THis Title may perhaps give the Reader an expecta­tion, if not a Curiosity to hear more then the Au­thour is willing to tell him: For it is his intent, only to expose the Mistery of the Contrivance, of our late Troubles, without the names of the Persons; and to shew that the great work of Destroying three Kingdoms was only the Project, and Influence of a Private Cabal: and that the Rebellion it self was excited and carry'd on by the Force, ra­ther of an Imposcure then of a Confederacy; The Generality of the people, being powerfully, and artificially Possess'd by the pre­tended Patrons of our Religious, and Civill Liberties, that Po­pery and Arbitrary Power were breaking in upon us, and the design promoted by the Interest of a Court-Faction; It could not chuse but create in them the tenderest affection imaginable for the one Party, and as violent a Detestation for the other: Especially considering that the Person and Authority of the King were as yet Sacred; and uot any man open'd his Mouth, but for his Honour, and safety; the Purity of the Gospel, and the Peace of the Kingdome. For such was the Reverence the Nation had, at that time, for the King, and the Law, that the least word against the Government had spoyl'd all.

This Double-refining spirit came into the World, even with the Reformation it self; when by flying from one Extreme to ano­ther, it left the Truth in the middle; which Calvin himself rakes notice of in a Letter to the Protector (in Ed. 6.) There are two sorts of Seditious men (says he, speaking of the Papists and the Puritans) and against both these must the sword be drawn; For they oppose the King, and God himself. It was the same Spirit that mov'd the Distemper afterward at Frankfort; and the same still, that made such havock in Scotland; and flew in the face of Q. Eliz. her Parliaments and Councill: till she was forced to sup­press it by Severity and Rigour. Her successor King James, after a long Persecution in Scotland, and a fresh attempt upon him [Page 2] at Hampton Court, by the same Faction: took them up roundly, once for all, and so past the rest of his days in some measure of quiet. But the Plot succeeded better under King Charles; when taking advantage of his Majesties necessitys, with the Infinite goodness of his Nature, that made him apt to believe the best of all men, and a Popular mixture in the House of Commons, that was still ready for their turn, they pursu'd him with Re­monstra [...]ce upon Remonstrance, through four Parliaments; and at last by the help of the Act for the continuance of the Parliament, Tumult [...], and that Execrable Libel of Dec. 15. 1641. Entitled, A Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdome, they accomplished their ends, under ehe Countenance of the Fifth. By what steps, and Methods they gained their Poynt, comes now to be consider'd.

Their first advance toward a Sedition, The Schism led the way to the Sediti­on. was the introducing of a Schism; by distinguishing themselves, under the Name of the Godly Party, from the rest of the Nation: which they found to be the safest way of approach, and the most plausible expe­dient. To this end they brought in Lecturers over the Heads of Parochial Ministers; whose maintenance being dependent upon the Faction, made them wholly at the devotion of their Patrons.

They had their Emissaries also in all Corporations, Emissaries in Corporations and Po­pulous parts of the Kingdom, that were appointed as Feoffees, to deal for Impropriations, under the charitable pretext of ma­king a better Provision for the Ministry. And these were men of publick business in the World, as Clergy-men, Lawyers, &c. well known, and made famous for their Zeal, by the Reputati­on of so pious an Undertaking. By this project they advanced considerable Sums of Money; but the Incumbents little the bet­ter for it: For either it stuck to the Feoffees fingers, or it was applyed to other uses; and with the Tithe of a Parsonage in one place, a Lecture was set up in another.

After the Choice of fit Instruments; their next work was to secure them from any trouble of Church-Censures: To which end, they bought some Headship or other in an University, for some Eminent man of their own way, for the training up of Novices in their Discipline. Seminaries of Novices. And then they had a kind of a Pra­ctical Seminary at St. Antholines in London; where their Disci­ples were in a manner, upon a Probation, for Abilities, and Af­fections: and out of this Nursery they furnish'd most of their New-bought Impropriations.

[Page 3] These young Emissaries of theirs had their Salary, and were subordinate to a Classis or Clero-Laicall Consistory, to be trans­planted Their Agents were upon [...] their behavi­our. at their pleasure. And yet this Consistory did not so strictly confine themselves to their Own Members; but upon Letters Testimonial from the Patriarchs of the Party, that such or such a man was fit for their turn; or had given proof of his fidelity to the Cause, by undergoing some sentence for contem­ning the Orders of the Church, and persisting Obstinately in that disobedience: to such a man, (I say) in such a Case, they commonly allow'd a Preference. And the better to avoid the danger of the Spiritual Courts, they made it their business to provide Commissaries of their Own Leaven, where they had a­ny special Plantation. And Lastly, to make sure of their Agents, that they should not fall off when they had serv'd their own turns, they kept them only as Pentioners at pleasure, and liable to be turn'd out at any time, either if they cool'd in the Holy Cause, or fail'd of Preaching according to the direction of the Conclave.

Let it be noted here by the by, that the design and mischief Their Lectu­rers are sup­ply'd by our Conventicles. of those Lecturers, when they could nor so well Congregate in Private Meetings, is, in our days, supply'd, if not outdone, by a greater number of Conventicles; to the very same Intent; and God grant it prove not with the like effect.

They were as yet but upon the Preparatory to the great work of their Thorough Reformation; which in plain English was the The People were poyson'd from the Pul­pit. Dissolution of the Government. So that the Pulpits had nothing more to do at present, then to dispose and accommodate the Humours and Affections of the People. The Common Subject of the Pulpit (and they all sung the same Song) was First to irritate the Multitude against Popery: which had been well e­nough, if they had not, Secondly, by sly Insinuations, under the Notion of Arminianism, intimated the Church of England to be leaning that way. By this Artifice the People were quickly brought into a dislike of the English Communion; and by degrees into as fierce an Aversion to the One Church, as to the Other. Now whatsoever the Government Lost, the Faction Gain'd: And those Pedantique Levites, that brought so many dreadfull Judgments upon this Nation themselves; were by the Credu­lous, Tumultuary Rabble cry'd up and Idolized, as the very Moses's that stood in the Gap to avert them. Having by this means render'd the Government Odious, and given some credit [Page 4] to the Schism; their next Instruction was, to make Proclamati­on of the Numbers, the quality and the sobriety of the Persons aggriev'd; to possesse the one side with a confidence, and the The boast of their Num bers. other with an apprehension of their strength! Thousands of Souls ready to Famish, (they cry) for want of the Bread of Life. How many Insufficient negligent and scandalous Pastors? How many Con­gregations destitute of able, Faithfull Teachers; Preaching in season and out of season, and labouring in the Word? Alas! they dare not consent to any Addition to, or Diminution of Christs Worship, or to the Use of the Inventions of Men, in Gods Service. They desire only the Freedom that Christ and his Apostles have left unto the Churches; and to serve God according to the Example of the best Reformed Churches abroad. This is the Case of Thousands of the upright of the Land. Let it be understood, that the Press all this while kept pace with the Pulpit; only now and then there started out a Party upon the Forelorn, to make Discoveries, and try the Temper of the Government. Some scap'd, and others were taken, and censur'd; as Leighton, Burton, Prin, and Bastwick, who only shewed themselves inconsiderately before their Friends were ready to Second them.

We shall see now how they changed their stile with their Condition; and how their boldness encreased with their Inte­rest. They grow upon the Go­vernment. Their grievances at first, were only a dark and a doubtfull Prospect of Popery, and Popish Innovations afar off; and an anx­iety of thought for the calamities that were coming upon Gods People through the corruptions of the Times. But success o­pening their Eyes, they are coming now to discover more and more Popery nearer hand: They find the Church-men to be Po­pishly affected; the Liturgy to be no other then an English Mass-Book; the Hierarchy it self and all the Courts, and Officers depend­ing upon it, to be directly Anti-Christian: They charge his Ma­jesty to be Popishly affected, and all that will not renounce him, to be either flat Papists or Worse, imposing Protestations, Covenants, Engagements of Confederacy against both King and Church; and Oaths of Abjuration: as the Tests of a Loyall Protestant: passing an Anathema upon any man that interposes betwixt their ma­lice, and their Soveraign: They prostitute the Sacred Function for Mony; they suck the blood of Widdows and of Orphans; By vi­olence taking possession of Eighty five Livings at one clap, out of Ninety seaven, within the Walls of London; exposing so many Reverend, and Loyal Divines with their Families, to the wide [Page 5] World to beg their Bread: They Preach the People into Mur­ther, Sacriledge, and Rebellion, they pursue a most gracious Prince to the Scaffold; they animate the Regicides, calling that Execra­ble Villany an Act of Publick Justice, and Entitling the Holy Ghost to the Treason.

If this General recital of the Rise and Progress of their Act­ings be true; the Reader has here before him the Issue, and the drift of their pretended Scruples, the Exposition of their Protesta­tions, Covenants, and Designs: wherein it cannot but be observ'd how their Consciences widen'd with their Interests: And this may serve to satisfy any man, whither People are then a going, They squar their Consci­ences to their Interests. when they come to tread in the same steps. But however, for a further support to the credit of this Memorial, we shall now subjoyn some undeniable Evidences of the whole matter, out of their Own words and Writings: where we shall finde Mr. Hookers saying made good, in the Preface to his Ecclesiastieal Po­lity. What other sequel (says he) can any wise man imagine but this; that having First resolved that attempts for Discipline without Superi ours are Lawfull, it will fellow in the next place to be disputed what may be attempted against Superiours. But now to our Proofs, which we shall give you from Point to Point, and from the very [...]abbies of the Schism.

First, As to the CHURCH. Gods people (says Burton) lie un­der Burton on Psal. 53. 7. 8. Jun. 20. 1641 Bondage of Conscience in point of Liturgy. 2dly, In bondage of Conscience under Ceremonies. 3dly. Of Conscience under Disci­pline. 4ly. Of Conscience under Government.

How the Presence and Preaching of Christ did scorch and blast those Pa. 21. Case on Ezra 10. 2, 3. pa. 33. Cathedrall Priests, that Unhallowed Generation of Scribes and Pha­riees!

