THE MEMOIRS OF THE DUKE De La ROCHEFOUCAULT. Containing The private Intrigues for obtain­ing the Regency after the Death of Louis the Thirteenth, King of France, The Wars of Paris, and Guienne, The Imprisonment of the Princes.

Cardinal Mazarin's LETTER to Monsieur de Brienne.

Articles agreed upon by His Royal-Highness and Monsieur le Prince, for the Expulsion of Cardinal MAZARIN.

An Apologie for the Duke de Beaufort. Memoirs of Monsieur de la Chastre.

LONDON, Printed for James Partridge, at the Post-Office between Charing-Cross and Whitehal. 1683

Memoires of Monsieur le Duc de la Rochefoucault, containing the Intrigues for the Government af­ter the Death of Louis XIII.

THE Persecution which I suf­fered during the Authority of Cardinal Richlieu, being ended with his life, I thought of returning to Court. The King's Sickness, and the little Inclination he had to trust his Children and State with the Queen, made me hope that I should quickly find considerable occasi­ons of serving her, and giving her at that juncture of Affairs, the same marks of Fidelity which she had received from me in all the Occurrences, wherein her Interests, and those of Madam de Che­vereuse, were contrary to Cardinal Ri­chelieu's. When I came to Court, I found it as submissive to his Will af­ter his Death, as it had been during his Life; his Kindred and his Creatures there had the same advantages which he had procured them; and by an ef­fect [Page 4] of his Fortune (whereof you'l find very few Examples) the King (who hated him, and wish'd his Ruine) was forced, not only to dissemble it, but also to Authorize the Disposal, which Cardinal Richelieu made in his Will, of the principal Charges, and most important Places of his Kingdom. He also chose Cardinal Mazarin to succeed him in the Government of Affairs, and so was assured of Reigning much more absolutely after his Death, than the King his Master could do all the 33 Years that he enjoy'd the Crown. Notwith­standing the King's Sickness being des­perate, there was some probability that things would e're long change, The Kings Brother, so called. and that the Queen, or Mon­sieur, coming to the Regency, would be reveng'd upon the Remains of Cardinal Richelieu, for the Injuries▪ which they had received from him.

Cardinal Mazarin, Monsieur Chavig­ny, and Monsieur de Noyers▪ who then had the greatest share in the manage­ment of Affairs, resolved to prevent this mischief, and to make use of the Power which they had over the King's Mind to oblige him to declare the Queen [Page 5] Regent, and to Reconcile themselves to her by this Service, which ought to ap­pear so much the more considerable to the Queen, as she believed the King far from any such thoughts, by reason of the little inclination he always en­tertained for her, and because of the League, which he believed she yet had with the Spaniards, by the means of Ma­dam de Chevreuse, who had fled into Spain, and was then at Brussels.

Monsieur de Noyers was the first who gave the Queen hopes that they might win the King, by his Confessor, to E­stablish her Regent, thinking thereby to tye her strictly to him, and to ex­clude Monsieur de Chavigny, whom she most favoured in Cardinal Richelieu's Life-time; but Monsieur de Noyers soon found himself far from his designs; for the Confessor had Orders to withdraw, and he himself was afterwards turn'd out. It seem'd to me that this Change did not at all lessen the Queens Hopes, and that she expected from Cardinal Maza­rin, and Monsieur de Chavigny, the same Service which Monsieur de Noyers de­signed to pay her; both of them every day gave her all the assurances of their [Page 6] Fidelity that she could desire, and she expected a proof thereof, when the Kings Sickness growing to such a height that there remained no hopes of Cure, gave them an opportunity of proposing to him to regulate every thing whilst his Health would permit him to choose a Form of Government himself, which might exclude from the management of Affairs all those whom he held suspe­cted.

This Proposition, altho it was appa­rently against the Queens Interests, did notwithstanding seem to him too favou­rable to Her. He could not consent to declare her Regent, and also could not resolve to share the Authority be­twixt her and Monsieur. The Intelli­gences which he suspected her guilty of, and the Pardon which he had but just before granted to Monsieur for the Trea­ty of Spain, held him in an Irresolution which he could not have overcome, if the conditions of the Declaration, which Cardinal Mazarin and Monsieur de Cha­vigny proposed to him, had not furnish­ed him with an expedient to diminish the Queens Power, and render her in some manner dependent upon the Coun­cil, [Page 7] which he intended to establish. Not­withstanding the Queen and Monsieur who had had too many Testimonies of the Kings A version, and who almost e­qually suspected that he would exclude them from the management of Affairs, sought all manner of ways to acquire it. I was informed by Monsieur de Cha­vigny himself, That being sent to the King from the Queen, to beg his Pardon for all that she had ever done, and also for having displeased him in her Con­duct, beseeching him particularly not to believe that she had any hand in the business of Chalais, or that she had the least design of Marrying Monsieur after Chalais had killed the King: To which he answer'd Monsieur Chavigny (with­out being moved) In the condition I am in I ought to pardon her, but I am not bound to believe her. Every one presently then thought they had a Right to pretend to the Regency, to the ex­clusion of one another; and if Mon­sieur was not long of that mind, he at least believed that he should be decla­red Regent with the Queen. The hopes of the Court, and of all the Kingdom, were too different, and all the State (which had almost equally suffered du­ring [Page 8] the Favour of Cardinal Richelieu) expected a change with too great an im­patience not to receive with joy a Tu [...]n from which every one hoped an advan­tage. The different Interests of the chief Men in the Kingdom, and the most considerable in the Parliament, obliged them to side either with the Queen or Monsieur; and if the Inter­ests which they made for them under hand did not break out more, it was be­cause the King's Health, which seemed something repaired, made them fear lest he should be advertised of their practi­ces, and make the provident cares which they took to establish their Authority after his Death, to pass for a Crime. It was in this juncture that I believed it would be of importance to the Queen to be assured of the * Duke The now Prince of Conde. d'Anguien: She approved of the Proposal I made of gain­ing him to her side, and being a very particular friend of Coligny's, in whom the Duke d'Anguien wholly confided, I represented to them both the advan­tages that would accrue to the Queen and the Duke d'Anguien, if united, and that besides the particular Interest of op­posing the Authority of Monsieur, that [Page 9] of the State also obliged them to it. This Proposition was advantagious enough to the Duke d'Anguien to make him readily accept it, therefore he ordered me to endeavour all I could to bring it about; and because the commerce I had with him might perhaps be suspected by the King of Monsieur, especially at a time when they had but just before given him the Command of the Army and that by all means it was of great im­portance to keep it secret, he desir'd me, to give the Queens Answers only to Co­ligny, and that we should be the only Witnesses of their Intelligence. There were no Articles of Agreement in wri­ting; Coligny and my self were intrusted with their Promises, which were, That the Queen would grant the Duke d'An­guien the favour of being preferr'd be­fore Monsieur, not only by the marks of her Esteem and Confidence, but also in all the Employs, from which she could exclude Monsieur, by such expedients agreed upon betwixt them as might not engage him to an open breach with the Queen. The Duke d'Anguien promised on his part to be inseparably united to the Queens Interests, and make his Ad­dresses to her alone for all the favours he [Page 10] desired at Court. The Duke d'Anguien departed soon after to command the Army in Flanders, and give a Beginning to those great things which he so glori­ously accomplished. The King, whose Sickness augmented daily, being willing to give at the end of his Life some marks of Clemency (either out of Devotion, or to testifie to the World, That Car­dinal Richelieu was more to blame than himself for all the violences which were done since the Queen Mothers disgrace) consented, That the most considerable of those who had been Persecuted, should return to Court, to which he was the more willingly disposed, because the Ministers foreseeing many disorders, en­deavoured to oblige People of Quality to secure themselves against all that might happen in a Revolution like this that threaten'd them.

Almost all that had been banished the Court returned, and as there were many who were bound to the Queen, (either by the services they had done her, or by that Bond with which Dis­grace ordinarily unites persecuted per­sons) there were few of them, who had not so good an opinion of their ser­vices, [Page 11] as to expect a recompence propor­tionable to their Ambition; and many believed that the Queen having promi­sed them every thing, would continue the same opinion of them in her Sove­reign Authority, which she had in her Disgrace.

The Duke de Beaufort was the Man who entertained the greatest hopes: he had of a long time been most parti­cularly devoted to the Queens Interests, and she gave him so publick a Proof of her Confidence in him, in making choice of him to take care of the Dauphin and the Duke of Anjou, one day when they thought the King was a dying, that it was not without reason that they began to consider his Credit, and to find a great deal of likelihood in the opinion he en­deavoured to give them of it.

The Bishop of Beauvais (who was the only Servant of the Queens, whom Cardinal Richelieu thought too inconsi­derable to put away from her, and who by his assiduity had found an opportu­nity of ruining almost all those whom she had a kindness for) was of opinion, That he ought not to oppose the Duke [Page 12] of Beaufort's favour, and therefore desi­red to strike in with him to ruine the Contrivances of Cardinal Mazarin, who began to get ground; they perswaded themselves that they could easily accom­plish their designs, not only from the o­pinion they had of their Credit, and the experience which the Bishop had made, how easily he had ruined such as were more considerable to the Queen by their Services than Cardinal Mazarin, but al­so because being Cardinal Richlieu's Creature, they thought that this Rela­tion alone would exclude him, and that the Queen had too publickly condem­ned the Conduct of Cardinal Richelieu, to continue in the management of affairs one who was put in by him, and who was the Author of the Declaration which the King had just before issued out, whereat the Queen seemed displeased to the last degree.

This confidence made the Duke de Beaufort and the Bishop of Beauvais, neglect many precautions, during the latter end of the Kings Life, which would have been necessary to them after his Death, and the Queen also was at this time not enough resolved to receive the [Page 13] Impressions which they would have given her.

She concealed her Mind from me less than from any body else, because I ha­ving had no Interests but hers, she was not jealous that I would joyn with a­ny Party but what she her self should choose.

'Twas she, who desired me to be the Duke de Beaufort's Friend in a Quarrel with Marshal de lay Meilleray; and or­dered me to see Cardinal Mazarin, that she might avoid the occasion of being complained of by the King, who was perswaded, that she hindered her Ser­vants from visiting those, whom he had confided in: So that I, not being at all suspected by her, might know more easily then any body, what Impression the reasons of both parties made upon her Mind. She began to fear the im­perious and haughty humor of the Duke de Beaufort, who not contenting himself to uphold the pretensions of the Duke de Vendosme his Father, to the Govern­ment of Britany, upheld also the preten­sions of all them, who had suffered un­der the Authority of Cardinal Richlieu, [Page 14] thereby not only to engage all people of Condition, for their particular inte­rests, in a Cause, which to them seem­ed just, but also to have a pretence of striking at Cardinal Mazarin, and by filling the Principal Offices of the State, to make Creatures, and give such re­splendent marks of his favor, that the cause thereof may be attributed to all, that was most capable of satisfying his Ambition and Vanity.

On the other side, the Queen con­sider'd, that after having trusted her Children with the Duke de Beaufort, it would be a fickleness, which all the World would condemn, to see her pass, in so short a time, from one ex­treme to the other, without any appa­rent Reason.

Mazarin's and Chavigny's fidelity were not known to her enough, to be assured, that they had no hand in the Declaration, and thus finding doubts on all sides, it was not easie for her to take any resolution, which she should not repent of afterwards. Notwith­standing the King's Death obliged her to it; and the World quickly learnt [Page 15] that Cardinal Mazarin's cares had had the success he wished; for at a time, when 'twas thought, that the Queen look'd upon him as the Author of the Declaration, all the displeasure fell up­on Monsieur Chavigny, and whether Cardinal Mazarin was innocent, or that he justify'd himself at his Friends cost, who was, in appearance, no more guilty then himself, whichsoever it was, he, in fine, stay'd in the Council.

But as I do not pretend to write all the particulars of what passed at this time, and that what I do at present is rather to keep in my Memory some Cir­cumstances which I have seen, for which some of my Friends have had a Curiosi­ty, than to make them publick; I will be content to report only what concerns my self, or at least the things whereof I have been a Witness. Soon after the Kings Death, it was easy for me to know the encrease of the Cardinals Credit, and the diminution of the Duke de Beauforts; both appeared in the confi­dence the Queen owned she had in the Cardinal, since he being directly oppo­site to the Duke, the Power of the one must entirely ruine the other.

[Page 16]Notwithstanding the Court was yet very much divided, and they stayed for the return of Madam de Chevreuse, as the decision of all, they did not look upon her as one who would be contented to support one of the two Parties, but as one that would certain­ly ruine that which depended least up­on her; I had less reason than others had to judge so advantageously of her Authority.

The Queen, who had always testified to me the Friendship she had for her, had for some time spoken to me of it with Coldness enough, and the uncer­tainty I saw her in, whether she should let her return to Court, made me doubt no longer if the Bishop of Beauvais's ill Offices had not made as great an Impres­sion against her, as against all the rest whom he had attempted to ruine.

The Queen had already ordered me to visit Cardinal Mazarin, and though she approved the Declaration I made to him, That I could not be his Friend and Servant, but so far as I saw him adhe­red to the Queens Service, and whilst he did in great and little things what [Page 17] might be expected from an honest man, and one worthy the Employ he had; yet I knew that she wish'd I had spoke to him with less reserve, and had pro­mised him every thing as easily as many others, who were the more readily en­gaged to do so, because they were re­solved not to stand to any thing, but so far as their Interest oblig'd them: not­withstanding she appeared satisfied with my Visit, and testified, That she desi­red nothing more of me than what I had done.

At this time there was notice of Ma­dam de Chevereuse's return into France, and the Queen seemed to me to be more unresolved than ever about her return to Court, not as if I believe she was de­tained by any difficulty there was in it to grant her this favour, but that Car­dinal Mazarin should mediate to obtain it for her, and that Madam de Chevereuse should be obliged to him for having mo­ved the Queen to overcome those rea­sons which kept her out, which were a particular Clause in the Declaration, and a strange aversion the King decla­red he had against her, when upon his Death-bed.

[Page 18]I asked leave of the Queen to go to meet Madam de Chevereuse, which she the more willingly granted me because she thought I might dispose her to desire the Cardinal's Friendship, since I saw very well that it was one of the things the Queen most desired.

Montague, who was more for the Car­dinal's Interest, was sent to her to make her Propositions, which were in conse­quence of some others which were made her in Flanders by the same Man, two or three Months before the King's Death.

I met with Madam de Chevereuse at Brye, and Montague, who arrived there some time before me, had all he desired to make his Designes take effect, She presently told me, That she suspected him, either because she really wanted Confidence in him, or because she be­lieved I would be unwilling to share hers with a man whom I did not know my self, and whom I had no great rea­son to esteem upon the report of others.

She desired me not to speak to her before him, but because it imported her to be informed of the state of the Court, [Page 19] and how the Queen stood inclin'd, and because I saw she would undoubtedly mistake both, if she judged by her own knowledge, and by the thoughts the Queen once had of her, I thought my self obliged to represent to her how things seemed to me to be, and to assure her, That the Queens thoughts being far different from what she had seen them, it was necessary to take other measures than those she had hitherto acted by.

That the Queen was entirely resolved to make use of Cardinal Mazarin, That it was hard to judge otherwise than by events, whether that was good or bad Council, because he being Cardinal Ri­chelieu's Creature, and united to his Re­lations, it was to be fear'd he would au­thorize the same Maxims, but withal, That he having had no hand in his Violences, and being almost the only Man who had Knowledge in foreign Affairs, I doubted if in the necessity the Queen and State was in for one capable to manage them, she could easily be pre­vail'd with to exclude Cardinal Mazarin; besides, That I saw no body whose Ca­pacity or Fidelity was so well known [Page 20] that one would wish him setled in an Imployment so difficult and important as this.

Therefore it was my opinion, that she should not by any means signifie to the Queen, that she returned to her Court with a design to Govern her, because it was apparent, that her enemies made use of this pretext to her prejudice.

That she must by her care and com­plaisance work her self up to the same pitch she once was at, and that then join­ing with Madam Senecy, Madam Haute­sort, and the rest of those in whom the Queen confided (who had all given me their word, that they would entirely adhere to her Interests) she would be in a condition to ruine or protect the Car­dinal according as his preservation or ruine would be beneficial to the publick.

Madam de Chevereuse told me that she approved of my advice, and pro­mised me positively to follow it; she came to the Queen with this Resoluti­on; and although she was received with many marks of Friendship, I could without great difficulty observe a diffe­rence in the joy she had to see her, from what she formerly had, when she spoke to me of her, and I perceived by cer­tain [Page 21] defects, she took notice of in her person, that the ill offices, some had done her, had made too great an im­pression. Madam de Chevreuse notwith­standing slighted them all, and thought that her presence would in a moment take off all that her enemies had done against her when she was absent.

She was strengthened in this opini­on by the Duke de Beaufort, and they both believed, that being united, they might easily ruin Cardinal Mazarin, be­fore he had time to fix himself.

This thought made Madam Chevreuse receive all the advances of Cardinal Mazarin, as so many marks of his weak­ness, and believe, that she answered them enough, if she did not openly de­clare she designed his ruine, but only to procure it by establishing Monsieur Chateau-neuf in the management of Af­fairs.

She thought her self also obliged to uphold my Interest, and seeing the Queen designing to confer upon me some considerable settlement, she was very urgent to procure for me the Go­vernment of Havre de Grace, which was in the Duke de Riohlieu's hands, that by getting me the Estate of this Fa­mily, [Page 22] she might begin its persecution and ruine.

In the mean time Cardinal Mazarin seeing very well that the Queen was not longer in a condition to under­take an affair of this importance, with­out making him a party in it, thought it enough to hinder it, by saying, that he with all submission would approve of what the Queen should think best, but that he thought himself obliged, not only in gratitude, which he owed that family, but also for the Queens Interest to repre­sent to her the reasons she had to uphold the House of Richlien, that he wished al­ways that she would approve them, but that he did not think he had reason to complain if his advice was not follow­ed.

He did not declare himself so openly upon the return of Chasteau-neuf, either because he believed him so ruined in the Queens favor, that he thought he might give her this mark of his moderation without any danger, or because she was far enough from restoring him to the management of affairs on her own head, without his making some endeavors for it; but in fine, he was contented to let the Chancellor act, who (being obliged [Page 23] for his own preservation to keep ou [...] Monsieur Chasteau-neuf, (who could not return to Court without taking the Seals from him) had taken all imaginable care to make the Queen sure by the means of one of his Sisters, who was a Nun at Pontoyse, and was also Sister to that Mountague I have already mention­ed.

In the interim all these delays vexed Madam de Chevreuse to the last degree; she look'd upon them not only as Car­dinal Mazarin's Artifices, (who by this accustom'd the Queen not to grant her immediately what she desir'd,) but as they diminish'd, in the opinion of the World, the Reputation, she would give it of her credit; she oftentimes let the Queen know she was dissatisfied, and in her complaints always intermingled some sharp thing against Cardinal Mazarin; she could not endure to speak to him, for what she desired of the Queen, and she made it appear, that she had rather receive no favours, than owe a part of them to the Cardinals mediation. He on the contrary, who saw, that this conduct of Madam de Chevreuse did more [Page 24] perswade the Queen that she desired to govern her, than all that he had hither­to made use of to make her believe it, took very different ways to ruine her.

The War of Paris.

IT is almost impossible to write a very just Relation of the past Troubles, because those, who caused them, having acted out of ill Principles, took care to keep them secret to the World, for fear Posterity should accuse them of having sacrificed their Countrys Happiness, to their private Interests; be­sides it's very difficult for him, that writes the affairs of his own Age, to keep his Passions so pure, as not to aban­don himself to hatred, or flattery, which are the ordinary Shelveꝰ that shipwrack Truth; as to my self, I de­sign to make an impartial Rehearsal of what is past, and leave to the Readers an entire liberty to praise, or to con­demn.

France in the Year, 1635. declared War against the House of Austria▪ and Fortune favoured so great an Under­taking [Page 26] with so much success, that she was victorious wherever she bore her Arms. We pierc'd into the heart of Flanders, having subdu'd all the River of Lys, we extended our Conquests in Germany as far as the Danube, by the fa­mous Battel at Norlingue; Milan was the Theater of the War with Italy, and on the side of Spain our Conquests had not been bounded by Russilion and Ca­talonia, but for Lerida, which was the fatal terme thereof.

These Prosperities, which begun in the late Kings time, continued with more splendor for the first five years of the Regency, which were so famous for brave and glorious Victories, that it was a wonder, how they could gain such considerable advantages over Stran­gers, in the time of a Kings Minority, usually exposed to Civil and Domestick Wars. But as it is the fate of our Na­tion to grow weary of its own happi­ness, and to fight against it self, when it finds no opposition without, or because God hath set to Empires certain bounds of Power, and duration, which are be­yond the jurisdiction of Men, we lost in one Campagne, by our Divisions, the greatest part of the Conquests; which [Page 27] we had gain'd in many years; but be­fore I enter into a Narration of these Troubles, it will be seasonable to tell you how things were govern'd in the Cabinet Council.

The Kings Council in the Queens Re­gency were the Duke d'Orleans, Monsi­eur le Prince, and Cardinal Mazarin, the rest of the Ministers, as the Chancellor, Monsieur de Longneville, the Superin­tendent Chavigny and Servien, had little Authority there.

The principal Affairs were ruled by the Council of the Princes, and the Cardinal, which last had the oversight of all, because of the confidence the Queen reposed in him.

The Princes of the Blood were strong­ly united to the Queen, and this Union produced the publick happiness, inso­much that by this all the hopes of a change being taken away (to which our Nation hath a natural propensity) every one aspired by honourable servi­ces to make his Fortune. Cardinal Ma­zarin kept up this right Understanding betwixt them, it being useful to his preservation; and when one of the Princes aspired to be greater, he quali­fied him by the opposition of the other, [Page 28] and by thus ballancing their Power, he rendred his own, without comparison, the most respected.

Besides he had procur'd the Duke d'Orleans the Government of Languedoc▪ and had made the Abbot de la Reviere, his chief Minister, so absolutely his Creature, that he look'd upon all ways (besides the Cardinals favor) to his ad­vancement to the Cardinalship, as dan­gerous as Precipices.

As to the Duke d'Anguien, he satisfied his Ambition with the Government of Champaine and Stenay, and the Com­mand of the Armies, which he procu­red for him; add, that the Cardinal, being of a nature mild enough, was the less to be apprehended, and the Princes by intermedling less in the ma­nagement of Affairs, might throw all upon him without Envy.

Now, as he foresaw, that the Union of the Princes and their Authority would weaken the Queens, he skilfully put into their heads suspitions of jealousie and distrust one of another, which he scat­tered again seasonably for fear they should come to a breach; for being the Author of their differences, it was easie for him to be the Arbitrator of their [Page 29] reconciliation, and derive the whole merit thereof upon himself. As to the other Nobles of the Kingdom, since they had no Power, their good or ill will was not at all regarded.

This was the condition of the Court, till events breaking this Union, so ne­cessary to the State, brought upon it most fatal mischiefs.

Before I relate them, I must take no­tice of the Prince of Condy's death (hap­pening just before these troubles) which was so much the more considera­ble, because it was the common opi­nion, that if he had liv'd, he had pre­vented them by his Prudence and Au­thority, which gave a check to the Mi­nisters, and was revered by the Parlia­ment.

The Union of these Powers was so solid a pledge of the Tranquillity of the Kingdom, that it gave the Ministers too much confidence, and encouraged Emery, Superintendent over the Kings Revenue, to levy great Taxes. Now because this Conduct, although colo­red with a Foreign War, and the De­fence of the State, was introduced in the time of Cardinal Richlieu's Ministry, and was but a consequence of that, it [Page 30] will not be impertinent to speak there­of. This Minister, whose absolute Po­lity had violated the antient Laws of the Kingdom, to establish the immoderate Authority of his Master, which he was the dispenser of, look'd upon all the Rules of this State as forced Concessi­ons, and bounds imposed on the power of Kings, rather than a solid Foundati­on of governing well; and because his ve­ry long Administration was authorized with great success, during the life of the late King, he quite chang'd all the forms of Justice, and the Kings Revenues, and introduced the Royal Will for the Sovereign Tribunal of the Lives and Estates of Men.

This so violent method of Govern­ing continued till his death, and the King (surviving him but a few months) left to the Queen with the Regency the establishment of his Orders for the Taxes which seemed necessary to main­tain the charges of the War.

Her Majesty, being in the beginning of her Regency constrained to be expensively Liberal, drain'd her Ex­chequer; whereupon Emery was obliged to put in practice all the Expedients, his Wit could invent, without being re­strained [Page 31] either by Justice, or pity, or the despair into which he might drive the People.

To this end, after having consumed the Peoples Estates by new Subsidies, he, extends his Arts as far as the Cities, Taxes Rich and Poor, Creates new Offices, Seizes the Publick Rents, forc'd them to give him Credit, prepares more new Edicts, and by this rigorous imposition upon Estates in every kind, drove the Companies, Commonalties and Cor­porations into a secret Revolt. In fine, all Springs being drain'd dry, he would have seiz'd the Revenues of the Chambers of the Courts of Aids, and the great Council, who complained to the Parliament, which thereupon made the famous Arrest d'Union.

This Act was a signal to all the dis­conted; the Renters, the Treasurers of France, the Kings Secretaries, the As­sessors, the Officers of the Taxes, and of the Impost of Salt in France. Gabelle; In fine, people of all condi­tions, repaired thither, expo­sing their Griefs to the Parliament, de­manding reparation.

[Page 32]The Names of the Farmers, and of Emery fell under a publick Curse, every one cry'd out against the violent ex­action of the Customers, the unbound­ed Power of the Intendants, the Cruel­ty of the Soldiers, the rigorous force used to the poor people, by the selling of their Goods, and the imprisonment of their Persons, and the heavy weighty Taxes; in a word, against this oppres­sion, as great to the last degree, de­structive of the Lives, Liberties, and Estates of all the Kings Subjects.

The Parliament appearing sensible of the publick miseries, received the Peti­ons of the afflicted People, offered to do them Justice, and by professing that they bore a part in their sufferings, gained their affections to that degree, that they looked upon them as their Revenging and Redeeming Gods.

I don't pretend to give a recital of the Assemblies of the Chambers, of the matters they treated of there, of the Counsels and Results of their Confe­rences, and of the Remonstrances of the Company carried to their Majesties by the chief President Moles, there are Memoirs enough filled therewith, it suf­fices [Page 33] to say, that there were three Par­ties in the Parliament.

The First was that of the Frondeurs, a Name given in Raillery to those that were against the Court. These People being Zealous to stop the course of the present Calamities, had the same Ob­ject, though from a different Motive, that those had, who were Interested by their Fortune, or particular Hatred against the Principal Minister.

The Second Party were the Maza­rins, who were perswaded, that they ow'd a Blind Obedience to the Court; some out of Conscience to maintain the Peace of the State, others out of Re­spect to the Obligations they had to the Ministers, or Interest with the Men in Business.

And the Last were such, as Con­demn'd the Violence of the First, yet approved not the Coldness of the Se­cond, but kept themselves betwixt both, to act upon occasion, either ac­cording to their Interest, or their Du­ty.

Thus the Parliament was divided, the greatest part whereof (who at the first had no love for Innovations) yet for want of Experience in the Affairs [Page 34] of the World, were very glad to be Commissioners for Regulating the A­buses, that were Crept into the Go­vernment of the State, and to see them­selves Mediators betwixt the Court and the People.

It was insinuated into them, that this Imployment gave consideration and lustre to their Persons; that Cha­rity oblig'd them to succor the Distres­sed in their Pressing Necessities; and that the Duty of their Charges, which were instituted to Moderate the Ex­treame Power of Kings, and Oppose their Irregularities, prompted them to it; That they ought to know, that the Ministers of France, were, of late years, perswaded, that it was to Reign Pre­cariously, if their Power extended on­ly to permitted things; That the Laws are stifled by Fear and Justice, by Force. That, to our Misery, our late Kings left the Management of the State so much to them, that they became themselves a Prey to their Passions; That the time is come when they must revive their Antient Orders, and that Harmonious Relation which ought to be betwixt a Lawful Command, and a Reasonable Obedience: That for this end the [Page 35] People Invoked their Justice as the on­ly Refuge to prevent their extreme Oppression; That so Holy a Commissi­on, approved by Heaven, and follow­ed with Publick Acclamations, would Skreen them from all fear; or if there should be danger, that it is the pro­perty of Eminent Vertue to signalise it self in a Tempest, rather than in a Calm; and, that Death, which is com­mon to all Men, is distinguish'd only by Oblivion, or by Glory.

These Venemous Discourses made so much the greater Impressions on their Minds, because Men have a Natural Inclination to believe whatever flatters their Greatness; so that they suffer'd themselves to be charm'd with the fine words of Tutelar Gods of their Coun­trey, and the Restorers of Publick Li­berty.

He that infus'd this Poyson into them, with most Artifice, was Longueil, Counsellor in the Great Chamber, who, being push'd on with a Spirit of Ambi­tion, to advance his Fortune in the Publick Divisions, was in Private Clubs for some years, prepared, with some of his Confederates, to Combat the Power of the Favorites, under the co­lor [Page 36] of the Kingdoms Good, insomuch, that in the birth and progress of these Troubles, he was Consulted as the Ora­cle of the Frondeurs, so long as he was constant to his Party.

Notwithstanding, the Parliament pre­tending to apply themselves to Reform the State, met every day, They had al­ready suppressed the New Edicts and Laws, Revoked the Intendants of the Provinces, and Restored the Treasurers of France, and the General Assessors, to the Execution of their Offices: and further pretended, to exact an Ac­count how the last Levies, since the Regency, were Employ'd, and insensi­bly Attack'd the Cardinals Administra­tion.

On the other side, the Court omit­ted nothing that might be serviceable to dissolve their Meetings; the Duke of Orleans, the Chief President, and the President of Mesmes represented the consequence thereof to be prejudicial to the General Peace; the Enemies fan­cied to themselves a Triumph, which should repair their former Losses; and notwithstanding the▪ King had Autho­rised all the Acts which the Company had Proposed to him, yet the Mild [Page 37] Methods were ill represented, and pass'd for Marks of weakness and fear, which made the Cardinals Enemies more active and eager to push at him.

At this time Monsieur le Prince commanded the Kings Army in Flan­ders; he had taken Ipres, but whilst he Besieg'd that, the Spaniard sur­priz'd Courtray, and gained other small advantages: But as his Genius is great and successful in War, he found the Spanish Army on the 21 of August on the Plains of Arras, and Lens, Fought it, and obtain'd a Famous Victory.

The Duke de Chatillion, who had bravely signaliz'd himself there, came from him, to bring the News to Court.

The King's Council look'd upon this great success as an extraordinary Pro­vidence, which they might use, to stop the course of the Disorders which time and patience increased, and resolved to secure such of the Parliament as were the most active, chiefly Broussel Councellor in the Great Chamber, a person of antient probity, of compe­tent abilities, and one who was grown old in hatred to the Favorites.

[Page 38]This Man, inspir'd with his own O­pinions, and the Perswasions of Long­veil, and others, who had gained cre­dit with him; first gave the most rigo­rous Counsels, which were followed by the Cabal of the Frondeurs, insomuch, that his Name made a noise in the As­semblies of the Chambers, and he was made Head of this Party in the Parlia­ment; being the more in Credit with them, because his Age and Poverty plac'd him beyond the Strokes of En­vy.

Now seeing the People, who stirr'd not from the Palace, when inform'd that he so mightily concern'd himself for their Relief, lov'd him extreamly, and gave him the Gilded Title of their Father; to secure him must needs be a bold action; and as it might be very advantageous, so it might be of dange­rous consequence (as we shall see here­after.) Nevertheless it was happily exe­cuted, by Comings, the Morning that they Sung the Te Deum at Noterdame Church, for the Victory at Lens, while the Company of the Guards were rank­ed on each side of the Street, and was conducted out of the City with Blan­menil, to be transmitted to.....

[Page 39]Two hours after the Report of Brus­sels being taken was spread abroad, the most considerable Burgesses came to the Palais Royal, where they dissembled the excess of the Disorder; and those who were afraid to go thither, had the complaisance to tell the Queen, That it was only some Rascally Fellows, whom they would quickly reduce into better order.

The Coadjutor of Paris, who, till then, did not appear upon the Stage, and kept himself within the bounds of his Profession, was to offer his Service to the Queen, from whom he conceal'd nothing of what pass'd, but his Offers and Advice were both rejected: he ap­parently employ'd the Dignity of his Character, and his Perswasions, to calm the Storms, and after came to the Palais Royal to give an Account of the Sediti­on; where, having not received the Satisfaction he expected, he conceived a hatred against the Cardinal, which, with his being refused to Treat for the Government of Paris, was the Cause (or at least the Pretence) that he so much Interessed himself for the Faction opposite to the Court.

[Page 40]Notwithstanding, the Queen, who is naturally uncapable of Fear, com­manded the Marshals of La Meilleray, and the Hospital, to take Horse with their Friends, to ride through the Streets, and restrain the People by some Example of Justice; but they found the Mischief so great, that they could not execute their Orders. So that they were reduc'd to hope, that the Night might appease the Tumult (as it did,) but the morning after, an Accident kindled the Fire, which was almost quench'd.

The Chancellor going to the Palais, to carry the Kings Declaration, which forbad the Chambers to Assemble, was perceived by some of the Mutinous Rabble: his Person odious to the Pub­lick, and the Errand he was sent on, animated a Croud of People, to run af­ter his Coach, which they forc'd to fly to the Hotel de Luines, where they sought him, to Sacrifice (as they call'd him) This Mercenary Soul, the Protector of the Impositions, laid on so many ruin'd People, by the Edicts which he had Sealed.

Notice of the Condition he was in was brought to the Palais Royal, from [Page 41] whence the Marshal de La Meilleray came with some Companies of the Guards, who Discharg'd upon the Se­ditious, and deliver'd the Chancellor; but this was a Signal for the City to take up Arms; for, at the same time, the People shut up their Shops, put Chains cross the Streets, and Barrica­does almost to the Palais Royal.

During this uproar the Parliament consulted about the Imprisonment of their Members, with the more courage, because they saw the People Rise in fa­vor of them; and, without doubt, if the Chancellor had come to the Pa­lais with his Commission, they would have detein'd him as Reprisal.

It was Order'd, by common consent, That the Parliament should instantly go in a Body to beseech their Majesties to set at Liberty their Members. They found the People up in Armes in the Streets, some Threatning them, if they brought not Broussel back; others Con­juring them to fear nothing, and that they would die for their Preservation; and all together Protested, that they would not lay down their Armes till they saw the Father of their Coun­trey.

[Page 42]The Parliament, after having been introduced into the Great Closet in the Palais Royal, where their Majesties were, accompanied with the Duke of Orleans, the Prince of Conty, Cardinal Mazarin, the Nobility of the Realm, and the Mi­nisters of State, the Chief President Represented, how much the Company was concerned for the Imprisonment of their Fellow Members, and shew'd their Humble Addresses for their Liberty, which were Seconded with the Vows of a Hundred Thousand Armed Men, who demanded Monsieur Broussel.

The Queen Answered, That she won­der'd they should keep such a stir about a simple Counsellor, when the Parliament said not a word against the Imprisonment of the late Prince.

The Chief President, and the Presi­dent of Mesmes Replied, That in the Posture things were now, there was no time to deliberate, and that there was an absolute necessity of submitting to the Peo­ples will, who would not hearken to the Magistrate, had lost all Respect and O­bedience, and, in fine, were the Ma­sters.

The Queen Answer'd, That she would remit nothing of her Severity; that ha­ving [Page 43] in her hand the Sacred Depositum of the King her Sons Authority, she would never consent to its Violation, by yield­ing to the Passions of the Multitude; that the Parliament should Remonstrate to the Seditious their Duty; that those who had rais'd the Mutiny should endevor to lay it; and that one day the King would know how to make a difference betwixt the Loy­al, and the Enemies of his Crown.

These Gentlemen were still urgent, but in vain; Her Majesty always con­tinuing in an absolute Denyal, so that they return'd to the Palais to con­sider upon the Refusal. When they came to the first Barricade, the Rab­ble Askt them, If they had obtain'd Broussel's Liberty? and seeing by their Countenances that they had not, in a Rage sent them back to the Palais Roy­al, Threatning, that if it was not Granted them in two hours, they would go in Armes to Beg it of the Queen, and would exterminate the Ministers who were Authors of the Se­dition.

These Gentlemen return'd, to Repre­sent what they had seen and heard; and added, That since they could not overcome their Disobedience, neither by [Page 44] Reason, nor Force, She must submit, un­less she would hazard the Crown.

Upon this they call'd a Council, wherein the Duke of Orleans and the Cardinal Advis'd, contrary to the Queens Opinion, That Liberty should be granted to the Prisoners; which they immediately declared to the Parliament, and the Parliament to the People; who, notwithstanding all the Assurances could be given them, were so jealous, that they would not faithfully perform what was promised, that they remain­ed still in Armes, expecting the Arrival of Broussel; who, no sooner appeared, but was Saluted by all the Musqueteers, and Accompanied with Publick Shouts to the place where he and Blanmenil received the Compliments of the Com­pany, and from thence was conducted by the People to his Lodging, with de­monstrations of a Joy so great, as if every one in the Liberty of Brussel had that day gain'd a Glorious Victory.

This is the Famous Day of the Barri­cades, which was caused not so much out of an Affection the Publick had to Broussel as out of an Inveterate Ha­tred, which they, for some years, enter­tained against the Government: a hatred [Page 45] so great, that they only wanted an op­portunity to shew it. It is not easie to determine, whether this Counsel of de­taining the Prisoners was safe, according to the Rules of Policy; for, on one side, if we consider the Rudeness, not to say Violence, of the People, so great, that an Attempt upon Royal Majesty was to be feared; it will seem, that Prudence could not advise any other Method but Mildness, since they want­ed Power to reduce them: On the o­ther side, to Acquiesce to their Fury, would give a Mortal Wound to the Princes Authority, and, as it were, pre­pared a Triumph for the People over Soveraign Dignity: Upon this some said, That it would have been much bet­ter to have carried the King to St. Ger­mains, there to expect all sorts of events, rather then to Prostitute Royal Dignity to the Capriciousness of a Multitude. But the Duke of Orleans and the Cardinal, naturally Friends to Moderate Coun­cils, thought of nothing but delivering themselves from present danger. How­ever it be, it is evident, the Parliament from this day got ground of the Court; and a great many People of Quality, either out of Interest, or a desire of [Page 46] Innovation, solemnly engaged for the ruine of the Chief Minister.

Now seeing he was, during all the Troubles, the Object of Publick Invect­ives, and both Pens and Tongues took the greatest Liberty to defame him; it will not be amiss to report the best founded Accusations against him, and also his just defences. 'Twas objected against Cardinal Mazarin, That it was a strange and shameful thing to France, that a Stranger, and one who by Birth was a Subject of Spain, should be its Principal Minister, even with a Power so absolute, that he was the Arbiter of War and Peace; that of his own head he distributed Honors, Offices, Benefi­ces, in fine, all sorts of Favors, not with respect to Merit, or Services, or Quali­ty, but to the devotion they paid his Person, which was the true qualificati­on to obtain them. That for his Am­bition, he had carried the Armes of France into Tuscany, at an extreme charge, and to no advantage; and that he would not have assisted the Duke of Guise in the Revolt of Na­ples, but for his own Interests. He would not accept the Treaty of Peace concluded on at Munster, and eluded it [Page 47] by the Ministry of Servien his Secreta­ry. That by his Jealousie he would have destroyed the Marshal Gassion, when he dyed, and also Monsieur le Prince in Catalonia, because his Birth and Reputation overclouded him. That by his Edicts he had drained France of its Money, to send it into Italy. That after the death of the Duke of Breze, he assum'd the same Power at Sea that he did at Land. That he was only knowing in Forraign Affairs; moreo­ver that he had lost us the Reputati­on of Fidelity amongst our Allies. That Cardinal Richlieu had set him up du­ring his Ministry; and as to his Parts, he was a Man of no Judgment, of which the confusion whereinto they were fal­len was an evident Proof, since of a Peaceable State it was become divided and full of Revolts; That he would Govern the Kingdom according to For­reign Maxims, no wayes proper to our Nation; and the Court by Addresses so openly observed, that they turn'd him into contempt; in sum, that he was not capable of so great a Burthen, and that he had lost his credit in the Minds of the People.

[Page 48]To these Accusations it was Answer­ed, That it is no new thing for stran­gers to have a share in the Govern­ment of the State, witness the Cardi­nals of Lorrain, and Birague, the Duke of Nevers, and the Marshal of Rets; That Cardinal Mazarin was chosen Car­dinal by the Interest of France, after he had done it considerable Services; that Cardinal Richlieu who knew his Parts, destin'd him his Successor in the Mini­stry, foreseeing the Advantages would accrew to the State thereby. That the late King, who was a competent Judge of Men, after the Cardinal's Death, made him President of the Council; That the Queen coming to the Regen­cy, meerly out of Necessity, and in con­formity to the late Kings Will, conti­nued him so. That this choice was approved by all the Wise Men in the Kingdom, and also the Allies of the Crown; that having answered by his Services the Queens expectati­on, she could not abandon him with­out failing in her Duty to the State, and Gratitude to so useful a Servant. Moreover, that all the Favors were disposed of with the consent of the Princes, and that he was so far from [Page 49] favoring those who were devoted to the Interests of the Court, that it was a common complaint, that in the di­stribution, he had, before all others, consider'd the Servants of the Duke of Orleans and the Prince, and that all Affairs were proposed in Council, and finally resolved on there. That the Accusation of his opposing the Conclu­sion of the Peace, is but an Idle Fancy; since, beside the General, his own parti­cular Interest obliged him to crown a Negotiation glorious for so many great Events, by a Treaty, which would have Eternis'd him in the Peoples Affecti­ons: but, the Truth is, the Spaniards al­ways oppos'd it, which he calls the Duke of Longueville, and even the Prin­ces to witness, That the Expedition of Orbitel, and Portolongone was the most advantageous that France could make, to bring the Enemies sooner to a ready Peace, because these places kept in sub­jection the King of Spain's States, which are in Italy: That the Independance which the Duke of Guise affected in Naples, kept him from solliciting the Cardinal to succor him. That Mar­shal Gassion would have establish'd a particular Covernment in Flanders, very [Page 50] little depending upon the Court; and that Monsieur the Prince never com­plained that he did not assist him in Ca­talonia, and in all his Campains, as much as he could. That he was con­strained to seek for Supplies by Edicts, to furnish the Charges of the War. That notwithstanding the Taxes were diminish'd, and that time had but too much verify'd, that this Transportati­on of Money into Italy, was a Lye, in­vented to Defame him; as to the rest, That he had managed with success enough the Interests of the Princes of Europe for Twenty years; and that if the good Intelligence betwixt France and the United Provinces had ceased, it was by the corruption of some particu­lar persons, who had been Suborned by Money from Spain; as to the Admi­nistration of the State, he had follow'd Cardinal Richlieu's Maxims, excepting only in the Cruelty of Punishments; And that if he had been obliged to pro­mise more then he gave, it was because the number of those that serve in France is great, and of pretenders yet much greater. That the State was ne­ver in greater prosperity then during his Ministry: and that if in the Great [Page 51] Expeditions, the Honor of the Executi­on was due to the Generals, that of the Design belonged to him; that France would have yet preserv'd its Peace, if every one had conspired to it according to his Duty, if the People had not been drawn from their Obedience by the suggestion of Male-Contents; or rather if the Parliament, which ought to be an Example of Obedience, had not open'd and led them the way to Rebellion. That the Post he is now in hath been always exposed to the strokes of hatred and envy in all States; and that it is not an extraordinary thing, if they one while taxe his Ambition, ano­ther while his Inability; that at least he is happy in this, that Calumny, in its most Poysonous Design, hath not thrown the least Suspition upon his Fi­delity.

During the time of this Commoti­on, Three things hapned, which were of unlucky consequence.

The First was, The Duke of Beau­fort's escape out of the Dungeon of Vincennes, where he was Prisoner from the beginning of the Regency, for [Page 52] Reasons which are not within the com­pass of my Subject; but because he held a considerable Place in the Wars by the Affections of the People of Pa­ris, it is not impertinent to Remark it.

The Second was that upon a Quarrel that hapned at Feuillians, betwixt the Life-Guard, and the Sergeants of the Grand Provost, the Marquiss deGesures, behaved himself so, as displeased the Cardinal, who sent him order to retire, and Char­rost and Chaudenier to undergo the pu­nishment of the Baton, who refused it; upon which their Offices were gi­ven to Gerse and Nouailles; and there­by the Friends and Kindred of the dis­graced were incensed against the Cardi­nal, at a time, when no body spared him, either in Deed, or Word.

The Third was, The Imprisonment of Chavigny, which deserves a particu­lar Relation.

This Minister, so considerable in the late Kings Reign, was united with Car­dinal Mazarine, by their mutual Inte­rests, which is the only Bond at Court, [Page 53] and the most certain Rule of Friend­ship; after Cardinal Richlieu's death, the King divided his Affairs betwixt them two, and the Denoyers, whom they ruin'd presently, and remained in a strict Union till the Regency. The Queen, who had been Persecuted by the late Cardinal Richlieu, took an A­version to Chavigny, and wish'd his Ru­ine. Cardinal Mazarin, either by good Fortune, or by his Address, or rather by the Interposition of my Lord Moun­tague, and Beringhen, was not only con­tinued near her Majesty, but the en­tire Management of Affairs conferr'd upon him: Now though Chavigny ex­pected to be greatly protected by him, in his fall, yet he endeavored only to mitigate it, and to defend him from falling into absolute ruine, because Fa­vor as well as Love, cannot endure to be divided, or to admit of a Rival; They devested his Father of his super­intendency, and himself of the Office of Principal Secretary of State; only they left him the vain Title of Minister, with admittance into the Council, but without any Imployment, or Respect. This is all the Cardinal gave to his antient Friendship, to the strict obli­gations [Page 54] wherein Men often play the Bankrupts in the World. Chavigny net­tled with this ill usage (which he dis­sembled for five years, with very much prudence) design'd to make use of the present conjunctures, and to be re­veng'd, by raising himself upon the Cardinals ruin; to this end judging, that Monsieur le Prince, after the Battle at Lens, could do what he would at Court, would give Laws to the Court: he declared his thoughts, concerning the present state of Affairs, to the Duke of Chatillion, at his re­turn from the Army, whom he found dispos'd to hearken to him, from a ha­tred he had to the Cardinal, who made him languish with the expectation of a Marshal Staff: but as Prudence ordina­rily sleeps, and unbends it self in the ex­cess of our Passions, he intrusted the same secret to Perrault, but when he found that it took not as he desired, he Re­pented of it, and proved to his cost, that he, to whom you tell your secret, becomes Master of your Liberty. Per­rault having reason to fear the Genius of Chavigny, if he came near the Prince, told all their discourse to the Cardinal, who caused him to be made Prisoner [Page 55] by Drouet, in the Castle of Vincennes, whereof he was Governor. This Im­prisonment gave occasion to the Pub­lick (who knew not the secret) to tax the Cardinals Ingratitude; and his E­nemies in the Parliament represented this Action in very black colors.

About this time they put Emery out of the Exchequer, which was but an ineffective Remedy, because the mis­chief had made too great a Progress to stop in his person, and the pretence of Reforming the State was chang'd into a firm Resolution to ruine the Cardi­dal. For, as the Authority of Princes and Ministers, is kept up only by Fear, or Admiration, his weakness rais'd him Enemies, whom he never offended. Brus­sels, Charton, and Viole, did, in effect, point him out in the Assembly of the Chambers; but Blanmevil the President of Noujon nam'd him, and there was order'd a solemn Deputation to the Duke of Orleans, to Monsieur the Prince, and to the Prince of Conty, to beseech them to joyn with the Company, and bring effective Remedies to the Mis­chiefs which threatned the State.

The Court was at Ruel at the time of this Declaration against the Cardinal, [Page 56] who was touch'd to the quick with it, to see himself necessitated to throw him­self into the Armes of Monsieur le Prince, and to secure his shaking for­tune by his support: The Prince, who could not enjoy the fruit of his Victo­ry at the Battle of Lens, because of the Disorders of Paris, was reduc'd to bound his Conquests with the taking of Fur­nes, where good Fortune preserved him from the Shot of a Musquet, which he received in the Trenches, for it hit him on the Back, in a place where his Belt was doubled, which deadned the stroak of the Bullet. Immediately af­ter it was taken, he had orders to re­turn.

At this time he was look'd upon by all the People with admiration; for be­sides that this new Laurel, which he had acquir'd by his pure Valor, gave a great addition to his Glory, he had no hand in the present troubles, and both Parties look'd upon him as their Defender, or at least as the Arbitrator of their Differences. It also look'd as if Fortune invited him to entertain more ambitious designs, because the eb­bing state of the Court, and Publick Admiration, equally concurr'd to his [Page 57] Advancement; but as he was naturally inclin'd to keep within the bounds of Duty, he was not very industrious to manage the General Love. He admit­ted into his confidence two persons of Quality and Merit, who were of oppo­site opinions, viz. the Duke of Chatilli­on, and Marshal Gramount; The first, whose Family and Person were strictly united to the Prince, advis'd him to de­clare himself for the Parliament, or at least to make himself Moderator of the Differences with all the Neutrality pos­sible; The other, by all sorts of inte­rests, bound to be on the Courts side, employed his perswasions to induce him to be of his Party. Upon this oc­casion he did violence to his Nature, which is something averse to such tem­perate methods, and Wrote, together with the Duke of Orleans, to the Par­liament, to desire them to send Depu­ties to St. Germains, that they might put an end to the Divisions in a Conference. So many Relations give an account of what pass'd there, that it would be a superfluous Repetition, and I need on­ly to remark, that the Deputies would not consent that the Cardinal should assist at it; and, that at the first [Page 58] interview, the Prince was hot upon Vi­ole, for having first propounded the Li­berty of Chavigny, because he was of o­pinion, that they should decide the Matters in Controversie, and agree up­on Rules necessary for the Drawing up of the Kings Declaration, by vertue whereof Chavigny would recover his Liberty, as it happen'd by this Authen­tick Declaration of the 28th of Octo­ber.

After this Declaration, which gave some respite to the Publick Divisions, there happen'd some Court Disputes, which, for a while, disturb'd the Uni­on that was in the Council, and thus it was. From the beginning of the Regency, the Abbot de la Riviere pos­sessing absolutely the favor of the Duke of Orleans, aim'd at a Cardinals Cap; and Mazarin, to make him more sure to his Interests, gave him more hopes of it, the execution whereof he still evaded, judging it not at all conve­nient to have a person of the same Dig­nity with himself in the King's Council, but from time to time he procur'd him Benefices to preserve his good Will; nevertheless at the Birth of these trou­bles, the Abbot urged him so vehe­mently, [Page 59] that he could not avoid giving him the Nomination of France for the Cap, because he stood in need of the Duke of Orlean's Protection: but he believed, that either there would be oppositions at Rome, which he might underhand foment, or else that time would produce opportunities at Court, to hinder it from taking effect. The Abbot sends his Agent to his Holiness, who gave him assurance of his Promo­tion to the first that fell; and in ex­pectation of this he brought his Master to preserve the Cardinals so much tos­sed Fortune from Shipwrack. When he saw himself at the height of his de­sires, the Prince of Conty, who was not yet declared for the Cardinals Cap, any more then as it was an extraordi­nary Promotion, more honorable for his Birth, begg'd, at the perswasion of the Court, the King's Nomination for the first. It could not be refus'd him, and the competition of Rivier was too weak to dispute the Preference. So that not being able to blame the Prince of Conty, he taxes the Cardinal, detests his Ingratitude, and obliges the Duke of Orleans not to speak to him any more.

