, before they were con­vinced of the Reality of what was al­ledged against them.

The Cruelty of the Emperor's Mini­sters did not stop there: You have seen a Chamber established at Presburgh, which has put into the hands of the Executioners, all those whose Estates excited their Avarice, or whose Zeal for the Preservation of your Liberty, gave them any Suspicion. Amongst all these unhappy Persons, you ought in particular to regret Francis Bouis; who [Page 39]had been the first Assessor of the County of Zemlin, whom you have often seen to support, with an unshaken Constan­cy, the Freedom of his Country, and the Reformed Religion.

When King Leopold, who reigns at present, would abolish your Privileges, and make you Slaves, he doth but pur­sue therein the Footsteps of his An­cestors, who have forgot nothing to render the Crown of Hungary heredi­tary to their House. You know that the States of this Kingdom have al­ways enjoyed the Privilege of electing your Kings. One reads in your Hi­stories, that all those who have pre­ceded Ferdinand the First, came to the Crown by this means alone; but this Prince, who was the first Hungarian King of the Austrian Family, took a Method extreamly different. He trans­acted with John Sepusa, without the Participation of the States, as if one or t'other had the Propriety thereof, and it had been an Inheritance, of which they enjoyed the free and absolute Disposal. In the mean time, you know that your Kings are but the Usufructu­aries of their Dominions. You have taken them to defend you against your Adversaries, and to preserve your Rights. At the moment they contra­dict [Page 40]them, they have actually and le­gally forfeited the Soveraignty, and you are dispensed from the Oath of Fidelity and Obedience that you have taken to them.

Notwithstanding, Ferdinand was not contented with the Division he had made with Sepusa. He compelled this dispossessed Prince to have recourse to Sigismond King of Poland, and after that to Solyman, when he found that he could not support himself by the Assistance of the first. 'Tis this Treaty which has afforded a Pretence to Ferdinand and his Successors, to impose upon you that Yoke, under which you have groaned since that time. Their Partisans de­clared, That you had sought the Pro­tection of the Turks against your So­vereign, and that S [...]pus [...] had a mind to become Tributary to the Port. Was ever any thing so repugnant to Truth? 'Twas Ferdinand himself, who had a mind to pay Tribute to the Turks.

Solyman having taken Buda, and al­most all the other Places of Hungary, restored them to John Sepusa, without exacting any thing of him; but after the Death of this Prince, when Ferdi­nand would have deprived his Widow Isabella, and his Son John the 2d, this [Page 41]unfortunate Widow was constrained to have recourse once more to the Pro­tection of Solyman; who for the Ex­pences of the War, retained Buda, Quin­que-Ecclesiae, Alba Regalis, and Gran. The Austrians can't deny that Ferdi­nand offered to pay Solyman for each Hungarian a Crown tribute, if he would refuse his Protection to Sepusa. It is true, that this Prince disowned the Am­bassador that he had dispatched to the Port, when he received Advice that he had been stop'd by Sigismond as he cross'd over Poland, altho his Instructi­ons directed it in express Terms. Be­hold how the Princes of the Austrian Family are become Masters of Hungary. Let us see now what Methods they have practised to render this Crown heredi­tary in their House.

The first thing they attempted, was to divide you, under pretence of a dif­fering Religion: They perswaded the Roman-Catholicks, that the Protestants had drawn the Turks into Hungary, to the end of incensing the First against the Protestants: Notwithstanding, it is easy enough to know the contrary by the Letter which John Sepusa wrote to Clement the 7th; by which he makes it appear, that the Threats which Fer­dinand made to Solyman, by his Ambas­sadors, [Page 42]disposed him to turn his Arms against this desolate Kingdom.

Although, by several Treaties, the Kings of the House of Austria, had pro­mised to leave the Protestants the free Exercise of their Religion, they have not ceased to deprive them of their Churches and their Schools. This is what's expresly born by the Treaty of Vienna, made with Boscai, and con­firmed after that by a Declaration of the Arch-duke Matthias; who has been since Emperor, and King of Hungary. In 1608, this Liberty of Religion was extended to the very Peasants of Villa­ges. Ferdinand the 2d, confirmed the Declarations of his Predecessors at his Coronation. Ferdinand the 3d, did the same thing in 1647. And there was a Declaration of the like nature in 1655. Nevertheless, in spite of so many As­surances, so often repeated, the Ger­mans have not failed to seize upon the great Church of Cassovia, after having broke open the Doors, and have dis­possess'd the Protestants of the use thereof. Next they surpriz'd that of Newfol, a City of the Mountains, in the night-time, whilst the People slept; and as Newsol was fortified, they en­tred it by scaling. I can't relate, with­out Horror, what Cruelties they exer­cised [Page 43]in the Church of Thalia, a little Village, when they became Masters of it. They committed Rapes therein, and disposed themselves to all sorts of Excess. Judg if these Extremities are the Ways to bring back, into the bosom the Church, those whom they call sedu­ced. Nevertheless, they engaged the Catholicks of the Kingdom to take Arms with them, in order to chase the Protestants from their Churches and their Schools.

The Ministers of the Emperor, after ha­ving sowed amongst you the Spirit of Division, to weaken you, deprived the Hungarians of all the Charges, and all the Governments, against your Rights, to become Masters of Places. Then they supplied them with German Garisons, under pretence of defending them a­gainst the Turks, whose Assaults, in re­ference to those Places, they said they suddenly expected. To know by what Motive the Emperor introduced these foreign Troops into Hungary, one must examine two things: 1st. If the King­dom, before it was subject to the House of Austria, defended it self ill against the Infidels: And 2dly, If those Troops, which are pretended to have been sent to your assistance have treated you with Civility, and applied themselves to your Interests.

As for what relates to the first Point, let us ascend to the time of the Huni­ades and the Corvins, and we shall find that Hungary has been the Bulwark of Christendom. Since that time, if so be this Kingdom has lost any thing because the Successors of Ferdinand have drawn out its Forces. Notwithstanding, they send you Germans, under a pretence of supporting you, and these Germans treat you with more Inhumanity than ever did the Turks and Tartars. They destroy your Harvests, they take away your Goods, they dishonour your Wives and your Daughters; and set fire to your Houses, after having filled them with Slaughter. What could your most cruel Enemies do to you worse? At the same time, if you dare complain, they accuse you of Ingrati­tude, and tell you that you misufe those who are sent to your assistance.

They interpret that revenge, a Crime, which you took of 300 Musqueteers, in the Town of Ker: and they report, as an extraordinary Effect of the Empe­ror's Clemency, the Goodness he made appear by leaving their Deaths unpu­nished; as if these Souldiers had not deferved it, having before massacre'd a Gentleman of the Ancient Nobility, [Page 45]who had exercised the Charge of sworn Assessor in the County of Abanvivar, altho they could accuse him of nothing more than an Unwillingness to satisfy their insatiable Avarice. It is not per­mitted, by all Laws, Divine and Hu­mane, to repulse Force with Force, when there's no other way to obtain Justice? They say, that you pursued the Ger­man Souldiers, with Forks and Clubs; but since the Peasants have no other Arms, they might well use them to de­fend their Goods against these Rob­bers.

They propose to you, for an Exam­ple, the Emperor's Humanity towards the Prince Ragotski, whom he re-esta­blished in his Possession, altho his Grand­father, after having disunited Transil­vania from Hungary, made it tributary to the Port, and notwithstanding he had himself been one of the heads of the last Rebellion. Can a thing of so little Truth be advanced; and dares any one affirm, that this Prince was favourably dealt with, when all his Moveables were taken away, and he deprived of the Places of Erschot, Patak, Onod, Tokai, Saros and Trentschin; and that his Wi­dow is held close block'd up in Mon­gatz, which is the only Place remain­ing to her?

They accuse the Protestants of having suffered Waradin to be lost, and of say­ing, That they had rather hear the Al­lah of the Turks, than the Allelujah of the Papists. Was there ever Malice so inveterate? Martin Bredoay, and Fran­cis Belemersi, who are still living, can testify, that they were sent to Souches, General of the Imperial Army, to press him to dispatch Succours to the Be­sieged; and that he would never quit his Post, nor make one Detachment march that way. When the Place was taken by the Turks, Prince Porcia, to excuse this Negligence, after having con­sidered upon the Map the Situation of Waradin, told the Emperor, that it was no great loss, that it was no better than a Hog-sty: Those are his very Terms.

They would also perswade you, that they distinguish the Loyal Hungarians from the Rebels; and that those, who have not taken up Arms against their Soveraign, are for that reason exempted from the Taxes, which are imposed on them, for the support of the foreign Garisons. Is not this attempting a­gainst your Liberty, and infringing your Privileges, when they lay Taxes upon you? Is it not directed, by the Constitutions of the Kingdom, that the King can impose nothing without the [Page 47]consent of the States, and an urgent Necessity? Notwithstanding, the pre­sent King will be Master of them, and pretends that they depend upon his single Will and Pleasure.

In order to have a Pretence of de­priving you of your Rights, it is alled­ged, that the Revolt has been universal, and that no Person is exempt; but af­ter having justified, by the Declaration of Andrew the 2d, that you might le­gally take up Arms for the defence of your Liberty, I will also give you an Example to demonstrate, that you have a Right to depose your Kings, when they contravene those Conditions, un­der which they have received the Crown. Petrus Germanicus was, as King Leopold doth now, for giving the Char­ges of the Kingdom to Strangers, for putting into places German Garisons, and for making Impositions, of his own motion, without the Approbation of the States. These very States, incensed at so many Infractions, deposed him, and elected Abas to reign in his stead.

They would give a false Interpreta­tion to the Ordinance of Andrew the 2d; and make Men believe that the Inten­tion of this Prince was only to commit to the Palatine the care of maintaining in this Kingdom the Catholick Religi­on, [Page 48]and of preventing the Alteration of its Purity; but if one well considers the Terms, one must be convinced that it concerns Privileges and not Religion.

The Austrians pretend to justify the Execution of the three Counts, by two ways. The first is drawn from the Examples of Count Lambert de Maylath and his Accomplices, whom Bela put to Death for having taken up Arms a­gainst him; from John Ban of Croatia, from Konnez, Herdivara, and 30 other Lords, whom Sigismond Emperor, and King of Hungary, sent to punishment for a like Occasion; and from Stephen Vaivod of Moldavia, who lost his Head by order of the same Prince. The se­cond is founded upon the Moderation which the present King shewed, in re­lation to the Sentence of the three Counts, when he remitted that part of it which referred to the Hand's being cut off.

As for the Examples, they have no consistence with the unjust Decree a­gainst the Defenders of your Liberty. The Count Lambert having cast himself at the King's feet, his own Brother pul­led him away, and broke his Head with a Joint-stool, which he had seized on. This very Brother dragg'd Nicholas the Son of the Count, even to the King's [Page 49]Throne, and made his Head to be cut off in his Presence. The other Lords were massacred in the Hall of the As­sembly. The Rebellion of Kennez and Herdivara, was also sufficiently proved; and Stephen the Vaivod had been duly cited, before he was arrested. Can the same thing be asserted of the Counts Nadasti, Serini, and Frangipani? Was there any Formality observed in their Trial? There was no Accuser, no In­formation, the Judges were Foreig­ners, and the Laws of the Kingdom were not pursued. If Nadasti was a Criminal, his Crime was annulled by the Emperor's Pardon; and the other two came of themselves to Vienna, up­on the assurance which had been given them of a favourable Usage. After so much Injustice, can one call this a fa­vourable Sentence, which was pronoun­ced by incompetent Judges, and con­trary to all the Rules of Law and Clemency?

We are accused of having begg'd the Protection of the Turks, Hath not the French King reason to blush at this Passage? but we have done no more than has been practised in all Ages. One finds in the sacred Hi­story, that the People of God have joined their Arms to those of idola­trous [Page 50]Princes. The Austrians and the Kings of Spain of this very Family, who affect the Name of Catholicks, have often treated Alliances with these very Infidels. In these latter Times the Poles have made no scruple of entring into a League with the Tartars, to make War upon the Swedes and Muscovites.

When we complain that the Prote­stants are chased from their Temples, it is replied, that the Catholicks have only restored themselves to the Possessi­on of those Churches which had been taken from them. In the mean time, all the World knows that those of our Communion have taken none but those that were abandoned, which one may easily be satisfied in by the Description that George Dracowits, Bishop of Quin­que Ecclesiae, has made of the unhappy State wherein the Church and Clergy of Hungary were at that time. But ad­mit the Catholicks had some right in those Churches whereof the Protestants were in Possession, the same was extin­guished by the Transaction of Vienna, which adjudged them to those of our Communion.

After having explain'd to you, Ge­nerous Hungarians, the Artifices which your Enemies make use of, to cry down your Conduct, and to make you fall [Page 51]into their Snares; I hope you will not be so imprudent, as to go and throw your selves into the Arms of those People, who seek only to destroy you; and that you will take some Confidence in the words of a Man, who has no other In­terest than the Good of his Country; and who having a pretty considerable Establishment in Poland, might be happy there removed from War, if he was not influenced by the Tears of an infi­nite number of miserable People, who expect the end of their Pains from Per­severance and the good fortune of his Arms.

This Manifesto, which might have pro­duced great Effects in the beginning of a Rebellion, when People full of hopes have not as yet seen any ill Consequence of their Attempts, was not capable of en­gaging afresh Persons disgusted with so tedious and unsuccessful a War; if one did not excite their languishing Courage by an Assistance capable of supporting them, and give them a prospect of ob­taining what they had vainly expected hitherto. Therefore Teckely soon after marched at the head of a Body of Troops, mix'd with Hungarians, Transylvanians and Turks, who composed an Army of 9 or 10000 Men. He came to encamp near [Page 52] Great Waradin, where he had a Reception extreamly different from the other, and from whence he sent to advise those of Mongatz of his March, and to sollicite every where his ancient Friends to rejoin him.

The Garison of Mongatz, enlivened by this News, made a Sally of 600 Men, wherein they shock'd the Imperialists with so much Courage, that they killed above 300 of them, seized upon a Redoubt, which they had raised, and so delivered the lower Town from an Inconvenience, which began to render the Abode there dangerous.

In the mean time Count Caprara seized upon another Post, by which means he hindred the Inhabitants of the Town from going to fetch Water at the River, from whence he hoped in a little time to draw a great Advantage against them. But the Town being full of Cisterns, which had been filled by the great Rains which had newly fallen, that did not much incom­mode the Inhabitants.

In the mean time Count Teckely, instead of taking to the right towards Mongatz, as it was supposed he would, marched to the left towards Transylvania, at some Leagues from Clausembourg, in order to attempt, to suprize, or debauch some Hungarian Troops, which were not far [Page 53]from thence, and whereof the greatest part had formerly followed his Standards. But these Troops being advised of his coming, retired towards other German Troops, and Teckely would not undertake to follow them, nor to force them. He was in hopes still, that by little and little he might win them back, by the means of Correspon­dence he had amongst them; but his Ap­proach was fatal to some of his Friends, or those who were suspected to be so. Several were ordered to be seized on, whether they were really culpable, or that it was feigned to be believed, in order to put those Men who were not confided in, out of a condition to do hurt, in case they had a design. ☜ Those who have long born Arms against their Soveraign, tho they return to their Duty, they are never lo­ved, and the first occasion that is had to quarrel with them, always suffices to destroy them.

Count Caraffa who commanded a Body of an Army of 7000 Men to oppose the Designs of Teckely, followed him some few days, without being able to overtake him, in hopes of defeating the new Troops he conducted. But Teckely being fixed upon hazarding nothing, and not being well enough assured of his new Army, kept near Waradin, without attempting any thing. In the mean time Caraffa came before [Page 54] St. Job, a Town three Leagues from Wa­radin, and supported by a Castle, flanked with four Bastions of Free-stone, and en­compassed with a double Ditch. He summoned the Place upon the 9th of Fe­bruary, and the Garison replied to him with some Vollies of Cannon: he at­tempted to force it. Happily for him a Bomb, which fell upon the Magazine of Powder, set it on Fire, killed several Per­sons, and reduced the Garison to capitu­late, for want of Powder, the 12th of the same Month. It went out the next day, and carried to Waradin the News of the taking of a Place which was supposed ca­pable of resisting above a Month. There was found within it eight pieces of Can­non, Provisions, and a great number of Christian Prisoners. The Castle, altho little considerable of it self, did not cease to put all the Neighbourhood under Contribution, and to annoy the Imperia­lists. They made the same use of it a­gainst the Turks; and Debrezen, which had been taxed to a certain Sum, as a means to exempt it from Winter-Quar­ters, and had refused to pay it, when Teckely was near it, was constrained to submit to the Conditions of the Imperia­lists. The Turks acted but weakly by reason of the Disorders which had been at Adrianople, where the Grand-Signor [Page 55]had put the Serasquier to Death, and after that depos'd the Grand-Visier. Solyman who commanded the Army which had op­posed the Poles, was made Visier, and could not immediately re-establish Order in the Armies of the Grand-Signor.