Prelacy and Prelaticall Clergy; Priests and Jesuits; Ceremonys and Case on Isa. 43. 4. pa. 19. Service-Book; Star-Chamber and High Commission-Court, were migh­ty Impediments in the way of Reformation.

The Scots were necessitated to take up Arms for their just Defence Ward on Deut 33. 16. pa. 18. against Anti-Christ, and the Popish Priests.

Now to the LITURGY. The Service of the Church of Eng­land is now so dressed, that if a Pope should come and see it, he would Claim it as his own. And again, what credit is this to our Church, to have such a Form of Publique Worship, as Papists may without offence Joyn with us in? This we have from the Sm [...]ymnuans themselves, [Page 6] E. Cal. and Stephen Marshall being part of the Club. Now (says Bishop Hall) If the Devil confess Christ to be the Son of God, shall I disclaim the Truth because it passeth through a damned mouth? And what did they give us, in exchange for this Form of Publique wor­ship, but a Directory without either the Decalogue, or a Creed in't?

Let not the pretence of Peace and Unity cool your Fervour, or make Dispu. against English Po­pish Ceremo­nies, pa. 11 you spare to oppose your selves unto those Idle and Idolized Ceremonies, against which we dispute.

Their next fling is at the HIERARCHY it self. The [...]la­string, or palliating of these Rotten Members, [Bishops] will be a grea­ter Smectymnu­ [...] pa. 58. dishonour to the Nation, and Church, then their cutting off; and the Personall Acts of these Sons of Belial being connived at, become National sins.

The Roman Emperors wasted the Saints in Ten several Persecuti­ons, Marshall [...]e­fore the Com­mons, Jun. 15. 43. pag. 25. but all these were nothing in Comparison of this destroyer. All their Loyns are not so heavy as the little finger of Antichrist.

The Prelacy of England which we swore to extirpate, was that very same Fabrick and mode of Ecclesiasticall Regiment, that is in the An­tichristian World. And again; As thy Sword Prelacy hath made Case of the Covenant, 1643. pa. 47, many Women Childlesse, many a faithfull Minister Peoplelesse, so thy Mother Papacy, shall be made Childlesse among Harlots: your Dio­cesses, Bishoplesse, and your Sees Lordlesse. Pag. 51.

Carry on the work still; leave not a Ragg that belongs to Popery: Lay Marsha [...] Pe­negyrique 1643. pa 21 not a bit of the Lords building, with any thing that belongs to Anti-Christ, but away with it Root and Branch, Head and Tail, till you can say, now is Christ set upon his Throne.

Were they not English Prelates that conspired to sell their Brethren Woodcock on Gen 4. 23. pa. 1 [...]. into Romish slavery?

'Tis not partial Reformation, and Execution of Justice upon some Offenders will afford us help, except those in Authority extirpate all Achans with Babylonish Garments; and Orders, Ceremonies, Ge­stures, Fair [...]loth, on Josh. 7. 25. pa. 28 be rooted out from amongstus. Trouble they will bring upon us for the time to come, if they be not now cut off, Pag. 36.

As to the KING and his PARTY, what a sad thing is it, my Brethren, to see our King in the head of an Army of Babylonians, Case on [...] [...] 4. pa. 18. refusing as it were to be called the King of England, Scotland, Ire­land, and chusing rather to be called the King of Babylon.

Those that made their Peace with the King at Oxford, were Juda­ses of England; and it were just with God to give them their Portion Cala [...] Ser­mon, Dec. 25. 44. pa. 8. with Judas.

[Page 7] Here follows next, their Opinion of the COVENANT. The walls of Jerico have fall'n flat before it; the Dagon of the Case on the Covenant 1643. p. 65. Bishops Service-Book brake its neck before this Ark of the Cove­nant, Prelacy, and Prerogative have bow'd down, and given up the Ghost at its feet.

Take the Covenant, and you take Babilon: the Towers of Babi­lon, Caryl [...] Sermon at the taking the Covenant Oct. 6. 43. and her Seaven Hills shall move.—It is the Shiboleth to distin­guish Ephramites from Gileadites. Pag. 27. Not only is that Co­venant which God hath made wi [...]h Us, founded upon the Blood of Christ, but that also which we make with God, Pag. 33.

See now the TENDERNESS of these men of tender Con­sciences. Whensoever you shall behold the hand of God in the fall of B [...]idges on Revelations 4 8. Babilon; say, True here is a Babilonish Priest crying [...] alas! alas! my Living; I have Wife and Children to maintain. Ay, but all this is to perform the Judgement of the Lord. Pag. 13. Though as Little ones they call for pity, yet as Babilonish they call for Justice, even to Blood. pag. 11.

We are now entring upon the State of the WAR; wherein you will finde in the first place who sounded the Trumpet to it. To you of the Honourable House, Up, for the Matter belongs to you. Fair [...]loth on I [...]sh 7. 25. Pag. 29. We even all the GODLY MINISTERS of the Country will be with you.

The First Enginiers that batter'd this great Wall of Babilon, who Marshalls Ser­mon; June, 15. 43. Pag. 15 were they but the poorer, and meaner sort of People, that at the First joyn'd with the Ministers to raise the Building of Reforma­tion?

Here is an Extraordinary appearance of so many Ministers to en­courage Cal' s Speech at Guild-hall. Oct. 6. 43. you in this Cause, that you may see how real the Godly Ministry in England is unto this Cause. (This was upon calling in the Scots.) And again. If I had as many Lives as I have hairs on my head, I would be willing to Sacrifice all those Lives for this Cause. Ibid.— You shall read Numb. 10. that there were two Silver Trumpets; and as there were Priests appointed for the Convocation of their Assem­blies, so there were Priests to sound the Silver Trumpets to proclaim the War. And Deut. 20. When the Children of Israel would go out to War, the Sons of Levi, one of the Priests, was to make a Speech to encourage them.

Nor were they less cruel and fierce in the Prosecution of the Herle Jan, 15. on Psa. 95 1. [Page 8] War, then they were forward in Promoting it. In vain shall you in your Fasts with Joshua, lie on your faces, unless you lay your Achans [...]n their Backs: In vain are the High Praises of God in your Mo [...]hs, without a Two edged Sword in your hand, Pag. 31.

The B [...]od that Ahab spar'd in Benhadad, stuck as deep and as Herle on Gen. 22. 5. pa. 23. heavily on him, as that which he spilt in Naboth.

The Lord is pursuing you, if you execute not Vengeance on them be­times, Faircloth on Josh. 7. 25. Pag. 48.— Why should life be farther granted to them, whose very lif [...] brings death to all about them? pag. 50.

Cursed be he that with-h ldoth his Sword from blood; that spares Case on D [...]. 11. 32, 44. when God saith strike, &c. pag.

And let it not be now pretended that this War was not Levy'd against the King; for they both disclaim his Authority and even the opposing of him on expresse terms. It is lawfull (says Dr. Downing of Hackney, in a Sermon to the Artillery Men) for defence of Religion, and Reformation of the Church, to take up Arms against the King. It is commendable (says Calamy) to Cal's Theses pa. 29. Case on the Covenant, 43. Herle [...]efore the Commons 44. sight for peace, and Reformation against the Kings Command. And Case again. Why come not in the Scottish Army against the King?

If the Devil can but once get a Prophet to leave Gods service for the Kings, he hath taken a Blew already, and is ready for as deep a Black as Hell can give him. pa. 28.

But what do they say all this time to his AUTHORITY?

The Parliament, whom the People chuse, are the Great and only Ca [...]'s Theses in a Sermon Dec. 25. 44. Conservators of the peoples Liberties. pag. 2. They are the chief Ma­gistrates, pag. 38. All those that fought under the Kings Banner a­gainst this Parliament, fought themselves into slavery; and did en­deavour by all bloudy and Treacherous ways to subvert Religion and Liberties, pag. 9. The Lords and Commons are as Masters of the House. pag. 22.

The Parliament of the Common-wealth of England without the King 1651, were the Supreme Authority of this Nation. Jenkins's Pe­tition.

The Houses are not only requisite to the Acting of this Power of Herles Sermon before the Commons, 1644. making Laws, but Coordinate with his Majesty in the very Power of Acting. pag, 42.

The Reall Sovereignty here in England was (says Baxter) in King, Lords and Commons, pag. 72. And those that conclude that the Paxters Holy Common-wealth. Parliament being Subjects, may not take up Arms against the King, [Page 9] and that it is Rebellion to resist him, their grounds are sandy, and their Superstructure false, pag. 459. 460.

The next Point is their Animating the MURTHER of the KING. Do Justice to the Greatest; Sauls Sons are not spar'd; no Herle before the Commons Nov. 5. 44 nor may Agag, or Benhadad, tho' themselves Kings. Zimri, and Cozbi (tho Princes of the people) must be pursu'd into their Tents: This is the way to Consecrate your selves to God. pag. 16.

The Execution of Judgment is the Lords word; and they shall be Strickland's Thanksgiving Sermon, Nov. 5. 44. cursed that do it negligently. And cursed shall they be that keep back their Sword in this Cause. You know the story of Gods Message unto A­hab, for letting Benhadad go upon Composition, pag. 26.

