Iulius Caesar.

THe Iulii were so called (saith Alex. ab Alex.) à prima barbae lanugine, Gen. dier. lib. 1. c. 9. [...] in Gr. (saith he) signifi­eth Primam in mento la­nuginem. from the first wool or down of the beard. Others think the name of the Iulii came from Iulus Ascanius, the Son of Aeneas.

He reformed the Kalender which was then confused, An [...]m ad cursum Solis accommod [...] ­vit. Sueton. and framed the whole year just unto the course of the Sunne, that it should contain 365 dayes, and appointed that every fourth year a whole day should be inserted. Therefore we call our year Annum Iulianum, and the Kalender which we use Calendarium Iulianum, He was born in that Moneth. and that Moneth which was by them called Quintilis, because it was the fifth Moneth, Macrob. Sa­turn. cap. 12. is now called Iuly in honour of him.

For his other name Caesar, there are dif­ferent opinions of the originall of it. Some derive it à caesiis oculis, from his grey eyes. But Suetonius Sueton. de­scribes him to have been, Nigris vegetisque o­culis micanti­bus, of a black quick [...]parkling eye. refutes that, and saith, he had black eyes. Others say he was so called à Caesarie, from a bush of hair with which he was born. Some say he was [Page 2] Primus Caesar, [...]caeso Matris utero dictus.cut out of his Mothers womb: although Festus Pompeius thinks, such are rather to be called Caesones, and Casaubon Animad­vers. in Sue­ton. Alex. ab Alex. Gen. dier. l. 1. c. 9. Beckman de Orig. Ling. Latin. vide Christiani Matth. Thea­tr. Histor. Theor. Pract. in Iul. Caes. cap. 1. Et Commentar. Schild. in Suetonium. rejecteth that Etymologie. Others derive it à Caeso Elephanto, from his Grand-fathers killing an Elephant, which in the Carthaginian tongue is called Caesar. Sigonius speaks much of it, but so that it should seem to be am­biguae fidei, and therefore I shall leave it un­dermined.

He was tall of stature, Forma om­nium civium excellentissi­mus, vigore animi acerri­mus, munifi­centiae effu­sissimus. Pa­terculus. white, and clear of complexion, somewhat full faced, his limbs were well trussed, and in good plight, his eyes black, lively, and quick. He was also very healthfull, saving that in his latter dayes he was given to faint, and swoon sud­denly. Comitiali quoque morbo bis inter res agendas correptus est, Seu inter res gerendas. i. e. cum aciem ordinaret. Plutarch. saith Suetonius, twice in the midst of his Martial affaires, he was surprized with the falling sickness, which he stileth Morbum comitialem, Whiles he was setting his army in battel aray either because it chiefly invadeth, and seizeth on men in Comitiis, in popular Assemblies, or because their Comitia, Fuchs. Instit. Medic. l. 3. Sect. 1. c. 1 [...]. Plato mor­bum divinum appellat, quia occupat in no­ble divinae particulam aurae. Alii morbum sacrum, vel quia detestandus est, vel quia divi­nitus immi [...]titur. Dicitur etiam Herculeus, quia Hercules eo laboravit; item [...]ulgo caducus. Lipsius. their Parliaments or Assem­blies were dissolved, and broke up by oc­casion thereof, if any chanced to fall sick of that disease, they reputing such an acci­dent to be a sinister presage.

In Eloquence and warlike feats together, he either equalled, or excelled the glory of the very best.

Caesar who knows as well to write as fight.

He held a Sword in one hand, Imperatori­am Majest [...] ­tem non so­lùm ar [...]s de­coratam, sed etiam legibus oportet esse armatam, ut utrumque tempus, & bellorum, & pacis recte possit guber­nari. Iusti­nian. Pro [...]m, Institut. and a Book in the other, with this Motto, Ex utroque Caesar, Emperour by both.

He was counted the second man for Elo­quence in his time, and gave place to the first, because he would be the first and chiefest man of war, and Authority. Iulius Caesar Scalig [...]r writeth thus of him: Duae sunt aquilae solae in natura rerum, altera bellicae lau­dis, altera literariae; illa potentiae, haec sapien­tiae; Caesar & Aristotles. Exercit. 94. Sect. 2.

Paterculus reckoning up the famous wits of those times saith, Summis Ora­toribus aemu­lus. Tacit. He was Ci [...]ero's rival in Elo­quence. Et proximum Ciceroni Caesarem. Nay Cicero himself in his Cata­logue of Orators to Brutus, Illum om­nium fere Oratorum, la­tinè loqui ele­gantissimè, saith Atti­cus there of him. Caesar quotidiano sermoni egregiè utilissimus, cui Cicero laudem tribuit puri & incorrupti Sermoni [...] Latini, Ledov. Viv. lib. 3. de tradend. Discipl. saith, He cannot see any to whom Caesar might give place, and he highly commends him in his Oration pro Marcello. Est ejus viri pura oratio, sine fuco ac calamistris ornata, vel Romanis vel Atticis Musis dignissima. Lipsius. Aulus Gel­lius [Page 4] scribit Caesarem sermonis fuisse praeter alios suae aetatis castissimi.

He left Commentaries of his own Acts, touching the Gaule warre, and the Civill warre, which (S ^r. Francis Bacon Advance of Learn. [...]. l. 2 Commen­tarios quos­dam scripsit rerum sua­rum valde quidem pro­bandos, nudi enim sunt re­cti, & venu­sti, sanos qui­dem homines à scribendo deterruit. Ci­cero de Clar. Orat. saith) is the best History of the world. King Iames ex­horting his Son to the study of History, above all prophane Writers commendeth this Book of Caesars to his reading, both sor the sweet flowing of the stile, and the worthinesse of the matter in it self.

He was a famous Mathematician, and di­ligent in that study, as Lucan writes of him.

He could at one time read, Scribere & legere simul, dictare, & au [...]ire accepi­mus: Episto­las v [...]rò tan­tarum rerum quatern [...]s pa­riter librariis dictare, aut, si nihil aliud ageret, sep­tenas. Plin. Natural. Hist. lib. 7. c. 25. and write, heare, and indite, and if he did nothing else, he could dictate to 7. Actuaries or Penmen at once.

We ought to admire two things in him, which he had to perfection, and which ren­der a Commander excellent; viz. that he forecast and provided for all things which might either further or hinder his designe before he undertook it; and that in the ve­ry execution he failed not to take his ad­vantage when occasion presented it, or to remedy upon the instant such unexpected accidents as befell; wherein he hath been inimitable. The Duke of Rohan's observ. up­on Caes. Com. L. 6.

In his Enterprises he was both valiant and fortunate, and therefore singled out [Page 5] for an Idea, or pattern of an absolute Gene­rall, especially for four Military proper­ties very resplendent in him. First, labo­riousnesse in his Affaires. Speed Chron. Secondly, cou­rage in his dangers. Thirdly, industrious contriving of what he undertook. Fourth­ly, quick dispatch in accomplishing what he had once begun.

Quintus Curtius speaking of Alexander the Great saith, Nullam virtutem Regis istius ma­gis quam celeritatem laudaverim. I can com­mend no vertue more in this King then speed.

In eleven dayes he marched with his ar­my six hundred miles.

Suetonius affirmeth, that Caesar did ever march formost before his troopes, and most commonly bare-headed, and on foot, whether the Sun shined, or it rained. Tully reports of him, that he was never heard to say to his Souldiers, Ite illuc, go forth thi­ther, as if they should go forth upon ser­vice, and he tarry behind in his tent, but As you see me do, so do ye. Iudg. 7. 17. One saith the like of trajane, that in all ha­zards and perills, he never said unto his Captains Go, but let us go: Do, but let us do. Venite huc, Come ye hither.

Pertinax was wont to say to his Souldiers, Solinus. Militemus; The two principall men of the world A­lexander and Caesar. have slain each of them (as Pliny reporteth) more then a million of men. and Severus Septimius, laboremus: Livie bringeth in Valerius Corvinus thus speaking; Facta mea, non dicta vos milites sequi [Page 6] volo, nec disciplinam modò, sed exemplum etiam à me petere.

Under his conduct were slain eleven hun­dred fourscore and two thousand ene­mies. He fought in pitched Field two and fifty times, Signis colla­tis quinqua­gies dimica­vit. Plin. Na­tural. Hist. lib. 7. c. 25. saith Solinus, fifty saith Pliny, and never was so much as in any hazard save only twice.

He Conquered all France, Germany, dis­covered us Britaines, He took 1000 Townes, conquered 300. Nati­ons. and made us Tributa­ry; and triumphed five times in Rome with unspeakable admiration.

It is observable, that in all his warres he hath alwaies been inferiour to his enemies in number; for which cause he hath alwaies helped himself by Fortifications, more then ever any other hath done, which he made much the better, when he found him­self not sufficiently strong to give battel, as he was a long time in Africa; insomuch that Scipio himself wondred at his coldness, ne­vertheless he alwaies continued his Soul­diers in exercise, and himself exercised new levied men, and entred them by small skirmishes, wherein by his industry for the most part he had the best, and alwaies at­tempted something upon his enemy. The Duke of Rohan's Observ. on Caesars Comm. L. 5.

Tam celer in agendo & consulta exe­quendo, [...]. Nec [...] de se praedicatio est Caejaris, ante victum bostem esse [...] L. Flor. [...] ut persaepe nuntios de se praevenerit. He is renowned for his celerity in doing, and preventing the very report of his com­ing.

[Page 7] Caesar hath made himself as much re­doubted and admired by the great works which he caused his Souldiers to make, as by his great Battels. The Duke of Rohan's treatise of Modern Warre. Cap. 4.

Having overcome King Pharnaces, and being desirous to advertise one of his friends of his quick expedition in dispatch­ing that war, he onely wrote three words unto An [...]tius at Rome, veni, vidi, vici; I came, I saw, I overcame.

Charles the fift Emperor of Germany said, Veni, vidi, Deus vicit. Surius in bello Ger­manico.

He never put enemy to flight but he dis­camped him, Suetonius. and drave him out of the field: By this meanes he gave them whom he had once discomsited no time to bethink themselves.

In any doubtfull and dangerous service, Suetonius. his manner was to send away the Horses, So William the Con­queror at his arrival into En­gland, burnt the ships which transpor­ported his Army. and his own with the first, to the end that when all meanes of flight were gone, they might of necessity be forced the rather to stand to it, and abide to the last.

He called not his Souldiers Milites, but Commilitones: not plain Souldiers, but by a more pleasing name, Lucan seem­eth to have alluded to this: Bellorum ô socii, qui mille pericu­la mortis. Augustus did much reprove this humor in his Uncle, saying, Dum affectat carier fie­ri, auctoritatem Principis emolliverat. Aurel. Vict. Fellow-Souldiers. He maintained them so trim and brave, that he stuck not to set them out in polished Armour, damasked with silver and gold, as well for goodly shew, as because they [Page 8] should in Suetonius. Battel keep the same more sure­ly for fear of damage and losse.

He loved them so affectionately, that when he heard of Tiberius his overthrow, and the Legions with him: he suffered the haire of his head and beard to grow long, It is repor­ted of Alex­ander that he infused such cou­rage into his Soul­diers, Vt illo praesente, nul­lius hostium arma vel in­ermes timue­rint.and would not cut the same before he had revenged their Death. By which means he both had his Souldiers most devoted unto him, and also made them truly valiant.

He was so entirely beloved of his Soul­diers, that to do him service (whereas o­therwise they were but like other men in a­ny other private quarrell) if Caesars honour were touched they were invincible, and would so desperately, Iustin. l. 12. e. ult. and with such fury venter themselves, Caesars eye made his Souldiers prodigall of their blood. that no man was able to abide them.

A private Souldier of his fought so va­liantly in Britain, that by his meanes he saved the Captaines, Plutarches Lives. which otherwise were in great danger to have been cast away (being driven into a Bogge;) then marching with great pain through the mire and dirt, half swimming, and half a foot, in the end he got to the other side, but left his shield behind him: Plutarch. Caesar wondering at his noble courage, ran to him with joy to embrace him: but the poor Souldier hanging down his head, the water standing in his eyes, fell down at Caesars feet, and besought him to pardon him for leaving his target behind him.

Petronius being taken by Scipio, he said he [Page 9] would give him his life, but he answered him again, that Caesar's Souldiers did not use to have their lives given them, but to give others their lives; and with these words he drew his sword and thrust himselfe through.

Caesar at Alexandria being busie about the assault and winning of a Bridge, was driven by a suddain sally of the enemies to take a Boat, Plutarchs Lives. and many besides making hast to get into the same, he leapt into the sea, and by swimming almost a quarter of a mile re­covered the next ship, Paludamen­tum mordicus trahens, ne spolio potire­tur hostis. bearing up his left hand all the while, for fear the writings which he held therein should take wet, and drawing his rich coat-armour after him by the teeth, Sueton. because the enemy should not have it as a spoile. Milites erant sagati, Impe­ratores pal [...] ­dati.

Beholding advisedly the Image, or por­traiture of Alexander the Great in the Tem­ple of Hercules at Cales, Plutarch & Suetonius. at the sight thereof he fetched a deep sigh, as being ashamed that he had yet performed no memorable act at those years, i. e. 33. Saepe audivi Q. Maxi­mum, P. Sci­pionem, praeterea civitatis nostrae praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere, cum majorum imagines intuerentur, vehementissime sibi animum ad virtutes accendi; scilicet non ceram illam, neque figuram, tantam vim in sese habere; sed memoriâ rerum gestarum eam flammam egregiis viris in pectore crescere, neque prius sedari, quam virtus eorum famam atque gloriam adaequaverit, Sallustius in Bello Iugurthino. wherein Alexander had conquered the whole world.

He was very much disquieted and dis­mayed with a dream the very night before, (for he imagined in his sleep that he had carnal cōpany with his own Mother:) the Di­viners [Page 10] and Wizards incited him to the hopes of most glorious achievements, Suetonius. Ita visum in­terpretari va­ [...]issimae artis auctoribus [...]nis [...]imis. Casaubon. Animadvers. ma­king this exposition of his dream, that thereby was portended unto him the sove­raignty of the whole world; for his Mo­ther whom he saw under him, betokened the subjection of the Earth, which is coun­ted the mother of all things.

There were two Factions in Rome at that time, Sylla was the chief of the one, and Marius of the other; Marius stood for the people, and Sylla defended the Nobles. Ma­rius and all his Confederates were proclai­med Traitors, and enemies to the Com­mon-wealth. Plutarch. Sylla determining to kill Caesar, some of his friends told him, Suetonius. that it was to no purpose to put so young a Boy as he was to death: but Sylla answered again, Cae­sari multos Marios inesse, that there were ma­ny Marii in that one Boy, implying, that he would be a great enemy unto their state. When the day of Election for summus Pon­tifex came, he told his Mother kissing him, that that day she should see her Son chief Bishop of Rome, or banished from Rome.

He said, he had rather be the chiefest man in a poor Village, then the second person in Rome.

He did extremely affect the name of King, and some were set on as he passed by, in popular acclamation to salute him King; whereupon finding the cry weak and poor, [Page 11] he put it off thus in a kind of jest, as if they had mistaken his sirname, Non Rex sum, sed Caesar.

He often used these verses of Euripides, which he himself thus translated.

He alone managed all the affaires of state: his Collegue or Fellow-Consull did no­thing, in so much as divers Citizens plea­santly conceited, whensoever they signed, subscribed, or dated any writings to stand upon records, would merrily put it down thus; Such a thing was done not when Caesar, and Bibulus, but when Iulius and Caesar were Consuls: setting down one and the same man twice by his name and sirname; yea, and soon after these verses were com­monly currant.

He was such an excellent Rider of a Horse from his youth, that holding his hands be­hind him he would gallop his Horse upon the spur. The Horse he used to ride upon was strangely marked, with feet resembling very near a mans, and the hoofes cloven like toes: Like to Alexanders Bucepha­lus. Plutarch. The Beast would abide no man else to ride him, and he himself was the first that backed him.

When one brought him his Horse to get upon, which he used in Battel, he said unto [Page 12] him, When I have overcome mine enemies I will get upon him to follow the chase, Solinus. He gloried in nothing so much (saith Au­stin. 5. Epist.) as in par­doning his ene­mies, and gratifying his friends. but now let us give them charge.

Benignitate adeò praeditus, ut quos armis sub­egerat, clementiâ magis vicerit.

He was of so good a nature, that such as he subdued by Battell, he more overcame with gentlenesse.

He said the greatest pleasure he took of his Victories was, that he daily saved the lives of some of his country-men that bare armes against him. He held neuters for his friends contrary to Pompey, who held them for ene­mies. Aurel. Caesar dando, sublevando, ignoscendo, gloriam adeptus est. Salust. in bel. Ca­tilin.

When Pompey's head was presented to him, Vberrimas lachrymas profudit, he wept bit­terly, and caused him to be honourably buried, Idem dixit, non mihi pla­cet vindicta, sed victoria. saying, Ego Pompeii casum deploro, & meam fortunam metuo, I lament Pompey's fall, and fear mine own fortune.

When he found many Letters in Pompey's coffers, Dion. King Cotis having re­ceived for a Present many beau­tiful & rich Vessels, yet frail and easie to be broken, brake them all, that he might not be stirred to choler when they should happen to be broken. wherein divers testified their good will unto Pompey, and their hatred towards him, he neither read them nor copied them out, but presently burnt them, least being exasperated by them, he should have been forced to have committed some greater evil.

When Pompey's Images had been thrown down he caused them to be set up again, Plutarch in Tullies life. Pompeii sta­ [...]s erigendo su [...] confir­mavit. and Cicero thereupon used this speech, that Caesar in setting up Pompey's I­mages [Page 13] again, made his own to stand surer.

He accounted his conquest of the two Pompeys (Sons to Pompey the great) in An­daluzia in Spain the most glorious of all his victories, for he would often say afterwards, that at others times he fought for Fame and Victory, but that day he fought for his life, which he had never fought for before.

When some of his friends did counsell him to have a Guard for the safety of his Person, Mori satius est semel, quam timore semper tor­queri Plu­tarch. Sue­ton. and some also did offer themselves to serve him, he would never consent un­to it, but said, It was better to dye once, then alwaies to be afraid of death.

He said also, Mori se quam timeri malle, saith, Paterculus, when some advised him to keep by Armes what he had got by Armes.

When he was hindered by one of the Tribunes from taking some of the com­mon Treasure out of Saturnes Temple, Silent leges inter Arms. and told that it was against the Law, Tush, said he, Time of Warre and Law are two things.

That speech of his was compounded both of terrour and clemency, Adolescent difficilius est mi [...]i hoc di­cere, quam facere. to Metellus the Tribune; for Caesar entring into the in­ner Treasury of Rome to take the money there kept, Metellus forbad him; whereto Caesar said, That if he did not desist he would lay him dead in the place; and pre­sently taking himself up, he added, young man, it is harder for me to speake it then do do it.

Ma­gno illi Alex­andro, sed so­brio, neque iracundo si­millimus, qui semper & somno & cibo in vitam, non in voluptatem uteretur. Paterculus. Plutarch. Suetonius. He was a spare drinker of Wine, as his [Page 14] very enemies confessed, whence arose that Apothegme of Cato, That of all that ever were, Caesar alone came sober to the overthrow of the state.

He was the first that devised the way for friends to talke together by writing Cy­phers in letters, when he had no leisure to speake with them for his urgent businesse, and for the great distance from Rome.

He said, Caesars wife ought not only to be without fault, but also without all suspition of fault.

Being certified that Cato had slain him­self with his own hands, Plutarch. in Apophtheg. Dixit invi­dere se Catoni mortem, quando sibi salutem invi­disset. Plu­tarch in the life of Cato. he seemed to be very sorry for it, and said, O Cato, I envie thy Death, because thou didst envie my glo­ry to save thy life.