The Affairs of the Port, and the Male-contents being in this condition, it seems that a small Effort would absolutely have quell'd the Party. It had but the single Town of Mongatz left, which had been block'd up a long time. This▪ Blockade was turn'd into a formal Siege in the be­ginning of March, and several Batteries were prepared to ruine the Castle below, and that above. They also threw a great quantity of Bombs and Carcasses, and left nothing unattempted that might terrify the Inhabitants. But as the Garison was composed of 4000 Men, and the Inha­bitants affected to the Party, nothing could shake them. Besides, the Situation of the was Place found in the Attacks stronger than had been imagined. The lower Town and Castle were encompass'd with a Ditch very broad and deep, which was full of Water. The Imperialists in vain undertook to drain it, and those of the Place found means to introduce Water, which came from several parts of the Mountains, because the Snows began to melt. In vain therefore did they endea­vour [Page 56]to form an Attack against the upper Castle: Being seated upon an inaccessible Rock uncommanded, and encompass'd with a double Ditch cut into the Rock, a few Men might be able to defend it against a great Army. Besides it happened that the Spring-time was extreamly rainy in Hungary, insomuch that all the Works of the Besiegers were full of Water. More­over, the Army that was there, having con­sumed all the Provisions and Forage there­abouts, had much ado to subsist. Capra­ra, who had the Conduct of this Siege, sent Advice to Vienna of the condition of his Troops, and of the Siege, which he declared himself unabled to continue, un­less he was assisted with Provisions and Men; but the Imperial Council having other Designs, found it more seasonable to abandon this Enterprise. So the Siege was raised about the end of April, after a continuance of two Months, without reckoning the Blockade, which had been formed two Months before. Teckely, fear­ing lest the Place should at length be won, used his utmost Endeavours to get a suffi­cient Force to go and fall upon Caprara; but the Troops which he attempted to recollect in the Neighbourhood in order to this Design, having been routed by some of the Officers of the Emperor, the Turks were disgusted at the Enterprise; [Page 57]and the ill Weather joined to the Scarcity of the Imperial Army▪ besides the advan­tagious Situation of the Place, and the Resistance of the Garison▪ saved without them the only place of Refuge which the Male-contents possessed in Hungary.

On another side, the Imperial. Com­manders having no further Concern with the People of the Country, gain'd several Advantages over the Turks. The Seras­quier with some Bassa's, and Teckely being advanced towards Seged, with a Body of 4000 Men, were routed without fighting, surprised by the Baron of Merci, inferior in number, but who arrived so unex­pectedly, that they could not know what his Forces were, nor put themselves in a posture of Defence.

The Imperial Army which was to act against the Turks, rendevouz'd between Barcan and Gran, where it was to be com­pleat by the 15th of May. It was to be composed of above 50000 Men, and com­manded, as in the preceding Campagnes, by the Duke of Lorrain. It had been disputed in the Emperor's Council, whe­ther the Siege of Buda should be form'd, or that of some other place less important, as Agria, or Belgrade. The Fortifications of Buda having been repaired, and the Place provided with all things to support a Siege, with a Garison of 10000 Men [Page 58]commanded by a Renegade; some were of opinion, that it hazarded the loss of a world of Men, and the raising of the Siege, as before. But others on the con­trary, represented that it would prove better than before, because the Place was more known, and that those Faults might be avoided which they had made in the first Siege; and if this Design succeeded, the Emperor might depend upon being soon Master of all the lower Hungary. The chief Officers being of this Advice, all things were disposed for the Execution of it; but the Duke of Lorrain could not arrive at the Camp before the 8th of June.

In order to send more Troops over the Danube, it was resolved to rase the Forti­fications of several Towns of upper Hun­gary, to the end of not being oblig'd to hold Garisons therein, and to hinder Teckely from making an Advantage of them. This was done at Eperies, and some other Places; they also thought them­selves in a condition of obliging Abaffi, and the Transylvanians to declare for the Emperor; and if it succeeded, they might be able to make a considerable Diversion on that side. Since the Detention of Teckely, Abaffi had refused the Male-con­tents all sorts of Relief, without attemp­ting nevertheless any thing against them, [Page 59]to manage himself at the same time with the Emperor and the Grand-Signor, under the uncertainty he was in concerning the end of the War. But to oblige him to determine himself, the Count of Soher­ffemberg was sent into Transylvania with 8000 Germans and Hungarians near Clau­semberg. The Visier, who was at Belgrade, being advised of it, directed some Vala­chian Troops to march on that side, in or­der to act jointly with Teckely, and to drive the Imperialists out of Transylvania. Scherffemberg went to meet them, and put them to the rout before they could come near Waradin. He seized at the same time, upon the Passage of Hermanstadt; and at length, after having given the Tran­sylvanians some Respite to consider, upon condition that they should provide for his Army in the mean time, he compelled them to declare themselves, & to join their Troops with his, which rendred Teckely and the Turks incapable of attempting any thing on that side. The Count, in not having prevented this Blow, must either have ill Spies, or else the Turks did not make a speedy use enough of his Advice. When those who see alone what is to be done in order to prevent a Mis­fortune, can't act themselves to oppose it in good time, but are reduced to impor­tune those who see it not, it seldom hap­pens [Page 60]that things are carried on with a ne­cessary Expedition.

In the mean time the Imperial Army was muster'd upon the 10th of June: It consisted of 30000 Foot, and 20000 Horse, without computing the Hungarians, and the Troops of the Elector of Branden­burg, which were expected still. It had 16 great Pieces of Cannon, 40 Mortars, and all other Provisions in proportion. It was divided in two parts, and marched on each side of the Danube, by little Jour­nies, upon account of the bad Ways. The 18th the Duke of Lorrain invested the Place, and ordered the making of a Bridg for the other part of the Army to pass over that was on the other side of the Danube, and commanded by the Elector of Bavaria. The Turks who had not con­jectur'd that they would return to the Siege of Buda, did not at all oppose the March of the Army, and did not so much as send to observe it, till it appeared be­fore the Place. I will not insist upon the Circumstances of this Siege, whose Hi­story no further relates to the Life of Count Teckely, than as the taking of this Place had an Influence in the Affairs of all Hungary, and to which the Circumstances are of no effect.

It shall suffice to say, that if the Place was well assaulted, according to the method [Page 61]of the Germans, it was as well defended, the Besieged being resolved to hold out to Extremity. There was no Obstruction to the Siege without, till the 12th of August, when the Serasquier appeared up­on the Hills near the Danube. After he had encamped there, he put himself in order of Battel the next day, without in­gaging still with the Imperialists, who had exceeded their Lines. It is said that the Turks were 50000 Men, and the Christians not above 40000, the rest having continued in the Lines. The next day the Turks advanced on farther, and some of them crept along a Mountain, which was at the right of the Imperialists, with a design to get into the Place through the Camp, whilst the rest of their Army di­verted that of the Christians. But the first were assaulted, and the others vigo­rously repulsed at the same time, who re­tired to their Camp after having lost near 2000 Men. Instead of returning to the Charge, they decamped in the Night, and went to post themselves three Leagues from thence, where resided the Grand Visier. It is said, that this last would absolutely have the Serasquier return a­gainst the Christians, and heard not the Excuses. Indeed, unless the Turkish Ar­my was severely frightned at the loss it had received, in returning divers times; [Page 62]the Imperial Army, which was extreamly fatigued with the Siege, and had been under Arms three days, could hardly have resisted long. The 20th, 2000 Janisaries came again to attack the Lines, and per­formed it with so much Vigor, that they broke through immediately, and had all unquestionably entred the Place, if they had been supported as they ought; but there could enter not above 300, whereof the greatest part were wounded. It is said, that the Visier gave 30 Crowns to each of the Janisaries, who in this occa­sion had perfectly well discharged their Duties; but who were not assisted by the Spahies, who complained of having been in other Encounters abandoned by the Janisaries. Thus the Jealousy there is between those two kinds of Turkish Soul­diers, and the small Experience of their Officers, preserved the Christian Army at this time. They were contented to appear often in order of Battel in view of the Imperialists, who went out of their Lines to receive them, but advanced not up to them when they saw them fixed. The Turks attempted once again to break through the Trenches of the Imperialists, the 29th of August; but being entred into the Camp on one side, whilst the Visier made an appearance of going to assault it on another, they lost 7 or 800 Men, with­out [Page 63]being able to pierce as far as the Place. The loss was small for an Army as consi­derable as that; and which ought to save the Place upon any Conditions. In the mean time the Turks not returning to at­tack the Lines, the Imperialists won Buda the 2d of September, by a general Assault, wherein they broke through the last Trenches of the Enemy on three sides.

The Turkish Army, which might have prevented the taking of the Place, by con­tinual Skirmishes with the Imperialists, did not appear the day whereon the Town was won, and was preparing to march to­wards Alba-Regalis. Having increas'd the Garison of this City, it turn'd towards Esseck, and remained some time encamped three Leagues from thence, to observe the march of the Imperial Army. The Duke of Lorrain, after having made the Christi­an Army rest three days near Buda, re­solved to follow that of the Turks, and went to encamp the 19th of September at Tolna upon the Danube; but the Turks be­ing unwilling to engage themselves in a Battel, he divided his Army, half of which passed the Danube to go and form the Siege of Seged; and the other took to the right, with a design to invest Quinque Ecclesiae. The Visier retired to Esseck, and put his Troops in Winter-Quarters, whilst the Imperialists obtained these two Places, at [Page 64]the end of the Month, besides several o­thers of less note. Count Veterani also beat a cosiderable Relief that was march­ing to raise the Siege of Seged; so that it seems the Affairs of the Ottoman Empire were generally in a declining state, without a Man found capable to re-instate them.

In the two Sieges of Buda they had lost their best Troops, and their bravest Offi­cers, who had put themselves in a state of perishing, or were effectually dead with their Arms in their Hands, rather than to abandon this Place to the Christians. Af­ter that, one saw amongst the Turks none but such Officers as were equally unable to defend and attack with Honour.

The hopes of Teckely, and those who had remain'd fix'd to his Interests, dimi­nished at the same time; and having no Troops in his Dependence, nor being able to obtain any of the Turks, he found him­self reduced to make use of some Intrigues, the success of which was not advantagious to him. It is said that the Princess Ra­gotski sent the Countess Nadasti, and ano­ther Hungarian Lady to Cassovia, with a design to gain some Persons there, under pretence of being willing to submit to the Emperor. But their Intention was disco­vered, and they were apprehended, whether what was asserted of them was true, or that they were used so out of Suspicion, or [Page 65]Revenge. A Turkish Party that was to surprise Cassovia, was defeated by the Ge­nerals Caraffa and Heusler.

It is also assured, that the Princess Ra­gotski sent two Persons to Caraffa, in order to let him know that she was absolutely disposed to enter into some Accommoda­tion with the Emperor, and demanded for that end a Truce for three Months. Ca­raffa referr'd her to the Emperor's Mini­sters of State, lest if it proved a Feint, they should tax him with Imprudence in suffering himself to be impos'd on. As the Affairs of the Turks every day grew worse, they nearly observed the Person of Teckely, lest by a Disgust of them he would no longer serve them, and should apply himself to make a serious Compo­sition with the Emperor. It was for this reason they denied him the Liberty of throwing himself into Mongatz, not­withstanding he promised to disturb the Imperial Troops from thence.

Whilst the Imperialists and Turks made great Preparations for the following Cam­pagne, the Garison of Mongatz, seeing the Emperor disposed to treat the Remainders of the Male-contents with Severity, did all the Waste they could in the Neighbour­hood, to deprive the Imperialists of the means of Subsistance; and took away as [Page 66]much as they could carry off, and as they judged convenient to support a Siege. The Princess Ragotski is even accused of having directed the Hands of two Prisoners of War to be cut off, and sent them back in this Condition, bidding them hereafter go and serve the Emperor. Being in so weak a State as she was, if she used them thus, she must have particular Reasons for it; o­therwise she ought to have feared, lest the Imperialists should entertain those Priso­ners so, whom they should have taken up­on her.

Teckely being in the Neighbourhood, without having wherewithal to attempt any thing by force, the Imperialists were perswaded that it was impossible for him to remain in Peace. It was imagined, that he sought Opportunities again of causing an Insurrection in Ʋpper-Hungary, and that he held great Intelligences there. As the German Troops misused the Hungarians more than they had ever done, regarding Hungary hereafter, as a Land of Conquest; the Commanders might easily conjecture, that the Hungarians were not less incensed against them than before, altho they did not shew it, for fear of drawing upon them­selves some Disturbance. Possibly this Conduct of the Germans, which reduced to despair several Hungarian Families, who were no easier under the Emperor, than [Page 67]when they bore Arms against him, enga­ged some of them to a secret Correspon­dence with their ancient Captain. Perhaps also, that as those are never absolutely par­doned, who have made some figure in a rebellious Party, notwithstanding their submission, especially if they have Estates; so an Occasion was look'd after to destroy the ancient Friends of Teckely, and to seize upon what they had, by accusing them of Treason. In the Month of February, were arrested all those who were suspected to have any Intelligence with this Count; and no Hungarian was permitted to leave any Towns, where it was conjectured he had any Correspondence, without Security. A little while after it was found, that the Conspiracy had been almost universal; and that several of the chief Inhabitants, not only of Cassovia and Eperies, but also of Tirnaw, Altsol, Newsol, Leutsch, Oedem­burgh and Presburgh, were concerned there­in. The Prisons were filled with an infi­nite number of Persons, and the most con­siderable in Hungary. They put to Death the greatest Offenders, or the most Unfor­tunate; and the rest were discharged upon the Payment of Fines, which absolutely ruined them. The ancient Formalities were no more observed, than Persons dared to demand them, for fear of passing for Re­bels. Count Caraffa, and a Chamber com­posed [Page 68]of Strangers, and established at Cas­sovia, put a great number to the Rack, up­on slender Proofs, which so severely hand­led them, that some died thereof. These extorted Confessions, which were given out as they would themselves; gave the Judges an Opportunity of seizing upon what re­main'd to the Hungarians, after the first Conspiracy. If the Hungarians repented of having so soon submitted to the Empe­ror, and had renewed their ancient Practi­ces; it must be confessed, that either the Yoke, which was imposed on them, was very severe, since they chose rather to em­brace a desperate Party, than to see them­selves eternally subjected thereto: or that they were extreamly inconstant, since they were uneasy in all Conditions.

The Turks could not get together Mo­ney and Troops sufficient to give them a prospect of re-establishing soon their Affairs in Hungary, as it appeared enough by the Campagne of the following Sum­mer. The Imperialists even published, that the Visier had wrote a Letter to Prince Herman of Baden, President of the Coun­cil of War, to demand a Peace of the Emperor. He made him apprehend, 'twas said, that the Sultan his Master being in­clined to make a Peace, if the Emperor was in the same Disposition, as it was sup­posed he would, considering the ruine of [Page 69]the People, that a Place be agreed upon, where Persons should be sent on each side to form the Articles: and to make the Sincerity of the Port appear, as soon as the Council of Vienna should give its Pa­role to enter into a Treaty, the Count of Teckely should be given up to the Em­peror. The Turks deputed likewise an Aga to Debrezen, who was conducted to Eperies, where he demanded a Pass-Port for an Ambassador; but the Emperor made Answer to him by Caraffa, that he would make a Peace if the Grand Signor would oblige himself to pay him six Millions of Gold for the Expences of the War, and for the Destructions that had been made, and if he would restore him all the Places he possessed in Hungary, and would also sa­tisfy Poland and the Republick of Venice. As for what relates to the Offer, which the Turks made of delivering up Teckely, it was answered that he was esteemed too little formidable to give Disturbance to the Emperor, and that a Motive of that nature was not capable of advancing the Peace. If it be true, that the Turks made this Offer, Teckely had an occasion to fear; and if such an Answer was given them, as was declared, certainly it was not proper to angment that Esteem which the Turks had for him. He was at this time in Lippa, and he escaped an eminent Danger; for [Page 70]the Garison of Chenod having surprised the City of Lippa, he had much ado to secure himself in the Castle. During all this Winter the Imperialists made great Incursions; and if they did not all succeed, they had notwithstanding generally the upper hand.