But you shall now hear the MURTHER of his Sacred Ma­jesty press'd more particularly in these Words. Cockayns Ser­mon before the Commons Nov. 29. 48. Think not to save your selves by an unrighteous saving of them, who are the Lords, and the Peoples known Enemies, you may not imagine to obtain the fa­vour of those against whom you will not do Justice: For certainly, if you act not like Gods in this particular, against men truly obnoxious to Justice; they will be like Devils against you. Observe that place, 1 Kings 22. 31. compared with Cap. 20. It is said in Chap. 20. that the King of Syria came against Israel, and by the mighty power of God, he and his Army were overthrown, and the King was taken Prisoner. Now the mind of God was (which he then discover'd only by that present Providence) that Justice should have been executed up­on him, but it was not. Whereupon the Prophet comes with ashes upon his face, and waited for the King of Israel, in the way where he should return; and as the King passed by, he cry'd unto him, thus saith the Lord, because thou hast let go a man whom I appointed for Destructi­on, therefore thy Life shall go for his Life. Now see how the King of Syria, after this, answers Ahab's love: about three years after, Isra­el and Syria engaged in a new War, and the King of Syria gives command unto his Souldiers, that they should fight neither against small nor great, but against the King of Israel. Benhadads Life was once in Ahabs hand, and he ventur'd Gods displeasure, to let him go. But see how Benhadad rewards him for it? Fight neither against Small nor Great, but against the King of Israel, Honourable, and Worthy. If God do not lead you to do Justice upon those that have been great Actors in shedding Innocent Blood, never think to gain their Love by sparing of them; for they will, if Opportunity be ever offer'd, return again upon you. And then they will not fight against the poor, The Kings Murther En­couraged. and mean ones, but against those that have been the Fountain of that [Page 10] Authority and Power which have been [...]mproved against them.

[...] you not sins [...]now of your Own, (says another) but will ye wrap [...] selves up in the Treachery, M [...]ther, Blood, C [...]uelty, and Ty­ranny [...] [...] before the Commons D [...]c. 26. 48 [...] [...]thers? p. 17. Set some of those Grand. Malefactors a mourning (that h [...]e caused the Kingdom to mourn so many years in Garments roll [...]d in blood) by the Execution of Justice, &c. P. 19.

Tamum Religio potuit suadere Malorum. And we are not yet at the Top on't neither; For to look back upon that hide­ous Impiety, not only without remorse, but with satisfaction, is a piece of hardness, and Inhumanity, till this Age, and this Case, perhaps unheard of.

Worthy Patriots, (says another of the same Order) you; that are our Rulers in this Parliament, 'tis often said, we live in times Jenkins' Ser­mon [...]efore the Commons Sept. 24 56. pa. 23. wherein we may be as good as we please; wherein we enjoy in Purity and plenty the Ordinances of Jesus Christ, praised be God for this [...]; Even that God who hath deliver'd us from the Imposition of [...]relatical Innovations, Altar-Genuflexious, and Cringings, with Crossings, and all that Popish trash and Trumpery. And truly I speak no more then I have often thought, and said, The Removal of those Insupportable Burthens, Countervails for the Blood and Treasure shed and spent in The Kings Murther Ju­stified. these late Distractions: Nor did I as yet ever hear of any Godlymen, that dest [...]ed, were it possible, to purchase their Friends, or Many a­gain, at so dear a rate, as with the return of these, to have those soul­burthening, Anti-christian Yoaks re-imposed upon them. And if any such there be, I am sure that desire is no part of their Godliness; and I PROFESS MY SELF, IN THAT TO BE NONE OF THE NUMBER.

And M. Baxter likewise in effect says as much, viz. That having often searched into his heart, whether he did lawfully engage in the War, Baxters Holy Common-wea [...]th, 486. or not, and whether he did lawfully encourage so many thousands to it, he tells us, that the Issue of all his search was but this, that he cannot yet see that he was mistaken in the main Cause, nor dares he repent of it, nor for­bear doing the same, if it were to do again, in the same State of things.

We might carry the aggravation yet a step farther, in a Re­marque or two upon his Political Theses, where he took as much pains in 1659. to keep out his present Majesty, as he did in the late War to drive out his Royal Father; casuistically resolving Mr. Baxters▪ Cases of Con­science The­ses 1 [...]7. [...]81. upon the point then in Hope and Prospect; that in that state of things, the King himself could not justifie the resuming of his Go­vernment, nor his People the submitting to it. But this is enough to [Page 11] recommend the same persons over again, to the care of another Reformation, that were so dutifull in the former; and the Go­vernment needs not doubt but they will be just as kind to his Ma­jesty as they were to his Father. Good God! That any thing in Humane shape, that Glories in the Murther of his Sovereign, should make a face at a Ceremony!

Here's no amplyfying of the Matter, no forcing of constructi­ons, Packing of Presidents, or suborning of Proofs; But the Doctors of the Schism, Cited, Produc'd, and Judg'd out of their [...]. own mouths: and in so clear a manner too, as to leave no place for a doubt, either of the Fact, or of the Designe. We could The [...] na­ticks did the Faction many good Offices give you an account of the many good Offices they did in the various Revolutions of the War, and upon the Pinching Exi­gences of the State: As the promoting of Petitions, Tumults, Protestations, Oaths and Covenants, of all sizes and colours: the Consecrating of the Rebellion by Authorities of Scripture; Di­viding Wives from their Husbands, Sons from their Fathers, Preaching away the Apprentices from their Masters, and setting Jesus Christ in the Head of the Sedition: The artifices of their Fasts and Thanksgivings; their Cajolling the City out of their Bags, and the simple multitude out of their Lives and Duties; the Influence they had upon bringing in the Scots, their faculty both of Creating Fears and Jealousies, and of Emproving them; their miraculous Discoveries of Plots of their own making: Their Sermons were a kinde of Domestique Intelligence, and people went to Church as to a Coffee-house, to hear News and Fables. We could shew you likewise how they shifted their Principles with their Interests, and from 1640. to 1660. how these Mercenaries of the Pulpit complied with every turn of State: But we have rak'd far enough already in this puddle, and it is high time to proceed.

If a man might with a fair Decorum call so direfull a Tragedy a Puppet-play, we should tell you that you have hitherto seen on­ly The Pulpits only sp [...]ke as the Caball di­ctated. the Puppets of this Pretended Reformation; and that they signi­fied nothing of themselves, but as they were guided by the Ma­sters of the Machine, from under the Stage, or behinde the Hanging. Now we cannot better lay open this Practice and Confederacy, then by setting forth the admirable Harmony and Concert that appear'd betwixt the Lay-Caball, and the Ecclesia­stick; agreeing in the same method, in the same steps, in the same cause, and in the same Opinions: Only that which was [Page 12] matter of Policy in Private, was made matter of Conscience and Their agree­ment in Me­thod and d [...] ­signe. Religion in Publick, First, they finde out Corruptions in the Go­vernment; as matter of Grievance, which they expose to the People. Secondly, they Petition for Redress of those Grie­vances, still asking more and more, till something is deny'd them. And then Thirdly, they take the Power into their own hands of Relieving themselves, but with Oaths and Protestations, that they Act only as Trustees for the Common Good of King and Kingdom. From the pretence of Defending the Government they proceed to the Reforming of it; which Reformation proves in the end to be a Final Dissolution of the Order both of Church and State. This we shall deduce as briefly as we may.

After the Fatal Pacification at Berwick; June 17. 1639. (upon the Scotts Insurrection, who kept not any one Article that was there agreed upon) the King called a Parliament, that A deduction of our Late Troubles. met Aug. 13. 1640, which at first was thought to be well e­nough disposed, till Sir Hen. Vane (then Secretary of State) demanded Twelve Subsidies, in stead of Six, which put the Com­mons into such a flame, that upon May 4. his Majesty, by the Advice of his Council, thought fit to Dissolve them. In August following, the Scotch Confederates (holding very good Intelli­gence with the English, entred England with an Army, which the King oppos'd with what force he was at that time able to Raise, upon his own Credit. His Majesty, upon this pinch, summons his Great Council of Peers to assemble at York, Sept. 24. where they met accordingly, and advised the King to a Treaty, which was held at Rippon, and a Peace was there Concluded and Sign­ed Oct. 26. His Majesty being ply'd in the Interim with Petitions to call a Parliament, and his work cut out ready to his hand, in the matter of Property and Religion. Those Petitions might have been spar'd, the King having before hand resolved to call a Par­liament, to meet on the 3d of November next. They were no sooner met, but they fell upon Grievances and Impeachments, be­ginning with the Earl of Strafford, and the Bishop of Canterbury, and so proceeding, till all his Majestys Friends were made Tray­tors, and the Law it self was found to be the Greatest Grievance.

There is a Malignant and Pernicious Designe (says the Remon­strance Exact Colle­ction pag. 4. of Dec. 15. 41.) of subverting the Fundamental Laws, and Principles of Government, upon which the Religion and Justice of this Kingdom is firmly establish'd. And there are certain Counsellors and Courtiers, who for private Ends have engaged themselves to fur­ther [Page 13] the Interest of some Foreign Princes and States, to the Prejudice of his Majesty, and the State at Home. Take notice now, that the King had already (by their own confession) pass'd more Good Bills Pag. 16. to the advantage of the Subjects▪ then had been in many ages. Coat and Conduct-money were all damn'd; The Earl of Strafford be­headed. The Archbishop of Canterbury, Judge Bartlet, and seve­ral other Bishops and Judges Impeach'd; two Bills pass'd, the One for a Triennial, the Other for Continuance of the Present Parlia­ment; the Star-Chamber, High-Commission, Courts of the Presi­dent, and Council in the North taken away, the Council-Table Re­gulated, the Power of Bishops and their Courts abated; Innova­tors and Scandalous Ministers terrifi [...]d by accusations; the Forrests and Stannary-Courts brought within compass; and yet after all this, other things pa. 15. of main Importance for the Good of this Kingdom are in Proposition. But their Intention pag. 19. is only to reduce within Bounds that exorbitant Power which the Prelates have assumed; to unburthen mens Consciences of needless and superstitious Ceremonies; Suppress Innovations, and take away the Monuments of Idolatry: To support his Majesties Royal Estate with Honour and Plenty at home, with Power and Reputation abroad; and by their Loy­all Affections, Obedience and Service, to lay a sure and lasting Foun­dation of the Greatness and Prosperity of his Majesty and his Royall Posterity after him. pag. 2. Declaring and Protesting further to this Kingdom and Nation, and to the whole world, pag. 663. in the pre­sence of Almighty God, for the satisfaction of their Consciences, and the discharge of that Great Trust which lies upon them, that no Pri­vate Passion or Respect, no evill Intention to his Majesties Person, no designe to the prejudice of his JUST Honour and Authority enga­ged them to raise Forces, and take up Arms against the Authours of that War, wherein the Kingdom was then Inflam [...]d.