Cicero wrote a book in commendation of Cato, to justify that action, which Caesar answered with another, which he called Anti-Cato, both which are lost. Schildius out of Beroaldus saith, Cicero wrote a book intituled Cato, in commendation of him, which vexed Caesar, because he conceived the commendation of the other tended to his dispraise, and therefore he wrote two bookes against Cato, discovering his crimes, called Anti-Catones.

Being in a Pinnase or small Boat in a great storm, Caesarem ve­his, & fortu­nam ejus. he said to the Master of it: Fel­low, be of good cheer, for thou hast Caesar and his fortune with thee.

[So Charles the fifth taking his Horse to rush into the main battel, was requested to [Page 15] forbear, but he answered, An Emperour was never shot through with a Bullet.

So William the second of England, com­ming to imbark at Portsmouth, the Master told him the weather was rough, and there was no passing without imminent danger, Tush, said he, set forward, I never yet heard of a King that was drowned, Dan. Hist.]

Yet I may say of him as our Chronicler doth of one of our English Kings, Cambd. in Annal. De Henrie. 8. Inerant illi confuso quodam temperamento, virtutes ma­gnae & vit [...]a non minora.

Suetonius and others, speake of his unna­turall uncleannesse, and prodigious prodi­gality. He stole out of the Capitol 108000. pounds (reduced to our money) in gold at once, gave to Servilia a Jewell which cost him 46875. pounds, Plin. lib. 7. c. 25. owed 1953125. pounds more then he was worth by his own confes­sion. His shewes, and publike Donations, in costlinesse are almost invaluable.

About the trimming of his body he was over curious, Circa corpo­ris euram mo­rasior, ut non solùm tonde­retur diligen­ter, ac rade­retur, sed vel­leretur etiam. Suetonius. so as he would not only be shaven very precisely, but also have his hair plucked.

The chiefest cause that made him mor­tally hated, was his excessive desire of ho­nour, and his slighting the Senators.

When his friends complained unto him of Antonius and Dolabella, that they intended some mischief towards him, he answered them again, As for these fat men, and smooth-combed-heads, Odi pallidos & macilen­tor. quoth he, I never reckon of them, but those pale-visaged, and carrion lean [Page 16] people, I fear them most, meaning Brutus and Cassius.

He never refused to fight but in his latter dayes, being then of this opinion, that the oftner he had gotten [...]victory, the lesse he was to venture, and make trial of fortune: also that a victory could gain him nothing so much as some disastrous calamity might take from him.

There conspired against him more than threescore, the heads of which conspiracy were Cassius and Brutus. He had fair war­ning of his death before it came, by many evident prodigies; Fires were seen in the Element, and spirits running up and down in the night, and solitary Birds at noon-day sitting in the great Market-place; as the Bird Regaliolus did flye with a little branch of Lawrell into the Court of Pom­peius, Or Regavio­lus, quasi Rex avium. Casaub. Ani­madvers. a sort of other Birds of divers kinds from out of the Grove hard by pursued af­ter, and there pulled it in pieces.

Caesar sacrificing to the gods, Nec centum victimis per­litare poterat. Florus, l. 4. Hist. Rom. c. 2. found that one of the Beasts which was sacrificed, had no heart, and that was a strange thing in Nature, how a Beast could live without a heart.

There was a certain South-sayer that had given Caesar warning long before, Eo ipso die dum ad sena­tum iret, li­belli conjura­tionem & conjuratorum nomina indi­cantes, in ma­nus ipsi tra­diti. to take heed of the day of the Ides of March (which is the fifteenth of the Moneth,) for on that day he should be in a great danger. That day being come, Caesar going unto the Se­nate-house, and speaking merrily to the [Page 17] South-sayer, told him, The Ides of March were come: Plutarch. Suetonius. So they be, softly answered the South-sayer, but yet they are not past.

[Christianus Matthias Theat. Histor. Theoret. Pract. in Iul. Cap. 3. hath an elegant and me­morable parallel history.

Henry the 4. King of France was disswaded from going abroad that day he was slain▪ by some; as a day mark't out by Astrolo­gers to portend danger to his person: yet he, a second Caesar as well in the course of his life as of his death, was little sway'd therewith, but like a King, and a Christian replied; that it was an offence to God to give credit to these Prognostiques, and that having God to his guard, he feared no man. The Life and death of Henry the 4.]

The night before this Discourse had with the South-sayer, all the windowes and doores of his chamber did flye open, and his Wife Calphurnia dreamed that Caesar was slain, and that she had him in her arms.

He was stabbed with 23. wounds; Sueton. He was slain in Pompeys court. Tri­bus & vigin­ti vulneribus ad terram di­tus est; sic ille qui terarum orbem civil [...] sanguine im­pleverat; tan­dem ipse san­guine suo cu­riam imple­vit. Luc. Flo. l. 4. Hist. Rom. c. 2. he one­ly gave one groane at the first thrust, with­out uttering any words. Some say, That as M. Brutus came running upon him, he said, [...]; And thou my Son?

All men are of opinion, that such a death befell unto him as he desired; for when he had read in Xenophon how Cyrus being at the point of death, gave order for his Funeral, he seting light by so slow and lingering a kind of death, wished to dye quickly and of a suddain.

[Page 18] The very day before he was killed, in a certain discourse moved at supper in Mar­cus Lepidus his house, upon that point, which was the best end of a mans life? He prefer­red that which was suddain and unlooked for.

He dyed in the 56. year of his age; In the St. Septenarie. Plutarch. Sueton. Deum honor principi non ante habetur quam agere inter homines desierat. Tacit. Et in Deorum numerum relatus est, he was made a god after death (which could not defend himself from death, from cruell murther) and that, Non Sueton. Of this Ce­remony of the Apothe­osis or dei­fying their Emperours, see Dr. Hack­wels Apolo­gy of Gods providence. l. 4. Sect. 2. ore modo decernentium, sed & persuasione vulgi, Not only by their voyce which decreed such honour unto him, but also by perswasion of the common people.

A Comet shined then for seven dayes together, arising about the eleventh hour of the day, and it was believed by those blind Heathen to be Caesars soul, who had been a Comet of combustion to the world.

Also upon his Image there is a Star set to the very crown of his head.

Of these Murtherers there was not one that either survived him above three years, Percussorum autem fere neque trien­nio quisquam amplius su­pervixit, neque sua morte defunctus est. Sueton. Bella res est (Inquit Seneca) mori sua morte. or dyed a naturall death.

[Page 19] All stood condemned, A notable judgement of God up­on the un­naturall murderers of their Soveraign. and by one mi­shap or other perished; some by shipwrack, others by battel, and some again shortned their own dayes with the very same dagger wherewith they had wounded Caesar: Cassius, as Plutarch reporteth, and Brutus according to Dion.

Choyce Observations OF OCTAVIUS AVGUSTVS.

HE was styled by the name of Au­gustus, Vel ab augu­rio, vel ab augendo di­ctus. i. e. worshipfull or sacred, which they thought to be a name of reverence and Majesty, because all consecrated and hallowed places were called Loca Augusta. That Moneth which was by them called Sextilis, because it was their sixth Moneth, is called Augustus in honour of him, and things of greatest splendour are called Augustissima. Iulius Caesar was his great Uncle, but his Father by Adoption. He was called Octavius from his Father, and Au­gustus from his victory.

A man most nobly descended; for riches, honour, friends, Empire, fortunate victo­ries, almost adored; for bodily good things, of comely stature, Forma eximia & per omnes aetatis gradus venustissima. Suetonius. Oculorum a­cies clarissi­morum syde­rum modo vibrans. Cor­pore toto pul­cher, sed ocu­lis magis. Aurel. Vict. Of most amiable visage, and that also majesticall by his bright and shining eyes, Quibus etiam existimari volebat inesse quiddam divini vigoris. Wherein also (as he would have men be­lieve) was seated a kind of Divine vigor: and he joyed much, if a man looking wish­ly upon him, Sueton. held down his face, as it were [Page 21] against the brightnesse of the Sun; there­fore a certain souldier turned away his eyes from beholding his face, and he deman­ding the reason why he did so, he answe­red; Aurel. Vict Quia fulmen oculorum tuorum ferre non possum.

His hair was somewhat yellow, and his body freckled with spots, which his flat­terers would have the world believe were in form like stars.

He was indeed somewhat low, Sueton. His shooes were un­derlaid somewhat with the highest, that he might seem taller then he was. neverthe­lesse of a comely stature, five foot and nine inches, the just measure (saith one) of our late famous Queen Elizabeth, who as she matched that Roman Emperour in happi­nesse, and duration of Reigne, so did she likewise in the stature of her body. Cities were called Caesareae in honour of him, Calciamentis altiusculis utebatur, ut procerior quam erat vi­deretur. Sue­tonius. so in honour of our Virgin Queen was there a Country called Virginia.

Augustus Imperii formator, ne Dominum qui­dem dici se volebat. Augustus the founder of the Roman Empire (for his Father Caesar was but Metator rather then Imperator, Tertul. Apol. c. 34. the chalker of it out, then the setter of it up) This great man would not be called Lord. Orosius lib. 7 c. 2. Upon the same day that our Saviour was born, Orosius. he forbad them by Edict to call him Lord, that all Lordship might be ascribed to him.

In his time our Saviour was born, Impe­rante Augusto natus est Christus, imperante Ti­berio crucifixus. He consulting with the Ora­cle of Delphos about his Successour, received this answer:

Whereupon Augustus coming home, in the Capitol erected an Altar, and thereon in Capitall letters caused this inscription to be ingraven, Haec est Ara Primogeniti Dei.

He is mentioned in the Scripture, Totus orbis) ad verbum, Tota habita­bilis, ita ut subaudias Terra, A Hy­perbolicall speech. Luke 2. 1. There came an Edict from Augustus Cae­sar that all the world should be taxed, i. e. all the Provinces subject to the Roman Em­pire, for the Romans called themselves Lords of the whole world.

He made not war upon any people with­out just and necessary causes; Nulli Genti sine justis & necessariis causis bellum in [...]ulit. his saying was, That neither battel nor war was to be undertaken, Suetonius. unlesse there might be evidently seen more hope of gain then fear of damage. Bellum est Iustum, quod necessarium est; & arma sunt pia, qui­bus nulla nisi in armis re­linquitur. spes. Livie Decad. 1. Lib. 9. He like­ned such who sought after small commodi­ties with great danger, unto those that An­gle with a golden hook, which if it be bro­ken off, no draught of Fish whatsoever is able to make amends for the losse. [That was prudent advice of Henry the fourth K. of France, to Henry the third his Brother, who would needs with those small forces they had, salley out of Tours upon the great Army of Charles Duke of Mayen; Sire (quoth he) N'hazardons pas un double Henry, contre un Carolus, i. e. Let us not venter a double Ducket for a single penny.] He was so troubled and astonished at the Relation of a Foyl and overthrow of Varus, that for certain moneths together he let the [Page 23] hair of his beard and head grow still, and wore it long; yea, and otherwhiles would run his head against the doores, crying out, Quintilius Varus, Deliver up my Legions a­gain. Suetonius.

He deemed nothing lesse beseeming a perfect and accomplished Captain, Aurel. Vict. then temerity, or rashnesse: using this speech, Satis celeriter fieri, Sueton. quicquid commodè geritur, That is done soon enough which is done well enough.

He was so exceedingly delighted with that proverbiall saying, Aul. Gel. 10. l. 11. c. Macrob. Sa­turn. lib. 6. Eras. Adag. Festina lentè, that he would not onely use it frequently in his daily Colloquies, but would insert it of­ten in his Epistles; admonishing by these two words, that to effect any enterprise, both the speedinesse of Industry, and the slownesse of Diligence should concurre.

The City being not adorned according to the Majesty of such an Empire, Vrbem lateri­tiam accepi, relinquo vobis marmoream. Aurel. Vict. and sub­ject to the casualties of Deluges and fires, he beautified and set out so, Sueton. as justly he made his boast, Macrob. that whereas he found it built of brick, Liberalibus studiis, prae­sertim elo­quentiae in tantum in­cumbens, ut nullus ne in procinctu qui­dem labere­tur dies, quin legeret, scri­beret, decla­maret. Au­rel. Vict. he left it all of Marble.

Augusto profiuens & quae Principem deceret, Eloquentia fuit. Tacitus. He had a ready, fluent, and eloquent speech, such as well became a Prince.

Seeing upon a time a number of Citi­zens clad all in black, assembled to hear a publick speech, he with great indignation cryed out, Behold,

[Page 24] The Romans, Lords of all the world, and long rob'd Nation.

He never recommended his sons unto the people, Suetonius. but with this clause added thereto, If they shall deserve. Si merebun­tur.

He gave charge to the Praetors of Rome, Ne paterentur nomen suum obsolefieri, Not to suffer his name to be worn thread-bare.

He would never lye awake in the Nisi aliquo assidente, nunquam te­nebris evigi­lavit. Sueton. lib 2. c. 5. dark without one sitting by his Bed side.

The Se­nate and people of Rome joynt­ly saluting him by the name of Pater Patriae, he with teares stan­ding in his eyes made answer unto them in these few words; Now that I have (mine honou­rable Lords) attained to the height of all my vowes and wishes, what remaineth else for me to crave of the immortall gods, but that I may carry with me this universall consent of yours unto my lives end? Macrobius writes of him, that he carried such an entire and fatherly affection to the Common-wealth, that he called it, [...]il [...]am suam, his own Daughter; and therefore re­fused to be called Dominus, the Lord or Master of his Country, and would onely be called Pater Patriae, the Father of his Country, because be governed it not per timorem, sed per amorem, not by fear, but by love.

He would not lightly depart forth of the City, or any Town, nor enter into any place but in the evening, or by night, for disquieting any person in doing him ho­nour by way of dutifull attendance. Sueton.

The beginning of friendship between him and Cinna was strange; Cinna had con­spired against his life: After Augustus had discovered to him all his conspiracy which he knew, he said, I have given thee thy life [Page 25] twice; first as an enemy, then a Rebel, and now I give thee the Consulship. Let us now be friends, and henceforth strive, whether I have with a better faith given thee thy life, or thou owest it to me. Augustus (saith Suetonius in vita August.) had not thenceforward in all Rome a greater friend then Cinna, while he lived, and when he died, Cinna made him sole heire. vide Senec. l. 1. de clement. c. 9.

This was duely observed, that how often soever he entred Rome, no punishment that day was inflicted upon any person.

He was grieved himself when he pro­nounced a grievous sentence, and he thought himself punished when he puni­shed others. Damnatorum poenar inter­dum acrius ferebat, quam qui plecteban­tur. Senec. lib. de Ira.

He would not suddenly entertain a lea­gue of friendship with any, but was a con­stant friend to those he loved. His speciall friends were Mecoe­nas, Agrippa, Virgil. Pro­pertius.

Dion reporteth of him that when he gave commandment to take tribute of the Jews, He permit­ted the Jews to use their liber­ties. he would not suffer it to be taken from them on their Sabbath, but caused them to delay it till the next day.

He slept but upon a low bed, Ne toro qui­dem cubuisse ajunt, nisi hu­mili & mo­dicè instrato. Veste non te­ [...]erè alia usus est, quam do­mesticâ, ab [...]ore & so­r [...]re, filia, [...]eptibusque confect [...], Sueton. He termed sumptuous garments, Vexillum superbiae, nidumque luxuriae, the banner of pride, and nest of lechery. and the same but meanly spread, and laid with [Page 26] coverlets. He seldom wore any apparel but of huswives cloth, made within the house by his Wife, his Sister, and Daughter.

He was a man of very little meat, and fed for the most part on cheat bread and small Fishes.

He caused the bones of Thallus (who had opened a Letter committed to his trust) to be broken, to the terrour of such untrusty attendants. Suetonius.

By one speech he did appease a tumultu­ous Army, Plutarch. in Apoph. Audite juvenes senem, quem ju­venem senes audiverunt. Ye young men hear­ken to me now old, whom old men have hearkened unto when young.

He had a special care to expresse his mind and meaning most plainly, and reprehen­ded Marcus Antonius for writing such things, that men did rather wonder at then under­stand.

It was elegantly said of him, I hate alike as departing from the mean, Suetonius. Cacozelos & antiqu [...]rios, ut diverso ge­nere vitiosos, pari fastidi [...] sprevit. both Antiquaries, and affectors of novelties.

He did not so much observe Orthogra­phie, i. e. the form and precise rule of wri­ting set down by Grammarians, but seem­ed to follow their opinion who think men should write according as they speak.

He could not away so much as with the Winter Sun-shine, and therefore at home he never walked up and down in the Aire, with­out [Page 27] a broad-brim'd hat upon his head.

In generall Salutations he admitted the very commons, entertaining the suits and desires of all commers with so great huma­nity, Putas t [...] asse [...] Elephanto dare? Macrob. 2. lib. Sat. c. 4. Quasi Ele­phanto sti­pem. Sueton. as that he rebuked one of them mer­rily, because in reaching unto him a sup­plication, he did it so timorously, as if he had been reaching meat to an Elephant. Au­gustus militem donis, populum annona, cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit. Tacit. lib. 1. Annal.

He won the souldiers with gifts, the peo­ple with provision of victuals, and all with the sweetnesse of rest and peace.

He said of Tiberius, Miserum populum Ro­manum, qui sub tam lentis maxillis erit, O unhappy people of Rome, that shall be un­der such a slow paire of jawes. By this Enig­maticall speech, he compared the state of the people of Rome unto the miserable case of one, whom some savage and cruel beast hath gotten between his teeth, not devou­ring and dispatching him at once, but there holdeth and cheweth him a long while in exceeding paine; alluding to the secret malice and dreaming nature withall of Ti­berius.

To expresse the speedy expedition of a thing done hastily, Sparages soon sod­den, See E­ras. Adag. he used this Proverb, Citius quam Asparagi coquantur. Quicker (would he say) then Sparages can be sod­den.

Beholding certain rich strangers and for­rainers at Rome carrying whelps of Doggs and Apes in their bosomes, and making [Page 28] much of them, Plutarch in the life of Pericles saith no more then Caesar, but Eras. in his Apotheg­mes took it to be meant of Augustus. he did ask, Whether wo­men brought not forth children in their countries? Hereby giving a worthy and Princely admonition to them who do con­sume and wast upon Beasts, the naturall affection and love due to men.

When he purposed never to do what he was requested, he was wont by way of Pro­verb to say, Suetonius. The Greeks had no Ca­lends. See Eras. Adag. That he would do it, ad ca­lendas Graecas, i. e. in our English Proverb, at later Lammas, never.

He was so much afraid of Thunder and Lightning, that he ever carried about with him for a preservative remedy a Seales Or of a Sea-ca [...]f, which as Pliny wri­teth, check­eth al light­nings. Tonitru [...] & fulgur [...] [...]ulo infirmius exp [...]escebat, ut sem [...]er & ubique pellem vituli marini circumferret [...]ro remedio, [...]que ad omnem [...] tempe [...]uis suspicionem, in ab [...]itum & concam. [...] se reciperet. Suetonius.skin; yea, and whensoever he suspected there would be any extraordinary storm or tempest, he would retire himself into a close secret room under ground, and vaul­ed above head.

In his time warres ceased, Aurel. Vict. In the time of war the Temple was open. and learning chiefly flourished. The Temple of Ianus was then shut in Rome, peace being generall through the whole world.

Our Saviour was born in the 42. year of his reigne say Epiphanius and Eusebius; 41. say Tertullian, and Irenaeus.

Receiving a challenge from Anthony, he [Page 29] returned him this answer, He bid Ca­tullus the railing Poet to supper, to shew that he had for­given him. That if Anthony had a disposition to dye, or were weary of life, there were waies enough else to death besides that. Thus the challenge was reje­cted, and yet his Honour untainted.