[Page 60]Now, as he thought of nothing but the means whereby he might break off the Nomination of the Prince of Conty; He attempts to do it by Monsieur the Prince, and proposed to him by Vi­nevil, that in case he would take off his Brother from desiring the Cap, his Roy­al Highness would procure him what Government soever he would. He an­swered Vinevil, That he had an Estate, an Offices great enough to maintain him with his Services and Fidelity; that if he had more, he might justly be­come suspected of the King, who would aim at nothing so much, as to ru­ine him, if he became Great; and that his Fortune was in a condition, that wanted nothing but Moderation in his desires. I thought these so vertuous words worthy to be reported, to shew, how much Inconsistant Man is with himself, and how much his Mind is subject to change.

During this Division the King came from St. Germains to Paris, where the Duke of Orleans gave continual Marks of his anger against the Cardinal, he went very little to the Palais Royal; there was nothing resolv'd on in Council; [Page 61] all the Male-contents repair'd to him; he hearkned to the Frondeurs of the Parliament; in fine, the Quarrel must have either ended in the greatest vio­lence, or be accommodated. The Mar­shal d'Estree, and Senators, persons of credit, took upon them to try if they could bring both to an agreement; They represented to the Duke of Or­leance, that this misunderstanding be­twixt the Queen and him could not continue longer without ruining the State; and that the cause of it was dishonorable to his Royal Highness; that Monsieur the Prince would gain a notable Advantage by it, because he would be obliged in Honor to his Fa­mily, and his own Greatness; to take the Queen into his Protection, and she to fly to him as her only refuge; that he being of a hot nature, would re­duce things to the greatest extremity; and that it was already talk'd that he was coming with the Regiment of Guards to force the Palace of Orleans, to reduce that company of Seditious which were about his Person: They Remonstrated to la Riviere, if he would pretend, for his private Interest, to make a division in the Royal Family, [Page 62] and cause a Civil War; If it was reaso­nable that he should be offended, be­cause a Prince of the Blood was pre­ferr'd before him? That he would be­come the object of the hatred and ven­geance of Monsieur the Prince, and of all his Family; that the load he laid upon his Master, was too weighty, that he would quickly be weary of it; or that if he broke off with him, his favor would become a prey to others; and as to the Cardinalship, that the Prince of Conty would either give it over, or the Court demand two Caps for the First Promotion.

The two Commissioners of the Court found the Minds of the Duke de Or­leans, and de la Riviere very well dis­posed to understand their Reasons, for Time had done much towards an Ac­commodation, and this Minister was al­ready perswaded by his own fears, that things ought to return to the same de­gree of concord, that they were at be­fore, and so they did upon this Agree­ment.

The Declaration agreed upon by the Kings Council and the Deputies of [Page 63] the Soveraign Courts seem'd to secure the Repose of the State, and to quench the least sparks of Fire which threatned it; but the Ambition of those who ha­ted the present Government, and de­sired Innovations, had taken too deep root in their Minds to keep within the bounds of Mildness; So that they omitted no endeavor, or practise, where­by they might incite the Parliament and People to disturb it. They represented to them, that this great business of the Barricadoes, this Victory of Subjects over their Soveraign, this Diminution of Royal Authority, the Publick Invect­ives against the Cardinal, would never be forgotten. That his want of Power made him at present prudently dissem­ble his Resentments, but that they would break out with so much the greater violence: That it was never heard, that so powerful a Minister was ever attack'd, without being ruin'd to all intents and purposes: that he stayes only for favorable occasions; a Division in the Parliament, a change in the People, the King's Majority; in a word, the Benefit of Opportunity, which can­not be wanting to him who absolute­ly disposes of the Royal Power; that [Page 64] therefore they must make use of the present junctures, if they would get rid of so dangerous an Enemy. That the Duke of Orleans was a sober Man, and one too knowing in the Affairs of the World, to oppose an universal con­course; That Monsieur le Prince will bethink himself, that the true Refuge for Princes of the Blood, and his own Reputation against the jealousie of Fa­vorites, must be the Publick Love of the People; so that at the most, to please the Queen, they will appear to defend her, but weakly, and with reserved­ness.

Lastly, That they must consider, that the Declaration which was extorted from the Court, when in a weak con­dition, and which will be of force no longer, then while it continues so, is a Necessity, not a Sincere Friendship, in the heart of the Queen, who but waits the Moment to Revenge her self.

Those who dispersed such Discourses in Parliament, and who declared most against the Court, were after Broussel and Longueil, the President of Noujon and Blanmenil, Enemies to the Cardinal, [Page 65] because of the disgrace of the Bishop of Beauvay their Uncle, and because their Cousin was refused to be made the Coadjutor of this Bishoprick, and Viole, because they broke the promise they made him to be Chancellour to the Queen, but the person that at this time by the instances of his friend in Parliament, and his Emissaries among the people, laboured with most success to make a party to their Association▪ was the Coadjutour of Paris. This man who had joyned too many excellent, both Na­tural and acquired Qualities, that defect which the Corruption of minds makes to pass for a Vertue, was tainted with an extreme ambition, and an unbound­ed desire of increasing his Fortune, and Reputation by all sorts of ways, so that the Constancie of his undaunted Cour­age, and mighty Genius found a sad and unhappy object, which was the troubles of the State; and a Compassion to the Capital City, whereof he was Arch-Bishop. Now judging that this Party could not Subsist with out a Head, he cast his eyes upon Monsieur le Prince, whom he Assaulted with such strong rea­sons, that it was reported, he was per­swaded by them, or at least seem'd to be [Page 66] so, even to give his word to Broussel, and Longueil to put himself at the Head of them. But whether it was that he did not engage his word, and that the Duke of Chatillion, who Negotiated for him with the Frondaurs, had advanced so farr on his own head without his Orders, or rather that the Prince had expressely given it to hinder them from addressing themselves to the Duke of Orleans, during his discontent, howe­ver it was, he undeceived those who suspected Him of Favouring his De­sire.

The Coadjutor seeing himself dis­appointed, having a Head of this Im­portance, turn'd his hopes upon the Prince of Conty, whose Birth alone was of Great Consequence in the King­dom. This Prince was dissatisfied be­cause he was not one of the Council, and much more because the Prince set so little esteem upon him. But being entirely Governed by the Dutchess of Longueil his Sister, (who was net­led at the Indifference which Monsieur the Prince shew'd to her) he abandon|'d himself without reserve to her Opi­nions. This Princess, who had a great [Page 67] hand in the sequel of Affairs, had all the advantages of Wit, and Beau­ty to so high a Degree, and with so many charms, and so generally liked, that nature seem'd to have been pleased to frame an accomplish'd and perfect Work. But a Blemish, which is rarely or never seen in a Princess of this merit, somthing dark­ened these fair Qualities, which was far from prescribing to those who had a particular Adoration for her, she trans­formed herself so very much into their sentiments that she was not sensible of her own.

At this time the Prince de Marcillac had a place in her Affections, who joyn­ing his ambition to his Love, inspired her with a desire of intermedling in A­ffairs, tho she had a natural Aversion to it, and made use of the passion she had to be reveng'd on Monsieur the Prince, to set the Prince of Conty against him. The Coadjutour was happy in his project, to see the Brother and Sis­ter disposed to Unite themselves with the Frondeurs, by a Treaty into which the Duke of Longueville was drawn, be­ing push'd on with the Hopes that the Parliament would bring about his ill [Page 68] grounded pretensions to be a Prince of the Blood.

The Court seeing that the Designs of their Enemies, prevailed to that Height as openly to demand the Car­dinals ruin, put all their hope in the Duke of Orleans, and Monsieur le Prince, and thought that their Union, with their Majesties would reduce them into Order. Now because the mischief had taken such deep root, that there was required a great deal of force to pluck it up, they judg'd that the tem­perate Nature of the Duke of Orleans, was not so proper, as that of Monsieur le Prince; which was incapable of all Moderation: Add to this, that his Re­putation in the Wars, the Splendor of his Victories, the Forces of his Troops would strike terrour into peoples minds, so that they applyed themselves parti­cularly to gain him, to espouse a cause so just. The Queen to this end made use of very pressing perswasions, to Wit, Tears, and most affectionate words, tel­ling him that she look'd upon him as her Third Son. The Cardinal pro­mised him that he would all his life de­pend upon his Will. The King himself [Page 69] bracing him, told him that he recom­mended to him the saftey of his State and Person. So that the Court consi­der'd him, as the Principal Defender of its Fortune: but those who determin'd him, were Marshal Gramont, and le Tel­lier; by these or the like Arguments, they represented to him, that by little and little, the Parliament would Usurp the whole Authority: That instead of bounding their Ambition within the Declaration of the 28 October. they would not only be judges of the Affairs of War, but also took upon themselves a power to turn out the Minister, that at the same time they might set up a new one of their own chusing, and further that frequent Mutations are Pernicious to Kingdoms, nay that it is sometimes better to suffer an ill one, than to change him; that it is ten thousand to one, but if an usurpation, (the like whereof was never heard of till now) be tolerated, they will assault priviledg'd persons and nothing be sacred enough to secure it from Violation; by this licentiousness, that the Counsellors would be in a fine Condition, if they should impose Laws upon Kings and the Princes of the Blood, miserable if they received them. That [Page 70] this new practice shock'd the Monarchy, which is absolute and independant, and contrary to the Constitutions of France, and even to the Institutions of the Par­liament; that if there be abuses in the Kingdom, they ought to be reformed by the Assemblies of the General States; and not by the Decrees of a Company, whose suffrages are rather counted than weighed. That when ever the Parlia­ment went beyond their Duty, they were severely corrected, sometimes by the late King, sometimes by Henry the Fourth, and Charles the Ninth, and o­ther Kings their Predecessors, upon occa­sions less dangerous than this. That Great Kingdoms cannot be supported by remiss Councils, but must give a proof of their Courage and strength, and that the justice of Kings consists in their Power. That He the Prince, was in­terested in the person of the Cardinal, to oppose an enterprise which tends to the Destruction of the Royal Family; and that if the Duke of Orleans, and his Highness would not stand in the Gap, the Queen would be forc'd to go with her Children, to Implore the Help of the Princes that were Allies to the Crown: Besides, that Monsieur le [Page 71] Prince must think that the Innovations made by the Parliament, since the De­claration wounded the Establishment of the Peace.

These Discourses, which represented the thing very lively, made such an Im­pression on his Spirit, that he would not hear of a neutrality, without ever so much as thinking that he might lose the peoples Affection. It is certain, that Great Minds, like this of Monsieur le Prince, produce great Vertues, but are eminent also for great Defects: By an Invincible Excess of Passion, he ruin'd all the Advantages Fortune had, even to Envy, added to his person, which were such, that the would have surpass­ed the glory of the greatest men in for­mer Ages, if Piety, Justice, and Solidi­ty had been answerable to that Exces­sive Valour, that incredible Constancy in Adversities, and that sparkling Wit which were remarkable in him. Mon­sieur le Prince might have rendred himself ador'd by all the World, if he could have manag'd himself with a de­sign to have treated his Affairs with calmness; but instead of this he was forc'd by his rash conduct to have re­course [Page 72] to means, which brought him to strange Extremities. He went with the Duke of Orleans to the Parliament, and push'd on by his ill Fate, as soon as Vi­ole had invoked the Holy Spirit to illu­minate the Princes in their Consi­deration of the Cardinals Conduct, Monsieur le Prince rose up and bid him hold his tongue; this inconsiderately raised a murmuring amongst the Young Counsellors, with which he was fir'd in­to a passion, and threatned them with his hands and words. At this time he lost the Affection of the Company, and when this Action was spread abroad, the esteem his Victories gain'd him was chang'd into Fear, and the love of his Person into Hatred, not to say Excera­tion, from which he recovered not but by particular good Fortune.

And now being interested in a quar­rel of his own, as well as of the Courts, he hearkned to all propositions that were made him for reducing the Par­liament: They tell him that the speedi­est and surest way was to besiege Paris, that by stoping all the Avenues, the people would be starv'd in three Mar­ket days, and so rise against the Parlia­ment, [Page 73] and accuse them of being the Authors of all their miseries. In fine that the Parisians were without any to head them, without Soldiers and accustomed to soft ease; he relish'd these Reasons, which seemed strong to him, because a­nimated by his Fury, to which nothing was impossible; so that he made him­self the Head of the enterprise to be­siege Paris, under the command of the Duke of Orleans, who at first opposed this design; but the sollicitations of the Queen, the perswasions of the Abbot de la Riviere, and the willful Resoluti­on of Monsieur le Prince, overr [...]ulled his own Opinion, and the contrary ad­vice of the Dutchesse of Orleans: This being resolved on, Monsieur le Prince and the Marshal de la Meilleraye, pro­posed (that they might gain their end more speedily) to seise upon the Isle of St. Louis, the Port St. Antonie, the Arsenal, and the Bastile, and also to put their Majesties in the Bastile; but either because this proposition was not well enough grounded, or because they were afraid of exposing the Kings person, they rather chose to quit Paris, than to besiege it.

[Page 74]After his Majesty had solemnized the Festival of the Epiphany, at the Marshal Gramont's House, the King retired to the Cardinal's Palace, from whence he de­parted the next day at three a Clock in the Morning, with the Queen, Cardinal Mazarin, and all the Court, except Ma­dam de Longueil, to go to St. Germains, whither the Nobility and all the Mini­sters likewise came the same day, and pre­sently in a Council that was held, the Blocking up of Paris was Publish'd and talk'd of by all the Court.

This Departure, or rather Escape, was joyful News to the Factious, and was by no means approved of by wise Men, who esteem'd it unbecoming Sovereign Dig­nity, which Princes ought to be jealous of, since the splendor of the name of King is the chief thing that awes the People into Respect.

The Parisians were not so much startled as was imagined they would be: on the contrary, as if they had taken courage from the condition they were in, they declared, That they were pre­pared for all the Consequences that threatned them; and fear did not keep [Page 75] them from railing against the Cardinal, Monsieur le Prince, the Queen, and all those whom they believed to have ad­vised this departure, which they called a Rape of the King.

The Parliament appeared less con­stant in this accident, because they fore­saw the Consequences of it better, and after the first Assembly, they deputed some of the Kings Council to carry their Submissions and Offers, which, though very advantagious, yet were sent back without being heard, so much was all the Court possessed with a vain hope that the Parisians would yield too with a blind obedience upon the first Alarm of the Siege; but they were quickly un­deceived, for the day after (which was the eighth of January) that the King's Council had made their Report, so that they could no longer question the de­sign of the Court, the Parliament de­clared the Cardinal an Enemy to the Go­vernment, and issued out Commissions to levy Soldiers; the Companies volun­tarily taxed themselves, they laid in a­bundance of Provisions, and the people with a great deal of ardor stood to de­fend the City: So true is it that Fear [Page 76] oftentimes begets Courage, and that nothing Arms the Hand more power­fully than Despair.

Notwithstanding Monsieur le Prince, with six or seven thousand Men, who were the remainder of the Army of the last Campaign, block'd up Paris, posses­sing themselves of Laigny, Corbeil, Saint Cloud, St. Denis, and Charenton, a thing Posterity will admire, but never believe, That he should by his Conduct and Vi­gilance block up the greatest and most populous City in Europe; when at the same time there were so many Princes and Lords in it, with an Army stronger than his. Now as the Court never wants Malecontents, the Duke d'Elbeuf, his three Sons, the Duke of Brisac, and the Marquiss de la Boulaye, first offered them­selves to the Parliament, who had no sooner installed the Duke d'Elbeuf in the Office of General of the Army, but news was brought them that the Prince de Conty and the Duke de Longueil, accompanied with the Prince de Mar­cillac and Normonstier, were that night privately come from St. Germains, and lighted at the Hotel de Longueil, who came to declare themselves for the Pa­risians, [Page 77] according to the Agreement which they had made with the Coad­jutor. This their sudden arrival gave occasion to some controversy, which was ended by the nomination of the Prince of Conty for Generalissimo, and of the Duke d'Elbeuf for General, with whom the Duke de Bouillion and Marshal de la Motthe were joined in equal pow­er. Monsieur de Longueil would not take any Employment, but of as­sisting the Prince of Conty by his Coun­sels, esteeming himself above the last, and not able to be equal to the first. The Prince of Conty had great difficulty to justifie the sincerity of his Intentions, because the Publick, who were igno­rant of the misunderstanding betwixt him and Monsieur le Prince, who was the real head of the Enterprize against Paris, could not think themselves secure of him; even Provost, a Counsellor of the great Chamber, gave himself the li­berty (as if this mutual Confeder­ation against their Duty inspired him with boldness) to be disrespectful to a Prince of the Blood, Never­theless Madam de Longueville was requi­red to live in the Hotel de Ville, to be an Hostage for the Fidelity of her Bro­ther [Page 78] and Husband to the People, who naturally distrust great Men, because they are ordinarily the Victims of their Interest.

This departure of Monsieur le Prince de Conty, and of Monsieur de Longue­il, from St. Germains▪ was a mighty surprise in it self, but became much great­er by raising a jealousie that Monsieur le Prince was of the Party, which put the Queen and the Cardinal into extra­ordinary fears, though they were quickly removed by his return from Charenton. He storm'd and was incensed against them with the greater heat in this quarrel, that he might be reveng'd on his Relations, who he believed ought to depend absolutely on his Will. 'Twas said, That at this time the Cardinal re­solved to leave France, thinking it im­possible for him to be safe in the midst of all these Tempests, and destitute of support. But the Prince encourag'd him, and engaged his honour to the Queen, That he would perish, or bring him back to Paris triumphant over his Enemies. In the mean time the Party in the City got no small strength by the Declaration of a Prince of the Blood, [Page 79] whose quality was of great consequence in the Kingdom, and of another Prince who was almost absolute in his Govern­ment of Normandy; the Marshal de la Motthe also rendred himself considera­ble in the Army, and the Duke of Bouillion incomparably more so by the great Knowledge he had in the affairs of the World, and his strict Alliance with his Brother Marshal Turenne, who commanding at this time the Army in Germany, it was presumed would Sacri­fice his Duty to the raising of his Fa­mily, and to the Peak he had against the Cardinal. Monsieur le Prince indeed, who took these two Brothers for his Friends, wrote to the Duke de Bouillion, fearing lest he should think that the re­treat of the Prince de Conty, and of Longueil, was contrived with his con­sent, and therefore he was willing to undeceive him, and conjured him to return to St. Germains, where he would procure him all the satisfaction possible to his Interests. Monsieur de Bouillion shewed this Letter to the Parliament, and the Ministers being informed, That Marshal Turenne stood ill affected, the King and Monsieur le Prince, who had great Interest amongst the Troops in [Page 80] Germany, wrote to the Colonels to ob­serve his Commands no further, and to abandon him, which took effect and was the safety of the Court.

At this time likewise the Duke of Beaufort arrived at Paris: He had ab­sconded in the Provinces beyond the Loire since his escape out of Vincennes, and found this favourable occasion to set him up again in the World. He came to offer his service to the Parliament, who cleared him from the Accusation of having conspired against the Life of Cardinal Mazarin, admitted him Peer of France, and made him one of their Generals. Now although his Genius was none of the most raised, yet his Presence, his Language, and his popular Air, with a Conduct adroit enough, gain'd him the love of the People of Paris, and the rather, because they thought him irre­concileable to the Cardinal for impri­soning him, from which he would ne­ver change till he was necessitated by the revolution of Affairs to be reconci­led unto him. In the mean time the King's Army possessed all the Posts about Paris, and though the Parliament were more in number, yet the Generals never [Page 81] made an attempt to open a Passage, insomuch that the Provisions came in with difficulty only by Brie; for Monsieur le Prince could not put a Ga­rison in Brie Comte Robert, without di­viding his Forces, and had also quitted Charenton, which the Prince de Conty possessed himself of, fortified, and put into it 3000 Men under the Command of Cauleu.

This made Monsieur le Prince resolve to attack this Post, which secured the Provisions of the Parisians, and also to give terror to his Arms. Thither there­fore he went on the eighth of February, with the Duke of Orleans and all the Princes and Lords of the Court, and committed the Assault to the Duke de Chatillon, whilst he himself went to an adjacent Hill to hinder all relief from Paris. The Duke executed his Orders with all the Valour possible, but at the last Barricade he received a Musquet Shot through his Body, of which he died the next day, lamented by both Parties for his excellent qualities, in the flower of his age, and just upon his en­joyment of the Honours which his Ser­vices had acquir'd him. The taking of [Page 82] this, as it very much diminish'd the Honour of the Generals and Forces of the Parliament, so it was lookt upon as miraculous in the Person of Monsieur le Prince, to have carry'd a place in the presence of an Army, and at the Gates of Paris, from whence ten thousand Men in Arms came out to be Witnesses of it. This Battel, and those of the Bois de Vincennes, of Lagny and de Brie, (in one whereof the young Duke of Rohan, shewing himself the worthy Successor of his Father's Vertue, lost his Life) being all disadvantageous to the Parisians, inclined them to some thoughts of a Peace, which, notwithstanding it was difficult to effect, because of the diffe­rent Interests in the Parilament, which hinder'd it. The number of those who were disaffected to a Peace, though in­ferior to the other, yet appeared more, because they disguised their Hatred and Ambition with the name of Publick Good and Safety, which is not to be found, said they, in an agreement with the Cardinal. The more moderate durst not shew their good intentions, be­cause (besides the danger in doing so) they would have been eluded, and it was better to stay till the minds of the [Page 83] people were a little wearied, & the strength and hopes of the Party more weakned, before they declared themselves. As for the People, the richer sort would not expose themselves to the Multi­tude, which having not suffered much from necessity, and being animated by some People of quality, was glad enough of this pretence for War, and cried out against such as desired a Peace. All the Generals (except Monsieur de Beau­sort, who wholly devoted himself to an hatred of the Cardinal, and love of the People, whom he design'd to make use of afterwards) contrived their par­ticular Reconciliation, and every one had his private Friends at Court to make his conditions better.

Monsieur d'Elboeuf held Correspon­dence with the Abbot de la Riviere from the beginning; Monsieur de Bouillon, with Monsieur le Prince, and the Mar­shall de la Motthe was engaged with the Duke de Longueville, who was re­tired into Normandy, where he fortified himself with Arms, Men, and Money, to make his Treaty more advantageous by the mediation of Monsieur le Prince. As to the Prince de Conty, because he had no inclinations but what his Sister inspi­red [Page 84] him with, who was cruelly affronted and slandered by the injurious discourses of Monsieur le Prince about her Con­duct, time alone must allay these heats, and the necessity of Affairs bring this Family to a reconciliation, as it quick­ly did. The Coadjutor only was the principal Promoter of this War, wherein he had but too much desecrated his Character amidst Sedition and Arms, which banish't from his mind all thoughts of Peace, and thwarted every thing that spoke in favour of it, because he found not wherewith to satisfie his Ambition. On the other side the Court swell'd with good success, and the glorious Warlike Actions of Monsieur le Prince, expected yet greater from him, and would impose too rigorous conditions on the contrary Party: so that apparent necessity was a Sovereign Law which determined both Parties to a Treaty of Peace, besides that Civil war being contrary to the nature of all the World, every one was ready to return from his errors and ani­mosities, it being the humour of our Nation to become Dutiful with the same levity that it becomes Mutinous, and to pass in a Moment from Rebellion to O­bedience.

[Page 85]And now see the present occasion that was offered. The King, on the 20th of February, sent a Herald, clad with his Coat of Arms, his Staff cover'd with Flower-de-Luces, accompanied with two Trumpetters: He came to the Port St. Honoré, and said, That he had three Pacquets of Letters to deliver to the Prince of Conty, to the Parliament, and to the City. The Parliament being advertis'd thereof, determin'd not to receive or give him Audience, but to send the King's Council to the Queen, to tell her, That their refusal was purely a mark of Obedience and Respect, since Heralds were not sent but to Sovereign Princes, or to Enemies; That the Prince of Conty, the Parliament, and the City, being neither, beseeched her Majesty to let them know her Pleasure from her own mouth. The Kings Council were well received by the Queen, who told them, That she was satisfied with their excuses and submissions, and that when the Parliament return'd to their Duty they should experience the effects of her Kindness, and that the Persons and Fortunes of every one in particular, not one excepted, should find there their security. the Duke d'Orleans, and Mon­sieur [Page 86] le Prince gave them the same as­surances. Many material reasons were the cause that the Court was so ready to be indulgent; for besides the constan­cy of the Parisians, the difficulty of rai­sing Men and Money, the Revolt of Gascony, Provence, and Normandy, and of many other Cities which followed the Parliament, as Poictiers, Tours, An­giers, and Mant, you must know there was yet a more pressing Motive. The Prince of Conty, seeing that the Army in Germany had pass'd the Rhine to come into France against Monsieur Turenne, and that his Party could not subsist without a powerful foreign Aid, had sent the Marquiss de Noirmoustier, and Laigues, to the Arch-Duke, to invite him to joyn his Forces to the Party of Paris, to constrain the Ministers to con­clude a general Peace. The Spaniards resolved not to slip so favourable an opportunity to foment our divisions, and make an advantage thereof, either by a Treaty, or the continuation of the War. To this end the Archduke sent a Deputy to the Parliament, who gave him Audience after he had deli­vered his Credentials, not without some blot to this Society, if necessity of de­fence [Page 87] had not pleaded its excuse. In his Audience he declared the Catho­lick King's joyning with this Company for a general Peace, which should be the sole end of his Forces Entry into France, and not to take advantage of the weak­ness of the Frontier, and that he found more security in treating with the Par­liament than with the Cardinal, who had broke it, and who was a declared Enemy of the State: And indeed Vau­fourle, sent from the Court to the Mi­nisters of Spain in Flanders, to insinuate some Propositions for a Peace, was not favourably heard, and they inclined to the Parliaments side, to relieve this Par­ty which was going down the Wind; so that the Offers of the Archduke to the Faction of Paris (which he per­form'd by his actual entry into France, (accompanied by the two Agents of the Prince of Conty, with fifteen or sixteen thousand Men) giving a just apprehen­sion to the Court, made it suddenly re­solve to accommodate the affair of Paris. The Taxes were out; it was extreamly difficult to get Money; their Troops perished, either by the Avarice of the Officers, or for want of subsistance, or the dissatisfaction of their Generals; [Page 88] and their Arms grew into discredit. In fine, the minds of most were disgusted, either because they smarted under the inconvenience, or because it is the na­ture of people to be soon wearied with a War which they undertook in passion. The Premiere President, and the Presi­dent of Mesme, who had by consent acted underhand with the Ministers during all these commotions, managed with Ad­dress these dispositions to advance a Trea­ty for Peace; and as they were deputed, together with others, to carry to the Queen the Letter of the Arch-duke, and the Credentials of his Envoy, and to justifie the Company for having gi­ven him Audience, but withal to ac­quaint her, That they would not de­termine upon an Answer without know­ing her Pleasure, they had a Conference apart from the other Deputies with the Duke of Orleans and Monsieur le Prince, wherein they Treated for a Peace. When they were together, the Deputies insist­ing upon the opening of the Passages, the Princes promised them to open one as soon as the Parliament gave full power to their Deputies to Treat for a Peace. Now though this secret Conference made the Parliament, and the People, who [Page 89] were at the Door of the great Chamber, to murmur, yet the Premiere President, who never wanted Constancy upon oc­casion, nor Zeal for the publick Good, having said, That it was only to get an Answer from the Queen, who was in­censed at the Company for having received the Spanish Envoy, persuaded them to give a full Power, without the restriction of the Arrest of January 18. against the Cardinal and foreign Mini­sters, giving them in charge the Interests of the Generals, and the Parliaments of Normandy and Provence, who were Con­federates with the Parliament of Paris, with whom the other Deputies for the Companies of the Chambers of Accounts, of the Courts of Aids, and of the Hotel de Ville, were joyned.

Whilst this famous Deputation was in their way to St. Germains, their Maje­sties and the two Princes had sent some Persons of Quality to the Queen of Eng­land, to condole the fatal Death of the King her Husband; and Flammarin, who was one of them, made a visit from the Abbot de la Riviere to Prince Marcillac, who lay Sick of a Wound which he re­ceived in the Fight at the Brie Comte [Page 90] Robert; The Count de Grancey, in this Visit, made some secret Overtures ad­vantagious to the Prince of Conty, namely that he should be admitted into the Council, and have a strong place in Champaine, provided that he would agree to an accommodation, and desist from his nomination to the Cardinalship in favour of this Abbot. This Propo­sition, made with the consent of Mon­sieur le Prince, who desired to reunite the two Families, was approved of by Monsieur de Marcillac, and soon after by the Duke de Longueville, and the Prince of Conty. At this time the Duke de Longueville was perswaded by Mon­sieur le Prince to retard his Supplies for Paris, and to Treat with the Court upon a Promise of the Pont de l'Arche, and a great Charge, for which he was his Sure­ty. Monsieur de Bouillon had also some assurances given to him and Monsieur Turenne by Monsieur le Prince, but ei­ther because he did not very much con­fide in him, or because he entertained other hopes, he put all the obstacles he could to the conclusion of the Peace: So rare is Fidelity in Civil War to the mutual tyes and correspondencies which are found amongst People of different [Page 91] Parties, and there are always particular Treaties which precede the general one, because the secret Agreements of heads so considerable, seeming to preserve only a respect for their Party, necessitate the most Zealous to acquiesee in the Peace, or to shew a shameful weakness.

Notwithstanding the Conferences at Ruel had like to have broke up, upon the Queens nomination of the Cardinal for a Deputy in conjunction with the two Princes: Those of the Parliament not being willing to admit him, because he had been condemned, they therefore made use of this expedient, to negotiate by two Deputies for each Party, which were the Chancellor and le Tellier for the Court, and the President Coigneux and Viole for the Parliament. At last, after many Debates and Contests, they agreed upon a Peace, wherein, though the Cardinal was preserved, yet he com­plain'd to the Princes that he was put sub hastà (as it was term'd in ancient Rome) that is, set to sale, and that they had made him restore his Moveables and Habits, Clothes sold by an Arrest of Par­liament. This necessity appeared to them little important, in respect to the [Page 92] Necessity they lay under because of the approach of the Spanish Army. The prin­cipal Articles were, that they should send back the Deputy of the Arch-Duke without an Answer, a general pardon for all the Party, all the Declarations and Arrests since the sixth of January to be repealed and annull'd, and the Seme­stres of the Parliaments of Normandy and Provence, suppressed upon certain conditions: Those who were Enemies to this Peace, took a pretence from some of the Articles to decry it, especially the Coadjutor, who was incensed, that the War which was here begun by him, should be concluded without him; and that instead of all the Advantages which his Ambition had fancied to him, he reap­ed nothing but the shame of having la­bored to subvert the State.

He was strictly associated with the Duke de Beaufort, whose credit he made use of in all Occurrences; and in this he forgot nothing to render the Treaty o­dious to the People, the Parliament and the Generals: He represented to them, that this War being made onely to re­move the Cardinal, he was nevertheless preserved by this Peace; even the Ar­rest [Page 93] of the eighth of January against him and Foreign Ministers was revoked, and then where is the fruit of so much pains and sufferings, and will not the Parliament fall under the Peoples con­tempt by such a remissness? And also that the Generals abandoned themselves to their private Interests in prejudice to the Union, but that which with some shew of reason exasperated them most, was, that the Cardinal signed the Treaty, the greatest part saying, That he having signed it, it became null, because the Conference was against him, and that there was reason to wonder that the De­puties should suffer a condemned man to confer and to sign with them. He and his Emissaries, by such like Discourses, provoked the Parliament and People, who threatned the Deputies with the utmost Extremities. As soon as the Pre­miere President began to read the verbal Process, and the Articles in the Assem­bly of the Chambres, he was hindred by the great clamours and murmurs of the Councellors, and the complaints of the Generals. But the wisest part of the Parliament, either ballancing the Incon­veniencies of a Civil War, with the hard­ness of the Articles, or because they per­ceived [Page 94] that it was the Ambition of the Coadjutour, and of some particular per­sons that inspired them with this averse­ness, judged the Peace necessary. The Company thought of sending back the same Deputies to St. Germain, to reform the three Articles without speaking of the Cardinal, and to treat of the Inte­rests of the Generals, who should be in­serted into the same Declaration.

This pretty mild Advice was propo­sed by Broussel, and for that reason fol­lowed by the Frondeurs and the Maza­rins, not without some (it may be, un­just) suspition, that a secret promise of the Government of the Bastile, had at this time mollifyed the good man, so few are there who are proof against the charms of Interest! When the Coadjutor saw that the Parliament in the Reformation of the Article, did not insist against the Cardinal, he perswaded the Prince of Conty to send some one from him, and the rest of the Generals to the Confe­rence at St. Germain, (which was held principally for the Interest of the Ge­nerals) to propose, that they would re­nounce all their pretentions (provided that the Cardinal would resign up the [Page 95] Ministry of State) and at the same time to beg the Parliament to order their De­puties to insist upon that in conjunction with them. To this end, the Prince sent the Count de Maure to St. Germain, and asked the company to joyn with him, who granted it: But because there was no mention made thereof in the first Treaty, and also that the Duke de Bris­sac, Barriere, and Crecy, the Deputies of the Generals had made other Propositi­ons for their Interests, and because they had already tasted of the Fruits of the Peace, by the restauration of Traffick, and the Cessation of all Acts of Hostility. The Queen and Princes answered to the pressing Instances of the Count de Maure, that they would never consent to re­move the Cardinal, and that the preten­sions of the Generals either were Acts of Grace, Favour, or were due in Justice, that those in Justice due should be pre­served for them; but for such as were only Acts of Favour, they should be con­ferred on such as deserved them most, and depend purely on her Majesties pleasure: So that all their pretensions being for the most part ill grounded, came to no­thing; and there was only the Prince de Conty who had Danvilliers, the Duke de [Page 96] Lougueville who had the Pont de l'Arche, and Brussel who had the Bastile, which also was not performed till some time af­ter, and some arrears of Pensions put in­to the Bargain. As to the Parliament, it was satisfied with the Reformation of the three Articles which the Deputies de­manded, and Her Majesty dispensed with their coming to St. Germains, where she was to keep her seat of Justice. The Deputies came to Paris, where the Chambers being assembled, the Kings Declaration for a Peace was ratified, and it was Ordered, That their Majesties should be thank'd for the Peace they had been pleased to give their Subjects.

This was the end of the War, where­in neither Party having got the better of the other, neither of them obtained what they at first proposed to themselves. For the Parliament and the Cardinal re­mained in their former splendor, and the present state of Things was not at all chang'd, notwithstanding the Peace which for some time put a period to all the Horrors of a Civil War, was receiv'd with an universal Joy, except amongst such as grow sick of publick Tranquility, and have no way to advance themselves [Page 97] but by Factions, and establish their Safe­ty and Fortunes in the Shipwrack of o­thers. But the Fire of Civil War was not quite extinguish'd by this Peace of the Parliament, it soon after kindled a­gain, and flam'd out with more violence in the principal Provinces of the King­dom. And certainly, it was difficult for the Queen to pay an Acknowledgement proportionable to the great Services which Monsieur le Prince had done her, and for Monsieur le Prince to contain himself within a dutiful Modesty, after having so usefully served her: for Debts of this nature being almost impossible to be paid, ordinarily produce hatred in the mind of the Soveraign, and at the same time inspire Subjects with thoughts of domineering, which are not to be en­dured: Now as the Cardinal had chief­ly reap'd the fruit of Monsieur le Prince's assistance, so he was the most exposed to his complaints, demands, menaces, and ill humour.

Sometime before the Troubles, the Cardinal desiring to establish the Seat of his Fortune in France, that he might strengthen himself by great Alliances, cast his eyes upon the Duke de Mercaeur; [Page 98] whom he design'd to marry to one of his Nieces; he gave him leave to come to Court, and the Duke de Ven­dosme to return to one of his Houses; and also gave over persecuting the Duke de Beaufort. This made the more quick-sighted judge, the Cardinal, who foresaw how burthensome the pro­tection of Monsieur le Prince would in time be to him, attempted all possible ways to make a shift without it; and yet he hoped by appeasing the Discon­tents of the Regency, and getting new supports, to free himself from depend­ing upon him. This project was inter­rupted by the War, and set on foot a­gain soon after the Peace, when the Court being at Compeigne where the Duke de Vendosme was. The Cardinal o­mitted no care to make it take effect: The Queen spoke of it to Monsieur le Prince, who durst not contradict the Proposal, either because he foresaw not, or slight­ed the consequence; or rather, because he feared the Breach that would happen upon this refusal. But Monsieur de Lon­guevil (who was restored to his Brothers favor, and had greater power over him than before) induced by reasons which respected his own pleasures more than [Page 99] the advantage of Monsieur le Prince; let him see the Cardinals intention, ex­aggerating his Ingratitude for allying himself with the House of Vendosme, which was an enemy to his. And indeed, Monsieur le Prince was so very much touched with his Discourses, that, con­trary to the Rules of Policy, he kept not himself within bounds when he spoke of the Cardinal, and spared no Ralleries and Invectives against his Person, and the intended Marriage. The Cardinal, to whom this procedure was not unknown, complained mightily of the opposition which Monsieur le Prince made against the Marriage of his Niece, which the Duke de Mercaeur, since he opposed not the Marriage of Madamoiselle d'Angou­lesme with Monsieur de Joyeuse, affecting by this comparison an equality which was then unseasonable: So that their hearts being exasperated one against an­other, Suspitions, Jealousies, and evil Reports, which Courtiers are seldom niggards of, in the dissentions of the Cabinet Council, incensed them more, and produced very different thoughts of Revenge. For Monsieur le Prince satis­fied himself with Contempts, which are frequently Impotent, whil'st the Cardi­nal [Page 100] with a deep Silence, made great pre­paratives, and laid foundations for his Ruine; but notwithstanding, both of them shew'd very little coldness, yet this Alienation took its original from the strict and daily communication that they pass'd betwixt them during the War; by which (as it is ordinary enough for e­steem to be lessened by familiarity, which discovers all intirely and without reserve, chiefly in the Exercises of good or ill Fortune) the Prince lost a great deal of the Respect which he once had for the Cardinal; and being no long­er restrained by the awe of his tot­tering Power, playd upon his defects be­fore the Duke of Orleans, and the Cardi­nals confidents. These, with little fi­delity to either of them, after having made their Court to Monsieur le Prince, gave an account of his bitter Railleries to the Cardinal; the remembrance whereof gives spurs to his Revenge, and will never be blotted out of his mind. Besides, the Cardinal discovered, that he could not firmly rely upon the Friendship of Monsieur le Prince, who was rather governed by his capricious­ness, than by reason and his interests; and that this scornful humour, instead of be­ing [Page 101] restrained, increased daily; so that not being able to gain him over, he re­solved to ruine him. Add to this, that Concord and Power being incompatible in the same place, the Cardinal could not brook a Superior at Court, nor the Prince an Equal: But that which entire­ly broke off the Bond of Friendship be­twixt them, was, That the Cardinal be­ing justly enough perswaded, that he could not engage Monsieur le Prince to persevere in his Interests, but by pre­tences of new Establishments, did either by himself, or by his Creatures, make him some Proposals, with the hopes whereof he entertain'd him for some time, but at last eluded them. The Prince enlightned enough by his own Judgment, and it may be by those of his Acquaintance, perceived the Cardi­nals insincerity, which he no longer doubted of after such a Rencounter as this that follows.

The Cardinal having put Monsieur le Prince upon gaining le Montbelliard, and having sent d'Herval on a pretence to Treat thereof, but with private Or­ders to conclude nothing, d'Herval ad­vertis'd Monsieur le Prince thereof, who [Page 102] could not dissemble it; and following the Spanish Proverb, Despues quae te erré nunca bien te quiese: and it was no won­der, if the Cardinal being jealous that Monsieur le Prince would not fail to re­venge himself, design'd to prevent him, even at the cost of those great Obligati­ons which he had to him, seeing that in matter of Policy all means proper to preserve Authority, provided they be sure, are reputed Honest and Lawful.

From this Discourse it is easie to see that the Cardinal was willing to make use of all the events to throw Monsieur le Prince upon Precipices, and thus it proceeded. The Peace not being yet declared, it was judged inconvenient to the wellfare of the State, as well of the Provinces, as of the Frontiers, for the King to return to his Capital City. The Ministers could not resolve so quickly to put themselves amongst a provoked Multitude which they had but just be­fore Besieged; and because the Cam­paign drew near, it was made a pretence to go to the Frontiers, there to prepare for some considerable Enterprise, that in the interim Time might calm their Spirits, and the remembrance of things [Page 103] past be worn out. And indeed, their Majesties and the Duke of Orleans, and the Council went to Compeigne, but Mon­sieur le Prince thinking it would be for his Reputation to shew himself to a Peo­ple, who had laid so many Curses upon him, came to Paris, and shew'd him­self in the Streets alone in his Coach: there he attracted the Respect and Fear, rather then the Resentments of the Peo­ple: So much doth Valour charm even those whom it wounds: The greatest part of the Parliament, and the princi­pal of the Party visited him; for five or six days after which, he returned to the Court, where the Joy the Cardinal had to see the way to Paris made open for him, was allayed by a jealousie over the least of his Actions. At his arrival, the Cardinal desiring to remove so danger­ous a Rival, proposed to him the Com­mand of the Army of Flanders, which he would not accept, because he had ta­sted the pleasure of Ruling in the Cabi­net Council: He had also a design to go to his Government in Burgundy, to pa­cifie the Troubles in Guyenne and Pro­vence, which were up in Arms because of a mis-understanding betwixt the Gover­nours and the Parliaments: But the Car­dinal [Page 104] and la Riviere did what they could to hinder his Mediation (to the Authority whereof, the parties concern'd referred their Differences) for fear it should give any addition to his Power. During this stay at Compeigne, the Prince de County, the Dukes of Nemours and de Candale, Monsieur le Prince and Mar­shal de Turennes, who has struck in a­gain with all people of Quality, re­paired to him, when they were in company, and full of Mirth, he never dissembled his contempt of the Cardi­nal and the Duke of Vendosme, and the aversion he had to the Marriage of the Duke de Mercaeur; nay, even went so far as to railly the Royal Authority, whereof he had but just before been the strongest support, but rather out of a hatred to the Cardinal, than out of any design he had to Raise his own upon the Ruines of that.

This manner of Behaviour from that time, gave the Cardinal some thoughts of attempting against his Liberty, if he durst have put them in Execution; but amongst many Reasons which restrain­ed him, that of his Friendship with the Duke of Orleans, was an obstacle to this [Page 105] Design: For Monsieur le Prince had in the late Affairs treated his Royal High­ness after such a manner, that he took off all the Envy that his extraordinaay Reputation might create in him, by par­ticular Honors and Respects, in leaving to him the out ward marks of Command. Add, that the Abbot de la Riviere, to whom he promis'd that the Prince de Conty should not▪ traverse his Nomina­tion, was a certain Security for his Ma­sters Affection. Monsieur le Prince left Compeigne with this good understanding betwixt them, to go to his Government: The Cardinal took his leave of him very well attended, as if he was afraid to trust his Life with him who had ventur'd his for his preservation, so frail are the tyes and friendships of the Court, and the least Accidents expose them to the great­est Changes. At parting, he desired the Commander of Souvrè, le Tellier, and others of the Cardinals Confidents, and charged Marbille his own Servant to tell him, That he could not be his Friend, if he thought of this Marriage. The Car­dinal being vexed at the heart to see himself constrained to publish to the World, a dependance so submissive, as if the Will of Monsieur le Prince was the [Page 106] only Rule to which he must conform his Interests, defended himself from it with vehemence enough; alledging, That having imparted this Allyance, approved by the Queen and his Royal Highness, to Rome, and all the Princes of Italy, he could not desist from it without shame and dishonor: So that being ballanc'd betwixt the Reputation of the World, and the fear of Monsieur le Prince, he could not resolve either to break off, or to conclude this Marriage: but follow­ing the Genius of his own Nation, which was very Ascendant in him, he waited the benefit of Time. In the mean while we were obliged to send out an Army in­to the Field, to deface the Infamy of our Civil Wars, and raise the Reputation of our Affairs. A strong Army was set out, made up of the Troops of Germany, (with which a Peace was just before con­cluded) whereof Comte d'Harcourt was the General, who had orders to lay Siege to Cambray. This Success, besides the Publick Interest, was of advantage to the Cardinal, who intended to re­establish himself in his ancient Lustre by a glorious Conquest; with the thoughts whereof he was the more pleased, because Monsieur le Prince had no hand either in [Page 107] the Design or the Execution; also to make the Honor of it more entirely his own, he went himself from Amiens, where the King was, to the Siege, rather out of Ostentation, than for any good effect that it had, contenting himself to distri­bute some Presents of little value, which served only to discredit him in the Ar­my, and expose him to their publick Railleries: But his Fortune look'd upon him with an evil Eye this year, Cam­bray was relieved, and this Enterprise turned to his dishonor.

This Event raised the Party of Paris, and revived their Violence, though they were always actuated with the same A­nimosity against the Cardinal. For he having made no endeavors to gain the Coadjutor, the Duke de Beaufort, Lon­gueil, and the most in credit with them, they kept up (notwithstand­ing the Peace) the Peoples and the Par­liaments hatred against him, as quick and active as in the time of the War, that hereby they might render themselves necessary at the Kings return to Paris, and make their Conditions better; even the Prince de Conty, by the advice of Prince de Marcillac, though that which [Page 108] was agreed upon in his favor at the Peace, was fully performed, forbore not to head this Party, and to shew himself the Cardinals enemy, that he might by this render himself more considerable.

Besides, He being intirely devoted to the Will and Pleasure of Monsieur le Prince, who by his power procured for him Danvilliers, and brought him into the Council: it was for their mutual In­terest, that he should keep up his cre­dit at Paris, during all the Storms at Court. So that at this time the Kings Authority was as little respected as be­fore the War, because its only support is Fear or Admiration, both which were lost: and the Publick were no less vio­lent against the Chief Minister, expect­ing that he should become sensible of the little Power he had since he broke with Monsieur le Prince: Notwith­standing, as he wanted not such who by false Flatteries suggested to him, that the Party of Paris was baffled, even in Paris it self, and that his prevailed there: he made a tryal thereof by Jarzè, who re­ceived an affront from Monsieur de Beau­fort at the Jardin de Renard, wherein the Duke de Candalle, Boutellier, and o­ther [Page 109] Persons of Quality, were concern­ed: hereupon some Challenges follow­ed, which went no further than the dis­arming of Monsieur de Beaufort: A Ren­counter which stirred up all the Fronde into an almost universal Insurrection a­gainst the Cardinal and his Partisans: Then the Cardinal being undeceived of all the Errors they had perswaded him into, and foreseeing that (how averse soever he was to it) he could not pro­long the Kings return to Paris, who was pressed to go by the Princes, and the necessity of Affairs, wholly employ­ed his Thoughts upon what might con­tribute to his safety: with respect to the Prince de Conty and Monsieur de Lon­gueil, he engaged his Word to Prince de Marcillac, to procure him the Honors of the Louvre, which the greatest Fami­lies in the Kingdom enjoy: He forgot no promises to the Dutchess de Montba­son, who had an entire and absolute Au­thority over the Duke de Beaufort. He at this time promised the Superintenden­cy to the President de Maisons, Brother to Longueil: and as to the Coadjutor, he being in League with the Marquess de Noirmoustier, de Laigues, and the Dutchess de Chevereuse, who in he Troubles re­turned [Page 110] from her Exile in Flanders to Paris, the Cardinal enter'd into a Con­ference with her upon his account, so that the Upholders of this party being cool'd by his Treaties with them, were glad enough to cover the weakness of their credit, which would have appear­ed, if they had attempted to oppose the concurrence of so great a number as de­sired the Kings presence at Paris.

But the Cardinal, though he stood in need of the support of Monsieur le Prince for his re-establishment, yet (ei­ther because he believed he could make a shift without him, by the means of these new Practices, or indeed because he could no longer endure the Yoke of his Obligations which he thought lay too heavy upon him) kept only a civil correspondence with him during his ab­sence, treating him like a suspected Friend. Monsieur le Prince, to say the truth, now saw the prosperities of the Court, for which he was before so blind­ly passionate, not without some regret, he was vexed at the Siege of Cambray, and was glad when he heard it was rai­sed. The troubles of Guyenne and Pro­vence, with the difficulties of the Kings [Page 111] return to Paris, pleas'd him well enough and the more, because he saw into the Cardinals Intentions, who thought of nothing but how to surmount the pre­sent Obstacles, and to regain an absolute and independent Authority; neverthe­less, he fomented not his Discontents ei­ther in private or publick, as if he had a mind to let his Resentment sleep a­while, that it might afterwards break out with the greater Violence: On the contrary, upon his return from Burgun­dy to Paris, before he had seen the Court, he powerfully sollicited his Friends to receive the King with the Cardinal, and testified the same earnest­ness as if it had been for his own Inte­rests; it may be, because he took a pride to perfect so glorious a Work as that of re-establishing him; or because he vainly flatter'd himself, that so great a Service would be always present to the Eyes of the Queen.

He staid till the Court returned to Compeigne, where he receiv'd more De­monstrations of Friendship than when he went from thence, either to make him remit something of his averseness to the Marriage, which was the fatal cause [Page 112] of their division; or rather, that he might act with his wonted vehemency at the Kings return to Paris, which was look'd upon by all the Provinces as the Seat of the Empire.

When the King made his Entry with the Queen, and all the Royal Family in the same Coach, the Cardinal was in one of the Boots with Monsieur le Prince, who by his Presence encouraged him a­gainst those Fears which he might justly apprehend, when he saw himself in the midst of an incredible Croud of People who had so much horror for his Person; but only the joy of seeing the King again, possessed every mans mind, whence they banished all thoughts of the late Trou­bles and Enmities: When their Maje­sties were come to the Palais Royal, they accepted the Submissions of the Duke de Beaufort, and the Coadjutor; and Monsieur le Prince concluded so fair a Journey, with telling the Queen, That he thought himself happy since he had now fulfill'd his promise which he made to bring the Cardinal back to Paris: Her Majesty answer'd, ‘Sir, This Ser­vice that you have done the State, is so great, that the King and my Self would [Page 113] be ungrateful, if we should ever hap­pen to forget it.’ A Servant of Mon­sieur le Prince's who heard this Discourse, said, That he trembled to think of the Greatness of this Service, and feared that this Complement would one day be look'd upon as a Reproach. Monsieur le Prince answer'd, I don't doubt it, but I have done what I promis'd.

The Retreat of the Duke de Lon­gueville to his Government of Normandy, during the War of Paris, 1649.