Let us see now how well they acquitted themselves as to this Professi­on; Exact Colle­ctions. They put the Kingdom into a Posture of Defence by the Autho­rity of Both Houses Pag. 96. They require an [...] Obedience to it, Pag. 112. They Vote it a Breach of priviledge, not to submit to any thing, as Legal which they declare to be Law. Pag. 114. And declare Pag. 150. that upon Certain Appearance, or Grounded Suspiti­on, the Letter of the Law shall be emproved against the Equity of it; and that the Commander going against its Equity, discharges the Commanded from Obedience to the Letter: to shorton the busi­ness, they make it Treason, upon any presence whatsoever, Pag. 576. to assist his Majesty in the War, with Horse, Arms, Plate, or Mo­nies; [Page 14] and his Majesty Sums up the Malice of that Declaration in these Sixth Petitions.

First, That they have an Absolute Power of Declaring the Law; Six Treasonous and Seditious Po [...]ions. Pag 297, 298. and that whatsoever they declare to be so, ought not to be questioned ei­ther by King or people: So that all the Right, and safety of the Prince and Subject, depends upon their pleasure.

Secondly, That no Presidents can be Limits to bound their Pro­ceedings; which is so, the Government of the Turk himself is not so Arbitrary.

Thirdly, That a Parliament may dispose of any thing wherein the King or Subject hath a Right for the Publick Good: (speaking all this while of the remnant of the two Houses.) That they with­out the King are this Parliament, and Judge of this Publick Good; and that the Kings Consent is not necessary. So that the Life and Liberty of the Subject, and all the Good Laws made for their security may be dispos'd of and Rep [...]al'd by the Major Part of both Houses, at any time, present, and by any ways and means procured so to be, and his Majesty has no Power to Protect them.

Fourthly, That a Member of either House ought not to be troubled or medled with, for Treason, [...]lony, or any other crime, without the Cause first brought before them, that they may Judge of the Fact, and their leave obtained to proceed.

Fifthly, That the Soveraign Power resides in Both Houses of Par­liament; the King has no negative Voice, and becomes Subject to their Commands.

Lastly, That the Levying of Forces against the Personal Commands of the King (though accompany'd with his presence) is not Levying War against the King: But to Levy War against his Laws and Au­thority (which they have power to declare and signify) is Levying War against the King; and that Treason cannot be committed against his Person, otherwise then as he is intrusted with the Kingdom, and discharging that Trust; and that they have a power to judge whether he dischargeth it or no. And all this still, for the maintainance of the true Protestant Religion, the Kings JUST Prerogatives, the Laws and Liberties of the Land, and the Priviledges of Parli­ament, Pag. 281. Nay they will not allow the King any great Officer or Publick Minister; the Power of Treating upon War or Peace, or any matter of State, conferring Honours; no not so much as the Power of appointing any Officer Civil or Military, without leave of the two Houses. The Scale of their wickedness, in One Word, [Page 15] (wherein their hireling-Pulpitiers fail in as pat with them as two Tallies) was this. First, they fell upon the Kings Reputati­on; they Invaded his Authority in the next place; after that, they assaulted his Person, seiz'd his Revenue; and in the Conclu­sion, most impiously took away his Sacred Life: At which rate, in proportion, they treated the Church, and the rest of his Friends, and laid the Government in Confusion.

For the compassing of these accursed ends, they still accom­modated Baits for all Parties. themselves to the matter they had to work upon. They had their Plots, and false allarms for the simple, their Tumults for the fearful, their Covenants was a Receptacle for all sorts of Li­bertines, and Malecontents. But the great difficulty was the gain­ing of the City: which could not be effected, but by embroyl­ing the Legal, and ancient Constitution of that Government. For there was no good to be done upon the Imperial Monarchy of England, without First confounding the Subordinate Monarchy of the City of London, and creating a perfect Understanding be­twixt the Caball, and the Common-Council: which was very much facilitated, by casting out the Loyal, and Orthodox Clergy, and teaching all the Pulpits in London to speak the same Lan­guage with Margarets Westminster. But let us consider the Go­vernment of the City of London, First, in the due, and Regular Administration of it; and then in its corruptions, and by what means it come afterwards to be debauch'd.

The City of London, was long before the Conquest, Govern'd The Legal Government of the City of London. by Port-Reeves: and so down to Richard the First, who gran­ted them several Priviledges in acknowledgment of the Good Offices they had render'd him. But the First Charter they had for the Choice of their Own Mayor, or Government, was con­fer'd upon them by King John, in these words. Know ye that we have granted to our Barons (or Freemen) of our City of London, that they may chuse unto themselves a Mayor of themselves. And their following Charter of Henry the Third runs thus. We grant also unto the said Citizens, that they may yearly present to our Barons of the Exchequer (we or our Heirs not being at Westminster) every Mayor which they shall first chuse in the City of London, to the end they may be by them admitted as Mayor. In a following Charter of Ed. 2. That the Mayor and Sheriffs of the City aforesaid, may be chosen by the Citizens of the said City; according to the Tenour of the Charter of our Progenitors, (sometimes Kings of England) to that end made; and not otherwise. The Charter of Hen. 8. runs to the [Page 16] Mayor, Commonalty and Citizens of London, Conjunctim. The Charter of Ed. 3. is thus. We have granted further for Us and our Heirs, and by this our present Charter confirm'd to the Mayor, and Aldermen of the City aforesaid; that if any customs in the said City hi­therto obtained and used, be in any part Difficult or Defective, or any thing in the same newly happening, where before there was no remedy Ordained, and have need of amending, the said Mayor and Aldermen, and their Successours with the assent of the Com­manalty of the same City, may add and ordain a remedy meet, faithfull, and consonant to reason, for the Common profit of the Citizens of the same City, as oft, and at such time as to them shall be thought expedient.

We have the rather cited these clauses in favour of the Law­full The Charter of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen Government of the City; in regard that they have been so often, and so earnestly perverted another way. The Charter we see, is directed to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the Ci­ty; the Power is granted to them, to propose the making or mending of Laws, as they see occasion; only by the affent, or dissent of the Commons, they are ratifyed or hindred. And those Laws are only Acts of Common-Council, that is to say, not of the Commonalty alone, but of the Lord Mayor, Alder­men, and Commons, in concurrence. Some there are that mi­stake the word Conjunctim, and would have Jointly, to be E­qually: as if one could not have a greater interest or Authori­ty, and another a lesse, though in a Joint Commission. The Pow­er, in short, of summoning, and Dissolving Common-Councils, and of putting any thing to the question, does legally reside only in the Lord Mayor. And the Active Power in the Making of a Law, and the Negative Voice in the Hindering of a Law, have been by long Prescription and usage, in the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. And these being customs of the City, every Freeman is to support and maintain them by the Obligation of his Oath. And in farther proof that the Lord Mayor and Aldermen are by their Charter invested with the Powers aforesaid; We shall need only to enform our selves who they are that in case of any publick Disorder, are made answerable for the Misdemeanour. Richard the Second granted a Commission to enquire of all and singu­lar Errours, Defects, and Misprisions in the City of London, for want of Good Government in the Mayor, Sheriffs and Aldermen of the said City. And for the Errours, Defects, and Misprisions, in their Government sound, they were fin'd 3000. Marks; the Li­berties [Page 17] of the City seiz'd into the Kings Lands, and a Warden ap­pointed to govern the City: till in the end, the Duke of Glo­cester prevail'd upon the King to reinstate them.

We have here given you a short view of the Orderly Go­vernment of this glorious City; which is perchance one of the best qualify'd Establishments both for King and People, under the cope of Heaven. We are now coming to lay open by what Arts and Contrivances it came to be corrupted; and in a man­ner, to lay Violent hands upon it self: Which is a story that may serve some for curiosity, and others for Edification.

The People being extreamly discomposed in their minds upon the Apprehension of Popery and Arbitrary Power; and In what man­ner the People were wrought upon. shaken also in their Allegiance, upon a strong Impression that it was a design in their Governours themselves to introduce it. It was no hard matter to inveigle them into Petitions for Relief, Protestations, Associations and Covenants, for the Common de­fence of themselves, in the preservation of their Liberties and Religion; and into a favourable Entertainment of any plausible pretext even for the Justification of Violence it self: Especially the Sedition coming once to be Baptized Gods cause, and suppor­ted by the Doctrine of Necessity and the unsearchable Instinct and Equity of the Law of Nature: And all this too, Recommen­ded and Inculcated to them by the men of the whole World, upon whose Conduct and Integrity, they would venture their very Souls, Bodies and Estates. Being thus perswaded, and possess'd; the coming in of the Scots serv'd them both for a Con­firmation of the ground of their fears, and for an Authority to follow that Pattern in their Proceedings; both causes being founded upon the same Bottom, and both Parties united in the same Conspiracy. So that this opportunity was likewise im­proved by all sorts of ayery Phantastical Plots, frivolous and childish reports, to cherish the Delusion: And now was the time for Tumults and Out-rages upon publique Ministers, and Bishops, nay and upon the King himself; till by Arms and In­juries they forc'd him away from his Palace, when yet they had the confidence to charge his Sacred Majesty with making War upon his Parliament. But this would not yet do their business, till they got Possession of the Militia; which at length they did: the Presses and the Pulpits all this while giving life and credit to their Proceedings.

[Page 18] Upon the tuning of mens minds for Innovations, by making them sick of the present state of things; The Artifice of Petitions. the People were easily prevail'd upon to Petition for what they so much wish'd for and desir'd: and this was the second step toward the Tyranny, and Slavery that ensu'd upon it. The Rude people (says his Late Majesty) in his Reflexions upon (TUMULTS) are taught EIK. BA. first to Petition, then to Protest, then to Dictate, and at last to Com­mand. The Faction made use of Petitions as common House­breakers do of screws; they got in by little and little, and with­out much noise, and so Risled the Government: Or they did rather like the counterfeit Glasiers, that took down the Glasse at Noonday under colour of mending the Windows, and then Robb'd the House.