Affectabat jocos, Macrob. Sa­turn. l. 2. c. 4. salvo tamen Ma [...]estatis pu­dorisque respectu. He was very pleasant, and had both an excellent dexterity in break­ing of Jests, Seneca de Ira. and was very patient likewise in bearing of flouts. Vide Christ. Math. Th [...]at. Hist. in Au­gust. p. 55. 56. Convitia, si irascare, a­gnita viden­tur; spret [...] ex [...]l [...]s [...]unt. Tacitus. Probrosis in se dictis arrisit. He made himself merry with re­prochful speeches touching himself, there­in manifesting his clemency, and also his wisedome.

When he had by Proclamation promised a great sum of money to him that should bring in that famous Pirate Corocota, and put him in his power; He knowing the Em­perors mild and pleasant vein, took the boldnesse to come himself, and told him that he was Corocota which came to submit himself, and demanded the sum promised to him that should bring him in; Augustus both pardoned him, and gave him the mo­ney. Dion.

Macrobius reporteth of him, l. 2. Saturn. cap. 4. Mat. 2. 16. For his Jew­ish devotiō prohibited him to deal with swine, but not Re­ligion, nor reason, nor nature could protect those Innocents from slaughter. that when he heard that at the commandment of He­rod, all the children of Syria under two yeares old were slain, and that in the stirre his own son was also slain; Melius est (inquit ille) Herodis porcum esse quam puerum. I had rather (saith he) be Herods swine then his son.

[Page 30] He commanded Herennius a dissolute young man to depart out of the Camp, and when he submissively entreated him not to send him home, Macrob. ib. Qnoniam pu­debat adoles­centem fateri quibus ipse Caesari dis­plicuisset, Caesar permi­sit ut sermo­nem inverte­res, & culpam in ipsum con­ferret. Eras. Appotheg. Macrob. ubi suprà. alledging that he could not tell what to say to his Father, he an­swered, Dic me tibi displicuisse, say, that I dis­pleased thee.

When Pacuvius did petere ab eo congiarium, and said, That it was commonly spoken a­mong men, that he had given him a great deal of money, Sed tu, inquit, noli credere.

Galba, who had a crooked back pleading before him, and often saying, Corrige in me si quid reprehendis, If you find any fault in me correct it; Augustus answered, Ego te monere possum, corrigere non possum, I can but admonish thee, Macrob. Saturn. I cannot correct thee.

Being entertained by one at a Banquet very meanly and sparingly, after all was finished he departed, and at his farewell onely whispered this in his ear, Non puta­bam me tibi tam familiarem, I did not think we had been so familiar.

When one tilled the place where his Fa­ther was buried, Id. Ib. he said, Hoc verè est monu­mentum Patris colere.

He was cholerick by nature, This coun­sell was gi­ven him, that when the object and occasi­ons of Cho­ler were in his eye, he should not be moved before he had pro­nounced o­ver the let­ters of the Alphabet. but his pa­tience in bearing of bitter Jests deserved much to be commended. A certain Coun­trey-man came to Rome, who did much re­semble him in outward feature, insomuch that all mens eyes were cast upon him, and Augustus hearing of it, caused him to be brought before him, asking him this que­stion, [Page 31] Whether his Mother had ever been at Rome; the young man answered, No, but his Father had oftentimes.

He sitting between Virgil and Horace, be­ing asked by one what he did, answered, Se­deo inter suspiria & lachrymas; per suspiria, in­telligens Virgilium suspirabundum, & per lachry­mas, Horatium lippientem.

He hearing that a certain Gentleman of Rome (who was deeply indebted) did sleep most securely, Habendae est ad somnum culcitra, in qua ille cum tantum debe­ret, dormire potuit, Ma­crob. Sat. l. 2. c. 4. desired to buy the Bed whereupon he rested; it seeming a matter of much marvel to him, that one fallen in­to so deep arrerages could take his rest so well.

When a souldier bragged too much of a great scarre in his forehead, At tu cum fugisti, nun­quam post te respe [...]ris? he asked him if he did not get it when he looked back as he fled.

He wrote a Tragedie called Ajax, which afterwards (because it displeased him) he blotted out with a spunge. Therefore when Lucius a writer of Tragedies, asked him what his Ajax did? Caesar very wittily an­swered, In spongiam incubuit, alluding to the Argument of the Fable, in which Ajax when he knew what things he had spoken and done in his madnesse, lying upon his sword kild himself. Besides the pretty al­lusion unto the fabulous History of Ajax, Torrentius hath observed in the word Spon­gia a double signification, viz. a Spunge cal­led deletilis, which writers had at hand, ei­ther to wipe and wash out what misliked [Page 32] them, or to blur and blot the same; where­upon Martial saith of it, Vtilis haec quoties scripta novare voles: and also a Sword, which addeth the better grace unto the conceit, considering that Ajax fell upon his own sword.

Having conquered his enemy, and re­turning home victorious, amongst others that came to congratulate his happy con­quest, there was one holding a Crow, which he had taught to say, Macrob. Sa­turn. Ave Caesar, Victor, Im­perator, God save the Emperour, and Con­querer. He wondering to see the Bird so of­ficious, gave a great sum of money for him. His fellow workman to whom none of that liberality came, affirmed that he had at home another Crow for Caesar, which he intreated he might bring; being brought, he expressed the words which he had lear­ned, Ave victor, Imperator Antoni. The Em­perour being nothing provoked therewith, thought it sufficient to bid him divide the donative with the other: being saluted in like manner of a Parret, he caused him to be bought. This example allured a poor Cobler to try whether he could teach a Crow to use the like salutation, but he being at great expences in vain, was wont often to say, Opera & Impensa periit, all my paines and charge is lost; but at the last the Crow began to utter the same salu­tation, which Augustus once hearing as he passed by, he answered, Satis domi salutatorum talium hab [...]o, I have such saluters enough at home.

[Page 33] The Crow remembred to adde that which he had heard his Master complaining say, Opera & impensa periit, at which Cae­sar laughed, and gave more for him then any of the rest that he had bought.

He wrote a bitter Satyre against a Poet, but he wiped his lips and replved not, say­ing, Periculosum est in eum scribere qui potest proscribere.

Suetonius writeth of him, that he loved the expressions of the good will of his friends, and especially such as appeared by some Legacy given at their death: but yet whatsoever it was, he would return it at one time or other to their children with advan­tage.

He wished three things to his Son, Non tamen vir t [...]ntus vi­tiis [...]aruit; fuit enim pau­lulum im [...] ­tiens, leviter iracundus, occuliè invi­dus, palam factiosus, do­minandi su­pra quam ae­stimari p [...] ­test avidissi­mus, stu [...]iosis­simus ale [...] lusor. Aure [...]. Vict. the favour of Pompey, the boldnesse of Alexan­der, and his own fortune.

He was not without his vices, being very impatient, secretly envious, and openly fa­ctious, very desirous to rule, and much gi­ven to dicing.

Though he was a man severe enough, yet he did not know the exceeding wanton­nesse of Iulia his own daughter, and her o­pen and audacious boldnesse; but Sueto­nius seemes to be of a contrary opinion, for he saith, That he was much ashamed of her, [Page 34] and that once he thought to put her to death. And when a freed woman of his na­med Phoebe, one that was privy to Julia's lewdnesse, knit her own neck in a halter, and so ended her daies, he gave it out, That he wisht with all his heart he had been Phoeb'es Father.

Out of great indignation against his two Daughters, and Posthumus Agrippa his Grand-child, whereof the first two were Heroum fi­lii no [...]ae.infamous, and the last otherwise unwor­thy, he would say, that they were not his seed, but some impostume broken from him, and he used this verse of them,

He was almost peerelesse in his Govern­ment, Soli [...]s. yet there are to be found so many misfortunes in his life, that a man cannot easily discern whether he was more misera­ble, N [...]m fore quoties audis­se [...], citò, aut nullo cruciatu defunctum quempiam, si­bi & suis [...] similem (hoc enim & ver­bo uti solebat) precabatur. Suetonius. or more happy.

Bonam mortem putabat celerem & inspera­tam, quae nulla aegritudine pulsaret fores: So often as he heard of a man that had a quick passage with little sence of grief, he wished for himself and his such Euthanasy, such an easie death. He being at the point to dye, thus addressed himself; called for his look­ing-glasse, Suetonius. commanded to have his hair and beard combed, Vita nostra si­cut fabula, nec refert quam diu, sed quam bene acta sit. Et malas labentes corrigi, his riveled cheeks smoothed up; then asking his friends if he had acted his part well, Cum it a responderint, vos omnes igitur, inquit, Plaudite.

Aulus Gellius mentioneth, l. 15. c. 7. that he sent a [Page 35] letter unto his step-son to this effect, The Clima­cterical year is fa­tall. Re­joyce with me my Son, for I have past over that deadly year and enemy to old age, threescore and three, in which number the sevenths and ninths do concur.

He lived fifteen yeers after Christ was born, and dyed in his 76. year.

He was beloved of his people, for they erected a statue to Musas the Physitian who in a sicknesse recovered him, and placed it by Aesculapius: and the Senate much honoured him being dead, by con­secrating Temples to him at Rome, and in other famous Cities, and all the people much lamented his death, using that speech, Vtinam aut non nasceretur, Aurel. Vict. aut non moreretur, would he had never been born, or never dyed.

Paterculus said of the Roman Empire af­ter Augustus death, when there was such hope of enemies, feare of friends, expectation of trouble in all, Tanta fuit unius viri Majestas, ut nec bonis, neque contra malos opus armis foret [...] such was the Majesty of one man, that his very presence tooke away all use of Armes.

Choyce Observations OF TIBERIUS CAESAR.

LIVIA his Mother, Tiberius dictus à flu­vio Tibere, quòd juxta Tiberim na­tus esset. whiles she went with child of him, among many and sundry experiments which she made, and signes that she observed (and all to know whether she should bring forth a man-child or no) took closely an Egge from under a Henne that was sitting, and kept it warm, sometime in her own, otherwhiles in her womans hands by turns one after another, so long untill there was hatched a Cock-chicken with a notable combe upon the head. And when he was but a very babe, Scribonius the Astro­loger gave out, and warranted great mat­ters of him, and namely, that he should one day reigne as Monarch, but yet without the Royall Ensignes, for as yet the Soveraigne power of the Caesars was unknown.

He was of Personage tall, corpulent, big set and strong, of stature above the or­dinary, broad between the shoulders, and large breasted, fair of complexion, great goggle-eyed, whereby he saw so clearly as is incredible to report. Suetonius. He used both hands alike; Nullius ma­nus velad fe­riendum vel adimpellen­dum fortiores fuerunt, quum in [...]igitis ner­vos videretur habuisse non venas; nam & carra ve­nientis digito sahitari repulisse dicitur, & fortissimos quosque uno digito sic afflixisse, ut quasi-ligni vel ferri obtusioris i [...]tu percu [...] dolerent. Multa d [...]rum digitorum allisione contri­vit. Trebel. Pollio de trigin [...]a [...]y [...]annis in Mario. his joynts were so firm, that with his finger he was able to boar through a green and sound table, with a fillop also to break the head of a good big boy; his speech was exceeding slow, not without [Page 37] a certain wanton gesticulation and fum­bling with his fingers.

He refused the Empire a long time, put­ting on a most impudent and shamelesse mind, and seeming to rebuke his friends encouraging him thereto, as those who knew not what a monstrous and untamed beast an Empire was. Tiberio sus­pensa sem­ [...]r, & ob­ [...] verba. Tacitus. He also held the Se­nate in suspence by ambiguous answers, and crafty delayes, when they besought him to take it upon him, yea and humbly debased themselves before his knees, insomuch as some of them could endure him no longer, and one among the rest in that tumult cry­ed out aloud, Let him either doe it at once, or else give over quite; and another open­ly to his face upbraided him in these words, Aut agat, aut desisiat. E­ras. Apoph­theg. Simile est Ci­ceren [...]s [...]iud de Epi [...]is 2. de fin. C [...] ­teri (inquit) existimantur dicere melius quam facere, hi mihi vi­dentur facere melius quam dicere. Caeteri, quod pollicentur tardè praestant, tu quod praestas tardè polliceris. Whereas other men be slack in doing and performing that which they have promised, thou art slack in pro­mising that which thou performest. In the end, as if he had been compelled, and complaining withall that there was impo­sed upon his shoulders a miserable and bur­densome servitude, he took the Empire upon him.

The cause of this holding off and delay that he made, was the fear of imminent dan­gers on every side, in so much as he would [Page 38] often say, Dicitur in eos qui ejusmodi negotio invol­vuntur, quod neque relin­quere sit inte­grum, neque tolerari possit. Eras. Adag. Eras. in A­poph. & alii. Lupum se auribus tenere, he held a Wolf by the ears.

Hee knowing excellently well how to conceal his own private passions, made himself be known to be an excellent Doctor in the cunning Art of discovering other mens thoughts, by which he may be said to set the roof over the Roman Monarchy. Advertisements from Parnassus by Bocalini. Century 2. Advertis. 33. See more there.

He was very patient when any bad ru­mours or slanderous Libels were cast out, either of himself or those about him, and was wont to say (how wisely I determine not) In civitate libera linguam mentemque li­beras esse debere, That in a free State men ought to have both tongue and thought free.

He taxed the indiscretion of the Ilienses comforting him long after the death of his Son, Sueton. with this answer, That he also was very sorry for them, because they had lost that worthy Citizen Hector, Sueton. one dead ma­ny hundred years before.

He was mild and gracious at the first, and seemed to be enclined to the good of the Common-wealth: when the Presidents and Governours abroad gave him counsell to burthen the Provinces with heavie Tri­butes and Taxes; Et Alexand. Magnus soli­tus erat dice­re, se odisse olitorem qui herbas radici­ [...]ùs convelle­te [...]. he wrote back unto them, Boni Pastoris est tondere pecus, non deglu­bere, That it was the part of a good shep­heard to shear his sheep, and not to flea them.

[Page 39] He held it good policy not to change his Officers often, lest new ones succeed­ing should oppresse the people too much; whereas the old having meanes to enrich themselves, would not so fleece them in the latter end as at the beginning, making hast to do it, lest they were removed before they could feather their nests well. See Montagues Acts and Monum. of the Church. c. 5. p. 37.

That by his own Example he might put forward the publick frugality, Et ut parsi­moniam pub­licam exem­plo quoque ju­varet, solenni­bus ipse coeni [...] pridi [...]na saepe ac semesa op­soni [...] appo­suit, dimidiat­umque ap­rum, affir­mans omnis eadem habe [...] quae totum. he himself at his solemn and festivall suppers, cau­sed oftentimes to be served up to the Board viands dressed the day before, and those half eaten, saying, That the side of a wild Boar had in it the same of the whole.

One there was who called him Dominus, that is, Sir, but he gave him warning not to name him any more by way of contumely. Another chanced to say, His sacred business; and a third again, That he went into the Senate, Auctore se, that is, by his warrant or authority. He caused them both to change those words, and for auctore to say suasore, that is, By his advise and counsell; and in stead of sacred, to put in laborious and painfull.

Quotidiana oscula prohibuit edicto, item stre­narum commercium. He forbad expresly by Edict the usuall and daily kisses common­ly given and taken, likewise the entercourse of New-yeares gifts to and fro.

Suetonius writeth of him, that he did [Page 40] Iura omnibus ferè asylis adimere, Take away the priviledge of almost all their Sanctua­ries, because he observed the licentious abuse of them.

At length he discovered those vices, which with much adoe for a long time he had cloaked and concealed.

He was very cruell, No [...]em con­tinuumque bi [...]uum e [...]u­lando potan­doque con­sumpsit. covetous, and libidi­nous. He spent with Flaccus Pomponius and L. Piso, a whole night and two dayes ou [...] ­right in nothing else but eating and drink­ing; Sueton. giving the Province of Syria into the Government of the first, Suetonius. and conferring the Provostship of Rome on the other, profes­sing even in all his Letters, that they were Jucundissimi, & omnium horarum Amici, his most pleasant Companions, and friends at all Assaies. Propter nimiam vini aviditatem, for his excessive love of wine and hot wa­ters, or because he loved to drink wine hot, which is delicate, Elegans Pa­ranomasia. So some played up­on the name of E­piphanes, and called him Epimanes, or mad­man. See Iunius on 8. Din. Others call the Duke of Lorrain the Duke des Larrons. Le Theatre du monde. l. 2. See after in Caligula and Titus. Pliny l 1 [...]. of Naturall Hist. Nor the thrice gal­lant Knight. Athen [...]us memorat de Xenocrate, illum scilicet uno haustu s [...]rp­ [...]isse v [...]nt co [...]gium. Gassend. de vita Epicuri. lib. [...] ▪ c. 6. he was for Tiberius named Biberius, for Claudius, Caldius, for Nero, Mero.

One gives this reason of his drunken­nesse, because his Nurse that gave him suck would drink exceedingly her self, and nou­rished him with sops soaked in wine.

A Lombard, for drinking in his presence three Gallons of wine at one dr [...]ught, and before he took his breath again, was dubbed Knight by him, and sirnamed Tricongius, The three-Gallon Knight.

[Page 41] He erected a new Office, Nero had an Officer a­bout him (to wit Pe­tronius) who was called Arbi­ter Neroni [...]ne libidinis, Ta­cit. Ann [...]l. l. 16. à voluptatibus, for the devising of new pleasures, wherein he placed Priscus a Gentleman of Rome, and one who had been Censor.

He advanced Sejanus to the highest place of Authority, not so much for any good will, as to be his instrument for the accom­plishing his wicked purposes.

He put to death a Souldier one of his own Guard, Latinis ab­stracta pro concretis sim­pliciter posi­ta intendunt id quod dici­tur; plus enim quam vel sor­didum desi­gnat, vel san­guineum, exi­mie nimirum [...]alem. Menti­tur qui te vi­tiosum, Zoile, dixit. Non vi­tiosus homo es, Zoile, sed vitium. for stealing a Peacock out of a Garden.

Theodorus Gadareus his Master observing his bloody disposition, called him, Lutum sanguine maceratum, A lump of clay soaked in blood; these verses were cast out of him:

He thought simple death so light a pu­nishment, that when he heard that Carnu­l [...]us one of the Prisoners had laid violent hands on himself, Heins. Exer­cit. Sac. he cryed out, Carnulius me evas [...]t, Sueton. Carnulius hath escaped my hands.

His saying was, Sueton. Oderint dum probent, Let them hate me so long as they suffer my pro­ceedings to passe.

Nullus à poena hominum cessavit dies, ne reli­giosus quidem ac sacer.

There passed not a day over his head, no not so much as any festivall and Religious Holy day, without execution and punish­ment of some: many were accused and [Page 42] condemned, together with their Children and Wives. Straight commandment was given, that [...]he near kinsfolkes of such per­sons as were condemned to dye should not mourn and lament for them. No Informer and Promoter was discredited, but his Pre­fentment taken, and every crime and tres­passe was accounted capitall.

He said to one that requested death ra­ther than long imprisonment, Nondum tecum redii in gratiam, Suetonius. Thou art not yet reconciled to me that I should shew thee such favour.

Because Virgins by a received custome were not to be strangled; Tacitus. he caused the Hangman first to defloure a Virgin, Suetonius. and then to strangle her.

Among other kinds of torment he devi­sed, Suetonius. that when men had drunk largely of strong wine, their privy parts should be fast bound with Lute-strings, that so for want of means to avoid their Urine, they might indure intollerable pain.

Faelicem Priamum vocabat, quod superstes om­nium suorum extitisset. Suetonius. He called Priamus hap­py, in that he over-lived all his Sons and Daughters.

