AN EXAMINATION OF Mr. HALES's TREATISE of SCHISM.
Q. WHat is the benefit of Communion?
Answ. Communion is the strength and ground of all society, Sacred and Civil: whoever therefore causeth a breach, if in civil occasions, is guilty of Sedition, or Rebellion; if in Ecclesiastical differences, is guilty of Schism: so that Schism is an Ecclesiastical Sedition, as Sedition is a Layschisme, p. 193.
[Page 2] Q. What is the definition of Schism?
Answ. Schisme is an unnecessary separation of Christians, p. 195. from that part of the visible Church of which they were once Members.
Q. When is Separation necessary?
Answ. Separation is then necessary, when nothing will save us from the guilt of Conscience, but open separation, p. 195.
Q. When is Schisme complete?
Answ. These two things make Schism complete. First, The choice of a Bishop in opposition to the former. 2ly, The erecting a new Church and Oratory, p. 196. for the dividing Party to meet in publickly. As in the late famous controversie in Holland, de Praedestinatione, as long as the disagreeing Parties went no further than disputes, the Schisme was unhatched; but as soon as one Party swept an old Cloyster, and by a pretty Art suddenly made it a Church (by putting a new Pulpit in it) for the separating Party to meet in, what before was a Controversie became a formal Schisme, p. 197.
Q. What is the danger of Schism?
[Page 3] Answ. What the Ancients spake by way of censure of Schisme in general, is most true, p. 198. (and they spake most strange things of it) for they saw, that unadvisedly, and upon fancy, to break the knot of union betwixt man and man (especially among Christians, upon whom the tye of love and communion doth especially rest) was a crime hardly pardonable, and that nothing absolves a Man from the guilt of it, but true and unpretended Conscience. And p. 192. Heresie and Schisme are things of great moment, the one offending against Truth, the other against Charity, and both are deadly.
Q. Was the Schisme of the Donatists any way excusable?
Answ. No, they were compleat Schismaticks, p. 196. upon the grounds before mentioned, nor was there any necessary cause for their Separation, for the occasion of the Schisme was an Opinion, that where good and bad were mixed, there could be no Church, p. 205. by reason of pollution evaporating (as it were) from sinners, which blasted the righteous, and made all unclean, whereas [Page 4] in his Congregations, he pretended that wicked persons found no shelter, p. 206.
Q. How was this Schisme of the Donatists refuted?
Answ. By this one maxime of Saint Augustine (which was irrefragably asserted) Unitatem Ecclesiae per totum orbem dispersae propter nonnullorum peccata non esse deserendam, That the unity of the Catholick Church is not to be forsaken, for the sins of some that are within it, p. 206.
Q. Though in this Schism the Donatist was the Schismatick, p. 208. yet might not any one communicate with them, if occasion so required? if so be they did not flatter them in their Schisme; for why might it not be lawful to go to Church with the Donatist, if occasion so required, since neither Nature, nor Religion suggest the contrary? why may I not be present at such publick Meetings as pretend Holiness, p. 209. so there be nothing done but what true Devotion and Piety brook? p. 215. Yea, why may I not go to an Arian Church, if occasion require, so there be no Arianism expressed in the Liturgy?
[Page 5] Answ. 1. You may not communicate with such, because of the danger of Schisme before mentioned. 2ly, Because it is not lawful, no not for prayer, hearing, conference, or any other religious office whatsoever, for People to Assemble, otherwise than by publick order is allowed; for, why should Men desire to do that suspiciously, in private, which may be performed warrantably in publick? p. 229, 230.
Q. But what if they to whose care the execution of the publick service is committed, p. 209. do some things unseemly, suspicious, or unlawful? if their Garments be censured as, or indeed be superstitious? what if the Gesture of Adoration be used at the Altar? what if the Homilist or Preacher deliver any Doctrine, of the truth of which we are not well perswaded?
Answ. Yet for all this, we may not separate, except we be constrained to bear a part in them our selves: p. 210. The Priests under Eli had so ill demeaned themselves about the daily Sacrifice, that they made it to stink, yet the People refused not to come to the Tabernacle, [Page 6] nor to bring their Sacrifices to the Priests; for in Schismes which concern fact, nothing can be a just cause of refusal of Communion, but only the requiring of the execution of some unlawful or suspected Act.
Q. What may we do when some Persons in a Church teach erroneous Doctrines, p. 214. suppose of Arius and Nestorius, concerning the Trinity, or the Person of our Saviour?
Answ. What to do in this case is not a point of any great depth of understanding to discover, p. 215. so be it distemper and partiality do not intervene. I do not see, that Opinionum varietas & Opinantium unitas are [...], or that Men of different Opinions in Christian Religion, may not hold communion ( in Sacris) in the publick Worship: (This Argument holds, à fortiori, if I may keep communion with such as teach false Doctrines, much more with such as practise only suspected Ceremonies.) p. 226.
Q. What is your Opinion of Conventicles?
Answ. It evidently appears that all [Page 7] Meetings upon unnecessary occasions of Separation, are to be so stiled; so that in this sense a Conventicle is nothing else but a Congregation of Schismaticks. p. 227.
Q. Is not this name sometime fixed upon good and honest Meetings? p. 227.
Answ. It is, and that perchance, not without good reason; For first, it hath been at all times confessed necessary, that God should have, not only inward and private devotion, p. 227. when Men either in their Hearts, or Closets, or within their private Walls, pray, praise, confess, and acknowledge: but that all these things should be done in publick, by troops and shoals of Men, from whence proceeded publick Temples, Altars, Forms of Service, appointed Times, and the like, which are required for open Assemblies.
Q. What is the reason of the severe Censures and Laws against private Meetings?
Answ. When it was espied that ill affected persons abused private Meetings, whether religious, or civil, to evil ends, p. 228. religiousness to gross impiety [Page 8] (and the Meetings of Christians under Pagan Princes, when for fear they durst not come together in open view, were charged with soul imputations, as by the report of Christians themselves it plainly appears: as also civil Meetings under pretence of Friendship, and neighbourly visits, sheltered treasonable attempts against Princes, p. 229. and Common-weals) Hence both Church and State joyned, and joyntly gave order for forms, times, places of publick Concourse, whether for civil or religious ends; and all other Meetings whatsoever besides those, of which both time and place were limited, they censured for routs, and riots, and unlawful Assemblies in the State, and in the Church, for Conventicles.
Q. Is it not lawful then, for Prayer, hearing, conference, and other religious Offices, p. 229. for People to Assemble, otherwise than by publick Order is allowed?
Answ. No; for why should Men desire to do that suspiciously in private, which warrantably may be performed in publick? p. 230.
[Page 9] Q. I pray you Sir, What general Rules are fit to be observed for the discovering and avoiding of Schisme.
Answ. Take heed of entertaining scruples of Conscience, about things of little moment; for when scruples of Conscience began to be made, or pretended, then Schismes began to break in, p. 217.
Q. What other Rule is necessary to be observed?
Answ. That you do not endeavour to advance one Bishop against another, (much more a Presbyter against the Bishop) which in St. Cyprian's language, p. 222. is Erigere Altare contra Altare, to set up Altar against Altar, to which he imputeth the Original of all Church disorders, and if you read him, you would think he thought no other Church-tumult to be a Schisme, but this; p. 221. For the general practice of the Church, was, never to admit more than one Bishop at once in one See, but it fell out among the Ancients, sometime by occasion of difference in Opinion, sometimes because of difference among those who were interessed in [Page 10] the choice of Bishops, that two Bishops, and sometime more were set up, and all Parties striving to maintain their own Bishop, made themselves several Congregations and Churches, each refusing to participate with others. p. 223. And seeing it is a thing very convenient for the peace of the Church, to have but one Bishop in a See, at once; Their punishment sleeps not, who unnecessarily or wantonly go about to infringe it.
[Page 11] HAving by a brief Analysis of the Treatise of Schism extracted the genuine sense of the Author, who, as the Transproser says, p. 175. was one of the Church of England, (and as such I have endeavoured to represent him) it is obvious to every one that shall read that Tract, that instead of Answering Mr. Hooker's or Mr. Parker's Tracts of Ecclesiastical Polity, it hath fully refuted it self and all other cavils of the Schismaticks, who by these two assertions of his will for ever lye under a just condemnation. The One is, p. 209. What if those to whose care the Execution of the publick service is committed, do something either unseemly or suspicious, or peradventure unlawful? what if the Garments they wear be censured as, nay indeed be Superstitious? what if the gesture of Adoration be used at the Altar? what if the Homilist or Preacher deliver any doctrine, of the truth of which we be not well perswaded? yet for all this we may not separate, except we be constrained personally to bear [Page 12] a part in them our selves—Then may not any of the Laity who are not required to bear a part in such things, separate from our Congregations, and by consequence neither may their Leaders draw them into a separation.
The second Assertion is, p. 229.—It is not lawful, no not for prayer, for hearing, for conference, for any other religious office whatsoever, for people to assemble, otherwise than by publick order is allowed. This conclusion our Author infers from substantial premises.
I confess I was so tender of the reputation and memory of Mr. Hales, who, as the Transproser says, was not only one of the Church of England, but most remarkable for his sufferings in the late times, and for his Christian patience under them, which befel him, as Mr. Parker observes, p. 148. ‘when he had declared himself of another Opinion, and obtained leave of Arch-bishop Laud (who converted him) to call himself his Grace's Chaplain, that naming him in his publick prayers, the greater notice [Page 13] might be taken of the Alteration:’ (which doubtless was the cause why so eminent a person was by the iniquity of those times reduced to those necessities under which (the Transposer observes) he lived, p. 176.) that I resolved at first not to make any reflection on such passages as discovered the Author to be guilty of so many Passions, infirmities and contradictions. I shall not deal therefore with Mr. Hales in this posthumous piece, but with that inimicus homo, whoever he be, that hath sown tares among the good seed, and wrapt up poyson in his Golden Remains. And necessary it is that such noxious and unsavory weeds should be rooted out, and not suffered to defile the grave of so Candid a person, or made use of as a shelter for unclean creatures to hide themselves and croak under them, as the Transproser doth, who having raked a heap of them together, from p. 175. to p. 183. fancieth himself as secure on that dunghil, as if he were in some inchanted Castle.
[Page 14] The first thing that is obnoxious in the Treatise of Schism, is p. 191. of the Posthumous works, where it is said, that ‘Heresie and Schism, as they are in common use, are two Theological Mormo's or Scarcrows:’ And what the Author means by common use, you may be informed, p. 213. where he says, ‘Arrianism, Eutychianism, Nestorianism, Photinianism, Sabellianism, and many more (you may add Socinianism too, which is but a compound of those) are but names of Schism, howsoever in the common Language of the Fathers they were called heresies.’ So that our Author explodes the Judgment of all the Fathers who condemned those things for Heresies, which he thinks do scarce deserve the name of Schisms. And a new notion of Heresies is brought in by him, p. 214. ‘Indeed Manicheism, Valentinanism, Marcionism, Mahometanism are truly and properly heresies, for we know that the Authors of them received them not but minted them themselves, and so knew that which [Page 15] they taught to be a lye; but can any man avouch (saith our Author) that Arrius and Nestorius, and others that taught erroneously concerning the Trinity, or the person of our Saviour, did maliciously invent what they taught, and not rather fall upon it by error and mistake? Till that be done, and that upon good evidence, we will think no worse of all parties than needs we must, and take these Rents in the Church to be but Schisms upon matter of Opinion.’ If this be true, in vain did the Bishops of the Primitive Church assemble in the Councils of Nice, Ephesus, and other places, to condemn and suppress the Opinions of Arrius, Nestorius and other Heresiarcha's. And the fears and jealousies of the present Church concerning the growth of heresies are groundless; for though the erring spirits of this age should revive all the dangerous tenets of Arrius, Eutychius, Nestorius, Photinus, and Sabellius, and all the blasphemies of Manes, Valentinian, Marcion, or Mahomet himself, yet seeing [Page 16] they did not invent these errors themselves, but fell on them by mistake (though they adhere to them never so tenaciously, and wilfully defend them) they deserve but the name of Schismaticks. And until some such persons, as Simon Magus, Montanus, or Mahomet shall set up for a new God, or a Holy Ghost, or a Messias, in direct opposition to the Gospel of our Lord and Saviour, we need not trouble the world with the odious names of Heretick, or Schismatick, which are but Theological Scarcrows. For p. 215. we are told ‘that the Rents in the Church (occasioned by those heresies) were at the worst but Schisms upon matter of Opinion. In which case (saith our Author) it is not a point of any great depth of Understanding to discover what we are to do, so be it distemper and partiality do not intervene; I do not yet see that opinionum varietas & Opinantium unitas are [...], or that men of different Opinions in Christian Religion may not hold communion in Sacris, and if occasion [Page 17] require I may go to an Arrian Church, if there be no Arrianism exprest in their Liturgy.’
This is expresly contrary to what I quoted from p. 229. ‘It is not lawful for prayer, hearing, &c.’ and as contrary to the Holy Scriptures, Rom. 16. 17. Titus 3. 10. Ephes. 5. 11.
What error and confusion would these wilde notions bring into the Church, if false Prophets and Deceivers should be permitted to teach, and the People not restrained from hearing them, although they should teach such damnable Doctrines as denyed the Lord that bought them? I shall appeal therefore from the Author to Mr. Hales; who tells us, p. 192. ‘However Heresie and Schism are but ridiculous terms in the common manage, yet the things in themselves are of very considerable moment, the one offending against truth, the other against Charity, and therefore both deadly.’ So deadly, that I cannot compare them better than to that Italian, who designed to kill his enemy, body and soul: for Truth being [Page 18] the very Soul of the Church, and Peace and Unity the great organ or instrument by which it becomes visible and prosperous, the toleration of Heresie and Schism will be as destructive to the Church here, as they will certainly be to the Authors of them without repentance hereafter.
There is a lesser mistake in our Author's definition of Schism, p. 195. by which he excuseth all such from the guilt of Schism, ‘as do separate from that part of the visible Church whereof they were not once members.’ On which account all such children as were born of Schismatical Parents (though they defend the schism never so obstinately) are not guilty: whereas it is the duty of all Christians to live in communion with that part of the Catholick Church in which they reside, and not to suffer themselves (as our Author expresseth it) like beasts of burthen to be imposed upon by their Predecessors. The Schism of the Donatists is by our Author acknowledged to be a complete Schism upon the grounds mentioned [Page 19] p. 196. I demand therefore, whether such children, as were born to the Donatists, Optatus lib. 1. contra Parmen. says, Parmenianus whose grandfather was Majorinus, that departed from the Chair of Cecilian & S. Cyprian, was an heir of the Schismaticks. and persisting in the opinions and practices of their Fore-fathers troubled the Churches of Africa 300. years together, were guilty of Schism or no? or whether such as among us were born of Anabaptistical or Quaking Parents, and still persist in and propagate Church-divisions, are complete Schismaticks or not? And if we should try them by our Author's own rules, I am sure they will be found guilty.