AS the Duke de Longueville was go­ing into the Old Palais, he met with Monsieur de St. Luc, who was sent to St. Germains to the Marquess d'Hectot, to endeavor to bring him over again to the Court Interest: He told him, with a Countenance full of Joy, St. Luc, It is not long since I hated you mortally; and I Sir, answered St. Luc, hate you no less at present than you▪ then hated me: If I had not been deceived, You would not have been here; and if you had not been deceived first, I should not have [Page 114] been suffer'd there. This short Discourse being ended, Monsieur de Longueville de­sign'd to go to the Parliament, which was met to consult, whether they should receive him or no. Some of his Friends were against his going, alledging, That he both expos'd himself and the Party; some were sent up to the top of a high Tower, to observe how the People stood affected; and when it was told him that they heard shouts of Joy on every side, he immediatly went out accompanied with those that attended him, and pre­sented himself at the Palais: After ha­ving received a thousand Acclamations all the way as he pass'd, he surprised the Gentlemen of the Parliament, who ne­ver thought of so unexpected an Adven­ture, and after having taken his Place, spake after this manner, ‘Having always very much honored and loved you, I am come with all the Danger that a Man of my Quality can expose himself to, to offer you my Estate and my Life for your preservation: I know that the greatest part of Governors do not use to do so, but when they have reaped all the Benefits of your Services, that they could get from you in a time of Peace, they abandon you as soon as [Page 115] they see you in Danger: As for me, who have a thousand Obligations to you, I pretend here to acknowledge them, both as a Governor, and as a Person sensibly obliged, I come to do you all the Service I am capable of in a Con­juncture so dangerous.’ The Primier President making no answer to this Speech, and shewing by the trouble in his looks how much the Presence of the Duke afflicted him, all the Gentlemen gave him Testimonies of their Joy, who were animated by the mouth of a Coun­sellor of the Great Chamber, called Monsieur — who made him this fine Speech: ‘The same difference which was betwixt the Wolf and the Shep­herd, Most Courteous Prince, is ob­servable betwixt the Count d'Harcourt and your Highness on such occasions as these; the Count d'Harcourt came ei­ther like a Wolf, or like a Lion, but al­ways like a ravenous Beast to devour us; we would not open the Doors to him, for fear of receiving an enemy in­to our Bowels; we in favor let him take a turn about our Walls, which he did, casting on us Eyes all sparkling with an­ger, tanquam Leo rugiens: For you, Great Prince, you are come like a true [Page 116] Shepherd to shelter all your Flock, Bo­nus pastor ponit animam pro ovibus suis: It is too true that you do so, atque ideo, Mon Seigneur, we commit to you the keeping of this City, and the safety of all the Province; it is your part to be careful of our Preservation, and ours to help your Cares with all the assi­stance that is in our power.’ The Speech being ended, Monsieur de Longueville rose up, and after he had saluted every one in particular with his ordinary Affable­ness, went out of the Palais, accompa­nied by his Friends and followed by the People, who conducted him with new Acclamations.

The Gentlemen of the Parliament re­flecting upon the Joy which the Bur­gesses expressd to see their Governor, began to fear an absolute Slavery; and to hinder this Calamity, designed to make their terms with him: but whe­ther Monsieur de Longueville perceived their Intention, or because he would bring them into an intire confidence in him, he was willing to prevent, and to assure them, That they should always have the disposal of every thing. He told them, That the Affairs he was a­bout, [Page 117] were properly the Parliaments and not his own; that he desired not, nor ought to have any other Imploy­ment, then to lead an Army for the good of the State, and their particular Services; that all the Taxes should be made by their Orders; that they them­selves should establish Commissioners of their Company for the Receipt and Di­stribution of the Publick Treasure; and in fine, as they had the principal Con­cern in the success of Affairs, it was rea­sonable that they should have a share in all the Counsels. These Gentlemen gave him Thanks for the Honor he had done them; assured him, That they would issue out as many Arrests as he would, without examining any thing; that be­ing the Kings Tutors, they would at their pleasure dispose of their Pupils Estate; that they would hazard every thing for his Service, on condition that he would suppress the Semestre, & reduce the Com­pany to their antient State. The Primier President and the Advocate-General, finding that they could do the King no Service, went to St. Germains, to give an account how little Power they had.

[Page 118]In the interim Monsieur de Longueville, who saw himself sure of the People and the Parliament, thought of nothing but raising an Army: And though he had yet laid no Foundation, he would al­ways be distributing Offices to amuse the People, and they began to Marshal an Army which was but then in imagi­nation: The most Considerable of them being Assembled, he gave them thanks for the Zeal they testifi'd in his Service; that for his part, He would all his Life acknowledge the Affection of those that did adhere to his Fortune; and in the mean time, That he might oblige them by Essential Favors, he was ready to confer upon them the most important Im­ployments that he had. At these sweet Words, all those Illustrious Persons made their profound Reverences: Some time after was spent in Complements, which insensibly ended in assurances of Fide­lity and Protestations, to spill the last drop of their Blood. Afterwards, there pass'd many fine Discourses of the present state of Affairs, and some possessed with a zeal for the Party, proposed this weighty Advice: Why, said they, should we not strike the Iron while it is hot? You have, Sir, a great many of [Page 119] the Nobility about you, and a great many young Men in the City; you may make a Body of Gentlemen, another of their Valet de Chambres; to which you may joyn the Cinquantain and your Guards, two great Battalions of the best Burgesses, and with these Troops surprise the King at St. Germains: Yes, answer­ed Monsieur de Longueville it shall be so; but being it is our principal Enterprise, we must consider how to carry it on well, we will talk of it in our first Con­sult: In the interim, to avoid Confusi­on, which ordinarily ruines all Parties, we must distribute the Offices, that eve­ry one may be assured of his Imploy­ment. Varricarville refused to take any, having read in a Rabby, who advised him to feed upon Herbs, That a Man should not embarass himself with any business, notwithstanding his aversion to the Favorites not suffering him to be useless upon these occasions, he would needs take care of the Politick part, and regulate all things according to the Me­moirs of the Prince of Orange: But as there always happens a hundred Misfor­tunes, he had forgot at Paris a Manu­script of Count Maurice, from whence he took all his great Notions for the Ar­tillery [Page 120] and Provisions, which probably was the reason that there was neither Ammunition nor Bread in this Army. Saint-Ibal beg'd the honor of bringing in Enemies into France, and 'twas an­swer'd, That the Generals of Paris would reserve it for him: He demand­ed a full Power to treat with the Polan­ders, Tartars, and Moscovites, and the entire disposal of all Chimerical Affairs, which was granted him. The Count de Fiesque, fertil in Military Visions (be­sides the charge of Lieutenant General which he had from the Parisians) ob­tain'd a particular Commission for the beating up of Quarters, and other sud­dain and brisk Exploits, which might be resolved on with singing of a Ballet, or Dancing a step or two. The Mar­quess de Beuvron was made Lieutenant General, on condition that he would stay at the Old Palais, the Place and Go­vernment both being of so great Impor­tance, that they could not be preserved with too great care. The Marquess de Matignon, always remarkable for his Conceitedness, and at present famous for the memorable Siege of Vallongne, commanded the Troops of Constantine, saying, That he would have his little [Page 121] Army, & depend upon Monsieur de Lon­gueville, no more than Walsten did on the Emperor. The Marquess d'Hectot beg­ged the Command of the Cavalry, which was given him, because he was better Mounted then the rest, and was about the age of Monsieur de Nemours when he Commanded it in Flanders, and had an embroider'd Coat exactly like his. Ansonville was chosen Gover­nor of Roan, because he was a Man that very civilly understood War, and as fit to harangue the People Soldier-like, as le Plesis-Besanson. The Governor was made Marshal de Camp, that he might not be under the Command of others; and the Marshal de Camp was made Go­vernor, that he might not be obliged to leave the City, so that one of his Max­ims was, That he ought not to stir out upon any account whatsoever; alledging, That a great many considerable Towns were lost by their Governors absence. Hannerick and Cumenil, desired to be made Marshals de Camp; Hannerick claimed a right to it, because he had like to have been Ensign in the Kings Army. Cumenil, because he narrowly miss'd being Maistre de Camp in the Re­giment of Monsieur de Bocaule; he could [Page 122] not say that he had ever seen an Army in the Field, but he alledg'd. That he had been a Hunter all his Life, and that Hunting being an Image of War, accord­ing to Machiavel, forty years Hunting were as good as thirty Campains at least; he would be a Marshal de Camp, and he was so. Flavacourt said, That to be a good Captain, a Man must have run a­way as well as have gained Victories, as Barriere observed out of the Book of Monsieur de Rohan; this being so, he pretended that no body could dispute with him the advantage of his own Ex­perience; and all the World remember'd very well the Disorder he was in when d'Estartè was taken Prisoner, they would have given him the Command of the Artillery at St. Euremont; and to say truth, out of an Inclination for Mon­sieur St. Germain, he had a mighty de­sire to serve the Court, by undertaking a considerable Charge which he under­stood nothing of: but since he promis'd the Count d'Harcourt not to take any Employment, he kept his Promise, as well for his Honors sake, as that he might not resemble the Normans, who had all of them broken their word: These Considerations made him gene­rously [Page 123] refuse the Money that was offer'd him, which indeed was never paid him. Campion was not ambitious of great Em­ployments, he only begg'd to be Mar­shal of a Squadron to learn the Trade, confessing ingeniously that he had no skill in it, but valued himself mightily for his knowledge of the Country, even to the little Brooks and By-ways, which Knowledge he arrived to by Hunting with Monsieur de Vendosme. Sevigny was content with such another Office, but he was gull'd by his moderation when he saw there was no necessity of being a skillful man to be a Marshal de Camp: beside, he set up for a Buffoon, and had the honor to make his Highness laugh. Rucqueville, an ancient Servant, would do nothing, and his long experience in War became useless, under pretence of being troubled with Vapors. Monsieur de Longueville, to sweeten his discontent because he was not Governor of the Court, augmented his Pensions, but in vain. Rucqueville professing generously, that he was ready enough to take his Ma­sters mony, but to speak ill of him he would not do it for the world. Barbarousse remained a long time Neuter without taking either side, Boncaeur keeping him [Page 124] still in suspense by the friendship of Mar­shal Gramount: yet during his long con­sideration, he forbore not to raise him­self insensibly by doing of good offices, and joyfully flatter'd himself with the va­nity of an undeserved Repute: After­wards being informed by Letters from his Friends that they seriously endeavor­ed a Peace, he designed to quit this timerous Neutrality: He had Caesars opinion to fortifie his Courage, which was yet drooping; and when he came to pass the Reubicon, he made a full stop as this great Captain did, and after ha­ving thought a little, cry'd out like him, I have pass'd the Reubicon, there is but one dangerous cast to lose all: upon this he went out immediately in a violent bussle without any consideration of Bon­caeur, without any regard to his little Henry, (well knowing that the sight of Wives and Children, can soften the fier­cest Courage and the bravest Minds) or without saying a word to any of his Friends, he went to the Duke de Lon­gueville, and thus accosted him: I have always been your servant, but not with so particular a Zeal as that which obliges me to serve you in this Juncture; from this day I will embrace your Interests, [Page 125] and▪ am come to assure your Highness, that I devote my self intirely to you.

The Joy the Duke at this time felt was great, and like those which being too big to keep within the Breast, do ordinarily break out and make an Im­pression upon the Face. But it was ve­ry much allayed, when Barbarousse thus explain'd himself.

The Declaration I have made is not so general, but I must add to it one condition; I intend to stay behind when you go to the War, which ought not to be attributed to want of Courage, but to an unhappy deten­sion of Urine, which hinders me from riding: Not that I will be useless in the Party, I will Negotiate with Madam de Matignon, for whom I have always had some kind of Gallantry; and besides, see­ing you have no body here that knows how to make Relations, I will undertake the care of publishing your Exploits. These last words cheer'd up the Princes heart again, for to say truth, there was great need of a Gazetier, and he was glad to find one so knowing in Narratives.

[Page 126] Fonterailles came just in the nick to see the great occasion of de la Bouille during his abode in Normandy, the Duke de Longueville communicated every thing to him, as well as to Varricarville and the Count de Fiesque; but Fonteraille could not relish this Confidence well, fearing to engage himself too far in the Interests of the Prince, and to become the Confident of a second Enterprise upon Pontoise. So just an apprehension obliged him to strike off, and to carry with him the Count de Fiesque, to whom he represented, That since they govern­ed their General so absolutely, all the Disorders that happened, if he should carry things to extreams, would be laid at their Door.

The Duke de Retz, from whom they expected such great Supplies, came ac­companied only with a Page that carried his Arms, and his two faithful Squires. Some began to talk, when they saw him come without Troops, but they were quickly satisfied, when he shew'd them a long List of all the Bretons, who de­manded Employment: It would cost no more then Two hundred thousand Crowns to equip these Bretons for the [Page 127] Campaign, and for want of so little money, the Authority of so great a Lord signified nothing. It is true, he pro­mised to pay it with his Person, and to serve as Duke and Peer in the Army of Roüen, with the same diligence as he had done in that of Flanders: Besides, he assur'd them that Montplais [...]r would come quickly, and also give them some hopes of being more secret; moreover, that Bell-Isle was in a very good condition, there was a Garrison in Machecours, and a strong Guard kept at Nommiral. His manner of living with the Officers was altoge­ther obliging, and whosoever was hap­py enough to have a Buff-coat, or a short Cassock of black Velvet, might be as­sured of his Friendship.

You see the different employments of the most Considerable in the Party. If any body wonders that I have given him no account of their Actions, it is because I am exactly true, and as I saw nothing else, so I have said nothing more; in the mean time I think my self happy for having acquired a hatred to these Troubles, more from Observation than my own Experience. It is a Trade for mad and miserable Men, with whom ho­nest [Page 128] People, and such as are well to live, ought not to intermix.

Fools come thither every day in crouds, the proscribed, the miserable throng in from both ends of the World. Never was there so many entertainments of Courage without Honor; never so many fine Discourses and so little Sence; never so many Designs without Actions, so many Enterprises without Effects; all were Imaginations, all Chymera's, no­thing true, nothing real, but necessity and misery.

Thence it comes to pass, that private Persons complain of the great Men that they deceive them; and the great Men, of private Persons that they abandon them. The Fools are disabused by Ex­perience, and withdraw: The Miserable, who see no change in their Condition, go to seek elsewhere some other mis­chievous Affairs, as much discontented Heads of the Faction, as with the Favo­rites at Court.

The Recapitulation of what was said above, together with the Imprisonment of the Princes.

I.

THe reason that obliged Monsieur le Prince to quit the Command of the Army after the Battel at Lens, was not only the fear of hazarding his repu­tation after so many great Successes, but also the desire of enjoying the Fruit of his Victories, and of being an Agent in the Affairs of State, at a time when the weakness of the Government made his Relations and Friends believe that he would be Master at Court.

II.

This second Point is not in its right place, and we must first answer to the third, which concerns the Assembly met at Noisi near St. Germain. The Answer is, That under pretence of going thither to see Madam de Longueville, the Fron­deurs [Page 130] engaged the Prince de Conty, and the Duke de Longueville, to come into the Parliament Interest, with whom they will needs perswade the World, that Monsleur le Prince promised to joyn, as the Coadjutor all along said, and af­terwards reproached him with it in the Parliament, which was the cause of the Quarrel betwixt the Duke de la Roche­foucault and the Coadjutor in the Palace, who had like to have been the cause of his ruine, as we shall see anon. Now though Monsieur le Prince disavow'd that he ever made any such promise, yet there is very great probability, that he would have made himself head of the Frondeurs, upon hopes of reducing them to the Court Interest, to which he as zealously adhered as ever, whatever he pretended; but when he perceived that they would give him no Authority over them, but what was destructive of the Power he design'd to support, he pretended to forget himself, and to have never had any correspondence with them.

III.

The departure of the Prince de Conty, the Dukes de Longueville and de la Ro­chefoucault, and of the Marquis de Noir­moustier from St. Germain, was an effect of those Measures which were taken at Noisy. But Monsieur le Prince, who was altogether for the Court Party, made his Brother joyn with it; the Duke de Longueville also rendred himself, as well because he is naturally irresolute, as be­cause he hoped that things would be soon accommodated: But being the Duke de la Rochesoucault, and the Mar­quis de Noirmoustier were interressed by their League with the Frondeurs to make him stand to his word, they at last con­strained him to follow the Prince de Conty to Paris. It is true, that they came not thither at the time appointed, and this delay obliged the Parliament to review the Offers of the Duke d'Elboeuf, and confer upon him the Office of Gene­ral; who presently made so strong a par­ty in the Parliament, and amongst the People, that it was in his power to cause the Prince de Conty, and all those who accompanied him, to be arrested, accu­sing [Page 132] them of holding intelligence with the Court, and of coming with the consent and contrivance of Monsieur le Prince, who had abandoned them. This went so far, that they set a Guard upon the Hotel de Longueville, and at last con­strained the Prince de Conty, and the Dutchess de Longueville, to go to live at the Hotel de Ville. But that which brought this suspicion upon them, was, because the Engagement they had made to be of the Parliament party, was entrusted only with a few particular Per­sons of this company, who durst not declare, till the presence of the Prince de Conty, and those that were with him, gave them liberty to publish this secret.

IV.

The Provisions which were permitted to be brought into Paris, were not the effect of any Intelligence which Monsieur le Prince had with his Relations who were shut up there: for there were ne­ver so great Quarrels amongst them as at this time, but it was because the Court desired extreamly to conclude a Peace speedily, before the arrival of the Arch­duke and his Army, and a general Insur­rection [Page 133] of all the Provinces. And the entrance of Provisions was a condition, without which they would not begin the Conference.

V.

Here we must explain the second Point, because it was after the War of Paris, that the Prince of Condy and Car­dinal Mazarin fell out. The principal occasion of their Misunderstandings, pro­ceeded from the Cardinals throwing the hatred of the People upon the Prince de Condy, and making him to be reputed the Author of all the Violences which they suffered, insomuch that Monsieur le Prince, who believed he could not better raze out this Impression, than by the means of the Frondeurs, whose Af­fections and Sentiments the People e­spoused, resolved to reconcile himself to them, by making an open Breach with the Cardinal, and letting them see that he did not depend upon the Court so much as they imagin'd. Not that he in­tended by doing this to declare himself their Head, but to become more formid­able to the Court, to regain the Peoples affections, and to make his Conditions [Page 134] more advantageous. And forasmuch as he was sensible of the mischief, which the Divisions in his Family had brought up­on him, he ardently desired to be recon­ciled to the Prince of Conty, the Dut­chess of Longueville, and the Duke de la Rochefoucault, who at that time was the sole Confident of the Prince de Conty and the Dutchess de Longueville: There­fore it was for all these Reasons that he took an occasion to break off with them, upon their refusal of the Govern­ment of the Pont de l'Arche to the Duke de Longueville, but because he would not long continue ill at Court, he quickly thought that he had done enough, and was reconciled to the Cardinal within eight days. This lost him the Frondeurs and the People again, and brought him no advantage but the reunion of his Fa­mily.

VI.

Monsieur le Prince supported the Interests of Bourdeaux, cheaply to ob­lige a great Parliament and a strong City, that this might render him more considerable at Court, and put him into a better condition of making advantages by it.

VII.

The League betwixt the Prince de Conty, and the Abbot de la Riviere, was agreed upon without Monsieur le Prince's being made a Party in it; that is to say, That Monsieur le Prince had no further to do in it, then barely to consent, that the Abbot de la Riviere, should, upon the Peace with Paris, pro­cure the Prince de Conty's re-establish­ment in his Governments, Monsieur de Longueville's in his; and over and a­bove, the Government of Danvilliers, upon condition that the Prince de Conty should wave his Pretensions to the Cap, in favor of the Abbot de la Riviere. In was the Duke de la Rochefoucault who treated about this Affair, because the Prince de Conty had no mind to be an Ecclesiastick, and because he judged that so long as the Abbot de la Riviere was in hopes of being Cardinal, he would engage Monsieur always to take such Measures as the Prince de Gon [...] desired; and so he did, till the Imprisonment of the Princes, that the Abbot de la Rivi­ere was discharged [...]ith the consent of these Gentlemen.

VIII.

The fifth Point explains this as well as the second, and therefore it will be needless to speak any more of it.

IX.

The Affair of Jolly was never so well discovered, as to give a Man ground to speak positively of it: But what I be­lieve, is, that la Boulage, who raised the Sedition in the morning, with the Con­federacy of the Duke de Beaufort, at­tempted to raise another in the Evening to alarm the Court, and thereby shelter himself from the danger he was in for the first. Likewise the Cardinal, who had of a long time sought an occasion to set the Prince de Condè at open War with the Frondeurs, made use of this Acci­dent to divide them irreconcileably: He made the Prince of Condè believe that they meant it against his Person. The Declaration which he made thereof to the Parliament, at last gave occasion to the Frondeurs to reconcile themselves to the Court, and to lay the Design of Im­prisoning the Princes, which was soon after executed, and which produced all [Page 137] the mischiefs that have since befallen us. The Princes de Condè, de Conty, and the Duke de Longueville were seized the eighteenth of January. It was reported, that several gave them notice thereof; but the Prince de Condè told me that no body spoke a word of it to him. This I know, that the Duke de la Rochefoucault seeing the different Procedures of Mon­sieur d'Orleans in the tryal of the Assassin, said to the Prince de Conty the very day that he was taken into Custody, that ei­ther the Abbot de la Reviere was gained over to the Court, or that he was lost in his Masters favour; and that so neither Monsieur le Prince, nor him, could be one moment safe at Court. The same Duke de la Rochefoucault had before told la Mous­saye the same day, that the Captain of his Company came to tell him, that he was sent to seek him from the King, and that being in the Gallery of the Palais Royal, Monsieur le Tellier asked him if the Peo­ple would not approve of it, if the King should do some bold Action to re­trieve his Authority; to which the other answered, That provided they did not Arrest the Duke de Beaufort, there was nothing they would not consent to; up­on this, the Captain came to the Duke [Page 138] de la Rochefoucault, and told him, That they were resolv'd to ruine Monsieur le Prince, and that he saw by the Measures they took, that it would be within a very little while. La Moussaye promised to tell him, but Monsieur le Prince said that he never spoke to him of it. All the World knew what pass'd in this action, and how the Coach wherein the Princes were, being broken betwixt Paris and the Bois de Vincennes, they staid four or five hours by the way, with a Guard of only sixteen men. They would have ar­rested the Duke de la Rochefoucault and la Moussaye at the same time, and sent Monsieur de la Vrilliere with an Order to the Dutchess de Longueville to come to the Queen at the Palais Royal, where they had a design to detain her. But the Duke de la Rochefoucault made her resolve to depart that very moment, and to go with all possible diligence into Normandy, to engage the Parliament of Roüen and all Normandy to side with the Princes, and to secure the Friends and Fortified Places of the Duke de Longue­ville, and Havre de Grace. The Duke de la Rochefoucault went along with her; but this Princess, after having in vain attempted to gain the Parliament, re­tired [Page 139] to Dieppe, which served her for a retreat no longer then till the Court came, which press'd her so, that she was forced to Embark her self and go by Holland to Stenay, whither the Marshal de Turenne was retreated since the Impri­sonment of the Princes: the Duke de la Rochefoucault left Dieppe four or five days before the Dutchess de Longueville, and went into his Government of Poi­ctou to dispose things there for a War, and to endeavor with the Dukes de Bou­illon, de S. Simon, and de la Force, to re­new the discontents of the Parliament and City of Bourdeaux, and oblige them to espouse the Interest of Monsieur le Prince, since the Court in their Decla­rations imputed to him no greater crimes then his having highly defended the In­terests of Bourdeaux. As to the Rea­sons which mov'd the Cardinal to arrest Monsieur le Prince, I am perswaded he had none that were good, and that all the Rules of Policy were against this Design▪ as it proved in the event; be­sides, till then Monsieur le Prince was not suspected guilty of the least thought against the State: therefore I think that the Cardinal by doing this, not only intended to be Master at Court, [Page 140] but also that he could not endure the sharp and scornful way wherewith the Prince de Condê treated him in publick, by which he endeavored to retrive in the opinion of the World, what their reconciliation had taken from hin. He did the same thing in private Counsels to ruine him in the Queens affection, and to gain the Post which he there possessed: In fine, the animosity betwixt Monsieur le Prince and him increasing daily, he ha­sten'd his ruine, that he might not give him time to reconcile himself to the Frondeurs; he carried on this Affair with so much Artifice, that the Prince de Condè did not only think that the Prepa­rations in order to Arrest him, were in­tended against the Frondeurs; but also in hopes of this, did himself give Or­ders to see them more safely conducted to Prison: The thing was executed with so general a consent of the People, that the Dutchess de Longueville being re­tired incognito into a private House, to stay for things necessary for her Journy, saw Bonfires lighted, and other Marks of publick Joy, for the Imprisonment of her Brethren and Husband.

[Page 141]The Authority of the Court seemed more establish'd then even by the Im­prisonment of the Princes, and the re­conciliation of the Frondeurs. Norman­dy received the King with an entire sub­mission, and the Garrison'd places of the Duke de Longueville were rendred with­out resistance: The Duke de Richelieu was driven out of Havre: Burgundy fol­lowed the example of Normandy: Belle-Garde, the Castle of Dijon, and St. Jean de l'Aune, imitated the Garrisons of the Duke de Longueville. Monsieur de Vendome had the Government of Burgun­dy given him: the Count de Harcourt that of Normandy: the Marshal de l'Ho­spital that of Champane and Brie: the Count de S. Aignan that of Berry: Mon­trond was not given any Body, because there was no Garrison there. Those of Clermont and Danvilliers revolted, and Marsin, who commanded the Army in Catalonia, was taken Prisoner, and lost Tortose whereof he was Governor: then was none but Stenay alone which remain­ed true to the Princes party. Almost all their Friends seeing so many Misfor­tunes, contented themselves with com­plaints, but did nothing in order to make them cease.

[Page 142]The Princess de Condè and the Duke d'Anguien, were by the Kings order at Chantilly: the Dutchess de Longueville and Marshal Turenne were retreated to Stenay: the Duke de Bouillon at Turen­nes: the Duke de la Rochefoucault at Ver­tueil in Angoulmois: the Duke de St. Simon at Blaye: and the Duke de la Force at la Force. These at first testified an equal zeal for Monsieur le Prince; but when the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Roche­foucault were ready to begin the War, the Duke de St. Simon flatly broke his word, and the Duke de la Force, who had little engagements to the Party, made excuses not to declare himself. The Duke de la Rochefoucault, who had no fortified Pla­ces under his Government, nor Souldi­ers, was notwithstanding the first that took up Arms. Saumur, which had been given to Cominges after the death of Marshal de Brezè, was a place of great importance to the Party. He who com­manded there under the Marshal de Bre­zè, delayed for some time to put it into the hands of Cominges, and in the mean while sent word to the Duke de la Roche­foucault, that he would adhere to his Party if he would bring some Souldi­ers thither: He in the interim who had [Page 143] none disciplin'd, and who could get no other Forces then what his own Credit and his Friends could raise, under a pre­tence of solemnizing his Fathers Fune­ral, assembled so many of the Gentry and Men within their Lordships, as a­mounted to above Two thousand Horse, and Five or six hundred Foot. He march'd with these Troops to relieve Saumur, which was already besieged by the Kings: but though he arrived thi­ther before the time expired that the Go­vernor had promised to hold it, yet he found the Capitulation made, so that he was obliged to retire to his own House; but he was constrained to depart soon af­ter, because Marshal la Meilleraye march­ed towards him with all his Troops, which made him to retreat to Turennes, after having put into Montrond Five hundred Foot and One hundred Horse. At his arrival at Turennes, the Duke de Bouillon and he had news, that Madam la Princess had followed the advice which they gave her, to depart secretly from Montrond with the little Duke d'An­guien, and come to Turennes, thence to be conducted by them to Bourdeaux, where they had a great many Friends ready to receive them. The Duke de [Page 144] Bouillon got his Friends together, and the Duke de la Rochefoucault sent his who came to Turennes, being about 300 Gentlemen, under the Command of the Marquis de Sillery. All these marched into Auvergne with Madam la Princess and the little Duke, whom they condu­cted to Turennes; there they staid eight days, in which they took Brive la Gal­larde, and the Company of Gendarmes of Prince Thomas, which consisted of One hundred Horse. This stay at Tu­rennes, which was necessary to dispose the minds of those at Burdeaux, that we might go thither with safety, gave the General de Valette, who commanded the Kings Army, time to come into the Road which Madam la Princess was to take, with a design to hinder her Passage: But whil'st she stay'd at a House of the Duke de Bouillons, called Rochefort, the Duke de la Rochefoucault and He marched to the General of the Army, with all the Troops that they had raised within their Lordships, and six hundred Gentlemen who were their Friends: they joyned the General de Valette at Montelard in Perigord, who fled without fighting, and retreated to Bergerack after having lost all his Baggage. Madam la Princess, af­ter [Page 145] this, set forward for Bourdeaux, and came thither without disturbance from any Enemy. The Princess de Condè and the Duke d'Anguien, were received at Bourdeaux with all the Testimonies of publick Joy, and though the Parlia­ment and the Jurats. Sheriffs saw her not in a Body, yet there was scarce one of them in particular' who did not give her assurances of their Ser­vice; but for all this, the Court party and the Friends of Monsieur d'Espernon, hinder'd the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault, from being received into the City till after some time. They stay'd two or three days in the Faubourg des Chartreux, whether the People re­sorted in Crouds to see them, and of­fer'd to force their entrance; they would not accept their proffer, and were con­tented, as I said, to enter into the City together two days after Madam la Prin­cess. There were then in the Province none of the Kings Troops in a Body, but those which the General de la Valette commanded, who were near Libourn. Those of the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault, consisted of five or six hundred Gentlemen, their Friends, and such as they raised among their Tenants, [Page 146] which not being disciplin'd Souldiers, it was impossible to detain them, insomuch that every one of them was ready to withdraw, therefore they judged it ne­cessary to attempt to set upon the Gene­ral de la Valette, and for this end they marched with all their Troops to Li­bourne where he was: But he having ad­vice thereof, withdrew and avoided Fighting a second time, well knowing that the Nobility was upon the point of returning home again, and so by not fighting at all, he might certainly make himself Master of the Field.

At this time the Marshal de la Meille­ray had order to march towards Bourde­aux with his Army, whither also the King was coming. This news made the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault hasten to levy Men, and to take a gene­ral review of the Burgesses of the City, to prepare them against a Siege. They made also some Out-works, but be­cause no mony came from Spain, they could not fortifie any of their Works: for in all this War they had not a far­thing from Spain, but Two hundred and twenty thousand Liures, the rest being taken up in Provisions, or upon the Cre­dit [Page 147] of Madam la Princess, or of the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefou­cault, or of Monsieur Laisnè. Never­theless, in a very little time they raised near Three thousand Foot, and Seven or eight hundred Horse; they took Cha­telneau, which is four Leagues from Bour­deaux, and had extended their Victories further, but for the news they heard of the approach of Marshal de Milleraye be­twixt the two Seas; & of the Duke d'Es­pernon, who came to joyn the Army of General de la Valette. Upon this the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault dispatch'd the Marquis de Sillery into Spain, to acquaint them with the state of things, and to hasten the Supplies which they had promised them. In the interim they left a Garrison in Chastel­neau, and withdrew with the rest of their Troops to Blanquefort, which is two Leagues from Bourdeaux. It was at this place that the Duke de Espernon came to beat up their Quarters. The Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault were returned to Bourdeaux, and Cham­phon Marshal de Camp commanded the Troops, which were much weaker than the Duke d'Espernons; nevertheless, though he could not defend the entrance [Page 148] of his Quarter, yet the Marshes and Trenches which lye on all one side of it, gave him opportunity of retreating without breaking his Ranks, and of saving his Men and all the Baggage. Just upon this Fight, the Dukes d'Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault went out of Bour­deaux with a great number of Citizens, and having joyned their Troops, re­turned to the Duke d'Espernon with a design to fight him, but the same Trench­es hinder'd them from coming to a close Fight: So that all pass'd in Skirmishes, wherein the Duke d'Espernon lost a great many Officers and Souldiers: on the Ci­tizens side there were very few kill'd. Gutault, Monsieur le Prince's Chamber­lain was there wounded. After this, the Troops of Marshal de la Milleray, and those of the Duke d'Espernon, drew near­er to Bourdeaux. The King came to Li­b [...]urn, he made them attack the Castle de Vaire upon the Dourdongne, the Go­vernor having surrendred it at discreti­on, was hang'd, to intimidate those of Bourdeaux; but it wrought a contrary Effect, for this News coming at a time when the Peoples minds were unresol­ved and wavering, the Dukes d'Bouil­lon and de la Rochefoucault, hang'd up [Page 149] the Commander of the Isle Saint George, which was also rendred them at discre­tion. This Action astonish'd the Court, heartned the People of Bourdeaux, and so disposed things in the City, that they were resolved to stand the Siege and to defend themselves couragiously, confi­ding in their own strength and the pro­mises of the Spaniards, who assur'd them of a speedy and powerful Supply. With this design they hastned to make a Fort of four little Bastions at the Bastide: The Bastide is over against Bourdeaux, on the other side of the River. They di­ligently made other Fortifications to the City; but because a great many Ci­tizens had Houses in the Fauxbourg de St. Surin, they would not consent to the burning or pulling down any of them, so that all that could be done, was to shut up the Avenues and make the Windows of the Houses strong; which was done only to content the People, and not out of any hopes of defending a place of so little strength, with the Ci­tizens and so few Souldiers as remain'd, which were not above Seven or eight hundred Foot, and Three hundred Horse. Notwithstanding, because all depended on the People and the Parlia­ment, [Page 150] we must satisfie them, though con­trary to the Rules of War, and under­take the defence of the Fauxbourg de St. Surin: it lies open on every side, the Gate of the City nearest to it is Dijos, which was weak, being defended with nothing, and because they may walk to it on even ground, that it was thought convenient to cover it with a Half-moon; but every thing being wanting, they made use of a little Dung-hill before the Gate, which being raised into a Scarpe in fashion of a Half-moon, with­out a Parapet or a Trench, proved not­withstanding the greatest Defence of the City.

Whil'st the King stay'd at Bourg, Car­dinal Mazarin came to the Army, which consisted of Eight thousand Foot, and near Three thousand Horse: they resolv'd to attack the Fauxbourgh de St. Surin, so much the more readily, because the Avenues only being garded, they might without danger gain the Houses, enter that way into the Fauxbourg, and also cut off that which defended the Barricado's and the Church, without their being able to retreat into the City: They believed also that the Half-moon [Page 151] being impossible to be defended, they should be possessed of the Gate de Dijos after the first day: for this end Marshal de la Meilleray attacked the Barricado's and the Houses at the same time; and Palluau also had Orders to enter by the Palais Galien, and to cut betwixt the Faubourg and the City, directly to the Half-moon; but the Marshal de la Meil­leray having begun the Assault before Palluau came, found more resistance then he expected: The Skirmish begun as­soon as the Kings Troops drew near: They had lined the Hedges and Vine­yards which covered the Fauxbourg with a great many Musquetiers, who presently put a stop to the Kings Troops, with a great loss. Choupes Marshal de Camp was wounded there, and many Officers kill'd. The Duke de Bouillon was in the Church-yard of S. Surin, with all the Burgesses he could get to recruit the Posts; and the Duke de la Rochefou­cault was at the Barricado where the principal Assault was made, it was pre­sently won; Beauvais, Chafferat, and the Chevalier de Todias were taken there. The Fight was very hot on both sides, there were One hundred or sixscore men kill'd of the Dukes Party, and Seven or [Page 152] eight hundred of the Kings, notwith­standing the Fauxbourg was carried, but they yet pass'd no further; and therefore they resolv'd to open the Trench for to take the Half-moon, and to make ano­ther Assault by the Alleys de l'Arche­vesch's. I have already told you that there was no Ditch to the Half-moon, so that it being easie to be taken, the Bur­gesses would not come upon the Guard, but contented themselves with shooting from behind the Walls; the Besiegers attack'd it thrice with their best Troops, they enter'd also within, but were beaten back by the Duke de la Rochefoucault, who brought thither the Prince de Con­dè's and his own Guards, just at the time when those that defended it began to give back: Three or four of Navailles Officers were taken Prisoners, and the rest put to flight or kill'd; the Besieg'd made three great Sallies, in each of which they clear'd the Trenches and burnt the Lodging; thirteen days after the Trench was open'd, the Seige was no more ad­vanc'd than on the first day: But because those of Bourdeaux had not Foot Soul­diers enough to relieve the Guard of the Ports that were attacked, and those who were not kill'd or wounded, were [Page 153] almost unable to fight, because of the fatigue of keeping Sentry for thirteen days together, the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault refresh'd them with the Cavalry, who quitted their Horses; and they themselves staid there the four or five last days without stirring thence, that they might by their Example keep more of the People there. In the mean time, the Deputies of Monsieur and of the Parliament of Paris, arrived at Bourg to make Propositions of Peace. Le Cou­dray-Montpensier entred into Bourdeaux with two Counsellors of Paris, le Meus­nier, and Bitaud. The Court desired a Peace, fearing the event of the Siege of Bourdeaux, whose resistance was the more obstinate, because they hoped for the Supplies of Spain and of Marshal de la Force, who was upon the point of de­claring himself; but the Parliament wish­ed for a Peace, the Court Party and the Duke d'Espernons acted vigorously to dispose the rest of the City to it. The Infantry was ruin'd, and the Supplies I spoke of had fail'd them too often to give them any reasonable assurance of them now. All this together made the Parliament resolve to send Deputies to Bourg: they incited Madam la Princess, [Page 154] the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefou­cault to send also; but because both of them had no other Concerns than the Liberty of the Princes, and could not desire a Peace but upon this condition; They were contented not to oppose a thing which indeed they could not hin­der; they refused to send any, and only desired the Deputies to Treat for their Safety and the Liberty of Madam la Princess, of the Duke d'Anguien, and all of their Party, with the re-establishment of every one. The Deputies went to Bourg, and there concluded the Peace without communicating the Articles thereof to Madam la Princess, or to the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault. Madam la Princess and the Duke d'An­guien were permitted to go to Montrond, where the King would keep a little Gar­rison for the safety of Madam la Prin­cess, which should be of her own choos­ing. The Duke de Bouillon retired to Turennes, and the Duke de la Rochefou­cault, who was, as I have said, Gover­nor of Poictou, to his own House, with­out exercising the Office of his Charge, and without any reparation for his House de Vertueil, which the King had caus'd to be razed. Madam la Princess, the [Page 155] Duke d'Anguien, and the aforesaid Dukes, went together from Bourdeaux to go to Coutras. Marshal la Meilleray, as he went to Bourdeaux, met Madam la Prin­cess upon the Water, and advis'd her to go and see the King and Queen, giving her hopes, that the King it may be would grant to the Prayers and Tears of a Wo­man, what he thought himself obliged to refuse when it was demanded by Arms. In fine, notwithstanding the a­versness which Madam la Princess had to go to Court, the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault, counsell'd her to fol­low the Advice of the Marshal, that they might not be reproached with the neg­lect of any thing that might procure her Husbands liberty. The arrival of Madam la Princess at Court, produced many Effects, so suddain a change made Madamoiselle believe, that they treated about many things without acquainting Monsieur with them. The Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault, had great Conferences apart with Cardinal Ma­zarin, with a design either to make him resolve to give the Princes their Liber­ty, or to render him suspected by Mon­sieur. They represented to him, that the Princes would be the more obliged [Page 156] to him for it, because they very well knew that he was not in a condition to be compell'd to it by War. That it would be glorious enough for him to let all Europe see, that he had ruin'd and re­established Monsieur le Prince, when he pleas'd: That the proceedings of the Frondeurs ought to make him sensible, that they desired to be Masters of the Princes, either to destroy them, and af­terwards him himself with the greater ease; or to set them at liberty, and there­by engage them joyntly to effect the Queens and his ruine: That the War was ended in Guyenne, but the desire of renewing it all over the Kingdom, would never end but with the Imprisonment of the Princes, and that he ought the more to give credit to those that spoke to him, because they did not fear to tell it him­self whil'st they were in his hands, and had no other Security but his word: That the Cabals would every where be renewed in the Parliament of Paris, and in all the other Parliaments of the Kingdom, to procure the Princes Liber­ty, and to get them out of his hand: And in fine, that whatever the said Dukes could do, by all ways possible, should be to procure Liberty to the [Page 157] Princes, but that they had much rather owe the Obligation to him than to any body else. This Discourse had the ef­fect they desired it should have; it shak'd the Cardinal, and made the Frondeurs and Monsieur de Orleans jealous: it took away their hopes of getting the Princes into their hands, and made them resolve to be reconcil'd to them, and seek again for means to destroy the Cardinal.

The Frondeurs, since the Imprison­ment of the Princes, endeavored, not without Cardinal Mazarins consent, un­derhand to make all the advantages they could of their Reconciliation with him, but they affected always to make the World believe, they had not changed their design to ruine him, that hereby they▪ might keep up their Credit amongst the People: So that what they did for this end, at the beginning with the Cardinals approbation, was afterwards serviceable to them against him when they really intended his ruine. I have already told you, that the Dukes de Bouillon's and de la Rochefoucault's conversation with the Cardinal had made them jealous. Ma­damoiselle took the alarm, and gave it to Monsieur d'Orleans; afterwards the [Page 158] Frondeurs used their utmost and last en­deavors to get the Princes within their power: and seeing that they were re­fus'd it, they enter'd upon a Negotia­tion with the Princes, and those who Treated for them, they engaged Mon­sieur d Orleans to procure their Liberty. The President Viole, Arnaud, Montrueil the Prince of Conty's Secretary, and ma­ny others, enter'd upon Negotiating with Monsieur d'Orleans, the Coadju­tor, Madam de Chevreuse, and the Fron­deurs, and with Monsieur de Beaufort, and Madam de Montbazon; the rest treat­ed with the Cardinal. At this time the Princess Palatine was more than any Bo­dy the Confident of the Princes and the Dutchess de Longueville; she began all the Negotiations of the Princes, as well with the Frondeurs and the Cardinal, as also with Madam de Chevreuse (whose Daughter was to be married to the Prince de Conty) and with Madam de Montba­zon and the Duke de Beaufort. She was the Trustee for their Treaties, how op­posite soever they were: who seeing her self charged with so many contrary things at a time, and fearing to become suspected by one or other of them, sent word to the Duke de la Rochefoucault, [Page 159] that it was necessary he should come to Paris incognito, and that she would ac­quaint him with the state of Things, that they might together resolve upon concluding with one side or other. The Duke de la Rochefoucault was then a de­clared enemy to the Coadjutor, to Ma­dam de Chevreuse, the Duke de Beaufort, and Madam de Montbazon: So that see­ing the Negotiations equally advanced on both sides, and judging, That if they concluded with the Frondeurs, the Princes could not get out without a Re­volution of all the present state of Af­fairs; He came to Paris, and having let the Princess Palatine see that the Cardi­nal had the Key of the Princes Prison, and could set him at liberty in a moment, he hindred her from making Monsieur le Prince ratifie the Treaty with the Fron­deurs, to give the Cardinal time to con­sider the Difficulties he was going to be entangled in. The Duke de la Rochefou­cault saw him three or four times in pri­vate, they both of them desired it might be so, because the Cardinal would have no body in the World know of this Ne­gotiation, for fear Monsieur and the Frondeurs should speedily break out a­gainst him: and the Duke de la Roche­foucault [Page 160] kept it the more secret, because the Frondeurs demanded as one Condi­tion of their Treaty, That the Duke de la Rochefoucault should sign it, which he neither would nor ought to do, so long as he had reason to hope that the Treaty with the Cardinal might be sin­cerely intended both by him and the Princes. He received also from the Dutchess de Longueville a full Power to make the Cardinal Friends with all the Family, upon condition that he would set the Princes at Liberty. In the inte­rim, the Frondeurs who got intelligence that the Duke de la Rochefoucault treat­ed privately, pressed him to sign their Treaty with Monsieur le Prince; so that seeing himself necessitated speedily to conclude with one party or the other, he resolved to see the Cardinal once more; and after having represented to him the same things that he had told him at Bourg, and the danger he was ready to incur by the Declaration of Monsieur d'Orleans, the Parliament, and the Frondeurs, and by being almost generally abandoned by his Creatures, he declared to him that things were come to that pass, that if he did not that very day expresly give him his word for the liberty of the Princes, he [Page 161] could not Treat with him any more, nor help concluding with the Frondeurs, who began to be alarm'd at his delay to sign the Treaty, and who would not finish it without him. The Cardinal saw very much probability in what he said, ne­vertheless the Duke de la Rochefoucault spoke to him only in general of the se­veral Cabals which were formed a­gainst him, without enumerating any in particular; and this he did, because he would not betray a Secret with which he was Intrusted, nor say any thing that might prejudice that Party which he was going to make for the Princes Li­berty, if the Cardinal refused it; so that the Cardinal seeing nothing parti­cularized, thought that the Duke de la Rochefoucault had made the danger greater than it was, only to make him conclude; and believed, because he named not to him so much as any of his Enemies, that he had told him nothing that was certain. In the mean while all sides were mightily exasperated, Monsieur declared openly that he would have the Princes set at Liberty; for their part, they desired that the Treaty might be concluded with the Frondeurs, and ob­liged the Duke de la Rochefoucault, to [Page 162] reconcile himself to, and joyn with them: Monsieur's Declaration for the Liberty of the Princes, made the Par­liament and the People of Paris come over to his side: The Burgesses took up Arms, set a Guard at all the Gates, and would not give the King and Queen li­berty to go out of Paris; they were no longer contented to demand the Princes Liberty, they would also have the Car­dinals Life. Monsieur de Château-neuf, Keeper of the Great Seal, espoused the Interests of the Princes, and hoped that their Liberty and the removal of the Cardinal, would render him chief in the management of Affairs. Marshal de Villeroy, and almost all the Kings Family, supported him, part of the Ministers, and many of the Cardinals most particular Friends did the same thing; and the Dutchess de Chevreuse contributed all her Power, whereof she had a great deal in all the Cabals: Monsieur de Châ­teau-neuf was always engaged to her In­terests, since and before his Imprison­ment; and it was with each others Ad­vice that they took all their Measures, sometimes with the Cardinal, and some­times with his enemies. She had a great influence upon the Coadjutor, but the [Page 163] Beauty of Madamoiselle de Chevereuse had yet a much greater power over him: Madamoiselle and the Coadjutor, assist­ed by Madam de Chevereuse and Monsieur de Château-neuf, had got the Ascendant over the mind of Monsieur d'Orleans; besides, they had powerful Cabals a­mongst the People and the Parliament, whom they actuated as they had need. The Dutchess de Chevreuse and Monsieur de Chateau-neuf, were not yet suspected of the Cardinal, he knew nothing of the Marriage that was proposed betwixt the Dutchesses daughter and the Prince de Conty; he remembred that she contri­buted more than any body to the Impri­sonment of the Princes, by disposing Monsieur to consent to it, and obliging him not to tell it to the Abbot de la Ri­viere, and afterwards to cashire him. So that the Dutchess de Chevreuse, who wish'd nothing so much as the Marriage of her daughter with the Prince de Con­ty, and the establishment of the Keeper of the Seals, thinking she might com­pass both her desires by removing the Cardinal, managed her self so well in this Affair, that she really was the great­est cause of the Resolution he took to withdraw. His retreat did not at all calm [Page 164] calm the minds of the Parisians or of the Parliament; they feared he was gone to Havre to take the Princes thence by force, and that the Queen at the same time design'd to carry the King away from Paris, insomuch that not only the Guards of the Gates and the Streets near the Palais Royal were doubled, but also there were all the Night some of the Cavalry about in the City, to hinder the King and Queen from going out. The Parliament on the other hand, made every day new Petitions for the Princes Liberty, and the Answers of the Court being ambiguous, did but enrage, instead of appeasing them: They thought to blind the World by sending Marshal de Gramont to the Princes, and he himself made great preparations for the Journy, but because it was not to produce any thing for their Liberty, they quickly saw that it was only to gain time. In fine, the Queen seeing the mischief in­crease on every side, and not certainly knowing whether the Cardinal would deliver the Princes, or take them away with him; and besides, fearing lest their minds already exasperated with so many delays, should be at last run to strange Extremities, she resolved to promise the [Page 165] Parliament to set the Princes at Liberty, without any further delay, and sent a­way the Duke de la Rochefoucault, the Sieure de Vrilliere Secretary of State, and Cominges Captain of her Guards, with an express Order to de Bar to set the Princes at Liberty assoon as he received it. The Cardinal had notice of it from the Queen when he was near to Havre, and though it was in his power to per­mit this Order to be executed, or to take the Duke de la Rochefoucault, and those who accompanied him Prisoners, yet he rather chose to go to the Princes himself, in which Interview the Cardinal imme­diately began to justifie his conduct and carriage towards them, declaring the rea­sons he had to Arrest them: afterwards he desired their Friendship, yet told them, with a mind something haughty, that they were at liberty to grant or re­fuse it him, and whatsoever they did as to that, they might leave Havre and go whither they pleased; they seemingly promised him what he desired: He dined with them, and immediately after the Princes and Marshal de Gramont left Havre, and went three Leagues off to lye at a House called Grosmenil, in the way from Havre to Roüen, where the [Page 166] Duke de la Rochefoucault, la Vrilliere, Cominges, and the President Viole, ar­rived presently after with the Orders of the Court which I before mentioned.

What passed after the Imprison­ment of the Princes, till the War de Guyenne.

THe Imprisonment of Monsieur le Prince, added new Lustre to his Glory, so that he came to Paris with all the Splendor that a Liberty so advan­tageously obtain'd could give him. The Duke d'Orleans and the Parliament had forced him out of the Queens hands, Cardinal Mazarin had hardly escaped the People's, and left the Kingdom load­ed with publick contempt and hatred. In fine, the same People who but a year before made Bonfires for the Misfortune of Monsieur le Prince, besieged the Court in the Palais Royal to procure his Liberty; every one believed, that his disgrace might be laid upon his Hu­mour and Conduct, which brought up­on him so much hatred, and all equally [Page 167] hoped, that his Presence would settle the Kingdom in Order and Peace. Things were thus disposed, when Mon­sieur le Prince arrived at Paris with the Prince de Conty and the Duke de Lon­gueville, an infinite croud of people came to meet him, as far as Pontoise: He was met by the Duke d'Orleans in the Mid-way, and was conducted to the Pa­lais Royal in the midst of this Triumph and publick Acclamations: The King, the Queen, and the Duke d'Anjou, were there only with the Officers of the House; and Monsieur le Prince was received like one, that was rather in a condition to give than to beg Pardon. This Inter­view pass'd in ordinary Civilities, with­out discovering the least anger on either side, and without discoursing upon Af­fairs. But the Queen, too impatiently, desired the Cardinals return, not to at­tempt all sorts of ways to dispose Mon­sieur le Prince to it: She offer'd by the Princess Palatine to enter into a strict League of Friendship with him, and to procure him all manner of Advantages. But because it was in general Terms, he answer'd her with Civilities, which laid no tye upon him: he also thought that it was an Artifice of the Queens to renew [Page 168] the general Dislike against him, and by rendring him suspected of Monsieur d'Orleans, the Parliament and the Peo­ple, to expose him to fall into his for­mer Misfortunes. Moreover, he con­sider'd that he came out of Prison by a Treaty signed with Madam de Chevreuse, by which the Prince de Conty was to marry her Daughter, and that it was principally because of this Alliance, that the Frondeurs and the Coadjutor of Pa­ris confided in him. This Considerati­on had also the same Effect upon the Keeper of the Seals, de Château-neuf, who was then President of the Council, and was inseparably bound to the Dutchess de Chevreuse: Besides, this Cabal seemed to continue in the same Force and Cre­dit it was before; She offer'd him also the choise of any Preferments for him­self and his Brother, and Monsieur de Château-neuf had but just before re-esta­blish'd them both with the Duke de Lon­gueville in the exercise of their Offices. But in fine, Monsieur le Prince found it dangerous and shameful to break with those from whom he had received so ma­ny Advantages, and who had so power­fully contributed to his Liberty.