He feared Thunder exceedingly, See the like in Augustus his life. and when the air or weather was any thing trou­bled, he ever carried a Chaplet or wreath of Lawrell about his neck, because that (as Pliny reporteth) is never blasted with Light­ning.

He loved liberall Sciences most affectio­nately, Ingenio ad re­pentina long [...] [...]riore. Aurel. Vict. he would do things better of a sud­den, [Page 43] ex tempore, then upon study and pre­meditation, Repentinis responsionibus aut consiliis melior, quàm meditatis.

He was much addicted to Astrologicall predictions, Scribit Plu­tarchus in A­pophtheg ma­tis, Augustum dicere soli­tum, se Ro­mani Imperii successorem eum esse reli­cturum, qui nunquam bis de eadem reconsultasset; Tiberium significare volebat. Josephus lib. 18. of the Antiquity of the Jews, c. 8. and such curious Arts, so that the greater part of those things which he executed in all his life time was ordered thereby; he gave the more credit to Divi­nation, because in certain things he had found the conjectures correspondent to truth.

He seeing Galba one day coming towards him, Tu quoque Galba degu­stabis impe­rium. spake thus of him to certain of his fa­miliars, Tacit. l. 4. Annal. Behold the man that shall be one day honoured with the Roman Empire.

He made a Law called Lex Papia, by which he forbad sucl. men as were past sixty, or women past fifty to marry, as thinking them i [...]sufficient for generation; to which Lactanti [...]s seemes to allude, Lib. 1. Di­vin. Instit. c. 16. thus jesting at the Heathen touching their great god Jupi­ter; How cometh it to passe, that in your Poets, salacious Jupiter begets no more chil­dren? is he past sixty, and restrained by the Papian Law?

Many of the Roman Caesars have been transported with self-admiration, they have shared the Months of the year among them; April must be Neroneus, Vide Tacit. l. 16. A [...]al. c. 12. May Claudius, Do­mitian will have October, November is for Tiberius, by the same token, that when it [Page 44] was tendered to him, he askt the Senate­wittily (as Xiphiline reports it) What they would do when they should have more then twelve Caesars?

It is called the Sea of Tiberias, Iohn 6. [...]. from a City on the bank of it, of that name, built by Herod, in honour of Tiberius Caesar, as Josephus writeth in the 18. Book of his Jewish Antiquities.

Livie and Ovid dyed in the fourth year of Tiberius. Eusebius.

Pilate by Letters signified unto him the Miracles of our Saviour Christ, his Resur­rection, and that he was supposed of many to be God. The Romans had a Law, for­bidding any Emperour to consecrate or set up any god which was not first approved by the Senate; for Tiberius Caesar hearing of Christs fame, by vertue of that Law mo­ved the Senate to promulgate and relate Christ among the number of their gods, who rejected him because he would be God alone, or because contrary to the Law of the Romans he was consecrated for God, before the Senate of Rome had so declared and approved him; whose folly Tertullian thus scoffeth; In Apolo­get. They refused to do it saith Eusebius, l. 2. Hist. Eccle. c. 2. that the wisedome and Divine power of God in the Doctrine of salvation might not need the allowance and commendation of men. Apud vos de humano arbitrio divinitas pensitatur, nisi homini Deus placuerit, non erit Deus, homo jam Deo propitius esse de­bet, That God should be God if man would let him.

[Page 45] Josephus a Jew, and an enemy to Christ, in his 8. Book of Antiquities, c. 4. speakes the same things of Christ that Matthew doth; that he was a most worthy man, if it be lawfull to call him a man (said he,) that he wrought many Miracles, and that he rose from the dead. Tacitus and Suetonins speak of his Miracles, Christus Ti­berio impe [...]rante, per Pro­curatorem Pontium Pi­latum sup­plicio affe­ctus era [...]. Tacitus l. 15. Annal. c. 10. affirmes that he was Crucified under Pilate in the time of Tiberius, and that Tiberius would have put him in the number of his gods. Plutarch De interitu Orac. reports, that under the Reigne of Tiberius all the Oracles of the world ceased, of which the Poets bear witnesse,— cessant oracula Delphis. Iuv. Sat. 6.

Plutarch also in the same book reports, that in the later yeares of the reigne of Ti­berius, a strange voice and exceeding hor­rible clamours, with hideous cries, screet­ches and howlings were heard by many in the Grecian Sea, complaining that the great god Pau was now departed. And this was brought before the Emperour, who marvelled greatly thereat, and could not by all his Diviners and Soothsayers whom he called to that consultation, be able to gather out any reasonable meaning of this wonderfull accident: but Christians may perswade themselves, that by the death of their great god Pan (which signifies all) was imported the utter overthrow of all wicked spirits. John 12. 31.

Our Lord was Crucified in the 15. year [Page 46] of his reigne, say Lib. adver­sus Iudaeos. Tertullian and Lib. 4. de vera sapien­tia c. 10. Vide Vossium de tempore Dominicae passionis. Sect. 3. Lactan­tius.

But Luke the Evangelist, 3. c. 1. v. ma­keth his Baptisme to fall in the 15. year of Tiberius his reigne. So then his Passion must be in the 18. or 19. for three yeares he preached salvation. Jerome and Eusebius.

The fear of losing his Office under Tibe­rius Caesar, (whose Deputy he was over the Province of Judaea,) made Pilate condemn Christ, John 19. 12. 13. but not long af­ter, he lost his Deputy-ship and Caesars fa­vour, and fled to Vienna, where living in banishment he killed himself; Euseb. Hist. l. 2. c. 7.

Matth. 22. 21. Our Saviour saith, Romani Cae­sares imagi­nem suam imprimebant monetae tam [...]ureae quam argenteae. Drusius. Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesars.

The money declared the subjection of their Nation; as if he should have said, If you think it absurd to pay Tribute, be not subject to the Roman Empire; but the mo­ney declareth that Caesar reigneth over you, and your own secret allowance declareth that the liberty which you pretend, is lost and taken away. Ierome on the place doth well observe, that the name of Caesar is not proper, but Appellative, because from the first Emperour Iulius Caesar all the rest were so called. Yet saith Gerhard in his Harmony, Christ properly understands Tiberius who then ruled, whose Image the money did bear; to that wicked Emperour Tribute was due; so that charge 1 Tim. 2. 2. was gi­ven by Paul, even then when Caesar was [Page 47] a persecutor of the Christian Religion.

Austin tells us, He that gave Soveraignty to Augustus, gave it also to Nero; he that gave it to the Vespatians Father and Son, sweetest Emperours, gave it also to Domitian that bloody monster, De civit. Dei. l. 5. c. 21.

Tiberius approved of the Christians Opi­nions, and threatned Death to them which accused them: This came to passe (saith l. 2. Eccles. Hist. c. 2. He with­held a Le­gacy from the people of Rome, which his predecessor Augustus had lately given; and perceiving a fellow round a dead Corse in the ear, he would needs know wherefore he did so, the fellow replyed, that hee wished the departed soul to si­gnifie to Augustus, the Commons of Rome were yet unpaid: for this bitter jest the Em­perour cau­sed him forthwith to be slain, and carry the news himself. Eusebius) by Divine providence, that the Doctrine of the Gospel having no rubbe at the first, might run over the whole world.

Dion writes, that [...]a Phoenix was seen be­fore the last year of Tiberius, which bird is an Embleme of the Resurrection, and si­gnifieth that at that time Christ rose from the dead, and that the Gospel was then spread abroad, which affirmeth that the Dead shall rise again. Charion. Chron.

He dyed in the 78. year of his age, say Suetonius, Tacitus, and Aurel. Vict. 83. saith Eutropius. It was thought he was poysoned.

He raigned 23. yeares say Eutropius, Sue­tonius, Orosius. 24. saith Aurel. Vict. 22. yeares, 7. moneths, and 20. dayes, Tertull. 22. yeares, Clem. Alexand. 22. yeares, 7. moneths, and so many dayes, saith Dion, 22. yeares and six moneths, Iose [...]hus.

He raigned 22. yeares and 7. moneths; Doctor Wil­let on the Rom. 22. yeares, 11. months, 14. dayes, saith Euseb. as Doctor but the reason of the different computati­on, why some give unto him but 22. years, some 24. some but 23. is, because some count onely the full yeares, some the moneths of his first and last year for whole [Page 46] yeares, Willet she­weth in his Hexapla on Dan. where the account differs from this certain months, be­cause he followeth Euseb. com­putation there. some put the odde moneths toge­ther, and make one year of them.

He raigned after our Saviours Passion 4. years, 11. moneths, and 18. dayes.

The people joyed so much at his death, that running up and down at the first ti­dings thereof, some cryed out in this note, Tiberium in Tiberim, Let Tiberius be cast into Tiber; some offered sacrifices when they heard of it, and one meeting with his Ma­ster in some publick place, told him in the Hebrew Tongue, The Lion was dead.

Choyce Observations OF CAIVS CALIGVLA.

SOme say this name of Caligula was given him, for a certain kind of shooe called Caliga, used a­mong men of warre, and worn by him; or he got it by occasion of a mer­ry word taken up in the Camp, Suetonius Quia natus in exercitu suerat, cogno­men [...]um cal­ceamenti milit [...]ris, i e. Caligulae [...]or­titu [...] est. Aurel. Vict. because he was brought up there in the habit of an or­dinary and common souldier among the rest.

He carried himself well before he was Emperour, so that it was said of him, Nec servum meliorem ullum, nec deteriorem Domi­num fuisse. There was never a better servant, and a worse Master.

He was very tali of stature, pale and wan-coloured, of body somewhat grosse and unfashionable, his eyes sunk in his head, and his Temples were hollow, his fore-head was broad, the hair of his head grew thin, in all parts else he was hairy and shagged, and therefore it was a capitall offence, either to look upon him as he passed by, from an higher place, or once [Page 50] but to name a Suctonius. It was held crimen [...] laesae Majestatis, against his Imperiall person. Speed. Vul­tus horridus. Sueton. Torserat per omnia quae in rerum natura tristissima sunt, fidiculis, Eculeo, igne, vultu suo. Se­neca. lib. 3. de Ira. He said, that he did approve of nothing so much in his nature as his immo­desty. Goat upon any occasion whatsoever. His face and visage being na­turally stern and grim, he made of pur­pose more crabbed and hideous; compo­sing and dressing it in a looking-glasse, all manner of waies to seem more terrible, and to strike greater fear. Being clad oftentimes with a cloake of needle-work, and em­broidered with divers colours, and the same set out with precious stones; in a coat also with long sleeves, and wearing brace­lets withall, he would come abroad into the City.

On a time esteeming it a thing corre­spondent to his greatnesse who was Empe­ror, to exact that superiority on the Sea, which was answerable to his Soveraignty on the Land, being to crosse the Sea between Puteoli a City in Campania, and Misenum another maritime town, Sueton. Novum & in­auditum spe­ctaculi genus. he caused a Bridge to be built betwixt one Cape of the Sea un­to another, for the space of three miles and more, on which he commanded himself to be drawn in a Chariot, as if it were answe­rable to his Dignity.

Some are of opinion that he invented such a kind of Bridge in emulation of Xer­xes, who not without the wonder of the world, made a Bridge of planks over Helle­spont an arm of the Sea, somewhat narro­wer than this: Others, that by a bruit blazed abroad of some huge and mon­strous piece of work, hee might terri­fie Germany and Britain, upon which [Page 51] Countries hee meant to make warre.

He maintained his reputation with his Grand-father Tiberius, by no meanes but this; he shadowed his cruell mind with sub­till modesty, and shewed not discontent either for the condemnation of his Mother, or the banishment of his Brethren: Pari ha­bitu semper cum Tiberio, hand multum distan­tibus verbis, He did imitate him in his ap­parell, in his words, in all things as near as possibly he could.

He succeeded Tiberius in the Empire, but in cruelty farre exceeded him. Tacit. lib. 6. Annal. Thus farre forth as of a Prince (saith Suetonius,) relate we must as of a Monster.

He usurped the name of a god, Sueton. Aurel. Vict. comman­ding his subjects to dignifie him with more then humane honours; In his Tem­ple stood an Idol of fine gold, of himself; which was daily cloth­ed and a­dorned with the like gar­ments which he then wore: Cuffe of Af­fectation. and ascending the Capitol, which among all he Temples in Rome is most religiously honoured, he was so bold as to salute Jupiter, and to call him brother.

He sent Petronius with an Army to Ierusa­lem, commanding him to set his statue in the Temple, and if the Jewes refused to re­ceive it, that those who withstood him he should put to the sword, and lead the rest captive; Ioseph. l. 18. Antiq. c. 11. & 2. de belle Iudai [...]. c. [...]. but partly by Petronius his pru­dence, and through Aristobulus his interces­sion with him, and King Agrippa's with Caligula, it was hindered.

The like is in the 21. lib. of Tacitus, where he thus writeth of the Jewes, Sub Tiberio [Page 52] quies, deinde jussi a Caio Caesare effigiem ejus in Templo locare, arma potius sumpsere; quem motum mors Caesaris diremit.

He gave it out openly, Suetonius. that his own Mo­ther was begotten by Incest which Augustus committed with his own daughter Iulia.

He caused his Brother Tiberius to be slain, Suetonius. and reserved his Uncle Claudius (who was his Successour in the Empire) for nothing else, but to make him his laughing-stock.

Many of honourable rank were by him put to death, and sawed asunder in the midst, Per Genium Principis Ro­manos jurare solitos, testes sunt Iuris­consulti no­stri, quemad-modum & per salutem Principis, & per Principis veneratio­nem. Schil­dius in Ca­lig. because they had no good opinion of his shewes, or had not sworn by his Genius.

An ordinary thing it was at Rome to swear by the Genius, as also by the Fortune, and the health of their Emperours. And what a de­vout Oath was this, Per Genium, that is, the spirit or superintendent Angell of the Prince? which I take to be as much as his own good self, as appeareth by Tertullian, Citius apud vos per omnes Deos, quam per Ge­nium principis, Apologet. c. 28. peseratur, Doct. Holland in Annotat. in Sueton.

He forced Parents to be present at the execution of their own children. Suetonius.

And when one Father excused himself by reason of sicknesse, he sent a litter for him. Another of them immediately after the heavy spectacle of his Son put to death, he invited to his own board, made him great cheer, Suetonius. and by all manner of courtesie pro­voked him to jocondnesse and mirth.

[Page 53] When his Grand-mother Antonia seemed to give him some admonition, Memento, ait, omnia mihi in omnes licere.

When he had at one time condemned a sort of Frenchmen and Greeks together, he made his boast, That he had subdued Gal­lo-graecia, a Nation mixt of French and Greekes.

After he had well drunk and eaten, hee took pleasure to cast his friends into the Sea, from on high from a bridge which he built at Puteoli before mentioned, and caused many to be drowned which sought to save them. Dion. lib. 50. of his Hist. Sue­tonius in Calig. cap. 32.

He would not permit any to suffer death, but after many strokes given, and those very softly. His Command being generally and commonly known, Ita in bello ci­vili Mariano, Marius qui­dam particu­latim ampu­tatus, diu vi­vere vel poti­us diu mori coactus est, ut inquit ele­ganter Au­gustin lib. 3. de civ. Dei. Schildius. Ita seri ut se mori sentiat, Strike so, that they may feel them­selves dying, and endure the paines of an enduring death.

IIe executed on a time one whom he had not appointed to dye, by errour only, and mistaking his name: but it makes no matter, quoth he, for even he also hath de­served death.

A certain Citizen of Praetors degree, de­sired oftentimes from the retiring place where he was at Anticyra (into which Isle he went for his healths sake) to have his Li­cence continued; but he gave order he should be killed outright, adding these words therewith, That blood-letting was [Page 54] necessary for him who in so long time had found no good by Hellebore, Hellebore that grow­eth in the [...]sle Anticy­ra, is of most effectuall operation; the root is that whereof is made our sneesing powder, it purgeth extremely by vomit; thereupon ariseth the Proverb, Naviget Anticyram, that is, Let him sail to Anticyra; applyed to one that is melancholike in the highest degree, and little better then mad. See Plinies naturall Hist. l. c. 342. that is, by purging.

Being highly displeased upon a time with the multitude, for favouring the contrary faction to his, would God (quoth he) that the people of Rome had but one neck, At tu (in­quit) unam cervicem ha­bes, nos verò [...]anus multas. mea­ning to chop them off at one blow; Vox carnifice quàm Imperatore dignior. Xiphil. A speech fitter for an Hang-man then an Emperour: Over whom the people of Rome afterward insulted, being kild by Chareas.

He was wont openly to complain of the unhappy condition of his time wherein he lived, Queri de con­ditione tem­porum suorum solebat, quod nullis calami­ [...]atibus pub­licis insi­gnirentur, Su [...]ton. as not renowned by any publick calamities; that his Government was like to be forgotten by the calm and prospe­rous current of all things, and therefore he would often wish for the overthrow of his Armies, Famine, Pestilence, Fire, Earth­quakes, and the like.

While he was at his recreations and di­sports, he practised the same cruelty both in word and deed; oftentimes as he sate at dinner, some were examined upon the Rack [Page 55] in his presence, and others had their heads struck off.

His saying was, Oderint dum metuant, Let them hate me, so they fear me.

Being one day very free at a great feast, he suddenly brake forth into a great laugh­ter, and the Consuls who were next him, demanding whereat he laughed so, his an­swer was, Quid, nisi uno meo nutu jugulari utrumque vestrûm statim posse? At what else (quoth he) but this, that with one nod of my head I can have both your throats cut immediately?

As oft as he kissed the neck of his Wife or Concubine, he would commonly adde, Tam bona cervix, Suetonius. Dirissimae immanitatis dictum; sed in Historia Turcarum factum legi­mus hoc etiam dicto crude­lus. simulac jussero, demetur. As fair and lovely a neck as this is, off it shall go if I do but speak the word.

He complained of the iniquity of the time, that one doubting to be poysoned of him, did take counterpoison, or a re­medy against it; what sayes he, Antidotum adversus Caesarem? Schildius in Calig. vide plura ibid. Is there any Antidote a­gainst Caesar?

His cruelty (as Dion saith) was not impu­ted to his Father or Mother, but to his Nurce, which was a most cruell woman her­self, and used to rub her breast nipple with blood, causing him to suck it; which he practised also afterwards, for he did not onely delight in the committing of many Murders, but through his insatiable desire of blood, would with his tongue suck and lick of the blood that stuck upon the sword or dagger.

[Page 56] Videtur Natura edidisse, De Cons. ad Helviam. c. 9. (saith Seneca) ut ostenderet quid summa vitia in summa fortuna possent. Nature seemed to have brought him forth, to shew what effects the greatest vices joyned with the greatest fortune could produce.

And it may justly be verified of his times, what Senecca saith in another place, In his Pre­face to his fourth book of na­turall que­stions. Res hu­manas sub illo in eum statum decidisse, ut inter misericordiae opera haberetur occidi. Under him things were brought to that passe, as it was reckoned amongst the workes of mercy to be slain.

De quo nescio an decuerit memoriae prodi, Aurel. Vict. nisi sorte quia juvat de Principibus nosse omnia, ut improbi saltem famae metu talia declinent.

Concerning whom (saith Aurel. Victor) I know not whether it shall be meet to have recorded any thing, but that peradventure it is expedient to know all things of Princes, that wicked men at least with fear of the re­port may decline such things.

He was very expert in the Greek, and vulgar Roman Tongues. He was also of a fluent speech, and if he had been to plead and declaime against one, when he was an­gry once, he had both words and senten­ces at will: when he was about to make an Oration, his manner was to threaten in these termes, Peroraturus stricturum se [...]ucubrationis suae telum mi­ [...]abatur. Sueton. viz. That he would draw forth and let drive at his adversary, the keen weapon and dart of his night-study by Candle-light.