The next error of our Author is his allowing of Separation upon Scruples, and suspicions, as p. 194. he says, ‘When either Acts unlawful, or ministring just Scruple, are required of us to be performed, consent were conspiracy, and open contestation is not faction or schism, but due Christian animosity.’ This just Scruple he calls, p. 201. a strong suspicion, and p. 218. ‘Where suspected Opinions are made a piece of the Church-Liturgy, he that separates is not the Schismatick.’ It is like our Author forgat what he said a little before, p. 217. ‘that when [Page 20] Scruples of conscience began to be made or pretended, then Schisms began to break in;’ as also what is said, p. 209. ‘What if the Preacher deliver any Doctrine of the truth of which we are not well perswaded? yet for all this we may not separate, except we be constrained personally to bear a part in some suspected Act.’ Against this error of our Authors I affirm, That the Scruples and suspicions of private Christians, concerning the lawfulness of Actions required by their Superiors, cannot warrant their separation, Because their obedience to Superiors in things not unlawful is their duty, and to omit a certain duty, upon a bare suspicion, is dangerous and sinful. And for a full answer to this error, I desire it may be considered what a scrupulous Conscience is, which I take to be such an act of the practical understanding as resolves what is, or what is not to be done, but with some fear and anxiety lest its determination be amiss. And it differs from a doubting Conscience, which assents to neither part of the question, but remains unresolved, [Page 21] as doubting of the true sense of the rule; in which case it is resolved, that in all things doubtful we are to take the safest course. And doubtless that wherein the generality of wise and good Men as well Ancient as Modern are agreed, is much more safe than that, in which a few less knowing, prejudicated and guilty persons pretend to be doubtful. But where there are only groundless fears and scruples concerning some circumstance annexed to a known duty, it is the sense even of our Non-conformists, That if we cannot upon serious endeavours get rid of our Scruples, we ought to act against them; And this is so lawful and necessary, that we cannot otherwise have either grace or peace. See more to this purpose in a Sermon at Cripplegate on Acts 24. 26. p. 18, & 19. And if scruple and suspicion were a just plea for Separation, then every discontented Person that is resolved to contemn his Superiours, every one that is affectedly ignorant, and lazy, or refractory to better information, every one that hath melancholy humours and temptations, [Page 22] or wants true Christian Humility, or Charity, may make separation, and yet be guiltless. So that this Opinion of our Author's would be an Apology for all Separatists; which being allowed, there neither was nor can be any such sin as Schism. For I suppose it is sufficiently known, that neither the Doctrine, or Worship of any Church is so well constituted, but some unquiet spirits have raised scruples and suspicions concerning them. And unless the Church have power to command things lawful and no way repugnant to the Word of God (though some giddy Persons may scruple at them) it is impossible that it should preserve it self from confusion. The Apostles I am sure did practise this in the Synod at Hierusalem, Acts 15. And St. Paul silenceth the objections of contentious and scrupulous Persons with the Custome of the Churches of God, 1 Corinth. 11. 16. Every Congregation that pretends to have the face of a Church requires the obedience of its Members to all Orders for publick Worship, as well as their consent to [Page 23] their Articles of Faith, and without this it could not subsist.
I shall conclude this with Mr. Baxter's advice in his Dispute of Ceremonies, Ch. 15. S. 3. ‘That the Duty of obeying being certain, and the sinfulness of the thing commanded being uncertain and only Suspected, we must go on the surer side.’ And the Author of the Sermon on Acts 24. 16. gives a good reason for it, saying, ‘If a Christian should forbear praying or receiving the Sacrament every time his scrupulous conscience tells him he had better wholly omit the duty, than perform it in such a manner, he would soon find to his sorrow the mischief of his scruples. And he adviseth— In all known necessary duties always do what you can, when you cannot do what you would.’
Our Author, p. 202. falls on an Ancient controversie concerning the observation of Easter, of which he gives us this imperfect account, ‘That it being upon error taken for necessary, that an Easter must be kept, and [Page 24] upon worse than Error (if I may so speak) for it was no less than a point of Judaism forced upon the Church) thought further necessary that the ground for the keeping the time of that Feast must be the rule left by Moses to the Jews, there arose a stout question whether we ought to Celebrate with the Jews on the 14th. of the Moon, or the Sunday following. This matter though most unnecessary, most vain, yet caused as great a combustion as ever was in the Church, the West separating from and refusing Communion with the East for many years together.’
An impartial relation of the ground of this controversie as it lies in Church History will sufficiently discover how odiously it is represented. First then, whereas he says, it was upon error taken for necessary that an Easter must be kept: I answer, if it were an error, the Church had it from the Apostles themselves; for although the contending parties differed among themselves in the day, yet both agreed [Page 25] on the necessity of observing Easter in Commemoration of our Saviour's Resurrection: And the Controversie concerning the day puts it out of controversie that there ought to be a day observed. Some learned men have thought the setting a-part of an Easter day to be grounded on 1 Cor. 5. 8. where S. Paul speaking of the Christian Passover, says, Let us keep the Feast; and Grotius observes that the word [...] answereth to the Hebrew, [...], which signifieth to abstain from all work for the offering up of holy things to God. If the observation of any day be necessary unto Christians, this of Easter is, because it is the Mother and ground of our weekly Sabbath, and is supposed to be the same which S. John calls the Lords day, Rev. 1. 10. But we need not seek express authority from Scripture to make it necessary; the practice of the Apostles testified by such early and authentick witnesses, and the continued celebration of it in all the Churches of God do evince that it was not taken up on an Error, no more [Page 24] [...] [Page 25] [...] [Page 26] than the observation of the Weekly Sabbath. Mr. Hales says enough to resolve this objection in his Golden Remains set forth by Mr. Garthwait 1673. p. 260. on the question, how we may know the Scriptures to be the word of God. ‘When (saith he) we appeal to the Churches testimony, we content not our selves with any part of the Church actually existent, but add unto it the perpetually successive testimony of the Church in all Ages since the Apostles times ( viz.) since its first beginning, and out of both these draw an argument in this question, of that force as that from it not the subtilest Disputer can find an escape. For who is it that can think to find acceptance and credit with reasonable men by opposing not only the present Church conversing in earth, but the uniform consent of the Church in all ages?’—So that the Church in all Ages agreeing that an Easter must be kept, it was not taken up upon Error.
Nor, secondly, was it upon worse than error, ( i. e.) as our Author affirms, [Page 27] ‘a point of Judaism grounded on the Law of Moses to the Jews, that the observation thereof was by some Churches solemnized on the 14th. day of the Moon.’ For the Eastern Churches alledging the practice of S. John and Philip for the 14th. day, had a better ground for it than a Jewish custom, namely that of Christian Charity; and Baronius notes it as worthy of our observation, that the Apostles had anciently appointed, that though Easter were observed on the Lords day by the generality of Christians, yet they should gently tolerate the Judaizing Converts, which were of the circumcision, and were in great numbers in the Eastern parts. See Baronius's Annals ad Ann. 167. p. 168. Now the Western Churches pleaded for their practice (which was the observation of the Sunday following) the Authority of S. Peter, and S. Paul, who had fully convinced the Gentile converts, that all Jewish rites were to be laid aside, as having had their full completion in Christ; but yet, as in other like cases, they were instructed [Page 28] to bear with the Jews, as for some time they did; for the first time that this controversie was agitated was between Anicetus Bishop of Rome, and Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna who according to the custom of other Asian Churches celebrated Easter day on the 14th. of the Moon.
For which practice Polycarp alledged the Authority of S. John. And Irenaeus in an Epistle mentioned by Eusebius l. 5. c. 18. tells us, that Polycarp came to Rome to discourse with Anicetus concerning this and other different observations between the Eastern and Western Churches; and having after some conference amicably agreed other controversies, they still differed about this observation, but without any violation of the bond of Charity, for they communicated together, Anicetus giving leave to Polycarp to perform the offices of Divine Worship in his Church; and it was then concluded, That both Churches should be at liberty to observe the Ancient customes delivered to them from their Predecessors. But about the year [Page 29] of Christ, 198. Victor Bishop of Rome revives the controversie with Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus, who was then 65 years old and came within a little time of S. John, being cotemporary with Polycarp. Victor pleads that the custom of his Church was derived from the Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul, and that all his Predecessors had celebrated Easter on the Lords day. See Eusebius lib. 5. ch. 21, 22, 23. And Nicephorus l. 4. c. 36. Polycrates in his Epistle mentioned by Eusebius, l. 5. c. 24. replies, That all the Provinces of Asia observed it according to an Ancient tradition received long before ( i. e. before the second Century) from S. John and S. Philip, from Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna, from Thraseas Bishop of Eumenia, Sagaris of Laodicea, Papirius and Melito Bishops of Sardis, who always practised according to the same Canon, and all the Bishops of Asia then living consented to and subscribed his Epistle. Upon this, Victor beginneth to storm, and threatneth to Excommunicate the Bishops of Asia as Heterodox, and to [Page 30] that end he assembleth the Bishops under his Jurisdiction, who with one consent declared for peace, desiring his forbearance, and disliking his too great severity. The Epistle of Irenaeus to Victor on this occasion is yet extant, in which he declares, That although for his part he was resolved to observe the Feast of Easter on the Sunday according to the practice of the Western Church in which he lived, yet he could not approve that the Eastern Church should be Excommunicated for observing an Ancient custom; and mindeth Victor that the Bishops before him had never broken the Churches peace on this occasion. But no mediation would prevail; Victor was Victor still, and proceeds to denounce an impotent sentence against the Asian Churches. Baronius says something to excuse the severity of Victor (viz.) That as long as those Churches were Catholick and incorrupt, they of Rome thought it expedient to tolerate that custom; but when from that custom, Schism and Heresie brake in upon the Asian Churches, [Page 31] (for Montanus having diffused his Heresie through Asia, those Asians began to plead that they had received this Tradition from their Paraclete, that the Pascha ought to be celebrated on the 14th. of the Moon and on no other day, and that all such as practised otherwise were in an error) then Victor thought it his duty to restrain this error. Tit. 1. 10, 11. 2. This Opinion of keeping Easter after the Asian manner was taken up by many Hereticks, and so spread it self that it invaded the very bosom of the Roman Church, and pluckt thence one Blastus who in the face of that Church maintained the Asian against the Roman Custom. Tertullian speaks of this Blastus in his book de Praescriptionibus, c. 53. saying, that he endeavoured to bring in Judaism, affirming that the Christian Pascha was not to be kept otherwise than was prescribed by the Law of Moses. And this opinion of Blastus drew away so many after him, that Irenaeus wrote a book of Schism directed purposely against Blastus, but could not recal him. And now let [Page 32] the indifferent Reader judge whether the subject of this controversie were most unnecessary, most vain (as our Author declaims.) Victor indeed did prosecute it with too much heat, insomuch that the Cardinal knows not what to say in his excuse. An verò quod potestate, jure faciebat, recténe fecerit dubitatum est, saith the Cardinal. Doubtless the Asian Churches were ( sui juris) not under the jurisdiction of Victor, or if they had been, yet was he not unblameable in Excommunicating all the Churches of Asia for the fault of some few that had crept in among them, whom in due time they would have restrained by their own authority. He was also too precipitate in not yielding to the mediation of his own Bishops in behalf of those Churches. And lastly, he was much more culpable for imposing this observation on the Asian Churches as a matter of Faith, and judged them to be heterodox and excommunicate that would not submit. Baronius his words ad annum Christi 198. p. 191. of the Antwerp edition [Page 33] are, Totius Asia Ecclesias cum aliis finit imis tanquam alterius fidei & opinionis à communi unitate Ecclesia amputare conatur. Nor were the Asian Churches without fault for yielding so long to a Jewish Ceremony, which might long ere that time have been decently buried as other Jewish customes had been: And also for suffering some among them to teach a necessity of observing the Christian Pascha on the 14th. day and no other. So that (to conclude) though the Roman Church was in this particular stronger in the Faith, yet (as our Author saith) they should have born with the imbecillity of their weaker Brethren, a thing which (he observes) S. Paul would not refuse to do, p. 218. To which I say, that S. Paul did comply for a while with the Jewish Converts in the Case of Circumcision, but when some of them pleaded for a necessity of Circumcision, he thunders against that Opinion as loudly as Victor did against this, saying, That if they were Circumcised (i. e. with an Opinion of the necessity of it) Christ should profit them nothing, Gal. 5. 2.
[Page 34] Now from this History (as our Author had contrived it) he drew several wilde inferences: As first p. 203. ‘In this fantastical Hurry I cannot see (saith he) but all the World were Schismaticks.’ To which I reply. That all the World were not concerned in it, there being some Nations that differed from both these in the observation of Easter, as Socrates, l. 5. c. 21. hath observed: for even among the Jewish Converts, some that agreed on the 14th. day differed in the Moon, and Venerable Bede observes that our Nation (which the Pope pretends to have been his Converts) did in those primitive times observe their Easter on the 14th. day (which by the way is an argument that we at first received the Christian Faith, not from the Church of Rome who exploded this custome, but more Anciently from Joseph of Arimathea, or from St. Philip, who, as many good Authors affirm, planted the Christian Religion in our neighbour Nation of France, and as the Asian Churches affirm, was one of them that taught them this custom) [Page 35] nor do we read that they were condemned for Hereticks for so doing. Neither did those Eastern Churches who differed in the Moneth anathematize each other; and Socrates (ubi supra) gives this reason for it, They that agree in the same Faith may differ from each other in respect of Rites. (as the Reformed Churches do at this day) And though the Roman Church did excommunicate the Asian, yet were they never the more Schismaticks for that, being they were ( sui Juris) not under the Roman power. And according to our Authors definition of schism, they being never members of that Church from which they were excommunicate, could not be guilty of schism notwithstanding Victors rigor. We say therefore they were still members of the Catholick Church. And as for the Roman Church what should make them Schismaticks? For though Victor did arrogate too much as to the manner of his proceedings, yet as to the matter, his prosecution against a Jewish ceremony when it grew into an Opinion of being necessary to be observed, [Page 36] was his duty, and approved by the practice of St. Paul himself. Gal. 5. 2. And while there was a controversie between their Governors, the People and Clergy too of both Parties continued in due subjection to their Superiors, and in mutual charity to one another. So that the Separatists of our Age can have no excuse for their Schism from this instance.
But our Author infers, Secondly, ‘that this fell out through the ignorance or ( which he mentioneth also) the malice of their Governors, and that through the just judgment of God on the People, because through sloth and blind obedience they examined not the things which they were taught, but like beasts of burthen patiently couched down and indifferently underwent whatsoever their Superiors laid upon them.’ To which I Answer. It doth not appear there was any charge of ignorance to be imputed to Victor, or his People, for the reasons above mentioned; much less of malice. Our present Sectaries do call their opposition to Ceremonies (more innocent [Page 37] than that) by the name of zeal, and love to the cause of God. Nor was there any thing imposed on the Churches of either side, that concerned their Faith, nor any custome or rite ( de novo) but only the Asian Churches were desired to translate the custome of observing Easter, from a day which gave offence not only to the Church of Rome, but several other Churches. Petavius says, the difference was not de Catholico dogmate, sed de Ritu, seu Ritûs potiùs tempore. And if the Superiors in the Asian Churches had thought the Alteration fit, (as shortly after they did) it had doubtless been the Peoples duty to submit; for every Church hath power in those things which are indifferent, and much more in such things as give offence to other Churches, to appoint and alter rites and ceremonies for the publick Worship of God; and the People shew themselves not beasts of burthen but Christ's Free-men, in submitting to their Governors as far as Christian liberty doth permit. If Victor had imposed new Articles of Faith, as Pius [Page 38] Quintus did in the Council of Trent, doubtless those Primitive Christians would have resisted even to bloud; of which they gave too many instances when they constantly endured all manner of torments rather than they would renounce the Faith once delivered to them.