The Visier made a Review of his Army about the end of April, in the Plain of Salankemen, near Belgrade; it was near 50000 strong. Teckely had orders to go to him; and as he was upon his way with 2 or 300 Horse, he was attack'd near Giula, by 500 Hussars, who killed him a­bove 100 Men; but as for him, he retired to Kerek during the Fight. In the be­ginning of June, the Duke of Lorrain like­wise took the Field with part of the Im­perial Army, which was to consist of a­bove 50000 Men, and took his March by the Drave towards the Bridg of Esseck, which the Turks had not as yet absolute­ly repaired, since some Imperial Detatch­ments had burnt down a part of it. The 26th of June he set upon them, and con­strained them to repass the Drave upon a Bridg of Boats, which they had, altho they had made a Fort at the Head of their Bridg, which the over-flowing of the Ri­ver broke at the same time. This very over-flowing hindred the Imperialists from attempting to pass it during some days; [Page 71]but they found means to surmount all Difficulties, and the Army passed near the Fort of Siclos the 11th and 12th of July, and was joined four days after by the Elector of Bavaria, who commanded the rest of the Troops, and had cross'd the Danube at Mohats. They continued to march towards the Enemy, and arrived at their Trenches the 19th. The Imperi­al Army was obliged to break through some Defiles which the Enemy guarded, but not without loss; and the Turks were found after that so well posted, that there was a necessity of enduring all their Ar­tillery, in order to approach their. Tren­ches. They lost in this occasion 7 or 800 Men; and after having attempted to draw the Turks out of so advantagious a Post, the Generals of the Emperor judged it most convenient to retire; which they did in good order. The Turks sent some Horse to charge the Rear, but they were repulsed so well, that the Christian Army repassed the Drave without loss. The Visier also pass'd it, and posted himself between Esseck and Darda, in the Isles which the Marshes and Arms of this River compose there, where it was not possible to force him. The Christian Army was near Mohats, and made several unsuccessful Motions, to draw the Enemies to a Fight, but there were only some inconsiderable Skirmishes for a [Page 72]long time. C. Teckely was then in the Camp of the Turks, and part of their Conduct is imputed to his good Advice. The 12th of August, the Christian Army, in marching from Mohats towards Siclos, was charged at last by the whole Turkish Army; but the Elector of Bavaria, who was the first at­tack'd, sustained their Shock with so much Resolution, that the whole Christian Army being come back, repulsed them every where; insomuch that, Terror being in­troduced amongst them, they fled towards Esseck. The Bridg of the Drave being broke down by those who fled first, many of them were drowned who undertook to swim over it; and the Turks lost 6000 Men in this Engagement for want of knowing how to make an orderly Retreat to their Camp, which it was easy to defend. But when they have once the lower-hand, their Minds are, for the most part, so strongly possessed with Fear, that they no longer di­stinguish what they do. Otherwise they had gain'd the Advantage in the first Skirmishes, and even in the beginning of the Fight the Ground was favourable to them; and they were superiour to the Christians in number, their Army having been considerably ang­mented, since it had been said they were a­bove 50000 Men. The Christians plun­der'd the Camp, which they had deserted, and found therein a very considerable booty.

After that, the D. of Lorrain judging that the Grand-Visier was not in a condition of undertaking any thing during the rest of the Campaign, left the C. of Dunewald, with 4000 Horse and 6000 Foot, to cover Siclos and Quinque-Ecclesia; and passed the Danube, with the remainder of the Army, near Mo­hats. From thence he marched towards Zol­nick, where having taken to the right, he turned towards Transilvania, to put his Ar­my there in Winter-quarters. The War had so entirely ruined Hungary, that the Towns were almost become Desarts, and the Lands, by consequence, untilled for the most part; which made the Germans, who had been formerly so ambitious of Winter­quarters in this Country, no longer cove­tous in that respect. On the other-side, it was to be feared lest, if Transilvania were left to the Discretion of the Turks, they should take Quarters in't themselves, and compel Abaffi to do for them what he had lately done for the Emperor. At the same time, C. Dunewald took in the Lower-Hun­gary, Butzin, Walpo, Esseck, which the Turks abandoned in disorder, and Peter-Waradin, which compleated a Confusion in all the Af­fairs of the Turks, and filled the Imepria­lists with Courage; who observing that to succeed, they had nothing more to do than to undertake, performed things every day, which formerly they durst not so much as think on.

It was then the Emperor, who had a mind to Crown the Arch-duke Joseph, King of Hungary, sent for the chief Lords of this Kingdom to Vienna. He restored to them the Crown, which he had transferred from Presburgh to Vienna, and which he had al­ways with him during the War. This Prince made them a Discourse in Latin, wherein he told them, amongst other things, that he deposited the Crown with them, in order to see it suddenly upon the Head of his Son, whom it was time to declare hereditary K. of Hungary. The Hungarians returned Thanks to the Emperor in the same Lan­guage, and sent the Crown to Presburgh; but it was not set upon the Head of the Arch-duke, till about the end of the Year, as shall be seen in the Consequence.

The evil Conduct of the Grand-Visier, followed with the ill Successes of this Cam­paign, excited great Murmurings in the Ar­my, which besides wanted the Pay of seve­ral Months. The Tumult went so far, that the Army, refusing to obey him, advanced to Constantinople, where it went to demand his Head, and those of several Officers, — of the Grand-Signor. The Visier of his own Accord surrendred his Com­mission, which was given to Siaous, accor­ding to the Wishes of part of the Army; but this Resignation could not save his Life. The Caimacan, with some others, were also [Page 75]put to Death. Methinks the Army should have been contented with this Sacrifice; but the excessive Expences of Mahomet the 4th, and his slothful, effeminate Life, ruined e­ven himself. The troublesome Fellows de­posed him also in the Month of November, and placed upon the Throne his Brother Solyman, the Third of the Name, who is not more expert, or more couragious, than his eldest Brother. But as when one is not satisfied with the Condition one is in, it al­ways seems to be likely to improve with change; they did not cease to perswade themselves that all would go better under his Government, than under that of the deposed Sultan; who was imprisoned, as his Successor had been for several Years.

To return to what pass'd in Hungary; the D. of Lorrain sent word into Transilva­nia, that to protect this Country from the Undertakings of the Infidels, the Emperor had found it necessary to put Garisons into the chief Places, and to give Winter-quar­ters to his Army there; which the Tran­silvanians would doubtless approve of, since it concerned their Deliverance from the Yoke of the Infidels. The Transilvanians, who had at least as much Liberty under the Protection of the Turks, as they could ex­pect under the Emperor, were afraid of changing their Master; for it was of no less import. Abaffi in particular, who had [Page 76]assisted the Male-contents, and the Turks, by whom he had been made Vaivod, as it has been elsewhere said, See Book 1. Page [...]. trem­bled at the Apprehension of fal­ling into the Emperor's hands, who had opposed his Establishment as much as possibly he could. He repented that he had been a Spectator only, for the last years, of the Differences betwixt the Em­peror and the Male-contents, whom he should, according to good Policy, have con­tinued to assist with all his Force, since he could but perish, or save himself with them. But these Reflections were unseasonable now; whereupon, the Imperial Army was advised from the part of the Transilvani­ans, that they would furnish it with as much Provisions as they possibly could; but as for surrendring their Places, or gi­ving Quarters, they could not do it, with­out exposing themselves to the Revenge of the Turks and Tartars; who entring into such an open Country as theirs, would lead off, without any hopes of Prevention, the greatest part of its Inhabitants into Slave­ry, and carry Desolation every-where.

The D. of Lorrain having answered to that in general Terms, assuring them of the Protection of the Emperor, did not cease to continue his Advancing into the Country; and fixed a Garison at Sabelona, upon the 11th of October, when he arrived [Page 77]there. The Transilvanians might repeat their Offers long enough; he marched di­rectly to Clausemburgh, where he entred the 20th, upon condition that he should leave all things in the state he found them; that he should exact no Contributions; that the Magistrates should be exempted from entertaining Souldiers; that the Ci­tizens should be obliged only to furnish the Imperial Garison with Necessaries, with­out being obliged to convert them into Money; and that the Troops should be kept under a severe Discipline. He did the same in respect of Tuttemburgh, Alba-Julia, Her­manstad, and others of the most important Places. There was also a particular Treaty with Abaffi and the States; wherein they also covenanted, that there should be no Revolution amongst them, and that the Troops should depart the following Spring, and they would be obliged to furnish them with a certain quantity of Provisions. A­baffi and his Family, who were at Her­manstad, retired to Fogarats; a Place that properly belonged to him; notwithstan­ding with an absolute Liberty of passing to and fro through Transilvania. The Im­perialists obliged themselves also to defend them, against all Powers whatsoever, and to make no enquiry after past Affairs. Which done, the Duke of Lorrain took his way to Presburgh, in order to be present [Page 78]at the Coronation of the Arch-duke.

If any thing had been capable of revi­ting Teckely, and if one could rejoice at the Misfortunes of old Friends, he would have felt some Consolation at the Reception of this News; because in vainly importuning the Transilvanians to afford him some Re­lief, he had foretold them more than once, that what at this time happened to them, would not fail to make them remember him, when it would be too late. He had likewise given the same Admonitions to those Hungarians, whom his Confinement induced to accept the General Pardon; and he then saw them become the Prey of Strangers, without being in a condition e­ver to shake off that Yoke, which they had apprehended so many years.

The Emperor and the Arch-duke being arrived, with all their Court, at Presburgh, upon the 30th of October, where the States were assembled, the Emperor told them in Latin what he desired of them, and also gave it them in Writing. It directed, that his Son might not only be crowned King of Hungary, but also that the Kingdom be de­clared hereditary in his Family. The States examined this Proposition in several Sit­tings; wherein they renewed the greatest part of those Complaints, which the Hun­garians had used to make; after which some Articles were drawn up, which were [Page 79]presented to the Emperor by the Deputies of the Diet. Altho they did not refuse to e­lect the Arch-duke Joseph, they demanded the Enjoyment of their ancient Liberty, without speaking of an hereditary Succes­sion: That after a Peace should be con­tracted with the Port, all the German Ga­risons might be recalled, and Hungarians put in their room, to guard Places. In a word, that all their Grievances, which they had not yet drawn up, might be exa­mined and rectified before the Coronation.

The States had 14 days allowed them to prepare and bring in these Grievances; and in the mean time, it was declared to them, that the Expences, which the Emperor had made in order to defend Hungary against the Turks, which amounted to much more than the Value of the Kingdom, gave him a Right to look upon it as his other heredi­tary Dominions.

It was much contested thereupon in the Assembly; and some Historians say, Greg. Leti. Hist. dell. Imper. p. 370. that the Count Nic. Dras­cowits, Great Arbitrator of the Kingdom, having strongly re­presented the Consequences of surrendring a Right of this nature, they pray'd the Em­peror to make no Alteration in their Cu­stoms; but that the Emperor sent them word again, that his Predecessors and Him­self having purchased Hungary at so dear [Page 80]a rate, it was but reasonable for the Crown to become hereditary in their House. Some days after, as this matter still took up the States, Drascowits being dead suddenly at night in his Bed, without any one's know­ing well the Cause; those, who had been of the same Opinion with him, were in such a Consternation at his Death, possibly na­tural at the same time, that no body any longer openly opposed the Emperor's Will. Some pretended only, to preserve a part of their ancient Rights, that if there were se­veral Princes of the House of Austria in Germany, the States ought to have the Li­berty of electing which they pleased. But this Overture having been also rejected, the States were at length reduced to declare, that for the future the Kingdom of Hunga­ry should be hereditary in the Austrian Fa­mily of the Imperial Branch; that in de­fault of Heirs Males, it should pass to the Females; and in default of both, it should first belong to the Princes, and then the Princesses of the Branch of Spain.

After that; there remain'd nothing more but the Ceremony of the Coronation, which was expected to be performed before the end of November; but it was deferred to the 9th of the following Month; for that all the Preparations were not made, and besides it was necessary to determine cer­tain Matters in the Assembly of the States; [Page 81]of which the two principal are these: The first is, that pursuant to an Article of the Declaration of King Andrew, each of the three States had a Right to oppose the King, when he contravened the Laws of the Kingdom, without being reputed Of­fenders for not submitting to his Orders. The Emperor apprehended that his Son and his Successors were not obliged to swear to this Article, because it had always been, said he, a Bottom for Seditions, which the Rebels had even made use of within some few Years. But on the other side, the States in relaxing thereupon, not only rendred the King absolute Master of the Goods and Lives of the Hungarians, but also submit­ted, by a publick Act, to all his Caprices, or rather to those of his Ministers and Fa­vourites. For it is certain, that those Peo­ple are no less absolute than Kings; and 'tis this, that makes them dispose Princes to seek so greedily after a Despotick Pow­er, wherein they are so much concerned. The most part of the Grandees were incli­ned to agree to what the Emperor thought fit; because they hoped to enjoy a part of the Regal Power, in exercising the Char­ges, according to his Intentions; but the Clergy and the Cities, who had no such Bottoms, and who saw themselves thereby subjected to all sorts of Inconveniences, without the least Remedy, insisted much [Page 82]upon it, and demanded Satisfaction upon their Grie­vances. They had presented a loose Sheet to the Emperor; in which they made a Particular of the Cruelties which had been practised against several Persons of Note, and a great number of others of less Quality, under pretence of searching the Accom­plices of a Conspiracy, wherein they were not at all concerned. He did not refuse to give them Justice thereupon, nor to put their Reasons under Exami­nation; but they must suffer it to be deferred till the Coronation was over, because too great a time was requisite for that purpose.

The second Affair related to the Evangelicks, or Protestants. To make their Court, they had labou­red to get the Crown of Hungary declared heredita­ry, and imagined that the Occasion was favourable to petition the Emperor in particular, that he would maintain them in their ancient Privileges; That their Temples and Estates might be restored to them, which they had been dispossessed of since the Year 1667; That there might be no Assembly for the Af­fairs of the Kingdom, without-some Deputies on their part; That the Jesuits might be prohibited from med­ling with State-Affairs, or concerning the Protestant Religion; That they might not be permitted to esta­blish themselves in any other Places than where they were; That Caraffa might be suddenly recalled, who was accused of having put to Death an infinite num­ber of People, who had no share in the Conspiracy. It was considered in the States, whether the Pro­testants might be permitted to ask these Favours of the Emperor, but it was found that the Season could hardly favour their Purpose. So that was also re­ferred till the Coronation was over; which impor­ted, that the Imperial Council did what it judged con­venient, without the King of Hungary's holding him­self obliged to any thing. The Ceremony of the Co­ronation then was performed the 9th, as it had Seen resolved; but the Particulars are not to be insisted▪

Whilst great Rejoycings were made at Presburgh, there arrived a Courier with a new Subject of Joy; to wit, the News of the Reduction of Agria, which for want of Provisions, surrendred upon Capitulation the 28th of November; so that there remain'd nothing but Mongats unsubjected to the Emperor in Ʋpper-Hunga­ry. Then to give some Satisfaction to the Hungarians, he abolished the Criminal-Chamber of Eperies, set up to search after those who had been concerned in the late Conspiracy; and which had put to Death a world of People, without observing the usual Proceedings. As to what regards the quartering of Troops, and their Entertainment; whereas the German Officers had disposed of it as they thought fit, without con­sulting the Hungarians; Commissioners were nomina­ted of this Nation, who were to regulate those kind of things jointly with the Germans. The Examination of the rest was referred to another Assembly.

The Protestants did also beg of the Emperor, and the King, by a Request, that Hungary might be resto­red, in respect of Religion, to the State it was in when his Imperial Majesty came to the Crown. It was repli­ed to them, that there required time to consider of a thing of that consequence; and that in the mean time, they might assure themselves of the Favour of the Emperor and King, provided they continued in their Fidelity to them. All they could obtain, was, that things should be established as they were in 1681.

Thus the Kingdom of Hungary from elective, be­came hereditary; and instead of a moderate Authori­ty by the Laws, the States have suffered Joseph the 1st, to take one almost without Bounds. All the Projects which the Hungarians had so often made for the Pre­servation of their Liberty, all the Preparations in Hun­gary, during so many years, for that Design, yielded at last to the good Fortune of the House of Austria; for whom Poland and Germany re-united, conquered King­doms, without the Assistance of one Prince of its [...]ood, and for whom Fortune, if it is permitted to say [Page 84]so, took Cities, whilst those Princes were asleep.

On another side; almost all that Teckely undertook, was baffled. He had formed a Design upon Seged, which the taking of Agria ruined entirely. He might write long enough to all those, whom he knew in Hun­gary, in order to inspire them with a new Courage; no Body was moved, and Liberty was nothing but a fine Name, fit to draw Sighs from the best-intention'd, but incapable of raising them to Arms. The Turks, imbroil'd amongst themselves, did not distinguish what they did, nor granted him that Relief which they had promised him. All that he could do with 5 or 6000 Men, was to make Incursions upon those Hunga­rians, who had submitted to the Emperor. He attemp­ted several times to get near Mongats, or to throw himself therein, and to put some Relief in it, or to bring out his Wife; but they had lately block'd up the Place with more Application than ever, insomuch that all his Efforts were unseasonable. The Princess, being summoned to surrender, did not refuse to enter into a Negotiation; but no conclusion could be made, because she insisted upon having her Husband and his Companions, included in it, which the Emperor abso­lutely refused her. Notwithstanding, he had the Ad­dress about this time, to detach from the Garison of Seged 400 Hungarians, and 400 others, who went in a Party about Lippa. The Hungarian Troops, mortified by the great Advantages which the Germans had ob­tained without them, had much ado to live with them; and some of the most impatient, rather chose to un­dergo once more the hazard of perishing with their ancient. Captain, than to see themselves misused by Strangers in their own Countrey.