He would have removed the writings of Virgi [...] and Livie out of all Libraries; he [Page 57] said, Virgil was a man of no wit, and very mean learning, and taxed Livie of verbosi­ty, and negligence in penning his Hi­story.

He said, Minutissimis senten [...]iis re­rum fregit pondera, saith Quintilian of Seneca. Sueton. Seneca's works were Arena sine calce, Sand without Lime, because he of­ten spoke short Sentences, having no con­nexion amongst themselves.

Nepotinis sumptibus omnium prodigorum inge­nia superavit. In riotous and wastfull expen­ces he exceeded the wits and inventions of all the prodigall spend-thrifts that ever were, Commentus portentosissi­ma genera ciborum at­que coenarum. Sueton. inventing most monstrous kinds of meats, and making sumptuous Feasts. He would drink off most precious and costly Pearls dissolved in Vinegar. Luxus fuit por­tentosi, ut qui etiam panes deauratos habuerit. He spent in one year two Millions, and 700000. of Sestertiums. He would set be­fore his Guests, loaves of Bread and other viands all of Which had a glori­ous sight to look on, yet there was nothing for the conten­tation of Nature: so the Papists set their glittering service of Heb. Gr. and Lat. before the people, a goodly shew to gaze on, and wonder at. Bish. Iewel. Cael, Rhodig. Suetonius. Gold, saying commonly withall, Aut frugi hominem esse oportere, aut Caesarem, That a man must either be fru­gall, or else Caesar.

He held the wills of great men as void and of no effect, Hic non toto vertente anno sex millia septingenta & quinqua­ginta myria­dum aureo­rum prodegit. [...]ael. Rhod. in case any person would come forth and say, That they purposed and intended at their death to make Caesar their Heir; he declared also by an Edict, that he would receive New-yeares gifts, and [Page 58] so he stood the first day of Ianuary in the en­trie of his house, Iect. Antiq. l. 20. c. 14. ready to take what pieces of money soever came, which the multi­tude of all sects and degrees, Contrectandae pecuniae cupi­dine incensus. Saepe super immensos au­reorum acer­vos patentissi­mo diffusos Ioco, & nudis pedibus spa­tiatus, & toto corpore ali­quandiu volu­tatus est. Sueton. with full hands and bosomes powred out before him; nay, he took such delight in handling of mony, that oftentimes he would both walk bare-footed up and down, yea, and wallow also a good while with his whole body upon huge heapes of coyned pieces of gold spread here and there in a most large open place.

There were in his secret Cabinet found two Bookes, bearing divers titles. The one had for the inscription, These things were found after his death. Pugio à pun­gendo, quis punctim po­tius quam caesim vulne­rat. Sueton. Gladius, the Sword; the other, Pugio, i. e. the Dagger, or Rapier; They contained both of them the markes and names of such as were ap­pointed unto death. There was found be­side, a big chest full of divers and sundry poisons, which soon after being by Clau­dius drowned in the Sea, infected and poi­soned the same, and many Fishes were kil­led therewith, which the Tide cast into the next shores.

He set light by the gods, and threatned the Aire if it rained upon his Game-play­ers, Quanta dementia fuit? putavit aut sibi noceri ne a Iove quidem posse, aut se nocere & Iovi posse. Senec. de Ira. lib. 1. cap. 16. How great madnesse was it to think that either Iupiter could not hurt him, or that himself could hurt Jupiter? See before in the life of Augustus and Tiberius. Yet notwithstanding at the least thunder and lightning he used to wink [Page 59] close with both eyes, to enwrap also and co­ver his whole head; but if the same were greater and somewhat extraordinary, he would start out of his Bed, and hide him­self under the Bed-sted.

Dion reporteth of two, that when the Emperour was sick, thinking to get much as a reward for their great love to the Em­perour, vowed, that on condition he might live, they themselves would dye to excuse him; he recovering, afterward took them at their word, and put them to death, least they should break their vow, and prove perjured persons.

Having recalled one from exile which had been long banished, he demanded of him, What he was wont to do there? Who made answer thus by way of flattery, I prayed (quoth he) to the gods alwayes, that Tiberius (as now it is come to passe) might pe­rish, and you become Emperour. Hereupon Caligula thinking that those whom he had banished prayed likewise for his death, sent about into the Islands to kill them every one. Sueton.

In taking the review of Goales, and Pri­soners therein, as they were sorted to their offences, he without once looking upon the title and cause of their imprisonment, standing onely within a Gallery, comman­ded that all in the midst, à calvo ad calvunt, that is, from one bald pate to another, should be led forth to execution. Sueton.

He was murthered at last himself, who [Page 60] had put so many to death. Onely 28. yeares, 4. moneths, and 24. dayes, Casaubon. There is a great diffe­rence a­mōg Chro­nographers, about the computati­on of his years. Three years, ten moneths, and eigh­teen dayes, saith Euseb. Doctor Willet on the Epist. to the Rom. He lived 29. years saith Suetonius, 39. Eutropius. He reigned three years, ten moneths, and eight dayes, say Suetonius and Eutropius; four years say Clemens, Tacitus, and Sextus Aurel. four years, ten moneths, and eight dayes, saith Beda; three years, nine moneths, 28. dayes, saith Dion; three years, eight moneths, and thir­teen dayes, saith Tertullian; three years, six moneths, Iosephus; three years, nine moneths, 22. dayes saith Epiphanius: but the whole time of his reigne was three yeares, ten moneths, and eight dayes. They which give to him full four yeares, count the odde moneths and dayes for a whole year.

Valerius Asiaticus, who had been Consul, came forth among the people, who were in an uproar because of the rumours of the Emperours death, Ioseph. l. 19. of the An­tiq. of the Jews. c. 1. & supposing it a strange matter that no man knew who had slain the Emperour, whilst every one enquired who it was that had done the deed, Vtinam ego eum intefe­cissem. Xi­philin. O, said he, would it had been I that had done it!

His death concerned the security of the Lawes, and the safety of all men; and had he not been speedily cut off, Our Nation (saith Iosephus) almost had been utterly exter­minated.

His monies were all melted by the decree of the Senate; as King Richard the thirds Cognizance the white Bore was torn from every signe, that his Monument might pe­rish. Speed.

Choyce Observations OF CLAVDIVS CAESAR.

AFter the death of Caligula, cer­tain Souldiers in a hurry going to plunder the Pallace, one per­ceiving the feet of a man hidden in a hole, plucks him out by the heeles; this proves to be Claudius, who falling on his knees, and desiring his life might be spared, the Souldiers lift him on their shoulders, and proclaim him Emperour; This took so with the multitude, that the Senate for their own safety were fain to give way unto it.

In the fiftieth year of his Age he attained to the Empire, and he was the first of all the Caesars, Primus Caesa­rum fidem militis prae­mio pignora­tus. Sueton. that obliged unto him the Soul­diers fealty by a fee and reward.

His Mother Antonia was wont to call him, Portentum hominis, The Monster, and fan­tasticall shape of a man, Nec absolu­tum [...] Natu­ra, sed in­choatum. as if he had not been finished, but onely begun by Nature; and if she reproved any one for his foolish­nesse, Su [...]onius. she would say, He was more sottish then her Son Claudius.

He was personable, and carried a pre­sence not without Authority and Majesty. [Page 62] His countenance was lively, his gray haires beautifull, which became him well, with a good fat and round neck under them; yet many things disgraced him, viz. undecent laughter, and unseemly anger, by reason that hee would froth and slaver at the mouth, and had evermore his nose drop­ping, his head continually shaking, some­what stammering in his speech.

He was inhumane towards strangers, and made an Edict forbidding all strangers, Romanorum gentilitia nomina ferre, to be cal­led by the Roman names. Sueton.

He commanded all Jewes to depart from Rome, Acts 18. 2.

The Jewes (saith Suetonius) who by insti­gation of one This some think is to be under­stood of Christians, whom we find in the Ecclesiasti­call writers to be mis­named by the Ethnick Infidels Chrestians, like as Christ him­self Chrestus in scorn. Chrestus, were evermore tu­multuous, he banished Rome.

Acts 11. 28. there is mention made of a great Dearth throughout all the World, which came to passe in the dayes of Claudiu [...] Caesar, of which famine Eusebius, Lib. 20. Antiq. c. 2. Iosephus, Lib. 12. of his Annals. Tacitus, and Suetonius likewise speak.

There was a woman that would not ac­knowledge her own son, and when by evi­dences and arguments alledged pro & con­tra on both sides, the question rested in equall ballance doubtfull, he awarded that she should be wedded to the young man; and so forced her to confesse the truth, and to take him for her child.

One cryed out upon a forger of writings, and required that both his hands might be cut off; Sueton. he made no more ado, but forth­with [Page 63] called instantly to have the Hangman sent for, with his chopping-knife and But­chers block to do the deed.

The Lawyers were wont to abuse his Pa­tience so much, that as he was going down from the Judgement Seat, they would not only call upon him to come back again, but also take hold of his Gown-lappet and skirt, yea and some while catch him by the foot, and so hold him still with them: one of the Graecian Lawyers pleading before him, in earnest altereation used these words, [...], Et tu senex es & stultus. Thou art both old and fool besides.

Hee gave this counsell to a libidinous young man, Si non castè tamen cautè. And his Symbole was, Generis virtus nobilitas.

He was very forgetfull; Idem planè accidit H [...] ­di Magno, cum uxorem Mariamnem occidisset. Josephus Orig. lib. 10. c. 11. Casau­bonus. when Messaliua was (by his own commandment) killed▪ within a while after he asked, Cur Domina non veniret? Why his Lady came not to him? Many of those whom he had condemned, the very morrow immediatly after he sent for, to hear him company at dice-play.

One of his Guests, who was thought to have closely stollen away a cup of Gold the day before, Sueton. he re-invited againe the mor­row, and then set before him a stone-pot to drink in.

It is reported that he meant to set forth [Page 64] an Edict, Sueton. Quo veniam daret flatum crepi­tumque ventris in convivio emittendi, wherein he would give folk leave to break wind downward, and let it go even with a crack at the very board; having certain intelli­gence, that there was one who for manners and modesty sake, by holding it in en­dangered his own life.

He played at Dice most earnestly, Suetonius. (con­cerning the Art and skill whereof he pu­blished also a little Book) being wont to ply the Game even whiles he was carried up and down, having his Caroch and Dice­board so fitted, as there might be no confu­sion nor shufling at all in play.

He was very timorous and pusillanimous at his first coming to the Empire; Erat Natur [...] performidolo­sus. Aurel. Vict. he durst not for certain dayes go to any feast, with­out Pensioners standing about him with their Spears and Javelins, Sueton. and his Souldiers waiting at the table; neither visited he any sick person, unlesse the Bed-chamber where the party lay was first searched: He would scarce suffer Attendants and Clarkes to car­ry their Pen-sheaths, and Pen-knife-cases.

He concealed not his foolishnesse, but gave it out, and protested in certain short Orations, that he counterfeited himself a fool for the nonce during Caius dayes, be­cause otherwise he should not have escaped, nor attained to the Imperiall place which [Page 65] he aimed at, Claudius C [...] sar tumu [...]to­antem Bri­tanniam per­domuit, ab eo C [...]udioce­strium oppi­dum, quod nun [...] Gloce­strium dicunt. and was then entred upon.

He sailed beyond Britain, and subdued the Orcades, added them to the Roman Empire, and called his Sons name, Eutro­pius. Bri­tannicus.

He was not uneloquent, nor unlearned, but was rather a great student in the Libe­rall Sciences. Hee wrote Histories, Livie being his Tutor. He had good skill in the Greek Tongue, professing as any occasion was offered, his affectionate love to it, and the excellency thereof. When a certain Barbarian discoursed in Greek and Latine; See you be skilfull (quoth he) in both our Lan­guages. V [...]reque ser­mone nostro sis peritus.

It was generally thought that he was kil­led by poison; and it was a just Judgement of God upon him, for hee was so glutto­nous and insatiable in eating and drinking, that he thought no time or place sufficient thereto; and ever did eat so much, that most commonly surfeiting, Others say, Agrippin [...] his wife tempered the poison in the meat which he most delighted in. viz a Mushrome. Infusum delectabili [...]ibo boletorum [...] Tacit. Annal. Bole [...]m medicatum avidissimo ciborum talium obtulit. Sueton. Whence Martial. Boletum, qualem Claudius edit, ed [...]. he used Vomits to di [...]charge his stomack, putting a feather into his throat; in which feather some Au­thors affirm that poison was given him.

The Virgin Mary dyed in his time, in the 59. year of her age, saith Nicephorus.

He lived 64. yeares, say some: 63. yeares, 2. months, and 13. dayes, saith Casau­bon.

[Page 66] He reigned 13. yeares, 13. yeares, 9. moneths, and 7. daies, saith Tertul. 8. moneths, and 20. dayes, say Dio, and Josephus. He reigned 14. yeares, according to Tacitus, Suetonius, Clem. Alexand. Eutrop. Orosius. 13. yeares 8. moneths, and 20. dayes after Eusebius. 14. yeares, Doct. Willet. 7. moneths, and 28. dayes after Beda. But the whole time of his reigne was 13. yeares, 8. moneths, and 20. dayes. They which do give unto him 14. yeares, doe count the odde moneths for a whole year.

Choyce Observations OF NERO CAESAR.

NERO was a proper Name (which noted Vertue and Fortitude, Alex. ab A­lex. Gen. dier. l 1. c. 9. Gell. l. 11. of that Greek word [...] the si­news, being the conjunction and strength of the members) and such per­sons also were of the Romans called Neroes, as excelled others in the most egregious Fortitude and Noble Vertues. Afterward when this Tyrant Nero (who descended of the Claudii which were Sabines) had dege­nerated from all the Heroicall vertues of his Ancestors, and became so bloody and cruell, hee gave occasion to posterity to change that proper name into a name Ap­pellative, so that they called them that were cruell Nerones, and those that were more cruell Neroniores.

When Domitius his friends by way of gra­tulation wished him joy of his Son new born, Suetonius. Mali corvi malum ovum. See the like of Tiberius, and of Ca­ligula in Suetonius▪ c. 11. he said, That of himself and Agrippina there could nothing come into the world but accursed, detestable, and to the hurt of the weal Publick.

Of stature he was indifferent, within a little of 6. foot; his body full of speckles, [Page 68] and freckles, and foul of skin besides. The haire of his head somewhat yellow, his countenance and visage rather faire then lovely, and well-favoured. His eyes gray and dimme, his neck full and fat, his body bearing out, and his legges slender and small.

He began his reigne with a glorious shew of piety and kindnesse. Those Tributes and Taxes which were any thing heavy, he ei­ther quite abolished or abated. Whensoe­ver he was put in mind to subscribe, and set his hand to a warrant for the execution of any person condemned to dye, Suetonius. he would say, Lib 2. de Clementis. Quàm vellem nescïre literas! O that I knew not one letter of the book! Seneca his Tu­tor did much extoll that speech of his, as if it had proceeded from a pitifull heart.

He was framed by Nature, Fa [...]tus Natu­ra, & consue­tudine exer­citus velare odium fallaci­bus blanditi­is. Tacit. Annal. 14. Sueton. Imitatur il­lam Augusti vocem▪ si me­rebuntur. and practised by custome (saith Tacitus) to cloake hatred with flattering speeches.

Many times he saluted all the degrees of the City one after another, by rote and without book. When the Senate upon a time gave him thankes, he answered, Cùm meruero, do so when I shall deserve.

His quinquennium or first five yeares were such, that Trajan himself is said to have admired, Aurel. Vict. using this speech, Procul differre cunctos Principes Neronïs quinquennio. But it is thought that it was rather the reigne of his Governours Seneca and Burrhus, then properly his.

He delighted exceedingly in Musick, Suetonius. and [Page 69] would shew his skill upon the open stage, often using the Greek Proverb, That hidden Musick was nought worth. All the while he was singing, it was not lawfull for any per­son to depart out of the Theatre, were the cause never so necessary. It is reported, that some great-bellied woman falling into travail, Suetonius. were delivered upon the very Scaf­folds; He not one­ly commā ­ded all the Statues and Images of the most excellent Musitians to be defa­ced, and his own to be erected in leiu of them; but also put many of them un­der hand to death. by emulation of their fame. yea, and many men besides weary of tedious hearing, and praysing him, when the Town gates were shut, either by stealth lept down from the Walles, or counterfei­ting themselves dead, were carried forth as Co [...]ses to be buried. But how timorously, with what thought and anguish of mind, with what emulation of his concurrents, and fear of the Umpires he strove for Mastery, it is almost incredible. He never durst once spit, and reach up flegm, and he wiped a­way the very sweat of his forehead with his arm onely.

There was a boy named Sporus, whose genitories he cut off, Sueton. & Bapt. Fulg. l. 8. and assayed thereby to transform him into the nature of a wo­man: then he caused him to be brought unto him, Sueton. as a Bride without a dowry, in a fine yellow vaile after the solemn manner of Marriage, not without a goodly traine attending upon him, whom he maintained as a wise; whereupon one brake this witty jest, That it would have been happy for the world, if Domitius (his Father) had wedded s [...]ch a wife.

He said jestingly of Claudius, That he [Page 70] left morari inter homines, with a long sylla­ble, meaning that he spent his dayes fool­ishly.

Divitiarum ac pecuniae fructum non alium putabat quàm profu­sionem. Sueton. Nero qua­dragenis in punctum Se­stertii [...] al [...]m lasit. Co [...] l. Rhod. l. 20. c 24. suetonius. Bis & vicies mille sesterti­um donatio­nibus Nero effuderat. Tacit. l. 1. Hist. c. 6. He most la­vishly gave away two and twenty hundred millions of Sesterces. He was very profuse and prodigall in expences, he never put on the same Gar­ment twice; when he played at hazard, he ventered no lesse then 3125. pounds at a cast, upon every point or prick of the chance. He fished with a golden Net, drawn and knit with cords twisted of purple, and crimson silk in grain. When he made any journey, he never had under 1000▪ Caro­ches in his train, his Mules were shod with silver, but in no one thing was he more wast­ful then in building. See Sueton. and Tacitus of this house, Annal 15. c. 10. It is reported also of Heliogubalus, that his apparell was rich, and most extreme costly, and yet he would ne­ver wear one garment twice; his shooes were embellished with Pearles and Diamonds; his seat strewed with musk and amber; his bed cove­red with gold and purple, and beset with most costly jewels; his way strewed with the powder of gold and silver; his vessels (even of basest use) all gold; his diet so profuse, that at every supper in his Court was usual­ly spent 1000. l. sterling. His house was so large that it contained three Galleries of a mile a piece in length, and a standing Poole like unto a Sea, and the same inclosed round about with buildings in form of Cities. It was laid all over with gold, garnished with precious stones, and mother of pearl. He said, He now at length began to live like a man: and himself named it, Domum auream, a golden house. His Mother Agrippina being [Page 71] with Child with him, went to consult with the Chaldeans or South-sayers about her Son; they answered her, That he should reigne, but kill his Mother; but she being very ambitious slighted that, saying, Occi­dat modò imperet, Let him kill mee so he may be King.

This was accomplished afterwards, Neque tamen sceleris con­scientiam, aut statim aut unquant post ferre potuit; saepe confes­sus exagitari se materna specie, verbe­ribus furia­rum, ac taedis ardentibus. Suetonius. for he caused his Mother to be murdered, and not onely so, but (which was more horri­ble) he took an axact view of her dead bo­dy, and beheld it Crowner-like, saying, He did not think he had had so faire a Mother.

His Father he poisoned, he slew his Bro­ther Germanicus, and his Sister Antonia, and both his wives Poppaea and Octavia, his Aunt Domitia, his son in law Rufinus, and his Instructers, Eutropius. Suoton. Seneca and Lucan.