Our Author therefore needed to ask pardon for wounding the reputation of these Ancient Worthies in cool bloud, as well as for massacring at once the authority of all the Fathers in the heat of a temptation, p. 204. where he says thus: ‘You may plainly see the danger of our appeal to Antiquity for resolution in controversies of Faith, and how small relief we are to expect from thence; for if the discretion of the chiefest Guides of the Church did in a point so trivial, so inconsiderable, so mainly fail them, as not to see the truth in a subject wherein it is the greatest marvel, how they could avoid the sight of it; Can we without the imputation of extreme grossness and folly, think so poor spirited persons competent Judges [Page 39] of the questions now on foot in the Churches? Pardon me, I know not what temptation drew that note from me.’ To this I reply: 1. Whoever he be that so contemptuously rejects the Authority, and trampleth on the reputation of the Fathers, hath sufficiently excused those that shall slight his own. This is the Author's own sense, Golden Remains, p. 260. 2. I refer it to the judgment of the Reader whether Victor Bishop of Rome condemning some of the Asian Churches for adhering too tenaciously to a Jewish ceremony which was of ill consequence to those and other neighbouring Churches, were not more excusable than a private person, living many hundred years after the fact, (and never rightly knowing, or else wrongfully representing it) insolently and causlesly condemning the Ancient Fathers, not of one or two Ages or parts of the Church, but all in general; as if the failing of one man in a point so trivial and inconsiderable (as our Author calls it) were sufficient reason to condemn them all for indiscreet and poor spirited [Page 40] persons; And to impute extreme grossness and folly to all that should think them competent Judges of our differences. This is a [...] beyond that of Abailardus, who was wont to say, that the Fathers for the most part did think this or that to be right, but I think otherwise, as if his single authority could out-weigh all theirs. 3. He must pretend to have some new light for his guide, and be either an Enthusiast, or Socinian, that can see any danger in appealing to Antiquity for resolution in controverted points of Faith. For seeing there is scarce any point of Faith but some unhappy Wits have controverted it, and in defence of their Opinions have put the Scriptures on the rack to make them speak their own sense; how can points of Faith delivered in the Scriptures be better understood and confirmed than by the joynt consent of such Ancient Doctors who conversed with the Apostles or their immediate Successors, and are rightly called Apostolici, many of which were Persons of great Learning and Eloquence, and so could not [Page 41] be charged with ignorance? And doubtless they were very industrious in inquiring into the grounds of the Christian Faith, for which they forsook all temporal accommodations, and most of them their lives, and against all opposition have not only handed down to us the Scriptures themselves pure and incorrupt, but the proper and genuine sense of them. We do not make them Judices but Indices fidei, not the Authors but the witnesses to confirm and give evidence in matters of Faith. 4. The Papists do calumniate the Reformed Divines as if they rejected the judgment of the Fathers; whereas they do with one consent (and none more readily than they of the Church of England) appeal to their Authority for confirmation of the Faith which they profess. I could easily fill a Volume with the testimonies of our Modern Divines concerning the authority of the Ancients, how competent Judges they are of the questions now on foot. The naming of some few will resolve us whether our Author's Opinion or theirs deserves [Page 42] the imputation of grosness and folly. Calvin in his controversie with Pighius, de libero Arbitrio, says, The controversie between me and Pighius would soon be ended if he would declare the tradition of the Church in the certain and perpetual consent of the Holy and Orthodox. Bucer says as much on Matth. 1. concerning the consent of the Church about the perpetual Virginity of the Holy Virgin Mary. That to doubt of that consent, unless some plain Oracle of Scripture doth inforce it, is not the part of them that have learned what the Church of Christ is. When Zanchy was 70. Years old, and had long studied the point, He tells us in these words: Hoc ego ingenuè profiteor talem esse meam conscientiam, ut à veterum Patrum sive dogmatibus, sive scripturarum interpretationibus, non facilè nisi manifestis scripturarum testimoniis vel necessariis consequentiis apertisque demonstrationibus convictus atque coactus discedere queam; Sic enim acquiescat mea conscientia, & in hac mentis quiete cupio etiam mori. Epistola ad Confess. [Page 43] fidei, p. 47. Gualter in his Preface to Peter Martyr's common places, says, From hence come all kinds of evils, the pest of disputatiousness, the violation of all bonds of Charity, and shaking the fundamentals of Faith, because we do not reverence the Ancients as much as we ought. Nor fear I to affirm, that the chief cause of the Contentions of our Age, is, because most Divines insist on the Opinions of their present Masters, and read their Books, not enquiring what learned Antiquity did think, or what errors and heresies were condemned by it. As for the Divines of our own Church, it may be sufficient to mention Bishop Jewel's Chalengee, and how well he discharged it. ‘If any learned man of our adversaries (said that learned Bishop) or all the learned men that be alive, be able to bring any one sufficient sentence out of any old Catholick Doctor or Father, or out of any old General Council, or out of the Holy Scriptures of God, or any one example of the Primitive Church, whereby it may be clearly [Page 44] and plainly proved, that there was any private Mass in the world for 600 years after Christ, or that, &c. (to the number of 27. Articles now in controversie between us and the Church of Rome) I am content to yield and to subscribe. And in his Apologie for the Church of England he says, We came as nigh as possibly we could to the Apostolical Churches and the Ancient Bishops, neither did we direct our Doctrine only, but our Sacraments and form of Publick Prayers to their rites and institutions.’ And after him the Church provided by her constitutions, Anno 1571. Imprimis videant Concionatores, ne quid unquam pro concione doceant quod à populo religiosè teneri & credi volunt, nisi quod consentaneum sit Veteri & Novo Testamento, quód (que) ex iis docuerint Antiqui Patres & veteres Episcopi collegerint. I add only that of the Royal Martyr in his discourse with Henderson, 3d. paper. ‘When you and I differ about the sense of the Scriptures, and I appeal to the unanimous consent of the Fathers and the Primitive Church, you [Page 45] ought to find a more competent Judge, or to rest in him that is proposed by me.’ And this shall serve to assoil that question which our Author saith, carryeth fire in the tail of it, and brings with it a piece of Doctrine which is seldom pleasing to Superiors, p. 200. But the fire proves an Ignis fatuus, and our Author himself brings water enough to extinguish it; for in p. 65. he saith, ‘If Aristotle and Aphrodiseus, and Galen, and the rest of those excellent men whom God hath endued with extraordinary portions of natural knowledge, have with all thankful and ingenious men throughout all generations retained their credit intire, notwithstanding it is acknowledged that they have all of them in many things swerved from the Truth; Then why should not Christians express the same ingenuity to those who have laboured before us in the exposition of the Christian Faith, and highly esteem them for their works sake, their many infirmities notwithstanding?’
[Page 46] From this general contempt of the Fathers our Author proceeds, p. 206. to cast a slurr on S. Augustine. For having mentioned S. Augustines argument which he maintained against the Donatists, which was, Unitatem Ecclesiae per totum Orbem dispersae propter nonnullorum peccata non esse deserendam; (i. e.) that the Unity of the Church spread over the whole world ought not to be forsaken for the sins of some few that were in its communion, he adds, ‘that though it were de facto false, that Donatus his party shut up in Africa, was the only Orthodox party; yet it might have been true notwithstanding any thing S. Augustine brings to confute it. And contrarily though it were de facto true that the part of Christians dispersed over the face of the Earth were the Orthodox, yet it might have been false notwithstanding any thing S. Augustine brings to confirm it.’ As if that learned Father who was as close and exact a disputant as the Church hath enjoyed ever since, had wholly mistaken the question, [Page 47] or were unable to urge one argument pro or con, (i.e.) either for confutation of that wretched Schism, or for defence of the Catholick Church. That learned Father wrote a very large Volume against those Schismaticks, which contains so much both of wit and Argument, that there would not need any thing else to be said for the confutation of Schismaticks to the worlds end if his arguments were well understood and applyed. And when our Author proves the Donatists in two lines to be complete Schismaticks, first for choosing a Bishop in opposition to the former, secondly, for erecting new places for the dividing party to meet in publickly, I wonder with what confidence he could deny that S. Augustine had done so much in so many writings and disputations. But when I consider how palpably this Author contradicts himself; I cease to wonder that he should oppose and contemn that Great man. For, p. 208. he seems with some passion to interrogate, ‘Why might it not be lawful to go to Church with [Page 48] the Donatists?’ and p. 215. ‘why may I not go if occasion require to an Arrian Church?’ when p. 229. he says expresly ‘that it is not lawful no not for prayer, hearing, conference, &c. to assemble otherwise than by publick order is allowed.’ And if our Author knew not that as well the Schism of the Donatists as the heresie of the Arrians was often condemned and forbidden by the Emperors and Councils of that age, he was very ignorant indeed.
But the reason which our Author gives, why S. Augustine said nothing to the question, is as strange as any thing else. ‘ S. Augustine (saith our Author) brought nothing to prove that the Orthodox were the true Church, or the Donatists were Schismaticks. For the Church may be in any number, in any place, country or nation, it may be in all, and for ought I know it may be in none, without prejudice to the definition of a Church or the Truth of the Gospel.’ He might as well have told us of a Church in Utopia, which is the [Page 49] same with a Church in no place, country or nation. What Idea of the Church our Author conceived I cannot imagine, but that which he expresseth concerning it is as contrary to the truth of all the Prophecies of the Old Testament, as well as the description of it in the New, from whence the definition is taken, as light is to darkness. For Acts 2. 41. ad finem, the Church is described to be a number of men (not all nor none) called out of the world by the preaching of the Apostles, and joyning themselves to their Spiritual guides by Baptism and breaking of Bread, by publick Prayers, and hearing the Word. These in verse 47. are expresly called the Church, and to this Church the Lord added daily such as should be saved. Now such Churches were by Christ's commissions to be planted in all Nations, which we believe was really effected; and the truth thereof is still apparent, that God hath given his Son the heathen for his inheritance, and the utmost parts of the earth for hs possession: and therefore to say that a [Page 50] Church may be in none, either number or place, (for I suppose the Author intends both, because if it may exist in no place, it must not consist of any number, nor so much as admit of one) as contrary to sense and Reason as to the Truth of the Gospel. And is such a fancy as that of Mrs. Trask, who having shifted from one Conventicle to another in New-England; and at last on pretence of impurity in their ordinances and members, separated from them all, affirmed, that she alone was the Church and Spouse of Christ. But I think Mr. Hales himself sufficiently refutes this fancy of our Author. Page 185, & 186. of his Golden Remains he tells us, ‘that to prove the existence of our Church before Luther, all that is necessary to be proved in the case is nothing else but this; that there hath been from the Apostles times a perpetual succession of the Ministry to preach and to baptize, of which by the providence of God there remains very good evidence to the world, and shall remain.’
[Page 51] Having told us that the Church may be in no place, that is in effect that there may be no Church, he doth with the more confidence affirm, p. 213. ‘That Church Authority is none, and tradition for the most part but figment.’ Answ. As to traditions in general I defend them not, nor can any man else; but for such as bear the Characters, which Vincentius Lirinensis describes, quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus, we have all reason imaginable to inforce the imbracing of such traditions as have been received and delivered to us by all the Churches of Christ, in all ages and in all places, unless we were of the Authors opinion, that Church authority is none; and this can never be made good but by proof of our Authors fiction of a Church in Utopia. For if our Saviour did out of mankind redeem a Church by his own bloud; if he planted it by his Apostles, and promised his presence with it to the end of the world; if he made it the ground and Pillar of Truth, and promised to hear her prayers, and to [Page 52] bind in heaven what they bound on earth, and that the gates of Hell, i.e. neither persecutions, nor heresies, nor schisms should prevail against it: doubtless there is a Church, and that Church hath some authority granted to her by her dear Redeemer, to defend that peace and unity, as well as those truths, which he bequeathed to her. Did our Saviour take care for the Church of the Jews only, or did he not also mind the Christian Church, when Matt. 18. 17. he enjoyns us even in private differences among our selves, much more in those which concern the publick peace of the Church, as in the case of scandals mentioned in the context, v. 7. to go tell the Church; and if any should neglect to hear the Church, that he should be unto us as an heathen man and a Publican, i.e. Excommunicate from that holy Society; which punishment being spiritual doth clearly evince, that the causes submitted to the judgment of the Church were spiritual also. But I demand farther, did the Apostles usurp more authority [Page 53] than was given them, when they assembled together, Acts 15. 6. about the case of Circumcision; and after the difference had been fully debated by Peter, Paul, Barnabas and S. James in the presence of the Elders and the multitude, they all agreed, and that by the approbation of the Holy Ghost, v. 28. to impose upon the Churches certain constitutions as necessary to be observed at that time for the peace of the Church? If they did not, then the Church had some authority. And so when S. Paul pleaded the custom of the Churches of God against contentious persons in the Church of Corinth, 1 Epist. c. 11. v. 16. And doth not the same Apostle tell us, that when our Saviour ascended up on high, Eph. 4. 11. he placed rulers and governors in his Church, whose care it should be to provide that the people should not be thenceforth as children tossed to and fro, and carried about with every wind of Doctrine by the slight of men, and cunning craftiness whereby they lie in wait to deceive, v. 14. If Church authority be none, to what [Page 54] end did S. Paul injoyn Timothy to see that women should keep silence in the Church, 1 Tim. 2. 12. not only to teach but command, 1 Tim. 4. 11. to give charge concerning widows, 1 Tim. 5. 1, 7. how to receive accusations against Elders, 1 Tim. 5. 19. how to ordain, 1 Tim. 5. 22. and see that they held fast the form of sound words, 2 Tim. 1. 13. to suppress striving about vain words and prophane bablings, such as were the discourses of Hymenaeus and Philetus, which did eat as a canker and overthrew the faith of some, 2 Tim. 2. 14, 16. to rebuke (authoritatively) such as would not endure sound doctrine, but agreeably to their own lusts did heap up teachers to themselves, having itching ears, 2 Tim. 4. 2, 3. And in like manner that Titus should suffer no man to despise his authority, Titus 2. 15. but diligently discharge the duties for which the Apostle setled him in Crete, i. e. to set in order things which were wanting, and to ordain Elders in every City, Titus 1. 5. and to reject hereticks after a second admonition, Titus 3. 10. [Page 55] Besides we find the Spirit of God commending the Angel of the Church of Ephesus for shewing her hatred against the Nicolaitans, and blaming the Angel of the Church of Pergamus for tolerating the Doctrines of Balaam and the Nicolaitans, and the Angel of Thyatira for permitting the Doctrine and practice of Jezebel, Rev. 2. 6. &c. Nor did I ever hear yet of any Conventicle that pretended to have the face of a Church, that did not exercise some authority over their members: for as the Synod of Dort declared, No order nor peace can be preserved in the Church, if it should not be lawful for it so to judge of its own members, as to restrain within bounds wavering and unsetled spirits. This hath been the practice of the Churches of all Ages; the particulars to which their authority did extend are not now to be reckoned, nor the arguments for vindication thereof necessary to be insisted on: I shall shut up this with that of Beza, de pace Ecclesiae: Neque enim Dei gratiâ ignoro Ecclesiam esse veritatis testem, extra quam non sit salus, [Page 56] & Orthodoxorum consensum in Synodis adversùs Haereticos plurimi fieri par est, & Patrum in interpretandis Scripturis, in refutandis erroribus, in admonendis populis, labores adeò non contemni oportet, ut secundo à Scripturis loco meritò habeantur. These things do certainly infer, that Church-authority is something. However our Author, p. 224. dares to tell us, that ‘They do but abuse themselves and others that would perswade us, that Bishops by Christ's institution have any superiority above other Men further than of Reverence.’ And the reason which he gives for it is this, ‘For we have believed him that told us, that in Jesus Christ there is neither high nor low, and that in giving honour every Man should be ready to prefer another before himself.’ Which reasons do as certainly conclude against Magistrates as Bishops, viz. that there is no obedience, no tribute or homage due to them by Christ's institution, nothing further than an airy superiority of reverence, which if the other were denyed would be but a mockery; Like that wherewith the [Page 57] late Royal Martyr was Reverenced, when the Usurpers robbed him of all that God and the Laws invested him withall, and gave him only the superiority of reverence in a Noble Death. But as to Bishops, let our Author's Assertion Answer it self: For first, It grants that Bishops were by Christ's institution, because by his institution they had a superiority of reverence above other Men. 2ly, This superiority was grounded on their Office as Bishops, that is, Overseers of the Flock committed to their charge, which Office was assigned to them by the Holy Ghost, Acts 20. 28. And now I would have the Reader consider whether those that by the institution of Christ and of the Holy Ghost were made Rulers and Governors of the Church, have no other superiority above other Men beside that of reverence? There is more expressed, Hebr. 13. 17. in these words, Obey them that have the rule over you, and submit your selves. And when St. Paul instructs Timothy in the office of a Bishop, he tells him how he should learn to rule the House [Page 58] of God, 1 Tim. 3. 4. by ruling well his own house, having his children in subjection with all gravity. Again, when he chargeth Timothy, 1 Ep. 5. 17. to provide that those Presbyters that did not only rule well but laboured (above others) in the Word and Doctrine, should be counted worthy of double honour, he intended somewhat more than a superiority of Reverence, namely an Honorary maintenance, such as was the portion of the elder Brother under the Law, not a precarious Eleemosynary stipend, but that which was as due to them as the hire is to the labourer; and I suppose that this is by Christ's institution, the Apostle assuring us, that as it was setled by a Divine institution under the Law, Even so hath the Lord ordained that they which preach the Gospel should live of the Gospel, 1. Cor. 9. 14. Besides, the Apostle grounds the superiority of Reverence on that of the office of governing, labouring and watching for the Souls of the People. So 1 Thessal. 5. 12, 13. We besseech you Brethren to know them which labour [Page 59] among you, and are over you in the Lord and admonish you, and to esteem them very highly in love for their works sake. And that the Apostles were superior in office not only to the People, but to the 72. Disciples, and to the Deacons, is clearly evinced by the Scriptures; for upon the miscarriage of Judas another being to take his office, Acts 1. 20. the Apostles met together, and in a solemn assembly after prayer and supplication the lot fell on Matthias, who was one of the 72. Disciples, and had accompanied the Apostles all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and out among them. And this method was to continue, by Saint Paul's advice to Timothy, 1. Ep. 3. 13. where such as had used the office of a Deacon well, are said to purchase to themselves a good degree, i. e. as the Assembly expound it, doth deservedly purchase to himself the honour of a higher office in the Church. And whereas we read, Acts 1. 3. that our Saviour Christ after his Resurrection conversed 40. days with his Apostles, speaking of the things pertaining to [Page 60] the Kingdom of God, i. e. the teaching and governing of his Church; and when he ascended up on high he gave some Apostles, some Prophets, &c. not only for the work of the Ministry, but preventing of false Doctrines and Schisms, Ephes. 4. 11-14. compared with 1 Cor. 12. 25, 28, 29. it is evident there was a superiority of office as well as of reverence given to the Teachers & Governors of the Church. For God hath set these several orders in his Church, first Apostles, secondarily Prophets, &c. all are not Apostles, nor all Prophets, nor all Teachers, there were some even by God's institution above others in place and office as well as in reverence; whereof we cannot expect a better proof than the Universal practice of the Churches of Christ even in the Apostles days, and immediately after their decease. For unless we could conceive that all the Churches should even in those Primitive times conspire together to cast off some other government appointed by Christ, and admit of this to which they could have no temptation [Page 61] or inclination, the People and Bishops both, being then as sheep appointed to the slaughter, we must needs conclude, that a superiority of office and government, as well as of reverence was their due. Now not only the Persons that were set over the Churches, and had the Characters of Episcopal Power and Jurisdiction, are plainly recorded in the Writings of the Ancients; but their power and superiority over Presbyters and Deacons, their supreme care and inspection of the affairs of the Church are so fully explained, as if they had been written on purpose to prevent the objections of these later days. For instance, we read in Authentick Authors of
- St. James at Hierusalem,
- St. Mark at Alexandria,
- Timothy at Ephesus,
- Titus at Crete,
- Crescens at Galatia,
- Archippus at Caloss,
- Epaphroditus at Philippi,
- Gaius at Thessalonica,
- Apollos at Corinth,
- [Page 62] Linus and Anacletus at Rome,
- Ignatius at Antioch,
- Papias at Hierapolis,
- Dionysius Areopagita at Athens:
Yea the Ancients tell us particularly who were those seven Angels of the Asian Churches that are either approved or reprehended for their government, Viz.