To make a right Judgment upon a Popular Petition we should first consider the matter of it▪ Secondly, the wording of it. Thirdly, the manner of Promoting it. Fourthly, the Pro­bable intent of it. And Lastly, we should do well to consult History and Experience to see what effects such Petitions have commonly produced.

As to the Subject-Matter of Popular Petitions, it is either for publique concernment or private; Generall or particular: That is to say concerning the whole Body of the People, or on­ly some part of it. It is either within the Petitioners Cognizance, and Understanding, or it is not; It varies according to the Cir­cumstances of Times, Occasions, and Parties: and it often falls out, especially where it treats of Reformation, that the one half of it is a Petition, and the other a Libell. The Case of that is purely Private, or Particular, cannot properly be call'd Popular; and so not to our purpose. There are likewise Mixt Cases of Publick and Private; as in the Calamities of War, Pestilence, Fires, In­udations and the like; where Numerous Subscriptions are matter of Attestation, rather then Clamour; on the behalf of such and such Known, and Particular Sufferers. Now there is a great heed to be given to the Petitions of men both that Understand what it is they ask, and whom the Law has made Competent Judges of it. But where the Question is, the Redresse of Grie­vances in matter of State, the Complaining part of the Petition makes it only a more Artificiall Scandall: Besides the dangerous boldness of Intermeddling in points which they neither have a­ny thing to do withall, nor one jot Understand. Such as the Pe­tition [Page 19] of the Rabble, in and about London, in 1640. against E­piscopacy, Root and Branch; the Porters Petition in 1641. about the Militia, being told that it was only a Petition to Prohibit Wa­termen from carrying of Burthens, That of the Stanford School-boys, which their Masters made them Subscribe against Bishops; Or the Scottish Petition in 1637. of Men Women Children and Servants (in those very terms) against the Service-Book. These few in­stances may suffice to show the folly (and worse) of peoples stickllng for they know not what.

Next to the Matter of the Petition we should consider the Many Petiti­on for they know not what▪ wording of it: For he that asks he knows not what, may ask any thing in the World, for ought he knows. And it is not the humility of the Stile, that can justify the publishing of a Reproach upon the Prince: Did not Jacob take Amasa by the Beard with the Right hand to kiss him, and yet at the same time strike him under the Fifth Rib that he dy'd? It is no Breach of Charity, when a Mul­titude are drawn into a Petition blindly to sollicite the Interests of O­ther men, to take all ambiguities and Equivocalls in the worst sense.

And then the Manner of promoting these Petitions goes a The manner of Promoting Petitions. great way. It was a common practice in the Late Times, for the confiding Members of several Countries to draw up Petiti­ons to themselves, and Lodg them in the hands of severall of their Factious Country-men here in the City, to gather Sub­scriptions, Where, and how they plea'd,, in the Name of their respective▪ Countiee▪ Their Seditious Preachers (says the Late Ex. Coll. 536. Fobb'd Petiti­ons impos'd upon the Na­tion by the Faction. King) and Agents are by them, and their speciall and particular Directions sent into the several Counties to infuse Fears and Jealou­sies into the minds of our Good Subjects, with [...]itions ready drawn by Them, for the People to Sign; which were yet many times by them changed three or four times before the delivery; upon accidents, or oc­currences of either, or both Houses. And when many of our poor de­ceived People of our severall Counties have come to the City of Lon­don, with a Petition so framed, altered, and Signed, as aforesaid; that Petition hath been Suppress'd, and a New one ready drawn hath been put into their hands, after their coming to Town (insomuch as few of the Company have known what they [...]tition'd for) and hath been by them presented to One or Both our Houses of Parliamant, as that of Bedfordsh▪ and Buckinghamsh.; Witnesse those Petitions; and amongst the rest that of Harfordshire; which took notice of matter agreed on or dissented from, the night before the delivery. Which was hardly time enough to get so many thousand hands, and to travel to [Page 20] London on that Errand. These were not the Petitions of the Sub­scribers, but of those that set them on; who did in effect, but Petition the People to Petition them again; and that which was taken and imposed as the sense of the Nation, was only the Pro­ject and Dictate of the Caball. Only with the Porters, they thought they had sign'd a Petition against the Watermen, and it prov'd to be against the Government (so innocent were the greater part of the Petitioners.)

Now as to the Intent of those Petitions, since we cannot en­ter into the hearts of men, we are allow'd to judge of the Tree The intent of Popular Peti­tions is to be Consider'd. by the Fruit. And we must distinguish too betwixt the Intention of the Dictatours, and that of the Subscribers: the Former Con­triving with an Ill Intention that which the Latter Executed with a Good One. Let the Matter of the Petition be never so fair, yet (as was said before) if it be a business out of the Petitioners sphere, and capacity, either to Meddle in, or to understand; it is a suspitious way of Proceeding. Such were the Confederate Petitions of England and Scotland for a Parliament in 1641. which were Consederate Petitions are but the Pro logue to Con­federate Pra­ctises. but a Prologue to the Opening of the Subsequent Confederacy a­gainst the Government: When the Petitions that follow'd, suffi­ciently expounded the meaning of the Former. They Petition'd against Ecclesiastical Courts, Ceremonies, Scandalous Ministers, Bishops Votes in Parliament, and Episcopacy it self, against evil Councellors, Monopolies, Corruptions of State, Courts of Oppression and Innumerable Grievances; Were they not gratify'd in all this? and did not those very Concessions make them still Bolder Never satis­fy'd. and Bolder? More and more Greedy still, and more Insatiable? They must have the Militia too, the Command of the Kings Towns, and Forts, and put the Kingdom into a posture of de­fence themselves. They cry for Justice upon Delinquents; the very Rabble demanding the Names of those in the House of Peers that would not consent to the Proposition made by the House of Com­mons Ex. Coll. [...]. 548. concerning the Forts, Castles, and the Militia, (when it was rejected by a Major Part twice.) And declaring them for Enemies to the Common-wealth: Loyall and Legall Petitions being still re­jected, and the seditious countenanc'd: In a Word; they grew higher and higher▪ till they brought the King to the Block; which was no more then a Natural Conclusion from such pre­mises. And the First Petition (how plausible soever) was the Foundation of all our Ruines. These Petitions you must know, do not ask to Obtain, but to be Deny'd; and only seek an Occasion [Page 21] to pick a quarrel; and if they cannot finde it, they'l make it. If this be not provided for, they tell us, It is the Case of many a Thousand in England, and great troubles will come of it: The very Stile of them is Menacing; and certainly nothing can be more Evident then their evil Intention. There's Malice in the Publica­tion of them too; beside that by the Number of the Subscrip [...]ions; they take an Estimat of the strength of their Party; which is their safest way of Muster.

The Last Section under the Head of Popular Petitions is the Effect of them: which in our Case was no less then the destructi­on The Effect of Popular Peti­tions. of Three Kingdoms; and let the Matter be what it will, the Method is a most necessary Link in the chain of a Rebellion. And it is the securest experiment too, of attempting a Commotion, being the gentlest of Political Inventions, for feeling the pulse of the People. If it takes, the work is half done; and if Not, 'tis but so much Breath Lost, and the Design will be kept Cold. But may not Men Petition (you will say) and Petition for a good thing? Upon what Terms they may be al­low'd. Yes, if the thing be Simply Good, the Petitioners, Competent Judges of it, and every man keep himself to his Own Post, I see no hurt in't. But for the Multitude to interpose in Matters of State; as in the Calling or Dissolving of Parliaments; Regulation of Church Government; or in other like Cases, of Doubtful and Let every man keep to his own post. hazardous Event, wherein they have no Skill at all, nor any Right of Intermedling; why may not 20000. Plow-Iobbers as well Subscribe a Petition to the Lord-Mayor of London for the Calling of a Common-Council? Or as many Porters and Carmen here in London put in for the better government of the Herring-Trade in Yarmouth? every jot as reasonable would This be as the Other. And that's not all neither, for the Thing they take to be a Cordial, proves many times to be a Poyson: and after Sub­scription they are yet to learn the very meaning of the Petition: And then the Numerous Subscriptions prove it manifestly to be a Combination: For the Number of Hands adds nothing to the Weight of the Petition; and serves only for Terrour and Clamour. It is a kinde of an odd way of putting the Question: as who should say, Sir, May we be so bold? and the sufferance or Patience of the Prince seems to answer them, Yes, you may: and so they go on.