There was no kind of affinity, Aurel. Vict. and con­sanguinity, Orosius. were it never so near, but it felt the weight of his deadly hands.

The first persecution was under him in the 13. year of his reigne. Tertullian calls him, Dedicator damnationis nostrae, i. e. the first that made a Law to condemne Christi­ans to death.

In Apolo­get. cap. 5. Nero ex Cae­saribus pri­mus in Chri­stianos di­strinxit gla­dium. Tertullian, Hist Eccles. l. 2. c. 25. Eusebius, L. 14. de vera Sap. c. 21. Lactantius, Aret. Probl. Pet dit M [...]ul. and others say, that he put Peter and Paul to death.

Paulus à Nerone (saith Eusebius) Romae ca­pite truncatus, Def. of the Cathol. Faith. Lla [...]bi supra. & Petrus palo assixus scribuntur; & Historiae huic fidem facit, quod illic coemiteria habentur in quibus Petri & Pauli nun cupatio ad hunc usque diem obtinet.

[Page 72] Chrys. and Theophyl. upon the fourth Chapter of the second to Timothy, alledge this to be the cause wherefore he put Paul to death, because Paul had converted to the Christian Faith Nero's Butler, whom he made great account of, thereupon he com­manded him to be beheaded; others say, it was because he converted one of Nero his Concubines, which afterward refused to company with him; but we need assigne no other cause of Nero's rage against the Apo­stle, Though N [...]ro were so wicked, yet Paul ma­k [...]th menti­on of some Saints in his Court. Phil 4 22. then that which Eusebius and Jerome both do touch, the cruelty of that bloody Ty­rant joyned with a wicked detestation of the Christian Faith.

His cruelty is by Paul compared to the mouth of a Lion, 2 Tim. 4. 17. but here then ariseth an objection, how Paul should suffer under him, when he saith there, that he was delivered? Therefore Paul was his prisoner twice, he was set at liberty after his first imprisonment at Rome, Phil. 1. 25. Philem. 22. Heb. 13. 23. 2 Tim. 4. 16. 17. The reason is thus alledged by Eusebius; Neronem in principio Imperii mitiorem fuisse, That Nero in the beginning of his Empire was more gentle, and mild, but after­ward when Paul was taken again, Euseb. in Chron & Hieron. lib. de Script. Eccles. Nero then being become a most cruell Tyrant, caused him to be put to death. He dyed in the 14. year of Nero's reigne, and the 37. year after the Passion of Christ.

Seneca disswaded him from killing some, with this speech, licet (saith he) quàm plu­rimos [Page 73] occidas, tamen non potes successorem tuum occidere. Xiphiline. Although thou kil­lest very many, yet thou canst not kill thy Successor.

The Tyrannous rage of this Emperour was so fierce against the Christians (as Euse­bius reporteth) us (que) adeò ut videret repletas hu­manis corporibus civitates, Hist. Eccles. l. 2. c. 4. 25. 26. jacentes mortuos si­mul cum parvulis senes, Nero subdidit reos, & quae­sitissimis p [...] ­nis affeciteo [...], quos per fla­gitia invisos, vulgus Chri­stianos appel­labat; Auctor ejus nomini [...] Christus. faeminarumque absque ulla sexus reverentia in publico rejecta starent ca­davera, i. e. Insomuch that a man might then see Cities lye full of mens bodies, the old lying there with the young, and the dead bodies of women cast out naked, with­out all reverence of that Sex, Tacit. 15. Annal. in the open streets.

In this persecution also James the greater, and the lesse, Philip, Bartholomew, Barnabas, Mark, suffered.

Christians were covered in wild beasts skins, Addita pere­untibus ludi­bria, ut fera­rum tergori­bus contecti▪ canum lania­tu interirent, aut crucibus affixi, aut flammandi; & ubi dies defecisset, in usum no­cturni luminis urerentur. Tacit. l. 15. Annal. Sueton. in Claud. and torn in pieces with Dogs, or fast­ned on crosses, or burnt in fire; and when the day failed, they were burnt in the night, to make them serve as torches to give light. They put a pitched coat upon the Christians to make them burn the bet­ter, called Tunica molesta, a troublesome coat.

Sulpitius Severus observes this of Nero (in the 3. book of his History) that it was his own bad life which made him hate Christians; for he still thought they censured him, and could not but expect what they knew he deserved.

[Page 74] He caused Rome to be set on fire in twelve places together, that he might the better conceive the flames of Troy, singing unto it Homer's verses, and being a pleasant Spe­ctator thereof, as at a Feu-de-joy. Ad levan­dam sceleris atrocitatem (saith Polyd. Lib. 8. de invent re­rum cap. 6. Tacitus cal­leth them, hated for their wic­kednesse, guilty, and worthy of utmost pu­nishment, and their Religion a pestilent & pernicious superstiti­on. See 15. of his An­nal. 10 c. Virgil) to avoyd the infamy thereof, he laid the fault on the innocent, and suborned some falsly to accuse the Christians, as Authors of that fire; whereupon hee put many of them to death: but Tacitus will clear them, who yet was their enemy. Non perinde (saith hee) crimine incendii, quàm odio humani ge­neris convicti sunt.

Suetonius (being no Christian) calleth the Christians men of new and pernicious su­perstition: Affl [...]cti suppliciis Christiani, (saith he) genus hominum superstitionis novae & ma­lesicae. Sub Nerone saeva & infe­sta Virtutibus tempora. Non nisi grande aliquod bo­num à Nero­n [...] damna­tum. Tertul. Apol. adver­sus Gentes. Nero virtu­tem ipsan [...] exscindere concupivit. Tacit. An­nal. l. 16.

Under Nero to do ill was not alwaies safe, alwaies unsafe to do well. He was so hate­full an adversary to all righteousnesse, that Eusebius following the example and words of Tertullian, affirmeth, that if the Gospel had not been an excellent thing, it had not been condemned by Nero. He was (as Au­gustine Lib. 20. c. 19. De Ci­vit. Dei. In his time Amnes retrò [...]uere vis [...] saut. Plin. l. 2. c. 103.witnesseth) commonly reputed An­tichrist. He came into the world an Agrip­pa, or born with his feet forward, and turn'd the world upside down before he went out of it. In him alone all the corruptions which had been ingendred in Rome, from the birth of Rome till his own daies, seemed drawn together into one impostume or boyl.

[Page 75] When one in common talk upon a time chanced to say,

Nay rather, quoth hee, [...], whiles vitall spirit remaines in me.

He had a desire (though it were foolish and inconsiderate) of eternity and perpe­tuall fame, Erat ei aeter­nitatis perpe­tuaeque famae cupido; sed in­consulta. Suetonius. and therefore abolishing the old names of many things and places, he did put upon them new after his own. Which thing in him Commo­dus the Em­perour imi­tated, cal­ling Rome Commodians Tacit. l. 13. of Annal. He called the Moneth April Neroneus, he meant also to have named Rome Neropolis, Nero's City.

He pronounced an oration composed by Seneca: It was observed, that he was the first Emperour that needed another mans Elo­quence; for Julius Caesar was equall with the famous Orators; and Augustus had a ready, fluent, and eloquent speech, such as well became a Prince; Tiberius had great skill in weighing his words; yea, Caligula's trou­bled mind hindered not his eloquence; neither wanted Claudius elegancy, when he had premeditated.

The study of Nero was Versification, which Tacitus thinks he borrowed, having no gift therein at all; Post Tacitum scripsit, eum­que interdum tacitè redar­guit. Famia. Strad. Pro­lus. Hist. l. 1. but Suetonius (who often doth disagree with Tacitus, though unnamed) both proves he had, and proves it well: It was one of his exercises to translate Greek Tragedies into Latine, who made true Tragedies in blood, such as even the Greekes never feigned.

[Page 76] Nothing netled him more then when he was blamed by Vindex for an unskilfull Mu­sician: Being ad­monished by Astrolo­gers that he should once be cast out of the Empire, he is reported to have u­sed this speech to himself, Artem quae­vis terra alit; nimirum in­telligens ci­tharisticam, principi gra­tam, privato necessariam, quam excer­cere eum non puduit. he said of himself a little before his death, Qualis Artifex pereo? What an ex­cellent Artisan do I dye? meaning of his skill in playing of Tragedies; as indeed his whole life and death was all but one Tra­gedy.

Vespasian asked Apollonius, what was Ne­ro's overthrow? he answered, Nero could touch and tune the Harp well, but in Government some­times he u [...]ed to winde the pinnes too high, and sometimes to let them down too low; thereby intimating, that he applyed Corrosives where gentle Lenitives would have served the turn, and again he applyed Lenitives where Corrosives were needfull.

Additum nomine Neronis Donativum Militi, Deductus (Nero) in fo­rum tyro, po­pulo congiari­um, Militi Donativum proposuit. Sueton. congiarium plebi. Tacit. 12. Annal.

The Princes liberalities to the Souldiers were called Donativa, (which they bestowed, upon some great victory, or rather extra­ordinary occasion;) Imperatoris munus quod popul [...] daba­tur, congiari­um dictum est, quod verò Mi­litibus, Dona­tivum. Alex. ab Alex. Gen. dier. l. 5. cap. 24. to the people, or other­wise to his friends, Congiaria; doubtlesse be­cause at the first certain measures called Congii, of wine or oyl were bestowed, and afterwards other things were given, yet the ancient name remained.

Vindex first stirred the stone, which row­ling tumbled Nero out of his seat.

When it was told Iulius Vindex, that Nero by publick Edict had prized his head at 10000. thousand Sesterces, Sir Henry Savil on Ta­cit. Nec ad­huc erat dam­nati Principis exemplum, Neither was there ever before a President of any Prince by publick sentence deposed. Tacit. l. 1. Hist. Sueton. (that is above four-score thousand pounds in our coine,) [Page 77] Well, quoth he again, and he that kils Nero, and brings me his head, shall have mine in exchange. Qui Neronem interfecerit, & ad me caput ejus attulerit, is meum accipiet caput in mercedis loco. Xiphilin.

Nero consulting the Delphick (or rather divellish) Oracle, he received this answer, That he should take heed of the year 73. which he supposing to be meant of his own age, He entrea­ted that some one of those that were with him, would kill himself first, and by his exam­ple help him to take his death. Itaque nec a­micum [...]abe [...] nec inimi­cum; dedeco­rose vixi, tur­piùs peream. Aurel. Vict. Defecitque extantibus rigentibus (que) oculis, ad hor­rore [...] [...]ormi­dinemque visentium. Sueton. rested secure, being farre short of it; but he was deluded by the ambiguous con­struction of those words, and so fell into the hands of Galba, a man indeed of those yeares.

At last the Senate proclaiming him a pu­blick enemy unto Mankind, condemned him to be drawn through the City, and to be whipped to death; which sentence when he heard of, finding no man to strike him, and exclaiming against them all, What, have I neither friend nor foe? (said he) I have lived dishonourably, let me dye shamefully; and then he strake himself through with his own sword, and was a horrible spectacle to all beholders.

He dyed in the 32. year of his age, saith Suetonius; and 14. year of his reigne, say Tacitus, Clem. Alexand. Eusebius, and Eu­tropius, the very day of the year on which he had murdered his wife Octavia; and by his death brought so great joy unto the people generally, that the Commons wore caps to testifie their freedom recovered, and ran sporting up and down throughout the City.

[Page 78] Some say that Nero is yet alive (saith Ba­ronius out of Sueton▪ and Severus) although he did thrust himself through with a sword, Vide Box­hornii Hist. Vnivers. à Christi tem­pore. p. 125. 126. 127. yet some think that his wounds were heal­ed, and that he survived according to that in the Rev. 13. 3. and that he shall be Anti­christ; but Bellarmine himself saith, It is a presumptuous folly to say that Nero shall be revived and received as Antichrist; and Suarez calls it, Anilem fabulam, a foolish Fable.

Choyce Observations OF SULPITIUS GALBA.

SOme think his name Galba came by occasion of a Town in Spain, which after it had been a long time in vain assaulted, he at length set on fire with burning brands besmeared all over with Galbanum: others, because in a long sicknesse which he had, he used con­tinually Galbeum, i. e. remedies lapped in wooll: some again because he seemed very fat, and such a one the French doth name Galba: Sueton. or contrariwise because he was slen­der, as certain little wormes are called Galbae.

He succeeded Nero, and his age being much despised, Ipsa aet [...]s Gal­bae & irrisui & fastidio e­rat assuetis juventae Ne­ronis, & Im­peratores for­mâ ac decore corporis (ut est mos vulgi) comparanti­bus. Tacit. l. 1. Hist. Statura fuit justa, capite praecalvo, ocu­lis caeruleis, adunco naso, manibus pedibus (que) articulari morbo distortissimis: ut ne (que) calceum perpeti, neque libellos evolvere aut tenere omnin [...] ▪ valeret. Suetonius. In­genium Galbae malè habitat. there was great licentious­nesse and confusion; whereupon a Senatour said in full Senate, It were better to live where nothing is lawfull, then where all things are lawfull.

He was of full stature, his head bald, his eyes gray, and his nose hooked; his hands and feet by reason of the Gout exceeding crooked, in so much as he was not able to abide shooes on the one, or to hold his Bookes with the other.

[Page 80] There was an excrescence, or bunch of flesh in the right side of his body, and it hung downward so much, as it could hard­ly be tyed up with a truss or swathing band; yet hee had a good wit, though a deformed body, like a good instrument in a bad case.

Being with generall applause, and great good liking placed in state, he behaved himself under expectation, and though in most points he shewed himself a vertuous Prince, Suetonius. Sir Henry Savill on Tacit. yet his good Acts were not so me­morable, as those were odious and displea­sant wherein he did amisse.

He obtained the Empire with greater fa­vour and authority then he mannaged it when he was therein; so that he overcame Nero by his good name, Plutarch. and the good opi­nion men had of him, and not through his own force and power.

Major privato visus dum privatus fuit, Tacitus, l. 1. Hist. & omnium consensu capax Imperii nisi imperâsset▪ He seemed more then a private man whilest he was private, and by all mens opinions capable of the Empire, had he never been Emperour.

He lived in honourable fame and estima­tion in the reigne of five Emperours, Alie­no Imperio faelicior quàm suo. Tacitus, l. 1. Hist. He was in grea­ter prosperity, and lived more happily [Page 81] under the Empire of others then in his own. His house was of ancient Nobility, and great wealth. Famae nec in­curiosus, nec venditator: Pecuniae alie­nae non appe­tens, suae par­cus, publicae avarus. He neither neglected his fame, nor yet was ambitiously carefull of it: of other mens money he was not greedy, sparing of his own, of the common a Nig­gard.

As he sacrificed within a publick Tem­ple, Tacitus. l. 1. Hist. a Boy among other Ministers holding the Censer, Suetonius. suddenly had all the haire of his head turned gray. Plutarch. Some made this Inter­pretation of it, Aurel. Vict. E [...]tropius. that thereby was signified a change in the State, and that an old man should succeed a young, even himselfe in Nero's stead.

He was of a middle temperature, neither to be admired nor contemned; Tacitus l. 1. Hist. Magis extra vi­tia, quàm cum virtutibus, The same saith Hay­ward of our Henry the fourth. rather void of ill parts, then furnished with good.

In the Palace, Julius Atticus, one of the Bill­men met him, holding out a bloody sword in his hand, with which, he cryed aloud, he had slain Otho; Hujus breve Imperium fuit, & quod bona haberet exordia, nisi ad severita­tem prompti­or videretur. Eutropius. My friend, quoth Galba, who bad thee? A man of rare vertue (saith Tacitus) to keep in awe a licentious Souldier; whom neither threats could terrifie, nor flatter­ing speech corrupt and abuse: thence it was a usuall speech through the Camp;

For eight yeares space (before hee was Emperour) hee governed a Province of [Page 82] Spain variably, and with an uneven hand, at first sharp, severe, violent, afterward he grew to be slothfull, carelesse, idle.

Being intreated for a Gentleman con­demned, The Delin­quent plea­ded that he was a Ro­man Citi­zen, and therefore not to be crucified. that he might not dye the death of ordinary Malefactors, he commanded that the Gallowes should be dealbata, whited, or coloured for him; Quasi solatio & honore poe­nam levaturus, as if the painted Gibbet might adde solace and honour to his Death.

When there was question made of an heifer before him, whose it should be, ar­guments and witnesses being brought on both sides; he so decreed it, that she should be led with her head covered to the place where she was wont to be watered, and there being uncovered, he judged her his, to whom she went of her own accord.

Among the liberall Sciences he gave him­self to the study of the Civil Law.

He cryed to his Souldiers, Laudata o­lim, & mili­tari fama ce­lebrata seve­ritos ejus an­geba [...] coasper­nantes v [...]te­rem disci­plinam, atque ita 14. an­nis à Nerone assu [...]factos, ut haud minus vitia Princi­pum amarent, quàm [...]lim virtutes vere­bantur. Ego vester, & vos mei; I am wholly devoted unto you, and you are wholly devoted unto me.

His severity which was wont to be high­ly commended by the voice of the Soul­diers, was now displeasant to them who were generally weary of the ancient Discipline, and so trained up by Nero 14. yeares, that now they loved their Emperours no lesse for their vices, then once they reverenced them for their vertue [...].

His hardnesse toward his Souldiers caused him to fall; Tacit. l. 1. Hist. for a large Donative being pro­mised [Page 83] to them in Galba's name, and they requiring if not so much, yet so much at least as they were wont to receive, he whol­ly refused the suit, Cornel. Ta­citus. l. 1. Hist. adding withall, Legi à se militem, non emi, That his manner had ever been to choose, and not to buy his soul­diers.

Vox pro Republica honesia, Tacit. l. 1. Hist. ipsi anceps; A say­ing no doubt fit for a great Prince in a more vertuous age, not so in those seasons for him, who suffered himself to be sold every houre, and abused to all purposes.

He was killed by the wiles of Otho, Eutropius. in the Market-place; the Souldiers flying upon him, Plutarch. and giving him many wounds, he held out his Neck unto them, and bade them strike hardily, if it were to do their Coun­try good.

He dyed in the 73. year of his age, Suetonius. Eutropius. and seventh moneth of his Empire. 7. Months, [...]. dayes, Tertul.

He reigned seven moneths, and so many dayes. 7. Months 2. dayes, Eu [...]us. Aurel. Vict.

Choyce Observations OF SALVIVS OTHO.

TAcitus and Suetonius observe, that his Father was so like unto Tibe­rius, that most men held him to be his own Son.

Tam non absimilis facie Tiberio principi fuit, Sueton. ut plerique procreatum ex eo cre­derent.

He was of a mean and low stature, he had feeble feet, Galericulus capiti propter raritatem ca­pillorum a­daptatus. Sueton. and crooked shankes. He wore by reason of his thinne hair a perruck or counterfeit cap of false hair, so fitted and fastened to his head, that any man would have taken it for his own. He was wont to shave, and besmear his face every day all over with soaked bread; this bread was made of Bean and Rice flower, of the finest Wheat also; a Depilatory to keep hair from growing, especially being wet and soaked in some juyce or liquor appropriate there­to, as the blood of Bats, Froggs, or the Tunie-fish: to this effeminacy of Otho allu­deth the Satyricall Poet in this Verse,

Which devise he took to at first, when [Page 85] the down began to bud forth, because he would never have a beard.

He was of a noble house (saith Plutarch), His Mo­thers side was more noble then his Fathers. but ever given to sensuality and pleasure from his Cradle: insomuch as his Father swinged him and soundly for it. Vita omni turpis, maxi­mè adolescen­tiâ. He used night-walking, and as he met any one ei­ther feeble or cupshotten, hee would catch hold of him, Aurel. Vict. lay him upon a Soul­diers Gabardine, Suetonius. and so tosse and hoist him up in the Aire.