[Page 169]Though these Reflections balanced Monsieur le Prince, yet they changed not the Queens design, she all along de­sired with the same earnestness to enter upon a Negotiation with him, hoping either to tye him firmly to her Interests, and thereby secure the Cardinals return, or to render him again suspected, for all that he did, by his party: In hopes of this, she pressed the Princess Palatine to make Monsieur le Prince declare what he would desire for Himself and his Friends, and gave him so much hopes to obtain every thing, that he resolved at last to Treat, and privately to see Servien and Lyonne at the Princess Palatines: He desired also, that the Duke de la Roche­foucault should be there, and made the Prince de Conty and the Dutchess de Lon­gueville acquainted with it. The first Project of the Treaty which the Princess Palatine proposed, was, That they would give Guyenne to Monsieur le Prince, the Lieutenancy General to whomsoever of his Friends he pleased, and the Govern­ment of Provence to the Prince de Couty; that they would gratifie those who had followed his Interests; that they would require no more of him, than to go to his Government, with any of his Troops [Page 170] he pleased to choose for his safety, that he should stay there without contribut­ing any thing to the Cardinals return, so that he opposed not what the King should do to bring him back, that, how­ever it happen'd, Monsieur le Prince should be at Liberty to be his Friend, or Enemy, as his behaviour gave him occa­sion to love, or hate him: These Condi­tions were not only confirmed, but also increased by Servien and Lyonne; for up­on Monsieur le Princes request to joyn the Government of Blaye, to the Lieute­nancy General of Guyenne for the Duke de la Rochefoucault, they gave him all the hopes he could desire. It is true, they demanded time to treat with Monsieur d'Angoulesme for the Government of Pro­vence, and perfectly to dispose the Queen to grant Blaye; but it was only that they might give an account to the Cardinal of what passed, and receive his Orders; they declared also the Queens unwilling­ness to the Marriage of the Prince de Conty with Madamoiselle de Chevreuse, but they gave them not occasion to discourse any further upon that matter, and only let them know, that the engagement they had made with Madam de Chevreuse, was too strong to admit of expedients [Page 171] for breaking it: they insisted not upon this point, and parted in such a manner, that one might have reasonably believed, that the League betwixt the Queen and Monsieur le Prince was upon the matter concluded. Both of them were almost equally obliged to keep this Negotiati­on secret, the Queen had reason to fear increasing the jealousie of the Duke d'Orleans, and the Frondeurs, and to contradict, so soon and without any pre­text, all the Declarations which she had but just before made to the Parliament against the Cardinals return. Monsieur le Prince also was obliged to use no less Caution. The noise of his Treating would make his Friends believe, that he had done it without their having any benefit by it, and from that time would furnish the Duke de Bouillon and Marshal Turennes, with a just pretence to quit his Interests. He would render himself irreconcilable to the Frondeurs and Ma­dam de Chevreuse, and presently renew the fearful Image of the late War in the minds of the Parliament and People. In fine, this Affair continued for some while without being discover'd, but the time which they took to conclude it in, soon produced occasions to break it off, and [Page 172] carry things to those Extreams which we have since seen them in. The Court was then divided into many Cabals, but all were unanimous to hinder the Cardi­nals return; notwithstanding their Con­duct was extreamly different, the Fron­deurs openly declared against him, whil'st Château-neuf, the Keeper of the Seals, pretended to be strictly engaged to the Queen, and at the same time was the most dangerous enemy the Cardinal had. He believed this Conduct the surer to remove him, and possess himself of his place, because he affected being of the same mind with the Queen to hasten his return. The Queen, for her part, gave the Cardinal an exact account of every thing while he was retreated, and aug­mented his Power since his absence; but because his Orders came slowly, and one often contradictory to an other, this di­versity brought Affairs into such a con­fusion, as admitted of no redress.

In the mean time the Frondeurs press'd the Marriage of the Prince de Conty and Madamoiselle de Chevreuse, they were jealous of the least delays, and already suspected Madam de Longueville, and the Duke de la Rochef ucault, of having [Page 173] a design to break it off, for fear Madam de Chevreuse, and the Coadjutor, should get the Prince de Conty out of their hands. Monsieur le Prince also dexte­rously increased their suspicions of his Sister, and the Duke de la Rochefoucault, thinking that so long as they were of this Opinion, they would never disco­ver the true cause why the Marriage was delay'd; which really was, because the fore-mentioned Treaty of Monsieur le Frince with the Queen, being neither fi­nished nor quite broke off; and having had notice that Monsieur de Château-neuf would be disgrac'd ere long, he intended to wait the event of all these things, ei­ther to conclude the Marriage, or make his Court to the Queen by breaking it off; and to see whether the Cardinal would be ruin'd by the Keeper of the Seals, or the Keeper of the Seals be turn­ed out by the Cardinal. In the mean time, they sent to Rome to get a Dispen­sation for nearness of Blood, the Prince de Conty expected it with impatience, both because the person of Madamoiselle de Chevreuse pleased him, and because the changing of his Condition had at least the Charm of being new, a Charm which he never had the power to resist. Ne­vertheless, [Page 174] he hid his thoughts from his Friends with all the Art he could, and feared above all things lest Madam de Longueville should perceive it, and ruine the vain hopes of a shameful and ridiculous passion, which he would make them believe he was inspired with. In this perplexity, he secretly desired the President Viole, who was to draw up the Articles of the Marriage, to accord what points soever they contested, and to overcome all the difficulties that might impede it. At this time the Keeper of the Seals, de Chauteau-neuf, was in dis­grace. The Primier President succeed­ed him, and the Queen re-establish'd Monsieur de Chavigny in the Council. She thought, because he return'd with­out the mediation of any body, that he would owe the obligation entirely to her self; and indeed so long as Chavigny ho­ped to gain a confidence with the Queen, he never came near Monsieur le Prince, nor any of his intimate Friends: but from the moment he perceived that no­thing could alter the Queens affection to the Cardinal, he secretly renewed his Friendship with Monsieur le Prince, and from that time believed, that this union would advance him to every thing his un­bounded [Page 175] Ambition prompted him to de­sire: His first thought was, to oblige Monsieur le Prince to impart the Treaty he was agitating with the Queen to the Duke d'Orleans, that he might help him to break it off. Afterwards, he required Monsieur le Prince to remove Madam de Longueville, and the Duke de la Ro­chefoucault from all particular and secret knowledge of his Designs, though he owed to them both as great Confidence as Monsieur le Prince reposed in him. Whil'st Chavigny acted thus, the remo­val of Monsieur de Chateau-neuf increas­ed the diffidence of Madam de Chevreuse, touching the Marriage, which she impa­tiently desired, she found her self no longer in a condition to procure of Mon­sieur le Prince and his Friends, the esta­blishment to which he was engaged, and in the mean time Madam de Rhodes had by her order agreed with the Duke de la Rochefoucault, that these very Establish­ments, and the Marriage, should be per­formed at the same time, and be recipro­cal Pledges of the fidelity of both par­ties: But as on one side Madam de Chev­reuse saw her hopes diminish with her Credit; so on the other side, they were increased by those testimonies of Passi­on, [Page 176] which the Prince de Conty gave to Madamoiselle de Chevreuse. She gave him a thousand uneasinesses, which he hid from his Friends, and chiefly from his Sister, He had very long and particular Conferences with Laigues and Noirmou­stier, which, contrary to his custom, he gave an account of to no body. In fine, his conduct appeared so extraordinary, that the President de Nesmond, a parti­cular Servant of Monsieur le Prince, thought himself obliged to advertise him of Prince de Conty's design: He told him that he was going to Marry Madamoiselle de Chevreuse without his knowledge, and without a Dispensation; that he absent­ed himself from his Friends, to get an opportunity of treating with Laigues, and that if he did not speedily prevent it, he would see Madamoiselle de Che­vreuse would rob him of his Brother, and complete the Marriage, at a time when 'twas believed it was more for his Interest to hinder it. This advice put him out of all doubts of the thing, and without ask­ing any Bodies advice, he went to the Prince de Conty, and beginning his Dis­course with railleries upon the greatness of his Love, ended it with speaking of Madamoiselle de Chevreuse, the Coadju­tor [Page 177] Noirmoustier and Commartin, all that he thought capable of disgusting a Lover or a Husband. Without any great difficulty he accomplish'd his Design, for the Prince de Conty, either because he believed what he said to be true, or be­cause he durst not shew that he doubted of it, thank'd him immediately for his good advice, and resolved never to think of Madamoiselle de Chevreuse more; he also complain'd of Madam de Lon­gueville, and the Duke de la Rochefou­cault, for not having told him sooner what the World talk'd of her: hereup­on they endeavored by all ways to break off this Affair, without exasperating the other party; but the Interests were too great, and the Circumstances too pro­voking, not to revive and increase the an­cient hatred of Madam de Chevreuse and the Frondeurs, against Monsieur le Prince, and all those whom they suspected to have had a hand in what was lately done.

Nevertheless, the President Viole had Orders to go to Madam de Chevreuse, and try if he could handfomly disingage Monsieur le Prince, and the Prince de Conty, from the promises they had given for the Marriage: they themselves were [Page 178] both of them to go to wait upon her the day after, but either because they knew not how to have the confidence to visit one whom they had so sensibly dis­obliged, or because the two Brothers who quarrel'd every day for the least things, could not then agree about the manner of paying their Visit, In fine, neither they themselves nor Viole waited on her; and the Affair broke off on their side, without endeavoring to keep any moderation, or to make the least pretence. I cannot tell whether it was by Chavigny's advice that Monsieur le Prince accepted the Government of Bur­gundy, in exchange for that of Guyenne; but this Treaty was at last concluded by him, without mentioning what he be­fore demanded for his Brother, the Duke de la Rochefoucault, and his other Friends.

In the mean time, the Counsels of Chavigny had the success he desired; he alone was Monsieur le Prince's Confident, and had perswaded him to break off his Treaty with the Queen, contrary to the advice of Madam de Longueville, the Princess Paelatine, and the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault. Servien and Lyonne were on both sides in this [Page 179] Negotiation, and were afterwards dis­carded. The Queen deny'd that she ever heard of the Proposition of Blaye, and accused Servien for having done it on purpose to make the Demands of Monsieur le Prince so high, that she could not possibly grant them. Monsieur le Prince again complained of Servien, for either entring into a Business with him by the Queens orders, upon condi­tions which she never had knowledge of, or for having made so many vain Pro­positions to amuse him with the pretence of a sincere Treaty, which was really nothing, but a premeditated Design to ruine him. In fine, though Servien was suspected on both sides, it diminished not the disaffection that begun to arise betwixt the Queen and Monsieur le Prince, which was almost equally fo­mented by all that came near them: they perswaded the Queen, that the dif­ference betwixt Monsieur le Prince and Madam de Chevreuse, would reunite the Frondeurs to the Cardinals Interests, and that things would ere long come to the same pass they were in, when Monsieur le Prince was Arrested. He, on the o­ther side, was hurry'd on by many dif­ferent Interests to break with the Cou [...]t▪ [Page 180] He found no security in the Queen, and was afraid of falling again into his first disgrace. Madam de Longueville knew that the Cardinal had made her Husband hate her, past all hopes of reconciliation, and that after the Impression he had given him of her Conduct, she could not go into Normandy to him, without either exposing her Life or her Liberty: Not­withstanding, the Duke de Longueville would by all means have her come, and she had no way to avoid so dangerous a Journey, but by inciting her Brother to quit the Court by an open breach with it, and to prepare for a Civil War. The Prince de Conty had no particular aim, nevertheless he followed the Opinions of his Sister before he knew them, and would have a War, because she prevent­ed his taking upon him a Profession which he had no inclination to. The Duke de Nemours also counsell'd it with a pressing earnestness, which proceeded not so much from his ambition, as from his jealousie of Monsieur le Prince; he could not bear his seeing, and loving Madam de Chastillon; and because he could no way hinder it but by separating them for ever, he believed that the War alone would effect it. And this was the [Page 181] only motive he had to desire it. The Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefou­cault were much more averse, for they had by a fresh experience try'd to what invincible Labours and Difficulties they expose themselves, who would support a Civil War against the presence of their King: they knew with what Infidelities they were threatned, when the Court by Proclamation promised rewards to those that would submit, and gives Interest­ed persons a pretence of returning to their Duty: they knew also the Trea­chery of the Spaniards, how vain and deceitful their promises are, and that their true Interest is not, that Monsieur le Prince, or the Cardinal, should be at the Helm in the management of Affairs, but to foment the Quarrel betwixt them, and so advantage themselves by our Di­visions. The Duke de Bouillon also ad­ded the consideration of his private In­terest to that of the publick, and hoped he might do a thing meritorious in the Queens eyes, if he contributed to restrain Monsieur le Prince within the bounds of his Duty. The Duke de la Rochefou­cault could not so openly declare his A­version to this War: He was obliged to follow the Sentiments of Madam de Lon­gueville, [Page 182] and all that he could then do, was to endeavor to perswade her to a Peace. But the Conduct of the Court and of Monsieur le Prince, soon gave occasi­ons of Diffidence to both parties, the consequence whereof was fatal to the State, and to most of the great Fami­lies of the Kingdom; it ruin'd almost in a moment, the greatest and most splen­did Fortune that ever dignified the Head of a Subject. Whil'st things were on all sides disposed for an entire Ru­pture, Monsieur le Prince sent the Mar­quis de Sillery into Flanders, under a pretence of disengaging Madam de Lon­gueville, and Marshal Turennes from the Treaties, which they had made with the Spaniards in order to procure his Liber­ty, but really with an Order to take Measures with the Count de Fuensal­daigne, and know before-hand what as­sistance Monsieur le Prince might expect from the King of Spain, if he should be forced to resolve upon a War. Fuen­saldaigne answered him to this, accord­ing to the usual custom of the Spaniards, and by promising in general much more than he could reasonably ask, omitted nothing that might engage Monsieur le Prince to take up Arms. On the other [Page 183] side, the Queen had made a new Treaty with the Coadjutor, the principal foun­dation whereof, was the common ha­tred they had to Monsieur le Prince. This Treaty was to be kept secret, both for the Queens and the Frondeurs Interest, because she could expect no service from them, but by the Authority they had a­mongst the People, which they could preserve no longer then while they be­lieved them the Cardinals enemies, both parties equally thought their safety con­sisted in the Princes ruine: they also of­fer'd the Queen to kill him, or to take him Prisoner; but she aborr'd the first proposition, though she willingly con­sented to the second. The Coadjutor and Lyonne went to the Count de Mon­tresor's, to consult about the means of executing this Enterprise: They unani­mously agreed that it should be attempt­ed, but could neither resolve upon the time, nor the manner of doing it. Now either because Lionne feared the Conse­quences thereof for the State, or because he considered the liberty of Monsieur le Prince, as the greatest obstacle to the Cardinals return, which he desired to hinder, he one day discovered to Mar­shal de Grammont, all that was resolv'd [Page 184] upon against Monsieur le Prince at the Count de Montresor's. Marshal de Gram­mont kept the secret no better then Li­onne, for he told it to Chavigny, after having engaged him by all manner of Oaths not to reveal it, but Chavigny im­mediately gave notice of it to Monsieur le Prince. He for some time thought that they had raised this report of Ar­resting him, only to make him quit Paris, and that it would be a weakness to take the Alarm, seeing the People so zealous­ly adhering to his Interests, and finding himself incessantly accompanied with an infinite number of the Officers of the Army, of his own Troops, of his me­nial Servants, and particular Friends: with this confidence he alter'd not his Conduct in any thing, save that he re­solv'd, not to go any more to the Louvre; but this precaution could not secure him from putting himself into the Kings power, by an Imprudence which can't be blam'd enough: for he went to the Cours de la Reine in his Coach, at the same time that the King pass'd that way in his return from Hunting, followed by his Guards and his Light Horse. This Rencounter, which might have destroy'd Monsieur le Prince, at that time produc'd [Page 185] no such effect: The King went on his way, and Monsieur le Prince went out of the Cours, that he might not give him any time to lay a Design against him. We may believe, that they were equally surprised with such an extraordinary ad­venture, and that they were quickly af­ter sensible that both of them had made a considerable fault: the King, in not taking a resolution immediately to Ar­rest him; and Monsieur le Prince, in exposing himself to such a danger, with­out perceiving it till it was out of his power to avoid it. The Queen and the Frondeurs comforted themselves for the loss of so fair an occasion, with the hopes of seeing their project soon take effect: In the mean time, the continual advice which Monsieur le Prince had given him on all hands, began to per­swade him, that they really intended to secure his Person: and therefore he re­conciled himself to Madam de Lon­gueville, and to the Duke de la Rochefou­cault; nevertheless it was some time, for all that they could do to make him re­solve, ere he would take warning to look to himself. At last his Fate would have it, that after he had obstinately resisted so many apparent Conjectures, and cer­tain [Page 186] Intelligences, he was alarm'd with­out reason, and by a new fault did what he had refused to do at the advice of his Friends; for one time when he was laid in bed talking with Vineuil, he recei­ved a Note from a Gentleman called Bouchè, who sent to Advertise him. That two Companies of the Guards were in Arms, and going to march towards the Fauxboug St. Germain: This News made him believe, that they were to be­set the Hotel de Condè, so that without ever considering that they often imploy­ed these Companies to guard the Gates, and to exact the payment of Entries (as indeed they were then commanded only for that purpose) he thought they were intended against his Person: upon this, he got on Horse-back with all the haste imaginable, and being only attended by six or seven, went out by the Faux­bourg St. Michel, and for sometime staid in the High Road to hear news of the Prince of Conty, to whom he had sent notice of his departure: But a second Alarm, yet more ridiculous then the first, obliged him to quit his Post: He heard a great many Horse trotting to­wards him, so that thinking it was a Squadron sent out to seek for him, he [Page 187] retreated to Fleury near Meudon; but these Troops which made him quit the Field, proved to be nothing but Higle [...]s that marched all the Night for Paris. As soon as the Prince de Conty knew that Monsieur le Prince was gone, he sent word to the Duke de la Rochefoucault, who went to him: but Monsieur le Prince obliged him immediatly to return to Paris to give the Duke d'Orleans an account of the reason of his Departure, and retreat to St. Maur. This action of Monsieur le Princes produced amongst People, what great news is wont to do, every one made different Conjectures, and laid different Designs; the appear­ance of a Change gave Joy to the Peo­ple, and Fear to all those that were esta­blish'd in Places. The Coadjutor, Ma­dam de Chevreuse, and the Frondeurs, be­lieved, That the Retreat of Monsieur le Prince would unite them to the Court, and increase their Esteem by the need they would have of them. The Queen, doubtless, foresaw the mischiefs which threatned the State, but she could not be afflicted with a Civil War that ad­vanced the Cardinals return. Monsieur le Prince feared the Consequences of so great an Affair, and could not resolve [Page 188] with himself to embrace so vast a design. He distrusted the unconstancy of them who push'd him on to a War, and judged well, that they would not long help him to sustain the weight of it. The Duke de Bouillon silently broke off from his Interests, and Marshal Turenne had al­ready declared, that for the future he would have no concern in them. The Duke de Longueville had a mind to be at quiet; besides, he was too ill satisfied with the Lady his Wife to contribute to a War, which he thought her the prin­cipal cause of: Marshal de la Motthe shift­ed off from his word that he once gave, to take up Arms. In fine, so many Rea­sons, and so many Examples, would doubtless have inclined Monsieur le Prince to reconcile himself to the Court, if he could have confided in the Queens or the Cardinals words. But the horror of his Imprisonment was yet too fresh in his mind, to expose himself upon such pledges, the value whereof his own Ex­perience had so often given him cause to know: Besides, Madam de Longueville, who was again pressed by her Husband to come into Normandy, could not avoid the Journy, if the Treaty of Monsieur le Prince was once concluded. Amidst [Page 189] so many contrary thoughts, the Duke de la Rochefoucault would needs undertake to secure Madam de Longueville from the persecution of her Husband, and per­swade Monsieur le Prince to Treat with the Court; within a few days after Mon­sieur le Prince arrived at St. Maur. Mar­shal Grammont (with whom he refused to Treat in particular) came to him from the King, to demand the reason of his Retreat, and to invite him to return to Paris, with a promise that he should be in safety there: Monsieur le Prince an­swered him before a great many people, that tho Cardinal Mazarin was retreated from the Court, and Servien, le Tellier, and Lionne, were ordered by the Queen to withdraw, yet the Spirit and Maxims of the Cardinal ruled there, and that having suffered so hard and so unjust an Imprisonment, he had found by experi­ence, that his Innocence could not esta­blish his Safety, which he hoped to find in a retreat, wherein he would preserve the same Thoughts (which he had so often given evidence of to the World) for the good of the State and the glory of the King. Marshal Grammont was surprised and vex'd with the Discourse, he thought to have enter'd upon the [Page 190] matter in hand with Monsieur le Prince, and begun some Negotiation betwixt the Court and him. But he had no reason to complain if Monsieur le Prince refused to give credit to the promises he made him for his safety, since Lionne had made choice of him to intrust with the Reso­lution they had taken at the Count de Montresors, to Arrest him a second time. Monsieur le Prince de Conty, and Madam de Longueville, came to St. Maur assoon as Monsieur le Prince, and at the begin­ning this Court was as great and as full of Persons of Quality as the Kings: they had all manner of Divertisements, which they made use of to a politick end; and Balls, Commedies, Plays, Hunting, and good Chear, drew thither an infinite number of those uncertain people who always offer their Service at the begin­nings of Factions, and betray and aban­don them ordinarily, according as their Fear or their Interest incites them. Ne­vertheless, they thought that this great number might break the Measures which they might take to attack St. Maur; that this, upon any other occasion, useless and inconvenient Croud would be ser­viceable on this, and give some reputa­tion to their Affairs. Never was the [Page 191] Court divided into so many different In­trigues, as at this time; the thoughts of the Queen, as I have said, were set up­on the Cardinals return; the Frondeurs aimed at Chateau-neuf's, for they thought him necessary to accomplish their De­signs: they judged, that if he was once more re-establish'd, he could more easily under-hand traverse the Cardinals re­turn, and get possession of his place if he chanc'd to fall. Marshal de Villeroy contributed as much as possibly he could, to dispose the Queen to it; but this Af­fair, as all others, could not be resolved on without the Cardinals consent: whil'st they expected his Orders at Court, about the present Affairs, Mon­sieur le Prince was yet dubious what side he should take, and could not resolve either upon Peace or War. The Duke de la Rochefoucault observing the Prin­ces mind so uncertain, thought that he might make use of this Juncture to en­gage Madam de Longueville to go into Normandy, and perswade Monsieur le Prince to hearken to Proposals for an Ac­commodation. With this Design he shew'd Madam de Longueville, that there was nothing but her separating her self, that could hinder her from taking the [Page 192] Journy she so much feared; that Mon­sieur le Prince might easily deny her the protection he had till then given her, having so fair a pretence as that of recon­ciling a Wife to her Husband; and above all, that if he intended thereby to ob­lige Monsieur de Longueville, they would also accuse her alone as the Fomenter of the disorder: that she would many ways render her self responsible both to her Brother and to the World, for kindling a War in the Kingdom, the Events whereof will be fatal to his Family, or to the State: for the preservation of both, which she was equally interested, he fur­ther represented to her, That the ex­cessive Expences, which Monsieur le Prince would be obliged to lay out, would neither leave him the Power, nor it may be the Will to supply hers; and that since she could get nothing from Monsieur de Longueville, she would find her self reduc'd to insupportable want. Lastly, That to remedy so many incon­veniencies, it was his advice, That she should desire Monsieur le Prince, that he would be pleased to let Madam la Princess, the Duke d'Anguien, and her Self, retire to Montrond, that they might be no trouble to him if he should be ob­liged [Page 193] to march suddenly, and also be free from the guilt of partaking in the dangerous Resolution he was going to take, either to set the Kingdom on fire by a Civil War, or to trust his Life, his Fortune, and his Liberty, to the doubt­ful Faith of Cardinal Mazarin. Madam de Longueville approved of this Advice, and Monsieur le Prince was willing it should be followed soon after. The Duke de Nemours began to abate his first vio­lence, and though all his passions were still alive, yet he did not demean himself so violently as he did at first. The Duke de la Rochefoucault design'd to make use of this occasion to sound his Thoughts; He let him know, that they could never find any Interest in a Civil War; that Monsieur le Prince might very well ru­ine their Fortune by ill success, but ne­ver advantage them by good: That the same Resolution which hinder'd Mon­sieur le Prince from taking up Arms, would likewise hinder him from laying them down after he had once taken them up: That he would not easily find safe­ty at Court, after he had offended it, since he could not meet with it at a time when he had attempted nothing against it. Lastly, that besides the difficult Hu­mour [Page 194] of Monsieur le Prince, which he had to manage, he should consider, that by removing him from Paris, he removed himself too, and put his Fate into the hands of his Rival. These Reasons found the Duke de Nemours disposed to receive them, and either because they let him see further into things then he had done till then; or out of a Levity, ordinary to men of his age, his desires became quite contrary to what they were before, and he resolved to contribute to a Peace, with as much earnestness as he had till then labored for a War; therefore he consulted with the Duke de la Rochefou­cault about the Measures they were to take in order to their mutual acting in this Design. In the mean time, the Queen was more and more incensed a­gainst Monsieur le Prince. The Frondeurs sought all manner of ways to be reven­ged on him, though in the interim they lost their credit amongst the People, who thought they were in League with the Court. The hatred of the Coadjutor particularly broke out with violence a­gainst the Duke de la Rochefoucault, he, as I said, attributed the Rupture of the Marriage of Madamoiselle de Chevereuse chiefly to him, and thinking every thing [Page 195] lawful that could but ruine him, forgot nothing that might engage the Duke de Longueville to do it by extraordinary and shameful ways: His Coach was also set upon three times in the Night, and he could never know who they were that had a hand in so frequent Assaults. All this Animosity notwithstanding, hinder'd him not from endeavoring, together with the Duke de Nemours, to gain his Defign; to which Madam de Longueville also assisted, from the time she was assured to go to Montrond. But their minds were too much heated to hearken to rea­son, and all Parties in the end experien­ced, that neither of them understood their true Interests: Even the Court, which Fortune alone sustained, often made considerable faults, and the Con­sequence made appear, that both the Ca­bals were supported more by the defaults of the opposite party, than by its own good Conduct: In the interim, Monsieur le Prince employed all his Arts to justifie his Intentions, both to the Parliament and the People, and seeing very well that the War he was going to undertake, wanted a Pretext, he endeavored to find one in the procedure of the Queen, who had recalled to her Servien and le Tellier, [Page 196] after she had discarded them at his Re­quest. He endeavor'd also to perswade the World, That their return was not so much to offend him, as to contrive the Cardinals: These Reports being noised abroad amongst the People, made some Impression on them. The Parlia­ment was more divided, the Primier President became Monsieur le Prince's Enemy, thinking he contributed to the putting him out from being Keeper of the Seals; those who were gained over to the Court joyned with him, but the Conduct of the Frondeurs was more re­served: They durst not appear well­affected to the Cardinal, though they really desired to serve him. Things were thus when Monsieur le Prince left St. Maur to return to Paris. He belie­ved himself in a condition to stand against the Court there, and that his high and bold demeanor, would give reputation to his Affairs. At the same time he sent away Madam la Princess, the Duke d'An­guien, and Madam de Longueville, to Mon­trond, with a resolution to go thither himself soon after, and from thence to Guyenne, where they were well disposed to receive him. He sent the Count de Tavanes to his Troops which served in [Page 197] the Army of Champaigne, with a Com­mand to march them in a Body to Stenay, as soon as he sent him Orders: He also laid Provisions into his Fortified pla­ces, and had Two hundred thousand Crowns ready Cash: thus he prepared for a War, though he had not yet en­tirely laid the Design: Notwithstand­ing, at his return, he endeavored to en­gage people of Quality into his Interests, and amongst others the Duke de Bouil­lon, and Marshal Turenne, they were both particular Friends to the Duke de la Rochefoucault, who forgot nothing to induce them to take the same party which he saw himself obliged to follow. The Duke de Bouillon then seem'd to him to be unresolv'd, he being willing to find his Security and Advantage, because he almost alike distrusted the Court and Monsieur le Prince, intended to see the Affair engaged before he would declare himself. Marshal Turenne on the con­trary, spoke to him always in the same manner since his return from Stenay. He told him, That he had no reason either to thank, or to complain of Monsieur le Prince, for not having imparted to him some things wherein indeed he had no mind to have been engaged: That he [Page 198] thought himself obliged to forget no­thing, that might contribute to the Li­berty of Monsieur le Prince, but he pre­tended that the engagement he had to him, ought to cease with his Imprison­ment, and so he might make new Alli­ances according as his Inclination or Inte­rest moved him. He added also, That Mon­sieur le Prince had not imploy'd him in any thing since his return to Paris, and had been so far from taking his Measures by consulting with him, and making him a Confident in his Designs, that he not only removed him from his Counsels, but also chose to let those very Troops who had but just before fought for him under his Command, perish, rather than to speak one word to get them Winter Quar­ters. These were the Reasons why Mar­shal Turennes refused to follow the For­tune of Monsieur le Prince a second time. The Duke d'Bouillon in the inte­rim, who avoided as much as he could to declare what he would do, found him­self hard enough put to it not to answer precisely. Monsieur le Prince and he, chose the Duke de la Rochefoucault to be Mediator betwixt them, but because he would not be Surety for the Word of ei­ther of them, and knew well, that a Post [Page 199] like this, is always nice, having to deal with people who are to agree upon so many important and different Articles, he engaged them themselves to tell their Opinions before him. It happened, con­trary to the usual custom of such inter­views, that their conversation ended without any distaste, and both of them remained satisfied, without being tyed or engaged to any thing. At that time, it seemed, the chief aim of the Court and of Monsieur le Prince, to render the Par­liament favorable to them. The Fron­deurs affectedly pretended to have no o­ther Inrerest but the Publick's, and un­der this pretence, they clash'd with Mon­sieur le Prince in every thing, and oppo­sed all his Designs; at the beginning they acted with some reservedness, but seeing themselves openly incouraged by the Court, the Coadjutor had the vani­ty openly to declare himself Monsieur le Prince's enemy: from that time, he not only beyond all moderation thwarted whatsoever he proposed, but also never went to the Palais without his Friends, and a great number of Armed men to at­tend him. This insolent and haughty procedure, did not without reason dis­please Monsieur le Prince, who thought [Page 200] it no less insupportable to be forced to go well attended to the Palais, that he might dispute the way with the Coadju­tor, than to go thither alone, and so ex­pose his Life and his Liberty into the hands of his most dangerous enemy: therefore he believed, that he ought to prefer his safety to every thing else, and resolved to go no more to the Parliament without being accompanied by all that were of his Interest. The Queen was glad to see a new subject of Division a­rise betwixt two men, whom she almost equally hated in her heart: she imagin­ed, that the Consequences of it would be such, as to give her hopes of being revenged of one by the other, or to see them both perish; nevertheless, she in appearance gave her protection to the Coadjutor, and permitted him to be guarded by a party of the Kings Gens­d'armes, and his Light Horse, and by the Officers and Souldiers of the Regi­ment of Guards. Monsieur le Prince was attended by a great many Persons of Quality, and many Officers, and by a croud of People of all Professions, who never left him since he return'd from St. Maur: This confusion of People of different Parties, being all together in [Page 201] the great Hall in the Palais, made the Parliament fear lest some disorder should happen, which might involve every one in particular in the same danger, and no body be capable of appeasing it. To prevent this mischief, the Premier Pre­sident resolved to beseech Monsieur le Prince not to come to the Palais any more thus accompanied; but one day, when the Duke d'Orleans was not there, and Monsieur le Prince and the Coadju­tor were come with all their Friends, the number and animosities on both sides seemed so great, that it augmented the Presidents fear: Monsieur le Prince also spoke some provoking words, which he addressed to the Coadjutor; but he answer'd them without concern, and da­red publickly to say, that his Enemies could never accuse him of breaking his word, and that now adays there are few persons exempted from this fault: by which words he plainly pointed at Mon­sieur le Prince, and reproached him not only for breaking the Engagements he had enter'd into with the Frondeurs, a­bout the Marriage of his Brother with Madamoiselle de Chevreuse, but also al­ledged the business of Noysi, when the Prince de Conty, Madam, and Madamoi­selle [Page 202] de Longueville, and the Messieurs of Retz, laid the foundations of the War of Paris, and Monsieur le Prince pro­mised to head them; not to remove the Cardinal, as the Publick intended, but only to make his Conditions better with him, and have the merit of securing him from mischief, which so powerful a Ca­bal was not able to do. These Reports being noised abroad by the Coadjutors adherents, and also renewed so boldly before the Parliament when assembled, and before Monsieur le Prince himself, might have made him more sensible of the Affront, than he at that time appear­ed to be. He mastered his Resentment, and gave no answer to the Coadjutors Discourse. At the same time some came to advertise them, that the great Hall was full of Armed men, who being spurr'd on by Interests so opposite, would certainly create very great Disorders, if they were not speedily prevented. Upon this, the Primier President told Monsieur le Prince, that the Company would be infinitely obliged to him, if he would order those who followed him to with­draw; that they were assembled to re­medy the disorders of the State, not to augment them, and that no body would [Page 203] believe they were so entirely free to speak their Opinions, as they ought to be, so long as they saw the Palais (which should be the Asylum of Justice) serve as a place of Arms for all that were capable of raising a Tumult and Sedition. Mon­sieur le Prince immediately offered to make his Friends withdraw, and desired the Duke de la Rochefoucault to send them away without disorder: The Co­adjutor rose, and said, That he was going to do the same by his: And he really did go out of the great Chamber to speak to his Friends; the Duke de la Rochefou­cault went eight or ten paces behind him, and was yet in the place called the Par­quet des Hussiers, when the Coadjutor was got into the great Hall; as soon as they saw him, all his party drew their Swords without any reason, and Mon­sieur le Prince's Friends did the same, e­very one rang'd himself on that side he was to serve, and in an instant the two Parties came within the length of their Swords to one another; and yet amongst so many brave men, animated by so ma­ny different hatreds, there was not one that made a pass with his Sword, or shot off a Pistol: The Coadjutor seeing so great a Disorder, intended to withdraw [Page 204] and return to the great Chamber; but coming to the door, which goes from the Hall to the Parquet des Hussiers, he found the Duke de la Rochefoucault possessed of it: nevertheless, he attempted to force it open, but it being only half shut, the Duke de la Rochefoucault, who held it, just as the Coadjutor enter'd, clapt it too and catch'd him by the middle, keeping his Head on the side of the Par­quet, and his Body in the Hall. This opportunity might have tempted the Duke de la Rochefoucault, after all that had pass'd betwixt them: General and particular Reasons push'd him on to de­stroy his most mortal enemy, besides the easiness of revenging himself, by reven­ging Monsieur le Prince for the affront and reproach which he had but just be­fore received: he saw also, that the Life of the Coadjutor ought to pay for the Disorder which he was the cause of; but he likewise consider'd, that they had not yet struck a stroak in the Hall, and that no body came against him to defend the Coadjutor, and therefore that he had not the same pretence to assault him, which he might have had if the Fight had been begun; besides, the Servants of Monsieur le Prince did not imagine [Page 205] of what importance the Service was which they might do their Master in this juncture. In fine, one because he would not do an action which might look like cruelty; and the rest, for want of re­solution in a great Affair, and capacity to go through with it, gave time to Cham­platreux, the Primier Presidents Son, to arrive with an Order to disengage the Coadjutor, and free him from the great­est danger he was ever in. The Duke de la Rochefoucault seeing him in the hands of Champlatreux, returned into the great Chamber and took his place: the Coadjutor came thither at the same time, with all the trouble that an acci­dent like this which he had escaped, could give him, he begun to complain to the Assembly of the violence of the Duke de la Rochefoucault; he said, that he had like to have been assassinated, and that he held him at the Door only to expose him to whatever attempt his E­nemies would make against his person. The Duke de la Rochefoucault answered, That Fear must have certainly taken away his liberty of judging of what pass'd at that time, otherwise he would have seen that he had no design to kill him, since he did not do so, when he [Page 206] had his Life in his hands a long time; that indeed he was possessed of the Door, and hindred him from entring, because he believed not that he ought to expose Monsieur le Prince and the Parliament, to the Disorder which his men raised when they saw him come, purely to prevent his fear. This Dis­course was also followed with some inju­rious menaces which he publickly threat­ned him with, insomuch that the Duke de Brissac thought himself obliged to answer him. The Duke de la Roche­foucault and he appointed to Fight that very day without Seconds, but because the occasion of their Quarrel was pub­lick, it was instantly made up by the Duke d'Orleans. This Affair, which in all appearance was like to produce ill Consequences, put an end to that which might have most contributed to Disor­ders, for the Coadjutor avoided coming again to the Palais; and so being no more where Monsieur le Prince was, he had no occasion to fear an Accident, like this which he had so narrowly escaped. Nevertheless, Fortune, which rules men more than their own Conduct, brought these two together at a time when they least thought of it, and in a condition [Page 207] far different from what they had been in at the Palais; for one day when Mon­sieur le Prince went abroad in his Coach with the Duke de la Rochefoucault, and was followed by a prodigious croud of people, he met with the Coadjutor dress'd in his Episcopal Robes, and go­ing a Procession with a great many Shrines and Relicks, Monsieur le Prince immediately stopp'd, to shew more Re­verence to the Church, and the Coadju­tor walking on till he came over against Monsieur le Prince, made a low bow, and gave him and the Duke de la Rochefou­cault his Blessing; both of them received it with all the appearances of Respect, though neither of them wish'd it might have that effect the Coadjutor desired; at this time the people who followed MOnsieur le Prince, being moved with such a rencounter, cryed out against the Coadjutor, and were ready to pull him in pieces, but that Monsieur le Prince sent out his men to appease the Tumult, and reduce them into order.

The War of Guyenne.

THe War in Gascony. Guienne was maintain'd much more by the vi­gilence and reputation of the Prince of Condy, than either by the number or the valour of his Soldiers; and the Count de Harcourt had already repair'd by his Conduct and Fortune, all the disadvan­tages that the Defeat of the Marquis de St. Luc at Miradoux had brought to the Kings Army; the Siege of Miradoux was raised, the Prince of Condy's Guards, with three or four hundred Horse, were taken in their Quarters, where Persan, and the Prince of Condy himself, with the rest of his Troops, were forc'd to quit his Post, for to pass the River of Garonne to Bouc, and from thence to re­tire himself to Agen; but the Divisions which were in the Town, made the Prince soon sensible that it would remain on his Party no longer than he retain'd it by his presence, or by a strong Gar­rison: 'twas therefore to secure it by this last means, that he resolv'd to put into it the Regiment of Infantry de Conty, and [Page 209] to make himself Master of one of the Gates of the Town, whereby he might take away from the People the liberty of refusing a Garison; but this Design not being secret, it was immediatly spread through the whole City, and in an instant all the Citizens were in Arms, fortifying themselves with Barricado's; of which the Prince of Condy being in­form'd, got strait on Horse-back for to hinder the Sedition by his presence, and to secure the Port de Grave till he could put it into the possession of the Regi­ment that was marching towards the Town. But the arrival of the Soldi­ers increased the disorder, instead of ap­peasing of it, they having entred the Town, halted in the first Street, and tho both the Prince of Condy and the Prince of Conty, and the Officers, us'd all pos­sible means to calm the disorder, yet the Streets, for all they could do, were in­stantly all Baricado'd; the People not­withstanding still preserv'd their respect for the Prince of Condy, and for the rest of the General Officers, though the Peoples disaffection to them increas'd in all those places where they were not pre­sent. It being impossible for things to remain any longer in this condition, the [Page 210] Souldiers were possessed of the Port de Grave, and half that Street which led to it: the People were up in Arms, all the Streets Baricado'd, and Guards set every where.