The Transition is so natural, from a Popular Petition to a Tu­mult, [Page 22] that the One is but the Hot Fit of the other; and little A Naturall Transi [...]ion from a Popu lar Petition to a Tumult. EIK. BA. upon tumults. more in effect then a more earnest way of Petitioning. By these (says his Late Majesty) must the House be purg'd, and all Rotten Members (as they please to call them) cast out. By these the Obstinacy of men re­solv'd to discharge their Consciences must be subdu'd; by These, all Factious, seditious end schis [...]natical Proposals of Government Ecclesia­stical or Civil [...]st be back'd and abetted, till they prevail. God for­bid (says Mr. Pym) that the House of Commons should proceed in a­ny E [...]. C [...]ll. 532. way to dishearten people to obtain their j [...]t desires in such a way. It would fill a Volume to tell the Insolencies of the Rabble upon L [...]mbeth-House upon the Persons of the Archbishop of York and all The Insolen­ces of the Rab­b [...]e upon the Parliament. the Loyall Members of both Houses; their O [...]tcries for Justice up­on La [...]d and Strafford, under the Conduct of Ven and Ma [...]wa­ring: Their Exclamations, No Bishops, No Popish Lords; Pro­claiming several of the Peers by their Names to be evil and r [...]t­ton-hearted Pag. 533 Lords: Their besetting of Sheriff Garnets House, when the King Din [...]d there, crying out, Priviledges of Parli­ament; Upon [...]e Ci­ty. their a [...]onting the L [...]rd Mayor (Sir Richard Gourny) and tearing his Chain from about his Neck and using Sir Thomas Gardiner (the Recorder) little better; following them with Reproaches, Remember the PROTESTATION. Nay the King himself had his Coach stopt, and Walkers Seditious Libel, And upon the [...]ing himse [...]f To your Tents O Israel, thrown into it in the street. This was upon the dispute about the Five Members, when at their Return from Westminster they made a stand at White-hall-gate, bauling out, that they would have no more Porters Lodge, but speak with the King when they pleas'd. About a hundred Lighters and Long-Boats were set out by water, laden with Sacres, Murthering-Pieces, and o­ther Pag. 538. Ammunition, drest up with Mast-cloths and Streamers as rea­dy for fight; calling out as they past by Whitehall Windows, what's become of the King? whither's he gone? The Tower of London and Hull being both besieged at the same time. Now what was the End of These Tumults, but over and above the Guilt and Cala­mities of a Civil War, a Vengeance in the Conclusion upon the Heads of all the First Abetters of them? These very men that The first Tu­mu [...]s punish­ed by tumults. first by Tumults forc'd away the King from Whitehall, and their Fellow-members from attending their Duty at Westminster, were Themselves afterward cast out, by succeeding Tumults, under the Character of Persons Disaffected, (the Independents at that time being too hard for the Presbyterians) and the City too was whipt with its own rod. No man is so blinde (says the Late King) as [Page 23] not to see herein the Hand of Divine Justice; They that by Tumults, first occasioned the Raising of Armies, must now [...]e chastened by their EIK. BA. Upon the Di­straction of the Parlia­ment Army, and City. own Army for new Tumults. In fine, a Tumult is a seditious action in Hot Bloud; and only accounted the less Criminal, for that there is not in it the Malice Prepence of a Rebellion. If it succeeds, the Principals of the Faction form it into a Conspiracy; but if it miscarries, it passes only as That did in Scotland, 1637. for an Outrage of the Rabble.

Where many People agree in the Desiring of the same thing, Of [...]aths, Covenants, and Associa­tions. they seldom fail of Engaging afterwards towards the Procuring of it; and so the Project advances, from Petition to Protestati­on, or Covenant; the One Leading so naturally to the Other, that the Late Popular Petition was no sooner set on foot, but it was immediately followed upon the Heel with the Proposall of an Association, pretending the Practice of 27. Eliz. for their War­rant. It would be endless to run through all the Leagues, Covenants, Bonds, Protestations, Engagements, Oaeths, &c. of the Late times; and as needless to set forth the Histo­ries of the Miseries they brought upon us, after so many Narratives and Discourses already Published, upon that Subject: So that our Business shall be rather to discover the Imposture of those Practises, then to dilate upon the Story.

All Popular Leagues, without the Authority of the Supream Ma­gistrate The Leagues of Subjects among them­selves are Conspiracies. are to be lookt upon as Conspiracies; but when they come once to bear up in Defiance of it, the Case is little better then a State of Actual Rebellion. The Pretence of the Late En­gagements was only to assert and Compass the Ends of the fore­going Petitions: And it was the Master-piece of the Faction to keep the Vulgar in the dark, by disgui [...]ing the Drift, and the Scope, both of the One, and the Other. It was by this follow­ing train of thoughts that the Multitude in 1641. were Egg'd on into the foulest crimes, and the Heaviest calamities Imaginable. The Lord bless us (say they) we are all running into the French The delusions of 1641. Government, and Popery: the Courtiers and Prelates will be the Undoing of us all; the King is a good man enough of himself, if he had but Good people about him; but he's so damnably led away by Po­pish Councells; I would to God he would but call a Parliament and harken to their advice. But why should we not press him to [...]t; and ferret out all these Caterpillers from about him? 'Tis true, the King can do no wrong, but his Ministers may: and yet the King is bound by [Page 24] the Law. as well as We. Had not we better get hands to a Petition▪ and joyn to stand by one another as One Man, for the preservation of our Liberties, and Religion, then stand gaping with our fingers in our Mouth till all is lost? Little did these people Imagine all this while that Death was in the Pot, and that instead of the way to Peace and happiness they were then in the High-Road to De­struction. And This they might easily enough have discover'd if they had but diligently consider [...]d the Opinions and Professions of the Heads of these Covenanters and Subscrib [...]rs; among which, there was not one man of a hundred that was not a known and a vow [...]d Enemy both to Courch and State. But they plung'd them­selves like Curtius, into the Gulph, as Devotes for the mista­ken preservation of their Countrey. But the delusion will better appear, by applying only Common Reason to the Imposture it self: And first, let us consider their Protestation of May, 1641.

I▪ A. B. do in the presence of Almighty God, promise, vow, and protest to maintain and defend, as far as lawfully I may, with my Life, The Protesta­tion. Power, and Estate, the True Reformed Protestant Religion, ex­prest in the Doctrine of the Church of England, against all Popery and Popish Innovations within this Realm, contrary to the same Doctrine, and according to the Duty of my Allegiance to his Majestyes Royall Person, Honour, and Estate; as also the Power, and Priviledges of Parliament, the lawfull Rights and Liberties of the Subjects, &c. Now as the whole Pretext was plansible, so the sa­ving clause in it [as far as lawfully I may] made it go down with­out much seruple.

The Solemn League and Covenant of 1643. (which was the Bond of the Confederacy of the Two Nations) had the same sal­ve The Juggle of the Cove­nant. in it too, and the very same specious pretences for the Pro­testant Religion, the Honour of the King, the Priviledges of Par­liament, and the Liberty of the Subject: only enlarged to the setting up of the Scottish Diseipline and Government, the Ex [...]irpation of Prelacy and Popery; and the bringing of Delinquents to punish­ment: So that from the maintaining of the Government, they are now come to the Dissolving of it; and from the Defence of their own Rights and Liberties, they are advanced to the Inva [...]ng of other peoples. We might reflect upon a world of Soloecisms, Illega­lities, Contradictions and Defects, both in the Givers and Takers of this Protestation and Covenant: As the Nullity of any Engage­ment entered into, Contrary to Law; the altering of the Gouern­ment, [Page 25] without the consent of his Majesty in Parliament; The perjurious Fraud of Swearing in One sence, in opposition to the Known Intent of the Imposer in another; beside the Inconsistence of these Vows with Themselves, and the Contradictions they bear to One another. Wherefore we shall rather detect the Cheat in the Thing it self, and the wonderfull Rashness of the Undertakers, then play the Casuist upon the Question.

Take the Protestation as it runs with that Qualifying Clause in The Protesta­tion an Oath of Policy not Conscience. it [as far as lawfully I may] and there is hardly any thing more in it then what a man is oblig'd to do without it: So that with­out some Mystery in the bottom, the thing appears in it self to be wholly Idle and Impertinent, and not answerable to the so­lemnity of making it a National Duty. And then the Imposition was in it self an Usurpation of Soveraign Power. The Covenant (I must confess) was Ranker, having an Auxiliary Army of a­bout 20000 Scotts to second it. But was ever any thing in ap­pearance more harmless, Loyall or Conscientious, then this Protesta­tion? and if the fellow of it were now in agitation, how would the Town Ring, of any Church of England-Man for a disguised Papist, that should refuse to take it! And yet what ensu'd upon the peoples joyning in this officious piece of misguided Zeal and Duty? When they were once In, there was no longer any re­gard had to the Grammar or Literal Construction of it, but to the List of those that took it, as the Discriminating Test of the Par­ty; They that contriv'd it, did like wise Expound it: and eve­ry man was bound implicitly to believe That only to be Lawfull, which they told him was so, without being allowed the liberty of Judging of his own Actions. He that looks into the Records of that Revolution, will finde the Contributions, Subscriptions, Loans, Levies, and briefly the highest violences of the War, the boldest attempts upon the Honour and Person of the King, the Priviledges of Parliament, and the Property of the Subject, to be charg'd at the soot of the account, upon the Tye of the Solemn League and Protestation; and every man bound, upon the forfei­ture of his Life, Liberty, and Estate, to observe it, in their sence. Over and above the Iniquity of these Oaths, how Ridicu­lous is it for every Paltry Fellow to swear to the doing of he knows not what, and the maintaining of the Priviledges of Parli­ament, which no man living understands? We shall conclude this Point, with the words of the Late King [Cons [...]derations by way EIK. BA. of Solemn Leagues and Covenants, are the Common Road us'd in all [Page 26] Factious and Powerfull Per [...]urbations of State or Church.] And our Covenanters did but write after the Copy of the Holy League of France.

The people being now prepar'd for any mutinous Impressions, Imposture; upon the Peo­p [...]e. poyson'd in their affections to the Government, besotted into the apprehension of Remote and Invisible dangers, and United in the Resolution of Defending their Rights against all Oppo­sers; the Designe would have been there at a stand, for want of matter to work upon, if the Caball had not fed, and enter­tain [...]d their fears▪ and Icalosies, with stories of Plots and Discove­ries nearer hand, where still the Parliament and the City were in the greatest hazzard. One while the Northern Army was coming up, and strong Guards appointed upon all Passes within 20. miles of London, and then comes a Letter to the Close Committee, of a Conspiracy to seize the Earl of Argile, and some other Lords in Edenburgh: And upon This, an Order is presently issu'd out to the Justices of Middlesex, Surry, and South­wark▪ to secure the City, by strong Watches; because (says the Order) the mischievous Designs and Conspiracies lately discover'd in Scotland against some Principall and Great men there, by some of the Popish Faction, gives just occasion to suspect that they may maidtain Correspondency Here, and practice the like mischief. They had a Touch now and then at the mighty preparations of France and Denmark, for the invading of the Nation, and assisting the King to govern by an Arbitrary Power. And then the Army under ground at Ragland Castle was a terrible thing, and miraculously discovered by an Inn-keepers Servant at Rosse, to Alderman Actons Coachman. These whimses were but so many approaches toward the Militia; and they are so extravagant, that the man that was upon the place, and can witness the effect of them, has hardly the face yet to make the Report.