Pueritiam in curiose, Tacit. l. 1. Hist. adolescentiam petulan­ter egerat. He spent his tender yeares with­out regard of his honour, his youth after­wards in all dissolute disorder.

He repaired often to his Glasse to see his face, Suetonius. that he might keep it clean.

He was one of Nero's chief Minions and Favourites, Similitudo morum parit amicitiam, likenesse is the cause of liking. such was the congruence of their humours and dispositions.

He was in grace with Nero through emu­lation of vice. Tacit. l. 1. Hist.

Neroni criminosè familiaris, Aurel. Vict. Otho flagran­tissinnis in amiciti [...] Ne­renis habeb [...] ­tur. He was sinfully familiar with Nero. He was privie and party to all his Counsels and secret designes; to avert all manner of suspicion, that very day which Nero had appointed for the mur­thering of his Mother, Tacit. An­nal. l. 13. he entertained them both at supper with most exquisite Dainties, Sueton. and the kindest welcome that might be.

He subscribed Nero's name unto his Let­ters Patents, Suetonius. till the Noble men of Rome misliked it. Plutarch.

He strove by gifts, Adorare vul­gus. ja [...]ere os­cula, & omnia frevit [...]ter pro Im [...] ­erio. and all other meanes to oblige the Souldiers unto him before he was Emperour, and to winne their hearts by fair promises; he protested before them all assembled together, Tacit. Hist. l. 1. that himself would have and hold no more then just that which they would leave for him. Hee wor­shipped the people, di­spensed fre­quently his courtesies and plausi­bilities▪ crouched and accom­modated himself to the basest routs, that thereby he might creep into an u­surped ho­nour. One calleth him the Roman Absalom.

Cui uni apud Militem fides, dum & ipse non nisi Militibus credit. The Souldiers onely trusted him, because he trusted none else.

All of them together put up a petition to him, and besought him to command their persons, whilest they had one drop of blood left in their bodies to do him service. But amongst others, there was a poor Souldier drawing out his sword, said unto him, Know, O Caesar, that all my Companions are determined to dye in this sort for thee, Tacit. l. 2. Hist. and so slew himself.

Rebus prosperis [...]certus, Plutarch. & inter adversa me­lior. Tacitus.

A man in prosperity uncertainly carried, and governing himself in adversity.

Duo omnium mortalium impudicitiâ, Tacitus. l. 1. Hist. ignaviâ, luxuri [...] deterrimi, velut ad perdendum Imperium fataliter electi, saith Tacitus of Otho and Vitel­lius.

Two of all mortall men the most detesta­ble creatures in slothfulnesse, incontinency, and wastfull life, fatally elected to ruine the Empire.

But though in the first Book of Tacitus [Page 87] his History they are both compared as like, in opposition to a good Prince; yet in his second book they are opposed the one to the other as unlike, with notes of distin­ction. Vitellii ignavae voluptates, Othonis fla­grantissimae libidines. Vitellius ventre & gulâ si­bi ipsi hostis; Vitellius a Drunkard and Glut­ton, Otho a wanton and licentious liver. Otho luxi [...], saevitiâ, audaciâ, Reipu­blicae exitiosior ducebatur; of the one side, an ill mind in a man of nothing, and of the other, an ill mind joyned with courage and edge.

The drowsie Pleasures of Vitellius were feared lesse then the burning lusts of Otho. Plutarch. Vitellius in excesse of Belly-chear was an ene­my to himself; Otho in riot, cruelty, auda­ciousnesse, reputed more dangerous to the state.

It was hard to judge which of them two was most licentiously given, Plutarch. most effemi­nate, least skilfull, poorer, or most indeb­ted, before he was Emperour.

Magna & misera civitas eodem anno Othonem Vitelliumque passa. Tacit. l. 2. Hist. A great and miserable Ci­ty, which in the same year supported an Otho and a Vitellius.

We may learn by Otho (saith Sir Henry Savil) that the fortune of a rash man is Tor­re [...]ti similis, which ariseth at an instant, and falls in a moment.

Alii diutius Imperium tenuerunt, Tacit. l. 2. Hist. nemo tam fortiter reliquerit; it was his own speech, O­thers have kept the Empire longer, none hath ever so valiantly left it.

[Page 88] He thought it a part of dastardy to speak too much of death.

When he saw his side the weaker and going to the walls, Irent properè, ne remorando iram victoris exasperarent. he counselled his Soul­diers to provide for their safety by hying them to the winner. Tacit. Hist. l. 2.

He slew himself with his own hands, but slept so soundly the night before, Plutarch reporteth the like of Cato. that the Groomes of his Chamber heard him snort.

Many of his Souldiers who were present about him, Plutarch. when with plentifull teares they had kissed his hands and feet as hee lay dead, Suetonius. and commended him withall for a most valiant man, Aurel. Vict. and the onely Empe­rour that ever was; presently in the place, and not farre from the funerall fire kil­led themselves. Many of them also who were absent, hearing of the newes of his end, for very grief of heart ran with their weapons one at another to death.

Most men who in his life-time cursed and detested him, He lived not much more hone­stly then Nero, but dyed farre more ho­nourably. when hee was dead highly praised him; so as it was a com­mon and rife speech, that Galba was by him slain, not so much for that he affe­cted to be Soveraigne Ruler, as because he desired to recover the state of the Re­publick, and the freedome that was lost.

His saying was, Melius est unum pro multis, quam pro uno multos mori; An ex­cellent and worthy speech of an Empe­rour, [Page 89] preferring the Publick good be­fore his own private; Sic imperium quod maximo scelere invaserat, maxima virtute de­posuit, as Xiphilinus noteth out of Dion.

He dyed but 37. yeares old saith Plu­tarch; More suo Tranquillus annum incho­atum prople­no numerat. Nam alii 37. solum vixisse aiunt. Casaub. Ani [...]advers. 38. say Eutropius, and Suetonius; and was Emperour but three moneths, Plu­tarch; three moneths and five dayes, Ter­tullian; four moneths, Aurelius Victor. He dyed in the 59. day of his Empire, saith Eutropius; 95. saith Suetonius. Sueton.

Choyce Observations OF AVLVS VITELLIVS.

HE was beyond measure tall; Famili [...] ̄ bo­norat [...] magis quam nobili. he had a red face, Eutropius. occasioned by swilling in wine, and a great fat paunch be­sides, and somewhat limped up­on one legge, by a hurt formerly received.

He was stained with all manner of re­prochable villanies; he was familiar with Caius for his love to Chariot-running, and with Claudius for his affection to Dice-play, but he was in greater favour with Nero for his wicked conditions likewise; for he at­tended and followed him as he did sing, not by compulsion, as many a good man, but selling his honour to nourish his Riot, and feed his belly, to which he enthralled him­self.

He found some supplications that were exhibited unto Otho, by such as claimed reward for their good service in killing Galba, and gave command that they should be sought out and executed every one. A worthy and magnificent beginning, such as might give good hope of an excellent Prince, had hee not managed all matters else according to his own naturall disposi­tion, [Page 91] and the course of his former life, ra­ther then respecting the Majesty of an Em­perour.

When hee came into the Fields where a Battel was fought, and some of his train loathed and abhorred the putrified cor­ruption of the dead bodies, he stuck not to hearten and encourage them with this cur­sed speech, Optimè olere occisum hostem, & meliùs civem, That an enemy slain had a ve­ry good smell, but a Citizen far better.

[That was also a wicked speech of Charles the ninth of France, at the Parisian massacre, when beholding the dead carcasses, he said, that the smell of a dead enemy was good.]

He banished from Rome and Italy all the judiciall Astrologers called Mathematici­ans, because they had said, that his reigne should not endure one year to an end.

If he could have forborn his riotous li­ving, Prorsus si luxuriam temperaret, avaritiam non timeres. or used any moderation therein, Tacit. l. 2. Hist. covetousnesse was a crime in him not to be feared, but he was shamefully given to his belly without all order or measure; Epu­larum foeda & inexplebilis libido, Homo profun­dae gulae. saith Tacitus; for which purpose there were daily brought out of Rome and Italy, Sueton. Irritamenta Gulae, Ad vos dein­de transeo, quorum pro­funda & insatiabilis gula, hinc Maria scru­tatur, hinc terras. all provocations of Gluttony. The high-waies from both the Seas sounded of nothing else but of Caterers, and Pur­veyours; the greatest men in the City were spent and consumed in providing of Cates for the banquets; Seneca E­pist. 89. the Cities themselves were wasted.

[Page 92] The Souldiers grew worse, and degene­rated from labour and vertue, partly by turning themselves to pleasures, and part­ly through the contemptiblenesse of the commander.

He would eat four meales a day, [...] Saith Eu­tropius. Break­fast, Dinner, Supper, and Rere-banquet, or after Supper, being able to bear them all very well, he used to vomit It was an ordinary practise a­mong thē. Epul [...]s qu [...]s toto orbe con­qui [...]unt nec concoquer [...] dignantur. so ordinari­ly. His manner was to send word that hee would break his fast with one friend, Seneca. dine with another, and all in one day; and eve­ry one of those refections when it stood them least, cost 3235. l. sterling. But the most notorious and memorable supper above all other, was that which his brother made for a welcome at his first coming to Rome; Suetonius calls it an Adventiti­ous Supper. at which were served up at the Table before him two thousand severall Dishes of Fish, Eutropius. the most dainty and choycest that could be had, Sueto. and seven thousand fowl.

Yet himself surpassed this sumptuous feast at the dedication of the platter, His meates were not touched in grosse, but an eye only of this bird, or a tongue of that Fish were tasted, that the spoiles of many might be taken at one meal. Phaenicopterus is a water fowl haunting lakes and fennes, and the [...] Nilus, as Hesi [...]dus writeth. The feathers be of colour red, or purple, where [...]of it taketh the name, & the tongue is a most dainty & pleasant morsell▪ which for its huge capacity he used to call the Target of Minerva. In this he blended together the Livers of Guilt-heads, the delicate braines of Pheasants and Peacocks, the tongues of Phoenicopters, the tender small guts of Sea-Lampries sent as far as from the Carpa [...]thian Sea, and the straights of Spain, by his Captaines over Gallies.

[Page 93] For the making of this charger there was a furnace built of purpose in the field. Mu­cianus (after the death of Vitellius) alluding to this monstrous platter, and ripping up his whole life, upbraided the memoriall of him in these very termes, calling his ex­cesse that way, Patinarum paludes, Platters as broad as Pooles or Ponds.

Nunquam ita ad curas intentus, Tacitus l. 2. Hist. ut voluptatis oblivisceretur. He was never so intentively addicted to serious affaires, that he would forget his Pastimes.

In his Traine all was disorderly and full of drunkennesse, Apud Vitelli­um omnia in­disposita, te­mulenta, pervigiliis ac Bacchanal [...] ­bus, quam dis­cipline & castris pro­piora. more like to Wakes and Feasts of Bacchus, then to a Camp, where Discipline should be.

He was forward enough to put to death any man; he killed Noble men, and his School-fellowes. He delivered Blaesus over to the executioner to suffer death, Tacit. l. 2. but straightwaies called him back again; Hist. Iste mente cru­delis avarus­que cum pro­fusione. and when all that were by praised him for his Clemency, he commanded the said party to be killed before his face, Aurel. Vict. saying withall, Velle se pascere oculos, Audita est saevissima V [...] ­tellii vox, quâ se pavisse ocu­los spectata inimici morte jactavit. that he would feed his eyes with seeing his death. Tacit. Hist. l. 3. At the execu­tion of another he caused two of his Sonnes to bear him company, because they pre­sumed to intreat for their Fathers sake.

A Gentleman of Rome being haled away to take his death, he cryed aloud unto him, Sir, I have made you my heire; then he compelled him to bring forth his wri­ting. Tables concerning his last Will, Sueton. and [Page 94] so soon as he read therein, that a freed man of the Testators was nominated fellow-heir with him, he commanded both Master and Man to be killed.

He was suspected also to have consented to his own Mothers death.

Impar curis gravioribus, saith Tacitus of him, he was unmeet to weild weighty af­faires.

The Empire was conferred upon him by those which knew him not, and yet never man found so constant good will of his Souldiers by vertuous meanes, as he did with all his cowardly sloth.

Tanta torpedo invaserat animum, Tacit. l. 3. Hist. ut si Prin­cipem eum fuisse caeteri non meminissent, ipse oblivisceretur.

So great a sencelesnesse did possesse his mind, that if other men had not remem­bred that he had been a Prince, (and there­fore was not to look for security in a pri­vate estate) he himself would quickly have forgotten it.

A contumelia quàm à laude propius fuerit, Tacit. l▪ 2. Hist. pos [...] Vitellium eligi.

It was more a disgrace then a praise to be chosen after Vitellius.

He used no other defences against the ruine which approched him, but onely to keep out the memory and report of it with fortification of mirth and sottishnesse, that so he might be delivered from the paines of preserving himself. Praeterita, instantia, fu­tura, pari oblivione dimiserat, mirum apud ip­sum [Page 95] de bello silentium, prohibiti per civitatem sermones, &c. Tacit. Hist. lib. 3.

Ita formatae Principis aures, Tacit. l. 3. Hist. ut aspera quae utilia, nec quidquam nisi jucundum & laesurum acciperet.

The Princes eares were so framed, that he accounted all sharp that was wholsome, and liked of nothing but that which was presently pleasant, and afterwards hurtfull.

Amicitias dum magnitudine munerum, Tacit. l. 3. Hist. non constantiá morum continere putat, meruit magis quàm habuit.

He deserved rather then found faithfull friends, because he sought them more by great gifts then vertuous behaviour.

At the last he was slain in an ignominious manner, having many scornfull indignities offered unto him both in deed and word; Suetonius. they drew his head backward by the bush of the hair (as condemned Malefactors are wont to be served) and a swords point was set under his chin, He was kil­led by Ve­spasians souldiers upon the staires Gemoniae, where hee suffered Vespasians brother to be slain. to the end he might shew his face, and not hold it down while some pelted him with dung and dirty mire; others called him with open mouth, Incendiary or Firebrand, because hee burnt the Capitol; and Patmarium or Plat­ter-Knight, for his Gormandizing, and great Platter; and some of the common sort twitted him with the deformities of his body: being all mangled with many small strokes, he was killed in the end. Nume­rosis ictibus confossus interiit.

He was slain Aurel. Vict. in the 57. year of his age, Tacitus. Suetonius. Eutrop. [Page 96] when he had reigned eight moneths and five dayes, say l. 5. of the wars of the [...]ewes, c. 13. Josephus, and Chron. Eusebius; eight moneths and ten dayes saith Lib. adver­sus Iudaeos. Tertul­lian. Hist. 2. 27. Ipse abunde ratus si prae­sentibus frue­retur, nec in longum con­sultans, novies mille sester­tium paucissi­mis mensibus intervertisse creditur. Tacitus reporteth, that in those few moneths wherein he reigned, he had wasted nine hundred millions of Sesterces, which amounteth to seven Millions, thirty one thousand two hundred and fifty pounds sterling; and Josephus Octo menses ac dies quinque potitus Imperio, jugulatur in m [...] ­dia Vrbe; quem si vivere diutius contigisset, ejus Luxuriae satis esse Imperum non potuisset. Joseph. de Bello Iudaies. thinketh if he had lived longer, the whole Revenues of the Empire had not been sufficient to have maintained his Gluttony.

Choyce Observations OF FLAVIUS VESPASIANUS.

PRinceps obscurè quidem natus, Eutropius. sed op­timis comparandus, privatâ vitâ illu­stris.

He was of a middle stature, well set, his limbes compact and strongly made, vultu veluti nitentis, Suetonius. he looked still as if he strained hard for a stool, That saying of Martial agreeth with this. Nam faciem duram Phaeb [...] cacantis ha­bes. whereupon a Buf­fon brake a pretty jest on him; for when Vespasian seemed to request him to say something of him as well as of others in the company, Dicam, inquit, cum ventrem exonerare desieris. Vir multorum salium. Lo­dovic. Viv. I will let you alone, saith he, till you have done your businesse.

He was very pleasant and facetious him­self; for being advertised by Florus to pro­nounce A word in Lat. that signifies Carts or Waines. Plaustra rather than plostra, he saluted him the next morning by the name of Flaurus.

When the apparition of a Comet or blazing starre was thought to portend his death, Convitiorum plaustr [...]. he replyed merrily, that the bushy Stella crinita, Sueton. noted not him but the Parthian King, Aurel. Vict. Ipse enim comatus est, ego vero calvus, for, he weareth bushy lockes, but I am bald. System. Phys. l. 6. But he dyed a little while af­ter, and by his example (saith Keckerman) [Page 98] warned men to forbear jesting at Gods great workes and Prodigies.

An Oxe having cast off his yoke, A presigni­fication of his advan­cement. Being ele­cted Empe­rour, it is reported of him, that he cured one desperately blind by spitting up­on his eyes. ran fu­riously into the room where he sate at Sup­per, where affrighting his Attendants from him, he straight prostrates himself before his feet, as if he had been weary, offering his neck to his clemency, Suetonius.

When he came to the Empire, the Ex­chequer was so impoverished, that he prote­sted in open Senate, that he wanted to set­tle the Common-wealth 40. Millions of Se­stertiums; Tacit. Hist. l. 4. which protestation (saith Sueton.) seemed probable, Suetonius. Quia & male partis optim­usus est.

He fought 30. Battels in Britain, took 20. Townes, and adjoyned the Isle of Wight to the obedience of the Roman Em­pire.

When a certain gallant youth smelling hot of sweet balmes and perfumes, came un­to him to give thanks for an office obtained at his hands, after a strange countenance shewing his dislike of him, he gave him al­so in words a most bitter check, Maluissem allium obo­luisses. saying, I would rather thou hadst stunk of Garlicke, and so revoked his Letters Patents for the grant. Suetonius.

He never carried in his mind, nor reven­ged displeasures done unto him. He mar­ried the daughter of Vitellius his enemy into a most noble house, gave unto her a rich Dowry withall, and furniture accordingly.

He was made Totus ex clementia (as the [Page 99] Historian tels us) yet for all that, Suetonius. Machina­tiones nefariorum assiduas expertus est, Pladicissimae bonitatis. He found daily treacheries attempted against him. Eutropius.

Iustis etiam suppliciis illachrymavit & inge­muit. Sueton.

He was so compassionate a Prince, that he was wont to sigh and weep, even for them that were condignly punished.

An innocent person was not punished but when he was absent, Eutropius. & not aware there­of, or at leastwise unwilling thereto, and deceived.

But he was severe towards Julius Sab inus, who in times past said he was Caesar; and ta­king up armes, was at last conquered and brought to Rome. His wife spake to Vespa­sian in his behalf, pleading that he had two sons of her; and supplicating to him for mercy to her husband and her self, used these words, Ego, [...] Caesar, hos in monument [...] peperi aluique, ut plures tibi supplices esse [...]nus: By which speech, although she drew teares from him and those that were present, yet she could not procure her Husbands par­don. Dion.

The Souldiers elected him Emperour, and requested him to preserve the Empire being in great danger to be lost. Yet he (though he had been alwaies carefull for the good of the Common-wealth) refused to be Emperour, Iosephus, l. 5. of the wars of the Jews, c. 10. deeming himself indeed to have deserved it, but rather chusing to live a pri­vate life, wherein was security, then in the [Page 100] height of fortune and honour with perpe­tuall danger. The Captains were most ear­nest because he refused it, and the Soul­diers flocked about him with drawn swords, threatning his death except he would con­sent to live as he deserved; yet he strove a long time to avert their determination, being loth to be Emperour; at last seeing he could not avoid it, he accepted their offer.