The Night coming on, which aug­mented the Confusion, and the Prince of Condy seeing himself reduc'd either shamefully to quit the Town, or else to plunder and burn it; but he found on which soever he should determine, it would apparently ruine his Affairs; for if he left Agen, the Kings Troops would be receiv'd into it; and if he burnt it, that severe usage would insence the whole Province against him, the most considerable Towns whereof were still firm to his Party: which reasons induc'd him to attempt an Accommodation that might in appearance preserve his Autho­rity, and serve him for a Pretext to par­don the people of Agen. The Duke de la Rochefoucault wrought upon the prin­cipal Citizens to retire themselves to the Town-House, and there depute some one of them to go to the Prince, and intreat his pardon, and to beseech him to come to their Assembly, to pre­scribe to them what means he should think fittest to preserve the Town, in [Page 211] the Submission and Fidelity that they had sworn to him. The Prince went thither, and assur'd them, that his inten­tion always was to leave them their Li­berties intire, and that that Regiment was only enter'd to ease the Citizens in the keeping of the Guard; but since that they desir'd it not, he would be content it should go out again, if so be that the Town would maintain a Re­giment at its own expence, the Officers whereof should be at his disposal: They willingly accepted the Conditions, and threw down all their Barricado's. The Souldiers march'd out, and the Town was in quiet, and seem'd in as much sub­mission as it was before the Disturbance. But the Prince of Condy, not being wil­ling to trust to appearances, staid some time at Agen, to re-establish the Town in its former state; in which time he re­ceiv'd the News, That the Army from Flanders (under the Command of the Duke de Nemours) and the Troops of the Duke d'Orleans, Commanded by the Duke of Beauford, were joyn'd, and on their March toward the Loyre. Never­theless, this Joy was mingled with many unquiet Thoughts; for on one side he saw in the middle of France, a Spanish [Page 212] Army, that he had so long expe­cted, and which could either Relieve Montrond, or come and joyn him in Guy­enne; but at the same time he knew that the division between the Dukes of Nemours and Beaufort, was come to a very dangerous Extremity. They could not agree if together, that their Forces, when separated, were not able to main­tain the Field against the Kings Army, Commanded by the Marshals of Turenne and d'Hoquincourt, and Fortified by the Troops which the Cardinal had brought, but much more by the Voyage of the Court: The Orders of the Duke de Ne­mours, was to pass the Loire and re­lieve Montrond, and then march straight away to Guyenne; but those which the Duke de Beauford had receiv'd from the Duke d'Orleans, were intirely opposite: for Monsieur could not consent that the Army should be so far from Paris, for he apprehended, that either the People or the Parliament might change their minds, when they saw the Duke de Ne­mours pass with his Army into Guyenne, and the King's Forces remain in their Neighborhood. The Coadjutor of Pa­ris, in whom Monsieur more confided than in any body, seconded this Ad­vce, [Page 213] and still increased the Fears and the natural Irresolutions of that Prince, for by detaining the Army on this side of the Loire, he not only made it useless to the Prince of Condy, whose Enemy he was, but he render'd himself more considerable at Court, by shewing them, That being so much master of Monsieur's Counsels, it was in his power either to advance or retard the progress of the Army: and thus he made use of all sort of ways to obtain the Cardinals Cap. Neither was Chauviny's Designs less on his side; for he pretended to govern Monsieur in the letting him know, that he govern'd Monsieur le Prince, and assur'd himself to become Master of his Counsels, by shewing of him that he was Master of Monsieur's: But his projects stopt not there, for from the beginning of the War he had taken his Measures to become Negotia­ter of the Peace, to which end he joyn'd himself to the Duke de Rohan, believing that he might be equally useful to him, both with Monsieur, and with Monsieur le Prince: He thought also, that he had taken all necessary precautions, as to the Cardinal, by the help of Faber; a [...]d as he set no bounds neither to his Ambition [Page 214] nor his Hopes, he doubted not, having made the particular Peace, but that he should be chosen to go along with the Cardinal Mazarin to conclude the ge­neral; and then he believed, in making use of the Reputation that Monsieur le Prince was able to give him among the Spaniards, he should acquire all the me­rit of the good success, and that the Cardinal on the contrary, would return loaden with shame, and accus'd of all the mischievous Events, and so re-enter into the management of Affairs, either with the Glory of having made the Peace, or else with the Advantage of having publish'd to the World, that the Cardinal had hinder'd it. In prospect whereof, he writ several times to the Prince of Condy, to press him to leave Guyenne: he represented to him how needful his Presence was in the Army, that if he let that be destroy'd, all hopes of Recruits would be lost; and that Marching into the Heart of the King­dom, and even before the Kings Face, he would in a moment, not only re-esta­blish Guyenne, but also all the rest of his party. The Prince of Condy yielded easily to Monsieur Chavigny's perswasi­ons, but the chiefmotive which induc'd [Page 215] him to it, was the desire he had to quit Guyenne, in a time when the weakness of his Army forc'd him continually to de­cline the Count d'Harcourt: He commu­nicated his Design to the Duke de la Ro­chefoucault, and Marsin, they both alike represented to him what there was to be fear'd, and what to be hoped in it, but neither of them would venture to give him their advice concerning it, but both immediately begg'd, that he would give them leave to wait upon him; he chose the Duke de la Rochefoucault to go along with him, and left Marsin with the Prince of Conty, reposing intirely upon him the design to maintain his Interest in Guyenne; and not only to preserve Bourdeaux in spight of all the divisions that had been fomented amongst the People, and in the Parliament, but also, to take care that the different Interests of the Prince of Conty, and Madam de Longueville, might not increase their mis­understandings, and so hasten the loss of the Town. The state of Affairs in the Town was thus, The people were divi­ded in two Cabals, one whereof con­sisted of the richest Citizens, whose o­pinion was, That they ought to main­tain the authority of their Magistrates, [Page 216] and make themselves so powerful and necessary in the Town, that both Mon­sieur le Prince and the Parliament might look upon them, as those who were most capable to serve them: The other Cabal was form'd of the poorest & most seditious, who often assembling, though without any design, in a place near the Castle of Ha, call'd Horme; from thence took the name of Hormees. The Prince of Conty, and the Dutchess of Longue­ville, much more for their particular In­terest, than for their Interest of the party, supported that Faction, and made it much more powerful in Bourdeaux. They both labored alike to accomplish this Design, though for quite different Reasons: The Prince de Conty inclin'd to Peace, through his natural fickleness, which chiefly made him hate the War, because he had so earnestly desired it; he alledg'd afterwards, that Monsieur le Prince, after having set his hand that he would not Treat without his being made Governor of Province, was now abso­lutely gone from his Word in what concern'd his Interests; but the princi­pal reason of his disingaging himself, was, that all those about him (being gain'd by the Cardinal Mazarin) perswaded [Page 217] him gloriously to break with the Dut­chess de Longueville, upon pretexts which the near Alliance and Interest of Blood oblig'd him to conceal. As for the Dutchess de Longueville, she then believ'd her self irreconcilable with her Husband; she had made many fruitless attempts to return to Court, by the Princess Palatine; she beheld the Prince of Conty transported with rage and jea­lousie, which had been much more par­donable in a Lover, than a Brother: Moreover, she knew if the Prince of Condy spoke less of her behavior than he, that he had not a more advantage­ous opinion of it: He was inform'd how she design'd to ruine his Party, by very extraordinary ways, for the Interest of the Duke de Nemours; and also fear'd, that if she took a like Inclination to an­other, she was liable to be carried to the same Extreams if he desir'd it. Seeing her self then equally ruin'd on either side, she now believ'd that she had no way left to restore her self, but to make her self a party in Bourdeaux, which might be powerful enough to give her a new Reputation, either with the Prince of Condy, or with the Court; in view whereof, she found nothing so advan­tageous [Page 218] to her Design, as to joyn with the Hormees, and to engage herself with the most considerable of them. Neither was the Parliament more united than the People; those who were against the Court were divided into two Bodies, one whereof was call'd the Great, and the other the Little Fronde, although they both agreed to be of the Interest of Monsieur le Prince; they were very opposite in all other things. In the beginning the Army joyn'd with both the Fronds, but often separated from them, which Changes were managed by different Interests, which commonly makes men act in that manner. But at length the Prince of Conty, and the Dutchess of Longueville increas'd the Credit and the Insolence of that Facti­on so high to gain it to themselves, that they advanc'd the ruine of the Party, by putting the Parliament and the rest of the People in dispair, and giving occa­sion to so many Plots, and to all those private Intelligences with the Court, which since put Bourdeaux into the Kings power. The Prince of Conty made use of these Divisions to ruine his Sisters credit, and the Dutchess of Longueville endeavor'd to establish it in Bourdeaux, [Page 219] to retrieve what she had lost with the Prince of Condy; but he who foresaw what Inconveniencies such opposite O­pinions would produce in his party, and who believ'd moreover, That the Dis­contents and Divisions increased by his absence, left Marsin, as I said, to put a stop to these great Disorders, and on eve­ry occasion to take care, that neither the Prince of Conty, nor the Dutchess of Longueville, undertook any thing that might be prejudicial to him, during his absence; therefore as soon as he had re­gulated the Affairs of the Army, with Marsin and Laisny, as also the Cabals of Bourdeaux, and those in his own Fami­ly, he left the Prince of Conty behind him at Agen; and leaving all things un­der his management, he desired him to follow the Advices of Marsin and Lais­ny: He seem'd also to repose a great con­fidence in the President Viole, but to speak the truth, he did not think he left one man behind him in Bourdeaux, that was really true to his Interest, but only those two that I have named. Things being thus settled, he prepar'd to quit Agen, to go and joyn Monsieur de Ne­mour's Army: This Journy was extream­ly long, and so full of Difficulties, that [Page 220] he could not reasonably hope to sur­mount them. The Count d'Harcourt was Camp'd nigh Agen, and there was too many in the Town gain'd by the Court, not to inform him of Monsieur le Prince's departure, those of his own party had before suspected it, insomuch that it was reported, even before he had resolv'd it himself; he was to go near six score Leagues, and all the way upon the same Horses, so that the Count de Harcourt might not only send a party to pursue him, or give advice to the Court of his going, but also send to all the Towns and Garrisons to stop him. More­over, he could not confide a matter of such Consequence to many, and a few were not capable to accompany him with safety: It was necessary to perswade the World, that he was only going to Bour­deaux, and to hinder the Officers of the Army from waiting upon him thither, upon pretences which could give no cause of suspecting what he design'd: for which reason he left the Prince of Conty at Agen, and pretending to go to Bourdeaux for two or three days, only he gave Orders to all the Officers and Voluntiers, to stay at Agen with his Bro­ther. From whence he parted on Palm [Page 221] Sunday, about twelve of the Clock, ac­companyed by the Duke de la Roche­foucault, le Prince, de Marcillac, Guitault, and Chavinac, Gourville, and one valet de Chambre: The Marquis de Levy wait­ed with Horses for him at Langez, where he found also Bercénes, Captain of the Duke de la Rochefoucault's Guards. And as the Marquis de Levy had a Pass from the Count d'Harcourt, to return home with all his Train to his own House in Auvergne, the Prince of Condy, and those that accompanyed him, follow'd him as his Attendants, and were to go for the same Servants whose Names were writ­ten in his Pass, though they were re­solv'd never to make use of it. What was most severe in this Journy, was, That our extraordinary haste oblidged us to Travel both Day and Night, and almost always upon the same Horses, without ever staying any where above two hours in one place, either to sleep or eat: They lodg'd at two or three Gentlemens Houses, Friends of the Mar­quis de Levy's, to take some small rest, and to see if they could buy any Horses: But these Gentlemen so little suspected Monsieur le Prince to be what he was, that once at Dinner, when Men com­monly [Page 222] speak their Thoughts more freely than at other times, he heard things of some of those that were nearest him, which till then it may be he never knew. At length, taking his way through the Vicounty of Turenne and Charlus in Au­vergne, he arriv'd on Saturday night at Bac-d Alier, two Leagues distant from la Charity, where he past the River de Eoire without any interruption, although that two Troops of Horse lay in la Charity, Commanded by Bussy Roba­tin: From thence he dispatch'd Gour­ville in all haste to Paris, to inform his Royal Highness and Chavigny of his com­ing. He staid all Easter Day in Cosnes, where a Guard was kept; and as the Court was but at Gien, he pretended that he was going thither, with the rest of his Companions, to wait their Quarter upon the King; nevertheless, finding that they could not long keep the Highway to the Court, without being known, they resolv'd to quit it, and take that which leads to Chatillon, and he began to think he had reason to repent his neglecting it so long: For meeting two Couriers, whereof one knew Guitaut, and though he did not stop to speak to him, shew'd concern enough in his Face to make [Page 223] them think that he suspected Monsieur le Prince to be there, which he presently after discovered to be certainly true. For afterwards meeting with Monsieur le Prince's Valet de Chambre, who had staid behind, he stopt him, and by making him believe he would kill him, he per­ceiv'd that his suspition was well found­ed; which accident made Monsieur le Prince resolve not only to quit the High Road that very time, but also to leave Bercennes, Captain of the Guards, to the Duke de la Rochefoncault, amongst the rubbish of a ruin'd House, near a Bridge, to kill the Courier in case he took that Road, which appear'd the way he must go to give notice to the Court, of the Prince of Condy's Journy. But Fortune led his steps another way, so that he carried in haste to Gien the News of what he had seen. St. Maure was presently dispatch'd with twenty chosen men to watch for Monsieur le Prince, in the way between Chastillon and the Duke de Nemour's Army, with order to take him either alive or dead. The Prince of Condy, although he saw that this Incounter must inevitably dis­cover his Passage, march'd with full speed towards Chastillon: But as we were [Page 224] forced to go that day Six and thirty Leagues upon the same Horses, the ne­cessity of Baiting made us lose much time, and gave St. Maure what he wish'd for, to overtake us. Another accident also had like to have caus'd Monsieur le Prince to be taken, for being come to the Canal de Briare, he met the Quarter­masters of two or three Regiments of Horse, who came thither before for Quar­ters; and as the main Body advanc'd from different parts, it was difficult to take any way secure. Chavaignac, who was acquainted with a Gentleman na­med la Bruslery, who liv'd near that place, taking Guitaut with him to get somthing for the Prince of Condy to eat. But as that was a day destin'd to Adven­tures, as soon as ever Chavaignac went out of the House to seek for the Master of it, and to invite Guitaut in, an Of­ficer of the fore-mentioned Regiments came thither; and all that the Mistress of the House could do, in the Fear she was in, lest some disturbance might ar­rive in her House by the meeting of Men of different Parties, was to send her Daughter to meet Guitaut, and tell him, That an Officer of the Kings Army was just come into the House, Whil'st [Page 225] this happened, Monsieur le Prince, who staid expecting Chauaignac and Guitaut, could remain no longer in the place that they had left him in, because of the ar­rival of the Souldiers, he sent his Valet de Chambre before to Chastillon, to tell the House-keeper to have the Park gates open, so that he had no body left with him but the Duke de la Rochefoucault and the Prince de Marcillac. They went nevertheless still on towards Chastillon, the Prince de Marcillac rode about one hundred yards before, Monsieur le Prince, and the Duke de la Rochefoucault follow­ed him about the same distance, that ei­ther of them might give him notice if any danger approach'd, which might give him the advantage to save himself. They had not rode on far in that po­sture, when they heard the noise of shooting off Pistols, that way which the Valet de Chambre was gon, and immedi­ately there appeared four Horse-men up­on their left hand, who came Trotting up towards them: They undoubtedly believ'd they were pursued, therefore concluded to Charge these four men that advanc'd toward them, and Faced about with a Resolution rather to dye than be taken: But being come nearer, they [Page 226] perceived it was Chavaignac, who, with three other Gentlemen, had been seeking after them, and from thence they all ar­riv'd at Chastillon without any further danger. And there the Prince of Condy heard news of his Army that he was going to joyn; he was told that it was not far from Lory, near the Forest of Orleans, about eight Leagues distance from Cha­stillon. He was told moreover, That there was ten or twelve Light-horse of the Kings Guard, besides several of the Kings Officers, lodg'd in the Town of Chastillon; wherefore fearing to be dis­covered, he parted from thence for Lory in all speed about Midnight, with a Guide, but the Guide had like to have been the cause of his being taken; for after having travelled a long time, he found they were not above a little League from Gien, when quitting that Road, to go into that which leads to Lory, Monsieur le Prince passed within thirty yards of the place, where Saint Maur waited for him; and whether it was that he knew him not, or that he durst not attack him, nothing inter­rupted his passage to Lory, where he had certain intelligence of his▪ Army, which lay but two Leagues from him: [Page 227] He would have staid to have baited his Horses at Lory; but although he still took the same care to disguise himself, that he had done all the rest of the way, Both he and the Duke de la Rochefou­cault, were known by some of the In­habitants of the Town, many whereof were the Kings and the Duke d'Orleans's Servants; but that rather prov'd ser­viceable to him than hinder'd him, for some of them got on Horseback, and bore him company to the Army. He met the Van-Guard at the entry of the Fo­rest of Orleans, where some of the Horse ask'd him, Who comes there? but im­mediately knowing of him, the whole Army was in so great Surprise and Joy, that it cannot be express'd, for it never had more need of him, and never less expected to see him. The animosity be­tween the Duke de Nemours, and the Duke de Beauford still increased, inso­much, that the hopes of the party daily diminished by the Divisions that were a­mongst the Heads of it, and at a time when the approaches of the King and his Army, ought to have made them prefer the Publick Interest before Pri­vate Quarrels, to make an end whereof, was of too great Importance to Monsieur [Page 228] le Prince, not to endeavor it with all imaginable eagerness; and what plain'd his way, and made it more easie for him to perform, was, That his arrival taking away from them both, their chief Com­mands, it also took away the principal Spring which fed their Jealousie and Ha­tred. Things being in this posture▪ the Army march'd to Lory, where it rested one day, and then march'd forward three or four more; in which time they came to the Walls of Montargis, which yielded without the least resistance; but they soon quitted that place, which be­ing stored with Corn and Wine, might be serviceable in time of more need: besides, it would be an example of their moderation, which might produce ma­ny advantageous Effects to the party in other Towns. The Army march'd from Montargis to Chasteau-renard, where Gourville arriv'd at the same time from Paris, to inform the Prince what his Friends opinions were, how he ought to carry himself towards Monsieur and the Parliament: Their Counsels were quite different, for some of them advised him to stay with the Army, representing to him, That the whole Resolutions of Monsieur and the Parliament, always [Page 229] depended upon the event of this War, and that as long as he was at the Head of a Victorious Army, the Power of the King would be in his hands, instead whereof, his going to Paris would de­prive his Army of all the Reputation which his presence gave them, and would oblige him to leave the Com­mand of it to those same people, whose Divisions and Incapacities were before upon the very Brink of producing so great Disorder. Chavigny, on the con­trary, sent positively to Monsieur le Prince, that his Presence was absolutely necessary at Paris, that the Cabals of the Court and of Cardinal de Rets, daily increased in the Parliament, and un­doubtedly they would draw the Duke d'Orleans in to them; if Monsieur le Prince came not himself to free him from the dependance he was now in, and to put the Duke de Rohan and Chavigny in possession of a place, for which without his presence, they could not contend a­ny longer with the Cardinal de Rets. But the Dispute ended, in that they both concluded it was the best course now to fall upon the Kings Army. At this time the Prince had advice, That the Marshal d'Hoquincourt's Brigade was still [Page 230] in quarters, separated from the rest of the Army very near Chastean-Renard, & that the next day they were to joyn with the Marshal de Turenne, which made him resolve to March that very moment with his whole Army, straight to attack the Marshal d'Hoquincourt, before he could have time to draw his Troops together, and retreat to the Marshal de Turenne; which Attempt prov'd very successful. On his first approach, he fell upon two of their Quarters, which gave the Alarm to the rest, but that hinder'd him not from being presently Victorious over five, whereof the four first made small resistance: But the Marshal d'Hoquin­court drawing himself up in Battle with Eight hundred Horse, upon the side of a Brook, where they could not pass over but one by one, upon a Bank of Earth very narrow and much broken, seem'd as if he would Dispute this Pass with them; beyond which, the rest of his Men were Quartered that they were go­ing to attack: But when he saw that those under the Command of the Duke de Nemours, and three or four others were pass'd, he retreated behind the Quarters, leaving them to be plunder'd, and rang'd himself there again in Battle, [Page 131] to try if he could take his time, and Charge them in the heat of the Plunder. Those Quarters there, made no more re­sistance than the others had done, but the Houses being all thatch'd, as soon as they had set them on Fire, they gave so great a Light, that it was easie for the Marshal d'Hoquencourt to discern the number of men that were pass'd over, and perceiving that there was not above One hundred Horse, he advanc'd with above Eight hundred to attack them. The Prince of Condy, who saw the Force of that Cavalry just coming to break upon them, presently made a Squadron of those that were about him, and went to meet the Enemy, though with so un­equal a number, that it appear'd as if Chance had drawn them together in that place, all the General Officers of his Army, to shew him how much one un­prosperous Event was capable to make him lose, the first Rank where he him­self was, was compos'd of the Duke de Nemours, the Duke de Beaufort, and the Duke de la Rochefoucault, the Prince de Marcillac, the Marquis de Clinchant, who Commanded the Spanish Troops, the Count de Tauanes Lieuten. General, Gui­tault, Gaucourt, and several other Officers: [Page 232] The two Squadrons discharg'd upon each other very close, without one man stirring a foot; but two others engaging presently after, that which Monsieur le Prince was at the head of, the Duke de Nemours received a Shot with a Pistol quite through his Body, and had his Horse killed under him. The Prince of Condy's Squadron not being able any longer to maintain their Ground against two so violent Charges, foot to foot, broke, and retreated One hundred yards in disorder, towards the Quarter which was on Fire; but the Prince, and the rest of the General Officers that were with him, geting again to the head of it stoptit, and the Enemy was satisfied with making them retire, without pressing it any fur­ther: There was only some few Officers and Horse that advanced, and the Prince de Marcillac, who was a dozen or fifteen yards behind the retiring Squadron, turn'd about to an Officer, and kill'd him. Between the two Squadrons, the Prince of Condy, as was said before, stop'd his men, and made them face about to the Enemy, which durst not push the advantage they had gain'd for fear they should be back'd with Foot. This disorder had given time to a Squa­dron [Page 233] of thirty chosen Men to pass the Brook: The Prince of Condy immedi­ately put himself at the head of them, with the Duke de la Rochefoucault, and attack'd the Marshal d'Hoquencourt in the Flank, while the Duke de Beaufort charged him in the Front, with a Squa­dron that the Prince had left him for that purpose, which totally overthrew the Enemy; some whereof flew into Bleneau, and the rest they pursu'd three or four Leagues towards Auxerre, without ever endeavoring so much as to rally: They lost all their Baggage, besides Three hundred Horses that were taken. The Vi­ctory had been much greater, but that Monsieur le Prince was informed, that the Marshal de Turenne's Army was come in sight. This News made him return back to his Foot which were scattered about to Plunder; and after having rallied his Men, he marched toward the Marshal de Turenne, who had drawn up his Army in a large Plain, within less then Musket shot of a far extended Wood, through the middle whereof the Prince of Condy's Army was to pass, to come to him. This Passage was wide enough of it self for ten Squadrons to march in a Front; but as it was a very Marshy Ground, they [Page 234] were oblig'd to make so many Ditches to drain it, that they could not march to the Plain without breaking their Ranks. The Prince of Condy, seeing that the plain was possessed by the Ene­my, put his Foot upon the Right hand, and the Left into that part of the Wood which was nighest the Enemies Army, to force them to a greater distance. This work'd the effect that he desired, for the Marshal Turenne, fearing to be endamag'd by the Musqueteers, left that Post and went to take another a little farther off, and upon a higher Ground than Mon­sieur le Prince; but the removal which he made for that, perswaded Monsieur le Prince that he was retiring for Gien, and that he might easily cut them off in the disorder of the Retreat, before they arrived there: For which reason he Advanced his Horse, and made six Squadrons pass unrank'd in all haste to enter upon the Plain; but Marshal Tu­renne considering what a disadvantage it would be to give Battle upon the Plain to Monsieur le Prince's Army, heightned with Victory, and also strong­er than his own, rather chose to return with their Swords in their hands, and fall upon the six Squadrons, to defeat [Page 235] those that were pass'd, and to stop the rest from passing. Monsieur le Prince, who judged what he intended, first pass'd his Horse, and then those who were un­rank'd for that purpose, hindering the Enemy from approaching without great disadvantage, so they were content on both sides with only advancing the Ar­tillery, and for a long time playing the Canon at each other, the success where­of prov'd not at all equal; for besides that, Monsieur de Turenne had a much greater number of Canon, and better serv'd than the Enemy; they had also the advantage of the highest Ground upon them. Moreover, Monsieur le Prince's men being inclosed within the passage that parts the two Woods, there was scarcely any Shot that did not execution, insomuch that there was kill'd sixscore Horsemen, besides several Officers, a­mongst which was Maré, Brother to the Marshal de Grancy. And in this maner they pass'd the rest of the day. About Sun-set, the Marshal de Turenne retreat­ed towards Gien. The Marshal d'Hoquen­court, who since his Defeat had joyn'd with him, staid in the Rear-Guard, and going with some Officer to withdraw those Squadrons which were nighest the [Page 236] Enemy, he was retain'd by Monsieur le Prince, who sent to tell him, That he should be very glad to see him, and that he might advance upon his word. He did what Monsieur le Prince desired him, and advanced, accompanied only with some few Officers; and Monsieur le Prince had the Dukes de la Rochefou­cault and Beaufort, with two or three more who waited upon him. All their Conversation pass'd in Civilities, and in Raillery on Monsieur le Prince's side, and in Justification on the Marshal d'Hoquin­court's, concerning what had hapened to him that day, complaining extreamly of Monsieur de Turenne, though one may say with Justice, he did that day two Actions great and bold, whereof the Success was the cause of his own Safety, as also the preservation of the Court; for assoon as ever he knew that the Mar­shal d'Hoquincourt's Brigade, which was to joyn with him the next day, was at­tack'd. He march'd with a very few men to that place where Monsieur le Prince found him drawn up in Batalia, every minute expecting the rest of his Souldiers, exposing himself thereby to have been inevitably defeated, if Mon­sieur le Prince had march'd straight to [Page 237] him, instead of pursuing two or three Leagues, as he did those Troops that he had routed in the night; he preserv'd also that same day the rest of the Kings Army, with eminent Valour and Con­duct, when he turn'd upon Monsieur le Prince's six Squadrons who had pass'd unrank'd upon the Plain, by which Acti­on he stop'd an Army which would un­doubtedly have cut his quite off, if it could but have drawn up in the same Plain. The Kings Army being retreated, Monsieur le Prince, with his, took the way that leads to Chastillon, and went that Night and lodg'd in Quarters upon the Canal de Briare, near la Bruslery, and the next day arriv'd at Chastillon with all his Army, whereof two days after he left the Command to Clinehant and the Count de Tauanes, and went to Paris with the Dukes de Beaufort and de la Rochefoucault. This Journy prov'd of greater impor­tance than at that time he thought it was, for I am perswaded, that the only desire to go to Paris, and there to receive the general applause which his success in so dangerous a Journy, and in obtaining so great a Victory had merited, made him incline to Chavigny's Reasons, who real­ly endeavor'd to support himself by the [Page 238] Presence and Authority of Monsieur le Prince, & to possess the place, the Cardinal de Rets held with the Duke de Orleans: he hoped, as I said before, to make him­self not onely equally considerable to these two Princes, in perswading of them both that he was the real cause of their Union, but believing, that that was the easiest way to succeed in the project which he had laid with Faber; there­fore he press'd Monsieur le Prince to come to Paris, to oppose all the Attempts that Cardinal de Rets made upon Mon­sieur, as also to increase the good will of the Parliament, who had by an Act which they made, set a price upon Car­dinal Mazarin's head: Whatsoever e­steem Mounsieur le Prince had of Cha­vigny's Advice, he still followed it, he was receiv'd in Paris with so many Ac­clamations and Testimonies of publick Joy, that he believ'd he had no reason to repent himself of his Journy. Things remain'd in this state for some time, but the Army wanting Forrage about Cha­stillon and Mountargis, and not daring either to come nigher, or go farther off from Paris, it march'd to Estampes, where they believed it might remain some considerable time with surety, and [Page 239] abundance of all things. The Duke de Nemours was not cur'd of his Wounds, when news was brought to the Prince of Condy, that some of the Kings Troops, commanded by the Count de Moissens, and the Marquis de St. Mesgren, Lieute­nant Generals, were marching from St. Germains to St. Cloud, with two pieces of Canon, with design to beat off a hun­dred men of the Regiment de Condy, which had Fortified themselves upon the Bridge by breaking down one Arch of it; this news made Monsieur le Prince get on Horseback, and go thither with only those who were about him. The noise of which being spread through all Paris, all the People of Quality came after him to Boulogne, who were follow'd by eight or ten thousand Citizens in Arms. The Kings Forces contented with Firing some few Shots with their Canon, retired without ever attempting to make them­selves Master of the Bridge. The Prince of Condy, who was resolv'd to make an advantage of this good disposition of the Citizens, having given them Offi­cers, marched them to St. Denis, where he heard there was a Garrison of Two hundred Swisses: He arrived there just a­bout the closing in of the Day: Those [Page 240] who were in the Town, having taken the Alarm, instantly yielded it up to the Besiegers.

Monsieur le Prince being in the mid­dle of Three hundred Horsemen, con­sisting of those he believ'd the bravest and most couragious of his Party, the Swisses indeavored to defend some Bara­cado's in the Town, but being too vio­lently press'd, they retreated into the Abby, where two hours after they yield­ed themselves Prisoners of War: There was no manner of rudeness offered, ei­ther to the Inhabitants or the Convents. Monsieur le Prince retir'd to Paris, lea­ving Deslandes, a Captain in the Regi­ment de Condy, with Two hundred men in St. Dennis, which was retaken the same night by the Kings Forces, but Deslandes retir'd into the Church where he held out three days: though there was nothing in this Action very considerable in it self, by any Circumstance, yet it in­creased the Citizens affections to Mon­sieur le Prince; and they were so much the more liberal of their praises to him, as every one thought himself a witness of his Courage, and of the Danger which he believed he ran on that occasion. The [Page 241] Duke de Rohan, and Chavigny notwith­standing, still pursu'd their first Design; and took the advantage of so favourable a juncture, to make propositions of Peace: they believ'd that the Court would fulfill with all sincerity, those things which they knew Faber had only made overtures to them of to ingage them with the Cardinal, who indeavoured to make use of them, to draw the Duke of Orleans and Monsieur le Prince into that abysse of negotiations, whereof the bot­tom was never seen, and alwayes proved the means of his preservation, as it was the ruin of his enemies; to say truth, from the very first day of Monsieur le Princes Arrival, Intrigues, and Cabals, were re­ceived on every side; and whether he was weary of maintaining so laborious a War, or that staying at Paris had giv­en him both an inclination and a hope of Peace, at length he quitted for a time all other thoughts, but only to seek all means to conclude it as advantagi­ously as he had designed. The Duke de Rohan and Chavigny, gave him great hopes, to oblige him to lay upon them the care of this negotiation, and to per­mit them to go with Goulas alone to St. Germains, Loaded with his and the [Page 242] Duke de Orlean's interests: it was also pro­posed to send the Duke de la Rochefou­cault, and Monsieur le Prince desired it for many reasons, but he excused him in that he believed the Peace to be already concluded between Monsieur and the Court, by the secret meditation of Ca­vigni, without Monsieur le Princes hav­ing any share in it; or that it would not be then concluded, not only because Mon­sieur le Princes pretencions were great, but also that the Duke de Rohan and Chavigny would secure their own, whereof I have already spoken, preferring it before the rest. So the Duke de Rohan, Chavigny, and Goulas went to St. German with express command▪ not to see Cardinal Mazarin, nor treat of any thing with him: Monsieurs demands consisted Principally of the ex­pulsion of the Cardinal, but those of Monsieur le Prince was of greater extent, because having engag'd both the City & Parliament of Bourdeaux, & a great num­ber of persons of Quality in his party, he made many particular treaties with them, in which he engaged himself not to make any with the Court, without compre­hending their interests in the manner that I shall relate to you hereafter: there was no body doubted of these Gentelmens [Page 143] success in their Journey; besides there was no likelyhood that a man so capable as Chavigny was, and so knowing both in the Court, and the Cardinal by so much experience, would ingage himself in so weighty a Negotiation, (having managed it three Months) without be­ing assur'd of the Success. But this opini­on lasted not long, for they found by the return of the Deputies, that they had not only treated with Cardinal Mazarine, a­gainst the express order, that had been gi­ven them; but also in stead of demanding for the Prince of Condy, what was in their Instructions; they insisted Principally up­on establishing a necessary Councel, in form almost like that which the late King ordered just before he dyed; only with this addition, that they should perswade Monsieur le Prince to give his consent, that Cardinal Mazerin should go instead of himself with Chavigny, to treat about the generall Peace, and that he might return again into France, after it was concluded, as these Propositions were far both from the Interest, and intentions of Monsieur le Prince; he received them mightily dissa­tisfied with Chavigny, and resolved from thence forward, never to let him know of any of his secret Treaties with the Court: [Page 244] to which end he sent Gourvill with an in­struction framed in the presence of the Duchess of Chastillon, and of the Dukes de Nemours and Rochefoucault: the contents whereof were as follows; First that all the Negotiations which had passed that day, should be null; and that a positive an­swer was required to every point, I, or no; it being impossible to be more moderate upon any one; therefore as nothing but sincere dealing was intended, he would promise nothing that he would not justly perform, but then he would be secure of every thing that should be promised him. It was demanded that Cardinal Ma­zarin might instantly go out of the King­dome; and that he should retire to Bou­illon, and that the power of concluding the general Peace should be conferr'd up­on the Duke of Orleans and himself; and that they might immediately proceed in it, to which end he would yield to any condition that should be just and reason­able, and that he might send into Spain to agree the place of Conference; That the Council should consist of People not sus­pected, whom they shou'd consent to; that the high Treasurer should be discharged from his Office, and that the Treasury should be govern'd by faithful Officers; [Page 245] That all those who had serv'd either the Duke of Orleans, or the Prince of Con­dy, should be restor'd to their Estates and Offices, Governments, Pensions and Assignments, which should be secur'd upon good Funds▪ as also the Duke of Orleans, and the Princes; That the Duke of Orleans should be satisfied in what he should desire on his part, either for himself, or his friends; That all the Soldiers and Officers which had follow'd the Princes, should be treated in the same manner as they were before, and should be in the same esteem which they had ever been; That those things might be granted to the Town of Bourdeaux, which they had ask'd before the War, and for which they had sent Deputies to the Court; That they should yield that the Taxes might be moderated in the Country of Guienne, which should be sincerely consented to; That the Prince of Conty might be allow'd to treat with Monsieur d'Angoulesme about the Go­vernment of Provence, and that he might either give him his Government of Champagne in exchange, or sell it to whom he should think fit, to give him the Money for it; and for the surplus of the Money, that he should be assisted [Page 246] as it should be judg'd most convenient That the Government of Auvergne should be given to the Duke de Nemours; That permission might be given to the Presi­dent Viole to treat about the Place of President Au, Mortien, or of Secretary of State, and that they should give their Words that he should be the First; and that a Sum of Money should be or­der'd that minute to make the recom­pence more easie, that the Breviat which the Duke de la Rochefoucault demanded like that of the Messieurs de Boulogns, and de Guimené might be granted him, as also the Government of Angoulmois, and of Xaintonge, or else the sum of Six score thousand Crowns given him, be­sides Commission to treat for the afore­said Governments, or any other what­soever; That a Breviat should be given to the Prince de Tarante, concerning his Rank, the same as that of Monsieur de Bouillon's; and that he shou'd be put into immediate possession of it, and that they should make him satisfa­ction for all the losses he had sustained by the taking and raising of Tailleb [...]urg, according to the estimation that he should give in; and that Mon­sieur Marsin, and Monsieur de Dognoin [Page 247] should be Mareschals of France, that a Patent for Duke should be given to Monsieur de Montespan; That the Duke de Rohan should be restor'd to his Govern­ment of Anjou, and Angers, and have the Bridge of Cé, as also the Jurisdiction of Saumeurs deliver'd to him; That the Government of Berguerac, and St. Foy, should be given to Monsieur de la Force, and the Reversion to Monsieur de Chasteau-neuf; and also Monsieur le Marquis de Persan might be assur'd to be made Knight of the Order of the Holy Ghost the first vacancy; and that a Breviat might be given him to that pur­pose, as also the sum of Fifty thousand Crowns to buy him a Government; to which was added a promise to lay down Arms, and unfeignedly consent to all the advantages that Cardinal Mazarin should propose for his Justification; and for his return in three Months, or till such time as Monsieur le Prince having agreed upon every particular of the ge­neral Peace with Spain, being upon the place of Conference with the Spanish Ministers, should send word that the Peace was ready to Sign, which he would defer Signing till Cardinal Ma­zarin was return'd.

[Page 248]The Cardinal gave ear to these Pro­positions of Gourville, and appear'd ve­ry willing to consent to them, either be­cause he really intended to agree to what was propos'd, or because he was willing to have the obstacles seem to come from some other; but the Duke de Bouillon, who was in fear that the Peace should be made without his ha­ving the Dutchy d'Albret, which was to be given up to him by Monsieur le Prince, as part of his satisfaction for Se­dan, told the Cardinal, that since he be­lieved it just to oblige the Friends of Monsieur le Prince, who were his sworn Enemies, he could not but think it yet more reasonable to do justice to those (who had assisted him, and maintain'd his interest against Monsieur le Prince, and against whom he could find nothing to say) rather than to the Dukes de Ne­mours, and la Rochefoucault, Marsin, and others. Therefore for his part he thought that having so considerable an Interest, as the Dutchy d'Albret, nothing ought to be concluded without obliging Monsieur le Prince to satisfie him concerning that. With whatsoever intention the Duke de Bouillon offer'd these Reasons, they stopt [Page 249] the Cardinals proceedings, who sent Gourville to Monsieur le Prince to raise this difficulty; but though all great affairs are subject to delays, this Peace had more reason than any other, because it not only depended upon so many dif­rent interests, and regarded so many op­posite Parties, which endeavor'd to break it; but above all, because it was mana­ged by the Prince of Condy on one part, and Cardinal Mazarin on the other, who though they had sundry qualities di­rectly opposite, yet still they agreed in many things, and particularly to treat of all sorts of Affairs, with unlimited Pretentions; so that as soon as ones de­mand was granted them, they still be­liev'd it in their power to obtain more, and so much perswaded themselves that all was due to their good Fortune; that the ballance could not hang long enough in a just poise betwixt 'em, to give them time to resolve of a Treaty, and to conclude it; besides, many other obstacles were join'd to these; it was the interest of the Cardinal de Rets to hinder the Peace; because it being made without his having a hand in it, and the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Con­dy being united to the Court, he would [Page 250] be left expos'd without protection; then again, Chavigny enraged at the ill suc­cess of his Negoation, being exasperated both against the Court, and Monsieur le Prince, rather wish'd to see the Peace not effected, than to see it concluded by any other Expedients than his own; I cannot tell the conformity of Interests which was then between the Cardinal de Rets, and Chavigny, which made them act unitedly to oppose the Treaty of Monsieur le Prince, or if either of them moved the Duke of Orleans to act in it; but I have been since inform'd by one whom I ought to believe, that even at the time that Gourville was at St. Ger­mains, the Duke of Orleans sent to Car­dinal Mazarin by the Duke d'Anville, to forbid him to conclude any thing with Monsieur le Prince, for that he alone would have the merit of making the Peace with the Court; and that he was ready to submit himself to the King, and by that to give an example, which should be follow'd both by the People and the Parliament of Paris; There was appea­rance that a Proposition like this should be preferr'd before all the rest, and to say truth, whether it was for this reason, or whether it was for that which I have [Page 251] already said, of the natures of Monsieur le Prince, and the Cardinal, or, as I al­ways believ'd, that the Cardinal was ever against the Peace, and that he only made use of those Negotiations, as so many snares wherein to take his Ene­mies. In fine, things in a little time grew so confus'd, and were so far from coming to an issue, that the Duke de la Rochefoucault was against any of his Peoples having farther concern in a Negotiation which ruin'd his Party; therefore he charg'd Gourville to press the Cardinal to return a positive answer, the second time he went St. Germain, with order to return no more thither. Besides, though the Prince of Condy himself was never constantly fixt for a Peace, he was continually oppos'd by the different Interests of those, who en­deavoured to divert it; the Enemies of Cardinal Mazarine thought themselves not sufficiently reveng'd, if he stay'd in France, and Cardinal de Rets, judg'd that an Agreement with the Prince of Condy would take away from him all the esteem he was in, and expose him to his Enemies; but on the contrary a War could not last, but that it must either destroy Monsieur le Prince, or force [Page 252] away Cardinal Mazarin, and then he alone possessing the Duke of Orleans, might by that means make himself con­siderable at Court, and from thence make his advantage. On the other side the Spaniards offer'd the Prince of Condy whatsoever they thought most capable to tempt him, exposing all to pro­long the civil War: his nearest Relati­ons, his Friends and menial Servants buoy'd up this Sentiment by their par­ticular Interests. In fine, all was divi­ded into Cabals, either to make the Peace, or continue the War, the most refin'd and most judicious Reasons in Politicks were by both Parties set in view of Monsieur le Prince, to incline him to their side. When Madam de Chastillon invited him to a desire of Peace by a more pleasing means, she believed that so great a good ought only to be the ef­fect of her Beauty, and adding Ambiti­on to the design of a new Conquest, en­deavoured at once to deprive the Court of the advantages of the Negotiation, and triumph over the Heart of Monsieur le Prince; neither were these the only reasons which produced these thoughts, the Interests of Vanity and Revenge, had no less a part in them, the emula­tion [Page 253] which Beauty and Gallantry often brings forth amongst Ladies, had caus'd an extream hatred between the Duchess de Longueville and Madam de Chastillon; which though for a long time they had hid, at length it broke out openly on both sides, and Madam de Chastillon not only extended her Victory to oblige Mon­sieur de Nemours to break off all Com­merce with the Duchess de Longueville with the most exasperating and publick circumstances, but endeavoured also to take from her the knowledge of all affairs, that she alone might govern the Actions, and Interests of Monsieur le Prince: The Duke de Nemours, who was deeply en­gaged with her, approv'd of this De­sign, for he thought that he could go­vern Madam de Chastillons behaviour towards Monsieur le Prince, and that she being able to inspire him with what­soever sentiments she pleas'd, he should govern Monsieur le Prince by the power he had over her. The Duke de la Roche­foucault had at that time a greater share than any one in the secrets of Monsieur le Prince, and was also in a strict Bond with the Duke de Nemours, and Madam de Chastillon; he knew how irresolute the Prince of Condy was about the Peace, [Page 254] and apprehending what really after­wards came to pass, that the Spanish, and the Duchess of Longueville's Cabals would join together to remove Mon­sieur le Prince from Paris, where he might daily treat without their participation, he also believ'd that Madam de Chastillon's design would remove all obstacles to the Peace, for which reason he perswaded Monsieur le Prince to join with her, and to make her a Present of Merlou; he also work'd her to manage Monsieur le Prince, & the Duke de Nemours in such a manner, that she might keep them both, and make the Duke de Nemours approve of that League, which he ought not to suspect, since nothing was to be acted that he was not to be inform'd of, and no other use to be made of it than to advance him to the principal management of Af­fairs; this design being fram'd and guided by the Duke de la Rochefoucault, he had almost the entire disposition of it; and thus all four finding equally such advantage in it, it had at length without doubt found its propos'd suc­cess, had not fortune oppos'd it by so many unavoidable accidents: Never­theless Madam de Chastillon appear'd at Court with all the lustre, that her new [Page 255] Trust could give her; she went thither with so general a Power to dispose of Monsieur le Prince's Affairs, that it was rather taken for an effect of his com­plaisance to her, and a desire to flatter her vanity, than for any real intention of accommodation; she return'd to Pa­ris with mighty hopes, but the Cardinal drew solid advantages from this Nogo­tiation, for he gained time by it, and in­creas'd the suspition of the opposite Ca­bals, as also delay'd Monsieur le Prince at Paris, till such time as he should lose Guienne and his other Holds; and that the Kings Army commanded by the Ma­reschals de Turenne and d'Hoiquincourt, kept the Field, whilst his was retir'd in­to Estampes; neither did it remain long there without receiving a considerable loss; for the Mareschal de Turenne's be­ing inform'd, that Madamoiselle passing by Estamps had desir'd to see the Army drawn out, march'd straight thither, and arriv'd at the Suburbs before the Enemy, who was lodg'd in it, return'd, and was in a condition to defend their Quarters, which was forc'd and plunder'd, the Mareschals de Turenne and d'Hoiquincourt retir'd back to their Camps, after having kill'd 1000 or 1200 Men of the Princes [Page 256] choicest Troops, besides many which they carried away Prisoners.

This success increas'd the hopes of the Court, and gave birth to the design of the Besieging Estampes and all the Army that was in it; and how difficult soever this Enterprize appear'd, it was resolv'd, on, for their hopes depended upon dis­heartned Soldiers, and divided Leaders the Towns being open in several places, and every where ill fortifi'd and impos­sible to receive relief from any but the Duke de Lorrain, with whom the Court believed they had made an Agreement; but for all this, in my opinion, they con­sider'd less the event of the Siege, than the Reputation so great an Enterprize wou'd give to the Kings Forces; and the truth of it was, that though they still continu'd their Negotiations with such eagerness, and that Monsieur le Prince so extremely desir'd a Peace, it could not be reasonably expected, till such time as the success of Estampes had regulated the Propositions; In the mean while the Adherents to the Court made use of this conjuncture to gain the People, and to make a Party in the Parliament; and although the Duke of Orleans appear'd very firmly united to Monsieur le Prince, [Page 257] he had nevertheless daily Conferences in private with the Cardinal de Rets, who was bent to destroy whatever resolutions Monsieur le Prince perswaded him to take. The Siege of Estampes still conti­nued, and although the Kings Army made no considerable progress, the noise that it made through the whole Kingdom was advantagious to the Court, inso­much that Paris expected the Succors of the Duke of Lorrain, as the only preser­vation of the Party; he arriv'd at length, after so many delays, and after having given suspition of his Agreement with the King; but his presence soon put a stop to that opinion for a time, and he was receiv'd with all marks of joy; his Army was encamp'd near Paris, and all other dis­orders were suffer'd without complaints.

At first there was some coolness between Monsieur le Prince and him for place, but seeing that Monsieur le Prince was reso­lute, he declin'd his Pretentions, so much more easily, in that he had only rais'd this dispute to gain time to make a secret Treaty with the Court, to raise the Siege of Estampes without hazarding a Battel, which was concluded by the Duke of Lorrain, without ever acquain­ting either Monsieur, or Monsieur le [Page 258] Prince with it; the first news they heard of it was that their Troops were march'd out of Estampes, and that the Kings Army was remov'd from thence, and the Duke de Lorrain retir'd into Flanders, pretending that he had fully perform'd the King of Spain's Orders, and also the Word that he had given to Monsieur: This news surpriz'd every body, and made Monsieur le Prince re­solve to join his Forces; fearing lest the Kings Army shou'd fall upon him in his march, he left Paris with 12 or 15 Horse, exposing himself to be taken by the Ene­mies Party, and having join'd his Army, he march'd to Ville-juif, where they quarter'd, and from thence pass'd to St. Cloud, where they remain'd, in which time not only the Harvest was destroy'd, but also most of the Houses thereabouts were reduc'd to Ashes.

With which proceedings the Parisians were so dissatisfied, that Monsieur le Prince had like to have receiv'd fatal marks thereof in the Battle of St. Antoine.

Nevertheless Gaucourt had secret Con­ferences with the Cardinal, in which he declar'd that a Peace was desired with all earnestness, and went so far as to agree upon the principal conditions, but he so [Page 259] much insisted upon those lesser points, that he became suspected, not to intend to treat; this new uncertainty gave new strength to all the Cabals, and an appearance of truth to all the reports that were spread amongst the People▪ Paris was never in so great an agitation, Monsieur le Prince's thoughts were never so divided, which to resolve of, Peace, or War: The Spa­niards endeavoured to remove him from Paris, to hinder the Peace, and the Duchess de Longueville's friends contri­buted all they could with the same de­sign, to remove him also from Madam de Chastillon, and likewise Madamoiselle aim'd at the same mark with the Spani­ards, and the Duchess de Longueville, for on one side she desir'd the War should continue, to be reveng'd upon the Queen, and the Cardinal, who had opposed her being married to the King; and on the other, in hopes to force Monsieur le Prince to leave Madam de Chastillon, that she might have as great a share both in his esteem, and trust, as also to win him, who was most in her affection. She rais'd Men in his Name, and promis'd to furnish him with Money to levy more.

[Page 260]These Promises joyn'd to those of the Spaniards, and the Artifices of the Du­chess of Longueville's Friends, remov'd from Monsieur le Prince the thoughts which he had of a Peace; but that, which in my opinion put him the farthest from it, was not only the little confidence he could repose▪ in the Court afterwards, but (what can hardly gain belief of one of his Quality, and Merit) a vast de­sire of imitating the Duke of Lorrain in many things, and particularly in his me­thod of treating his Soldiers, and Offi­cers; he was perswaded that if the Duke de Lorrain being robb'd of his Country, and with so much less advantage than he had, could make himself so conside­rable by his Army and Money, he who had such infinite Qualities above him, would make a progress proportionable, and in the mean time might live entirely conformable to his own humour.

This is the real motive which induc'd Monsieur le Prince to join with the Spa­niards, and for which he renounc'd all that his Birth and Services had acquired him in the Kingdom, though he laboured to hide it as much as was possible, by shewing still the same desire for the Peace, which was still pursued with [Page 261] fruitless Treaties: The Court went to St. Denis, the Mareschal de la Ferté join'd the Kings Army with those Troops which he had march'd out of Lorrain; Mon­sieur le Prince's Army, weaker than the least of the two Bodies which oppos'd him, till then had maintain'd the Post of St. Cloud, that he might make use of the Bridge to shun an unequal fight; but the arrival of the Mareschal de la Ferté enabled the Kings Army to divide, and attack St. Cloud on both sides, having made a Bridge of Boats about St. Denis, which made Monsieur le Prince resolve to leave St. Cloud with design to gain Charenton, and to post himself in that neck of Land, where the River of Marne joins with the Seine; he march'd his Army the first day of July about the close of the evening, hoping to reach Charenton before the Enemy could over­take him; he march'd by the Queen-Mothers Court, and by the back-side of the Town from the Port St. Honoré to the Port St. Antoine, to come in there in­to the Road to Charenton.

He would not ask to pass through Paris, for fear it should be refus'd him, and a refusal at such a time as that, wou'd have made the ill condition his [Page 262] Affairs were then in, too visible, besides he fear'd that if he should obtain it, his Army might scatter in the Town, and would not be got out again if there were occasion; The Court was immediately inform'd of his march, and Mareschal Turenne went the very minute with all his Forces to attack him, and to stop him, till such time as the Mareschal de la Ferté, who was following, had time to arrive. In the mean while they carried the King to Charonne, that there, as up­on a Theatre, he might be present at an Action, which in all appearance, would be the inevitable ruine of Monsieur le Prince, and the conclusion of all the dis­order, and which really prov'd one of the boldest, and most dangerous that was ever seen in War; where the great and extraordinary qualities of Monsieur le Prince appear'd with all advantage, and Fortune her self seem'd to court him in this action, and claim'd a share in the success, wherein both Parties extolled his Valour, and his Conduct, for he was attacked precisely at the time when he cou'd make use of those Trenches which the Citizens of the Fauxbourg de St. An­toine had thrown up to fortifie them­selves from being plundered by the [Page 263] Duke de Lorrain; he had only this place in all his march (which he endeavour­ed to reach) where he could hinder himself from being entirely defeated; some Squadrons of the Reer-guard were charg'd in the Fauxbourg de St. Martin, by those whom the Mareschal de Turenne had detach'd to amuse him, which re­treated disorderly within the Entrench­ment of the Fauxbourg de St. Antoine, where he was drawn up in Battle.

He had scarcely time enough for this, and to set men to maintain all the places by which he might be attacked, he was forced to place the Baggage upon the Ditch de St. Antoine, because it was refus'd entrance into Paris, which also had pilla­ged some of his Wagons, for the Court-Party had so managed it, that they stood as Neuter, and Spectators of the event.

The Prince of Condè kept still about him all his own Servants, and all the Gentlemen of Quality that had no Com­mand, who were about thirty or forty in number. The Mareschal de Turenne prepared to attack him with all the haste, and confidence of a Man that believ'd himself secure of Victory; when the Men whom he had detach'd were about [Page 264] yards from the Entrenchment, Monsieur le Prince sallied out with the aforenam'd Squadron, and with his Sword in his hand, entirely defeated the Battallion that came to attack him, and took some of the Officers Prisoners, carried off their Colors, and retired again into his Re­trenchment.

On the other side the Marquis de St. Mesgrin attack'd the Post that was de­fended by the Count de Tavannes Lieu­tenant-General, and Langes Mareschal de Camp, where the resistance was so great, that the Marquis de St. Mesgrin, seeing his Infantry decline, transported with heat and passion, advanced with the Kings Light-Horse, into a narrow Street, which was barricado'd, where he was kill'd with the Marquis de Nan­toüillet, le Fouilloux, and others; Manch­ing was there wounded, whereof he dy'd some time after.

They continu'd the Attacks on both sides with extream vigor, and the Prince of Condy charg'd the Enemy a second time with the same success that he did the first; in what place soever he went, though he found himself in the middle of Fire and Arms, he gave Orders with an eveness of Mind; which is so rare, [Page 265] and yet so necessary in a time like that: At length the Kings Army forc'd the last Barricado of the rue due Cours, which leads to the Bois de Vincennes, and was entred into Battalia as far as the Market House of the Faux-bourg St. Antoine, when the Prince de Condè made a violent Sally, charg'd them, and cutting in pie­ces all that withstood him, regained that Post, and beat off the Enemy, who was nevertheless Master of a second Bar­ricado, which was in the Street that leads to Charenton, about forty yards beyond a large open place, which is just by the same Street: The Marquis de Noüailles having possess'd himself of it, the bet­ter to defend it, made holes through the houses round about, and set Musque­teers in them, as also in all those Houses of the Street through which they must pass to come at the Barricado. The Prince of Condy had a design to dislodge them with his Infantry, and to beat them off with a greater violence, which was really the way he ought to have taken; but the Duke de Beaufort not being one of the nearest to Monsieur le Prince, and growing dissatisfied that the Duke de Nemours was always so, press'd Monsieur le Prince to attack that Barricado with [Page 266] his Foot already weary, & repuls'd, which instead of marching toward the Enemy, lean'd themselves against the Houses, and wou'd advance no farther.

At the same time a Squadron of the Flemish Troops, which was posted in a Street, one end whereof came to the cor­ner of the aforementioned open place, on the Enemies side, not being able to stay there any longer for fear of being cut off when the Enemy should be possess'd of the adjoining Houses, came in­to the middle of it. The Duke de Beaufort believing it to be the Enemy, propos'd to the Dukes de la Rochefou­cault and Nemours, who were just come thither, to go and charge them; so they gathering together, the Voluntiers made towards them, and expos'd themselves to no purpose amidst all the firing both from the Barricado, and from the Houses round about, for coming nearer, he knew 'em to be of his own Party; but at the same time perceiving an astonishment amongst those that defended the Barricado, the Dukes de Nemours, Beaufort, and de la Rochefoucault, and the Prince de Marcil­lac push'd at it, and beating the Enemies from it, they seiz'd it, and kept it their own selves, when the Infantry which [Page 267] was commanded wou'd not assist them. The Prince de Condy maintained his ground in the Street, with only some of his friends who follow'd him. In the mean time the Enemy, who were pos­sess'd of all the Houses in the Street, see­ing the Barricado kept only by four, had undoubtedly retaken it, had not the Prince of Condy's Squadron oppos'd them; but their being no foot to hinder the Enemies shooting from the Win­dows, they began to fire upon them from every side till they had made them quit the Barricado. The Duke de Nemours for all his Arms, received thirteen wounds, the Duke de la Roche­foucault receiv'd also a Musket-shot up­on his Face a little above the Eyes; which blinding him, oblig'd the Duke de Beaufort, and the Prince de Marcil­lac to retreat to carry off the two wounded; they were pursued, and the Prince de Condy advancing to succor them, and give them time to get on Horseback, left the Post again to the Kings Forces, which just before he had gained from them: Almost all that fol­low'd them into the open place were either kill'd or wounded. Amongst the rest there fell the Marquis de Flame­rin, the Count de Castres, and Bercennes, [Page 268] Captain of the Duke de Rochefoucault's Guards, the number of the Officers dead and wounded on each side were so great, that each party appear'd rather to think of repairing its losses, than of attacking the Enemy: but this pause prov'd nevertheless more advantageous to the Kings Forces, for though they had been repuls'd as of­ten as they assaulted, nevertheless the Mareschal de la Ferté, marched with all speed, and prepar'd to make a new at­tack with his Army, which was fresh and entire, when the Parisians, who till then had been only spectators of so great an Action, declared themselves for Mon­sieur le Prince; they had been so blind­ed on one side by the Policy of the Court, and on the other by that of the Cardinal de Rets, as also being so much perswaded that Monsieur le Prince had concluded the particular Peace without including their Interests, that they con­sider'd the beginning of this Action to be done with Cardinal Mazarin's consent▪ & the Duke d'Orleans confirmed them in that opinion by giving no Orders in the Town to succor Monsieur le Prince; the Cardinal de Rets was always about him, who still encreased the trouble, and ir­resolution of his mind, by framing diffi­culties [Page 269] in every thing he undertook:

On the other side the Port de St. An­toine was guarded by a Regiment of the Citizens, the Officers whereof being gain'd by the Court, hinder'd every bo­dy almost from either going out, or coming in. In fine, there were but few in the Town that inclin'd to receive Monsieur le Prince into it; when Ma­damoiselle, by using all her Power with her Father, at length drew him from that Lethargy, in which Cardinal de Rets still held him, and prevailed upon him so far as that she carried his Orders to the Town-house for the Citizens to take up Arms, and at the same time commanded the Governor of the Bastille to fire the Cannon upon the Kings Army; then go­ing her self also to the Port de St. An­toine, she dispos'd the Citizens not only to receive Monsieur le Prince and his Ar­my, but even to sally out, and skirmish till such time as his Army was enter'd in; but what yet mov'd the People more in favour of Monsieur le Prince, was to see so many Persons of Quality brought in, either wounded, or dead; the Duke de la Rochefoucault endeavour'd to make the best of this opportunity to serve his Party; for though his Wound had al­most [Page 268] blinded him, he rode from the Place where he had been hurt to the Fauxbourg St. Germain, exhorting the People to succor Monsieur le Prince, and from that time to be more sensible of their designs, who had accus'd him of treating with the Court, which then work'd the effect that was desired; for Paris was never more inclin'd to serve Monsieur le Prince than it was at that time.

In the mean while the noise of the Cannon from the Bastille made Cardi­nal Mazarin conceive two very different opinions; for at first he thought that Paris had declar'd it self against Mon­sieur le Prince, and that he was going at once to triumph over the City, and his Enemy; but when they saw that they fir'd upon the Kings Forces, he sent Or­ders to the Mareschal of France to re­treat, and return to St. Denis.

This was one of the most glorious days of Monsieur le Prrinces life, his Valour and Conduct never had a greater share in his Victory; and one may say, that so many Persons of Quality never led on a smaller number of Men. All the Colors they took were hung up in Nostredame Church, and all the Officers, that were [Page 271] taken Prisoners, were dismiss'd upon their Parols; The Negotiations for Peace still continu'd, and each Cabal was la­bouring either to make, or hinder it ac­cording to its Interest; as for Monsieur le Prince, and the Cardinal, they were neither of 'em resolved whither they should conclude it or no. Monsieur de Chavigny in all appearance was now well again with Monsieur le Prince; it was hard to say what opinion he was of till then, because his natural fickleness made him every day directly opposite to the other; for when he was in hopes to de­stroy the Cardinal, and re-enter into the Ministry of Affairs, his Counsel was to push things to the last extremity, but would have them beg a Peace upon their knees, as often as he imagined that his Lands would become the Prey of the Soldiers, and his Houses raz'd; but still in this juncture he was of the same opinion with the rest, which was to make the best of the good dispositi­on of the People, and to propose to them a meeting at the Town-house, to resolve that Monsieur le Prince should be made Lieutenant-General of the Crown of France, and to associate themselves inseparably to remove the [Page 272] Cardinal; and that the Duke de Beau­fort should be made Governor of Paris instead of Monsieur de l' Hospital, and Broussel-Provost des Marchant in the place of Monsieur de Febure; but this Assembly, wherein it was believ'd would consist the security of the Faction, prov'd one of the principal causes of its ruine▪ by a violence, that in all probability might have destroyed every Man that was in the Hostel de Ville, and have made Monsieur le Prince loose all the advanta­ges that he had gained in the Battel of St. Antoine.

I cannot say who was the Author of so pernicious a design, for all disown'd it alike; but when they were met in the Town-house, there gathered together a company of all sorts of People in Arms, which came crying to the very doors, That not only all things should pass ac­cording to the intention of Monsieur le Prince, but likewise that all those who depended upon the Cardinal Mazarin, should that very minute be delivered up. This noise at first was only lookt upon as an ordinary effect of the impatient Rabble; but seeing the Crowd and Tumult increase, and that even the Sol­diers and Officers bore their part in the [Page 273] Sedition, and at the same time began to set the Doors on fire, and shoot in at the Windows; all that were within, be­lieved themselves alike utterly lost.

Many to evade the danger of the Fire and Shooting, exposed themselves to the fury of the People; there were many kill'd of all sorts, and of both Parties, and every one believed that Monsieur le Prince sacrificed his Friends, that he might not be suspected, to have destroy'd his Enemies; not the least part of this business was laid to the Duke d'Orleans charge, and all the hatred for it fell upon Monsieur le Prince, though I believe they both made use of the Duke de Beaufort to injure those that were not of their Parties, but in reality, not one of them had the least design to hurt any body; Howsoever it was, they presently appeas'd the Disorder, but could not blot out the impression that it had made in the Peoples Minds.

It was propos'd afterwards to esta­blish a Council which should consist of the Duke d'Orleans, the Prince of Con­dy, the Chancellor of France, and of all the Princes, Dukes and Peers, Mares­chal of France, and the general Officers of the Party, where two Presidents au [Page 274] Monsieur should have always place from the Parliament, and the Provosts of the Merchants from the City, to judge de­finitively in all Cases Military, and Civil.

This Council increas'd instead of di­minishing the Disorder by the pretenti­ons of taking place in it, and the Con­sequences of it were at length as fatal, as those of the Assembly in the Town-House; for the Dukes de Nemours and Beaufort, either had not so clearly for­got their pass'd Differences, but that they still bore a grudging to each other, or else by the Interests of some Ladies, quarrelled for Precedence in the Coun­cil, and fought on Horseback, where the Duke de Nemours was kill'd by the Duke de Beaufort his Brother in Law; his Death moved both compassion and sorrow, in all who knew him, and even the Publick had reason to lament him: for besides his great and eminent Qua­lities, he contributed all that was in his power to the concluding of a Peace, for he and the Duke de la Roche Fou­cault, had renounced all the advantages that Monsieur le Prince had engaged to obtain for 'em in the Treaty, that it might be so much the more easily con­cluded, but the Death of one, and the [Page 275] Wound of the other gave the Spaniards and the Dutchess of Longueville's Friends all the opportunity they could desire; They no longer apprehended, that the Propositions for inviting Monsieur le Prince into Flanders would be disputed, they dazled him with hopes, and now Madam de Chastillon appear'd less char­ming, because there was no longer that illustrious Rival to combat in her Af­fection, nevertheless he did not at first reject the propositions of Peace, though he still took his measures for War; he offer'd to the Duke de la Roche Foucault the Duke de Nemours's Command, which he could not accept, because of his hurt, so he gave it afterwards to the Prince de Tarante.