The End of the Third Book.

MEMOIRES OF THE LIFE OF Emeric, Count Teckely. BOOK IV.

Which comprehends what has happen­ed from the Year 1688, until the Year 1691.

THe Affairs of the Ottoman Empire being in a very great disorder, and the new Sultan, no more than his Vizier, not knowing how to be­take himself to hinder the Germans from making new Conquests in Hungary, the Divan thought it was necessary to know the opinion of the Bassa's, who [Page 2]were not able to come to Constantinople, and to send, in the same time, for all the Officers of experience that were in the extend of that Empire. Orders were sent to Teckely too, to repair thither, that they might hear of him, what he thought the most effectual Method to carry on the War in Hungary. Altho' there was a great deal of danger for him to obey that Order, because it might happen that the Turks being irritated a­gainst them that had engaged them in that War, would revenge themselves upon him for the losses they had made; nevertheless he took the resolution to go, to represent to his Highness more strongly than he could do by Letters, what it behoved them to do in a con­juncture of such a consequence.

Before he set forth for his journey, he wrote to his Spouse to take patience still for a while, seeing that as soon as he would come back he would not fail to go to her Succour.

In the mean while, whatever the Princess could do, she was not able to persuade the Garrison to hold any longer; because a Month before that time it was reduced to such a want, as was capable to put the the most Constant out of Patience. Ha­ving heard, besides, that Teckely was gone [Page 3]to Constantinople, she thought him to be absolutly lost. And indeed the least fit of Inconstancy, whether in the Grand Seignior, or in the Vizier, was enough to Restroy him. Those Reasons brought the Princess and the Garrison of Mongatz to capitulate the 17th of January.

Here are the chiefest Articles, which she agreed upon with Caraffa, authorized by the Emperour: 1. ‘That a general Pardon should be granted to the Gar­rison, as well as to the Inhabitants, for all that was past; and that she should carry along with her all that she had in the Place. 2. That the Princess Ragots­ki, and the Children she had by the Prince Ragotski, should be brought to Vienna at the Emperor's charge, who should keep them, according to their Quality, and that he should let them enjoy all sort of Liberty, excepted that they could not go out of it without his leave. 3. 'That all the Goods, moveable, and immovea­ble, that could be found belonging to them in Mongatz, and elsewhere, should be restored to them; but that that place and what belongs to it, should remain in the Emperor's hands, till they had made it appear that it had not been usurped upon the Crown of Hungary. 4. 'That the Princess should enjoy all [Page 4]the Benefits she had received of Prince Ragotski, when he espoused her, unless the Emperour thought convenient to give her an equal Value, and that she could take all that belonged to her in particular in Mongatz; but that all the States of her Children, and their Digni­ties should be left to the Emperour, and that he should be their Guardian. 5. That she should be bound to restore upon Oath all that belonged to Count Teckely, and them who were still with him. 6. That the Emperour should take care to have her Children brought up as he would think the most convenient. 7. That the Princess should not acquaint Teckely of the surrender of the place, nor of the Reasons why she had done it. 8. That leave should be granted her to tarry in it, till she had setled her Affairs, and the Equipage that was to carry her to Vienna should be ready.’ Two days after the conclusion of this Treaty the place was surrendred into the hands of the Imperialists, altho' the Princess did not go out of it presently after, for the reasons we have said already. They say she boreher ill Fortune with great Constancy, and that she hath never ex­pressed any sign of Weakness.

In the mean while, it happened a thing [Page 5]that might have served mightily to re-establish the Affairs of the Turks, and of the Malecontents, if the Turks had served themselves of the occasion, as they should have done: It was, that the Troops the Duke of Lorrain had left in Tran­silvania, instead of observing the Treaty that had been made, committed infinite Disorders, and lived as they pleased upon free Quarters, by reason they were not paid, according to their ancient Custom. It may be too that the Imperial Court was not sorry that its Troops would re­venge it self, because Abaffi had assisted the Malecontents during many years; and in­deed he deserved as much, for having done too little since he sided with that Party, and too much to be regarded as a Friend by the Emperour. The Tran­silvanians sent to Vienna to complain of the Ravages the Imperial Troops com­mitted in their Country, and to represent, that if the Treaty was not kept by the Em­perour's Party; it would not be observ­ed neither by themselves. Upon those Complaints, Caraffa received order to go into Transilvania, where instead of satisfying the Transilvanians by a good Discipline, he complained by turns, as if they had failed to execute several Ar­ticles of the Treaty. Thus the Transil­vanians [Page 6]found themselves more grieved by that General's coming than they were before. And yet to show that he was willing to give them some Satisfaction, he offered to ease them in removing those Soldiers Quarters, provided they would pay some certain Sum of Money to the Emperour; but that Sum was so ex­cessive that it was impossible it could be found in Transilvania.

A little while after the Grand Seig­nour sent a Chioux to Abaffi, to solicite him to brake the Treaty he had made with the Emperour, upon the Word he gave him to succour him the next Cam­paign. But because all these were but words, and that the ill Success of the Campaigns that were past, gave little hopes to see the Effects of it, Abafti had rather carry himself discreetly, and keep fair with the Court of Vienna, who was able to punish him for his Inconstancy. Nevertheless, the carriage of the Ger­man Army was such that it hindered the Hospodar of Walaenia, sollicited by the Emperour to side with him openly, from falling into that Snare.

Teckely, who was in his way for Con­stantinople, did not go very far, thinking that his Remoteness would cast all them that remained still his Friends into a De­spair, [Page 7]and that after the taking of Mon­gatz his Presence was absolutely necessa­ry: When therefore he had joyned his Troops, it wanted very little but he had been surprized hard by Waradin by Ge­neral Heusler, who set upon him unpre­pared: but having retired himself sud­denly to Giula with his Horse, he avoid­ed the Danger, and his Foot was whol­ly defeated. Some of his Enemies that were then at the Port, made their En­deavours, at that time, to ruine him by reason of his Absence; going about to perswade, That in betraying the Inte­rest of the Grand Seignour, he durst not come up to Constantinople, after having given his word that he would come. But those Accusations appeared so ill grounded, and those who were acquain­ted with the condition Hungary was then in, knew so evidently the contrary, that they had no effect at all. On the con­trary, the Sultan sent to him to assure him of his Protection, and to confirm upon him the Title of Prince of Hungary, which Mahomet the Fourth had given him: he presented him in the same time with a Semiter inriched with precious Stones, and exhorted him to make use of it against his Enemies, with the same Faithfulness he had done till then. Not­withstanding [Page 8]there was a Report that he had been strangled by the order of the Port; and to undeceive them who be­friended him still, he caused this Mani­festo to be published:

Count Teckely's Declaration published in March 1688.

YE People of Hungary, it is long a­go since your Enemies and mine have published my Death; and neverthe­less I am alive still, God be thanked, to defend your oppressed Liberty. I know it is to your sorrow, that you follow for the present the Standards of the House of Austria; it is too long ago since you know it, to trust yourselves to it: And what has lately hapned in the pretended Election of a King of Hungary, makes you know plainly how much both your Lives and your Fortunes would be in a Danger, if you were compelled to obey him: Ye are forced to dissemble, because the conjuncture ye are in will have it so; but I know your hearts as I know mine, I know ye have an horrour for all that ye do, and that they hate them that are a preparing their Chains, although they be bound to bear them, by reason of the Charges they enjoy in the Kingdom.

Is it not a shameful thing, for Count Esterhasi, to have made a private suit for the Dignity of Count of the Empire, as if that of Palatine of Hungary was not without comparison much above it? Is that the Reward of all the base Trea­sons he has been guilty of against you? And is it possible that a Man who has the Honour to be in my Alliance *, would disgrace me and all the Nati­on? I had rather see my State and my Goods in the hands of my Enemies, than to enjoy them at that rate: What Proffers have they not made me to for­sake you? Do they not do the same still every day, if I were willing to accept them? But if God has resolved that I should be Vnfortunate, it is not possible I should be Guilty; and rather than be­tray you, I would expose myself: I drew the Sword for you, as soon as I was able to weild it; and I have undergone a thousand Dangers in your Service: I have contemned Swords and Poison, and I am still exposed every day to both by my Constancy to you. But I prefer a glorious Death to shameful Life, being perswaded that ye will always confess that I deserve a better Fortune.

But 'tis not time yet to be out of Hopes, ye know that I am under the Protection of a powerful Empire, and that it is ready still to receive you under its Protection: If it has met with some Crosses of Fortune, it is not in a dan­ger for all that to be overthrown; if it had lost all that it holds in Europe, which it is very far off, yet of it remains still two Parts of the World wherein it com­mands. It had not so much of Strenght when it Overthrew the Empire of the East, and that of the West doth not come near to its Power. It is not time then yet to say, as they do every day, That there is wanting but a little Strength to run it quite down. Your Enemies and mine are perswaded of it in the bot­tom of their Hearts: That is the only reason why they moderate still the Pas­sion they are in, to spill to the very last drop of our Bloud. Do you not remem­ber that they have shed, without having been provoked, in so many Rencounters, and how they have put the Arms in the Executioners hands when theirs were weary of using them? Is there any one amongst you, that may boast himself, that he has not lost a Brother, or a Ne­phew, or a Kinsman, or a Friend in that great Effusion of Bloud that has been [Page 11]newly made by General Caraffa? What is, has been the Success of your Com­plaints, although ye have clearly proved, that he did nothing else than to rob the Fatherless, and Motherless, and Wi­dow. They have made as if they had sent some Orders that the strict Forms of Proceedings in Law should be obser­ved: but ye have seen whether they have been performed. Since he had received them, we may reckon, you and I, above two hundred Persons he has condemned by his own Authority; and to whom he has answered uncivilly, when they have begged leave to justifie themselves, That their Tryals would be performed after they had been executed.

How long will ye bear, ye brave Hun­garians, their Triumph over your Inno­cency? If you be designed to perish, is it not better to do it having your Arms in your hands, than to be put to death by an infamous Hang-man? Make some Endeavours to get out of the shameful Slavery wherein you are, seeing you want nothing else but the Will to do it: The Power of your Enemies is not so great as you think. How can it be, since I scorn it? And if you had helped me with all your Forces, what condition should we have been in? Do not tarry till ye be [Page 12]weaker than ye are now. They do not endeavour to weaken you, but to render you absolutely uncapable of shaking off the tyrannical Yoak which they are a pre­paring for you so many Years since.

Soliman, now Emperor of the Turks, offers you his Hand to draw you out of Oppression. A Prince of his Name has been formerly the Terrour of those you are dreading now-a-days; and although we must not give credit to Prophesies which come from thence, I cannot for­bear from telling you, that the Turks are a divulging, they have one, accord­ing to which their Empire almost over­thrown, is to become more flourishing than ever, under a Prince of that Name. Do but joyn with me, that it might be found true, since your Safety as well as mine depends for ever upon our Vnion with those People: They have support­ed us during many Years, as we have supported them by turns. We have al­ways acted unanimously: Why should we give over a Conduct which has turn­ed so much to our good?

What can you expect from your Ene­mies Promises? Do but look upon the Prince of Transilvania, and you will see how they have abused his Credulity: What good doth he got for having made [Page 13]a Treaty with a People that will not ob­serve a single Article of it? But there is no need to fetch Instances from a­broad: How many times have they bro­ken their Word they had given you? Or to speak more proper, Is there any one amongst you, who can remember that they have kept it to him? They seek for no other thing but to engage you into a Treaty, to deceive you the better; and your Faithfulness hath not been reward­ed but by the blackest Treachery. They endeavour to make you fall into the Snare, under the specious names of Am­nisty and of Peace. I require no more from you, but that you would make some Reflections upon it; and I am confi­dent that afterwards you will become wi­ser.

That, if all that I have said be not capable to stir your Minds, do but consi­der at least, nothing moves me to speak as I have done, but your own Interest. I can, when I please, make mine Agree­ment upon such Conditions, which could appear advantageous enough to a Man that would have forgotten the Care he ought to have for the Liberty of his Country: But seeing, thanks to God, I never lost the memory of it, since I came to the Age of Knowledge, I will re­member [Page 14]it the better now I am to re­venge so many of my brave Countrymen: Ye should, as well as I, hear their Voices which intreat us, not to bear without Revenge the wrongful shedding of their Blood. Believe me, do not def­fer a thing so necessary for the Security of yourselves, seeing this Impunity in­creases the Presumption of your Ene­mies, their Punishment on the contrary will render them more cautions in un­dertaking any thing against you.

*
His Brother has married Count Teckely's Sister.

Those Reasons had very little success, they not being backed by any Army cap­able to give a Shelter to the Hungarians, who had declared themselves for Tecke­ly. Those that favoured him privately, were informed by this Declaration that the Turks had not put him to death; but they were not in a capacity to help him otherways than with their Wishes and Prayers. Thus he tarried a long while about Giula without undertaking any thing. It is reported, that the Turks fearing that he being weary at last of so many Crosses of Fortune, he would re­concile himself to the Emperour, got him to be watched so near, that he could do nothing but they were acquainted with it. Some great Disorders happen­ed [Page 15]a little while after at the Port, where the Chiaoux made a new Vizier, who had brought up Soliman upon the Throne, was treacherously murthered by the Seditious, and the Grand Seig­nior himself was in a eminent danger of being Deposed. He could not get off but by appeasing the mutiny'd Troops with a great deal of Money, and cau­sing some of the hottest to be strangled: He created Vizier Ismal Bacha in the room of the Chiaoux, and published eve­ry-where, that he would go into Hun­gary at the head of the Armies, or at least to Adrianople, to be nearer to them, and readier to send them the necessary Or­ders. It was ordered in the mean while, that all the Preparations should be got ready against the next Campaigne.

The first thing they did to the Prin­cess Ragotski, after her arrival at Vienna, was to take away her Children from her, and to get them to be brought up in the Romish Religion, instead of the Lutheran, wherein they had been instruct­ed, since their Mother was married to Count Teckely. This last having had notice they had carried his Wife to Vienna, pe­titioned for to have leave to write to her; which was denied him by the Em­perour's Officers. Notwithstanding, be­cause [Page 16]it was a hard matter to surprize him, what measures soever they could take; they thought to have found out the means to make him away in corrupt­ing two of his Troops Officers, who en­gaged some Souldiers in their Conspira­cy, and who had executed it, had it not been discovered: But they having been betrayed by some amongst them, they were all hanged, with a Bill wherein one could read these words, Traytor to his Prince, to his Religion, and Country. The Army expressed a great Joy that that Plot had been discovered; and abused the very dead Bodies of those unfor­tunate Men. A little while after the Hungarians of St. Job's Garison, and ma­ny of those that had been at Mongatz, came to surrender themselves to him, because, notwithstanding the Amnisty, they were used very ill at all times, and that the least Fault in them was punish­ed by Death; they perceived there was no trusting upon the Imperialists Pro­mises, after having been in Arms against them; and that they had forgiven them what was past, only till they could find an opportunity to destroy them. That Conduct of the Imperialists is the cause that Teckely has not been seen yet with­out a little Body of Hungarians, become [Page 17]irreconcileable to the Germans. He was then upon the Frontiers of Transilvania with eight thousand Men, and raised some considerable Contributions out of the Neighbourhood in spite of the Im­perialists: These last would leave whol­ly Transilvania, where Count Caraffa left four thousand Men to hinder Abafti from making a new Treaty with the Port, that sollicited him to it a long while. In the mean time he drew towards Esseck, and a little while after the Garrison of Alba-Regalis, destitute of Provisions and Succours, and without hope of getting a­ny, perswaded the Bassa to surrender himself to some German Troops that in­tercepted the Victuals coming to them many Months, Teckely received this news with Sorrow; and the Turks fearing lest he should retire into Poland, obliged him to take a new Oath of Fidelity, and gave him new Assurances that they would not forsake him. In the Month of June he attempted to surprize Chonod, without a­ny success.