- Antipas at Pergamus,
- Polycarp at Smyrna,
- Carpus at Thyatira,
- Sagaris at Laodicea,
- Melito at Sardis,
- Onesimus at Ephesus:
And Ignatius gives the Angel of the Church of Philadelphia the like character as the Spirit of God doth, though I find not his name. It were no great difficulty to set down the Successors of divers of these Bishops through many ages of the Church, together with the dignity and power they had as well over Presbyters as People: Ignatius and Clemens, Tertullian and Irenaeus; [Page 63] Eusebius and Clemens Alexandrinus speak largely of them. I shall hope to satisfie the Reader with a passage or two out of St. Hierome, who is thought no Friend of Episcopacy, yet in his Epistle to Evagrius, he says, Whatever Aaron and his Sons and the Levites could vindicate to themselves in the Temple, the same may Bishops, and Presbyters and Deacons challenge to themselves in the (Christian) Church. Here you have a plain distinction of Orders. And in his Epistle to Riparius you have a distinction of Power, for speaking of Vigilantius an Heretical Presbyter, he saith, Miror sanctum Episcopum in cujus parochia esse Presbyter dicitur, acquiescere ejus furori, & non virgâ Apostolicâ, virgâque ferreâ confringere vas inutile, & tradere in interitum carnis, ut spiritus salvus fiat; I wonder the holy Bishop in whose Diocese the Heretical Presbyter is said to be, doth not restrain his madness, and with his Apostolical rod as with an Iron rod break that unprofitable Vessel, and deliver him for the destruction of the flesh, that his Soul may be saved. So that there was a sub and supra by [Page 64] Christ's institution, it did not all come from composition and agreement of Men among themselves, as Mr. Hobs and our Author do affirm.
But if there were indeed a superiority of reverence due to Bishops by Christ's institution, I fear the Author sinned against that institution when he spake so irreverently of them, as in Page 226. speaking of contentions between Bishops; ‘Private and indifferent Persons may as securely be spectators of those contentions in respect of any peril of conscience, as at a Cock-fight where Serpents fight, who cares who hath the better? the best Wish is that both may perish in the fight.’ Ità convitiis debacchatur ut plusculum in eo modestiae desiderare cogor; utinam argumentis tantùm egisset, & à convitiis temperâsset. Eras. in praefat. Epist. Hieron. ad Vigilantium. I know not under what temptation the Author was when he wrote this, nor did he himself consider from what spirit it came. St. Jude tells us, v. 9. that Michael the Archangel, when contending with the Devil, he disputed about the body of Moses, durst not bring against him a railing accusation: but [Page 65] this Author (whether Aerius revived, or the Ghost of that Monster Smectymnuus become incarnate, (no Archangel I am sure) doth not only despise Dominions, and speak evil of Dignities, but breaths out fire and utter destruction, against Episcopacy root and branch. Who the contending Bishops were of whom he speaks, I have told you in the controversie between Victor and Polycrates, the one contending too violently for a truth, the other too tenaciously defending an ancient but erroneous custome. The errors of both would extract pity and prayers from any Christian spirit, that were sensible of humane infirmities. When there arose a contention among Christ's own Disciples, Luk. 9. 46. which should be the greatest; And when the dispute about circumcision somewhat like this arose between Paul and Barnabas, and them that came down from Judaea, did Christ or his Apostles think themselves as unconcerned at these contentions, as at a Cock-fight? or had it been a fit option to wish that they might all perish? How destructive [Page 66] are the curses of such men, when their prayers, their best wishes are for destruction? There appears more of the Serpent in this rash vote, than in all Victor's contention.
But our Author thinks he may be well excused for this uncharitable vote against Bishops, seeing ‘they had so little charity as by their frequent contests to make butter and cheese of one another,’ p. 220.
It is a sad story to read the great violences acted by some Bishops, and the indignities and tortures indured by others in that period of time to which Socrates confines his History: for in the close of it he says, it contained the History of 140. Years from the beginning of Constantine's Empire unto the 17. consulship of Theodosius: In all which time Socrates relates with as much sorrow, as our Author seems to do with merriment, what agonies and convulsions the Arian Heresie made in some Churches, and the Schism of the Donatists in others, where the Factions (being cruel and implacable) as often as they got any power, did not [Page 67] only make butter and cheese but shed the bloud of the Orthodox and more peaceable Bishops. There are still some such as would gladly reduce them again to butter and cheese, and like vermin corrode and devour them too. If any be of the Authors mind, I hope and pray that God would give them repentance, that they may live so peaceably under the Bishops of the Church here, that they may live eternally with the Bishop of their Souls hereafter: Or if they shall despise my advice, I intreat them to consider that of Mr. Hales, p. 223. ‘It being a thing very convenient for the peace of the Church, (to have but one Bishop in one See, at one time) neither doth it any way savour of vice or misdemeanor, their punishment sleeps not who unnecessarily and wantonly go about to infringe it.’
I meet with one observation more fit to be animadverted on under this head which is in page 218, &c. ‘The third thing I noted for matter of Schism, was, Ambition, I mean [Page 68] Episcopal ambition, shewing it self in two heads; one concerning Plurality of Bishops in the same See, another the Superiority of Bishops in divers Sees. Aristotle tells us, that necessity causeth but small faults, but Avarice and Ambition were the mothers of great crimes.’ He instanceth in the Sees of Alexandria, Constantinople, Antioch and Rome.
I am glad our Author found no instances of Episcopal ambition nearer home; if there had been any, in all probability he would have told us of them. If he had been a friend to the Episcopal Order, he would rather have done as Constantine said he was ready to do with his Bishops, make his royal robes a covering for their infirmities, than like a Cham discover the nakedness of those Fathers. The best of Bishops are but men, and so are subject to the like passions and infirmities as other men. I have already instanced in the Apostles and other disciples of Christ; and certainly it is not christianly done so to aggravate the faults of particular persons as to [Page 69] reflect upon the whole office. Besides, our Author might have mentioned as many and as dangerous Schisms made by covetous and ambitious Presbyters as by the Bishops; Novatus and Novatian, See the Hist. of Donatists. Aerius and Arrius, Donatus and his fellow Presbyters, who assumed the Episcopal power to themselves, and shed more bloud, and committed more outrages than were done under any instance of Episcopal ambition.
I will not insist on any foreign comparisons, our late Schism at home is so fresh in our memories, and the wounds made by it are yet so open, that there needs no other Rhetorick than our own experience, to teach us that the little finger of the Presbyterians was heavier than the Episcopal loins. Let any person sum up together the mischiefs occasioned by the avarice and ambition of Bishops for 500 years together in this Nation of ours, and I dare engage to demonstrate, that for wickedness in contriving, for malice and cruelty in executing, for pride and arrogance in [Page 70] usurping, for obstinacy and implacableness in continuing and endeavouring still to perpetuate our unparalleled confusions; though many Bishops have done wickedly, yet our Presbyterians have exceeded them all. For let me be informed whether for a Juncto of Presbyters, who had often sworn obedience to their lawful Ordinaries, as well as allegiance to their Prince, to cast off all those sacred obligations, and dethroning one incomparable Prince, to advance many Tyrants, and by covenanting against one Bishop in a Diocess, erect 100, or 200, in the same See, and expose all to contempt and misery that would not partake with them in their sins, whose tender mercies Mr. Hales himself found to be cruel, being deprived of that plentiful estate which he enjoyed under the Episcopal Government, and reduced to that extremity that he was forced to sell his books for the supply of his necessities: let me be informed I pray, whether this be not more than any Bishop ever did or could be guilty of? Such indignities, perjuries, [Page 71] usurpations and cruelties against an Equal, as these men have acted against their just, lawful and excellent Governors both in Church and State, I believe have not been acted since Judas betrayed his Master.
P. 225. Our Author infers from the Scriptures before mentioned, ‘That those sayings cut off most certainly all claim to superiority by title of Christianity, except men can think that these things were spoken only to poor and private men. Nature and Religion agree in this, that neither of them hath a hand in this heraldry of Secundum Sub & Supra. All this comes from composition and agreement of men amongst themselves.’ The first Scripture referred to by our Author is, I suppose, Gal. 3. 28. There is neither Jew nor Greek, bond nor free, male nor female; for ye are all one in Christ Jesus. Here is not a word of high nor low in this nor any other Scripture that I can find in our authors sense; for the Apostle only shews, that as to our acceptance by God in Christ there is no respect of persons; but as [Page 72] he had said, verse 26. ye are all the children of God by faith in Christ Jesus, No difference from country, relation, sex or condition, but as the King's Manuscript, [...], ye are all Christs: i. e. of his mystical body, utcunque alia sunt diversa, as Calvin observes, the relation of King and subject, Parent and child, Husband and wife, Master and servant notwithstanding. Not that these relations are destroyed, for then Christian Religion would be of all factions the most intolerable. Estius on this place intimates, that lest the Galatians should think they got advantages by being in Christ, he tells them the Jew if he believed was as good as the Gentile, the bond as the free, which is therefore first named. And if this sense could be applied to this Scripture which our Author gives, then might the Quakers use it to defend all their rudeness, because there is neither high nor low; and the Family of love for all their carnality, because there is neither male nor female in Christ Jesus.
[Page 73] The second Scripture is Rom. 12. 10. In giving honour let every one prefer another before himself: which place is so far from licensing any Christians to deny honour to those Superiors to whom it is due, and strictly injoyned in the next chapter, that it obligeth them to give it to equals and inferiors, as S. Bernard says, The first degree of Christian humility is, Inferiorem se exhibere Aequali; secundus, Aequalem se exhibere Inferiori; tertius, Inferiorem se exhibere Inferiori, in all which the giving honour to our Superiors, is not mentioned, being a duty that nature it self doth teach. The Assembly gives a right sense of this Scripture: Christian humility teacheth us not only not to prefer our selves above our equals, nor to equal our selves to our betters, but in some cases to equal our selves to our Inferiors. So that we need not think these things were spoken to poor & private men, but were to be the common duties of all Christians without prejudice to their particular relations, all which Christianity provides for. S. Paul instructs Timothy, as the Servant of the Lord to be gentle to all men, apt to teach, [Page 74] patient, in meekness instructing those that opposed themselves. But withal he incourageth him to teach and to command, to rebuke and reprove, to see that no man did despise him, and leaves to him the government and care of the Church of God at Ephesus. Where there is true Christianity, there will be as much humility and meekness in the hearts and lives of Kings and Princes, Bishops and Priests, as of the meanest Peasant. And therefore the Monks of Bangor were not advised amiss; That they should know whether Austin that was sent by Gregory the Great to be an Arch-Bishop, was a servant of God or no, if he did meekly salute them, and behave himself humbly towards them as to his Brethren.
Secondly, Both Nature and Religion agree in this Heraldry, that all Families and Societies of men, and therefore the Church of God also, have ever born something in chief; the Father was ever above the Son, and the Priest, who for a long time was the Father of the Family, was superior to the people: All did not [Page 75] come by composition and agreement. To evince this, I shall assert these three propositions: 1. That God is to be Worshipped, is a dictate of the law of Nature. 2. That men ought to gather themselves into assemblies for the Worship of God, is a result of the same Law. 3. That in those Societies there should be a power and government for the preservation of it self is from the Law of Nature, and by consequence from the Law of God, both which have directed a Sub and Supra in all Societies, and ingraven the principles of it in the Souls of men.