Paris was then more divided than ever, the Court daily gaining one or other of the Parliament, or People; the Slaughter, which hapned at the Town-House, appeared horrible to all Men: the Army durst not keep the Field, and its quartering in Paris increas'd their dissaffection to Monsieur le Prince: in fine, his Affairs were reduced to the worst estate they could be in, when the Spaniards equally desiring to hinder either his Ruine or Advancement; that [Page 276] they might prolong the War, ordered the Duke de Lorrain to march a second time to Paris, with a body of Men con­siderable enough not only to put a stop to the Kings Forces, but to invest them in Villenuefue St. George; they also sent word to Paris, that the Enemy should be constrain'd either to give Battle, or to die for hunger in their Camp.

This hope flatter'd Monsieur le Prince, who thought to draw great advantages from the event of that action, though the truth of it was, the Mareschal Tu­renne wanted no Provisions, and had al­ways liberty to retreat to Melun, with­out hazarding a Battle, which he did, without finding any resistance; whilst the Duke de Lorrain was at Paris, and Monsieur le Prince lay sick of a violent Fever, at the same time Palluau joyn'd the Forces under his command with the Kings Army, after having taken Mon­trond, in which the Marquis de Persan had been block'd up from the beginning of the War by a small number of Men, commanded by the Count de Palluau; but the Garison growing weak, they as­saulted it, and took it with less resistance, than could be expected from so gallant [Page 277] Men, in one of the strongest places in the World, the loss whereof ought so much the more to touch Monsieur le Prince, in that it happen'd by his neg­ligence, since that in the time when the Kings Army lay toward Campaigne, he might easily have reliev'd Montrond, whereas his Army ruining all about Pa­ris, so much increas'd their hatred to him.

Though Monsieur le Prince's Distem­per was violent, yet it was less fatal to him, than to Monsieur Chavigny, who one day having been very eager with Monsieur le Prince about clearing some things, went back sick of a Fever, whereof he dy'd a few days after; his misfortunes ended not with his life, and death, which ought to put a period to hatred, rather seem'd to awaken it in his Enemies; they imputed to him all man­ner of Crimes, but particularly Mon­sieur le Prince complain'd, that he had given ear to the propositions of the Ab­bey Fouquet, without acquainting him with it (though he had writ to him to do it) and that he had promis'd to re­mit some part of the Articles, which he could not consent to; Monsieur le Prince also publish'd Copies of a Letter which [Page 278] he intercepted from the Abbey Fouquet, of which I have seen the original, where he sends word to the Court, that Goulas would certainly perswade the Duke d'Orleans to break with Monsieur le Prince, if he did not accept those con­ditions of Peace, which were then of­fer'd him, and some Copies that Mon­sieur le Prince gave with his own hand, he writ Chavigny's name in the place of Goulas, and so accus'd him of betraying him, without giving any other Proofs than the false Copies of that Letter writ­ten by the same Abbey Fouquet, with whom Monsieur le Prince treated every day, and gave Chavigny an account of it.

I can attribute so extraordinary, and so unjust a proceeding to no other cause, than the extreme desire that Monsieur le Prince had to continue the War, which being oppos'd by his Friends, made him alter his behaviour towards them, and wholly confide in the Spaniards; he be­gan from that time to take his measures, in such a manner, that he might depart with the Duke of Lorrain, and to say truth, his Conduct had made this Coun­cil so necessary, that he had now no other choice to make, for Peace was too [Page 279] generally desir'd at Paris for any one to live there securely who design'd to oppose it.

The Duke d'Orleans for his part, who had always desir'd the Peace, and who still apprehended the mischief that Mon­sieur le Prince's presence might draw up­on him, contributed the more willingly to remove him, in that he knew he should then have a greater liberty to make his particular Treaty.

Though all things were thus in confu­sion, they did not interrupt the ordinary course of the Negotiations, for at the time that Cardinal Mazarine left France, in hopes to root out all preten­ces of a Civil War, or to shew that Mon­sieur le Prince pursued other aimes than his removal, he sent Anglade Secretary to the Duke de Bouillon to the Duke de la Rochefoucault, and whether it was that he had really a design to treat, in hopes to make his return more easie, or that he design'd to draw some advantage by shewing the World that he desir'd a Peace; at length Anglade brought much more ample conditions, than any before, and almost the same that Monsieur le Prince had demanded, but they were also refus'd, and his destiny, which [Page 280] drew him into Flanders, never let him see the Precipice till it was no longer in his power to retire; at length he depar­ted with the Duke de Lorrain, after ha­ving in vain contrived with the Duke d'Orleans to oppose the Queens being received into Paris; but his reputation was not then in a condition to lye in ballance with the Court, he received or­ders to leave Paris the day that the King was to make his entry into it, which he instantly obeyed, that he might not be a witness of his enemies triumphs, and of the publick joy.

Cardinal Mazarin's Letter to Monsieur de Brienne.

SIR,

THE Queen, as far as I understand, believes that you should have only sent me a Letter from the King, as it is usually done to all National Cardinals, when news is brought from Rome that the Pope is in danger, and that I had a particular Priviledge granted me; since, besides the first from the King, and the Duplicate, I have received another, and three from you, all conceived in terms so pressing to make me without any de­lay depart from Rome, that I confess I was surprized to the last degree, being not able to imagine wherein I have been so deficient in my Duty to their Majesties, that they should press me to take a Journey with so much Ignominy and Danger, and without any means of subsisting. To think that a Letter of Recommendation to the Pope would sa­tisfie all! as if they knew the World so little at Rome, that they could not infer what sort of Protection I was to [Page 282] expect there, since I was abandoned to the Persecution of my Enemies in France, where the King is Master. Nevertheless if I had had the honor to receive a word from the Queen to signifie, that it was the Kings and her pleasure that I should go thither (as she had the goodness to let me know it when she was pleased that I should go out of the Kingdom, and remove as far as the Rhine.) I do as­sure you, that after having put my Nieces into a Monastery, and turn'd off my Family, I would have gone thi­ther with two Servants only, to confirm their Majesties upon all occasions, that my obedience is blind, and my Fidelity of Proof. I am really ready to do, without any reply, whatever the Queen shall command me, though I cannot re­ceive a greater mortification, than to take this Journy in the condition I am in, which besides cannot but be prejudi­cial to the Kings honour. Nay, which is another unhappiness in this affair, they have had the Address to make it pass with the Queen for an act of Grace, which was done me, that I might yet feel some effect of the publick joy for the Kings Majority. All this hath load­ed me with sorrow, when I see to what [Page 283] height my friends have prevailed by my disgrace, and with what success they have employed their Arts to make me receive such rude usage, at a time when I might justly hope, that they would give some comfort to the Persecutions, which I have suffered for eight Months toge­ther with so much Violence, and with so notorious an Affront to the Royal Dig­nity.

But all this is not comparable to the excess of sorrow which I groaned under, after having seen (in all the Letters, from a great many of my Friends, both at Paris and elsewhere) the great plea­sure they take at the Contents of the Kings Declaration, which was Registred in Parliament, and cry'd about the Ci­ty. All of them without having con­sulted together, agreeing, that since the Monarchy, there was never so bloudy a thing contriv'd against any body, what Crime soever he had committed. No bo­dy durst send it me, and I may swear to you, that I never saw it; But to know that the King hath declared that I hin­der'd the Peace, and was the cause of all the Injuries done to the Allies of France, is enough to perswade me, that my Master would have me look'd up­on [Page 284] as the most infamous and villanous Man that ever was, and as the scourge of Christianity: and after this they send me to the place of my Nativity, to make a parade (amongst my Kindred and Friends) of the fine Titles, which I have brought back with me, as a Re­ward for the 23 years as faithful and ad­vantagious Service, as ever was done by the most zealous and disinteressed Mini­ster that ever was.

All my Enemies have for these six Months laboured with an Industry visi­ble to every body, sending Commissa­ries all over, applying themselves to all imaginable contrivances, and some of them raising false Witnesses to see if they could blacken me with some Crimes, who justifying to the people the oppressi­on they laid upon me, did more and more establish their hatred against me, though all this produced nothing but very advan­tageous effects to undeceive them, and let them see my Innocence and the In­justice wherewith it was attacked. At this time my aforesaid Enemies despair­ing to do any thing by other ways, found the means to perswade their Ma­jesties to declare me (without being heard) in a most authentick and pub­lick [Page 285] form, a Rogue, and to impute the hindrance of the Peace to me alone.

After this methinks they should ra­ther counsel me to hide my self from the sight of Men, and bury my self for ever, than to go to Rome, since I have reason not only to apprehend the people of France, but all those who suffer by the continuation of the War, have rea­son to stone him, that is the cause there­of.

I am confident that their Majesties could not have a particular knowledge of every thing, that was contained in the Kings Declaration, they are too just to be thought by any means, that they would consent to declare me the most wicked and abominable of Men and a Traitor. And it is a great misfortune to the Kings service, that there should not be one who would let him know, of what advantage it was to the Ene­mies of France, that all Europe by his Majesties Declaration was perswaded that his chief Minister hindred the Peace. The Spaniards can have no greater advantage, than to be able to throw upon France the hatred of Christianity, for the Evils, which the War makes it suf­fer, and the Allies of France will by the [Page 286] Kings Declaration have a right with Justice to demand reparation for the losses they have endured, which amount to Millions, or in case of a refusal, to have a just foundation for a quarrel, since it is certain that the King and State are responsible for the conduct of those who have the management of Affairs.

I know also that the consideration of me was not strong enough to oblige them to speak in my favour, but really the Interest of the King, of the State, and of the Queen her self, was engaged by so many other pressing reasons, than what are abovementioned, that it must be con­fessed, that it was a strange unhappiness that no body should speak to them one word of it, and mine is in the utmost degree, since, besides what I suffer in my own particular, the passion I have for their Majesties and the State, which can never have an end, makes me feel in the bottom of my Soul the stroaks which they receive thereby.

You see, that since the Crimes, which they have obliged the King to declare me guilty of, I am no more in a conditi­on to intermeddle in any Affair, where­fore you need not give your self the trouble of communicating any to me, [Page 287] and if my Enemies have not the satisfacti­on to see me go to Rome, they shall have the joy to see me abscond without in­termedling with any thing whatever, until it shall please the King to do me Justice; humbly beseeching him, that he would be pleased to make me Prisoner wherever he shall order, even in one of the places of Monsieur d'Orleans, that if I have fail'd in my Duty, I may re­ceive an exemplary punishment; and to take away all difficulties that may occur, by reason of the Dignity wherewith I am invested; I will take it as a singular favour, if I may be permitted to send a resignation thereof, for I cannot now be any way useful to his Majesty in my Person. I shall be very much obliged to you, if you so use your Interest as to procure me this favour, which I will esteem to the last degree, since it may contribute to the reparation of my Ho­nour, and I also desire you for this once to excuse my Importunities.

Monsieur de la Castre's Letter to Monsieur Brienne.

SIR,

SO long as my unhappiness only reach'd my Fortune, and I believ'd I had no reason to fear any thing but the loss of my Place, I bore my disgrace without a repining thought, and easily resolved with my self, to wait till a more favourable time gave me occasion of ho­ping better things. But now that I un­derstand that they would violate my Innocence, and endeavor to ruine that little esteem I have desir'd to acquire in the Queens Opinion, I must confess I have not constancy enough to bear so rude a shock without complaints. You, Sir, who know me very well, know that I was never acted by Idterest, that Ho­nor was my aim in all my Actions, and that I observed its strictest rules that I might be esteemed by that person alone to whom I had devoted all my services. Do you judge by this how sensible I ought to be of the Injury they have done me, in representing me to her un­der black Characters, and give me leave [Page 289] most humbly to beseech you, to let her Majesty know, that upon all occasions I will receive her pleasure with the re­spect I ought; but on this I beg nothing but Justice; If I am guilty either of any important or trivial thing against her, I am the most guilty Man in the King­dom, and I passionately desire that the Parliament would examine my faults, and punish them, being ready upon this ac­count to enter into Custody, whenever it shall please her to prosecute me; I am so sensible of my Innocence, that I cannot doubt the issue, nay in the despair I am at present in, though the event should be fatal to me, I should not apprehend it, judging that I have nothing in the World to lose since the Queen hath lost the confidence she once reposed in my Fidelity: I expect from the honor of your Friendship, that you will do me the favour to testifie to her my sad thoughts, 'tis the most sensible and obli­ging office that He can hope from you, who is,

SIR,
Yours, &c.

The Articles and Conditions which were agreed upon between his Royal Highness Monsieur, and Monsieur le Prince de Condé, for the expulsion of Cardinal Ma­zarine, in pursuance of so many of the Kings Declarations and Acts of the several Parliaments of France.

I.

THat his Royal Highness, and Mon­sieur le Prince are ready to lay down their Arms, to return to Court, to re­enter into his Majesties Councils, and to contribute as much as lies in them, to conclude a general Peace; to settle all disturbances, and re-establish the Kings Authority, if his Majesty will be pleased sincerely to command Cardinal Mazarin to leave the Kingdom, and banish him out of all Places under his Dominion, and to remove him from his Councils and Person, all his Relations and Adhe­rents, and finally that he would put in execution the Declarations that he had set [Page 291] forth, to that purpose in such a manner, that neither his Royal Highness nor Mon­sieur le Prince may have reason to be­lieve that the publick Faith will be vio­lated.

II.

That if on the contrary, Cardinal Ma­zarine by his Artifices prevails still upon the King, and against the desires, and opi­nion of all France, and so much to the prejudice of those Declarations, People still persevere to support him, the Qua­lity of Uncle to his said Majesty, which his Royal Highness possesses, obliges him to be vigilant in whatsoever relates to the good of the King, and to oppose what­soever can interrupt it, during his said Majesties minority; and Monsieur le Prince thinks himself indispensibly obli­ged to the same sentiments, because he has also the honor to be of the Royal Blood; and considering that they can have no security for their Persons, whilst Cardinal Mazarine is Master of Affairs, they have promis'd, and are reciprocal­ly obliged, and engage, not only for themselves, but also for the Prince de Conty, the Prince de Conde's Brother, and the Duchess de Longueville his Sister, [Page 292] whom Monsieur le Prince promises, and en­gages, shall ratifie the present Treaty, the same time that he himself does, as also, for all those that are of his Party; that they shall joyn their Forces and employ all their Credit and Friends to banish Car­dinal Mazarine out of France, and to send away all his Relations and Adhe­rents, who have declared themselves such, by the continual Correspondence which they kept with him, when he was from the Court and Ministry of Affairs.

III.

They promise not to lay down Arms till such time as they have obtain'd the effect of the aforementioned Article, and not to give ear directly or indirectly to any Agreement but on that Condition, and with an unanimous consent.

IV.

That they will maintain and increase the Forces which they have raised as long as possibly they can, and that they shall be employ'd, either jointly, or separate­ly, as they shall judge most fit, promi­sing moreover to take all care for their subsistance with the least grievance that may be to the People.

V.

They promise willingly to accept all reasonable Expedients, which shall be proposed to appease the troubles of the Kingdom, still provided Cardinal Ma­zarin be removed, as is specified in the second Article, and to endeavor conti­nually to establish a general Peace, which is one of the chief ends of this Treaty: which can find no obstacle when he is gone who has endevoured to prolong the War, and that the Breaches in the Royal Family (which he has been the cause of) shall be made up again.

VI.

His Royal Highness, and Monsieur le Prince, promise to maintain the Parlia­ments, and all supream Societies of the King, the chief Officers of State, the Nobility, and Gentry, in all their Rights and Priviledges, and to do them Justice, in all their lawful pretentions, and not to make any Treaty without them, till such time that all the damages and losses they have sustained in maintaining this Trea­ty be repaired; and particularly to take care that it may not prejudice the obser­ving of the Declaration, published the [Page 294] 22 of October 1648. and for this reason they are invited to enter into this pre­sent Union, and to do their utmost en­deavour to accomplish the intent there­of.

VII.

Cardinal Mazarine, who still govern­ed in effect, though banished in appea­rance, having hinder'd the general As­sembly of the States, which the King had promised to convoke the 8th of September last, and having obliged the Deputies, who met at Tours upon the day appointed, to retire with shame and confusion, and besides all this, his Royal Highness and Monsieur le Prince know­ing that he would still continue the same condition he then held, and that he would endeavor to hinder by all means; whatever could be expected from their meeting, or that if he could be possibly brought to consent to their assembling, it should be only to get them into some place whereof he is Master; therefore his Royal Highness, and Monsieur le Prince, to remove these two inconve­niences, promise and engage themselves, to spare no pains, to obtain that they may assemble at Paris, as the nearest and most convenient Town where they [Page 295] may act in full liberty, upon which con­dition they declare they will submit with all their hearts, their whole Interests, which they protest to be no other than the Interests of King and Country; to their decision, whereof there shall be made a perpetual and irrevocable Edict, which shall be confirmed in the Parliament of Paris, and by all those that enter into this present Union.

VIII.

His Royal Highness and Monsieur le Prince neither holding for lawful, nor ac­knowledging the Councel, chosen by Cardinal Mazarine, one whereof having bought his place with a vast Sum of Mo­ney, which he gave to the aforesaid Cardinal, they being obliged by the de­gree of Blood, whereby they have the honor to come so near his Majesty, to take care of his Affairs, and to proceed in such a manner, as that they may be well governed, promise not to listen to any accommodation till such time as the Creatures and publick Adherents to Car­dinal Mazarine, be excluded the Coun­cil of State, and upon condition that it shall not hereafter consist but only of such of the said Conncil, and others, as [Page 296] cannot in any manner be suspected to in­cline to him.

IX.

And because the Enemies of Monsieur le Prince, are base enough to endeavour to decry his Actions, by publishing that he is in League with Foreign Nations, his Royal Highness and the said Monsieur le Prince, declare that they will never have any Commerce, or Correspondence whatever with them, but only as far as what concerns the general Peace, and that they will not negotiate with any Stranger Princes, before it be judg­ed beneficial for the Kings Interest, and the good of the Kingdom, both by the Parliament, and the chief Persons that shall enter into this present Union.

X.

And in fine, that the ill intentioned, and the persons most zealous for Cardi­nal Mazarine, may not have reason to doubt of his Royal Highness and Mon­sieur le Prince's good intentions, they have thought fit to declare expresly by this Article, that they have no other de­sign than the security of their own Per­sons; and whether it be that the un­happy [Page 297] Commotions of the State will oblige them to employ their Arms for the expulsion of the said Cardinal Ma­zarine, or that things may be accommoda­ted by his exclusion in the manner as has been above demonstrated, they will not pretend to any new model of Govern­ment, but put their whole satisfaction in that which France must needs rejoice to see an end of their troubles, and the pub­lick quiet assured.

XI.

His Royal Highness and Monsieur le Prince, notwithstanding judge it fit for many weighty considerations, to agree together to contribute as much as lies in their power towards an Agreement, for the just and reasonable satisfaction of all those who are now engaged in the common cause, or who hereafter shall joyn themselves to them, that they may receive effective marks of their protecti­on.

This present Treaty was double signed by his Royal Highness, and by the Counts de Fiesque, and de Gaucourt, for, and in the name of Monsieur le Prince, Mon­sieur le Prince de Conty, and the Duchess [Page 298] of Longueville, by virtue of the power that Monsieur le Prince gave them which was presently delivered into the hands of his Royal Highness, by the said Count de Fiesque, the two Counts were enga­ged, and obliged themselves to procure to his said Royal Highness, the Ratifi­cations of those for whom they had en­gaged within a month at farthest.

Concluded at Paris the 24th day of January in the Year of our Lord 1652. signed Gaston Charles Leon, de Fiesque, Joseph de Gaucourt.

AN APOLOGY, OR THE DEFENCE OF THE DUKE de BEAUFORT, Against the Court, the Nobility, and the People.

Gentlemen,

‘WERE I as Eloquent as those who have written either for the Court,’ or the Princes, you should then have a fine Apology in favour of the Duke de Beaufort, but having spent the most part of my time in Hunting or Playing at Tenis with him, be pleas'd to pardon me the labor of Eloquence, and allow me to go on without Inter­terruption [Page 300] in the broad common Road.

To come quickly to the purpose, there appear three points in my Dis­course, as also there were in his advice, The first is to justifie him to the Court, who thought him ill-intention'd; The second, to re-establish him with the No­bility, who despis'd him; The third, to regain him the love of the publick, who abandon'd him. And now do you judge, Gentlemen, if I have not a hard Task, and if it would not be more easie to overthrow the Cardinal and set the Princes at liberty, than to succeed in what I undertake.

I say the Court is most injurious to the Duke de Beaufort, to believe that he has any ill thoughts against it, and these are my reasons, if the Duke de Beaufort retain'd a hatred for the Court, if his reconciliation with Cardinal Mazarine was not really sincere and free, he would have still kept himself in a condition to have prejudiced him, or at least to have secur'd himself; but to take away all subject of fear or suspition, and to esta­blish himself in an entire Trust; he was himself Author of his own discredit with the Parliament, he also drew upon himself the contempt of the People of [Page 301] Quality, and the hatred of the vulgar; what appearance was there then, that the Duke de Beaufort, doing whatsoever he could to please the Court, design'd not to serve it, or was willing to be at difference with it.

Moreover, if it was true, that he en­deavor'd to maintain a Confederacy dis­advantagious to the Kings Authority, he would have joyn'd with the Fron­deurs, and both alike have aim'd at the same mark; but all the World knows that he broke with Madam de Chevereuse, lest he might seem to act contrary to the Testament of Lewis the Thirteenth, if he continued any manner of Correspon­dence with her; what likelihood is there then, that a man, who bears so nice a respect to the memory of the late King, should have such pernicious thoughts against him that is now Reigning.

As to the uniting of the chief Mini­ster, and the Admiral, it cannot be de­sired to be either more strong, or more strict, and they are both too generous to believe, that there has been given and receiv'd Fourscore thousand Livres a year, as a pledge of a false reconciliati­on.

[Page 302]But passing by all conjectures, where­in there are a thousand concluding cir­cumstances, tell me why was Mazarine, proclaimed upon Pont-neuff, in the Pa­lace, and in all publick places? why in the last Assembly of the Parliament, did he sollicite the remainder of his Friends in the Cardinals behalf, if he was not really true to his Interest?

He is also accus'd to have made use of his power, to ruine the Duke d'Esper­non, and what could this gallant Prince have otherwise done, unless he had suf­fered Injuries with a Christian Patience, and retired himself into a Cloister? Can it be denied, that no persecution ever equalled that he suffered from the Duke de Candale? and his eagerness to disho­nor so near a Relation, did it not merit that Revenge?

But to say truth, these are only par­ticular concerns, and in all cases he re­venges himself upon his Enemies in spite of the Court, by a kind of compensati­on: he knows how to abandon his friends to please it. Fontrailles and Chatta once so zealous for his interest, by experience are made sensible of it, and the Count de Fiesque having re­ceived the same treatment, has reason [Page 303] to condemn ▪ himself all his life, for the useless generosity he shewed him.

Let us then conclude, that never any Man observed more the intentions of the Court, and that the Queen would hard­ly have refused him the Government of Bretaigne, but that she believ'd the great Services he had done, to be sufficiently rewarded by the command of Admi­ral.

Now after having thus justified this great Duke in what relates to the Court, I will endeavor to do the same to the true Nobility, and make it appear that nothing is more unreasonable than the contempt they have lately shewn him.

When I speak of the true Nobility, I mean not those, whom his rough manner of speaking only makes his Enemies, Men bred up in softness and sloth, who by frequenting the Ladies Chambers, are accustomed to a quite different sort of entertainment.

The Duke de Beaufort is proud to be unacquainted with too soft and tender discourse, fit only to effeminate Courage, and soften the mind; he has not made it his business to study scrupulous, and nice distinctions; he is not delicate in his eating, nor studious to be well drest, [Page 304] but he knows how to make himself be beloved by his Neighbours, and when he has need of Friends, he has an hun­dred Gentlemen that will serve him with hand and heart at his command.

This is the manner of this great Dukes living; but I see I am to satisfie the No­bility upon another point; and there are few Gentlemen that speak concern­ing the business of Renard, that do not also speak of how little care he took to satisfie so many Persons of Quality so much offended. Before I come to particu­lars I must tell you that this good Prince repented himself a thousand times of that action; and to shew you that I nei­ther approve the thing it self, nor the consequence of it, I accuse him of too much Passion and Courage shewn in Renards house, as also too much Re­flection and Wisdom in the pursuit of it; but, Gentlemen, you are so little indul­gent to him, you may excuse a Man, who has only taken one thing for an­other, who was Valiant when he ought to have been Wise, and Wise, when he ought to have been Valiant, so that it was at most but a small mistake, and it would be too severe in you not to pardon it.

[Page 305]And then, if all things were taken in the greatest rigor, with whom should the Duke de Beaufort have fought? had he fought the Duke de Candall, which was the right measures he ought to have pursu'd at the least disadvantage, the whole Court had rejoyc'd; the Queen was still dissatisfied for the War of Pa­ris, his reconciliation with Cardinal Mazarine was not yet well setled, almost all people crowded to offer their Servi­ces to the Duke de Candall, God knows what joy there would have been, had he been either wounded or disarm'd; to have fought with Bouteville would have been as bad, for no misfortune could have befallen him, but Monsieur le Prince, and his friends would have gain'd yet more advantage; in the man­ner that he had treated Gerzé it was past giving quarter, and the Vow he made all his life to observe the Precepts of Nature, obliged him to take care not to be transported to that Inhumanity.

It is certain he had fought with Mo­ret, but that he appointed the place too far from Chyrurgions, as the Duke de Beaufort judiciously told him; and as to what Monsieur de Paluau said upon it, that he ought to have been contented [Page 306] with simpathetick Powder. This was proper indeed for Men like himself with­out Conscience; but the Duke de Beau­fort is too good a Man to make use of any supernatural Remedies. The Duchess of Vendosme his Mother having always preached to him that it was better to dye a thousand deaths than to seek a Cure from Magick.

These are the reasons why he did not draw his Sword; every one may judge of them as he pleases; for my part it will be always my opinion, that a gal­lant Man cannot be too careful to keep his Enemies from taking advantage of him, which might have befallen the Duke de Beaufort, had he engaged with such desperate people; but I grant that he was a little too much transported with heat, and by the impetuous motion of a great Soul, over which he was not then Master, he unseasonably offended so ma­ny worthy Men, and shall we say, that there is no way to repair an affront but by death? And if so great a Man as he will have so much goodness as to own a fault, ought his Civilities to be despi­sed? What acknowledgments did he not make to all that were concern'd? What satisfaction did he not give except that [Page 307] of Fighting? A satisfaction cruel and bloody, that all other Nations have rea­son to reproach us with. Was that brave Prince as nice in resenting Injuries, as those Gentlemen who complain, how much ought it to trouble him now to think that he has neglected nothing that could gain him the love and friendship of the Nobility? You know as soon as ever he had made his own Peace, he be­gan only to think of making the For­tunes of deserving Men, and resolv'd to employ all his Power and Credit for the service of others, without so much as thinking of his own Interest: to some he generously offer'd the security of his protection; to others, all the advanta­ges that they could gain by his favour; he freely distributed Offices, and Govern­ments, and yet could not find one that would be his Favourite, amongst them all, they were so much abused by the hopes of the Court; there was not one that did not refuse his kindness; the re­sentment that he felt to see his liberality thus despis'd, forced him to mind his own Interest, and in despight of his former design, he saw himself reduced to the troublesome necessity of solliciting his own Affairs.

[Page 308]This was the first time that the Duke de Beaufort perceiv'd himself slighted by the Gentry, and particularly those about the Court; these were the first marks of their contempt, which passed in a very little time to the most bloody outrages: In the War of Paris they talked of no­thing but of his Generosity, and Cou­rage; and see but the Injustice of the World! for they now endeavour to de­fame him by those very same actions whereby he acquired his Reputati­on.

Every one knows how much he was complimented upon Nertien's death, and supposing really that he had not kill'd him, the modestest Man might have been perswaded that he did it as he was, and those same people full of complai­sance and civility at that time, now grown ill humour'd, design to rob him of that glory wherewith they themselves a­dorn'd him, and by a search as exact as it was industrious, found, (as they say) that he never came near Nertieu till after he was dead.

His fighting with Briole was at first esteem'd so extraordinary that it might make all the Roman Heroes tremble.

Now, say they, Briole took his Sword [Page 309] from him, as from a Mad man, whom rage or some other passion had trans­ported besides himself.

Do these Gentlemen think that he is ready to change his opinion upon as light grounds, as they have done? and that a Man, who was possessed with the belief, that he killed Nertieu, when they complimented him upon it, can re­solve to believe nothing of it, when they shall take a fancy to say against it. No, no, Gentlemen! you ought to be more steady, and not reproach him with your own inconstancy; it might be indeed that he did not kill Nertieu, but since you once own'd it, your denying it at present will not prove the contrary.

Now from particular actions let us pass to his personal Qualities; they represent him a Man rude, yet without familiarity, sly, and yet silly, and by an odd mix­ture, he at once possesses, say they, the cunning of the Duke de Vendosme his Father, and the simplicity of the Duchess his Mother; if you will believe them, he promises to all, but keeps his word with none; he pretends in Business to dis­patch three Posts, whereof not one gets up on Horseback; and also refuses him­self from the Queen what he never ask­ed; [Page 310] What would you have more? he sollicites for a Man in publick, and a­gainst him in private: I cannot tell any one thing that they do not say of his manner of discourse: They make him write ridiculous Letters to Monsieur Be­thune, which I am sure he never thought of: in all unavoidable Suits in Law they would make appear in him the accidents of life: When others eat Meat in Lent, he is for bringing in new Government; Chambers hung with black are wanton, and the most lascivious looks are mourn­ful: Laval is dead of a bruise that he re­ceived in the head; and the Chevalier de Chabot for having been ill drest of his Tympany: There is no sort of thing, that they don't make him to have done; there are no sort of undecent words, that they don't make him to have ut­ter'd; but nevertheless I cannot but think him a Man of great Sincerity and Parts, who wants neither Probity nor Understanding.

Can it be imagined, that a Prince bred up in the innocence of Country Pleasures, should be capable of so many exquisite Cheats? Can it be imagined, that a Prince of his Birth could be ignorant of the most common things? For my part, [Page 311] I must instead of believing what appears so strange, and so disadvantagious to the Duke de Beaufort, still admire his Gene­rosity or Patience, either to pardon or suffer the Injuries that were done him.

Did not I fear passing here for a De­clamour, I would end this Chapter to the Nobility in exhorting them to live as well with him as he resolves to do with them; and addressing my self to the Gentry, I must say to them from him; Leave, Gentlemen, leave off this malitious hatred, and affected contempt, and return into the same mind you were in at the death of the late King; remem­ber but that generous time, when every body crowded into his Interest, when the Colonel of the Swisses, the Officers of the Kings House, and the People of Qua­lity renounced both the Court, and their Fortunes for the love of him. If you return, Gentlemen, he is ready to re­ceive you, and in a condition to do the same things for you, as he has already done; but if you are obstinate, and will not return, I declare he will have no more to do with you, but will endeavour to re-establish himself in the love of the People, who have left him: 'Tis true, he owes the beginning of his Re­putation [Page 312] to you, but he owes also the greatest part of his contempt to you, so that he thinks himself discharged from any manner of acknowledgment, by the just resentment of your unkind­ness. Therefore, Gentlemen, you see there is now no need to make any longer dis­pute.

And now it is time to come to his Ju­stification to the People, and as he owns himself, that he owes his Safety, For­tune, and Reputation to them; There is not any thing he would not do to wash away the ill impression they have of him, which comes either from his Mis­fortunes, or the Malice of his Enemies.

'Tis not, but that if he had a Mind not to make any acknowledgment, he could find Proofs against such an obligation, and whosoever examines things even with the greatest rigour, will find with­out doubt, that their love for him was rather a necessary effect of his Destiny, than a free and obliging motion of their own; for at the name only of the Duke of Beaufort, the People were insensibly mov'd, and I cannot say by what senti­ments, but every heart was transported to an extremity of love. It is certain, that they looked upon him as their on­ly [Page 313] support, before he served them, or had done any thing that could attract either, their Gratitude, Love or Esteem; so that they have done for him only what they could not hinder themselves from doing, therefore he is much more obliged to the lucky Planet, that ruled his Birth, than to their good Wills: Notwithstanding he acknowledges that he owes all things to them, and does not pretend by an exquisite Ingratitude, to pay real obligations.

He does not only protest that he will always endeavour to serve the People, who have served him, but he declares that he shall retain for ever a particular love for them, a perfect resemblance of humour, a secret agreement of thought, a just conformity of words, which will maintain an eternal League betwixt them.

Yet we see the Parisians have not on­ly unjustly broke off this love which reached to the very brink of Folly, but are passed into as violent a hatred: These are only to reproach him of Per­sidiousness and Inconstancy; but when they beheld him less miserable, they then began to treat him as a Man both un­grateful, and corrupted. Permit me, [Page 314] Gentlemen, for I speak without passi­on, if I say any thing in favour of him, think me not won to it by interest, nor impos'd upon, nor that I intend to draw upon me a general hatred, to preserve the kindness of a particular person; I here profess an entire since­rity, and God is my witness, I fol­low no other dictates than my own rea­son.

Three things, if I am not deceiv'd, ruin'd the Duke of Beaufort in your opinion; his agreement with the Car­dinal, his taking the Admiralty, and his sollicitations in the last Assem­blies.

For his agreement with the Cardinal, unless you are unjust to him, you can­not take it ill. Had he agreed without considering your interests, and had on­ly taken care of his own, you then would have reason to complain; but it is certain, the whole aim of his reconci­liation, was only to seek a more secure and easie means to ruine the Cardinal; for when he saw that all France in Arms could not effect it, and that open and declared hatred was fruitless, he flew to the appearances of friendship; and as he himself says, he designs to [Page 315] ruine him when he least thinks of it.

His Mind, which is as capable of Intrigue as of War, which is as quick, as bold, will furnish him with a thou­sand adroit and ingenious ways; not to speak of his politick Star, which will lead him to the government of the State, and set him beyond the reach of all Italian Politicians.

If any one a little too nice in the rules of Honour, thinks it inglorious in the Duke de Beaufort, to retain his in­tention to ruine the Cardinal, after ha­ving received such considerable kind­nesses from him: I answer, He treated not with him as a friend, but on the contra­ry, I am perswaded, that when he took upon him the office of Admiral, he shew'd himself the worst enemy he had in the World.

And Gentlemen, do you not believe that the Duke de Beaufort less preju­dic'd him in the War of Paris, than in the Peace; and in your opinion, was not Vitry Fight more indifferent to the Court, than the negotiation concerning the Admiralty?

In all the War he was never in a bet­ter condition, than either to run away, or stand and be beaten; besides his [Page 316] Courage and his Security never agreed together, he seldome went into the field without fear, and as seldome re­turn'd into Paris without shame; and his most successful enterprizes were on­ly to get Bread without fighting.

At that time the Duke of Beaufort re­duc'd with you to the last necessity, to say truth, neither much frighted, nor much hurt those Troops that came from St. Germains; but now let him force the Court, let him take even from the Queen her self fourscore thousand Livres a year, and you call it still reconcilia­tion, and true friendship: No, Gen­tlemen, undeceive your selves, and be­lieve that he has now perform'd the most subtle of all revenges.

If in the Complement that he made the Cardinal, to thank him for that af­fair, he assur'd him to be as strictly bound to his interest, as Chamflury, we must suppose he only added raillery to the first injury; for 'tis to violate the respect that is due to the quality of a Prince, to imagine that he could be capable of such a meanness; those of the very first quality may stile them­selves friends of the chief Ministers, but to stoop so low as to make themselves [Page 317] equal to the Captain of their Guards, that was never done; and all this only to take away from you all reason of suspicion, I must ask you if the Duke de Beaufort be less mistrustful than he was before, when a person of quality sent a Challenge to him, and he sent away the Gentleman to Com­meny, like Creditors to a Treasurer: May not this be call'd an artifice of the Court? And is there not a Letter print­ed, which declares enough his opinion; in all things he chuses those precautions, which his mistrust furnishes him withal; if they deliberate at the Palace Royal, if they consult at the Hostel de Mont­bason, they have all there particular counsels, and in their Closets resolve upon all important affairs.

I own that the Duke de Beaufort did sollicite for the Cardinal, but you can't deny, but that it was not so much in his favour, as against the Princes; and if you can direct but how he may ruine the Cardinal by the Princes, and the Princes by the Cardinal, you then will lay upon him the greatest obligation in the World; 'tis the unhappiness of the place wherein he is seated, rather than the malice of his nature, which makes [Page 318] him dread all men, and love no body; he retains still what goodness can be preserv'd amongst so many nice inte­rests; he does not envy Monsieur le Prince the constancy that he shew'd in the Bois de Vincennes, and though there may fall out such disorders, as may cast a shadow upon his glory, he only wishes to put a speedy period to his days, to confirm his reputation.

The Prince of Condè is in his opinion, of so weak and so tender a constitution, that the least exercise, one chasé of Hunt­ing, one Debauch, one motion, though never so little too violent, is enough to kill him, if he were at liberty; in the heat of devotion that he is now in, he never grows weary of praising God for the conversion of the Duke de Longue­ville, and the joy that he has to see him say his Breviary is beyond expression; he is sorry to see the Cardinal troubled with the government of so tumultuous a people as those of France, and that the refinedness of his Wit may be still in action, he wishes him well employ'd in Italy; besides the goodness which makes him so much desire the glory of these Gentlemen, We must consess, that his pains and care of the publick [Page 319] let him take no rest, and the interest of the State becomes so precious to him, that he cannot suffer it in the hands of another, and even Life it self appears useless to him, if he does not employ it in governing.

Without flattering him, Gentlemen, What is it that we may not expect from his zeal, and vast capacity? Would you have him hinder the Kings autho­rity from being acknowledg'd? Would you have him at the same time oppose the liberty of the Princes, and draw the Duke d' Espernon from his Govern­ment? Would you have him raise a Sedition for the good of the publick, cause the City to put up their Chains, or arm the factious? Would you have him at every assembly in the Palace, or at the Town-house, at all the Councils? There is neither labour nor danger that he refuses for love of you, there are great services to be expected from him, and the least suspicion of his fidelity would infinitely trouble him; for he is al­ways ready to sacrifice his quiet for yours.

Methinks nevertheless some conside­rations ought to be had, not to exact any thing from him that is above his strength; [Page 320] don't expect that he should go impru­dently to withstand the Arch-Duke; 'tis well known, that he is unacquaint­ed with War in the open field, and to fight with well disciplin'd men, to our Heroe is a quite new thing; 'tis to be like the Gascons, and those who are little by their births, to pass their lives like the people of Croatia, 'tis to act like men in despair, to set all the fortune of a Nation upon the hazard of one Battel; for him, whom both Estate and Birth make incapable of any action that may be either mean or foolish; he will gloriously maintain his place in the Council, and employ all his time to give such advice, as will immediately be in every bodies mouth, as soon as he has spoke it.

The end of the Apology for the Duke de Beaufort.

MEMOIRES OF Monsieur de la Chastre, Concerning what pass'd at the Death of Louis the Thirteenth, and the beginning of the Re­gency.

IT is difficult for him to appear pru­dent that is unfortunate, and as the most part of men regard only the appearances of things, success alone directs their judgements, and no design appears to them either well laid, or well pursu'd, that has not a favou­rable event. In the disgraces that are fallen upon me this last year, nothing has more encreas'd my sufferings, than to see those of my own friends, whom I [Page 322] know most zealous for me, blame and condemn me, and without just exami­nation, accuse me to have been my self, by my ill conduct, the author of my own ruine: It would be too great presumption in me to believe that I was guilty of no faults, in all the time I have been at Court, since the most refin'd Courtiers are often at a stand on certain occasions, and how skilful and pliant soever they be, they are often plung'd into accidents, from whence they can­not well retire. I confess, I may have fail'd, either for want of experience, or in not enough constraining my na­ture, which is an enemy to all manner of deceit or cunning.

When I first came to wait upon the King, I brought to Court a mind, un­fic for cheating and mean actions, and which was too open and free for that place; but still that sort of life I thought honest enough to continue ever since, and though I have apparent­ly found that it was not the way to make a fortune, I still preferr'd the sa­tisfaction of my Conscience, an uncor­rupted reputation, and some few friends, men of Honour, to the dignities and ad­vantages that I might expect in being a [Page 323] spy, or in playing double, promising at the same time to serve both parties. Per­chance it is that I have been too open in this frank manner of living, which I have always observ'd, or I have stuck too firmly to my friends, when they were in a declining posture; it is in one of these two points that I have chiefly fail'd; but I believe such faults will ap­pear excusable with men of integrity, and I hope their ground too honest to have the consequences condemn'd.

These are, without disguising any thing, all the crimes that I find my self guilty of, and to make it yet more clear, I will deduce in few words, and very faithfully, the most considerable things which pass'd in the last years that I was at Court, because that although my pri­vate interest was very far distant from the interest of the State, yet even the most important publick affairs have been in some manner engag'd with my particular ones.

Not long after the birth of our pre­sent King, Louis the Fourteenth, seeing that there was nothing for me to expect whilst Cardinal Richelieu was possest of all the power, because I would not be servile to him, and besides that I was [Page 324] ally'd and in bonds of friendship with many whom he held suspected; I be­liev'd I ought to think of striking in with some other party, which might one day raise my fortunes, and none appear'd to me either so just or of so great hopes as the Queen's, for the King her Husband very unhealthful, and in all appearance not being able to live till such time as his Son was at the age of majority, the Regency would infallibly in few years fall into her hands; whose almost continual adversities suffer'd with so much patience, had rais'd her esteem to such a degree, that she was thought the best, and mildest of Women, and the most unlikely to forget those who had adher'd to her in her disgrace; these glori­ous qualities charm'd me, and moreover, I thought it was honourable to throw my self upon her side, in a time when the absolute power of her Persecutor made all weak and interested people shun approaching her, and by exquisite ty­ranny left scarcely one about her, but Traytors, or those whom dulness exempt­ed from suspicion, and made uncapable of serving her in any thing whatever. From that time I devoted my services wholly to her, which I assur'd her of [Page 325] by Madamoiselle de St. Louis, (now Madam de Flavacourt) and also by Mon­sieur de Brienne: The kind answer she return'd, engag'd me yet more, so that from that time I resolv'd to quit all thoughts of advancement in the Court, till such time as she should be in a con­dition to confer it upon me: or that I believ'd I might be more serviceable to her in some other employment, than Master of the Wardrobe to the King, which I then had. I liv'd in this reso­lution till the Cardinal's Death, after which the Queens Enemies beginning to make their court to her, it was not strange, that I who had before devoted my self entirely to her, carefully sought all opportunities to testifie my zeal to serve her; and in a very little time I found one, which I carefully embraced, and proposed to her Majesty by Mon­sieur de Brienne, and having afterwards spoken to her my self concerning it, she judg'd that it would be advantagious for her service, and thank'd me in such terms, as both doubled my desire to serve her, and encreas'd my hopes. What I propos'd was the buying the Office of Colonel of the Swisse, in which I neither regarded the great summ of [Page 326] Money that I imploy'd in it, nor many other considerations, that the sight of a Wife and three Children might pro­duce, who were inevitably ruin'd, if by my death my place should be lost to them without recompence: I then sacrificed to the Queen all my Family without regret; and whether it was that my free manner of proceeding pleas'd her, or that she believ'd I might be capable to serve her, from that time I daily receiv'd more of her favours than I had done before; she spoke of me to some of her greatest confidents, as of a man who had entirely devoted himself to her, and whom she esteem'd for his fidelity, ordering the Bishop of Beau­vais (in whom she then most confided) to communicate freely to me all things that might be for her service; this was about the same time that the Duke de Beaufort return'd from England, for as soon as Cardinal Richelieu was dead, the Bishop of Lisieux, by the Queen's order, writ to him to return; and he, without any other precaution, immedi­ately left England; and as soon as he was landed in France, writ to me by a Gentleman nam'd Drouilly, where­in he declared that he reposed much [Page 327] confidence in me, and also desir'd me to serve him in what I could with the King; and added, That Monsieur de Montresor (who he knew not only to be my Cousin Germain, but also my most intimate Friend, and who likewise was very particularly his,) had assur'd him that I would be glad to serve him: The answer that I thought the fittest to make Drouilly was, That Monsieur de Beaufort did me too great an honour in confiding in me, and that I beseeched him to tell me in what I might be ser­viceable to him; protesting to execute whatsoever he should require of me, with little success perhaps, but with much zeal and fidelity. Whereupon he told me, That Monsieur de Beaufort desir'd, that with some other of his Friends, I would take upon me to de­clare directly to the King his return in­to France; but at the same time he told me, That having delivered a Let­ter to Monsieur de Bri nne, wherein the Duke de Beaufort had desir'd the same thing of him that he had of me, the good man, a better Courtier than I per­chance might have been, had told him that the way to ruine his interest was to execute what he propos'd: for he [Page 328] himself, who knew better how the World then stood, than he who was so newly come from beyond Seas; was of opinion that it should be first told to the chief Ministers, and that he would go that minute to find them out: The affair being thus, I told him it was now past consulting, and that since the chief Ministers knew of the Duke de Beau­fort's return, it was fit to expect what they would do, and not to undertake any negotiation with the King without them, which would but provoke them, and make them his Enemies; for my own part, I was just returning from Paris to St. Germains, where the King was, with design that if I saw a favou­rable moment to serve him, I would not to let it slip; as soon as I came to St. Germains, thinking to tell the Queen this news, I found that she was already well instructed of it; I since heard it was by the Bishop of Lisieux: Some time afterwards Messieurs de Sully, de Rets, de Fiesque, de Chabot, and I, went to Anet to visit the newly arriv'd Duke; 'twas in this Journey that I enter'd into a more strict bond of friendship with him, for before I was not much acquaint­ed with him, and also in some occasions [Page 329] was engag'd in interests contrary to his; as, in my opinion, the greatest mark of esteem and love, is trust; 'twas by that I was engag'd by him; he express'd himself to be extreamly oblig'd to me for my frank answer to Drouilly, he discours'd with me without the least re­serve of all his concerns, and at length upon the present state of the Court, not in very polite terms, (he not being naturally eloquent,) but yet by words which plainly manifested the most beau­tiful and noble thoughts that could be wished, and wherein I observed that he was much fortify'd in England, having both carefully studied, and well re­tain'd the maxims of some men of ho­nour and integrity, whom he had there frequented, but what bound me yet more to him was two things, one where­of was the straight union I knew he had with Monsieur de Montresor, whose interests was always mine, and the other was the extraordinary zeal that appear'd in him for the Queens service, which was the party to which I absolutely ad­her'd; this last consideration it was that weigh'd down the ballance, and 'twas the same that united me ever since to him; but because it will appear more [Page 330] plain in the following discourse, I am oblig'd to return nigher its beginning, to deliver it more exactly.

After the Cardinals death, all France was fill'd with an imagination of an en­tire change in the management of af­fairs; all people knew that he main­tain'd his power with the King only by the awe he had over him, therefore it was believ'd that the cause dying with him, the Kings hatred would fall upon all the remains of his family and party; but these hopes, which only served to flatter so many, were soon ended, for in a few days after they saw (with won­der) his house confirm'd in its ancient dignity, his last Will entirely observ'd, save only in one point, which was the change of the Offices of Sur-intendant of the Admiralty, and the General of the Galleys, the first whereof were gi­ven to the Duke de Brezé, and the last to the Petit pont de Co [...]rlay, Duke de Richelieu, although his Eminence on his Death-bed had desired the contrary, and had design'd the office that was gi­ven to the one for other; I shall not speak of the bustle this business made between the Dutchess d' Aiguillon and the Mare­schal de Brezé, who spoke against her all [Page 331] that his rage could suggest, I will only say that the Mareschal's ancient famili­arity with the King gave him that ad­vantage, without the help of any bo­dy; but although the disposals of the best Offices and Governments of the Kingdom seem'd preposterous to those who consider'd it, and though the Go­vernment of Britany, given to the Ma­reschal de Milleray (who we saw poor­ly quit it a little after) appear'd very▪ extraordinary; people were much more▪ surpriz'd to see Cardinal Mazarine, Monsieur Chavigny, and Monsieur Noyers, without any others, in the Kings most secret Councils; I say only, because that although the Chancellour, the Sur-in­tendant Boutilier, and the two Secreta­ries of State, de Brienne, and de la Vril­liere, were in appearance present at all the deliberations, it is certain that the private intrigues were only known to the first three; and besides the great Council wherein all those that I have nam'd did sit, which was held once or twice a week, those three living assi­duously at St. Germaines, held also one at least every day with the King, where­in the most principal things were re­solv'd. Their Protector was no sooner [Page 332] dead, but they seeing themselves call'd to the chief ministry of affairs, judg'd that the only way to maintain themselves in it, was to be united together, and to act with one accord in all things; but what­soever resolution they had taken, their first actions, and the different ways they took, soon discover'd their secret divi­sions; Cardinal Mazarine and Monsieur de Chavigny, who were always united, were yet more strictly in this juncture; and as the last was not ignorant of the aversion the King had for him, he be­liev'd that nothing could support him, but to joyn his interests inseparably with the others, who being but newly en­ter'd into the management of affairs, would for a long time stand in need of his instructions; the method they took to insinuate themselves into the Kings favour, was to appear dis-interested in all things, even to affect saying that the greatest desire of one was to return into Italy, and of the other to retire from the bustle and noise of the Court, to live more quiet; this first foundation laid, they next made themselves sure of people to declare their good services to the King, and who endeavour'd to per­swade him, that the great expence that [Page 333] Cardinal Mazarin had always made, was an infallible effect of a humour no ways greedy of Money, and what he believ'd necessary in the place which he then held, of first Minister of State; for which reason he recall'd to Court the Commander de Souuray, who by ha­ving been bred up with the King had acquir'd so perfect a knowledge of his nature, that he appear'd now most ca­pable to serve them, though the deceas'd Cardinal, after the Siege of Rochelle, fear­ing his Wit, had remov'd him from the King, he had not forgot the way to in­sinuate himself into his affection, so that in few days he re-enter'd into his Maje­sties favour, enough to become useful to those who employ'd him.