On the contrary, every thing seem'd to favour the Imperialists, and the Elector of Bavaria being the only Commander of the Army, during the Sickness of the Duke of Lorrain, passed the Save in Au­gust, and took Belgrade the seventh of [Page 18]the next Month, altho' they had got some Succours into it in the beginning of the Siege. True it is, that that place was not very strong, but there were in it al­most all that remained of the good Troops the Turks had in Hungary, and the Port was very much concerned in the keeping of it. The Imperialists, having got that Town, were in a condition of plundering every where to the very Gates of Adrianople, and to render them­selves Masters of Servia, Bosnia, and Bulgaria; because there is no other con­siderable place in those Provinces. The Bassa of Bosnia who was a marching with some Troops to come to the Relief of Bel­grade, not only began his march too late, but besides he was defeated by Prince Lewis of Baden who went to encounter him. The Grand Seignior, whom the Seditions had detained at Constantinople, and who was not able to send a conside­rable Army into the Field, had sent, before he had the News of the Siege of Belgrade, some Envoys to speak of Peace with the Emperor. They arrived im­mediately after the taking of that place, and understood by that it was still more necessary to come to some Agreement, which they did not think at Constanti­nople. It is very probable it had been [Page 19]soon concluded, if the Emperor had not made excessive Demands of the Turks, and if these last had not been so much the more incouraged as soon as they knew that Lewis the 14th, King of France, was at the end of September entered into the Territories of the Empire, and had de­clared a War against the Emperour. That made the next Year a great Diver­sion, but because that is a thing that be­longs to the general History of the Em­pire we shall not stick to it. We shall say nothing neither of the Enterprize which William Henry of Nassan, Prince of Orange, performed at the end of that Year in England, where after he had re-establish­ed the Laws, he was made King of Great Britain. Yet we must own that made not a little to hinder the Diversion, the King of France would have made in favour of the Turks and the Malecontents of Hungary, from being so considerable. So that tho' the King of France had designed to make an happy Use of the Pretexts which the Rules of good Poli­ticks suggested to him, Terms taken out of the Declaration of War of France, dated the 24th of September, 1688. to prevent the exces­sive Greatness of the Emperor; yet he was obliged to turn the best part of his Troops against England, [Page 20]and Holland, which hindered him from acting along while against the Emperor, with the Forces necessary to make him abandon Hungary.

Count Teckely having had notice be­times, that the French Army had attack­ed the Empire, did not fail to make it known every-where, and let the People understand how the King of France was a going to put the Emperour and the Empress into such a Confusion, that the Turks should soon have the upper-hand in Hungary, which must be quitted by the Germans, who would now be forced to defend their own Country. And he made it his endeavour to persuade the Hungarians to take hold of that oppor­tunity, to rid themselves again of the Despotical Government of the House of Austria. But the same Reasons which hindered his Declaration from having a­ny Success, prevented also the Effects of this Admonition. The Diversion France was capable of making, was too far off to compell the Imperialists suddenly to meet it, for they suffered Philipsbourgh, Spire, Worms, and the Palatinate to be taken, before they sent any Troops that way. They acted the rest of that Year, according to the same manner, as if Germany had enjoyed a perfect Peace. [Page 21]And yet they will have us assured, that the little Army of Count Teckely was in a better case, and better paid than before, altho' the Turks did not then supply them, as 'twas reported, with any Money, which caused the People to have some suspicion, that the same Power that at­tacked the Empire upon the Rhine, did furnish them with what they wanted, by sending their Leader secretly Bills of Exchange.

Whether it was true, or no, Teckely was a making endeavours to encourage the Hungarians, and to perswade the Transilvanians and Walaquians to joyn with the Turks, and deliver themselves from the Yoke of the Germans. The Emperor had already concluded a Treaty with the Hospodar of Walaquia, but that Treaty became fruitless by the death of this last; which gave Count Teckely some hopes to have good success on that side. It was thought the Son of the Hospodar should succeed his Father, but the States elected their Chancellor, by reason of the necessity of the present juncture of Affairs, which required an able Man for the Management of their Affairs. The Emperor having had notice of it, thought it necessary to lay hold of the wavering condition People are always in at the [Page 22]beginning of a Principality; and made as if he had been willing to support the Son of the Deceased, unless the new Ho­spodar would declare himself for him: That Prince, lest he should incur the Hatred of the Turks, in forsaking them openly, and to carry himself discreet­ly, and keep fair with the Emperour, gave out, He was ready to enter into a. Negotiation with him; and declared he would send an Embassador to Vienna to that purpose.

In the beginning of the Year 1689, Teckely sent his Secretary to the Hospo­dar, to congratulate his new Dignity, and to assure him, the Count would al­ways have a great Consideration fo [...] him: He told him, at the same time, i [...] was not true the Turks had given thei [...] word to his Master to make him Hospo­dar, and that to give him an Evidenc [...] of it, he did promise him, in the name o [...] the Grand Signior, sufficient Succours if he would declare himself for the Port against the Emperour. The Hospoda [...] used Teckely's Envoy very well, but h [...] would do nothing, which could mak [...] the Imperialists to turn their Arms against him. About the same time th [...] Count wrote a Letter to the Gran [...] [Page 23]Vizier at Constantinople, which, they thought convenient to publish through­out the Town, whereof they sent Co­pies into several parts of the Ottoman Empire; because it was very sit to raise the Peoples courage, that after the ta­king of Belgrade, presently expected to see the Imperialists before Constantinople. That Letter gave notice that if his High­ness was willing to do what he could in Hungary, the People being as dissatisfied with the Germans, as they ever were, they would not fail to rebel again: That the Hospodar of Walaquia would fall out with the Emperor, and would remain faithful to the Port: That Abaffi was in the same disposition, and would for certain declare himself openly, as soon, as he could do it with Security; that the King of France having passed the Rhine, with prodigious Forces, much better commanded and provided of all things than those of the Germans; he had taken there already several Places, and whole Provinces, and that neither the Emperor, nor the Empire were in a capacity to act in Hungary with the same Vigor as before: That it was at last the best opportunity the Turks could find to retreive their Affairs in that Kingdom. That the lat­ter had such success in the Army, which [Page 24]could scarce dispose itself to march into Hungary, thinking it no less then certain death, by reason of the losses the Turk sustained since the beginning of the War.

In the mean while Mauro Cordato, first Interpreter and Effendi, whom the Port had sent to the Emperor, and who had not been willing to open themselves to any Body but himself, offered to leave him the Conquests he had made in Hungary, if he would conclude a Peace. But they laughed at that Proposal, because the Turks offered only what they must lose; they pretended they should quit to the Emperor all that they kept still in Hun­gary, and they should go out of Bosnia, Servia and Slavonia, demanding besides some great Sums of Money, those Pro­vinces being not capable, said they, to make amends for the charges of the War. All the Offers of the Turks seemed too small matter to the Victorious Imperia­lists, the Demands of the Imperialists were looked upon by the Port to be excessive, so that that Embassy was quite in vain; the Envoys having had no other order than to propose the yielding up of what the Emperor had gotten, nor having re­ceived any since, so that after having kept some Years, strictly enough, they [Page 25]have been forced to let them go.

The Grand Vizier not perceiving any Success of the Embassy, went about to prepare himself for the War, and got the most, he could, of the Troops out of Asia. The Grand Seignior was much streightned for want of Money, and they did not know how to raise some speedily, because they durst not gather the Taxes with too much violence, least new Sedi­tions should arise, which they had been too much used to, since the Elevation of Soliman upon the Throne. That is the fate of the Despotical Empire, they are not to lay heavy Burdens upon their Sub­jects, tho' for the necessary Succours they want, after having charged them without Necessity: As there is no other Justice, than the Will of the Soveraign, which is as unconstant as his Passions, there is no Obedience neither amongst the Subjects, but as much as they can be brought to it by Force, which cannot be always equal.

In the mean while the Greatness of the Ottoman Empire afforded them ne­vertheless many Helps, and the Vizier was soon in a readiness to send fifty thou­sand Men into Hungary; whereof he sent some part towards Adrianople in the Spring. The Imperialists on their side had [Page 26]begun, in the middle of the Winter, to block up Themiswear, which they intend­ed to besiege the next Campagne. Tec­kely acquainted the Turks with it, and let them understand, that if they would send him some Succours, he would not only throw it into Themiswear, but also seize upon one part of Transilvania, which was weary of the Imperialists, and who would be glad to lay hold on that Opportunity to declare themselves against them. He kept always some Correspondency in Hungary, and Let­ters with Cyphers were intercepted, written to some of his Friends; which made the People have a suspicion that there was a Design under hand, but it could not be discovered. It happened in the same time, that is to say, in April, that some Houses were set on fire at O­nod, and some other Towns of Hungary and Transilvania, which was laid upon the Emissaries of the Malecontents, al­though they could not prove it.

The Turks sent some Succours to Tec­kely, who endeavoured to lead them to Themiswear; but having been wounded as he was forcing a Passage, he was for­ced to go back towards Walaquia, ex­specting the Turkish Army, which was meeting together at Sophia in Bulgaria, [Page 27]That caused the Imperialists to apply themselves about fortifying Belgrade, as well as it could possibly, seeing the Con­fusion and the Charges occasioned by the War the Emperour had upon the Rhine, did put him in; because the Turks are very bad Inginiers, they thought indiffe­rent Fortifications, or rather some Repa­rations in the old ones would serve to defend the Place; which has been the cause it has been lost since. They block­ing up Cavis a long while since, which being very remote from the Frontiers of the subdued Countries, suffered much for Want, without being willing to sur­render. They betook themselves too to block up Great Waradin, and they began by plundering and spoiling the Country round about the place, to hinder the Garrison from having any means to sub­sist. They expected to attaque, by that means, three Places at once, the two Towns we have already spoken of, and that of Themiswear, because the Turks, being a great way off, could not carry Victuals thither, but with great difficul­ty, chiefly to Canisa, which was the re­motest of all; but they could not hin­der some Convoys from getting at se­veral times into Themiswear and Waradin.

Prince Lewis of Baden went to Bel­grade [Page 28]to command a little Body of an Ar­my which was there, with an intent to observe the Turks March, and to watch the opportunities to do them some Dam­age. The Imperial Troops being so divided, those that were about Waradin did not find themselves strong enough to keep the Garrison within the Place; for after having repelled it back twice with great difficulty, they were wholly defeated at the third Sally, and their Commander made a Prisoner; five or six hundred of them remained dead up­on the Spot, the rest betook themselves to their Heels. Teckely did the best he could, on his side, to raise the Blockade of Themiswear, which felt already great Incommodities, for not having been pro­vided with Victuals. But because he had been necessitated to pass the Danube, and to retire into Servia, lest he should be surrounded with the Imperial Troops which were on the other side of the Da­nube, it was a hard matter to come over it again: The Imperialists had garrison­ed all the little Places which are along the River, to hinder the Communicati­on the Turks of Hungary had with those of Servia. Teckely set upon one of those Towns called Novigrad, upon the Fron­tiers of Bulgaria, and made the Garri­son [Page 29]of it Prisoners of War. After the taking of that place, three thousand Wa­laquians came to him, in spite of General Heuster, who lay upon the Frontiers of Walaquia with a Body of Troops to oppose to the Designs of the Count. The Walaquians feared extreamly, least the Imperialists should enter into their Territories, as they had done into those of the Transilvanians, and use them as they pleas'd; but they committed the same fault as the last had done, that is, that instead of acting openly for the Turks, and making all their Endeavours to support that wa­vering Party, they did but help them under-hand; a Conduct that did but ir­ritate the Emperour, but not hinder him from quartering his Troops amongst them. The Moldavians did also the same, and found themselves at last expo­sed to the same Troubles, altho' a little less by reason of their being afar off.

In the mean while Prince Lewis of Baden was advanced, in July, as far as the River Morave, to observe the Turk­ish Army's March; having had notice, that that Army was stronger than his, which consisted not of full thirty thou­sand Men, that the Turks was fifty thou­sand, he returned the same way; and to increase his Army, he got the Fortifica­tions [Page 30]of many little Towns to be level­led to the Ground, along the Danube, and took out of them the Troops that were in Garrison therein. The Turks having seen the Christian Army return towards Belgrade, passed the River Mo­rave to follow it; but having had notice they had received some Reinforcement from Transilvania, went back again over the River, and retired themselves to­wards Nissa, where they intrenched themselves. Prince Lewis of Baden fall­ed not to follow them, but there fell such a quaintity of Rain, that it was impossible to overcome the difficulty of the Ways; and the Provisions having begun to grow scarce, they were for­ced to return back towards the Bridges they had laid over the Morave, hard by Passarowis: The Army arrived there at the end of August, and was soon follow­ed by that of the Turks, who believed the Christians did fly from them a se­cond time: The Infidels made a great Detachment of their Cavalry, support­ed by some Janisaries, to disturb the March of the Christian Army, and en­deavour to intercept the Convoys, which would come from Semandria, where the Magazines of the Christians were. But that Detachment was defeated the 29 of [Page 31] August, and betook it self to flight, after having lost five or six hundred Men. The next day the Christian Ar­my advanced to that of the Turks, who expected them, being regularly drawn in Battalia beyond a Wood.

The Christians had crossed the Wood, and their Infantry was drawn up in Bat­tel-array in the Plain beyond it, under the favour of a Mist, when the Wea­ther clearing up, made the Turks per­ceive the Fault they had committed, in letting almost all the Enemy's Army to pass without having made any Oppositi­on: Upon which they came forward to charge it with much Fury, but having been received with great Valour, they gave back; and the Christian Army ha­ving advanced accordingly, the Horse had room enough to inlarge their Wings, and to assault the Infidels: Presently they gave way every-where, and they had been cut into pieces, if the Ground had not been incumbered with Woods and Entrenchments, beyond which the Turks did rally, and which were to be forced one after another. Having been repelled thus, they retired into their Camp, where it was thought they would hold out; but they were so much af­frighted, that as soon as they perceived [Page 32]some Imperial Regiments appear, they left it, with all their Cannon and Am­munition, and also the best part of their Baggage. The Christian Army went to encamp itself in it, and found therein almost a hundred Pieces of Cannon, and much Ammunitions for War, of which they were in great want. Those of the Turks were commanded by a Serasquier, a Title which signifies a General in the Turkish Language, and which doth not belong to any Dignity of the Court; it was composed of some disciplined Souldiers of Europe and Asia, but chiefly of new raised Troops, uncapable to stand against Veteran Souldiers, as were the Imperialists: however, the Turks su­stained not altogether so great Losses, because their Troops did not persist ob­stinately to defend the Posts committed to their Guard, but did flie before they were pursued too close.

During the Christians and the Turks were seeking one another for fighting, Count Teckely seized upon Otsowa upon the Danube, towards Transilvania, aban­doned by the Imperialists, to try whe­ther he could throw some Succours into Themiswear: But having had order from the Vizier to march towards Nissa, to reinforce the Turkish Army, he gave o­ver [Page 33]that Design. He was not for all that in the Defeat, the Orders he recei­ved coming too late, or not having made hast enough. Whether it was through Prudence or Chance, he had not been yet in any great Army of the Turks, when they had been resolved to fight: however, such were his Circumstances as render'd it his best Policy to avoid it, as every ways dangerous for him, because being engaged to venture himself upon such an occasion, to encourage the Turks by his Example, and to get their Esteem; it might have unluckily happened that he had been taken by the Imperialists, for want of not being constantly and sufficiently sustained and supported by the Turks. On the contrary, if he had mannaged himself, the Turk would have believed, that he did not rely upon them; therefore they had accused him of Cowardize or Treachery, according to the Success of the Fight. Thus it was more safe for him to shun the Occasions, where there was every way so great Danger.

The Imperial Army having tarried some days in the Turkish Camp, to rest themselves, they thought it convenient to send back one part of it, for fear lest they should want Victuals, and to [Page 34]march with the other towards Nissa; in hopes to prevail there if possible, thro' the Consternation the Turks were in, before they had time to recollect them­selves. The Prince of Baden marched at the head of sixteen thousand Men to­ward Nissa, as speedily as he could: He came thither the 23d of September, and found the Enemy well entrenched before the Place. He disposed the Army in order to fight, although the Enemy was stronger by half, but they never went out of their Lines. The next day the Imperial Army marched to look for some weak side, and to assault the Enemy that way: it went along their Camp, during some hours, without discovering any place whereby they could set upon them; but at last they found one side covered by a Hill, which was not entrenched, and it was resolved to attack them that way. The Turks perceiving the Reso­lution of the Christians, posted upon the top of it a body of Janisaries, and began to entrench themselves. The Christian Army commanded some Regiments to ad­vance, to remove the Janisaries; and the Turks sent some Spahees to attack the Christians in the Flanck, during that En­counter; but the Christian Horses pre­sently advanced to receive the Spahees, [Page 35]and repelled them easily enough. The Janisaries made a greater Resistance, but at last the Imperialists made them run, and carried some Cannon upon the ri­sing Ground, whence they began to play upon the Turkish Camp; the Spahees came to the Charge again, and the Jani­saries stood firm a little way off; but the Spahees having been broken, betook themselves to the flight in earnest, with­out minding of turning back; the Jani­saries fired once upon them to force them to turn back, which increased their Disorder: So that the Serasquier seeing there was no way for the rallying of his Troops, scared by the loss of two Fights, thought it was high time to fly away: the Night, and Weariness of the Impe­rialists, who had been in Arms since the Morning, made their Retreat the more easie, and hindered them from being pursued. The Christian Army spent that night in the Turks Camp, where it had time and the means to refresh itself with the Provisions it found in it. The next day it entered Nissa without distur­bance, the Town not being fortified. Three thousand Horse were presently detached, to march towards Sophia, whe­ther the Serasquier was fled: They came again some days after, and upon the Re­port [Page 36]they brought concerning the Turks Consternation, and the Goodness of the Country, it was resolved to leave one part of the Army at Nissa, to spend there the Winter, and fortifie in some manner that place. During the time the Prince of Baden was at Nissa, the Serasquier sent him Mustapha Aga, to beseech him to give a Pass-port and a Convoy to go to Vienna, and joyn the other Embassa­dors of the Port. The Prince granted him what he petitioned for, but that new Envoy had no new Proposals to make: they acquainted him, it may be, with the Diversion of France, least they should conclude any thing.