First, That Nature teacheth us that God is to be Worshipped. This impression we find in Adam, not only before, but after the fall, who taught his Sons, as well Cain as Abel, to honour God with their substance. And we read, Gen. 4. 3. That in process of time, that is say some, at the revolution of a determined time, which being described to be (in the Original) at the end of days, others think it to be meant of the Seventh or Sabbath day, Cain brought of the fruit of the [Page 76] ground an offering to the Lord, and Abel also brought of the firstlings of his flock and the fat thereof. Whether they brought it to a designed place, or to their father Adam as their Priest, I shall not now enquire. I shall only give you an observation of the learned Doctor Outram on this place: That the period of days whereon Cain brought his offering, was at the end of Harvest, and the time of Abels offering was when his flocks were increased, at which seasons both of them being instructed by natural reason (for no command doth appear) thought it meet to return to God some part of the blessing given them by God. And whereas it is said, Hebr. 11. 4. that by faith Abel offered unto God a more excellent Sacrifice than Cain, which some think could not be said to be done in faith unless it had been in obedience to some command of God; He consenteth with some others, that this place doth evince the contrary, because if Abel had sacrificed according to some express command, we cannot conceive but Cain offered upon [Page 77] the same command also, and so might be said to have done it by faith as well as Abel, which is contrary to that text which implies that Cain did not. Whence it may be concluded, that they did neither of them present their offerings by virtue of any command, but according to a dictate of nature imprinted on their Souls as an acknowledgment of their several blessings received from him: which if Cain a wicked man was inclined to do by the light of nature, how much better may it be said of Abel who was a good man? But it will be demanded, wherein that faith of Abel which is so commended did consist? And the Answer is, in that he had so great a respect to the Dominion, power and goodness of God the author and giver of all blessings, and Lord of life and death, that he thought himself obliged to offer the best of his flocks in testimony of the Worship of his Creator, and of a thankful mind towards him. And indeed the light of nature might serve not only to direct the family of Adam who had so much of [Page 78] the knowledge of God, but others also that were removed into a greater darkness and ignorance, That as the invisible God had manifested his eternal power and Godhead to them by things visible, so they ought to agnize and honour their invisible Creator and benefactor by offering him some portion of those visible and sensible blessings which he had vouchsafed them. These and such like arguments saith Dr. Outram, p. 7. did so prevail with the Ancients, that they were of opinion that men did first offer sacrifice from an instinct of natural reason and not from any command of God, for which he quoteth many learned Authors, and concludes with the Opinion of Eusebius de demonstratione Evangelica, l. 1. c. 10. That Cain did of his own accord offer the fruits of the ground, but every good man as Abel, Noah and Abraham did by Divine reasoning or understanding sacrifice living creatures ( [...],) which as the learned Doctor proves, cannot be understood of a Divine Command. I shall add but this one [Page 79] medium more for the proof of my first proposition, That the general instinct and inclination of Mankind to worship some thing as God, doth argue that the Light of Nature doth direct them that God is to be worshipped; only through the decay and weakness of Reason they mistake the Object, and are become ignorant of the right manner of serving him, which hath been the cause of all Idolatry. And it is very observable that whereas other dictates of Nature have been obliterated and disused among divers Nations, this hath been constantly and universally observed by all with great solemnity: which is the second Proposition, viz.
That God must be worshipped by Men in Society, is according to the Law of Nature, which I suppose our Author doth grant, p. 227. where he saith, ‘It hath been at all times confessed necessary, that God requireth not only inward and private Devotion, when Men either in their hearts and closets, or within their private walls pray, praise, confess and acknowledge; but he further requires [Page 80] all those things to be done in publick, by Troops and Shoals of Men.’ If this was always necessary, then sure before there was any positive command for it, God requiring it by the Law of Nature, which doth not only teach us that God is to be worshipped, but in such a manner as may best display his excellencies, and manifest that he is glorious in praises, which cannot be done in a corner but in the great Congregations, and therefore God so graciously accepted the intention of David and Solomon's devotion in building him that great Temple at Jerusalem, where all the Tribes of Israel at Solemn times should meet together to offer up their prayers, and to give thanks to the Name of the Lord. And before we read of any precept for this purpose, we find, Gen. 4. 26. that in the days of Enos the Grand-son of Adam by Seth, that is, as soon as there was a competent number to make a Solemn Assembly, Men began to call upon the Name of the Lord, viz. in Publick Assemblies, as the best Expositors do interpret it. Which farther appears, in [Page 81] that all Nations have built Temples, set a-part solemn Festival days, and instituted Priests, and mysterious Rites, for the honour of their Gods; which they have done without any previous command or commerce with more civilized or religious Nations. As therefore it is said of the rise of Nile, which in plentiful streams spreads it self over Egypt, and yet the Origin of it cannot be found, that it comes from Heaven: so these solemnities of Assemblies and sacred Rites for the Worship of God being found to abound every where, and no humane institution can be alledged as the rise of them, we may conclude them to flow from Heaven into the Souls and Consciences of Men. But St. Chrysostome on Hebrews 10. asks how God came to command it? and he answers, by condescending only, and submitting himself to humane infirmities; which condescension Oecumenius thus expresseth: Because men had a conceit, that it was convenient to offer up some part of their substance unto God, and they were so strongly possessed with this conceit, that [Page 82] if they offered it not to him, they would have offered it up to Idols; God (saith he) rather than they should offer unto Idols, required them to offer unto himself.
The third Proposition is, That it is a result of the Law of Nature, that such Societies should have a power to preserve themselves. For seeing God nor Nature do any thing in vain, and without this power all Societies will soon be dissolved and perish, it follows, that both by the Law of God and Nature those Societies that are assembled for the Worship of God, should have a power to maintain and preserve themselves. This Serm. on Joh. 18. 36. p. 146. Mr. Hales affirms: There is a necessity of disproportion or inequality between Men; for were all persons equal, the World could not subsist. Now this inequality and power implie a superiority in some, and a subordination in others; for, par in parem non habet potestatem: if every one were left at his own liberty, as none could rule, so none would obey: That therefore there should be both sub and supra is of the same Law of Nature, without which there could [Page 83] be no government or order at all either in Civil or Ecclesiastical Societies. And seeing, as Aristotle observed, that the Paternal power was the Original of all Government, Pol. l. 1. c. 2. every Father governing his Family both as a Prince and as a Priest in the most ancient times; it is evident, that both by Nature, and Religion, there ought to be a sub, and supra; and if so, our Saviour never did nor intended to alter such Laws, but to reinforce and to confirm them; which that he did hath been already proved. However whether this power shall be exercised by one or more Persons, and be derived by Succession, or applied by election, this is to be regulated according to some positive determination either Divine or Humane. And if the Law of God, or where that is silent (which I think it is not in the case of sub and supra, in Ecclesiastical officers) the Law of Man shall set up one or more Governors for the government of the Church, the Persons advanced by such authority ought to have more than a Superiority of Reverence, namely [Page 84] of obedience and a willing submission in all lawful and honest commands. I conclude therefore with my Author, p. 193. Communion is the strength and ground of all Society, whether Sacred or Civil: whoever therefore they be that offend against this common Society, and Friendliness of men, and cause separation and breach among them, if it be in Civil occasions, are guilty of Sedition or Rebellion; if it be by Occasion of Ecclesiastical differences, they are guilty of Schism. And it shall alway be a part of my Litany, From all sedition, privy conspiracy and rebellion, from all false Doctrine, Heresie and Schism, from hardness of heart and contempt of thy Word and Commandments, good Lord deliver us.
I shall consider only one instance more of the Author's too great indulgence to Schism and Heresie; and then leave it to the Reader to judge, Whether the opinion of the Ancients, as it is generally received by our Modern Divines, or the fond conceptions of the Author, be more agreeable to the [Page 85] nature of the things, or conducing to the peace and prosperity of the Church. The instance is that of the second Council of Nice, of which he says, p. 211. ‘That until that Rout did set up Image-worship, there was not any remarkable Schism upon just occasion of fact.’ To this our Author gives an Answer himself, page 201. where he describes Schism on matter of fact to be such a separation as is occasioned by requiring something to be done by us, which either we know or strongly suspect to be unlawful; and concludes, p. 202. that the first notable Schism of which we read in the Church ( viz. that concerning the observation of Easter) did contain in it matter of fact. Now how can these two assertions be reconciled? That until the Schism occasioned by setting up Image-worship there was not any remarkable Schism upon just occasion of fact; Anno 787. And that the first notable Schism that we read of in the Church, ( viz. that about Easter) did contain matter of fact, Anno 168. and it was 600. Years before a Schism so notable, as that our Author [Page 86] thinks, p. 203. all the World were Schismaticks. And if our Author be right, the occasion of fact was just; for he determines it to be so, when something is required to be done by us which either we know or strongly suspect to be unlawful. And the Asian Churches thought it unlawful for them to submit to the authority of the Bishop of Rome, who would impose on them a rite contrary to an ancient custome of theirs, to be received as a matter of faith: of which before. Again, he instanceth in the Schism of the Donatists which was a complete Schism by our Author's own rules; for they did not only erigere Altare contra Altare, set up Bishop against Bishop (to which, our Author observes, that St. Cyprian imputed the Original of all Church-disorders, page 222.) but they erected also new Churches and Oratories for the dividing Party to meet in publickly, which serves to make a Schism complete, p. 196. so that there were notable Schismes long before that occasioned by setting up Image-worship. To that which follows [Page 87] in our Author, p. 211. concerning Image-worship set up by the second Council of Nice I fully accord, ‘That in this the Schismatical party was the Synod it self and such as conspired with it. For concerning the use of Images in Sacris, first it is acknowledged by All, That it is not a thing necessary; 2. That it is by most suspected; 3. It is by many held utterly unlawful; and that the injoining of such a thing can be nothing but abuse: And the refusal of communion here cannot be thought any other thing than duty.’ All this is true; but our Author speaks not the whole truth: he calls that only schism which was heresie in a fundamental point concerning the Worship of God according to his express will in the second Commandment. And when that Council had the confidence to condemn them as Hereticks that were the Iconoclastae or adversaries to the worshipping of Images, we may with more truth account them who were Iconolatrae, worshippers of Images, Hereticks, if not Idolaters. By the way let me [Page 88] observe, that if it be my duty to withhold communion from such as set up a false way of worshipping God, as this Council did, it is my duty also to withdraw from the Communion of such as profess false opinions of the true God, as the Arrians, &c. did, to whose assemblies the Author sees no reason but we may joyn our selves, p. 215. Though this be contrary to his own rule, p. 218. ‘It is alike unlawful to make profession of known or suspected falshoods, as to put in practice unlawful or suspected Actions.’