But besides this first Emissary, their free and magnificent manner of living, the profession which they made to oblige all the people of quality, and the particular care they took to release some who were Prisoners, and recal others from Banishment, gain'd them the friendship, or at least the complai­sance and approbation of the greatest part of the Court, and amongst the rest the Messieurs de Schomberg, de Lesdi­guieres, de la Rochefoucault, and de Mor­temar; [Page 334] I omit speaking of Monsieur de Liancourt, for he having been always an intimate friend of Chavigny, and a particular one of the Cardinal's, 'twas not strange that he continued in the same condition. The little Monsieur de Noyers had the same intent as the others, to insinuate himself into his masters af­fection, but the method he took was quite contrary, for the two first affect­ed splendour and shew, instead of which his manner of living was low and ob­scure; and whilst the others had their houses fill'd with company, and pass'd away part of the day, and often the whole night at play, or some other di­version, he apply'd himself closer than ever to business, and hardly ever stirr'd out of his Chamber, but only at those times that he was serving God, or wait­ing upon the King, with whom his Of­fice of a Secretary of State for the Ar­my gave him more agreeable Subjects to entertain his Majesty with, than the others; for as great negotiations hung heavy upon that Prince, the care and examination of his Souldiers seem'd to be his only business; he loved now and then to retrench from the Officers, and to talk of the particulars of every Of­fice, [Page 335] in the disposal whereof his greatest power he thought chiefly appear'd; the profession of devotion which Monsieur de Noyers made, gave him besides that a familiarity with his Majesty above the other two, for he never fail'd waiting upon him at all his private devotions, and often in his Oratory; where after having accompanied him in saying of his Breviary, he had long conferences with him. The King one time offering to give him 1 or 2 hundred thousand Crowns for a certain business, he would not ac­cept them, but upon condition that he might employ them in the building of the Loure; and this proof of his not be­ing interested, wrought no small effect upon the King. The Prisoners and the exil'd found neither Protector nor In­tercessor in him; all the way he took to defend himself from the burthen of the publick hatred, was to assure them, That he would not oppose the Kings favour in their behalf: In this manner of proceeding he had two aims, one to please his Majesty, who he knew was not naturally inclin'd to do good; the other was to shew the respect he had for the memory of the deceas'd Cardi­nal, in not consenting so soon to be an [Page 336] instrument of altering what he had done; and thereby cast upon him all the violences that had pass'd: This was the first introduction of those Gentle­men, and their manner of proceeding, till the end of the year 1642. but be­fore I leave this subject, I will say what concerns my self in it, that having treat­ed about my place, and seeing that I should have principally to do with Monsieur de Noyers, as Secretary for the Army; I spoke to him about it, and was confirm'd by him in the design that I had taken to address my self directly to the King, who receiv'd me with all possible kindness, and without taking advice of any body, if it be true as the Chancellour then told me, the other two would not have been kind to me, but the King did not then love them; and I know not if it be that which I ought to look upon as the first founda­tion of the Cardinals hatred to me. In the beginning of the year 1643. those two parties seeing the Kings indispositi­on growing daily worse and worse, lea­ving him but little hopes of a much longer life, every one of them judg'd it now time to think of getting a support; and as they were of different opinions [Page 337] in other things, they were no less in this Monsieur de Chavigny believed, that his Place, and assiduous waiting upon Monsieur, and the Services that he pretended to have done him since the Treaty with Spain, would belook'd upon as very meritorious by his Roy­al Highness; and, on the contrary, the Queen would always hate him, as the having been the Principal Minister of her Enemy; he inclin'd Cardinal Mazarin to Monsieur's Side, and both endeavour'd to perswade the King to recall him to Court. There is one thing particularly to be mentioned in that, which at first, perhaps, does not appear of great importance, but which prov'd of so fatal a Consequence to me, that I may say, it was the beginning of my Ruine. After the taking of Monsieur le Grand, the Treaty with Spain being discover'd, there was a Talk that it was by the means of the Count de Bethune; Monsieur seem'd to strengthen that Fals­hood, by tacitly confessing it, excited by la Riviere, who believ'd he could be no way better reveng'd of Monsieur de Montresor during his absence, nor better cut off all ways of his returning again to his Master, than by making him Author, or at least Approver of so black a Ca­lumny [Page 338] against one of his best Friends. That Detraction was but short-lived; and the deceas'd Cardinal, tho not much a Friend to the Count de Bethune, disa­bus'd all those who spoke to him about it. The world may judge how much a Man of Honour ought to be sensible of such an Offence; but the Cardinal's Au­thority, which protected la Riviere exempted him from satisfying the just Resentments that are due to such an In­jury. He maintain'd this Report during the Cardinal's Life, without suspicion; but his Death changing the Face of things, and la Riviere not knowing if his Master would be able or kind enough to support him against so considerable a Family, and seeing no other Prop, he fell into a mortal Fear; and some days after being sent for to come to Paris, by Monsieur de Chavigny, to Treat about his Master's Return, he could not be per­swaded to take the Journey, before he was secure that the Count de Bethune was appeas'd, and Monsieur de Chavigny who had need of him, employed Mon­sieur de Liancour; and also spoke himself to the Count de Bethune, who being sensible of the highest affront that could be given a Gentleman, could not for some time be induc'd to give him his Word, till at [Page 339] length he was commanded by a Letter from the King, (sent by Varrennes, one of the Messengers, to him) which, tho it put a stop to his Proceeding, did but increase his Hatred, which was both right and justly founded. Perhaps this Digression may seem a little long; but it will appear hereafter, that it is to my purpose. La Riviere being at length come to Court, manag'd, with the Assi­stance of the two Ministers, the Interest of his Master so successfully, that in a little time he was seen with the King his Brother, in a very good Understanding, as to all appearance; whilst Cardinal Mazarin and Monsieur Chavigny took so much Pains on their Sides, Monsieur de Noyers took the other Ship-wrack'd Vessel, and, by Chaudenier his intimate Friend, assur'd the Queen of his service, and of an inseparable adherence to her Interest. After that first Declaration, he had upon the same Subject several Discourses with the Bishop of Beauvais, in which he clearly enough manifested the Designs of his Collegues, who gave him sufficient Subject for Discourse at that time; for seeing the King's Distem­per still increased by little and little, and his Majesty having several times spoken to them about settling the Affairs of the [Page 340] Kingdom; they perswaded Father Sir­mond, his Confessor, to propose to him a Corregency betwixt Monsieur his Bro­ther and the Queen; and at the same time sollicited many of the Parliament at Paris to pursue the same Design, and made use of the Interposition of the Pre­sident de Maison for that effect. But that Proposition so much displeased the King, that after he had sharply rebuked them, and also spoke to the Queen some­thing of it, he gave ear no more to his Confessour, and dismissing him upon some other pretext, took Father Dinet into his Place. After this first Attempt, these Gentlemen seeing themselves ut­terly excluded from their Hopes, fol­low'd another Bias, which agreed better with the King's Inclination, (who was carried to it enough of himself, thinking the Queen incapable of the Manage­ment of Affairs) which was to propose that same Declaration which appear'd two Months after, and which had been publish'd at that very time, if Monsieur de Noyers had not disswaded the King from it. He gave the Queen notice thereof, whom▪ this Advice about the Regency infinitely alarm'd: At the same time the King's having been in a Fever, which the Physicians apprehended dan­gerous, [Page 341] those who understood the Par­ticulars of the thing, offer'd anew their Services to the Queen; and I (whom she had forbidden some time before to ask to serve as Mareschal de Camp, judg­ing me more useful to her in the Court) offer'd my self to her, (if the King came to the last Extremity) to go with my Regiment of Suisses and seise upon the Palais, and hinder every body whatso­ever from entring, till such time as she should be received into it. This Pro­position appearing full of Love and Boldness, did not a little please her; and the Answer she made me shew'd, that she was satisfied with me, and believ'd me intirely hers. A little before, the Car­dinal, and Monsieur de Chauvigny, had perswaded the King to set at Liberty the Mareschals de Vitry and Bassompierre, and the Count de Cramail. The Means which they made use of to effect it, de­serves to be written, being not unplea­sant; for they seeing that the King was not much inclin'd to it, attaqu'd him on his weakest Side, representing to him, That those three Prisoners were an ex­treme Expence to him in the Bastille, and they not being in a condition to make any Party in the State, would be [Page 342] even as well at their own Houses, where they would cost him nothing. This Design succeeded; for the King was possess'd with so extraordinary an Ava­rice, that whosoever had pretention to ask him for Money, seem'd to hang heavy upon him, to such a degree, that when Treville, Beaupuy, and several others that the late Cardinal upon his Death­bed had forced him to relinquish, were returned, he sought all occasions to find out something to reproach them with, thereby to take away all Hopes of Re­compence for all that they had suffer'd for him. The recalling several from Banishment, follow'd after the Freedom of those Prisoners: The Mareschal d'Estrée had leave to return from Italy, and Monsieur de Merceur to Court, where being introduc'd by Cardinal Mazarin, he spoke for his Brother to come to Court, which he quickly did with great Glory and Esteem: Be­fore he went to the Ministers, he went strait to the King, who received him with the greatest Marks of Kindness, and in a moment after his Arrival began to di­scourse with him about the Affairs of England, in such a manner, as if he him­self had sent him thither. The same day he granted to the Duke de Mer­caeur [Page 343] Permission for the Duke de Ven­dosme to return back into France, and also saw the Dutchess of Vendosme, whom he had severely sent away, without so much as seeing her, when she came to wait upon him, even after the Cardinal's Death. Upon this Return of the Duke de Vendosme, the Queen shew'd much Kindness to the Duke de Beaufort; she appear'd to concern her self in the Treatment he had receiv'd from the King; she spoke to him with great Fa­miliarity, and by the Favour she shew'd him, fully confirm'd what she had said to us at our return from Anet, which was that we came from seeing the worthiest Man in France: It is certain, altho he be unfortunate, that he has excellent Quali­ties; and for Honesty, and Fidelity, there are few can compare with him. I pretend not to say, that he has all the Prudence that one would wish; and I must own, that a little too much Vanity, and Fire of Youth, made him commit at his Re­turn many remarkable Faults: perchance there may be a time (if it please God) that I may see him in a condition to re­member him of a Discourse I had one day with him, wherein I told him, That as he then stood, he ought not to pursue [Page 344] the Follies of Women, but that the Hero ought to be the Principal Business of his Life: Had he taken this Advice, he had not acquir'd many powerful Enemies, who contributed so much to his Ruine: But 'tis a common Fault to People of his Age, to let themselves be govern'd by Love and Hate: Without proceeding to farther Particulars, the Hatred of Madam de Monthason to the Duke de Longueville, and his to his own Wife, was the Cause that when his Love cross'd his Interest, he was carried to act what he little considered, and having disobliged the Duke d' Anguien, he made him take the Party of the great Ma­ster against him. He made another Enemy at the same time; but this he on­ly did by his Generosity and Constan­cy: for, professing himself an intimate Friend to Messieurs de Bethune and Mon­tresor, he would not salute la Riviere, which infinitely separated him from the Correspondence and Interest of Mon­sieur, who already had a grudging to him, in that he having spoken to him concerning the Treaty of Spain, he ex­cus'd himself from entring into it, say­ing, That he ought first to have his Fa­ther's Advice about it, who was in Eng­land, [Page 345] and to whom they would scarce entrust such a Secret. Most People have wonder'd, that he refus'd to enter into a League made against the Capital Ene­my of his House; and I my self could hardly comprehend the Reason of his being so backward on this Subject, did I not know, that some time after he di­scover'd it to the Queen, by one to whom she would not disclose her self, nor scarcely give ear to, not judging the Person prudent enough to manage an Intrigue of that importance: and, if I mistake not, it was because before he entred upon so difficult a Point, he en­deavour'd to know the Queens Opini­on, to whom from that time he absolute­ly devoted himself. In fine, whatever Reason he had to refuse it, Monsieur was beyond all measure dissatisfied at it; and this Pretext seem'd plausible enough to furnish la Riviere with matter to in­cence his Royal Highness against him. During these different Intrigues, the King grew daily weaker, seldom going out of his Chamber, and the Physicians began to own the Period of his Life drew nigh: His sad Condition made the Cardinal and Monsieur Chavigny labour more pressingly to confirm themselves; [Page 346] and when they saw that all they had done in favour of Monsieur, had brought forth no other Fruit, than the publish­ing the Inclination that almost all France had to serve the Queen; and that his Royal Highness, losing all hopes of be­ing Corregent, did declare, that he sub­mitted himself most willingly to her, they try'd to regain her Favour, made new Protestations of Fidelity to her, and also endeavoured to work upon the Bishop of Beauvais; but their Endea­vours prov'd fruitless, and their Comple­ments but little perswasive, because (be­sides that they had openly engag'd them­selves for Monsieur) Monsieur de Noyers, who from the beginning had given te­stimony of his Zeal for the Queens Ser­vice, bore away the Merit of all that had pass'd till that time; and they, on the contrary, were look'd upon as the Au­thors of all the ill; and their Change rather thought a want of Power, than a Proof of their Good-wills: And cer­tainly they had made but little Progress on that side, had the little Good man Monsieur de Noyers had a little more patience, or been a little more submissive to the King: His Retreat is generally imputed to his Discontent, that he could [Page 347] not obtain that Power with the King that he had fancied to himself, and to see (as is believed) the Cardinal prevail over him. 'Tis believ'd he so suddenly ask'd his Discharge, about a Contest he had concerning the Mareschal de la Motthé, and for the Expence of the Ar­my in Italy, which he not being able to obtain himself, employ'd the Cardinal in, who perform'd it so effectually, that the very same Night he brought him leave to go to Dangic; but for my part, I believe, as all Intelligent Men do, that what appear'd the first Motion of a ha­sty Mind, was the Master-stroke of a fore-seeing and refin'd Courtier; and that Monsieur de Noyers, seeing the De­claration, that he had retarded till then, would in few days be published, (either by the King's Resolution, or by the Sug­gestions of the other two Ministers) and that he was comprehended in the num­ber of those who were set down to be of the Council of the Regency, was perswaded, that if he retir'd from Court at a time when the King had not long to live, the Queen would not lose the Re­membrance of his Services, but being justly incens'd against both the others, by reason of that Declaration, which [Page 348] seem'd to put her under Tutelage, as soon as she should be in Power, would recall him; and removing those two Concurrents, would be necessarily ob­lig'd to make use chiefly of him, as best instructed in the State of Affairs. The following Discourse will make appear, that this Judgment is not ill-grounded; but before I go any farther, I am oblig'd to relate some particular Passages: The first is of the Government of Britany, given to the Great Master, which gain'd him the Hatred of the whole House of Vendosme, which Disagreement divided the whole Court; the Dukes d' Anguien, de Longueville, de Lesdiguieres, de Schom­berg, and de la Roche Faucault, and some others, took part with the Great Master; and almost all the rest declared them­selves for the House of Vendosme. The Prince de Marcillac being oblig'd by Monsieur le Prince, and seeing his Fa­ther of his Party, was just going to en­ter into it also; but speaking to the Queen about it, she commanded him to offer himself to the Duke de Beaufort, speaking of him as a Man for whom she had as much Esteem and Affection, as for any Man in the World. That Or­der which he received became known [Page 349] to almost all who were then at St. Ger­mains; and my self hapned to have Discourse with her Majesty about two things, which being only of my own Concerns, were never publick, but only talk'd on amongst my particular Friends: The first was concerning the Duke de Beaufort; and expressing much love for him, I told her, That the chief Rea­son that bound me to his Friendship, was the extraordinary Zeal that I found in him for the Interest of her Majesty; that Point pleas'd her, and she dilated upon the Subject that I had begun, in so kind Expressions, as left me no more Reason to doubt her Confidence in that poor Prince, and how much those pleas'd her who took his part. The other Di­scourse was a little longer; but the Sub­ject was, That at the same time that I en­ter'd into the Office of Colonel-General of the Suisses, Monsieur de Noyers put in L'isle de Sourdiere, his Creature, to be Commissary-General of that Nation. Tho this was very prejudicial to me, I had no reason to complain, because it was resolv'd on before I thought of buy­ing that Place: 'Twas nevertheless a very great Inconvenience to me; for Monsieur de Noyers, who seiz'd upon [Page 350] every thing that came within his Grasp, gave to his Dependent a very great Au­thority, which prov'd very prejudicial to mine. He was no sooner retir'd, but the most part of the Court, who were ignorant of my Concerns, press'd me to think of suppressing that New Officers: For my part, tho I had no Engagement with Monsieur de Noyers, to oblige me from making use of the Occasion his Disgrace gave me, knowing the Queen thought him her Servant, and was not satisfied with the others, of whom I was to seek a Support, the first thing I did, I resolv'd to know her Opinion; and and going to her, told her, That this little Change had offer'd me an Oppor­tunity to procure my self an Advantage, which would increase my Authority, and make me in a better capacity to serve her in my Office; but endeavouring to dispossess one who was a Creature of Monsieur de Noyers, who had appear'd most zealous for her Service; and it al­so being necessary for me to apply my self to those who had so demean'd them­selves to her, that I had reason to be­lieve her dissatisfied with them, I would not undertake any thing, till I came to know what her Majesty would com­mand [Page 351] me in it; That being absolutely devoted to her, I would accept no Ad­vantage nor Favour but what came by her; and that I should have waited without the least impatience, till her Majesty was in a condition to have done something for me, without ever trou­bling her with my own Interest, had I not believ'd I ought to have rendred her an Account of this, to know of her if by my increase of Power she would judge me in a better condition to obey her Commands. After much Kindness, and assurance that she would never for­get the Zeal that I had always express'd for her Service, she answer'd, That I might make use of that Occasion, and serve my self in what I could, and that she should be very glad of it, because the more Authority I had, I should be the more useful to her; That Monsieur de Noyers had made too much haste, and had ruin'd himself for his Fancy: And after some little Discourse concerning him, she ended without speaking a word of the other two Ministers; and pro­mis'd me, as she left me, that if I could not obtain it before she came into Au­thority, she her self would grant me that Favour with a great deal of joy. [Page 352] After this Conference, I desir'd the Com­mander de Souvray to speak to the Car­dinal, and Monsieur de Liancour to Mon­sieur de Chavigny, to be kind to me up­on this Occasion: The Answer they both return'd, was, That they would most willingly use all their Interest in it, but that they must defer it some days, because it would be the ready way to ruine themselves, to speak to the King so soon against a Man with whom they had no difference, and who entred into the Management of Affairs the same way that themselves did. It is certain, that they were not then too well assured of the King; and from the next day after Monsieur Noyers Disgrace, he never spoke to the Cardinal about Business, but in Monsieur de Chavigny's absence: as also upon a Proposition that the Car­dinal made to him, he answer'd sharp­ly, That it was Italian-like. To return to my Discourse: I had not time to see the Effects of their Promises; for eight days after, the King finding himself ex­tremely weak, declared his Will about the Regency, speaking openly of that Declaration whereof I have already made mention. I believe the two Chief Ministers did not prejudice the Queen in [Page 353] it; but, as I have already said, 'tis cer­tain, that in some Points of it they seem'd exactly to guess at the King's Thoughts, who judg'd the Queen incapable of Business, and most passionate for her own Country; and believed no­thing so pernicious to the State, as the Authority of Monsieur de Cha­steauneuf, amongst other things belie­ving him inseparable from Madam de Cheureux, whom he suspected, and had endeavour'd to find an Expedient to Ba­nish for ever out of France. Neither was his Inclination more kind for Mon­sieur his Brother; and I know, that he often said to the Queen in his Sickness, That their Children had reason chiefly to fear him: So that whatsoever related to his Royal Highness, undoubtedly proceeded from his own natural In­clination. In short: whether this came from the King himself, or was the advice of his Ministers, the Queen grew extreamly inveterate against them, saying to those who had free access to Her, That it ought never to be pardon'd; and had the Cardinal, Her declared Enemy, still liv'd, he could not have done worse to her. The publick Marks of her Anger, and open [Page 354] Hatred she shew'd them, was the cause that all those who particularly adher'd to her, absolutely forbore all Corre­spondence with them; and from the day that the King had the Declaration read before him, and made the Queen and Monsieur take an Oath to observe it, ob­liging Monsieur the next day to carry it to the Parliament, the Dukes de Vendosme, Mets, and Rets, the Prince de Marcill [...]c, the Count de Fiesque, the Count de Be­thune, and Beaupuy, as also many other of her particular Servants, whereof I my self was one, visited them no more. This was the beginning of our Misfor­tunes; for this first Step being made, it was almost impossible to retire again handsomly: But two Reasons chiefly oblig'd us to this; one was, a Design to please the Queen, in going no more nigh those we knew she hated; the other was the King's extreme Sickness, which gave even the Physicians reason to believe, that he could not live above two or three days, and made us resolve (seeing those two declining) to push them to the last, and endeavour to persuade the Queen to put in their Places Persons ve­ry capable, and whom the greatest part of us might hope to find our Friends. [Page 355] This Design appear'd very easie to us, considering what way the Queen was then inclin'd. The day that was ap­pointed for the Declaration, the Physici­ans gave their Opinions, that the King could scarcely live till the next day; in consideration whereof, they began to speak to him to pardon and recall all those who had been exil'd: The Duke de Beaufort was the first, who spoke for his Father, and told the Ministers pub­lickly, that if they did not that very moment prefer his Suit to the King, he would do it himself: But they, not to lose their Employments, instantly spoke to the King about it, and at length ob­tain'd the same Favour for Monsieur de Bellegarde, for the Mareschals de Vitry, Bassempierre, and d'Estrée, for the Count de Cramait, for Manicant, and Belenghen. The Duke de Vendosme return'd the ve­ry same day that Anet did; but those who were farther off, arrived one after the management of State Affairs, and another, all the rest of the Week. The Queen in the mean time, little accu­stom'd to Business, and finding her self amus'd through the variety of Ad­dresses, desir'd for her own Ease, that they would make their Applications to the Bishop de Beauvais, in whom [Page 356] for a long time, but particularly since Winter, she reposed her principal Trust. She could not have chosen a better Man for Fidelity, nor hardly a worse for Ca­pacity, the good Prelate not having a Brain strong enough to support such a Charge.

We found what sort of Man he was, the very day that some of the Parlia­ment, who were very zealous for the Queen, asked him what Service they could render her Majesty in the Parlia­ment, (not doubting but the first Mark he aim'd at would be to null the Decla­ration) but he unseasonably pretended to be ignorant of her Majesties Intenti­ons, delaying things at a time when the King appearing so near his End, made the loss of every moment irreparable. He is a Man of approved Honesty, and most disinterested as to Riches; but he is Ambitious, as most Devotes are: and seeing himself design'd for First Minister of State, he look'd upon every one to cast a Shadow upon his Glory: He be­gan to grow cool, even to the Duke de Beaufort, with whom he had till then been in a perfect good Understanding; and went so far in it, that the Queen for some days would not see him, thinking [Page 357] that 'twas he who would have had her take Monsieur de Limoges about her; but the Bishop acknowledg'd his Fault, and immediately changed his Proceed­ings upon this Subject, tho he did not the same to Monsieur de Chasteaunef; for apprehending lest the Queen might renew her former Inclination for him, and so diminish his Power▪ he ruin'd him, as far as possibly he could; and I am still in a doubt, whether it was not by his Advice, that the Queen some time before promis'd the Seals to the Presi­dent le Baillieul.

I know before the King's Death she had chang'd her Mind, and was resolved to do Justice to Monsieur de Chasteau­neuf; but I can hardly believe that the Bishop of Beauvais contributed to it, and am certain, that the good Man not knowing his Strength, would have laid upon his own Shoulders the Burden of the whole Government; but the Queen found him incapable of so great a Weight from the first Moment, which gave way to his Enemies to introduce themselves, and ruine him; in stead whereof, had he recalled Monsieur de Chasteaunef, tho he had not possessed the First he had at least retained a very Honourable [Page 358] Place. Bus (as I have already said) he knew not his own Strength, and for all his Faults, he is yet worthy of Praise, in that he always dealt faithfully with his Friends, and that altho Cardinal Mazarin and Monsieur de Chavigny dai­ly made to him some Propositions, yet he never engaged with them in any thing, that he did not first reveal to those of his Party. Perchance I may be too tedious upon small Circumstan­ces: but the three last Weeks of the King's Sickness being passed in little In­trigues, each particular whereof being considerable, I am forced to relate even those of the least Importance. The Evening of that Day which gave a Be­ginning to a thousand different Negoti­ations, the King found himself a little better, but not well enough to give any hopes that he could live above two or three days longer: The next day he was much the same, and towards Night (in the presence of Monsieur his Brother) chose Cardinal Mazarin to be Godfather to the Dauphin, and the Princess of Condy to be the Godmother. The fol­lowing day his Sickness increasing, the Cardinal began to tell him, that it was now time to prepare for approaching [Page 359] Death. He had no sooner spoke the word, but the King consented to it with extreme Constancy and Piety; he Con­fess'd himself, and afterwards desired the Viaticum: The rest of the day the Physicians found he still grew worse and worse; and the next day they judg'd him ill enough to receive the Extreme Unction. That Day (which was since nam'd The Great Thursday) became re­markable in the Court for many things which passed in it, whereof the Original was, that the Great Master believing the King to be upon the Point of Death, and fearing lest those of the Family of Vendosme, having almost all the Court on their Sides, might give him some Affront, resolv'd to guard himself the best he could, sending, for that purpose, through Paris, to seek out all the Officers de­pending upon his Place, who brought each one a Friend with him: All this Crowd amounted to about three or four hundred Horse, which coming from Pa­ris in large Troops, gave 'um a kind of an Alarm at St. Germains: Monsieur, upon the Report, ask'd Monsieur le Prince if he brought all those Men with him; who answered, That he had sent for them, thinking (as he has said since) [Page 360] that he had only spoke of his Officers: But Monsieur taking the thing another way, sent at the same time for most part of his Followers; which being told the Queen, she concluded it must be for something extraordinary; insomuch that she immediately going from the Old to the New Palace, where the King was, left Messieurs de Vendosme about the Princes her Children, recommending them chiefly to the Duke de Beaufort, in Terms which declared the highest Esteem, and greatest Confidence that could be exprest. As soon as she was come to the New Palace, she call'd for me, and commanded me aloud to send Orders to the Guard de Suisse to be in a readiness to March, and to send for seve­ral other Suisse Officers, whom I had told her were at Paris: She commanded me also to make sure of all the Friends I could get. Both the King and she gave afterwards Order to Monsieur de Charots to double the Guards within the Old Palace, where the day before we had set a Guard of two Regiments before the King's Apartment. Little could be added to the Suspicion that they both shew'd they had of Monsieur; and I believe it would have been the same to [Page 361] Monsieur le Prince, had he not been one of the first that came to relate what his Royal Highness had done, who recon­cil'd himself that day to the Queen, tho not without Complaints of her Suspici­on, and laid all the Stir that had been made to Monsieur le Prince's Charge. I must confess, had the Duke de Beau­fort had only that one fortunate Day in his whole Life, I should esteem him Glo­rious, to have been chosen Guardian of the greatest and most valuable Treasure of France: He is blam'd to have been too forward; but there are few who in so advantagious an Opportunity would have been more moderate, and would not have been transported with Joy to see Five hundred Gentlemen (amongst which there were many of the best Qua­lity) who only waited his Orders; and to see even the First Prince of the Blood come to Complement him. If the King had died that day, the Ministers had certainly been lost without hope; and the Queen, animated against them by so many powerful Reasons, would never have pardon'd them: But tho that poor Prince found no Ease during all that day, in the Evening endeavouring to cast off all thoughts of the State, he [Page 362] order'd the Queen to go and call a Council, (which she did, after having long excus'd her self with many Tears) he grew better in the Night, and the next day finding himself pretty well at ease, was shaved, and pass'd the After­noon in causing little red Mushroms to be strung, and hearing Nielle sing by his Bed-side, now and then speaking to him: About the Evening he told the Queen that he would call a Council, and com­manded her to leave the Room; which she took for a new Outrage done her by the two Ministers, to whom this lu­cid moment of Health having given heart, their Adherents began to say, that if the King recover'd, they were sure of ruining the Les Importans. Im­portants, so they already called those who had declared them­selves for the Queen, and were against them: But the following day the King being relapsed into his first languishing Condition, they had lost all hopes of his Recovery, and renew'd with greater fe [...]vour their Designs to gain the Queen, in which they were assisted by many Persons very differing in their Interests. Madam la Princess (exasperated against the Duke de Beaufort, for the ill usage [Page 363] he had shew'd to the Duchess de Longue­ville, against whom he had made appear too much Malice and Severity) was one of the first who spoke for them: Mon­sieur de Liancour serv'd them with the extraordinary Zeal he on all occasions expresses for his Friends; and his Wife, and Madam de Chavigny, let no Oppor­tunity slip: But the strongest Instru­ments that they employ'd, were Father Vincent, Beringhent, and Mountaigu; the first attaqu'd the Queens Conscience, and incessantly preach'd to her the par­doning of her Enemies; the 2 d, in qua­lity of her first Servant of the Chamber, being assiduous at those Hours when no body saw her, persuaded her how useful they would be to her; and that having been secret to all the most important Af­fairs of the State, it was almost impossi­ble for her at first to be without them: but the third, by Profession devout, mingled God and the World together, joyning to the Reasons of Devotion, the necessity of having a Chief Minister well-instructed in the Management of Affairs; adding yet another Reason, (that in my opinion absolutely gain'd her) which was, That the Cardinal had it more in his power than any body to [Page 364] make the Peace, and that being born a Subject of the King her Brother, he would conclude it to the Advantage of her Family, which she ought to endea­vour to strengthen, that she might make it her Prop to support her against any Faction that might rise in France during her Regency.

These were the principal Springs that these Gentlemen moved withal; to which I may also add the Princess de Guienne, since she was one of the first to whom the Queen opened her Intentions, and one of those who confirmed the Queen most in her Design to retain the Cardinal. I know not if I ought from that time also to count Monsieur de Brienne amongst the number; but whe­ther it was before or after the King's Death, it is certain, he was one of the first that changed his Side, after having promised us his Friendship. Perchance it will be wondered at, that all these things could pass thus, and our Cabal stir no more; but this I have to answer, That, in the first place, the Bishop of Beauvais, who appear'd the Chief in the Queen's secret Thoughts, was the first deceiv'd; for she not being satisfied with the Answers he returned her to [Page 365] what she first propos'd to him, began to dislike him, and never after let him know the bottom of her Mind: Sometimes to him, and to us all, she would shew an Inclination to keep the Cardinal in for a time; but the moment that we gave her any Reasons to dissuade her from it, she seem'd to acquiesce to them, and spoke no more of it: But as her first mentioning of it gave us reason to su­spect, so her easie condescendence to every thing we represented, quickly confirmed us it was true; but what most deceived us, was, that at the same time that she inclined towards the Car­dinal, she promised the Duke de Beau­fort the Superintendency of the Finances for Monsieur de la Vieu-ville, and gave hopes of the Seals sometimes to Monsieur de Chasteauneuf, sometimes to Monsieur Bailleul; she assured the Duke de Ven­dosm, that in two hours after the King's Death, she would recall Monsieur de Noyers; and also at last sent for Father Gondy, and the President Barillon, newly returned from his Exile at Amboyse, to know their Opinions. I believe there might be much Dissimulation in all that Proceeding; but it is sure that there was much Uncertainty and Irresolution: In [Page 366] the mean while the Cardinal labour'd not only on the Queens side, but try'd also to keep himself in with Monsieur, and to assure himself of Monsieur le Prince; but as for the last, (altho he had rather have seen things remain in their Hands that then govern'd, than Mon­sieur de Chasteauneuf's) he would never promise any thing, but only to do as Monsieur did; as for Monsieur, whom la Riviere absolutely govern'd, he held the Cardinal in suspence to the last; and had not his private Interest oppos'd his engaging with us, I believe he had never favour'd the other Party.

I have spoken already of his open en­mity with Monsieur de Montresor, and of the black Calumny that he invented against the Count de Bethune, after the Commands that the last had received from the King: La Riviere so much possest his Masters Favour, that his Royal Highness caused a Letter to be written into England, wherein he de­sir'd him to be reconciled to la Riviere: Monsieur de Montresor, who would not declare his Mind at that distance, answe­red only, That when he returned into France, he hoped to have the Honour to discourse with his Highness upon that [Page 367] Subject, and then obey his Commands. This ambiguous Answer dissipated not la Riviere's Fear, who seeing the Friends of both his Adversaries refuse either to speak to him, or salute him, [...]ear'd lest in the Confusion of the King's Death, he might be Shipwrack'd for want of Harbour: Therefore he desir'd to be re­conciled to the Duke de Vendosme, which he was by the Mediation of the Mareschal d'Estrée, who also spoke fa­vourably of him to the Queen, (tho when he left England, he assur'd Mon­sieur de Montresor of an inviolable Friendship) but he still thought he did nothing, unless he also gain'd the Duke de Beaufort; for the accomplishing of which Design, the day before the King died, he desir'd the same Mareschal d'Estrée to tell him, That if he would promise him his Friendship, and protect him against the Rage of his two Ene­mies, he would make an equal Return, which was, to hinder the Cardinal's re­maining in the Ministry, and to make Monsieur act conformably to their de­sires. I was the first to whom the Duke de Beaufort open'd this Proposition; and as he ask'd me my Advice, I told him, That private Interest ought always to [Page 368] yield to Publick, and that I thought it very reasonable that he should give ear to the Offer which was made him; but that he must dispence with me from medling in any thing, being Cosin-Ger­main, and an intimate Friend of Monsieur de Montresor, he desir'd me to speak to the Count de Bethune about it, which I immediately did, with Monsieur d' Hu­mieres; but I found him so prepossest with the Resentment of it, that he would not yield to any other Consideration, and all the Answer I could draw from him, and which he gave also to the Duke de Beaufort afterwards, was, That he referr'd it all to him, but that he could not answer for his Friend (who was absent) which way he would en­cline: but he utter'd these words to the Duke de Beaufort in such a manner, as shew'd it would mortally offend him to proceed any further in it, so that in a short time he broke off the Treaty, whereat I was extreamly troubled; for though I will be ever for the Interest of my Friends, yet I confess, I cannot see in this any thing that could make him in dispute, which way to take: and must own, I found Count Bethunes rea­sons but weak, when he said, That with­out [Page 369] regard to what concern'd himself, it was imprudence to confide in a Knave, though of Quality, and a profess'd Cheat; because if he deceiv'd us, we should be acquitted of our promises, and in a better condition than before, to pur­sue our Resentments; and if he was just to his promise, he would make his Ser­vices considerable enough to blot out all that had pass'd; as also when he said, he made use of what was proffer'd him, to become more advantagious to us, which had he refus'd, might have done us harm: This could but be spoke in jest, since we had before declared a­gainst each other, and were in a man­ner irreconcilable. Be it what it would, the Duke de Beaufort would think of it no more; and this ought still to add to his Glory, that on that occa­sion, and on all others, he still prefer'd Honor before Profit, and always the least regarded what concerned himself, which appear'd evidently when the King distributed several of the greatest Offices belonging to the Crown; and Monsieur le Prince had the great Master given to him: the Duke de Beaufort might have had the Master of the Horse, if he would have made Friends for it, [Page 370] and though that the Queen press'd him to take it, he always answered her, That he would never receive any favor but from her: And it is most certain, that at that time the Cardinal would have given any thing to have had him his Friend; and not only him, but all his party, which I know to be true. The Commander de Souvray being sent to me from him to found me, told me, That although I was accounted amongst his greatest Enemies, yet our old Friendship at Rome hinder'd him from believing me so: To which I only answer'd, That I was oblidg'd to him for having that kind opinion of me, but that I medled with nothing, but to perform the duty of my charge, and serve the Queen.

Things were in this posture when the King dy'd, at which time if an affront had been given to any one of the Mini­sters, without doubt in the consterna­tion they were in, all the rest had fled; but it was thought best to let the Queen take her own course, and the Bishop of Beauvais promoted that Opinion. As soon as the Queen was return'd into the old Palace, and every one had paid their Homage to our new Monarch, there hap­ned [Page 371] a difference between Monsieur l [...] Prince, and the Duke de Beaufort, wherein the last behaved himself a little too haughtily: The subject of it was, the Queen retiring from her Chamber till they had emptied the Room of the horrible croud that had press'd in, sent the Duke de Beaufort to tell Monsieur, that he should make them clear the Room, and that he should stay alone with her to comfort her. Monsieur le Prince, who was standing by his Royal Highness, catch'd immediately at the word, and answered, That if the Queen would command him any thing, she should send a Captain of the Guards to him; but as for the Duke de Beaufort, he would receive no Orders from him. The Duke de Beaufort answer'd him briskly, That he would not concern himself to give him any Order, but that there is no Man in France should hinder him from doing what the Queen commanded. This little dissention was appeas'd again in a moment, though the grudge still remain'd: The Ministers now beginning to find that it was talk'd pub­lickly, that the Queen, as soon as she was at Paris, would annul the Declara­tion, believ'd, that if they submitted [Page 372] to her, they might defend that stroak, and sent to tell the Queen (as they had done before) they would absolutely re­mit all the Authority given them by that Declaration, and pass whatsoever Act she pleas'd. This moderated the Queen, insomuch that when she came next day to Paris, she was not resolv'd what to do, but in the two following days they represented to her, that the Regency had neither its necessary luster nor authority, if it was not confirm'd in Parliament; without restriction, they made it appear also to Monsieur, how much that Declaration was injurious to him, so that at length they both agreed to have it annull'd, Monsieur le Prince consenting also to it. It is true, to get them to give their consent, the Bishop of Beauvais promis'd from the Queen, a Go­vernment, with several fortified places to his Royal Highness, and at length the same to the Duke d'Anguien. After this Contract, the Queen went to the Parlia­ment, where was perform'd all she de­sired in so glorious a manner, that no­thing could have been added to it; all the Parliament testifying, That they de­sir'd nothing so much, as her absolute Au­thority; they had taken a resolution to [Page 373] present to her Majesty a kind of Re­monstrance, most humbly to beseech her to make use of Men of known Honesty, and to remove from her those that were the causes of the pass'd Tyranny, there was none but the President Barillon who said obliquely something about it; but they press'd it no farther, by the ad­vice of the Bishop de Beauvais, who told them, That it was fit to let the Queen have the glory to acquit her self of them; the consequence has sufficiently condemn'd his advice, and all People must own, that had the Parliament spo­ken as they intended, they had Printed so black a Character upon the reputa­tions of those Ministers, that the Queen, it may be, would have been asham'd to have made use of them any more; be­sides, already of themselves they stood so wavering, that the least wind would have over-whelm'd them.

I know not what assurance the Cardi­nal could then have of the Queens incli­nation for him, but if he had, he did not discover it to any one living, telling even his greatest Confidents of his re­turn into Italy, as a thing resolved on; and appearing to be extreamly offended, [Page 374] that when they annull'd the Declarati­on they did not except him, but the Scene of Affairs was presently changed; for about three or four hours after their return from the Palais, the Queen pro­pos'd to him by Monsieur le Prince, to establish him by a Breviat in the same place that the Declaration gave him, and to make him besides that, President of her Councel: at first he refus'd this Proposition, but afterwards yielded to it, promising to remain in France only till such time as the Peace was conclud­ed. You may judge how much we were all surpris'd, who believed him just rea­dy to pass the Mountains; when we came at night to the Louvre and heard this good news, I found the Bishop of Beauvais in the Queens Closet, and tel­ling him how much I was surprised at it, he reply'd, shrugging up his shoulders, That he could answer me as to what was done, but not what would follow: meaning by that, that he knew how that business would go in Parliament, but was ignorant what the Queen would do afterwards, I went away strangely con­founded at the weakness of our chief Director, and going the same night to the Hostel de Vendosme, the Duke de Beau­fort [Page 375] told me, That the Bishop of Beau­vais having modestly complained to the Queen, that she had so far acted with­out doing him the honor to communi­cate it to him; she answer'd him, That she found her self necessitated to keep about her one of those who was conver­sant in the principal Secrets of the State, and she believed no body more proper for this, than Cardinal Mazarin, who as he was a Stranger, had neither any pri­vate interest or support in France; that that ought not to allarum him or the rest of her Servants, who were not in good correspondance with him, since she gave them her promise never to leave them; and as a mark, that though she re­tain'd the Cardinal, she embraced not his Interests, she abandoned all the rest of his Party. This Discourse gave us new assurance, but after such a stroak we believed we might have always rea­son to apprehend a change in so close a mind.

Two days after arrived the News of the Victory of Rocroy, which won­derfully raised both Monsieur le Prince, and Madam la Princess his Wife; and as their hatred to the House of Vendosme [Page 376] was manifest, the rise of one still seem'd to be a depression of the other: Madam la Princess, who was insolent and mali­cious as she us'd to be when she was in prosperity, one day when I went to wait upon her to divert her, began a Dis­course full of Satyr, which nevertheless she ended very obligingly to me, but it was full of reflections upon the Duke de Beaufort; to whom I reply'd the best I could, without giving her offence. This glorious Success made that Family hope, and even with reason, ask many great things, and made the Cardinal unite him­self so strictly to them. 'Twas then I be­gan to be sensible that I was deceived, when I hoped to receive any great ad­vantage from the Queens kindness, for only asking her a Company in the Regi­ment de Rambures, for the Brother of a Captain who they thought was kill'd in the Battle, she did me the honor to re­fuse me; but I must confess, that five or six days after, she granted me a very great favor, in consenting to the sup­pression of the Office of the Commissa­ry General of the Suisse, though it was done after having made many difficulties in it: The Bishop of Bauvais was the only Man to whom I at first reveal'd it, [Page 377] and afterwards to the Queen, who told me, that she would refer her self to the determination of the Marshal de Basem­piere, whom I intreated to be kind to me in it; which he was, and seem'd to re­joyce to have the occasion. When I first bought my Place, I sent to tell him when he was in the Bastille, by the Count de Bethune, that if I believed not only that he pretended to it himself, but would be the least dis-satisfied to see it in the hands of another, I would think no more of it. He received this Mes­sage with the greatest Civility imagin­able, and sent back his Nephew d'Este­lan to tell my Wife, that he was ravish­ed to hear that I had the Place; that he himself would instruct me in my Duty, and be a Father to me: When I saw him in the Bastille, he still continued his Caresses, and said also the same thing when he was at liberty; and when he came to Court, after a hundred times embracing me, he said aloud, That if he had yet remaining any Friends amongst the Suisse, he would also make them mine: In the business of Commissary-General, he behaved himself with an extream care, and till such time he saw me in disgrace, he still lived well with [Page 378] me; but all that will appear in the fol­lowing Discourse.

And now to begin where I made this Digression, a thing so considerable for my establishment setled without my troubling, the Cardinal gave me reason to believe, that our party was not real­ly so desperate as we thought it; and though the Bishop de Beauvais's capacity was but small, yet there was still some­thing that appeared Great, to see him declared Minister of State, and design'd for a Cardinals Cap, the Queen having written to Rome for him; and perceiving also at the same time she promised the Duke de Vendosme the Government of Britany (which the Great Master had re­nounced) or an equivalent recompence: but nevertheless, the Cardinal still ad­vanced in her affections, and though that she protested he should never ob­tain any thing prejudicial to those who had been her approved Servants, she confest, That he had something very taking in his Conversation, and always prais'd him for being dis-interss'd. He on his part, was extraordinary civil to all the People of Quality; and except the House of Vendosm, which had open­ly [Page 379] declared it self against him, visited all the Princes, Dukes and Peers, and the Officers of the Crown; People then began to wonder that we did not begin to think of some way to reconcile our selves to him, but it was impossible ever to see him again with kind looks; for we having broken with him for the Queens Interest, 'twas her part to pre­scribe how we ought to live together: But besides this publick, there was also a private Interest, which was the good understanding between him and the Chancellor, against whom the whole Family of Vendosm, the Bishop of Mets, Monsieur de Montresor, Monsieur de Be­thune, Monsieur de Beaupuy, and my self, had openly declared, chiefly because of the death of Monsieur de Thou; so that we believed we could not see him again with honor, as long as he was joyn'd with a Man that we had so much reason to hate: And to say the truth, it was a thing hard enough to be understood, that the Queen, to whom he had reason to appear more odious than to us, con­tinued him still in his Office: But as she is susceptable of whatsoever impressions are given her, the strong intercessions that was made for him, by little and [Page 380] little diminished her just Resentments of the Injuries he had done her. The first that spoke to her for him, was Montague, a Creature that had formerly depended upon Monsieur de Chasteau­neuf, and since gain'd to that Party du­ring his retreat to Pontoise, by Jane a Carmelite Nun, who was Sister to the Chancellor: Monsieur de Brienne se­conded him in it, and preferr'd (as he himself said) the Interest of a living ac­quaintance, before the memory of Mon­sieur de Thou, though he had been his most intimate Friend; but he is accus'd to have chiefly consider'd Twenty thou­sand Crowns, which they say was given him for his trouble: but that which wholly confirmed him in the place, was the consideration of Monsieur de Cha­steauneuf, who was the only Man whose return the Cardinal fear'd; and seeing that now, in this time of general Indem­nity, it would be impossible for him to oppose his liberty, since the chief crime that appear'd against him, was, that he had too much adhered to the Queens Interest: He let no opportunity slip, but took his Measures in the just time, and he was wonderfully assisted by Ma­dam la Princess, who in her new-blown [Page 381] Pride for the Victory of Rocroy, thought all things due to her, and declared pub­lickly, That all the Family of Condy would be forced to leave the Court, if the Queen recall'd him to the Councel, who presided at the condemnation of Monsieur de Momerancy her Brother. There needed no more to turn the Queen from Monsieur de Chasteauneuf, who was already so cool in her kindness to him, that she began to say, He was none of hers, but Madam de Chevreuses Martyr; separating thus her own Inte­rests, from the Interest of that Person whom she once so dearly loved, whose return now she much more feared than desired: She would have been content to have let her remain'd still in Flan­ders; but since the Duke d'Epernon, and Monsieur de Montresor, were already re­turn'd from England, and Fonetrailles and Aubijoux, who were supported by Monsieur, appeared publickly in Paris; and that also Madam de Senecey and Ma­dam de Hautefort, were not only return'd to Court, but in their places again, and all the rest of the proscribed were daily expected: It would be most unreason­able to leave a Princess any longer in Ex­ile, whom all Europe knew to be so, on­ly [Page 382] for having been most zealous in her Service. If I were asked from whence proceeded so great a change in the Queens mind, I must freely answer, that I impute it to two things: The first is, That when we have extraordinary Ob­ligations to any one, we are apt to dread their presence, as if their sight continually urged an acknowledgement, and condemn'd us of Ingratitude every moment that we delaid returning them. The other is, That her old love for Ma­dam de Chevreuse was worn out by little and little, by her new one; for the Car­dinal, which was daily seen to increase, and which in a little time reach'd so far, that her Conversation with him, instead of an hour or two, now lasted all the Evening; so that the poor Bishop of Beauvais, who was always used to take that time to entertain her, waited in an­other Room, and had scarcely time to say Grace to her, or to see her one mi­nute after Supper. But nevertheless, to confirm in some manner what she had said, that she would not favor all the Party, she gave command that Monsieur de Boutiller should quit the Finances. The Cardinal had not as yet fix'd his Anchor upon sure ground enough, but [Page 383] that he was forced to yield to this stroak; and all he could obtain, was, that it might be done in a favorable man­ner, the Sur-Intendant himself asking leave to lay it down: it was given be­tween Mesieurs de Bailleut, and d'Avanx, to hinder the last from being in a ca­pacity to take Monsieur de Chavigny's Office, which the Cardinal endeavored himself to fulfil; and the reason why the first was put into that imployment, was to shew, that the Queen now in­tended to advance her old Servants, and to remove him from all pretentions to the Seal, for the Cardinal intended to keep the Chancellor still in that, know­ing that a titular Officer was much fitter to oppose Monsieur de Chasteauneuf, than to have it in a Commissioners hand, as the Keeper of the Great Seal always is. To these Reasons may be added, one that's yet more unknown, which is, that in putting in these two, the last being obliged to go Plenipotentiary to con­clude the general Peace at Munster, the Finances would remain wholly in the hands of the first, who by his inability would give way to Monsieur d'Emery, the new Controller-General, and faith­ful Dependant of the Cardinal, to act [Page 384] with full Authority as if he was himself Sur-Intendant. A little after this pro­motion, the Cardinal believing that he should shew an extraordinary deference to the Queen, by endeavoring to acquire the Friendship of those, whom she had always believed her faithful Servants: He began with the Prince de Marcillac, as being the first that the Queen had o­penly protested to be kind to, he desi­red his Friendship in the most civil and most pressing terms imaginable, mak­ing him be told, That he begged he would wholly abandon him, when he perceived him pursuing any private In­terest, either to procure Riches, Offices, or any other Advantage whatever, or had any intention to prejudice any Man of Quality. The Prince de Marcillac related to the Queen all that the Cardi­nal had told him, asking her what she pleas'd to command him upon it, she an­swer'd, That the greatest pleasure he could ever do her, was to receive him for his Friend; and spoke of him with such an esteem and eagerness, as plainly enough discover'd her Inclination: after which, the Prince de Marcillac had no­thing more to consult; but however, before he went to see him, he imparted [Page 385] all that had pass'd to his particular Friends, and amongst the rest, was so obliging as to tell it me with all the Circumstances: This began to make us look at home, and think of our selves, it hapning at the same time▪ that Monsieur de Chavigny (according to his Fathers method) obtained leave to quit his Office, which was given to Monsieur de Brienne; and it was talked of his be­ing sent either to Rome, or into Germa­ny, as a Man lost for ever at Court, We believed, that the Cardinal then ha­ving no body whom he particularly lo­ved in Councel, it would be easie to enter into League with him, and that for our Friendship he perhaps would willingly forsake the Chancellor. Having weighed this Design, the Bishop of Metz (to whom he had also made Propositions of Friendship) went to the Queen, and after having spoken to her almost in the same manner, as the Prince de Marcillac, receiv'd the same answer, with only this addition, That upon the Overtures that the Cardinal had made him, she conjur'd him to gain him as ma­ny Friends as was possible; the Bishop of Metz having told all his Discourse with the Queen to the Duke de Ven­dosme, [Page 386] both the Duke and his Children desired, that all their Friends might be informed of every thing that had pas­sed, and for that reason desired the Bi­shop of Metz, the Duke d'Espernon, the Count de Fiesque; Monsieur Beaupuy, and my self, to meet at their House: Campion, who was then his menial Ser­vant, was also at that Conference; Mon­sieur Bethune, and Monsieur Montresor, having been their oldest and chiefest Friends, ought to have been sent for, but I believe the Duke de Vendosme did not desire them, perhaps for the reason I have already said, of la Riviere whom he would preserve his Friend by the me­diation of the Mareschal d'Estreé. The Queens command cutting off all occasi­ons of farther differences. The Count de Fiesque took upon him to go, and tell the Cardinal from all the family of Vendosme, the Bp. of Metz, and the D. d'Espernon, that they desired his Friendship with all freeness and sincerity, but that they de­sir'd to have nothing to do with any bo­dy but himself, & for that reason they had not sent to him till such time that they saw Monsieur de Chavigny out of all bu­siness, and that the only mark that they asked of his kindness, was the Chancel­lors [Page 387] ruine, whom the death of Monsieur de Thou, and his manner of proceeding in the business of the Hermits, and the tryal of the Duke d'Espernon, had made odious. The Cardinal, after he had as­sured them that he received the Propo­sition they had made him with a great deal of Joy, and that he esteemed their Friendship at the highest rate, answered, That he was obliged to them that they did not speak to him of this, whil'st Monsieur de Chavigny had any part in the Ministry of Affairs, because he could never have abandon'd him; but for the Chancellor, he was an infamous Man, and that at the Kings death he had renounced him, and consequently cared not for him now; but if he put him out, he was not able to hinder Monsieur de Chasteauneufs entring into his place, whom he confess'd he could never en­dure in the Ministry.