Teckely having heard of the Defeat of the Turkish Army at Nissa, while he was in his March, took his way towards Si­lestria; thence he went to Sophia, where the Grand Vizier was, and got thither the 19th of October, follow'd with a mat­ter of a hundred Persons, after having left the Troops he commanded, which were encamped some Miles off of the Town. The Vizier welcomed him ve­ry well, and presented him with a mag­nificent Vest, and some gallant Horses: he certified him the Grand Seignior was extreamly well satisfied with his Con­duct; exhorted him to continue to act [Page 37]with Vigor against the common Enemy, and assured him of the Protection of the Port. The Count had many Discourses with the Vizier, and the other Turkish Officers, to consider what might be done to stop the Imperialists Progress: While they were a consulting together, they had notice that the Prince of Baden had taken his March from Nissa towards the Danube, where he made himself Master of Widden, a place of moment to pass in­to Walaquia, where he had a mind to give his Troops Winter-quarters: he was arrived before that Place the 14th of October, had beaten two Bassa's encamp­ed thereabout, and reduced it to surren­der four days after, although he had but four Field-pieces, the great Cannon not being come from Semandria. The Vi­zier, very sorry for this News, ordered Teckely to go to Nicopoli, to prevent the Designs they might have upon that Place, and to endeavour to retake Widden, if it was possible.

In the mean time General Picolomini, who had tarried at Nissa with some part of the Army, made some Incursions in the neighbouring Countries: but re­turning to Nissa, he died of a Cholick at Pristina, leaving the command of the Army to the Duke of Holstein, till the [Page 38]Emperour had named a new Comman­der. The Duke of Holstein beat again several times the Turks in Servia; but the Advantages and Progress of the Im­perialists carried every day, having ren­dered them too bold, their Carreer and Progress was chect by a considerable Loss that befel them:

Not having had notice that a Body of ten thousand Tartars, delivered at last of the fear they were in of the Poland­ers, who had resolved to keep them­selves upon the defensive, had pass'd the Danube, and joyned the Turks, they con­tinued their March without fear, whi­ther they speeded to find some Booty or Enemies. One day, that five Regiments were advancing with speed to surpize a Body of Turkish Troops, they found themselves surrounded by the Infidels, four times stronger than they were, and were all cut off, very few scaping to car­ry the news of that Defeat.

Prince Charles of Hanover perish'd a­mongst many other Persons of note, in spight of a vigorous Resistance, not ha­ving been willing to accept any Quar­ter.

This engaged the Duke of Holstein to look about himself more carefully than before; and the General Veteranie, who [Page 39]came to Command in the Room of Pico­lomini, retired all his Troops to Nissa; least in leaving them divided, the Tar­tars should surprize them, as they had lately done the four or five Thousand Men, whom they had cut in Pieces.

The Prince of Baden, after having left a Garrison in Widden, to have always a free Passage over the Danube, passed that River to enter into Walaquia, and sent to the Hospodar, he was a coming to leave there Six Regiments in Winter Quarters, to secure his Country against the Tartars. The Hospodar and the States fearing equally, offered the Im­perialists a considerable Sum of Money, to free themselves from Lodging those Troops, and represented also that, Six Regiments quartered amongst them were capable indeed to draw upon themselves the Tartars, but not to stand against those Infidels. For that Reasons sake they intreated them to give them more; but at last they come again to the Num­ber of Six, and engaged themselves to entertain them, and to remount those of the Horse-men, who had lost their Horses. The Prince charged those Troops to Build some Forts in the Pla­ces, from whence they feared the Tar­tars should come; and conveyed the rest [Page 40]of his Troops into Transilvania, after he took his way to Vienna.

Altho' the Tartars had not obtained a great advantage upon the Imperialists, and that in going on at that Rate, there was great hopes for the Turks to re­cover what they had lost; the Grand Vizier and the Caimacan were both Ar­rested, and Strangled, as having ill Ma­naged the Affairs of their Master. Cuperli Ogli, Bassa of Chio, was made Grand Vizier, and another Bassa of the same name got the Caimacan's place. After that they sent a Courier to Vienna, to carry a Letter to the Emperor, and new Instructions to the Envoys that were there.

That Courier Arrived in the begin­ning of the Year 1690, and presented to the Emperor the Grand Seiginor's Let­ter, which contained only some General Propositions concerning the Peace. It was thought the Envoys knew something more, and because they demanded eager­ly to know the Emperors Pretentions, that they might acquaint their Master with them, they received these Condi­tions in Writing:

  • 1. That the Grand Seignior should leave to the Emperor all that was remaining still in Hungary, with Bos­nia, and all its Dependencies, without ever [Page 41]pretending any thing in it.
  • 2. That Molda­via, Walaquia, and the Republick of Ra­gusa, should be comprehended in the Treaties of Peace, and should not be disquieted by the Turks.
  • 3. That the Tartars should be sent Home.
  • 4. That the Port should Pay Six Millions of Gold for the Charges of the War, and two Millions Yearly, to Purehase leave for Transporting upon the Danube what they would to Constantinople.
  • 5. That they should Restore all the Christians that had been taken since the beginning of the War.
  • 6. That Teckely, and all those of his Party, should be delivered into the Hands of the Emperor.

These Proposals having appeared too Excessive to the Envoys, their Answer provoked the Imperial Councel to Anger. They proposed only to quit to the Em­peror what remained in the Ʋpper Hun­gary, upon that Condition, they should leave Belgrade, Nissa, and all that he had conquered beyond the Save. Upon these Proposals they were ordered to get themselves ready to Depart the 25th of Jan. and at that very time they Embarkt upon the Danube, which they descend­ed as far as Comora, where two of them being fallen Sick, they were forced to tar­ry. The Year ensuing they were sent to Puttendorf, to Renew it, but in vain.

They disposed themselves in the mean while at Vienna, to carry on the War, as Vigorously as they could, and amongst several Opinions Startled up, two, they say, were the Chief: The first was to Continue in sending a Great Body of Troops into Servia, to Act there against the Turks, and carry further the Con­quests they had made, and to Fortifie. Nissa. The other Advice was to leave those new Conquests, and to Exaust Ser­via wholly, to apply themselves to For­tifie Belgrade, which was not done. All that wanted to be done, according to the Opinion of those that proposed this Second Advice, was to Reduce Giula, Themiswear, and Great Waradin, to be quite Masters of Hungary, and keep them­selves afterwards upon the Defensive.

Those, who were for the first Opinion, represented that it would be a shameful thing, and that it would express a great weakness, to quit what had been Con­quered: That that Conduct would not fail to raise the Enemies Courage, and to give them some new Hopes, That in the weakness and the fear they were in, there was only need to Repel them, and that that would quite put them in Dis­order; that so much the nearer they should approach Constantinople, so much [Page 43]the more the Seditions should be more Frequent, and by Consequence the Grand Seignior should be more uncapa­ble to gather a Powerful Army: That the Moldavians, and Walaquians, would Declare themselves for the Turks, as soon as they could perceive they were a Re­tiring: That the places, which remain­ed in Hungary, should fall of themselves into the Emperor's Hands, if they con­tinued to Intercept the Provisions, and that so much the Easier, by keeping the Turkish Army farther off of the Frontiers of Hungary: That an Indifferent Army could do what they wanted, by reason that the most part of the Old Turkish Troops were dead, and that henceforth the Army could be compos'd only of Souldi­ers newly raised by Force. They strength­ened that Opinion with many other specious Reasons, and so much the more agreeable to them who had no Skill in Wars, that they seemed to agree with their desires, as more honourable to the Imperial Arms.

On the other side they asserted, the Turkish Forces were not so small, nor so contemptible as they thought, because, if they were helped by the Tartars, as it was probable they should be, they should be in a Case to Beat the Imperial [Page 44]Armeis, whereof they were obliged to make too many Detachments, and to keep them too Remote one from the o­ther, and that they could cut them off, if they did Fight them, one after ano­ther, they not being able to help them­seves reciprocally: That it was impossible to entertain an Army in Servia, because the Turks and Tartars had Ruined it, and would Ruine it still more: That if they had the worst in a Battel, as that might happen, the farther advanced they would be, the more difficult it would be to Retreat, which would put the whole Army to Flight; that they should not consider it as a small matter to reduce all Hungary into the Emperor's Hands, and to keep it so, that they should be no more in danger of loosing it; which they would be exposed to, in undertaking too much: That that very thing would keep all the Neighbourhood in its Duty, without any need of hazar­ding any thing else. They added some other Discourses of the same nature, which aimed all to stick to the surest. But the first Opinion was esteemed best, and they did not perceive, it was main­tained with Reasons more Specious than Solid, but after this Resolution was Em­brac'd, there was no more time to change for the better part.

In the Month of February, the Tar­tars, who had consumed all that they could find of Provisions in Servia, re­passed the Danube, and went to look for some in Walaquia. The Imperialists quar­tered there, but not finding themselves Capable to stop their Inroads, retired into the Transilvanians Territories, and gave an opportunity to the Walaquians to Reproach them; that it happened no­thing otherwise than what they had forewarned, and that they had refused them what they had promised them. Some thought the Hospodar kept a Cor­respondence with the Tartars, and that he had drawn them to drive away the Imperialists. However it were, by this it Manifestly appeared, that they were grasping at more than they could keep; and they were not displeased to Mortifie the Walaquians. The Tartari­ans retired soon after, and the Imperia­lists, who feared least the Turks should attack Nissa, or Widdin, called into Servia the Troops they had in Transilvania, to secure those Places.

Canisa, after having suffered a blockade almost without Intermission since the ta­king of Buda, surrendred it self at last to the Emperor, for want of Victuals, as soon as they lost all the hopes of receiving any Succours.

The Surrender of that Town pleased the the Imperial Court mightily so, much the more, that they hoped Themiswear, and Waradin would follow its Example, which nevertheless did not happen, those places having been victualled many times.

A little after the surrender of Canisa, Michael Abaffi dyed at Alba-Julia, after having been a long while Sick, and dying, recommended his Children to the Em­peror, as to the Power then most capable to support them, and get his eldest Son to succeed him in the Principality. The Turks had made him Vaivode, as you may have seen in the first Book of this History, and the Malecontents of Hungary had protected him, as it has been told in the Second, against the intrigues of the Im­perial Court. Because he had been in the Party of both, during many Years. But the Emperor having made himself Master of all the Ʋpper Hungaria, after the raising of the Siege of Vienna, he began to keep fair with him, rather by necessity than by Inclination, for fear least he should act again for the Turks, or for the Malecontents; and to be reven­ged for what was past, they filled Tran­silvania with Imperial Garrisons, and the Transilvanians were not much better used than the Hungarians.

Charles the fourth Duke of Lorrain dy­ed also, in the beginning of that Cam­pagne, and the Imperial Court was de­prived of a most able and zealous Ge­neral for the House of Austria, whose Interests his Relations were bound to. The Duke of Bavaria was named to command in his room upon the Rhine, while Prince Lewis of Baden was com­ing to take the Command of the Army in Hungary. 'Tis reported for certain that this last should excuse himself, be­cause although he had met with such good Success in the last Campagne, his Army wanted many necessary things; so that it had been impossible to do a­ny thing, if the Turks had used a better Conduct than they did. The Imperial Army conquered a good part of Servia, and often routed the Turks; but this was not effected without exposing them­selves to great Hazards, and by a time­ly laying hold of those Opportunities which the Slowness and Consternation of the Turks have long ago furnished them with. If it happened that the Turks should take better Measures, and act with more Vigour, there was cause to fear, least the Imperial Arms should not be so dreadful as before: It seemed in­deed the Grand Vizier was a preparing [Page 48]himself to do better in this Campagne, than his predecessors had done for some Years past: he was a gathering his Troops at Nicopoli in Servia, whither he had given a Rendezvous to a grand num­ber of Saiques.

While they were expecting the o­pening of the next Campagne, every Party named a Vaivode of Transilvania. The Emperour declared himself for the eldest Son of the deceased Abaffi; and the Grand Seignior for Teckely: for al­though that Principality was Elective, the States have used to choose ordinari­ly him they think to be the strongest, or the best supported, to provide in the same time for the Security of the Coun­try, and keep to themselves a Shadow of Liberty, which they shall enjoy in Reality, when they be able to do it with Security. Abaffi had a strong Party in the Country, and got himself to be cho­sen according to the usual Formalities, in spight of the Manifesto Teckely had sent thither, by which he declar'd he had been made Vaivode by the Grand Seignior, un­der whose Protection Transilvania was.

He forbid the Transilvanians also to acknowledge the Emperour of Germany's Orders, o [...] his Commanders, neither should they furnish them with any thing [Page 49]whatsoever; ordering them to keep their Provisions for the Turks and Tar­tars Armies, which were going to enter their own Country, to deliver them from the Germans Yoak.

A little while after, during the time the Serasquier besieged Widden, and the Vizier Nissa, Teckely appeared upon the Fronteers of Transilvania. The General Heusler, who commanded four thousand Men of the Imperial Troops, had made himself Master of the Passages, with some of the Country Millitia. Teckely who was coming from Walaquia with an Ar­my of fifteen or sixteen thousand Men, composed of Hungarians, Turks, and Tar­tars, besides some Transilvanians and Wa­laquians, caused his Transilvanians to go across some Hills, whither the Horse could not pass: When he thought they were come to the place, whereby they should attack the Enemy in the Reer, he assaulted them in the Front with the main of his Army, the twenty second of August: The Transilvanian Militia, that were not concerned in the defending of the Germans, run presently away; and the Imperialists encompassed about, were almost all cut off; General Heusler him­self fell Prisoner into Teckely's hand, who made him Prisoner of War, and used him very civilly.

That Victory of Teckely, which he ac­quainted the Grand Vizier with, and which they took care to publish every­where, engaged Prince Lewis of Baden to pass the Danube at Semandria, to protect Abaffi and the other Transilvanians of the Imperial Party against Teckely, who was come before Cronstadt, without being able to storm that place for want of Cannon. In the mean while Nissa, where Count Guido of Staremburgh commanded, was surrendred with himself the eighth of September, making an honourable Ca­pitulation; and whereof the chiefest Ar­ticles were, That the Garrison should be conducted safely to Belgrade; which was not exactly well observed. The Garri­son of Widden surrendred itself too the twenty nineth of the same Month, and was conveyed more safely as far as Or­sowa. The Grand Vizier, having had notice the Prince of Baden had passed the Danube, to defend Transilvania, went from Nissa streightway to Belgrade, the Breaches whereof he knew to be unre­pared still.

In the same time Teckely did forget nothing to engage the Transilvanians to acknowledge him for Viavode, promising all sort of Advantage to them, who would declare themselves for him; and [Page 51]threatning to use as Rebels those who would stand against him. Some Coun­ties of Transilvania acknowledged him, and sent him Envoys; but the most part of the Transilvanians took the Party of Abaffi, and desired the Succours from the Emperour. The Marquess Doria, who had been made a Prisoner by the Tartars and redeemed by Teckely, went to Vienna upon the General Heusler's word, to get some Money for his Ran­som: He carried a Letter to the Prin­cess Ragotski from her Husband, to whom he brought soon after an Answer, wherein she expressed to have a great mind to be exchanged for General Heu­sler a Prisoner.