Upon Twelth Night 1641. the City was allarm'd at Mid-night [...] Alarm with a Report of 1500 Horse that design'd to surprize the City. Whereupon a matter of 50000 men were presently in Arms, and the Women at work in the streets, with Joynt-stools, Empty Cask, and other Lumber, to interrupt their passage.

Upon the Kings making Sir Tho. L [...]ford Lieutenant of the The good wo­men could not s [...]p for fear of the T [...] guns▪ Tower, the good women of the City could not sleep for fear of the Guns But yet without any Objection, his Majesty pre­sently puts in Si [...] John Byron. They could make no exception a­gainst him, till at last (as my Authour has it) Lieutenant Hoo­er, [Page 27] the Aqua-Vita-man, and Nieholson the Chandler, enform the Common-Council, that since he came to [...] Lieutenant, there was nothing to do at the Mint, though it was made ap­pear that the Mint had more business since this Gentleman was Lieutenant, then ever it had in so short a time before: But their Trade being in the Retail of Brooms, Candles, and Mustard their Ignorance in the other point might be the better excus'd.

In Aug. 1643. upon a Vote for sending Propositions of Peace to A Tumu [...] f [...]r fear of a Peace. the King, the very next day there were Papers scatter'd, and posted up and down the City; requiring all persons well-affected to rise as One man, and come to the House of Commons next morning, for that 20000 Irish Rebells were landed. And this was the News of the Pulpits next day; when; (though Sunday) a Common-Coun­cil was call'd late at Night, and a Petition there fram'd against Peace. This Petition was next morning recommended to the Commons by Penington, then Mayor, with a Rabble at his heels, declaring that the Lords Propositions for Peace would be destru­ctive to Religion, Laws, and Liberties, and that if they had not a good answer they would be there again the next day, with double the Number.

We must not forget the design upon the Life of Mr. Pim by a Plague Plaister, that was wrapt up in a Letter and sent him, Mr. Pyms Plague plai­ster. which Letter he put in his pocket for Evidence, though he threw away the Plaister. And there was another discovery that came as wonderfully to light: a Taylor in a Ditch in A Taylor dis­covers a Plot against my Lord S [...]y. Finsbury-Fields over-heard two men talking of a Plot upon the Life of my Lord Say, and some other Eminent Members of both Houses; and so the Design never took effect.

At this rate were the people gu [...]'d from day to day, with The people Impos'd upon by ridiculous Stories and Impostures. fresh and palpable Impostures; never was any Nation certainly under such an Absession of Credulity, and Blindness; but as the Cause was founded in Hypocrisy, so it was by Forgery to be sup­ported. And yet these Legendary Tales stood the Faction in ve­ry good stead; by authorizing the People now and then to be­take themselves to their Arms, and to put themselves upon their Guard; which did, by degrees, let them into the Command of the City Militia; out of which Egg (as one says) came forth the Cockatrice of Rebellion. Thus was poor England frighted out of a Dream of Dangers into cutting of Throats in Earnest: Out of a fear of Popery, into a prostitution even of Christianity; and out of an apprehension of Tyranny into a most despicable state of [Page 28] Slavery. The Change of Government now in agitation, had been long in Project; and no foresight wanting for the furthe­rance No foresight wanting in the Faction. of the design. None so diligent at the Military-Yard, or Artillery-Garden, as the zelots of the Faction; and upon the Vacancy of any considerable Employment there, who but they to put in for the Command? Nor were they less industrious to screw themselves into the Bench of Aldermen and Common-Coun­cil, insomuch that a Motion was made there (with an Eye to two beggerly, and Fanatical Captains,) that Honest men, (for that's their Name when they are their own Godfathers) might bear the Magistracy, and the City the expence. But what did all this amount to, without a Fond of Mon, Mony, Arms, and Amu­nition, to carry on the Work? So that their businesse was now to The Faction could do no­thing without the City. make sure of the CITY, as the only means of their sup­ply: But that, they found could never be brought about, with­out a Lord Mayor for their Turns; Or else reducing the Mayor and Aldermen to a Level with the Commons: and establishing a firm correspondence betwixt Westminster, and Guild-hall, the One to Contrive, and the Other to Execute. So that this was the thing they pitch'd upon, and the manner of their proceed­ing was as follows.

Having Pharisaically, and Invidiously divided the people into The Practices of the Faction upon the Common-Council. Two Partys; Themselves forsooth, the Godly Party, and the Friends of the Government, the Papists: a little before St. Thomas's day 1641. (when the City chuses their Common-Council) they calum­niated the Old Common-Council men, as men too much inclining to the Court; sticklers for Episcopacy, and the Common-prayer; and not at all zealous for Religion, (just as we cry out against Papists, and Pensioners now adays;) by this practice, they worm'd out Honest men, and chose Schismaticks into their places: and instead of Sir George Benyon, Mr. Drake, Mr. Clark Mr. Gar­diner; Deputy Withers, Mr. Cartwright, and other Loyall, and considerable Citizens; they took in Foulk the Traytor, Perkins, (my Lord Say's Taylor,) and Others of the same stamp and Value.

Now though the Election be on St. Thomas day, they are ne­ver The Com­mon Council impos'd upon by the Faction beyond presi­dent. Return'd yet before the Munday after Twelfth; nor allow'd to Act as Common-Counsil men till the Indentures of their Election be Returned from the War [...] Inquest to the Town-Clerk; and a Warrant Issu'd from the Lord May [...]r to the S [...]rjeant of the Chamber to Summon them. But the Faction however made bold to dis­pence [Page 29] with these Puntillo's, (though the constant Rule and Custom of the City) and a Common-Council being held December 31. 1641. by the Kings Express Order, all that Gang of the New Choice, thrust themselves in, and took their places with the Old. This Intrusion was opposed by several, but out of re­spect to a Message from his Majesty which was then brought them by the Lord Newbourgh, complaining of Tumults about White-hall, and Westminster, and recommending to the care of the City, the preventing of any further disorders: the questi­on was let fall for the present; and the Court apply'd them­selves to dispatch an answer to his Majesty; which was in ef­fect, an acknowledgment of his gracious Goodness exprest to the City; the Courts disavowing of the Tumults; their promise of do­ing their best for the future to prevent, or suppress them, and their humble desire that whosoever should be found guilty of them, might be brought to condign punishment.

On the Last of December, the House of Commons under pre­tence of finding themselves in danger, sent to the King for a Ex. Col. 44. Guard, but it must be a Guard out of the City of London, and to be commanded by the Earl of Essex. To which Message, his Ex. Col. 45. Majesty offer'd them, Jan: 3. a Guard of his own appointment for their security: But this Trick would not pass upon the King: so that they were forc'd to do their business another way.

Upon the Fifth of Jan. another Common-Council was call'd by The King goes to the Common-Council, the Kings Order, when his Majesty was pleased, in person to ac­quaint the Court with the Reasons of his demanding the five Members the day before: admonishing them not to harbour or protect those men in the City. Fowke and his new Brethren (contrary to all Right or President) were got in again, and there he most audaciously affronted his Majesty with a Discourse of fears and Jelousies, Priviledges of Parliament, &c. the King only replying in effect, that they were dangerous men, and that they should have a Legal Tryal.

On the same day (being Wednesday) the House adjourned till the Tuesday following, and Order'd a Committee to set next The Com­mons adjourn, and remove into the City. morning at Guildhall; taking upon themselves little less then Soveraign Power. The Committee met at Grocers Hall, where the Five Members met, under the Guard of the City-Train'd-stands, where they past such Votes of Priviledge as never any Age heard of before, extending it even to the Exempting and ju­stifying [...] Treason it self.

[Page 30] On Saturday, Jan. 8. upon a Debate for the safe meeting of The Commit­tees Vote at Grocers-Hall. the Five Members at Westminster the Tuesday following; the Re­sult was, That the Sheriffs of London should and might raise a Guard of the Train'd-Bands, for the Defence of the King and Parliament; and that they might warrantably march out of their Liberties. A Rout of Sea-men offering their service by water, as the Other by Land. This Subject set all the Puritan Pulpits on work to in­flame the People against their Soveraign in favour of the Five Members.

Upon the fatall 10th of January, the King was forc'd to with­draw The King withdraws from London. from London, which was then left at the Mercy of the Faction, and that very day, the Indentures of the Election were Return'd: Upon all Questions about These Elections, the Deci­sion was formerly in the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen; but by the Violence and Importunity of these New Intruders, it is left to a Committee of the Common-Council, (being the Com­mittee a so for the safety of the City (so call'd): This Committee was their first approach toward the Militia; and then follow'd another: for putting the City into a Posture of Defence, consist­ing of Six Aldermen and Twelve Commoners, most of them of the New Cutt; and 300l. per annum allow'd to Skippon, as an assist­ant to the Committee.

Having already modell'd the Common-Council to their liking They settle the Militia. they furnish themselves with all sorts of Military Provisions; aug­ment the Train'd-Bands, from 6000. to 8000. the Six Alder­men are made Colonels, and the Committee for the Posture of De­fence, are to choose their Officers; the authority of Summoning Common Councils is taken away from the Lord Mayor, and lodg'd And strip the Mayor of his priviledges. in people of the Faction; and whensoever they'l have One call'd, the Lord Major must obey, without so much as asking a Reason for't.

They took away his Power also of Dissolving them, and kept him to his seat, till they thought fit to discharge him.

And again, whereas all Proposals were formerly offer'd to the Court, and all Questions put by the Recorder from the Lord-May­or; when the Faction had any thing to propound, wherein the Lord Mayor would neither Command the Recorder, nor the Re­corder act without the Lord Mayor, Ven, Pennington and Vassel help'd them out at a dead lift, with an Order from the House of Commons.

And finally, they brought the Orderly Constitution of the Ci­ty-Government [Page 31] to a Levell, confounding Mayor, Aldermen and Commons in the Blending of their Votes.