This first Conference ended thus, but it furnished matter for many others, where­in the Count de Fiesque told the Cardi­nal, That the Gentlemen for whom he spoke, desiring to enter into the Bonds of Friendship with him, would not be­gin to shock him in what appeared so [Page 388] much his Interest, therefore they only asked of him, that whensoever he could secure himself from Monsieur de Cha­steauneuf, he would remove the Chan­cellor: He made a difficulty to promise that he would remove him, and only said at first, that he would abandon him, but at length he acquiesced: and did the same concerning the Duke d'Anguien: for having said, That he desired to live ci­villy with him, and that he had no design to break off, he received no answer, when the Count de Fiesque told him, That those Gentlemen making choice of him for their chief Friend, desired a preference in his mind before all their Competitors. This Treaty lasted five or six days, because on one side the Cardinal shew'd now an ardent desire of their Friendships; and then a little after appear'd cooler in it, speaking with greater reservedness. And on the other side, the Duke de Beaufort would have been willing, before they came to a conclusion, to have seen Cam­pion return'd, whom he had sent to meet Madam de Chevreuse, who was then just come to France, and with whom his Father the Duke d'Espernon, and him­self, were in a most strict League: And [Page 389] as it was necessary that the Count de Fiesque should give them from time to time an account of his Negotiation, and be instructed what they would have him say, we met, during that time, five or six times, either at the Duke de Ven­dosm's, or the Duke d'Espernons, or at the Bishop of Metz, or at the Capucins, or else at my House: And although in all those Meetings there almost nothing pass'd but only to obey the Queen, ne­vertheless they have since endeavor'd to represent it as a Crime, and the Plot­tings of a Seditious Cabal, though the Cardinal cannot deny but that the Count de Fiesque daily told him whatsoever was resolved amongst us. In five or six days Campion return'd, who informed us, That Madam de Chevreuse had receiv'd Letters from the Queen before she left Flanders, wherein her Majesty seem'd to desire, that there might be a right un­derstanding between the Cardinal and Her, and that she came prepar'd to do it, and advis'd all those Gentlemen to the same; upon which, they immediatly re­solved, and went the very next day to visit him, with whom they had then rea­son to be satisfied, having been received with the greatest Civility that could be [Page 390] express'd. Perhaps many will wonder, that having always been in the same In­terest with those Gentlemen, I was not also comprehended in the Treaty; but the reason was, I did not desire it, for that being in an Office that depended only upon the Queen, I would act in nothing without Her order; which was the answer I made to the Duke de Beau­fort when he spoke to me of it, and I know not if he said any thing to the Queen concerning it or no: But two or three days after, as I received Orders from her, she told me, I knew that the Duke de Vendosme, and his Sons, had seen Cardinal Mazarin; I answered her, Yes, but with a tone of voice, and in a particular way of speaking, whereby I endeavored to let her know, that it was my Opinion that that would be no ad­vantage to me; whereupon she conti­nued that she believed him true to her Interest, therefore she desired all those that were so, to live well with him: I an­swered, That I most humbly beseeched Her Majesty to remember, That I left him only when I concluded him an Ene­my to Her Interest: That's true (said she:) And now, Madam, (I reply'd) I am still all Obedience to whatsoever [Page 391] your Majesty commands me. Taking my leave thereupon, with design to make him a visit the next day; 'tis true, that before I went any farther, I was willing to see Monsieur de Bethune, and Mon­sieur de Montresor, whom I found ex­treamly netled, that an Agreement had been made without them; and though the Duke de Beaufort acquainted them with it before they saw the Cardinal; they believed still that there was more due to their ancient Friendship, than simply to render them an account of what was already resolved of: But they took it most ill of the Duke de Vendosme, and particularly Monsieur de Montresor, who remembred, that when he left Eng­land he had promised him his Friendship, giving him also all assurance to serve him towards Monsieur, which he per­formed so ill, that la Riviere was one of the first Men with whom he endea­vor'd to engage himself, the remembrance of which was a little hard to him, chiefly at that time; for at his return from Eng­land, Monsieur pressing him again to live kindly with la Riviere, and imploying Monsieur de Bellegarde upon that sub­ject, tho without any effect, Monsieur de Montresor persisting still in saying, that [Page 392] he looked upon la Riviere as the same Man that Monsieur had formerly painted him, which was a Rogue and a Traytor; His Royal Highness lived with him after­wards in another manner than he had done, using him with the greatest in­difference that could be, which made him resolve at length to sell his place, and to re­tire himself wholly from Court, which he did in a little time after. When I had told them what concerned my self (which they approved, as being an effect of my obedience to Her whom I had wholly dedicated my self to without re­serve) after I had been at Mont-rouge to acquaint Monsieur de Chasteau­neuf of it, who was also of the same Opinion, I went to the Cardinal, whom I found just coming down stairs, with some Ladies, going from thence to Councel; so that the first time I could not have much Discourse with him, but what he did say to me was ve­ry civil and obliging, so far as to make an excuse that he could not go up stairs again to entertain me: The next day I went again, and finding him in his Chamber with very few People with him, I made him a Complement where­of he has since very much complain'd, [Page 393] and declar'd, That I told him that I on­ly came to see him by the Queens order, though my words signified quite ano­ther thing: I know, that when the Prince de Macellac went to see him, that the Queen had spoken to him concerning him, I believed she might have done the for me; therefore after having assured him of my respect and service, I told him I hoped that he would do me the honor easily to believe what I protested to him, since he knew that for a long time I had profest being his most obedient Ser­vant, but that if any thing could be ad­ded to the Inclination I had always to do him honor, it would be without doubt, the Trust and the Esteem the Queen shew'd him, which would ob­lige all those who were wholly hers, and particularly my self, to respect him yet more: I also beseeched him to think, that whensoever the Queen should com­mand me any thing relating to that, I would not only execute it with that blind Obedience I ow to all her Or­ders, but also with extream Joy and Sa­tisfaction: I leave it to be judged, if this Discourse can reasonably receive that sense which he gave it; and if this be a just foundation for those Mischiefs that [Page 394] he has since done me, and began the very next day: for the Mareschal de Bas­sompiere going to see him, he spoke to him of me in such a manner, as shew'd plain enough he had no great love for me, and endeavored to put it into his mind to re-enter into his Office, which the Mareschal let me know the very next day, by two or three people. This News surprised me a little, and desiring to know the bottom of it, I went to Monsieur Liancour, and desired him to speak to him for me, which he did im­mediatly, with that goodness which he hath always shewn in my Concerns; and having only told him, that he had been inform'd that he was dis-satisfied with me, He made as if he knew nothing of it, and without discovering any displeasure at me, said, That after I had a long time left off visiting him, I came again and told him, That it was by the Queens Order, but now he assur'd him, that if I would be his Friend, he would be mine; Monsieur de Liancour having answer'd, That he might confide in me, put an end to the Discourse; and having afterwards given me a relation of it, I believed that this little dissatisfaction was past, and that I might be good Friends with him again. [Page 395] During this, Madam de Chevreuse was arriv'd, and went down directly to the Louvre; but if the Queen was impatient to see her, she was much more so to send her to Dampierre; for immediatly after the first Salutations were pass'd, she told Her, That the Allies of France might grow jealous, if immediatly after her return from Flanders, they knew that she was near Her, and that for this rea­son she must take a short Journy into the Country. Madam de Chevreuse, for all she was surpris'd, answered her without any concern, That she was ready to o­bey her, but beseeched her to consider, That all Europe knew she had been per­secuted for her extraordinary love to Her Majesty; and that it might perhaps reflect upon her self if she sent her away so suddenly, and desired that she would be pleased to ask the Cardinals advice in it, who being in the Closet, and sent for in, told the Queen, That Madam de Chevreuse had reason, and that her Ma­jesty would be too blame if she should use her so. Thus Madam de Chevreuse fenc'd off this first assault, which might well have let her see, That she had not that power in the Queens Breast, she once had: but if she perceiv'd it, she hid it at least from her most intimate [Page 396] Friends, and imparted this Adventure to no Body till a long time after: In this, following the humor of all those that pretend to favor who will never disco­ver that they are declining in their Prin­ces affection. Nevertheless, the Cardi­nal did not think her intirely ruin'd, nor absolutely useless to his Advancement, for the next day he went to visit her, and for the first Complement told her, That he knew that the Assignations of the Exchequer came slowly, and that she having been so long a Journy, might perhaps want mony, therefore he came to offer and bring her Fifty thousand Crowns; but because he knew also that an Ambitious Soul, like hers, would not be so much moved with these fair Offers as with Actions, he asked her a few days after, What he might do to gain her Friendship, protesting, That he would spare nothing that might procure it. She presently put him upon a fair Tryal, asking him two things of very great Importance: One, that the Duke de Vendosme might be satisfied for his pretentions to the Government of Bre­tayne, for which he had as yet nothing but fair Words: And the other, That the Duke d'Espernon might be restored [Page 397] to his Place and Government. He pro­ceeded in both these very obligingly: For as to the first, Monsieur de Brienne had immediately a Commission to treat with the Duke de Vendôme, and in the Queens name to promise him the Admi­ralty, which they sent to the Duke de Brezé to give a Resignation of: And as to the second, the Duke d'Espernon was immediately after restored to his Ho­nors, and neither pains nor cost was spa­red to draw the Count d'Harcourt from Guienne. After these two first Affairs, she put him to a third, to which he would scarce consent, yet did at last, though it took no effect; it was to pro­cure the Prince de Marcillac the Govern­ment of Havre: To this he Remonstra­ted to her, how much he ow'd to the Memory of the deceased Cardinal, and that it would be unjust in him to become an Instrument of injuring his Heirs: But she still insisting upon it, he at last yielded. After such great Tryals, she thought nothing would be impossible for her with him, and at last propos'd to him the Re-establishment of Monsieur de Chasteauneuf: but this being his most sensible and nearest concern, he could not dissemble, and flatly reply'd to her, [Page 398] That he would never give his consent to it, and from that moment broke off with her, excepting some few Civilities which since pass'd, there was never after any sincere Intelligence or Friendship be­twixt them. Monsieur de Chasteauneuf had now been a long time at Montrouge, having arrived there at the same time that Madam de Chevreuse came to Paris: and it may be, if he had immediatly come to the Court without capitulating with the Queen, he might have engag'd her by this freedom not to have aban­don'd him, whereas because he follow'd the example of Madam de Senécey, who would not enter into Paris till she was re-establish'd in her Place, he gave the Queen time to accustom her self to know that he was near Paris, without desiring his presence, and consider'd not that Madam de Senécey had only a Person whom the Queen had no affection for to oppose her, whereas he (besides the whole Family of Monsieur le Prince who were against his return) gave the chief Minister reason to be jealous, and could not gain but by Address, and by little and little, what that Honorable Lady did at the first step: But without doubt, he was deceiv'd by the belief that [Page 399] the Queen had a mighty Inclination for him; and 'twas by this also that the Bishop de Beauvais lost himself insensi­bly, and that, after having possessed the first Place, and been nominated for a Cardinalship, a private Countermand was sent to Rome, and he left in the Anti-Chamber, whil'st the Queen quietly en­tertain'd the Cardinal, whose Wit she did not much esteem at first, and said, That he was not a Man knowing in Bu­siness, since he understood not the Re­gale, nor the Finances, qualifications indeed very necessary in a great Minister. Thus all our Affairs began to decline, and as to what concerns me, Monsieur de Tellier, following the steps of Mon­sieur de Noyers his Predecessor, from that time began to thwart me in my Charge, and desiring to appropriate to himself the Authority of appointing Commissa­ries for Mustering of the Suisses, design­ed to take from me by little and little, what the Queen had given me in gross by suppressing the charge of the Isle: Yet at first, he took a method which gave me occasion to think that his De­sign was rather against the Marshals of France, than against me; and by the Civilities he did me, kept me for some [Page 400] time under this mistake; but at last, when I saw that all these fine words came to nothing, and that they did but defer to resolve upon what I asked from day to day, I perceiv'd that these shifting tricks came from another Principle, and that the Cardinal had as great a hand in them, as in delaying to conclude Mon­sieur de Vendosme's business, wherein they every day raised a thousand Obsta­cles to hinder the Execution of what was promis'd him: 'Tis true, he himself con­tributed much to his own unhappiness, for he made a difficulty of taking the Admiralty without the Anchorage, and considered not that he should have en­ter'd upon the Office at any rate, it being easie for him afterwards to extend his Rights: In the mean time, his unsteady and confused way of carrying on his bu­siness, gave opportunity enough to do him ill turns. Sometimes he addressed himself to the Cardinal, and declared, That he would owe to him the Obliga­tion of what they did for him; in a mo­ment after, he sought an opportunity of getting Marshal d'Estrées to speak to la Riviere, and conjure him to make his Affair succeed; and after that, attempted by oblique ways to engage Monsieur le [Page 401] Prince to serve him. In fine, there did not an hour pass over his head wherein he did not more then once change his Opinion and Party: Nor did he only change from this side to the other, but would have also plaid the same tricks with Monsieur de Beaufort, who for his part having particular Designs, and in­termixing his most important Affairs with trifles, lived in so fantastical a man­ner with the Cardinal, that it was im­possible for him to repose any assurance in him; not that I believe he ever har­bored in his Breast any such Designs as were laid to his charge; only his enter­tainments of the Cardinal were either full of coldness, or civility, according to the humors of those Ladies, Madam de Chevreuse, and Madam de Montbazon, insomuch that if he gave him occasion to be satisfied with him one day, he disob­lig'd him as much the next, saying, That he only came to see him by his Fathers order. If in the condition he is in, I had a mind to complain of him, I should have some reason to do so, it being very true that at this time, though he did me the honor to dine at my House often, and pass the greatest part of the Afternoons with me, yet he imparted to me very [Page 402] little of his Conduct: And I dare say, (though I am not the greatest Politician in the Kingdom) that if he would have opened himself more freely to me, he had never been embarrass'd in that un­unlucky and shameful Intrigue of Ma­dam de Longueville's Letters, which hap­ned about this time, and into which his Love for Madam de Montbazon hurried him, without considering the bottom of the thing, and imputing the Malice to those who could not possibly be guilty.

I can say further, That to take this Af­fair right, nothing at all of it is to be believed, I never enquir'd into the thing to get more knowledge of it: But if Monsieur de Beaufort had spoke to me of it at the beginning, I would have advised him without examining the falshood or truth thereof, to have given the Letters into Madam de Longueville's hands; and I think that this service done to a person who was once passionately belov'd, and who is even yet as much hated, is a very sensible reproach, and the most honest and glorious Revenge that could be taken. But he suffer'd himself to be car­ried away with anothers Passion, and by the breaking out of this cursed Quarrel, [Page 403] absolutely threw himself upon a Preci­pice. From that time there was little familiarity betwixt Monsieur d'Anguien and him; and besides the remembrance of what pass'd in the Quarrel of the Grand-Maistre, and the report that this Prince had ask'd to have his Brother-in­law, the Duke de Brezè, protected in his charge, he gave an answer to a Let­ter (which Monsieur de Beaufort wrote to him upon the Birth of his Son) where­in he treated him rudely, and in a kind of revenge, which his little Pride prom­pted him to, only subscrib'd himself, Your most humble, and affectionate Servant. But though these little peeks betwixt two such haughty and ambitious Minds, were enough to carry them to extreams, yet they might have been qualifi'd with some moderation; whereas after an Af­fair, which directly wounded their Ho­nor, there was no way left for a Recon­cilement. I confess, I speak not upon this subject with a cold heart, and that of all that has pass'd since the Kings Death, this is the only thing I look back upon with regret, and would say with some sort of Repentance, if I did not find an infinite number of Reasons that forced me to take that side which I did. [Page 404] Those which ought to have disswaded me, were first of all Interest; almost all my Estate lay in le Berry, and under the Government of Monsieur le Prince. I saw the Duke de Anguien likely to return to Court within a little while, having augmented the glory of his Victory at Rocroy, by the taking of Thienville, which was judged impregnable; and that after such Services, it was hard to believe that the Queen would favor any other Party than his. The Duke de Longue­ville had always dealt very obligingly with me, and there were few that he spoke to with more confidence. In fine, it was to be observ'd, that I had the honor to be nearly related to Madam la Prin­cess, whom I should mortally offend, if I offer'd my Service to Madam de Mont­bazon, my relation to whom was further off, and less Honorable: But also very strong considerations invited me to the other side, almost all my Friends were embark'd in it, and above all Monsieur de Guise, who caress'd me extraordina­rily at his return into France, and seem'd to choose me for his principal Friend: I had the Honor to be nearer him than any of his Quality; I had all along dearly loved and very much honor'd him, and [Page 405] was the first Author of the strait Union betwixt Monsieur de Beaufort and him which seemed to be one of the principal causes that put him upon this Intrigue: I believ'd, that the Womens Quarrel would certainly breed one among'st the Men, and resolved not to embrace one Party to acquit it again the next day. But to speak freely, the most essential reason that made me de­clare, was, That I knew, whatever Caresses the Cardinal made me, he had no kind­ness at all for me, and thought that I must of necessity get some other support near the Queen. I knew very well, if I should hope for one in Monsieur le Prince, that he would not displease the first Minister for me, if in Monsieur, la Riviere, the mortal Enemy of my Friends, was an invincible Obstacle; so that I saw none but Madam de Chevreuse, who hiding her Disgrace the best that she could, and continuing her ancient fami­liarity with the Queen, seem'd to me to be yet in a condition to protect me. Be­ing joyn'd in Interest with her common Friends, I had in a little time gain'd a great deal of Freedom, and receiv'd from her Assurances to serve me upon all occasions: But I had a mind to oblige her to it with something more extraordi­nary, [Page 406] knowing well, That she being Vain and Ambitious, would be touch­ed therewith, and told her, That 'twas she I had chiefly respect to, when I rank'd my self on Madam de Montbazons Par­ty; which she receiv'd as well as I could wish, and promis'd me all the assistance imaginable.

I will say nothing of all that after­wards pass'd in this Affair, because it was so publick that no body can be ignorant of it, only, that if the Opinion of Mon­sieur de Longueville had been followed, it had stifled all. But Madam la Princess following the heat of her Natural Tem­per, and finding an opportunity of sa­tisfying her old Animosities, carried it to the utmost extremity, to which I know not whether she was push'd on by the Cardinal, who look'd upon our Party as form'd against him, and thought it not so much design'd against Monsieur le France, as against his Authority, which increased every day. At the Hotel de Madam de Chevreuse there was a meeting of fourteen Princes, at which I was not present, and would have been sorry to have been so, thinking it very useless and impertinent. Two days after, the Amende▪ Honorable which Madam de [Page 407] Moutbazon, was to undergo at the Hotel de Condè; the Queen being in the Cir­cle, call'd me to her, and said, That she believed I did not know that the Of­ficers of the Kings House should strike in with no party in the Quarrels at Court, because they ought to stay for her Or­ders: I answer'd, That I did not know it, but that whatever Party I should take, it could not prejudice the Obedi­ence I would always pay to Her Com­mands. She reply'd, That this by ren­dring me suspected by one of the Parties, would make me uncapable of following her Orders; and ending her Discourse, signified unto me, That I should once more stand Neuter. The day follow­ing I was to see the Cardinal, who ha­ving received me with an appearance of more freedom then before, told me, That the Queen had acquainted him with what She had said to me, and having in­form'd my self what might be alledg'd thereupon, I answered, That since the Queen disapprov'd my Action, I for e­ver stood corrected; but if I had fail'd in my duty, my fault was not without president, and upon this instanced in the late Duke d'Espernon, in the Quarrel be­twixt Monsieur le Count and Monsieur [Page 408] de Guise. He told me, That the Queen had great reason to desire it should not be so any more, and advised me, as my Friend, punctually to obey her Maje­sty. After this I made him two or three Visits, wherein he treated me so kindly, that I believed he would not be unwil­ling to oblige me in my Concerns, since he was pleased to serve one of my Kins­men upon my recommendation, there­fore I spoke to him of the difference be­twixt Monsieur le Tellier and my self; and in a Memoir which I gave him, ex­plained the thing to him very clearly; adding when I left him, That it was the most important Affair he could oblige me in. His Answers were civil and affe­ctionate, but the next time I spoke to him of it, I found him much more cold, and he made me a long Discourse, to shew me, That what I ask'd of him was much against the Kings Service, and con­cluded with telling me, That as to my own Interest I must be satisfied, and not attempt to preserve a right which had too great a Consequence: I reply'd, That my Predecessors in the Office had enjoy'd it, and as for my self, all those who knew me, knew that Riches and Interest influenc'd me very little, and [Page 409] that Honor alone was that which actu­ated me, and which I sought for in the Affair wherewith I entertain'd him. I question whether this so frank a Declara­tion of my Humor pleas'd him, but I know that he left me without giving me any great hopes. On this or the day following, happen'd the last stroak of Madam de Monbazon's disgrace at Re­nard, I came not thither till the Queen was coming out, and was extreamly surpris'd and troubled at the disorder. Monsieur de Mets is witness of what I said to Madam de Monbazon, and how much I blam'd her for having made the Affair of Madam la Princess become the Queens. In the mean time, the Queen the day after did me the Honor to rec­kon me amongst the Councellors of this Fair disgraced, and declared, That what she spoke before Madam la Prin­cess against those who advis'd her to stay in Renerds Lodgings, were parti­cularly address'd to me. I was imme­diatly advertis'd of it, but knowing my self to be entirely Innocent, I thought that I ought not to make Excuses, and believ'd I could not come to a clear un­derstanding, without speaking in some sort against the exil'd, which was contra­ry [Page 410] to my humor. In the mean time I perceiv'd that my Affair was protracted for one of these two ends, either to make me swerve from my Duty, or do some foolish Action, or at least to make the Suisses grow impatient by the delay, and discredit me with them: So that I thought I ought speedily to see an end of it, and went to Madam de Chevreuse, whom I acquainted how things stood: I came not to desire her to speak for me, knowing well, that she had her hands full of more important Concerns, but only to tell her, That I must be pressing and urgent in the business, and that be­fore I did it, I was willing to give her an account thereof: She called Campion to make a third in our Conference, and answer'd me, That if I could but have patience for eight days, she believed in that time she could do my business effe­ctually; but since I could not defer it, that I must seek a support elsewhere, and only continue to be still her Friend. I believe this Discourse went no further then us three; but I know very well, that when I went the day following to speak with the Cardinal, he shew'd very little inclination to favor me, and after many Difficulties (though I assur'd him I desir'd [Page 411] to owe the Obligation to him) he told me, That he was not the only one in the Council, and that I must speak to others: by this I judged that my Affair was lost: but finding no other way to come off, and seeing that Monsieur Tellier had ob­tained a Grant of what he desired a­gainst me, I was resolved to speak to his Royal Highness, and to the rest of the Council; but during this time, the pro­cedure of my Friends ruin'd all as fast as I could build. The Duke de Beauford, either out of Love or Pride, shew'd him­self infinitely vex'd at the Exile of Ma­dam de Montbazon; and when the Queen would have spoke to him, he flung away in such a disdainful manner, that this a­lone was enough to have destroyed all the Friendship she could have had for him: I perceiv'd it one Evening, and re­proach'd him for acting so like a Child, but instead of returning me Reasons, he answer'd me only with very imprudent transports of Passion and Fury. As he had less business than ordinary, he came very often to seek for me; and though I saw him in an ill posture, yet out of Friendship and Honor, I would not quite forsake him: 'Tis true, I saw him not so frequently in the Evening, and I [Page 412] question whether he staid at Night in Paris. Monsieur de Vendosme, seeing that he could not finish his concern, im­portun'd him every day to reconcile himself to the Cardinal, but not being able to prevail with him in this, he thought he must of necessity strike in with la Riviere. Therefore he press'd him more than ever by Marshal d'Estres, and offer'd him the Friendship of Mon­sieur de Beaufort. La Riviere listen'd to this proposition with a great deal of joy, and having appointed a Meeting at the same Marshal d'Estrées, he was surprized to see there only Monsieur de Mercoeur his Father, and none of Monsieur de Beaufort; from that time he look'd upon him as one that was not to be trusted, and tho Monsieur de Vendosme assur'd him, that he would bring his Son to him as soon as might be, and alledg'd to him some obstacle which hinder'd him from coming, yet he would not enter upon the subject; and having civilly taken his leave, the next day reconciled him­self to the Cardinal, betwixt whom till that time there was not a good under­standing. Monsieur le Prince made a third in this Association, the first Arti­cle whereof, (I believe) was the ruine [Page 413] of Monsieur de Beaufort. And, de facto, two days after, when the Queen went to the Bois de Vincennes to an entertain­ment at Monsieur de Chavigny's, he was there, and found but an ill reception. I know not whether this piqu'd him, but he presently came back to Paris, and go­ing to the Louvre to wait Her Majesties return, found the Cardinal there, whom (as 'twas said) he ask'd some Questions, whether he was going out or no, which allarm'd him. Soon after he had notice given him, that there were some Horse­men upon the Quay, who seem'd to wait there for something; after this, he no longer doubted, but that they intended to Assassin him; he cry'd out of it high­ly, and sent to seek for all the stout Men he could get to Guard him. Monsieur de Metz told me this news the day after, and going to Luxemburg, I found Mon­sieur de Guise there, whom I apprehend­ed to have seen embroyl'd in this mis­chievous disorder, but I found that he knew nothing of it. We both of us waited the return of Monsieur, who spoke very moderately of the thing; but la Riviere aggravated it highly, and said, that it belong'd to his Royal High­nesses Authority to preserve the Ministers [Page 414] in safety. I would fain have seen Mon­sieur de Beaufort, but he was gone into the Country to see his Father, and re­turn'd not before Night, which com­pleated his ruine: for it may be, if he had gon to the Cardinal, he might have cleared himself, and so have prevented his Arrest. He was advised to go away to Anet for some days, but he confided so much in the Queens favor to him, that he would needs come straight to the Louvre. As to my self, I went to the Cardinals after dinner, to assure him of my service, and offer'd to bring a File of Swisses to accompany him: He receiv'd me very civilly (though he refused my offer): pretending to believe that the re­port was false, though I saw in him the Face and Countenance of a Man very much astonish'd. In the Evening as I was going into the Louvre, I heard the news of the Duke de Beaufort's being taken, the knowledge I had of my Innocence, made me go up stairs without doubting any thing. In the Queens Guard-Cham­ber I found the Cardinal, who was go­ing out accompanied with three hun­dred Gentlemen; he saluted me very ci­villy, but of all his Train only Noailles, Piennes, and Megrin, would know or ac­cost [Page 415] me. In the Queens little Cabinet I met with Madam de Chevreuse, whom I entertain'd a pretty while; and having often ask'd if I could not see this poor Prince, and being told by Guiteau him­self that I could not. I was going away, when the Queen sent for me into her lit­tle Chamber, and commanded me to bring two Companies of Swisses by six of the Clock the next Morning before the Louvre: That Night I could not see any of the Hôtel de Vendosme, but the day after I went thither to mix my Sighs with those of this afflicted House, and heard by the Duke de Vendosme (to whom Monsieur had imparted somthing of it) a confirmation of what Monsieur de Guise had told me the Night before, that I was of the number of those that were to be removed from Court. This Report did not trouble me much, and I know not by what Presage of my unhap­piness, I wish'd my Banishment more than I fear'd it. From thence I went to hear the News at Monsieur de Bethuny and Montresor's House, who were threat­ned with the same accident, and an hour after received the Command in my pre­sence: It was not because they were in so strict a League at that time with Mon­sieur [Page 416] de Beaufort that they did share in his disgrace, but because la Riviere would never promise the Cardinal to make his Master consent to the Arresting of this poor Prince, unless he would assure him at the same time to banish his two Ene­mies; and I believe Monsieur himself contributed thereto on his own accord being inveterately incensed against Mon­sieur de Montresor, because he had quit­ted him: and not forgetting also▪ that all he could say himself, or caused to be said in his name to the Count de Bethune the Winter before, to reconcile him to la Riviere, was to no purpose and that he was forc'd to procure the express com­mand of the King to effect it. The same day they order'd Monsieur de Chasteau­neuf, de Mont Rouge, to leave the Court, and St. Ibar also had Orders to retire. This was the reward for the Services Beringhen did the Cardinal, who deliver­ed him from a Man who spoke of him every where with the greatest contempt imaginable. For my part, I believed the number of the proscribed would encrease every day: but in fine after Dinner some came to assure me that I had been certainly Shipwrack'd, if the protection of Monsieur had not preserv'd [Page 417] me. I could scare comprehend, that he whom I had never serv'd, should shield me from such misfortunes, which She, to whom I had so faithfully devo­ted my self, had prepared for me. Not­withstanding, this News being confirm'd to me in three or four places, and also in the Hôtel de Guise, I thought my self oblig'd to go and thank him. That E­vening I being at the Louvre, the Queen would not look upon me, which I did not wonder at, since my best Friends were so lately disgrac'd: But I was very much surprized, when the next day, af­ter I had been to take my leave of Monsieur de Vendosme (whom they had commanded away, though very-sick) I went to Luxembourg, and having made his Royal Highness the Complement I ow'd him for the good office, 'twas said, he did me, I receiv'd a very cold An­swer, which almost contain'd a disavowal of what it was publickly talk'd he had undertaken in my favor. I begun from that day to do the office of my Charge as I us'd to do; and the next day, in vain, endeavored to see the Cardinal who had taken Physick: I came again the day after, and found a very cold re­ception, he never spake to me but as to [Page 418] a third Person, and as if he had addressed himself to all the company as well as to me. I made this first Visit very short, and going again thither twice or thrice the Week following, he made me very grave [...]ows, but gave me not a word: By this I judged my Affairs in a very ill condition, but I no longer doubted that they were intirely ruin'd, when I heard that Monsieur had in the Cardinals pre­sence derided the thanks▪ I gave him, and declared publickly, That he had deny'd he ever did me that service▪ I owe this Advertisement to the Duke de Longue­ville, who for all the pass'd differences did me the honor to continue my Friend, and offer'd to serve me after the Duke de Beaufort was taken▪ I made no que­stion but la Riviere help'd in this Ren­counter, and desired Monsieur de Bri­enne (whom I acquainted with the whole thing) to tell it to the Queen, and testi­fie to her, That my Complement was not to see [...] any other protection than Hers, and conjur'd him to enter a little further into the matter, if he found it convenient; which he did, and was an­swered by hon Majesty▪ That she thought me too much a Man of Honor, to have intermedled in the Conspiracy which [Page 419] was imputed to the Duke de Beaufort; but withal, that I had been a little im­prudent in my Conduct. Finding not much displeasure in this Answer, I be­lieved that if I spoke to Her my self, she would, it may be, open her mind more freely, therefore I took an oppor­tunity, at a time which she appointed, and having again confirm'd what Mon­sieur de Brienne had spoken as from me, she only told me coldly, that she belie­ved it, and went her way. I was advised to be diligent in seeing her every hour, which I did with all the assiduity possi­ble; and at the same time Monsieur de Liancour being come to Paris, I desired him to tell the Cardinal, That I resented the Captivity of the Duke de Beaufort with infinite sorrow; that it was with­out murmuring, and without losing the respect I ow'd him, and desir'd him to look upon me as a Man that was careful of his Office, and nothing more: His Answer was, That I had refused to be his Friend, and that all he could do in generosity, was not to do me any hurt. In the interim, I observ'd that Marshal de [...] (who till then testified to me a great deal of Friendship, and came to dine with me but eight days before) [Page 420] avoided me, and never spoke to me▪ but in fear. One Evening, in the Queens little Closet he gave me warning to look to my self, and told me of the dis­grace of Bishop de Beauvais, with whom they made Monsieur le Prince quarrel without any occasion, that they might have a pretence to remove him: He told me it in general and in a few words, afterwards he withdrew, and would not speak to me any more, as if he feared lest some body should see us converse to­gether. One day after this, meeting with one of my Friends, he began to blame my Conduct, and amongst, other things to accuse me for seeing Madam de Ohevereuse so often. 'Tis true that ha­ving call'd my self her Servant before her fall, I did not avoid seeing her, when the unhappiness of the Duke de Beaufort advanc'd hers; and going very often (as I said) to the Louvre, which was near her Lodgings▪ I w [...]nt thither to wait till the Queen had done Prayers, and till Supper-time; but my Visits were not particular▪ and Monsieur de Guise and de [...]ets, with twenty other, went thither at the same time. I was also one of the first that advised her to en­deavor her reconciliation with the Car­dinal, [Page 421] and confirm'd her in the Design of employing Monsieur de Liancour to that end, who serv'd her in it with a great deal of Zeal, but without any Fruit: the Cardinal complaining that she had broke her word with him, and saying, That she knew very well what was a­greed upon betwixt the Queen and her; we know not what it was, because she conceal'd her disgrace to the last: But in fine, we heard the very Evening that the Duke de Beaufort was taken into Custo­dy, she offer'd to do, without repug­nancy, whatsoever the Queen would command her: Her Majesty told her, That she believed her innocent of the Prisoners Designs, yet she thought it convenient, that she should without any noise retire to D [...]mpi [...]re, and after having stayed there a while, go into Touraine. After this Evening she was never but once at the Louvre, and had not staid so long at Paris, if she had not thought to have gotten some Mony (which was pro­mis'd her) before her departure.

Every day there came Emissaries from the Queen and the Cardinal to sollicit [...]er to go; and amongst others, Mon­tague being come one day to speak to [Page 422] her, she ask'd him if it was true, that they intended to remove a great many more, and appear'd most curious to know if they would take my Place from me, declaring, That she was extreamly sor­ry for me, and shar'd in my unhappiness. This question being reported to the Car­dinal, was the last stroak of my ruine, and from the very next day the Queen told Marshal de Basompiere, that she would give him the Place, which he at first refus'd, as I am told.

This report being spread about the City, came to my ears, and made me de­sire Monsieur de Liancour to try the Car­dinal once more: He told me, that with­out my sollicitation, he had spoke to him of me very often, and had receiv'd no satisfaction, so that he judg'd it necessa­ry to have some other to help him to be­gin this Discourse again. The Comman­der of Souvrè promis'd to do me this office, and both of them having taken their opportunity in the Evening, found him so very angry that he would scarce hear them, though he still assur'd them that he would do me no hurt. This last Essay being ineffective, I thought I was to apprehend the worst, and from thence [Page 423] took my Resolutions. My Wife being at this time come to Paris, went to visit Madam la Princess; with whom, by the means of Devotion, she had contracted an intimate familiarity. She had a great deal of talk with her, wherein she de­claim'd hotly against me; though at the end of her Discourse she seem'd desirous to see me.

After this, she carried my Wife with her to the Carmelites, where she and Ma­dam d'Aiguillon presented her to the Queen, and endeavored to reconcile her to me; but they found her too ob­stinately resolved on my ruine, and al­ready (as she said) engaged upon her word to Marshal de Basompiere. Madam d'Aiguillon carried her in the Evening to the Cardinal, who told her the same thing, and assured her, if she had come but three Weeks sooner, I might have been saved.

When I thus saw that all the World was bent against me, I resolved not to see the Queen, for fear of receiving a com­mand from her own Mouth, and being reduced to refuse her to her face; and meeting with St. Luc, who assur'd me [Page 424] from his Uncle, that he would not con­tribute to my misfortune, nor desire my Place: I told him that I only desir'd, that he would not take it without [...]y resignation, and he assur'd [...] he would not.

The day following I was it [...] visit Ma­dam [...] Princess, who was at first in a violent Passion against me; I suffer'd her to say what she would; [...] being un­willing to justifie my p [...], because I would not altogether offend or con­demn her (for that had seem'd immodest in me) I laid all that was pass'd up­on my ill Stars, and unavoidable oc­currencies. She often reflected upon poor Monsieur de Beaufort, to which I answered with as much modesty and fi­delity as I could, and left her in appear­ance very much appe [...]ed▪ Indeed, (tho she took it ill that I did not beg her as­sistance) she promis'd my Wife to hin­der my ruine, and bid her desire me to be at her House the day following, when her Son came thither. I pass'd the rest of the day in expectatio [...] of a Com­mand; and the Morning after being in­formed that Ma [...] de Bassompiere seem'd to think it str [...]ng [...], that for so [Page 425] many Civilities which he had done me, I should not pay him one, I went to his House, where he repeated to me the same assurances which St. [...]uc had before given me in his behalf, and for a [...] ­dy against my prepared Persecution, ad­vis'd me not to resign, which advice I promis'd him to follow. After Dinner I waited for the arrival of Monsieur d'­Anguien, to whom his Mother present­ed me, and was very well receiv'd by him: His Father, whom I saw imme­diately after, reproach'd me a little, but without Passion, and assur'd me that he would do me no hurt. When I saw this Family no more displeas'd at me, and on the contrary, that Madam la Princess had said that day. That she would take care of my Affair as of her own, I still entertained some hopes, founded chiefly upon the great Reputation of Marshal de Bassompiere, whom I believed too ge­nerous to contribute to my ruine, af­ter what he had promis'd me, and the request he had made to the Duke de Longueville, to assure Madam la Princess, That she was so far from disobliging him in doing me service, that [...]e took it as a favor, pretending that he would by [...] turn me out. In the interim, [Page 426] because I had not been at the Louvre for two or three days, I thought it conve­nient to let the Queen know, that after the report which was spread abroad, I durst not out of respect present my self before her to do my Office, though I believ'd her too just, and knew my self too innocent to apprehend her digrace­ing of me. I desired Monsieur de Bri­enne to do me this favor, and to visit the Cardinal also, to tell him, That whatsoever was reported, I could not believe my unhappiness, knowing well that I had never been deficient in the Fidelity was due to her Majesty, nor in the respect which I ow'd to his Emi­nence. I had an Answer to the last Point the same day, and heard that the Cardinal did not shew any hatred a­gainst me, but spoke as if there were yet left some hopes of a Reconciliation: But as to the first, Monsieur de Brienne com­ing to see me the next Morning, told me, That as he began to speak of me to the Queen, she prevented him, and said▪ That knowing him to be my Friend, she chose, him rather than Monsieur Tel­lier (with whom she had heard I was at difference) to bring me an Order to send her a resignation of my Charge, [Page 427] and gave him no other reason for this Command, than that she would do Justice to Marshal de Bassompiere▪ My answer was, That I thought my self the most unhappy Man in the World to have displeased the Queen, and that my Comfort was, that my Conscience did not reproach me with having of­fended her either in great or little things; that as to my Charge, she was the absolute Mistress thereof, and might dispose of it; but I humbly beseech'd her, she would be pleased not to make me contribute to my own Misfortune: That having taken it eight Months before in the sight of all France by Her Command, it would look as if I thought my self guilty of some great Crime, if I should so soon consent to lay it down: and in fine, that for the little Services which I had endeavor'd to do her, I begg'd no other favor of her, than a permission to retire to my own House, there to lament my Mis­fortune, and wait for a time more fa­vorable to my Innocence, which I ho­ped to see one of these Days, because I believed her Majesty just, and was sure that God was so.

[Page 428]Monsieur de Brienne seeing he could not absolutely disapprove of my reso­lution, said only, That if I would take another, some advantages (besides a full recompence for my charge) might be procured for me, as Brevlates for a Knight of the Order of the Holy Ghost; a Marshal de Camp; a Pension of two thousand Crowns; and assurance of the first Office that fell: I slighted all these srivilous Favors, and left him, af­ter I had desired him to carry my An­swer exactly to the Queen. An hour after my Wife told me, that Madam la Princess had excus'd her self to her for the assistance she promis'd to give me upon the consideration of Marshal de Bassompiere, which she desired of him as she said (though the other deny'd it.) Thinking it not convenient to stay at my own House after my Answer, I re­tired to one of my Friends, and in the Evening was told by a Person of great Quality that when he was at the Louvre, he saw a busslle amongst the Queens Guards, and heard it for certain, that there was an Order to Arrest me. If I had followed my own Opinion, I [Page 429] should have staid in Paris to have seen how far they would have extended their Injustice: But my Friends not approving it, I went into the Country the next Morning. Soon after, I heard that the Queen, Monsieur, Monsieur le Prince, and the Gardinal, or rather in a word all those in Power, were cruelly bent a­gainst me; and that Marshal de Bassom­piere began to change his first Discourse, and to say, that having so much right to the Charge, he could not refuse it, if it must be that I must▪ lose it, and the Queen throw it upon him, but that he would never enter upon it till I should be entirely satisfied. Against so great a Storm▪ I found few or no Friends, Mon­sieur de Liancour (who alone appeared for me with Vigor and Generosity) was in the Country, almost all the rest aban­don'd me by little and little; and those who remain'd, were either involv'd in the same misfortune with my self, or too weak to assist me. Of the first, some, as Monsieur de Brienne in particular, pro­posed to me the advantages in submit­ting, and Persecution if I resisted: O­thers, even of the most qualified, either out of complaisance to those in Power, [Page 430] or put upon it by my Enemies, wrote me Letters to intimidate me, and would have made me apprehend, Tha [...] I should be treated as a Rebel, and as such have my Goods confiscated, and my Houses razed. In fine, within a few days I re­ceiv'd an hundred different Advices, which shak'd me not at all; at the Months end, when they saw me still in the same mind, the Queen issu'd out a De­claration, by which the King publish'd, that the Resignation of Marshal de Bas­sompiere was null (as being made while he was in Prison, and upon a promise of being set at Liberty, which was not per­form'd) and by consequence, all the Provisions made to the Marquess de Co­issin and my self, were void: This re­stor'd the Marshal to his Charge with­out the necessity of taking a new Oath, upon condition that he paid me, within fifteen days, the four hundred thousand Livers, which he had receiv'd in recom­pence thereof, or consign'd this Sum to the Exchequer, in case that I would not give a Power to receive it. This De­claration drawn up by the Chancellor, and written with his own hand, left me to seek for the Twenty two thousand [Page 431] Crowns which I gave over and above; nevertheless, fearing [...]est I should re­cover them against him (with whom I had treated as a Tutor to Coissin's grand­sons) he took the Kings Breviate for the like Sum, to pay it to me. I heard this News (which mov'd the not at all) with another report that touch'd me much more, which was a Discourse, which Madam de Brienne would have made my Wife believe she had had with the Queen concerning me, wherein her Ma­jesty taxing my Disobedience, swore (said she) before the Holy Sacrament, that she had enough against me to take away my life, but out of pure goodness would not push it to the utmost. I con­fess, that this Discourse made me so very angry; that I wrote a Letter immedi­ately to Monsieur de Brienne▪ wherein I told him, that so long as my Charge and Fortune were only concern'd, I suf­fer'd without repining▪ but I could not forbear complaining, when I heard it said, That my Innocence was wounded, and that they would render me black and odious in the Queens eyes, of whom, upon this occasion, I begg'd nothing but Justice, and beseech'd her if I was [Page 432] guilty, to order the Parliament to Pro­secute me, being ready to enter into Cu­stody whenever she would let them know my faults. This was the sense of my Letter, though in longer terms: Monsieur de Brienne thinking it (it may be) too bold, would not shew it to the Queen; and, as I think, only shew'd it to the Cardinal, which was not the thing I desired of him. In the mean time Marshal de Bassompiere (seeing that all they could say to me till then, had not made me alter my Design, and being commanded by the Queen to resolve dis­honorably to take my Place, after he had so often engaged his word to the contrary) was strangely uneasie, and en­deavored every day, by a thousand dif­ferent ways, to render me less obstinate. In fine, being (as he said) extreamly press'd by the Queen, he gave my Wife three summons to receive his Mony, and in the third to give him a full Acquit­tance: She answered, That she was rea­dy to give him a Receipt, provided that he would bring her all the Mony. This put him to more trouble, having not the fourth part of the Sum, and all his in­tention being to consign it in Paper by [Page 433] the favor of Monsieur d'Emery: He de­manded▪ to see my Letter of Attorny, and upon their refusal (which was be­cause they thought he ask'd it only to prolong time) he said, That if he did not shew it him within four days, he would consign it into the Exchequer, and thereupon entred upon the Charge. In this extremity, though I was yet in the same mind that I was in at the beginning▪ I found all my Friends of a contrary O­pinion, who remonstrated to me, That it was to lose both my Place and my Mo­ny upon Trust, since if I let him con­sign it into the Exchequer (which he would only do by Writing) 'twas as if I should throw my Money into a Gulf from whence I could never redeem it: That I had to do with an old Man, an Officer of the Crown and a refin'd Courtier, whom it was impossible for me to dispossess so long as he liv'd, and that after his death I should never get into my Place again, if I was not well with the Court: That my disobedience would make them drive things to the last, and that I saw very well that he, whom they had put in over my head, was too old to answer my Resentments, and a dis­honest Man, that having so many times [Page 434] broaken his Word, would willingly be­come the Instrument of all the Cruelties they would exercise against me. All these Reasons added to the consideration of a Wife big with Child, and three young Children, whom I might make miserable by my death, made me at last yield; and I thought, that whatever reason I might have in my design, the Opinion of so many prudent and generous Persons, ought to be preferr'd before my own▪ So that I acquainted Monsieur de Bri­enne, that I was ready to obey and to receive my Money, and he promis'd me from the Queen all that he had propos'd to me the day that he had demanded my Resignation. Upon this, I gave my Letter of Attorny to my Wife, after ha­ving protested, that they said that it might sometime be serviceable to me▪ to which (to say the truth) I scarce▪ gave any credit; and if I did keep my Re­signation, 'twas only because I had at the beginning engaged not to give it; and not out of any hopes, that there might ever happen so great a Change a [...] to get any advantage by it, having ne­ver devoted my self to any but the Queen▪ and finding my self ruin'd in her good Opinion, I am irrecoverably lost so [Page 435] long as she is in Power; and when the King comes to be at Age to govern him­self, there will be so great a dispropor­tion betwixt his Age and mine, that I can never hope for access to, or familia­rity with him.

What pass'd in my Affairs after what I have above related, is so well known to the World, that it would be a very tedious Discourse, if I should exagerat [...] the Frauds of Marshal de Bassompiere, the Weaknesses of Monsieur de Brienne, and the Delays and Breaches of Promise the Ministers were guilty of. I have, it may be, already insisted too long upon things not very important; but as I made this Discourse only for my Relations and very particular Friends, they will have the Goodness to excuse the Faults there­in, and though it seem not very Elo­quent, they will at least find it full of Sincerity and Truth: I shall be ex­treamly glad, if it give them any Satis­faction, and shall have obtain'd the Principal End I propos'd to my self, if they acknowledge that in many things I have been more Unfortunate than Im­prudent▪ and that in those wherein I [Page 436] have been deficient, 'twas out of the Principles of Generosity and Fidelity, from which I will never deviate, though they have not been attended with Suc­cess.

FINIS.

THE TABLE.

A.
  • THe disturbance at Agen. 209
  • Agen keeps a Regiment at its own expense. 211
  • Articles and Conditions that were agreed upon between Monsieur and the Prince of Condy, for the expulsion of Cardinal Mazarine. 290
B.
  • The Dauphin and the Duke d'Anjou his Brother, are left in the Duke de Beau­fort's charge, at the death of Lewis the Thirteenth. 11, & 360
  • An Apology for the Duke de Beaufort. 299
  • [Page] Bourdeaux besieged by the Kings Army. 146
  • The Deputies from the Parliament of Bourdeaux conclude a Peace without communicating the Articles to the Pr [...] ­cess of Condy. 154
  • The different parties in the Town of Bour­deaux. 217
  • Brousell becomes head of that party of the Parliament, called the Frondeurs. 38
  • He is seized and carried to prison. ibid.
  • The Burgers rise, and come to the Court in a tumult to ask his liberty. 39
C.
  • The Duke de Chastillon is kill'd in attack­ing Paris. 87
  • The Dutch [...]ss de Chevereuse's returning into France. Her coming to the Queen. 20
  • The Queen sends her to Dampierre. 395
  • The Coadjutor of Paris perswades the Prince of Condy to become the Head of the Faction, but is disappointed. 65
  • He afterwards gains the Prince of Conty's Brother. 66
  • The Arguments that were used to the Prince [Page] of Condy to perswade him to joyn with the Court, drawn from the danger of the Parliaments having too much power. 69
  • His violent carriage in the Parliament. 72
  • He blocks up all Paris with six or seven thousand men. 76
  • The Reasons of his difference with Cardinal Mazarin. 133
  • His taking prisoner with the Prince of Conty's Brother, and the Duke de Lon­gueville, with the manner how. 137
  • His return to Paris after his Imprisonment. 167
  • He being told that the Court intended to seize him, leaves Paris. 186
  • He returns to St. Maur, where he keeps a great Court. 190
  • His return from St. Maur to Paris, belie­ving himself too strong for the Court there. 196
  • His Quarrel with the Coadjutor in the Pa­lai [...] [...]1
  • He makes War against the King in Gui­enne, he is forc'd to retire to Agen. 208
  • His dangerous Journy from Agen to joyn his Army. 210
  • [Page]He attacks the Kings Army, his Fight with the Marshals d'Hoquincourt and Turenne. 230
  • His return to Paris after the Victory. 237
  • He is followed by eight or ten thousand Ci­tizens, whereof he makes use to take St. Denis. 239
  • The Proposals he makes to the Court to con­clude a Peace. 244
  • He finding himself in a weak condition, endeavors to pass from St. Cloud to post himself between the Rivers of Marne and Seine, but is overtaken by the Kings Forces. The Fight of Paris. 261
  • He being overcome, leaves Paris the same day the King made his Entrance into it. 280
  • Monsieur de la Chastres Letter to Monsieur de Brienne. 288
  • Memoirs of Monsieur de la Chastres. 321
  • His Answer to the Queen about his disgrace sent by Monsieur de Brienne. 427
  • The Queens Declaration to establish the Marshal de Bassempiere in Monsieur de la Chastres place. 430
E.
  • [Page] Emery, Superintendant of the Finances, Impost, great Taxes. 29
  • Estamps, where Monsieur le Princes Army lay besieged by the Kings Forces. 256
F.
  • The French Conquests in the Year One thousand si [...] hundred thirty five. 26
K.
  • The King and Monsieur le Prince write to the Officers, not to obey Monsieur de Turenne any longer, whom they heard stood ill-affected. 10
  • The King and Queens Entry into Paris, after the War. 112
L.
  • [Page] Lewis the Thirteenth consents, that the most considerable of those that were dis­grac'd should return to Court. pag. 10, & 34.
  • His death. 30, & 370
  • The Duke de Longueville's retreat into his Government of Normandy. 113
  • The Dutchess of Longueville, to escape going into Normandy to her Husband, perswades the Prince of Condy her Brother, to break with the Court, and prepare for a Civil War. 180
M.
  • The Objections that were made against Cardinal Mazarin's Governing in France. 40
  • The Answer to them. 48
  • Cardinal Mazarin goes himself to set the Princes at Liberty. 167
  • He is chosen by King Lewis the 13 th, to be God-father to this present King Lewis [Page] the Fourteenth, and the Princess of Condy his God-mothers. 358
  • Cardinal Mazarins Letter to Monsieur de Brienne. 282
P.
  • The War of Paris. 24
  • The discontented go to the Parliament for reparation. 31
  • An account of the three Parties in the Parliament. 33
  • The Parliament declares Cardinal Maza­rin an Enemy to the Government, and therefore Issue out Commissions to levy Soldiers. 75
  • The Companies of Paris voluntarily tax themselves. ibid.
  • The Fight of Paris, between the Kings Forces and the Prince of Condy. 264
Q.
  • The Queen sends Heralds to the Parlia­ment, and their Answer. 84
  • The Queen is offered to have the Prince of Condy either kill'd or seized: She refuses the first, but accepts the last. 183
  • [Page]The reason that perswaded the Queen to keep the Cordinal in the management of Affairs 375
R.
  • The state of the Court at the Duke de la Rochefoucaults returning thither. 3
  • He gains the Duke d'Anguien over to the Queens side. 8
  • The Princes being Imprisoned, he disposes things for a War. 139
  • Under pretence of his Fathers Funeral, he gets Men together, and arms them. 143
T.
  • They that moved Marshal Turenne to leave the Prince of Condy's side, and joyn with the King against him. 198
  • The Marshals de Turenne and d'Hoquin­court, surprize Monsieur le Princes Forces at Estamps, and kill about 1000 or 1200 of his best Troops. 245

ERRATA.

PAg. 23. l. 7. for was also sister, r. by that Montague. p. 52. l. 8. r. at the Feuillians. p. 66. l. 16. 1. of having, p. 67. l. 9. r. that far from, p. 75. l. 14. dele too, p. 98. l. 12. for yet, r. that. p. 99. l. 16. for which, r. with. p. 100. l. 6. dele they. p. 105. l. 14. for and r. that. p. 128, l. 23. r. with the heads. p. 141. for then r. there. p. 181. l. 11. for gives r. gave. p. 265. l. 2. r. rue de cours. p. 268. l. 21. r. Marshals. p. 274. l. [...] ▪ r. au mortier. p. 281. l. 12. r. Rome. p. 290. l. 12. dele him. p. 295. l. 14. dele having. l. 17. for they r. and, p. 310. l. 8. for in all r. small, p. 224. l. 16. for taking r. took, p. 325. l. 22. for Anet did r. from Anet, p. 293. l. 17. for King r. Kingdom, p. 364. for Guienne r. Gui­mene.

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