The Grand Vizier marching towards Belgrade, attacked so suddenly the Pa­lank of Semandria, that the Garrison, which had order to quit it, and ruine the place, had not the time to do it: Having taken the Resolution to defend itself, and not having taken well its Measures, it was forced the fourth day, and put to the Sword. The Turks found in it some Pieces of Cannon, and a few Ammunitions, because they had carried into Transilvania, and elsewhere, what they had before in it. The very second of Octob. he laid the Siege to Belgrade, which [Page 52]he assaulted very briskly; and which the General Aspremont, who had thrown him­self into it, defended as well as he could. The Duke of Croy entred into it a little while after with seven or eight hundred Men. But because the old Breaches were but pallisadoed, and the place ill fur­nished with Pioneers, and Tools to work the Ground; there was no likelihood to hold out long, although they had e­nough of other necessary Provisions. And yet one would never have thought the Turks had been able to make them­selves Masters of it, after six days siege; but an Accident that happened, was the cause that that place fell the eighth of October into their hands, a Bomb having fallen upon a Tower where the Maga­zine of the Powder was, which should have been in Cellars, overthrew not only that Tower with horrible. Noise and Damage, but destroyed many neigh­bouring Houses, and set some others on fire. The Turks laying hold on the Dis­order which that occasioned, they as­saulted the Palisadoes with such a Fury, that they took the place, without ha­ving made yet in it any Breach, and put to the Sword all that they met; and forced the Commander to run away o­ver the Danube, upon some Saiques, with [Page 53]seven or eight Hundred Men. They retired to Esseck, to make their endea­vours to keep that Post, which they had not Fortifyed yet; by reason they thought the Turk would never come so far. Therefore it wanted but a little, but they had lost it some while after. The Vizier having caused some of his Troops to pass the Save, sent them that way, to attack that Place, which they expected to carry easily. But having not done it with the Vigor that was re­quired, they had Advice, that a great many Imperal Forces were a coming to Succour it; and they say, they thought them already come, hearing the sound of the Trumpets and Kettle-drums, which by way of Amusement had been sent out of that place the Night be­fore, with an order to return with a great Noise through the Morass Way. Upon that false Suspicion they went a­way the 6th of November with so great a Precipitation, that they left their Cannon, and one part of their Bagage, to reach the sooner to Belgrade, whither they speeded away.

There was a report then that they had offered to make Peace with Teckely, and that they were willing to know from him, what it was he expected from the [Page 54]Emperor. Some Articles too, have been published, wherein he asks not only the Principality of Transilvania, but also the restoring of all his States, and the Restauration of the Priviledges of Hungary, many places in that Kingdome, to be made a Prince of the Empire, and other things, that seems to be so unlikely, that we will say no more of it. The Prince of Baden having received all the succours he expected, advanced with an Army stronger than that of Teckely, both for the Number and Qua­lity of the Troops, to offer him Battle; but Teckely knew how to avoid it, and chose rather to Retire upon the fron­tiers of Moleavia, than to hazard any thing. If the Vizier had had any great skill in Warlike Affairs, he should have presently after the taking of Belgrade, followed the Prince of Baden, or march­ed in order to joyn with Teckely, and ren­der himself Master with him of Transil­vania. But the Turks can, no more than some other Nations, make so good use of their advantages, as to boast them­selves of their Victories. All that they did, was to take Lippa, and to throw some Provisions and Troops in Giula, Themiswear, and Waradin. Those Gar­risons being increased made several in­roads [Page 55]in many places of the Ʋpper Hun­gary, and into Transilvania also, without the Prince of Baden's Power to hinder it, who had already divided his Troops, wearied by the long Marches they had undergone, to put them into Winter Quarters, to hinder it.

All the remedy they found against it, was to gather as many Troops as they could, and to follow the Turks in their retreat; which they did happily e­nough, seeing they killed many of those who were the slowest, and that they delivered a considerable number of Prisoners.

During the time the Turks were en­tring into Transilvania, on the side of Hungary, Teckely entred into it too through Walaquia. They sent to meet himtthe Prince of Auguste of Hanover, Serjeant General of Battle at the Head of a Thousand Horses. That Prince having attacked Fifteen Hundred Men, who were intrenched in a passage Rashly, was wholly defeated, and himself kil­led upon the Spot. And yet Teckely made no use of that Defeat, by reason of the hardness of the Season, which hindered him from engaging himself further into Transilvania, having heard besides the Turks were retired. He re­turned [Page 56]into Walaquia, and the Prince of Baden took his way towards Vienna.

The Young Abaffi and his Friends, supported by the Imperial Troops, be­gan then to search out those that had declared themselves for Teckely. They used them no less roughly than they had done the Rebls in Hungary, as if the Emperor had had more right to raise Abaffi to the dignity of Vaivadoe, than the Grand Seignor had to invest Teckely with it. But it is no new thing, that the party which has the better, has the Justice and Reason on his side. The States of Transilvania followed the choyce of Vienna, and gave their con­sent, that Abaffi should be their Prince, under the Emperor's protection. Not being come yet to age fit to govern by himself: they named a Chancellor, and a Council, composed of Transilvanians, who took upon themselves the charge of the Affairs. They promised also to the Emperor's Commissioners, to give their Master two Hundred Thousand Livers per annum in Silver, and so much in Corn, while the War should last, a Tribute much larger than that the Vaivodes of Transilvania had used to pay before to the Port.

The Turks encouraged, by the advanta­ges of the last Campaign, made incursions during the Winter, and took several pla­ces, round about those they had in Hun­gary. The Imperialists on their side plun­dered upon the Turks, and till the Cam­paign was opened, many actions hap­ned, whereby both Parties had by turn, the advantage and disadvantage over the other: Teckely kept in play the Troops of Transilvania, during the Winter and the Spring; and the Report that the Grand Seignor was to give him Twenty Thou­sand Men, to enter into that Princi­pality, caused General Veterany to ask the Emperor for some new Troops, his being extreamly fatigued. The Turks, on their side, making great pre­parations, the Emperor gave order to Fortify Esseck, after the Strongest and the most Expeditious way they could to withstand the Infidels the better. He committed the defence of Germany to several Princes, and Towns, which en­gaged themselves to keep an Army up­on the Rhine. In the mean while, some new troubles, which arose at Constan­tinope, hindered the Turks from making the necessary preparations, and stopped their design. Count Teckely, instead of having an Army sufficient to render [Page 58]himself Master of Transilvania, or at least to keep his ground against the Imperialists, was reduced to the neces­sity of making some Excursions towards Themiswear with his Malecontents, which were not many in Number.

In the month of July, the Imperial Army, being above 40000 Strong, and commanded by Prince Lewis of Baden, Marched along the Danube as far as Peter-Waradin, because it was reported that the Turks, who were made to Amount to near 60000 Men, were upon the de­sign of passing the Save, and going to Besiege Esseck. In effect, a few days after the Christian Army arrived at Peter-Waradin, the Turks, commanded by the Grand Vizier, assisted by the councels of Count Teckely, passed the Save, and came to encamp near Semlyn, upon the Banks of the Danube. The 10th of August the Imperial Army be­ing advanced that way, saw the Infidels in Order of Battel upon hills, which they would not descend. The Imperials encamped as near them as possibly they could, in Expectation that the Turks would not refuse them Battel, if they con­tinued to offer it them. Notwithstand­ing these last being resolved to hazard [Page 59]nothing, and being perfectly well in­trenched, the Prince of Baden purposed to retire, with a Design to make them aban­don their Trenches, and to draw nearer the place, from whence his provisions were sent him, which could not be con­veyed low enough by the Danube, upon the account of the Turkish Saicks, which covered the River. The Turks, who thought that fear made the Christians withdraw, upon the 16th of the Month attacked the Rear of the Christian Army, by some Horse, to incommode it in its March, nevertheless without en­gaging too far. For some Days fol­lowing the Turks continued to do the same, and by amusing after that manner the Christian Army, they passed upon its Right, and went to post themselves the 18th of August upon the Hills near the Danube, between Peter-Waradin, and the Christians, with a design to cut off their Provisions. They had not ill begun, and the Regiment of Dragoons of Buquoi, which convey'd 200 Chariots of Provisions, was entirely cut in peices as well as some other Troops, which came from Esseck, and knew not that the Christian Army was further distant from them, than the Turks.

This Action of the Vizier's was un­doubtedly [Page 60]one of the wisest, that had been performed in this War, for a long time; and if he had often happened that the Turks had used such conduct, the Imperialists had been [...]ut to their utmost shifts to oppose them. The Prince of Baden, and the other Generals perceiving then what a trick the Vizier had play'd them, and seeing themselves absolutely destitute of Provisions, be­cause the Turkish Saicks obstructed their coming by the Danube, and the Army of the Turks prevented them by Land, they resolved to hazard all to break through the Turkish Camp, since they must of necessity starve, if they stay'd any longer. If so be they had been defeated, one might have depended upon seeing the Affairs of the Ottaman Empire restored in a little time, and perhaps all Hungary fallen into their Hands; because the Emperor being in want of Money, and believing him­self secure by his Victories, had neglect­ed to Fortify what he had taken from the Turks, except Esseck, and some ad­vanced places. On the other side, by routing the Enemy's Army, the ad­rantage was but small, unless they could defeat it easily, and without loss, which they could not expect to do. In [Page 61]the mean time, as there was no other way to save the Imperial Army, than by exposing it to these Risks, it march­ed the next Day, being the 19 of August, towards the Trenches of the Turks, which were found to be much better, than had been Imagined. About three in the Afternoon, the Right Wing at­tacked those, who regarded the Camp of the Imperialists, and the Left Wing was to make a greater compass, in order to set upon that place, which lookt to­wards the Rhine. The Right Wing was received by the Janizaries with so much resolution, that they repulsed it a great way from its Lines, and with much los [...]. But the Left Wing having found the soil more commodious, broke through the Lines of the Turks, whilst their Horse, who were gone out to oppose its March, Skirmished against some Squadrons of the Christian Army. Teckely. who was at the Head of the Horse, seeing the Camp forced on one side, and disorder in the Troops, prepared himself to re­tire. The Right Wing of the Christian Army, having followed the left, and abandoned its attack, where it found too much resistance, gave opportunity to the Janizaries, and what remained of Horse in the Camp, to get off on this [Page 62]side: The approaching Night, (this Action having lasted near three Hours, the weariness of the Imperialists, their losses, and their desire of Plunder,) gave the Turks an occasion to retire, altho' the Grand Vizier had been killed.

The Imperialists, as it is said, left in this Fight above 6000 Men upon the place, and had double as many wounded, of which several died in the end. A great number of Officers remain'd there, and the Army instead of pursuing the Turks, took the road of Peter-Waradin; as the Turks retired towards Belgrade, after having lost 18000 Men of their side. This victory of the Imperialists, being none of those which they desired to obtain often, put them out of a con­dition to undertake any thing, on this side of the Danube; and they thought only upon reposing themselves, and re-enforcing their Army by detachments out of the neighbouring Garrisons, for fear the Turks should make any attempt.

The 28th of August a party of Tar­tars came to take away some Cattel, and some Horses from the Imperial Army, and altho' orders had been given for a speedy pursuance of them, they could overtake but some few, who were made. Prisoners. It was known to them, that [Page 63]the Turkish Army was encamped near Belgrade, and that those Bassa's, who had saved themselves, kept it in good order, notwithstanding the Vizier, and the Aga of the Janizaries [...]ad been kill­ed in the Battel of Salankemen, and the Troops extreamly fatigued.

The Christian Army having remain­ed at Peter-Waradin, till such time as it was in a condition not to be taken of a sudden, left a Garrison in it, and di­vided it self in two Bodys, whereof one commanded by the Duke of Croy took the way of Esseck; and the other, which was conducted by the Prince of Baden, passed the Danube, in the begin­ning of September, and marched towards Zolnock, along the River Teys. During this March, Lippa was retaken by Ge­neral Veterani, who was ordered to for­tify it. From Zolnock the Army march­ed towards Great-Waradin, which the Prince of Baden view'd the 10th of October. After which the place was re­gularly besieged, and bombarded, to try if it might be won by that means: The Turks defended themselves with much Resolution; after having disputed the Ground with the Imperialists as well as they could, they retired the twenty third into an Intrenchment pallizado'd, [Page 64]which they had made round the Citta­del. The Imperialists continu'd to push them even into the Cittadel where they made a pretty considerable Breach, but the Ditch being full of Water, without any possibility of draining it, it was ne­cessary at length to resolve upon turn­ing the Siege into a Blockade, upon the seventh of November. Thus the victo­rious Army was obliged to abandon an Enterprize, which it had undertaken, as it seems, only to let the Turks see, that the Victory had not been so bloody as they imagined, since it durst afterwards besiege one of their strongest Places: if so be they did not succeed to their Wishes, at least the Turks might see by it, that the Imperialists did not want Courage. The death of the Grand Vizier Cuperli, who was succeeded by Hali Bas­sa, prevented them from shewing the Imperialists in their turn, that the loss of a Battel had not exhausted their For­ces. They were also worsted in Sclavo­nia, where they abandoned Gradiska, and let several small places be taken by the Duke of Croy▪ who commanded that body of the Army which acted on this side. Besides, the blockade of Waradin was not unuseful, since by that means the Place was reduced to Capitulate up­on [Page 65]on the 3d of June, in the following year 1692, after a Months Seige, as shall be more at large recited in the continu­ation of this History, when there shall ar­rive sufficient matter to make an Adition.

The Prince of Baden put his Troops in Winter-quarters, after having left a competent number to continue the blockade of Waradin, which was con­ducted by the Prince of Aversperg. If the rigour of the season had permitted them to press the Attacks, it was im­possible for the Bassa of this City to hold out long; since several Persons, who found means to get out, reported that the Garrison, which had consisted of above 3000 Men, at the beginning of the Siege, was reduced to less than half; that most part of the Provisions were either burnt, or consumed; and that the Garrison, was obliged to live in Caves co­vered with Earth and Ruins, and remain­ed there with the utmost inconvenience.

During the Siege of Waradin, a Turk, who passed out of this place through the Camp of the Imperialists, without being known, reported at Belgrade, whither he went, That he had heard a Radzian say, That the Counts Teckely and Petrozzi had wrote to Prince Lewis of Baden, That had it not been for them, [Page 66]the Serasquier had gone to relieve Wa­radin, and that the Emperour owed to them this Obligation; That if he would Negotiate with them for their Compo­sition, General Heusler could instruct him of their pretensions. Notwithstand­ing this information was false, the Turks and Tartars fell upon them, as upon Traytors, and the Serasquier had much ado to secure them from the Fury of the Souldiers, who intirely plundered their Baggages. It was easie for the Counts to shew the falsehood of this Accusation▪ since the Serasquier knew, that he had been of opinion himself to attempt the Relief of Waradin. They had also a mind to render Teckely suspected, because he had released General Heusler, upon condition that his Wife should be resto­red him; but that having been done by the consent of the deceas'd Vizier, and the chief Officers of the Turks, the Serasquier made no scruple in that re­spect. In the mean time the noise of the apprehension of the Count, being di­spersed, was a subject of much joy to the Imperialists, who believed him lost, and much affliction to the Hungarians that followed him, who were at Wipalanka, upon the Danube, which they passed im­mediately, for fear of being cut in pieces [Page 67]by the Infidels. But the two Counts, being freed, soon went to seek them, and brought them back into Servia, where they took their Quarters about Possarowits. Thus Teckely escaped once more the brutallity of the Turkish Troops, amongst which he will hardly ever re­main in perfect safety. He has had this good Fortune, in his Disgraces, to live to the year 1692 amongst these barbarous People, respected of the Generals, and beloved of the Port, whilst it has rui­ned a very great number of its best Offi­cers, under pretence of their ill Con­duct, by reason of the losses which it had received by the War. Happy, if the same reason doth not cause his destructi­on one day; or if he can see a Peace con­cluded between the two Empires, and live in some corner of the World, with­out fearing the Resentments of the House of Austria! We will end here, till pro­cess of time gives us more Information.

The Year 1692 was Spent without any Action between the two Armies, they being both so weak, that neither of them durst attempt to force the other, tho they lay the most part of the Summer near each other, on the Danube in Sclavonia.

The End of the Fourth and Last Book.

AN INDEX Of the matters contained in the Life of TECKELY.