I hope the Reader will not think his patience injured, if on this occasion I give him a brief account how Images were first brought into the Church of God, and what reception they found in the Primitive times; of both which I shall speak briefly. They were first brought in by lewd hereticks, and simple Christians newly converted from Paganism, the customs whereof they had not fully unlearned. Bishop Usher in his Answer to Maloon, p. 508. gives this particular, that the Gnostick hereticks [Page 89] had some Images painted in colours, others framed of gold, silver and other matter, which they said were the representations of Christ, made while he was in the power of Pontius Pilate. The Collyridians, who at certain times offered Cakes to the Virgin Mary, did also cause Images of her to be made. Carpocrates and Marcellina his companion brought the Images of Jesus and Paul to Rome in the time of Anicetus, and worshipped them. But the more plentiful seeds of this Idolatrous worship were sown by the heathen converts, as Epiphanius observes. We have seen the pictures of Peter and Paul and of Christ himself (saith he) for that of old they have been wont by a heathenish custom thus to honour them whom they counted their benefactors or Saviours. And the Arrians and Donatists having for a long time rent the Church of God and pulled down the Fences both of Church and State, they made way for vast numbers of Infidels to enter, among whom the Christians being mixed and living in subjection to them in divers places, [Page 90] they learned this custom also of making and honouring the Images of those whom they accounted their Patrons and benefactors. Men of heretical perswasions were the first that were tainted, worshipping the Graves and Pictures of their Leaders, then these painted toyes insnared the vulgar, and at Rome under Gregory the Second the worship of them is first practised and defended, but at the same time opposed by Leo Isauricus and his successors. And in a Council at Constantinople 338 Bishops condemned it, Anno 754. the primitive Fathers having before that time constantly disputed against the very making and painting of Images as well as worshipping them, whose testimonies against Images it will be in vain to heap up here. I think it enough to observe, that since Bishop Jewel challenged the Church of Rome to shew but one authority out of the Ancients for setting up of Images in the Churches and worshipping them, during the first 600 years, there hath not yet been any tolerable reply made. But in the year 787. [Page 91] Hadrian being Bishop of Rome, and Tharasius of Constantinople, like Herod and Pilate were reconciled in this mischievous design, and having the opportunity of a female Governess (for Dux foemina facti) they prevailed with Irene the Mother of Constantine to assemble a Council at Nice (which the Papists call the seventh Oecumenical Council, but by the Ancients was condemned as a Pseudo-synod.) This Irene was a Pagan, the daughter of a Tartarian King, and an Imperious tyrannical woman, who in despite to the Council of Constantinople that had decreed against Images, summoned this Synod, which she so far defended, that she caused the eyes of her own son Constantine to be pulled out because he would not consent to the Idolatrous having of Images, as Bp. Jewel observes in the Article of Images, where you may see more of the ignorance and impiety of this Synod. This was the woman that called this meeting of the Bishops, and you may guess under what fears they were of the cruelty of that woman who was so unnatural to her Son. He that will be satisfied more [Page 92] fully concerning the Ignorance of this Synod, may read it in their Acts mentioned by Binius or Surius, or in Bishop Jewel concerning the Worshipping of Images ( ubi suprá.) Mittens Irene convocavit omnes Episcopos, saith Baronius ad annum 787. (so that the Pope had not then the power of calling Councils by the Cardinals own confession.) There was great intercourse of Letters between Hadrian and Tharasius before this Council was assembled, which was done at last by Tharasius perswading of Irene, and then there met 350 Bishops, who agreed in this base decree for the adoration of Images, as Bishop Usher calls it. In this Synod the question for admission of lapsed Bishops and Presbyters was first proposed, and although the Bishops that were readmitted were tainted with Arrianism, as appears by the Synods demand, that they should in the first place make an acknowledgment of the blessed Trinity; yet Baronius slightly passeth over that, and makes mention only of their submission to that point, which as well [Page 93] the Cardinal as that Synod chiefly designed to advance, i.e. the worshipping of images. Basilius of Ancyra, Theodorus of Myrene, and Theodosius Bishop of Amorium are first called, and these three post confessionem Sanctissimae Trinitatis (of which the Cardinal says nothing more) make a large profession of their sorrow for having adhered so long to the Iconoclastae or oppugners of Image-worship, and present a confession of the Orthodox Faith (as he calls it) in opposition to those errors and hereticks to which they had adhered. Now what that Orthodox faith was, appears by the Confessions mentioned by Baronius, wherein they did Anathematize them that broke down the images, as Calumniators of Christians, and such as did assume the sentences that are in the Scriptures against Idols, and apply them to the venerable Images; with much more to the like purpose. But concerning their reception into the Church, the question is greatly agitated; and the books being produced by which it did appear that Athanasius, [Page 94] Cyril and other ancient Pillars of the Church had received notorious hereticks into the Church, a Bishop of the Province of Sicilia objects, that the Canons of the Fathers which had been produced were enacted against the Novatians, Encratists and Arrians, hujus autem haeresis magistros quo loco habebimus? but in what rank (saith he) shall we place the Masters of this heresie? To which it was replyed by a Deacon of the same Province, that it should be considered, Minórne est quae nunc novata est haeresis, an major illis quae hactenus fuere, whether this new-sprung heresie were greater or less than those that were before it. This is resolved by Tharasius, malum perpetuò idem est & aequale, That evil is alway the same, which sounding too Stoical, one Epiphanius a Deacon and representative of Thomas Arch-Bishop of Sardinia, solves it by saying, That it held true, especially in causes Ecclesiastical (Aquibus decretis cùm parvis, tùm magnis errare idem est, siquidem in utrisque lex divina violatur,) for to erre from such decrees whether in small matters, or great is a [Page 95] contempt of the Divine law. But John a Monk Deputy for the Oriental thrones pronounceth this heresie worse than all other heresies, and of all evils the worst, as disturbing the whole Oeconomy of Christ. However their penitents being but few, for we find not above three or four mentioned, they restore three of them to their dignities, and one other, Gregory Bishop of Neocaesareae, who was judged to be a chief Leader of the Iconoclastae was admitted only to the Communion of the Church, not to his Bishoprick although he declared for Image-worship. But the Anathema is denounced against many others who abhorred this Idolatrous practice, (professing they did reject all images made by the hands of men, and worshipped that only, Qua filius Dei in Sacramento panis & vini ante passionem seipsum expressit,) as did the whole Council of Frementum, Theodosius Bishop of Ephesus, Sisinnius of Pastilla, Basilius and others. And shortly after Charles the Great assembleth a Council of the Bishops of Italy, France, and Germany at Francfort, [Page 96] Anno 792. of the transactions whereof we have four books yet extant, in which we have not only the Canons of that Council, but many Imperial Edicts for the taking away of Images, and forbidding any worship to be given them. Sir Henry Spelman, p. 305. of his first Volume of Councils acquaints us that Charles the Great sent a book to Offa King of the Mercians, wherein Images were decreed to be worshipped by this Synod of Nice: of which he tell us from Hoveden, That in that book many things disagreeing and contrary to the true faith were found, especially that Images ought to be worshipped, which the Church of God doth utterly condemn. And that Alcuinus, Master to Charles the Great, but by birth a Britan, in an Epistle written in the name of the Bishops and Princes of England, and sent back to Charles the Great, did wonderfully overthrow that opinion of the Nicene Council by testimonies of Holy Scripture, which moved him to call that Synod of Francfort consisting of 300 Fathers, who [Page 97] refuted and condemned this decree of worshipping Images: which is the cause (saith that Author) why the Monuments of that Synod are suppressed. And I suppose that all the Reformed Churches, especially the Church of England; cannot but abhor those that established so great an iniquity by a Law. I remember the learned Doctor Jackson, p. 113. of his Treatise of the Church, saith, that by the self same stroke, by which this Council did de facto thrust all other out of the visible Church that would not worship Images, they declared themselves to be excommunicated de Jure, from the Holy Catholick Church, and by consequence from Salvation. When therefore our Author endeavours by his Rhetorical flourishes to make such destructive errors to dwindle into schisms, and allows only the names of schism, p. 213. to Arrianism, Eutychianism, &c. I thought I had just cause to except against his first Paragraph, especially when I found how much it took not only with the Fanaticks and some witty men of our days, but with [Page 98] persons of real worth and learning, one of which (whom I forbear to name) repeats the whole clause in a book of good note in these words: It is very well observed by a learned and judicious Divine (quoting the Tract of Schism, which he calls that little but excellent Tract of Schism) that heresie and schism as they are commonly used, are two Theological Scar crows with which they who use to uphold a party in Religion use to fright away such, as making inquiry into it, are ready to relinquish and oppose it, if it appear either erròneous or suspicious. For as Plutarch reports of a Painter, who having unskilfully painted a Cock, chased away all cocks and hens, that so the imperfection of his Art might not appear by comparison with nature: so men willing for ends, to admit of no fancy but their own, endeavour to hinder an enquiry into it, by way of comparison of somewhat with it, peradventure truer, that so the deformity of their own might not appear. This story of a Cock I shall Answer with another of a Hen; for I have seen a Countreyman with the picture of a Hen Pheasant [Page 99] artificially drawn on a stained cloth, and a little Pipe to call the Cock-pheasants, to draw them from place to place, until in pursuit of their pleasures they have been taken in a Snare. The reputation of the Author is as a Pipe which calls unwary Persons to view the Pictures on that stained cloth, whereof they that grow too fond may follow them to their own destruction.
Our Author, page 215. gives his advice for the composing of Liturgies: ‘Were Liturgies and publick forms of service so framed, as that they admitted not of particular and private fancies, but contained only such things as in which all Christians do agree, schisms on opinion were utterly vanished. For consider of all Liturgies that are or ever have been, and remove from them whatsoever is scandalous to any Party, and leave nothing but what all agree on, and the event shall be that the publick service and honour of God shall no way suffer. Whereas to load our publick forms with the private fancies upon which we [Page 100] differ, is the most soveraign way to perpetuate Schism to the Worlds end. Prayer, Confession, Thanksgiving, Reading of Scriptures, Exposition of Scripture, Administration of Sacraments in the plainest and simplest manner, were matter enough to furnish out a sufficient Liturgy, though nothing either of private opinion, or of Church-pomp of Garments, of prescribed Gestures, of Imagery, of Musick, of matter concerning the Dead, of many superfluities which creep into the Churches under the Name of Order and Decency did interpose it self: for to charge Churches and Liturgies with things unnecessary was the first beginning of all Superstition.’
If every Man's fancy should be complied with, It is impossible to propound any form of Liturgie wherein both parts can hold it lawful to communicate. Infidelity unmasked▪ p. 216. in the framing of a Liturgy, it is most certain we should never have any; seeing as there is scarce any part against [Page 101] which some do not except, so others are offended at the very form, as being a stinting of the Spirit; and the opposing of a Directory to the Ancient Liturgy, shews that this was the sense of the Presbyterians themselves, which appears also by this, that when they had in the Grand Debate given in their Objections to the Liturgy, some of the Brotherhood had prepared another form, but a great part of their Brethren objected many things against that, and never as yet did (that I hear of) agree upon any other, nor I think ever will. For let it be considered that there is scarce any part of our Liturgy which some have not excepted against, and you will find our Author's advice impracticable. He himself would have no Absolution, as appears, not only by his omission of that Office, when he enumerates the parts of a Liturgy, but by telling us, that the power of the Keys belongs to every one, Clergy or Lay, Male or Female, not only for himself, but for the benefit of others, p. 172. and p. 183. that you may as well make your Muletter [Page 102] your Confessor, as your Parish-Priest; Others will have no confession; Some are displeased at the Responses, others cannot be reconciled to the Lord's Prayer, against the use of which as the Leaders of one Faction have Printed, so the Grandees of another have often preached. The Reader knows what sort of People cannot joyn in the Gloria Patri, the Nicene and Athanasian Creeds, and it is well if they will stand to the Apostles. The Te Deum and Magnificat are displeasing to some; the Collects, because they are too short, and the Litany because it is too long, to others. Some are angry at the Prayer for Bishops, others not very well pleased with those for the King. If you read what our Author saith, p. 60. concerning the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, (as 1. that in the Communion there is nothing given but Bread and Wine; 2. The Bread and Wine are signs indeed, but not of any thing there exhibited, but of something given long before; 3. That Jesus Christ is eaten at the Communion-Table in no sense [Page 103] neither spiritually by vertue of any thing done there, nor really nor metaphorically nor literally. 4. The Spiritual eating of Christ of common to all places, as well as the Lords Table:) you may see the Author was no friend to the Office for Administration of the Lord's Supper. And it's well known who are enemies to that of Baptism. Our Author dislikes the consecration of Bishops, to whom he denies any Superiority but that of reverence, others oppose the Ordination of Priests. It is sad to consider at what a Distance many of our People yet keep themselves and children from the Catechism and Confirmation, and the burial of the Dead; only that of Marriage they are pretty well reconciled to. So that I say, our Author's Proposals are impracticable if not impossible to be observed, either to remove from our Liturgies whatever is ( i.e. seems) scandalous to every Party, or to leave nothing but what all agree on; and I think we shall all agree sooner in an Universal character and language too, than in such a Liturgy.
[Page 104] Our first Reformers have given us undeniable Proofs that they were very learned and very good Men, and Bishop ubi suprá. Jewel in their name professeth that they did consult the ancient Liturgies of the purest times, and adapted ours to them. The Papists condemn us for castrating as much as was thought sinful, must we be still condemned for retaining what is decent? If any thing in our Liturgy had been contrary to the Word of God, I am confident the Church would have expunged it as soon as its adversaries had discovered it: but if it be quarrelled at for requiring us to worship God according to the Apostolical injunction in Decency and order, we had rather be accounted beasts of burden in submitting to the lawful Ordinances of our Superiors, than wild Asses for kicking against our Masters. It hath alway been the practice of the Church of God, conform to the practice of the Holy Apostles, Acts 15. when any opinions or practices contrary to Faith or Unity began to prevail, to assemble in Councils and Synods, that by conference and [Page 105] consulting with the Scriptures and Primitive customes, they might raise a fence against the growing torrent, and as well confirm their own, as confute the opinions and practices of their adversaries: as may be seen in the Decrees and Canons made in the first 600 Years. And when by general consent and subscription these Decrees were approved, they did as occasion required insert sometimes into the Liturgy such passages out of their own or former Articles, as might help to instruct the People in the true Faith, and be an antidote against those poisonous errors that were become Epidemical. Hence first the Apostles Creed, and the Gloria Patri, &c. and those being not express enough against prevailing errors, the Nicene and Athanasian Creeds were inserted, and some whole Articles were added to the Apostles Creed. And if, as our Author saith, a man may go to an Arrian Church, so there be no Arrianism exprest in their Liturgy, why may not▪ our Superiors require our communion in the Liturgy which is free from that and all other Doctrinal [Page 106] errors? And whereas our Liturgy is in all things conform to our Articles of Doctrine, which are so free from the exceptions either of Calvinists or Arminians, as that both Parties appeal to it as to the standard whereby they would have their Opinions tryed, as appears in the late quiquarticular controversies between Doctor Heylin and Mr. Hickman; I see no reason why they may not upon our Author's grounds conform much rather to ours than unto Arrian Liturgies. A Liturgy that hath past many fiery Trials, first in the Marian days, when the Composers of it imbraced it at their Martyrdom, after which it appeared so inoffensive to the Papists themselves, which I account no small commendation, that for some Years after Queen Elizabeth came to the Crown, they omitted not to frequent the use of it, and in the beginning of our troubles when the Smectymnuans heated the Irons, and made it pass the trial Ordeal, its innocency was such that it came off untoucht. And when in the Grand Debate their Successors thought to have blown it [Page 107] up by the fewel which they had heaped together in a mock-liturgy, their plot was so confused and imperfect, that a great part of the Brotherhood were of the Opinion that the old was better. And I am still perswaded, if it were put to the vote whether this Liturgy should be retained, or any other formerly used in the Primitive, or now in use among the Reformed Churches brought into its room, they would give the like suffrage as I have heard Sr. Harry Martyne did when some of Cromwels Confidents had moved the question, whether They should have a King or no King, that if they must have a King, they had rather have the Old Gentleman (meaning King Charles of blessed memory) than any other in the Nation.
Our Author begins to treat of Conventicles from p. 226. and continueth it to the end. The substance of which I shall present to the Reader in these several and divers Periods.
First, he says truly, that all meetings upon unnecessary occasions of Separation are to be so stiled, so that in this [Page 108] sense a Conventicle is nothing else but a congregation of schismaticks. And he had before, p. 196. determined them to be schismaticks, 1. That do chuse a Bishop in opposition to the former, and 2. That do erect a new Church and Oratory for the dividing party to meet in publickly. Now our Author, p. 200. moves the question, ‘Who shall judge what is a necessary occasion of separation? which question, he says, hath been often made but never truly Answered; not because it is a point of great depth or difficulty truly to assoil it, but because the true solution carryeth fire in the tail of it; for it bringeth with it a piece of Doctrine which is seldom pleasing to Superiors. To you for the present this shall suffice, if so be you be Animo defaecato, if you have cleared your self from froth and grounds, if neither sloth nor fears nor ambition nor any tempting spirits of that nature abuse you (for these and such as these are the true impediments why both that and other questions of the like danger are not truly [Page 109] Answered) if all this be and yet you see not how to frame your resolution and settle your self for that doubt, I will say no more of you than was said of Papias S. Johns own Scholar, you are [...], your abilities are not so good as I presumed.’
This question is so easie to be resolved, that (as our Author thinks) every person may settle himself, and resolve what to do in it, if he be Animo defaecato, and have cleared himself from froth and grounds, if neither sloth nor fears nor Ambition nor any tempting spirits of that nature abuse him.
One or more of these impediments it is probable prevailed with our Author not to determine the question so plainly as he ought, and most likely that of fear; because he saith it would be displeasing to Superiors, and would carry fire in the tail of it. And doubtless his fears were just, it could not do otherwise than provoke his Superiors in a high degree, if he had peremptorily delivered what he intimates in diverse parts of the Treatise to be his Opinion, and when I shall collect [Page 110] them you will see they carry wild fire and powder-plots in their tails enough to blow up all Government.
The Question is, who should judge what is a necessary Occasion of Separation? Which question he intends not to leave to the judgment of Governors, whom he supposeth to give the Occasion and to whom the resolution would not be pleasing, but to those that take the occasion; and indeed he leaves it to private persons to judge of the Laws of their Superiors, who if they cannot find will easily seign some occasion to excuse their separation. And our Author hath fitted it to their hands, for he informs them, p. 194. ‘That when either false or uncertain conclusions are obtruded for truth, and acts either unlawful or ministring just scruple are required of us to be performed, in these cases consent were conspiracy; and open contestation is not faction or schism, but due Christian Animosity.’ And p. 201. He makes it a just occasion of separation, when ‘something is required to be done by us which either [Page 111] we know or strongly suspect, (which in our Authors phrase is the same with just scruple) to be unlawful.’ And again, p. 218. ‘Wheresoever false or suspected Opinions are made a piece of the Church Liturgy, he that separates is not the schismatick.’ So that now there needs no Oedipus to unriddle the mystery. For 1. if our Governors shall at any time obtrude uncertain conclusions for truth (how certain soever they be to our Governors, if they appear not so to us:) Or 2. if they require something to be done by us, which we may justly scruple or strongly suspect: Or, 3. if they shall make suspected Opinions a piece of Church Liturgy; this is indeed sufficient not only to justifie a separation, but to entitle the Separatists to due Christian Animosity. And our Author needed not the spirit of Prophecy to foretel that this would be displeasing to Governors and carry fire in its tail; for it strikes directly at the foundation of all Government both in Church and State. For in both Governments when such things [Page 112] are by solemn Edicts commanded or forbidden as are apparently good or evil, we are to obey for Gods sake; but where things neither good nor evil by any natural or positive law of God are injoyned by our superiours, it is undoubtedly our duty to submit to them. A scrupling Conscience, or the dissent of private judgments to the deliberate determinations of Superiors in these cases can be no supersedeas to the obedience that is due from subjects, as hath been already proved from the Nonconformists own confessions, and will yet more clearly appear.