The Schismatiques have now got the Riches and the Strength The Fiction Masters of the City. of the City in a manner at their own Disposal, For if the major part of the Common-Council may Call, Continue and Dissolve the Court at pleasure, put what Questions they list, and Determine all things by a Plurality of Votes, there needed little more then a Pack't Common-Council to do their business.

Let us consider now the Harmony betwixt the Two Junto's of The Com­mons Pe [...]on about the Mi [...]tia. Ex Col. 61. Westminster, and the City. The Commons Jan. 26. Petition'd his Majesty about the Tower, Forts, and the Militia: to which his Majesty returns them a Refusal, Jan. 28. in the most obliging Terms imaginable, telling them, that he did not doubt, that his ha­ving granted more then ever King had granted, would ever perswade his House of Commons to ask more then ever Subjects had ask'd.

About the beginning of Feb. there was held a Common-Coun­ [...]ll; A Trick put upon the Lord Mayor & Aldermen. which sat till One in the Morning. When the Cou [...]t was quite weary, and tir'd out, Ven took that Opportunity of presenting an Order of the Commons, desiring a return of the Names of those Persons whom the City intrusted with the Mi­litia of London. The Court was a little surpriz'd at it; but yet being desirous to be gone, and considering whatsoever past at One Council was in course to be debated at another, sent the Names of the Committee for the Posture of Defence, in return to the Houses Order. By this fetch, the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, and Court of Aldermen, were understood to have voluntarily relin­quished their Own Interest, and lodg'd the Power of the Mili­tia in the Committee for the Posture of Defence, whereof the Ma­jor Part was wholly at the Devotion of Ven, and his complices. At the next Common-Council, upon reading the Orders of the last meeting, some of the Aldermen Protested against them; as having no thought, of either shuting out the Mayor, or ma­king the Committee so absolute as they found the two Houses had done. Whereupon it was mov'd that the Houses might be Pe­tition'd to reverse the Order. But that being carryed in the Ne­gative, Ven produces another Order for the adding of Skippon to the Committee for the Militia, which was carry'd without much Difficulty.

[Page 32] The Court of Aldermen reflecting upon the Indignities cast upon the Mayor and Government of the City, The Govern­ment of the City aff [...]ont­ed. Petition'd the House apart from the Commons, that the Mayor and Sheriffs might be nominated of the Committee, but to no purpose; For they knew Sir Richard Gourny was a person of two much Ho­nour and Loyalty, to comply with their Designes. After this Repulse, several of the most Eminent Citizens, both for Worth and Estates, Petition'd the Two Houses in their own Names for the Removall of That Scandal, but there was no relief to be had; and they were barbarously treated for their pains over and above. Sir George Benyon (to his Honour) as the framer and chief Promoter of that most reasonable Petition, was fin'd 3000l. Disfranchiz'd in the City, never to bear Office in the King­dom, to be Committed for two year to Colchester Goal, and at the end of the Term to give security for his good Behaviour. Methinks the bare Recital of This Inhumane Insolence should turn the Bloud of every honest Citizen.

This Committee was now becom the masters of the Militia; The Tyranny of this Com­mittee. they remov'd Sir Richard Gourny, and put Pennington into his place; they make Ordinances to pass for Laws, and Rebellion, to be a point of Conscience, they persecute the Orthodox Clergy, Op­press their Fellow Citizens, and the whole Nation; and where they have not Credit to borrow. they make use of their Power to Take away, living upon the Spoil, without any regard to the Laws either of God or Man. And to shew the world that as the Faction had subverted the Government of the City, so they intend­ed to perpetuate the slavery: See as follows.

[Page 35] Take notice, that the Vote of Common-Council in the Act above­recited, of Jan. 13. 1648. when the Lord Mayor went off, and dismissed the Court, was a Treasonous Vote, for the speedy bringing of the King to Justice.

You have here the State of the New-Model'd Government of How we were destroved, and the City (and effectually of the whole Nation) together with the Methods of Hypocrisy and State that brought us into that miserable Condition. And what were they but Canting Sermons, Popular Petitions, Tumults, Associations, Impostures, and Disa­ffected Common-Councils? We have likewise set forth how these Advantages were gain'd, with their Natural Tendency to the Mischiefs they produc'd. And who were they that promoted and brought all these Calamities upon us, but men of desperate By whom. Fortunes and Principles, Male-contents, broken Tradesmen, Coblers, Thimble-makers, Dray-men, Ostlers, and a world of this sort of People, whose Names are every where up and down in the History of our late Consusions; Men of Ambition and Interest, and agreeing in nothing else but an United Disaffection both to Church and State. The contrivers of all these mischiefs (says his Late Majesty) know what overtures have been made by them; and Ex. Col. 534. with what Importunity for Offices and Preferments; what great Servi­ces should have been done for us; and what other Undertakings were (even to have sav'd the Life of the Earl of Strafford) if we would confer such Offices upon them. And Henry Martin very Honestly blurted it out, Apox▪ ô your snivling for Religion (says he) we fight for Liberty: And all their bawling to put other people out of Employment was only to get themselves In. Thus they went on till the Government was made a Prey to the Faction; and the deluded Multitude too late made sensible of their Errours.

Methinks the People of England, after all this Experience, We must be mad to en­gage in New Troubles▪ should be both Wiser and Honester, then by treading the same steps over again, to re-engage themselves in the same Miseries and Crimes: Or if both Conscience and Common▪ Prudence▪ should have quite forsaken us, the very shame, methinks of being fool'd over again the same way, should move us to bethink our selves. Or if that very shame were lost too, it was so Base, so Scandalous a Servitude; we were Slaves to the Meanest of the Rabble: And our Masters were a greater Infamy to us then our Fetters; the very Ignominy cannot but work an Indignation in any thing that wears the Soul of an Englishman.

[Page 36] This Paper and occasion will not bear the tracing of their In­gratitudes and Tyrannies at length; but in short, how barbarously The Factions Ingratitude. did they treat even their Idoliz'd House of Commons; their As­sembly; nay their Covenanting Brethren the Scots; when they fol­low'd them from Newark even to their Borders with a body of Horse at their Heels? their Generall, and the Army that set them up: in a most Eminent manner the City of London, though (as the Faction order'd it) the very Nurse and Supportesse of the Rebellion.

His Sacred Majesty can never forget by what means his Blessed The Methods of our Late Troubles fresh in our Memories. Father was Murther'd; nor the Bishops forget the abuse and Pro­fanation of the Pulpits even to the Extirpating of the Holy Or­der; the Nobility and Gentry can never forget the Illusions that were put upon them under the Appearancee of Religion and Duty, by men that were void of both; neither certainly can the Common people forget how they were conjur'd into a Circle by Sermons, Petitions, and Covenants; whence there was no getting out again.

We'l see a little of their Ingratitude now to the City of Lon­don; and whether They far'd any better then other people. First Ungrateful to the City. they stript them of the Militia; then of their Charter and Priviliges; they turn'd their Government Topsy Turvy: Tax'd, Disarm'd, Im­prison'd, and Plunder'd at pleasure; took down their Chaines, and Posts, Quarter'd Souldiers upon them, Garrison'd the Tower, and several other places of the City; the Army Marching in Triumph through it, for the aggravation of their Slavery; they degraded the Lord Mayor Reynoldson, Fin'd him 2000l. and Com­mitted him to the Tower, April 21. 48. for refusing to publish the Proclamation for Abolishing the Kingly Office: They threatned to set fire to the City, and lay it in the Dust, telling the Mayor and Aldermen, in a Letter about the beginning of Aug. 1647. that they were unable to defend either the Parliament or themselves; and demanding to have the City deliver'd into their hands; which was submitted to, upon Conditions, of relinquishing the Militia, and 11. Members, delivering up the Forts, and Tower of London, and all Magazins, and Arms therein, to the Army, disbanding their Forces, turning out all Reformades, and drawing off their Guards from the Parliament. In Walkers Hist. of Independency, these Par­ticulars are to be seen at large. The Plot dri­ven on Princi­pally by Peti­tions.

It is remarkable, that what other means soever were occasi­onally made use of, the Plot was still driven on, from First to [Page 37] Last, mainly by PETITIONS, but none were admitted on the Other side: For so soon as ever any Petition appear'd that crost the Factions [...]nterest; (as in several Cases from the Agitators or the City of London) there was presently a strict en­quiry after the Authours and Abettors of them, and the Design im­mediately crusht. They should have taken in the SUBSCRIBERS too, and Issu'd out a Commission of Enquiry, whether all the Marks, and Subscriptions, produced in the Names of so many A way to dis­cover Coun­terfeits. thousand Petitioners, were really the Acts, and Attestations of the Persons so Named, and what Arts and Menaces were made use of for their procurement. No unnecessary caution, even in our present Case, to distinguish the Sober, and well-mean­ing Subscribers, from the Fierce and Bloody Fifth-Monarchy men, and other Sects that hold affinity with them; It being notori­ously known, that a Mark is set upon the Refusers by those Factions, who are the violent sticklers in this proceeding, which carries the face rather of an Intended Massacre, then a Petition. This will seem no uncharitable Construction, when I shall tell you what a Noble Lord said in the House of Peers, Dec. 19. 42. Dutyful Chil­dren. They chearfully undertook (says he) to serve against that Army wherein they knew their Own Fathers were; and on my Conscience (says he) I speak it to their Honour had they met them▪ alone [...] would have sacrific'd them to the Commands of both Houses. And now you shall see their Piety expounded in another part of the same Speech. They (says he) who think that Human Laws can bind the A Dispensati­on for perjury Conscience; and will examine the Oaths they have taken, according to the Interpretations of Men, will in time fall from us: but such who Religiously consider that such Moral Preceps are fi [...]ter for Heathens, then for Christians; will not feint in their Duty.

To bring this Pamphlet to a Conclusion, we shall only say this further in justification of it, that it was written with a very Honest Intention; that the matter of Fact is partly upon Certain Knowledg, and partly upon the credit of very Warrantable Pa­pers. The principal Scope of it was, to lay open the Mistery and Method of the Late Rebellion; and so to expose it, that the same Project, and Model may not be made use of for Another.