The First Book.
  • REasons for Writing, and Publishing this History. p. 2.
  • Subjects of complaints given by the Kings of Hungary to their People, and of the Kings. p. 3, 4, 5.
  • The Nobility of Hungary partly cause the troubles. p. 6.
  • Stephen Teckely, Father of Emeric, his Quality, and his Riches. p. 7.
  • Birth and Education of Em. Teckly. p. 8.
  • George Ragotski, Vaivod of Transilva­nia, defeated by the Poles, the Tartars, and the Turks. p. 8. 9.
  • Implores in vain the Emperour's Assistance. p. 9.
  • Francis Ragotski constrained to receive the [Page]Imperial Troops, in some of his places. p. 10.
  • Hungarians fear for their Liberty. p. 11.
  • Francis which must be read so line the instead of Paul Wesselin.
  • Palatine of Hungary opposes the designs of the Imperial Court. p. 12.
  • Waradin, besieged and taken by the Turks. p. 13.
  • The Prince of Portia, the Emperour's Mi­nister, lets Waradin be taken. p. 14.
  • Hungarians refuse to receive the Germans in their places. p. 16.
  • Disorders of the German Troops in Hun­gary, and complaints of the Hungarians. p. 17.18.
  • Principality of Transilvania restored to Michael Abaffi. p. 21.
  • Quarrels between the Hungarians and Ger­mans, in reference to the quartering of Troops. p. 23, 25, 28.
  • Chimen and Anos routed and killed. p. 28.
  • Ʋseless negotiation between the Emperour and the Turks. p. 29.
  • Proposals of the Hungarians, to defend their Country. p. 30.
  • Achmet Coprogli, Grand Vizer beseiges and takes New hausel. p. 31.
  • Counts of Serin beat the Turks. p. 33.
  • Imperial Army against the Turks. p. 34.
  • Seige of Kanischa vainly attempted. p. 37. 38, 39.
  • [Page]Fort Serin taken by the Turks. p. 41.
  • Advantages of the Imperialists beyond the Danube. p. 43.
  • Battel of St. Godard, where the Turks are routed. p. 44.
  • Fault of Monteculi after this Victory p. 45.
  • Faults of Peter de Serin of the death of his Brother. p. 46.
  • Ʋnion of Hungarian Lords, to oppose the Germans. p. 47.
  • Truce concluded between the Emperour and the Turks. p. 48.
  • Blamed and defended. p. 49.
  • Hungarians vexed at this treaty. p. 50.
  • Their conplaints, and their answers they re­ceived. p. 52.
  • New Subjects of discontent. p. 55.
  • Conspiracy of the Counts Nadsti and Serin. p. 57.
  • Death of Francis Wesselini. p. 59.
  • Francis Nadasti attempts upon the Life of the Emperour. p. 60, 61.
  • Peter Serin in vain sues for the Government of Garlestadt. p. 62.
  • Protestants misused in Hungary. p. 63, 64.
  • General disatisfaction. ibid.
  • Conspiracy in Hungary to defend the Privi­ledges of the Country. 65.
  • The Hungarians beg the assistanee of the Turks. 66, 67.
  • Vain efforts of the Conspirators. 68.
  • [Page]The Count of Tattemback arrested. 69.
  • The Countess of Serin arrested. 70.
  • The Counts of Serin and Frangipam ar­rested. p. 72.
  • Assemb. of Hung. conspired at Cassovia. 73.
  • Francis Ragotski takes up Arms. 73, 74.
  • Hungarians demands to the Emperour. 74.
  • Ragotski returns to his Obedience: 76.
  • Hungarian Conspirators reduced. 77.
  • Count Wadasti arrested. 78.
  • The Diet of Hungary vainly sollicites for the imprisoned Counts. 79.
  • Multiplication of Malecontents. 80.
  • Hungarian Lords pursued by Arms. 81.
  • Stephen Teckely besieged and dead. 82.
  • His Son about 15 years old, a Fugitive in Transylvania. 83.
The Second Book.
  • Teckely puts himself under the protection of the Turks. 84.
  • Well received in Transylvania. 85.
  • Hungary used as a Land of Conquest. 85.
  • Abolishment of the charge of Palatine. 86.
  • Establishment of a Vice-Roy, and Sovereign Chamber in Hungary. 87.
  • Protest misused in Hung. by the Vice-Roy. 88.
  • Minist. sent to the Galleys, and delivered. 88.
  • Malecontents of Hungary in Arms. 89.
  • Divers Encounters. 89.
  • Presentions of the Malecontents, and promises [Page]of the Emperour 90
  • Hostilities of the Turks 92
  • Debrezen surprized, and abandoned by the Imperialists 93
  • Offers of the Emperour to the Malecontents 94
  • Imperialists beaten by the Malecontents 95
  • Kops, General of the Emperour, whose cruel Conduct is disapproved of at Court 96
  • Nagibania taken, lost and retaken ib.
  • New Offers to the Malecontents, and the Dif­ficulties of satisfying them 97
  • E. T. declared Head of the Malecontents 98
  • His first Advances 99
  • Weakness of the Imperialists under C. L. 100
  • Teckely has an Army of 2000 Men, and takes Eperies 101
  • C. Lesle defeated by Teck. and Boham 102
  • Faults of the Malecontents in their manner of making War 103
  • Weakness and ill Conduct of the Imperial­ists 104
  • Cities surrender to Teckely ib.
  • Ʋseless Negotiations between the Parties 105
  • Fight between C. Wourmb and the Male­contents ib.
  • Truce between the Imperialists and Male­contents 106
  • Teckely suspected by the Malecontents, and deceived by the Imperialists 107
  • Acts more vigorously than ever against the Emperour 108
  • [Page] Teckely and Wesselini differ about the Command 109
  • Disorders of the Imperial Army 110
  • Teckely thinks of being reconciled, but his Proposals being rejected, he says he will do nothing without the Port 111
  • Zatchmar vainly besieged by Teckely 112
  • Standard of the Malecontents ib.
  • Kersmark, and some other Cities taken by Teckely 113
  • Negotiations between the two Parties ib.
  • The Emperour seems to grow milder in re­spect of the Protestants 114
  • Teckely solicited by the Turks, and the Im­perialist's, and his Demands to the latter 115
  • The Clergy of Hungary oppose the Emperor's good Will towards the Protestants ib.
  • The Ancient Govern. of Hun. restored 116
  • Demands of the Malecontents 117
  • Negotiations caused by the Fear of the Turks 118
  • Reasons why the Malecontents could not a­gree 119
  • Abaffi and Teckely united in the Siege of Zathmar 121
  • The Siege raised, and why ib.
  • Articles concerning Religion concluded in the Diet of Hungary 123
  • Preparations of the Turks for the War, and an Embassy from the Emperour 124
  • Offers of the Emperour to Teckely reject­ed [Page] 125
  • Marriage of Teckely with the Princess Ro­goski 126
  • Zathmar taken by Teckely 127
  • Cossovia taken by the same 128
  • Several other Places taken 129
  • The Captains of the Imperialists suspected of Intelligence with the Malecontents 130
  • Teckely declared Prince of Upper Hunga­ry by the Turks 131
  • Mutual Negotiations and Complaints 132
  • The Imperialists despond in the beginning of the Year 1683 133
  • Diet called to Cossovia by Teckely 134
  • March of the Turks towards Hungary 136
  • Ill Conduct of the Imperialists 137
  • Second Diet assembled at Cossovia by Tec­kely, and its Effects 138
  • The Imperial Army commanded by the Duke of Lorrain ib.
  • Teckely goes to see the Vizier near Esseck, and is well recompensed 139
  • Almost all Hungary declares for him 141
  • The Emperour abandons the greatest part of Hungary 142
  • March of the Turkish Army ib.
  • It passes the Raab and the Rabwits 143
  • The D. of Lorrain plunders the Country 144
  • The Emperour leaves Vienna, and retires to Passau ib.
  • Preparations to defend Vienna 145
  • [Page]The Turks invest this City, and immediate­ly commit divers considerable Faults 146
  • Design of Teckely upon the Castle of Pres­bourg 147
  • This Castle relieved by the Duke of Lorrain, who beats the Malecontents 148
  • Teckely decamps, and disagrees with the Turks who were with him 148
  • Tartars begin to pillage Moravia 159
  • The Malecontents don't support the Turks e­nough, and why 151
  • The Tartars and Turks defeated in Mora­via, by the Duke of Lorrain 152
  • Capital Faults of the Turks in the Siege of Vienna ib.
  • Battle near Vienna, wherein the Turks are routed ib.
  • Praise of the King of Poland, and the Duke of Lorrain 155
  • The Christian Army pursues that of the Turks 156
  • Fight near Barcan, where the Turks had the better 157
  • Another Fight, wherein they are defeat­ed 159
  • Barcan taken 160
  • Count Teckely serves the Turks ill 161
  • Proposals of the Malecontents 162
  • Rejected by the Duke of Lorrain 165
  • Seige of Gran, carried in few days 167
  • The Malecontents make new Offers, and are [Page]rejected 160, 170
  • The King of Poland returns home, without taking Winter-quarters in Hungary 171
  • The Grand Vizier strangled 172
  • Journey of Teckely to Adrinople, where he justifies himself before the Grand Seig­nior 173
  • Another Vizier 174
The Third Book.
  • An Act of Oblivion publish'd by the Empe­rour, and its Effects 2
  • Desertors amongst the Malecontents punished with Rigour 3
  • Omissions in the Pardon 4
  • Teckely makes prosperous Incursions, and beats some Polish Troops, who retire home 4, 5
  • Advantages of the Turks and Malecon­tents 5, 6
  • The King of Poland offers to be Mediatour between the Emperour and the Malecon­tents, but his Mediation is rejected ib.
  • State-Maxim of the Polanders, in relation to Hungary 7
  • Artifice to divide the Hungarian Malecon­tents, under pretence of Religion ib.
  • Letter of Teckely to the Pope, touching his Designs 8
  • Vicegrad taken by the Duke of Lorrain 10
  • [Page] Turks defeated upon the two Banks of the Danube ib.
  • Pest none by the Imperialists, and abandon­ed 11
  • Seige of Buda 12
  • Advantages and Losses of the Imperialists 13
  • Inconveniencies which the Imperialists suf­fer'd before Buda ib.
  • Arrival of the Elector of Bavaria 14
  • Buda relieved by the Serasquier, and the Seige abandoned by the Imperialists 15
  • Fault of the Serasquier ib.
  • Advantages of General Schultz in Upper Hungary 16
  • Teckely surprized by Schultz 16, 17
  • Eperies vainly attacked by the Imperialists, who take other Places ib.
  • Weitzen taken by the Turks 18
  • Want of Provisions in Hungary ib.
  • Newhausel blocked up by the Imperialists, and furnished with Provisions, in spite of them, by Teckely 19
  • Schultz defected by Teckely 20
  • Heusler retakes Weitzen, and gains some Advantages over the Turks ib.
  • Ungwar vainly besieged by Schutz 21
  • Siege of Newhausel ib.
  • March of the Imperial Army against the Se­rasquier 22
  • Defeat of the Serasquier 23
  • Newhausel taken 24
  • [Page] Eperies taken by Capitulation 25
  • Divers Malecontents submit to the Emperor, and Cassovia is besieged ibid.
  • Teckely made Prisoner by the Bassa of Wa­radin 27
  • Disorder which it causes in the Party 28
  • The Princess Ragotski summoned to surren­der 29
  • Letters of Teckely, and the Answer his Wife makes to the Imperialists 29, 30
  • Teckely set at liberty ibid.
  • Manifesto or Discourse of Teckely, con­taining the Reasons of the Malecontents to take up Arms against the Empe­rour 32 to p. 51
  • Teckely takes the Field 51
  • Montgatz block'd up by the Imperialists, makes a vigorous Defence 52
  • St. Job taken by Caraffa 54
  • Moncatsch besieged in vain 55, 56
  • Teckely surprized by Merci 57
  • Design of undertaking the Siege of Buda ib.
  • Cities dismantled in Upper Hungary 58
  • Imperialists in Transilvania 59
  • March of the Imperial Army to the Siege of Buda 60
  • Seige of this Place 61
  • Endeavours of the Turks to relieve it 62
  • It is taken by Assault, through the fault of the Turks 63
  • The Christian Army follows the Turkish, [Page]and attacks two Places which it takes ib.
  • Intrigues of Teckely discovered 64
  • Execution of suspected Hungarians 66, 67
  • The Turks offer to make Peace 68
  • Teckely surprized and defeated 70
  • March of the Imperial Army, which passes the Drave 71
  • The Imperialists repulsed by the Turks 71
  • Fight of Mohats, wherein the Turks are de feated 72
  • New Losses of the Turks 73
  • Design of Crowning the Arch-duke Joseph King of Hungary 74
  • Disorders at Constantinople, where the Grand Seigniour is deposed, and his Bro­ther put in his place 75
  • The Imperial Troops quartered in Transil­vania 76, 77
  • Predictions of Teckely accomplished 78
  • Election of the Arch-duke Joseph to be He­reditary King of Hungary, and the Dif­ficulties in obtaining it 79, 80
  • Sudden Death of Count Drascowits 80
  • Demands of the Hungarian Protestants at the Diet of Presbourg 82
  • Reduction of Agria 83
  • Prosperity of the House of Austria ibid.
  • Efforts of Teckely. 84
The Fourth Book.
  • Confusion of Teckely 2
  • Moncatsch surrendered 3
  • Articles of Capitulation ibid.
  • Disorders of the Germans in Transilva­nia 5
  • Valachia fears the Imperialists 6
  • Teckely surprized, accused and justified 7
  • Manifesto of this Count 8
  • New Troubles at Constantinople 15
  • The Princess Ragotski Misused at Vi­enna ibid.
  • Conspiracy against Teckely discovered 16
  • Hungarians go to joyn him ibid.
  • Alba-Regalis surrendred to the Imperial­ists 17
  • Teckely takes an Oath to the Turks ibid.
  • Belgrade taken by the Elector of Bava­ria ibid.
  • Envoys of the Turks for a Peace 18
  • Entrance [...]f the Army of France into Ger­many, which retards the Peace 19
  • Teckely e [...]deavours to make an Advant­age of it 20
  • Death of the Hospodar of Valachia, and the Electi [...]n of a new one 21
  • Envoy of Te [...]kely to the Hospodar 22
  • Teckely's L [...]tter made publick at Constan­tinople 23
  • [Page]Proposals of peace 24
  • The Turks in perplexity 25
  • Teck. demands assistance of the Turks 26
  • He attempts to relieve Themiswear ib
  • Blockade of the Imperialists 27
  • Bravery of the Garrison of Waradin 28
  • Teckely takes Navigrad in Bulgaria ib
  • Fault of the Valachains 29
  • Divers motions of the Imperial Army 30
  • The Prince of Baden Beats the Turks near Possarowits 31
  • Taking of Orso. by Teck. and Reasons why he ought not to be in agreat Turkish Army 31, 32
  • Defeat of the Turks at Nissa 34, 35
  • New Envoy of the Turks for peace 36
  • Journey of Teckely to Sophia ib.
  • Widdin taken by the Prince of Baden 37
  • The Vizier sends Teck. to Nico [...]oli ib.
  • Advantages of the Imperialists in Servia 38
  • Defeat of five Imperial Regim [...]nts by the Tartars ib.
  • The Imperial Troops quartered in Vala­chia 39
  • New Grand Vizier at Consta [...]tinople 40
  • Pretensions of the Emperour to make a Peace, rejected by the Turks 41
  • Different sentiments touching the manner of cont [...]nuing the War against the Turks 42 43 44
  • The Imperialists chased out of Valachia by the Tartars 45
  • [Page] Kanisa surrendred ib.
  • Death of Michael Abaffi 46
  • Death of the Duke of Lorraign 47
  • Difficulties in the War of Hungary ib.
  • A Vaivod elected in Transilvania 48
  • Heusler defeated, and taken by Teck. 49
  • Nissa and Widdin, taken by the Tur. 50
  • Semandria taken by assault, by the same 51
  • Belgrade taken by assault, by the same 52
  • Esseck attacked in vain by the Turks 53
  • Pretensions of Teckely to make a Peace 54
  • The Prince of Baden can't draw him to a Battel ib.
  • Incursions of the Turks in Transilvania 55
  • A Thousand of the Emperour's Horse cut in peices 55
  • Preparations on both sides 57
  • March of the Turk. and Christ. Armies 58
  • Good Conduct of the Vizier, and Teck. ib.
  • Battel of Salankemen gain'd by the Chri­stians 61, 62
  • Seige of Waradin 64
  • Taking of the Place 65
  • Teck. of Petrozzi accused, and justify'd. 66
The END.

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LEx Parliamentaria: or, a Treatise of the Law and Customes of the Parliaments of England by G. P. Esq with an Appendix of a Case in Par­liament between Sir Francis Goodwin, and Sir Joh [...] Fortescue, for the Knights place for the County o [...] Bucks. From an Original French Mana scrip [...] translated into English.

Politica Sacra & Civilis; or, a Model of Civi [...] and Ecclesiastical Government, wherein, beside the positive Doctrine, the State and Church in General, are debated the principal controversies o [...] the times concerning the constitution of the Stat [...] and Church of England. By George Lawson. Recto [...] of More in Salop.

The Tragedles of the Last Age, consider'd an [...] examin'd by the Practice of the Ancients, and b [...] the common Sense of all Ages; in a Letter to Flee [...] wood Shepherd, Esq

A short View of Tragedy; its Original, Exce­lency, and Corruption: With some Reflections o [...] Shakespear and other Practitioners for the Stag [...] Both by Mr. Rymer, Servant to their Majesties.

Bibliotheca Politica: Or, a Discourse by way [...] Dialogue, whether the Commons of England repr [...] sented by Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses in Parliment, were one of the three Estates in Parliame [...] before the 49th of Henry III. or 18th of Edward Printed for R. Baldwin in Warwick-Lane, near th [...] Oxford-Arms; were also may be had the Firs [...] Second, Third, Fourth and Fifth Dialogues.

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