To which end I shall premise out of Dr. Owens concessions, p. 408. of his survey of Ecclesiastical Polity. Those pretended errors in our case (saith he) are not in matters of faith, nor for the most part in or about the Worship of God, or that which is acknowledged so to be; but in or about those things which some think it convenient to add unto it or conjoyn with it. And what peace, what quietness is like to be in the world, when the sword of vengeance must be drawn [Page 113] about these things? To which I only reply, Let them that draw the sword in such quarrels perish with the sword. God hath put a sword into the Magistrates hand, to be a terror to evil works, and if unpeaceable men will not be subject, neither for fear of wrath, nor for Conscience sake, but will raise tumults and seditious Factions against their lawful Rulers upon scruples and punctilio's, they are the Aggressors; and unless the Magistrate will suffer the sword which God hath put into his hands, to be wrested from him, he ought to be an Avenger to execute wrath upon evil doers, their scruples concerning the lawfulness of such external acts of Worship notwithstanding.
2. I premise, that such men as are sound as to the foundation of faith, and careful thereupon to build a holy life, and keep a Conscience void of offence towards God and man, (though in such things as Dr. Owen hath mentioned, they should not be able through their weakness of judgment, after serious endeavours to get resolution of [Page 114] their scruples) if they do yield obedience to them that God hath set over them, though they should be mistaken, yet their errors would not prejudice their Salvation. And on this ground many of the Reformed Divines hope well, of multitudes under the Roman tyranny, and I doubt not but the Nonconformists have so much Charity as to have as good hopes of such honest Christians as die in the Communion of our Church.
3. If it should happen that some good and honest men who are both sound in the faith and unblamable in life, do after serious inquiry remain scrupulous still, it is their duty to take the safest way, and that is the way of obedience to their Lawful Governors, which being a moral duty and strictly enjoyned by the word of God, cannot be dispensed with by scruples about the lawfulness of rites and ceremonies in the external worship of God. And I may safely add,
4. That if honest and well meaning men shall so far indulge to such scruples as to live in disobedience to the Laws [Page 115] and constitutions of their Superiors, their Superiors may justly punish them for so doing, or the frame of their Government will soon be turned off its hinges: The taste of liberty is so sweet, that except Kings maintain their Authority with as great violence as the People affect their Liberty, all things will run to confusion. Golden Remains, p. 149. And Governors not being able to discern the hearts of men, may equally animadvert upon all refractory persons, or they must let all go unpunished; and if they should resolve on this later, farewell all Government. And seeing the wisdom of Man cannot prevent it, it is better that a few mistaken Innocents should be punished, than the peace and foundation of a Church or Nation be overturned. Melius pereat unus quàm unitas. Better is a private inconvenience than a publick mischief. This is a foundation necessary to the settlement of all humane Laws and Constitutions. Thus in matters of common right and interest, when the several Courts of a Nation have established and published rules and orders for the appearances and proceedings of Persons litigant, they who omit the [Page 116] time, or mistake the right methods of pleading, and thereupon suffer damage, though as to the merits of their cause they be severely dealt with, yet the proceedings of the Law are right and justifiable, because it is more for the publick peace and establishment that some persons should sustain loss for their unwilling neglects and errors, than that all wilful Offenders should go unpunished, and publick Orders of Court be contemned and disobeyed. And this Rule holds much stronger in such Ecclesiastical cases as are now under our consideration; because the controversie is not here between private persons, but between Superiors and Subjects. If therefore one or more private Persons purely on mistake, and after humble and serious inquiry for satisfaction (though I think few sober persons using such means can remain unsatisfied in so plain a case, Whether Scruples concerning ancient and innocent rites in the external Worship of God can justifie disobedience to the constitutions of lawful Governors) should still judge contrary to their Governors, [Page 117] who impose such things as lawful and convenient, to be unlawful and superstitious, and thereupon refuse to appear at their Courts and be ordered by them; It is agreeable to the Laws of all Societies that such Persons should not go unpunished. If a Child or Servant shall neglect to obey his Father or Master because he hath some Scruples against his commands, I think such Father or Master may without Scruple correct that Child or Servant, or within a short time they will become incorrigible. And the Case is almost the same as if the debauched part of the Nation, who are morally vicious, should pretend scruples of conscience against such Laws of the Land as restrain their enormities, suppose of Sabbath-breaking and neglecting the Publick Worship, which yet I think the Nonconformists would not judge to be a tolerable plea.
I have insisted so long on this argument not only because our Author mentioneth it so often, and ever makes it a ground for separation, telling us that Not only in Reason but in Religion [Page 118] too this Maxime admits of no release, Cautissimi cujusque praeceptum quod dubitas nè feceris; Non enim nè dubium malum eveniat, certum & liquidum officium nostrum des [...]rere debemus, nec vel sanctissimos fines per illicitae media consectari. Dissert. de pace, p. 77. Quis erit Schismatum modus, si promiscua dissentio ad secessionem sufficit? p. 91. but often insinuates them to be guilty of Schism that do require any suspected thing, as you may see, p. 194. and p. 218.
After this Pipe all the Factions do dance. The Presbyterians in their Commissioners Papers suggest it frequently, whether Ecclesiastical constitutions concerning things which are or may become matter of dispute and opposition, are to be allowed. See the Reasons for Necessity of Reformation, p. 36. And John Owen for the Independents would have some warrant from Scripture for every thing that is required in the Worship of God. But minding my Reader of Dr. Owen's concessions before mentioned, to which I shall only add the confessions of the Presbyterians, who from the beginning opposed our Rites and Ceremonies not as unlawful, but only as inconvenient, as Mr. Cartwright did in his second Reply, [Page 119] p. 262. and therefore perswaded Ministers rather to wear the Garments required by Law than cease their Ministry. And in his Evangelical Harmony on Luke 22. à versu 14. ad 19. saith, That kneeling in receiving the Sacrament being incommodious in its own nature, and made more incommodious by Popish superstition, is not so to be rejected, that for the sake thereof we should abstain from the Sacrament: (His words are these, Geniculatio in participatione suâ naturâ incommoda, superstitione pontificiâ longè facta est incommodior; Nec tamen propterea ita rejicienda, ut ejus nomine à Sacramento abstineamus, si ejus caeteroquin participes esse nequimus, quia res suâ naturâ non est purè illicita) because the thing is not in its own nature utterly unlawful. From whence we may conclude, that such things as are not purely unlawful in their own nature, though they are incommodiously applied and have been grosly abused by Popish superstition, are not a sufficient cause to hinder our participation of Divine Ordinances. And yet to what mischievous ends is this [Page 120] forlorn scruple, of receiving that blessed Sacrament on our Knees, made use of by Fanatick Persons as a Bar against the receiving of it at all? though it be a posture sanctified by the Son of God when in the days of his being in the flesh he offered up Prayers to God, and hath been used by all sober Christians in their publick and private Devotions, and therefore most agreeable to that Solemn Office, wherein we cannot with sufficient humility and reverence receive at the hands of God such an ineffable blessing, nor worthily express our humble acknowledgment of thankfulness to God. And in the act of receiving besides our secret supplication to God to pardon and absolve us from all our sins for Christ's sake, we joyn with the Minister to pray, that the Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for us may preserve our Bodies and Souls to Eternal life; though the Church hath used as plain and effectual a mean to prevent our being scandalized, and scrupled at it (by declaring in the Rubrick that no adoration is intended or ought to [Page 121] be done either to the Sacramental Bread and Wine there bodily received, or to any corporal presence of Christ's natural flesh and bloud; for the Sacramental bread and wine remain still in their very natural substances, and therefore may not be adored, for that were Idolatry to be abhorred of all Christians. And that it was intended for a signification of our humble and grateful acknowledgment of the benefits of Christ therein given to all worthy receivers, and for avoiding such disorder and profanation in the holy Communion as might otherwise ensue) as the wisdom of Men can invent; yet the outcry of Superstition, Will-worship, and Idolizing the Creatures of Bread and Wine is kept up, and the hearts of the People filled with invincible prejudices and scruples, to the neglect and contempt of this necessary duty which by Christ's institution and by Primitive practice ought to be frequently performed, and by the Constitutions of the Church at least three times every Year, but hath been totally omitted by some very adult Christians all their lives; contrary to the [Page 122] advice and practice of former Nonconformists as well as to the commands of God and his Church. And what can the end of these things be, but hardning the People in their disobedience and ignorance, in uncharitable prejudices and distances from their more pious and peaceable Brethren, and provoking their Superiors to Acts of rigor and severity, unless they will permit all things to run to confusion? And whereas upon the late Test all Persons that had any publick office or imployment were required to receive this Holy Sacrament according to the Custome of the Church of England, or to forfeit that imployment, not one of an Hundred of those scrupulous Persons that were concerned continued a Recusant: I suppose they have sufficiently convinced the Magistrates that the best way of removing these Scruples is to require the more frequent practice of that duty under the like penalties.
And now I hope the frivolousness of our Author's position, p. 218. That wheresoever false or suspected Opinions [Page 123] (and he asserts the same of practising suspected Actions in the same period) are made a piece of the Liturgy, he that separates is not the Schismatick, doth evidently appear.
And if he that separates be not the Schismatick, then they that require the performance of a suspected action are so, and by consequence it will be in the power of every scrupulous faction to denominate their Governours to be the Schismaticks. As our Author determineth the case, a man may as innocently disbelieve any Article of his Christian faith upon this pretence of scruples against them, as disobey the command of his Superiors. For (saith he, p. 194.) when uncertain conclusions are obtruded for truth, or acts ministring just scruples are required to be performed, consent were conspiracy and open contestation is not faction or schism, &c. And p. 218. he gives this Reason for it, It is alike unlawful to make profession of known or suspected falshoods, as to put in practice unlawful or suspected [Page 124] Now suppose a subtle Socinian should meet with a scrupulous person and tell him, that he doth well indeed to suspend his Communion from that Church which imposeth those things to be practised in the worship of God, which have no warrant from thence, but are rather condemned as Will-worship and Superstition; but yet while he strains at a Gnat he swallows a Camel, and suffers his Conscience to be imposed upon in matters of Faith which are of greater concern: and then insinuate, that there is no express text in Scripture nor any good Argument from Reason for a Trinity of persons in the Unity of the Godhead, but both Scripture and Reason affirm there can be but one Supreme eternal God; and then by wresting the Scriptures, and perswading him that the Doctrine of the Trinity had its rise from Ecclesiastical Tradition not from the Scriptures, and they that require the belief of it do teach for Doctrines the Commandments of men: suppose, I say, by this leaven the scrupulous humor is fermented [Page 125] and swells up into a strong suspicion, and he begins to grow sowr and discontented with his Teachers, and likes the Arrian and Socinian Doctors better; Doth not this man proceed upon the Authors grounds, and may be as much justified by them if he turn Heretick, as if he become a Schismatick? And indeed there is not one Article of our Faith but cunning Sophisters may work upon persons disposed to scruples to have strong suspicions of them. For Mr. Baxter tells us in his Saints everlasting rest, Part 1. ch. 7. Sect. 14. That Professors of Religion did oppose almost all the Worship of God out of Conscience, which others did out of Prophaneness. Upon this very pretense some will not hear of Infant Baptism, nor others of the Lord's day, but turn Anabaptists and Sabbatarians, and for ought I know others may justifie rebellion, and not only the Omission of moral duties, but the Commission of any vice or impiety. Experience hath evidently taught us, that those persons who have been [Page 126] prone to entertain scruples in matters of Religion first, have fallen next into sedition and rebellion, and then to impiety and immoralities, to Quakerism, Atheism, unnatural affection to Parents, and acts and practices of as great cruelty and barbarity against themselves as against others.
But our Author grounds his Objection on Rom. 14. 23. Whatsoever is not of Faith is sin; and He that doubteth is damned if he eat. And this objection seems to be inforced by the Authority of Bishop Sanderson, who p. 228. de Obligatione Conscientiae▪ saith thus: If any one through some fast rooted error of judgment do think the Law to be unjust which is not so, the obligation of the Law doth remain, notwithstanding that error of mind, so that he is not free from sin if he do not obey; yet that he sinneth more grievously if he should obey, before that error be laid aside. Which ease the Reverend Casuist intended to speak of more at large when he should come to treat of the comparison of both obligations, viz. (as I suppose) the authority of the Magistrate and [Page 127] of Conscience. For I perceive the question to which he makes this an Answer was, What assurance that any Law is unjust, is required to secure a subject in point of Conscience that he is not bound by that Law? But the good Bishop never came to that point under which we might have expected his farther judgment in that case; and therefore I shall take a little pains in finding out his resolution, in some other parts of his writings.
Answer. The Bishop says: If a subject, because that probable reasons do appear on both sides, knoweth not nor can determine whether a Law be just or no, so that his judgment hang in aequilibrio not knowing to which to incline; in this case the subject is bound actually to obey; so that he sinneth if he do not obey, and if he do obey he sinneth not. Now I observe, that when the Bishop comes to give his reasons why a subject should obey against a scrupulous Conscience, the same Reasons do require his obedience though his scruples he inveterate and obfirmed, yea in things doubtful, as by these following Reasons of his may appear.
[Page 128] His first Reason is, because by a Reason of Law, In dubiis potior est conditio possidentis; therefore where there is a contest concerning a right betwixt the Lawgiver and the subject, the right is alway to be presumed to be on the Lawgivers side, as being in possession of the right, unless some fit reason can be given to the contrary: but in this case ( i. e. in things doubtful) no such fit reason can be given, because it would destroy the supposition, which is, that the things are equally doubted of.
A second reason is taken from another rule of Law, That in a doubtful case the safer part is to be chosen: and it is certainly more safe to obey with a doubting Conscience, than not to obey with a doubting Conscience; Because secondly it is safer in giving honour to Superiors to exceed that measure which we owe, than to be defective in it. Thirdly Because from the same rule it is generally more safe that he who is free should think himself bound, than that he who is bound should think himself free: for seeing through [Page 129] the natural pravity of mans heart he sinneth more often through too much confidence than through too much fear, and we are more prone to carnal licentiousness than is fit, and we are all too impatient to bear the yoke; unless we do with full purpose of mind resolve to obey such Laws as are not evidently unjust, the wisdom of the flesh and the craft of the Serpent thereunto added, will often suggest such excuses as will hinder us from doing our duty in this respect.
In his Sermon on Rom. 14. 23. the Bishop first shews what a doubting Conscience is, namely when the scales hang even, so as a man cannot well resolve whether way he should rather take, Sect. 25. which he says, may be because reasons seem to be probable pro and con, and there are learned men of the one opinion as well as of the other; and Sect. 28. he says, If the liberty of the agent be determined by some Superior power to whom he oweth obedience so as he is not sui juris ad hoc, to do or not to do at his own choice, but to do what he is commanded; [Page 130] this one circumstance quite altereth the whole case, and now he is bound in Conscience to do the thing commanded, his doubtfulness of mind whether that thing be lawful or no notwithstanding. And afterward he adds: Truly it is a great wonder to me that any man endued with understanding, and that is able in any measure to weigh the force of those precepts and reasons which bind inferiors to yield obedience to their Superiors, should be otherwise minded in cases of like nature. As for Orders established, sith Equity and Reason favour that which is in being, till orderly judgment of decision be given against it, it is but justice to exact of you, and perverseness in you it would be to deny thereunto your willing obedience. Mr. Hooker's Preface, I assert, that as to things in the judgment of the primitive and reformed Churches left undetermined by the Law of God, and in matters of meer decency and order, and wholly as to the form of Government, every one, notwithstanding what his private judgment may be of them, is bound for the peace of the Church of God to submit to the lawful determination of the lawful Governors of the Church. Idem. Whatever is commanded us by them whom God hath set over us either in Church, Commonwealth or Family ( quod tamen non sit certum displicere Deo, saith S. Bernard) which is not evidently contrary to the Law and will of God, ought of us to be received and obeyed no otherwise [Page 131] than if God himself had commanded, because God himself hath commanded us to obey the higher powers, and to submit our selves to their Ordinances. And in the close of the 29 Sect. If the Conscience be only doubtful whether the thing be lawful or no, but have not as yet passed a peremptory judgment against it (yea although he rather incline to think it unlawful) in that case if the Magistrate shall command it to be done, the subject with a good Conscience may do it, nay he cannot with a good Conscience refuse to do it though it be Dubitante Conscientiâ. And he is positive, p. 240. de Obligatione Conscientiae, That there is no reason nor shew of reason yet given why the power of determining and appointing things indifferent should not oblige in Ecclesiastical as well as in Civil affairs.
Pardon the repetition of the Arguments; because as Diamonds are not cut but by Diamonds, so I could not presume of explaining his meaning but by himself. And if the Reader will but add to this, what Mr. Falkner hath said [Page 132] concerning this objection from Rom. 14. 23. he may easily perceive that neither that text nor any conclusions to be drawn from it can be prest for the service of our Separatists. For as he says, p. 425. This rule must be applyed to the special case intended, which is, that wherever the omitting any action is certainly free from sin, and the practice of it appeareth to any person doubtful, there to do that action is a very evil and dangerous practice, because it containeth in it a chusing to run the hazard of Sin, which choice is alway a sin. But the case is much different when both acting and forbearing may be doubted of, where the one of them is a duty, and it is impossible that both of them should be forborn. For God having commanded Superiors to rule and Inferiors to obey, to suspend all action here is to perform an inward moral action of choice about a matter of duty, which if it be not regularly managed is a sin. And in this case so far as concerneth the obedience of a Child, Servant or Subject, they ought [Page 133] to account their Superiors command to lay such an obligation upon them to duty, that they must be guided thereby, unless they be able to prove themselves bound to act the contrary.
Having thus removed the Objection concerning doubts and scruples, I may take liberty to recreate my Reader with a known story of a Scrupling house erected in Oxford by some of the Visitors, Anno 1646.
There was in S. Peters the East a place set a part for all people that were dissatisfied or troubled in mind to meet in every Tuesday, for resolution of their doubts in a plain and familiar discourse. Many Sermons were preached to commend the usefulness of that Ordinance, which they grounded on several places of Scripture. One day while Hen. Wilkinson, Sen. was Chairman, and Mr. Reynolds, Harris, Temple, Cornish, Lungly and Cheynel were set down with him, some souldiers of the Independent party, Erbury, Grymes, Hewson and others came to visit the Visitors, and after a while Erbury proposeth his doubt, whether in the [Page 134] Church of Christ the Ministery was committed to certain select men, for he thought all the gifted Brethren might preach; and declared his readiness to dispute it with them: but the [...] pretending an Order, agreed upon for delaying the resolution of Scruples a week after the first proposal, put off the dispute until the next meeting. Which being noised through the University, a great concourse of Gentlemen, Scholars and Souldiers attended it. And Erbury who had been sometime of Brasennose Colledge, after a bold Prologue begun the Comedy, affirming, That in the Church of Christ there was no Commission given to Select men for preaching the Gospel. And after some discourse about stating the Question, Erbury urgeth, that if they had such a commission it was either Ordinary or Extraordinary. The Answer was, that it was Ordinary. He replies, then they had it from the Bishops, or some others. At which the Doctores Resoluti were unresolved what to Answer; for if they should say from the Bishops, they [Page 135] feared to displease the people to whom they had often preached that they were Antichristian, and yet they could not deny it, they having been all Episcopally Ordained. And so being put into some confusion, and not replying directly, but seeking subterfuges, the souldiers were with great acclamations proclaimed Victors, and the scrupling house shut up, and the Comedy ended. But nondum finitus Orestes. I wish the Tragedies occasioned by these scruples were ended also. But Quousque tandem? How long will these Scrupulists halt between God and Baal, between the reasonable service of God in his Publick Worship, and the unreasonable suggestions of those imperious masters that Lord it over their Consciences? They that inject these Scruples to the minds of younger and weaker persons are for the most part men of age and competent understanding, and in so long a time as they have been in travel with them, and knowing that as well their own temporal and eternal happiness as the establishment of the Church and [Page 136] State depends on the resolution of them, it may rationally be expected that after their mutual conference with one another in divers Assemblies to that end, and their solemn seeking of God, they should have been able to discover where the sinfulness of these things which they scruple at doth lye; or, that not being yet done, nor I think possible for wiser Men than themselves to do, they should deliver the Nation and themselves from those throws and pangs which such false conceptions have occasioned. And when the Inventors of State fears and jealousies have been ashamed and confounded upon the discovery and punishment of their villanous designs, it is strange that Men of such tender Consciences as our Church-reformers pretend to be, should feel no regret for all those real mischiefs and confusions which their fond suspicions and scruples have occasioned. Others may call this morose humour, conscience and constancy, but in truth it is nothing else but a stubborn contumacy and a proud contempt of Superiors. [Page 137] For a grand principle on which Government doth subsist, is, That Inferiors do submit their own judgments to the Decrees of their Superiors in order to publick peace, which the Apostle plainly requires, 1 Pet. 2. 13. Submit your selves to every Ordinance of Man for the Lords sake, so that nothing can excuse our disobedience to Governors but their requiring something contrary to the Command of God. When therefore they injoyn some things that are not unlawful in themselves, and by reason of some scruples we refuse to obey them; our very scrupling manifests that we know not, but they may be agreeable to God's will, and therefore our not obeying is a violation of the Law of God as well as of our Superiors. The greater authority always makes void the less. A Master cannot oblige his Servant against the command of his Prince, nor a Prince against the command of God; nor can our private Consciences in any thing for which we have not a command from God, oblige us against the Decrees of our Prince. And when in all [Page 138] other things we submit our selves to the determinations of others that are wiser than our selves, as in matter of health to the prescripts of Physicians, in matters of right to counsel of Lawyers; I see not any reason why we should not in the externals of Religion submit our selves to them that have the rule over us as God hath commanded: unless we will give this as a Reason, that we think our selves wiser and better than they, and that every Man should be left to his own liberty, which is as much as in us lyeth to make void the Ordinance of God.
Besides, the nature of those things that come in competition ought to be considered. The Magistrate injoyns such things for decency and uniformity in the Worship of God, as after mature deliberation consulting the Word of God and the precedents of the most pure and primitive times he hath found to be most for edification; and the things which he injoyneth others he practiseth himself, which he would not do if he had not found them [Page 139] to be the best. Now if he be mistaken, it is but in an indifferent or disputable thing, the observance of which by himself or his Subjects, provided they be Men that follow peace and holiness, will not prejudice their Salvation. Now on the Subjects side there lies at stake the great duty of Obedience to Governors, of reverence and decency in the publick Worship of God, of Charity and Unity with their Brethren, wherein if they be peccant, they withhold from Caesar the things which are Caesars, and from God the things that are God's, and from their Brethren the duties which they owe to all Men, with whom as far as it is possible, and as much as in them lyeth they ought to live peaceably. And can a little mistake or irregularity in external Worship, if such should happen, be thought so great an evil, that for avoiding of it, we should throw our selves over the precipices of disobedience to Rulers, a contempt of God's solemn Worship, and living in debate, contention and perpetual vexation of our Brethren? Those [Page 140] things that are immutably and essentially good or evil ought more to be heeded than those which are such uncertainly and by accident or circumstance only; and no good Man to avoid a doubtful scruple will run himself into a certain sin. In such things therefore as I have now discoursed of, it is certainly more safe to erre with our Rulers than to be in the right against them.
And thus I have discarded that Maxime of our Authors, which he saith not only in Reason but in Religion too admits of no release.
Page 228. our Author saith— ‘While Men were truly pious, all Meetings of Men for mutual help of Piety and Devotion, wheresoever and by whomsoever celebrated, were permitted without exception.’
It is great pity but it had been so, yet that it was so will not appear. For I suppose our Author doth not mean by Men truly pious, those that were Governors; for the more pious they were, the more care they alway had of the publick Worship, and such as [Page 141] would not joyn in it, gave occasion to have their piety questioned. For why, saith our Author, should Men desire to do that suspiciously in private which warrantably may be performed in publick, p. 230. He must therefore be understood of pious Christians that met for the Worship of God in times of Corruptions and Persecutions, as he expresseth it. Now that such Meetings wheresoever and by whomsoever celebrated were permitted without exception, whoever shall but run over the Ecclesiastical History will find exceptions enough against it. Were not Christ and his Apostles and such Converts as met with them truly pious, and Acts 26. 12. yet their Meetings were in great fear of being disturbed, and they were persecuted as no Friends to Caesar, Acts 12. 12. but such as turned the World upside down. And did not our Saviour foretel his Disciples how they should be hated and persecuted for his sake? Never were there more pious and peaceable Christians than under the Emperors of Rome that preceded Constantine, yet they did generally by [Page 142] them, as Pilate by the Galileans whose bloud he mingled with their Sacrifices, and haled all such to torments as would not deny Christ and burn their Bibles, and offer Incense to the Pagan Gods. Trajan was one of the mildest of those Emperors, and Pliny the Younger being required to certifie the practices and behaviour of the Christians in his days, acquainted the Emperor, that they did meet together in the Night and sung Hymns to Christ as to their God, which was their only crime; for as to other things, They bound themselves by an Oath not to run into any wickedness, not to commit Thefts, Murders or Adulteries, not to break their promises or withhold any thing committed to their trust, l. 10. Epist. 97. And yet besides those famous Bishops, Ignatius, Clemens, Anicetus, Plures efficimur quoties metimur à vobis; Crudelitas vestra est gloria nostra. Tertul. Apol. many Thousands of pious Christians were martyred; the Heathen were so far from permitting their Meetings howsoever and by whomsoever celebrated, that they hunted out private Christians, and upon their confessions that they were so they [Page 143] were instantly condemned. If a Legion of Witnesses will suffice, I shall produce that of the Noble Thebean Legion, consisting of 6666. Souldiers, who when Maximinus was Emperor and prepared to fight his Enemies, though they had often given testimony both of their valour and fidelity to his Predecessors, and had by the accustomed Oaths sworn the same to him, (which Oaths Vegetius de Re militari, l. 2. sets down in these words, Jurant per Deum, Christum & Sanctum Spiritum, & per majestatem Imperatoris, quae secundùm Deum generi humano diligenda est & colenda, omnia se strenuè facturos quae praeceperit Imperator, nunquam deserturos militiam, nec mortem recusaturos pro Romana Republicâ) were yet required to lustrate or expiate themselves by offering sacrifice to the Heathen Gods; which they refusing to do, jointly professing themselves to be Christians, he decimates the whole Legion, and slays every Tenth Man with the Sword, and afterward requires the same impiety from the rest; but their chief Commanders who deserve [Page 144] serve to be mentioned in all Histories, Mauritius Tribune of the Legion, Exuperius their Standard-bearer, and Candidus one of the Senatorian Order, exhorting them to constancy in the Christian Faith, being required to bring their Legion to the Emperor at Octodurus, and there perform those Pagan rites, answered, That they were ready in all things to obey the Emperors commands in fighting against his Enemies, only being Christians they could by no means Sacrifice to his Gods. Whereupon they suffered another Decimation; at which the remainder of the Legion were so far from being daunted, that they all professed themselves of the same resolution, and should rejoyce to obtain the same honour of Martyrdom. Whereupon the Emperor Ordered his Army to fall on them, and cut them in pieces, which was accordingly done, not one of them seeking an escape. Baronius ad Annum 297. Nor were these Massacres only committed in the times of the ten persecutions, but afterward [Page 145] when some Christian Emperors infected with Arrianism had the power, they made havock of the peaceable and Orthodox Christians, and denyed them the priviledge of publick or private meetings. And our Author himself observes, p. 228. That Christian meetings under Pagan Princes, when for fear they durst not come together in open view, were charged with foul imputations, as by the report of Christians themselves plainly appears. And again, p. 227. That time had taken leave to fix this name (of Conventicles) upon good and honest meetings, and that perchance not altogether without good reason. Which reason he expresseth, p. 228. it was espied that ill affected persons abused private meetings for Religion to gross impiety, and therefore both Church and State jointly gave order for Forms, times and places of publick Concourse, and all other meetings besides those of which both time and place were limited, they censured for routs and riots and unlawful assemblies in the State, and in the Church for Conventicles. [Page 146] Upon which our Author concludes, p. 229. It is not lawful no not for prayer, hearing, &c. for people to Assemble otherwise than by publick order is allowed.
But notwithstanding this concession our Author having distinguis [...]ed between times of corruption and incorruption, he says, p. 230. ‘That in times of manifest corruptions and persecutions, wherein Religious assembling is dangerous, private meetings, however besides publick Order, are not only lawful but they are of necessity and duty.’ And this he supposeth a competent Plea as well for the Papists in our days as for the Protestants in Queen Maries dayes: ‘For else (saith he) how shall we excuse the meetings of Christians for publick service in time of danger and persecutions, and of our selves in Queen Maries days? and how will those of the Roman Church amongst us put off the imputation of Conventicling, who are known amongst us privately to assemble for Religious exercise against all established [Page 147] order both in Church and State?’—Now I willingly grant that in times of manifest corruptions and persecutions, such as the Roman and Marian were, private meetings are lawful and necessary duties; because, if men do forbid what God hath commanded, it is better to obey God than man: But this rule will not hold with that Latitude which our Author annexeth to it, that such meetings are lawful however besides publick order: and p. 231. however practised. For suppose that Dioclesian or Queen Mary had published their Edicts that on such days such a number of Christians or Protestants should meet and worship God in publick places allowed them for that purpose, or as by the late Act of Parliament, any Family not admitting above five for Religious exercises were tolerated; it had been their duty to acquiesce in such an Indulgence, and not by meeting in greater numbers and in places and times prohibited to provoke their Governors. For certainly God hath committed to the Soveraign authority a [Page 148] power of regulating the External exercise of Divine Worship, nor can the irregularity of good men make void that Ordinance of God. And therefore our Author concludes amiss when he sayes, That all pious Assemblies in times of persecution and corruption, however practised, are indeed or rather alone the lawful congregations: and publick Assemblies though according to form of Law are indeed nothing else but Riots and Conventicles, if they be stained with corruption and superstition. A Doctrine that is very pleasing both to the Papists and other Sectaries, who being perswaded that we are corrupted and they are persecuted, may be incouraged once again to set up the good old Cause, that is, the overthrow of Monarchy and Episcopacy in this Nation, and the setting up of Popery and Anarchy in their rooms. Mr. Hales tells us in his Sermon on Luke 18. 1. p. 134. of his Golden Remains, that Tully observed that Antony the Orator being to defend a person who was accused of Faction and Sedition, bent his wits to [Page 149] maintain that Sedition was good, and not to be objected as a fault: our Author hath strained his wits to do the like by Schism, and so far to excuse separation as ordinarily to lay the blame thereof upon Superiors, and to make them the Schismaticks as often as they endeavour to vindicate their authority in lawful things against such, as find any Scruples against obedience to their commands. Which Mr. Hales shall Answer for me: The taste of Liberty is so sweet, that except Kings maintain their Authority with as great violence, as the people affect their Liberty, all things will run to confusion. Sermon on John 18. 36. p. 149.