He comforted his Souldiers with these and such like speeches, Iosephus, l. 4. of the wars of the Jews, c. 1. I will expose my self to all dangers with you, and go first to fight, and come last from fight.

Ipse Vespasianus milites adire, Tacitus l. 2. Hist. hortari, bo [...]os laude, segnes exemplo incitare saepiùs quam coercere; vitia magis amicorum quam virtutes dissimulans.

He would go in his own person, and en­courage the Souldiers, inciting the good by praise, the slow by example rather then correction; he was more ready to conceal the Vices of his friends, then the vertues.

It was a worthy report which Pliny gave of him, if he flattered him not, to whom being Emperour he wrote thus; Nec quic­quam in te mutavit fortunae amplitudo, nisi [...] ­prodesse tantundem posses & velles. Great­nesse and Majesty have changed nothing it you but this, that your power to do good should be answerable to your will.

Solus omnium ante se Principum, Tacit. l. 1. Hist. in meliu [...] mutatus est.

The onely Prince before his time which [Page 101] changed to the better, for after him Titus his Son changed also the same way.

A vigilant Warriour, and in all respects, set avarice aside, comparable to the Com­manders of ancient times, saith Tacitus.

Sola est in qua meritò culpetur, Sueton. pecuniae cupi­ditas. Homo turpi­ter avidus.

The onely thing for which he might worthily be blamed was covetousnesse. Eras. Adag.

Prorsus si avaritia abesset, antiquis ducibus par. Tacitus.

He not onely called for arrerages due in Galba's time, but raised new Tributes, and laid upon the Provinces more grievous im­positions, doubling them in some places.

Negotiationes vel privato pudendas propalam exercuit. Suetonius.

He did negotiate and deale in certain Trades, which it was a shame for a private person to use: buying up and engrossing some Commodities at a cheap hand, that afterward he might vent them at higher rates. Neither did he spare to sell Honours to such as sued for them, or absolutions to such as were accused, whether they pro­ved guilty or not. Suetonius. He was thought of set purpose to have made choyce of the most greedy proling Officers he could any where find out, and to have advanced them to the highest places, that being thereby grown rich, he might condemn their persons, and confiscate their goods. And it was com­monly said, Not unlike to this was that speech of Diogenes, Dixit Diony. that he used these men as spunges, Quòd quasi & siccos madefaceret, [Page 102] & exprimeret humentes; s [...]um amicis uti pro vascu­lis, quae dum plena sunt e­vacuat, & a­biicit vacua. because he did wet them well when they were dry, and presse them hard when they were wet.

Some write that he was by nature most covetous, and an old neatherd upbraided him once therewith, who being at his hands denied freedom without paying for it (which he humbly craved of him now in­vested in the Empire) cried out with a loud voyce, Suetonius. Vulpem pilum mutare non mores, Quicquid in­fixum & in­genitum est, leniri potest arte, non vinci. that the Foxe might change his hair but not his qualities.

He laid an imposition upon urine, and being by his Son Titus put in mind of the basenesse of it, Seneca. he took a piece of money received for the use, and putting it to his Sons nose, Sueton. demanded of him whether he was offended with the smell or no, Atqui (inquit) è lotio est, and yet (quoth he) it commeth of urine: Sat. 14. Vnde Juvenalis,

There are some of a contrary opinion, Aurel. Vict. that he was driven to spoyl, to pill and poll of necessity, even for extreme want, both in the common Treasury, and also in his own Exchequer, whereof he gave some te­stimony in the beginning of his Empire, professing (as was said before) that there was need of forty Millions to set the state upright again; which opinion (saith Suetonius) seemes to sound more near unto [Page 103] the truth, because the mony by him ill got­ten he used and bestowed very well, for he was most liberall to all sorts of men.

Restitutionem Capitolii aggressus, ruderibus purgandis manus primus admovit, ac suo collo quaedam extulit, Suetonius.

In the third building of the Capitol, Ve­spasian carried the first basket of earth, after him the Nobility did the like, to make the people more forward in the service; and perhaps the custome of laying the first stone in a building, hath from hence, if not be­ginning, yet growth. Sueton.

It was his speech, Aurel. Vict. Oportet Imperatorem stantem mori, Oportet Epis­copum con­cionantem mori. An Emperour ought to dye standing. Iewel. And likewise he said at his death, Vt puto Deus fio, id est, morior; nam post mor­tem Caesares referebantur in numerum deorum. Me thinkes (quoth he) I am a deifying, and growing to be a god. Aurel. Vict.

Annum agens vitae abs (que) uno septuagesimum interiit. Sueton.

He lived threescore and 9. yeares, 7. moneths, and 7. daies over.

He reigned 2. yeares, saith Eusebius.

Choyce Observations OF TITUS VESPASIANUS.

FOR his Naturall goodnesse and noble disposition, he was called Amor & deliciae humani generis, Speed saith as much of Henry the fifth, whom he compa­reth to Ti­tus. Edgar Etheling, Englands darling. The lovely darling, and delightfull joy of Mankind. Tantum illi ad promerendam omnium voluntatem, vel ingenii, vel artis, vel for­tunae superfuit. Sueton.

So fully was he either indued with good nature and disposition, or enriched with skill and cunning, or else graced with for­tunes favour.

Augustin De Civit. Dei. lib. 5. cap. 21. calls him Suavissimum Principem, a most sweet Prince.

Yet God made him a terrible scourge to the Nation of the Jewes, who forsook the Lord Jesus, and preferred Caesar; for as our Saviour prophesied concerning Jerusa­lem, that a stone should not be left upon a stone, Matth. 24. 2. So it was fulfilled forty yeares after his Ascention, by Vespasian the Emperour, and his Son Titus, say Eusebius and Josephus. And by that which followeth in the same Ch. 21. v. he meaneth the tribu­lation the Jewes were to endure at the siege, Dr. SclO [...]. and surprisall of Jerusalem by Vespasian [Page 105] and Titus. In the time of which siege the Jewes were oppressed with a grievous Fami­ne, Mr. Perkins. in which their food was old shooes, old leather, old hay, and the dung of beasts. There dyed partly of the sword, Vespasian brake into their City at Cedron, where they took Christ, on the same feast day that Christ was taken, he whipped them where they whip­ped Christ, he sold twenty Jewes for a penny, as they sold Christ for thirty pence. Andr. Cat. and partly of the famine, eleven hundred thousand of the poorer sort: two thousand in one night were imbowelled: six thousand were burned in a Porch of the Temple. The whole City was sacked and burnt, and laid levell to the ground; and ninety seven thousand taken captives, and applyed to base and miserable service.

So many of the Jewes were crucifyed, that (by relation of their own Josephus de bello Iudaico lib. 6. c. 12.) there remained no more space to set crosses in, nor any more crosses to crucify bodies upon.

At the very first, even in his child-hood there shone forth in him gifts both of body and mind, and the same more and more still by degrees, as he grew in yeares.

He was therefore sickly, Lampri­dius. because his Nurse was so.

Ingenium quantaecunque fortunae capax, Tacitus, l. 2. Hist. decor oris cum quadam Majestate.

A person capable of any dignity, Formâ egre­giâ, & cui non minus auctoritatis inesset quam gratiae. were it never so great; of a goodly presence and countenance, wherein was seated no lesse Majesty then favour and beauty.

His stature was not tall, Sueton. and his belly [Page 106] bare out somewhat with the most. Facundissi­mus, bellico­sissimus, mo­deratissimus. He had a singular memory, and was very docible; he was most skilfull in handling his weapon, and withall a passing good Horseman. Eutropius. He was facilis ad extemporalitatem usque. Sueton. He was of a prompt and ready wit, and would have spoken well ex tempore; He was also skilfull in Musick; he could write with cyphers, and by artificial characters, both very fast and very fair, striving by way of sport and mirth with his own Clerkes, whether he or they could write fastest: He was able to ex­presse and imitate what hand soever he had seen, Sueton. and would often say, that he could have been a notable forger, and counter­feiter of writings.

Whiles he was a private person, he beha­ved himself not altogether so well as when he was Emperour.

His youthful affections were setled some­what upon Berenice the Queen of Iewry; Berenice. notwithstanding in no such degree that it was any hinderance to his honourable acti­ons. Dion. & Josephus.

The Feasts which he made were pleasant merriments rather then lavish and sump­tuous. Sueton.

No grosse vice could be found in him, Convivia in­stituit jucunda magis quam profusa. but many excellent vertues. Suetonius.

Neminem a se dimisit tristem.

He never dismissed any Petitioner with a tear in his eye, or a heavy heart; and when his Domesticall servants about his Person [Page 107] would seem to tell him, that he promised more then he was able to perform; Sueton. his say­ing was, Hadrianus Caesar said, It was trou­blesome to him if he saw any sad. Non oportet quenquam à sermone Principis tristem discedere. No man ought to depart from the speech of a Prince, sad and discontented.

Calling to mind one time as he sate at Supper, Aurel. Vict. that he had done nothing for any man that day, Sueton. he uttered this memorable and praise-worthy Apothegme, Eutropius. Amici, Or rather it must be read (saith Casaub.) diem perdidi. My Friends, I have lost a day.

If he had not bestowed some benefit up­on one or other, Amici, hodie diem perdidi. he was wont to say (saith Mollerus) Hodie non imperavi quia nemini benefeci.

His rule and Government was mercifull, he received no accusation against those who were reported to have spoken evil of him, saying, Ego cum nihil faciam dignum propter quod contumeliá afficiar, mendacia nihil curo. When I shall do nothing worthy of blame, I care not for lyes.

He said, Periturum se potius quam perditurum adjurans. Sueton. he would rather dye himself then put others to death. He proceeded no further against two Noblemen convicted for affecting and aspiring to the Empire, then to admonish them to desist and give over, Suetonius. saying, Eutropius. that Sovereigne Power was the gift of Destiny and Divine Providence; Aurel. Vict. if they were Petitioners for any thing else, he promised to give it unto them.

He would not endure to kill, or seque­ster and confine his Brother Domitian (though he never ceased to lay wait for his [Page 108] life) but still made him partner with him in his Sovereigne Government, Aurel. Vict. Suetonius. and often with teares exhorted him to mutual love.

There fell out in his dayes some heavy accidents; a fire in the City of Rome, which lasted three dayes and three nights; Tacitus. Sueton. Aurel. Vict. and a grievous Pestilence, wherein there dyed ten thousand a day: and Vesuvius a moun­tain in Campania flamed with great hor­rour; Pliny the naturall Historian then Admiral of the Roman Navie, desirous to discover the reason, was suffocated with the smoke thereof, as his Nephew witnesseth in an Epistle of his to Cornelius Tacitus. Plinie. l. 6. Mar­cellinus observeth, Epist. 16. that the ashes thereof transported in the Aire, obscured all Eu­rope; others say, that they darkned the Sun.

He was a valiant Souldier; going once to espy the enemy, Ioseph. l. 6. c. 2. and not to fight, not­withstanding that an infinite number of darts and arrowes were shot at him, Of the wars of the Jewes. From his wonderfull escape at the view of the walls of Jerusalem, Iosephus col­lects. and he had no Armour at all, yet received he not one wound, but all past him, as though upon purpose every one had strove to have mist him. And he with his sword made way and cut many upon the face that opposed themselves against him, Imperatorum pericula De­um curare; That God takes care of Princes in their danger. Ibid. and so they fal­ling down, he with his horse past over them. The Jewes seeing Titus his valour▪ exhorted one another to set upon him, but whithersoever he turned, the Jewes fled and would not abide by it.

In the last assault of Ierusalem, he slew [Page 109] twelve enemies that defended the wall, with just so many arrowes shot, Suetonius. and won the Ci­ty with great joy, Eutropius. and favourable applause of all his Souldiers.

He being to see that executed which Christ foretold should happen to Ieru­salem, Iosephus de Bell. Iud. l. 6. c. 14. & 7. 10. stretched forth his hands, and cal­led Heaven and Earth to witnesse in great bitternesse, that he was not to blame that the Jewes perished in such sort, but they themselves; and would not by any meanes that fire should be set on the Temple. Com­paring the desolation of Jerusalem with the beauty and goodly buildings that were be­fore it was destroyed, L. 7. of the wars of the Jewes. c. 24. he lamented and pi­tied the overthrow thereof, saith Iosephus.

It is likely that he would have carried a milder hand upon the Iewes his Prisoners, after his sacking the City of Ierusalem, then to cast so many thousands of them to the Lions, Illud adagium Festina lentè, arridebat duobus Impe­ratoribus Ro­manis, omni­um facilè lau­datissimis, Augusto & Tito; quorum utrique singu­laris quaedam aderat animi magnitudo, cum incredi­bili quadam lenitate faci­litate (que) con­juncta. Eras. in Adag. and other beasts to be devoured, as he did on the Birth-day of his Brother Domitian, but that the heavy curse of God which boyled against that Nation, did urge his gentle and calm nature to bring them to destruction.

He did stamp in his Coin a Dolphin and an Anchor, with this Impresse, Sat cito si sat bene. A Dolphin out-strips the ship, that's soon enough; an anchor stayeth the ship, that's well enough. A Dolphin and An­chor, Soon enough if well enough.

It was said of him, Abstinuit alieno, ut si quis unquam. If ever any man abstained from [Page 110] that which was not his own, he was the man.

Though he was the Mirrour of men a­mong the Heathen, yet he was loth to de­part out of this world; for being carried in his Horse-litter, Suetonius. Multum con­questus, eripi sibi vitam immerenti, neque enim extare ullum suum factum poenitendum, excepto dun­taxat uno. Whether his over fa­miliar ac­quaintance with his Brothers wife Domi­tia, as Sueton. or with the Queen Be­renice, as Speed, is uncertain. and knowing that he must dye, he looked upwards towards Heaven, and complained very pitiously, that his life should be taken from him who had not de­served to dye, for he knew not (he said) of any sin that ever he cōmitted but only one.

Suetonius writes as if he had dyed of a na­tural death, but Aurel. Vict. saith, he was poy­soned by his Brother Domitian. Titus à Domi­tiano leporis marini vi peremptus. Cael. Rhod. Lect. Antiq. l. 6. cap. 30.

Morte praeventus est, majore hominum damno quam suo.

He was cut short and prevented by death, to the greater losse of Mankind then of himself, saith Suetonius.

The Senate gave him more thankes being dead, Senatus tan­tas mortuo gratias egit, laudes (que) con­gesset, quantas ne vivo qui­dem unquam atque prae­senti. Suetonius. Aurelius. Eutropius. He lived 39 yeares, five moneths, 25. dayes, saith Carion. then ever they did living and present.

His death was much lamented, so that they call'd him generally, Delicias publicas; and wept for him as if the world had been de­prived of a perpetuall Protectour. Tantus luctus eo mortuo publicus fuit, ut omnes tanquam in propria doluerint orbitate.

He dyed in the 42. year of his age, saith Suetonius. 41. say Aurel. Vict. and Eutropius.

When he had reigned two yeares, two moneths, and twenty dayes, say Suetonius, Aurel. Vict. Carion; eight moneths, saith Eutropius.

Choyce Observations OF FLAVIVS DOMITIANVS.

HE was called Domitian from his Mo­ther Domitilla, Titus cogno­mine paterno dictus Vespa­sianus, alter frater cogno­mine mater­no à Domi­til [...]a Domi­tianus est ap­pellatus. Casau. as Titus (his Bro­ther) was called Vespasian from his Father.

He was Associate to his Brother Titus in government during his life, and after his death was his Successour.

Perceiving many of his Predecessours to be hated, he asked one, how he might so rule as not to be hated? the Party answered, Tu fac contra, Do thou contrary to that they have done.

Yet he neither resembled his Father Ve­spasian nor his Brother Titus. Eutropius. Neroni, aut Caligulae, aut Tiberio similior, quam Patri vel Fratri suo.

He was tall of stature, his countenance modest, and given much to rednesse; his eyes full and great, but his sight very dim. He was fair and of comely presence, especi­ally in his youth; all his body was well sha­ped throughout, excepting his feet, the toes whereof were of the shortest; after­wards he became disfigured, and blemished with baldnesse, with a fat grand panch, and slender shankes.

[Page 112] In the beginning of his Empire his man­ner was to retire himself daily into a secret place for one houre, Stylis [...]ridicu­llè remotis omnibus, mus­carum agmi­na perseque­batur. Aurel. Vict. Hippocrates reckons up this for one signe of Melancho­ly, when men catch flyes; Muscas cap­tar [...] atrae bi­li [...] indicium. Sueton. and there to do no­thing else but to catch flyes, and with the sharp point of a bodkin prick thē through, in so much as when one enquired whether any body were with Caesar within? Crispus made answer not impertinently, Ne Musca quidem, No, not so much as a Flye.

In the Administration of the Empire, he behaved himself for a good while variable, as one made of an equall mixture and tem­per of Vices and Vertues, untill at length he turned his vertues also into vices.

He neglected all Liberall Studies in the beginning of his Empire, albeit he took or­der to repaire the Libraries consumed with fire, sending as far as At Alex­andria in E­gypt was that famous Library of King Ptolomeus Philadelphus, and the other Ptolomies Progeni­tors, containing the number well near of 700000. Bookes, Aul. Gel. Noct. A [...]tic. l. 7. c. 1. Alexandria for copies of Books.

His ordinary speech was not unelegant, Vellem tam formosus esse quàm Meti­us sibi vide­tur. sometimes he would deliver Apothegmes; as for example, he wished, That he had been as fair and well-favoured as Metius did think himself to be; another time he said, Conditionem Principum miserrimam aiebat, quibus de conjuratio­ne comperta non credere­tur, nisi occi­sis. Sueton. That the condition of Princes was most miserable, who could not be credited touching a Conspiracy plainly detected, unlesse they were first slain.

This speech was used also by Adrian, Mi­ser a conditio Imperatorum, quibus, de affectata tyrannide, nisi occisis non potest credi. Vulcat. Gallic. in Avidio Cassio.

[Page 113] He had no affection to bear Armes, Sagittorum tam doctus fuit, ut inter patentes digi­tos exte [...]ae manus viri procul positi spiculi ejus transvolarent. Aurel. Vict. Suetonius. Simile quid audivi à fide dignis & [...] fa­ctum de duc [...] Brundewi­zensi, qui suis pedisse­quis ac pueris h [...]norariis imperavit, inter digitorum extensorum intervalla retinerent dilerum Imperialem, quem sumpto sel [...]po minore, è patenti [...]us digitis globulo innoxiè exemit. Paulus Voetius in Herodiani Marcum & Commodum. p. 178. & 179. or wield weapons, but delighted especially to shoot Arrowes. He would drive his Ar­rowes point blank, so just against the Palm of a mans right hand, standing a far off, and holding it forth stretched open for a mark, as they should all directly passe through the voyd spaces between the fingers, and do him no harm at all.

During his abode at Alba, many have seen him shoot at an hundred wild beasts at a time, and purposely so to hit some of them in the head, that his shafts appeared there like a pair of hornes.

It was rumoured abroad, that in his In­fancy, Dragons were found about him, in manner of a Guard, Tacitus l. 11. Annal. which is but a Fable; for he himself, who never derogated from himself, was wont to report but of one Serpent which was seen in his Chamber.

When he was mounted once to the Im­periall state, Suetonius. he made his boast in the very Senate, that it was he who had given unto his Father and Brother both the Empire, and they had but delivered it up to him a­gain.

Martial writeth thus to him in his Epi­grams.

He was precise and industrious in mini­string Justice, he reversed many times de­finitive sentences given for favour, and ob­tained by flattery; he did so chastise those that were faulty in that kind, that the Of­ficers were never more temperate, or just in their places.

He repressed false informations, and sharply punished such informers, using this saying, Princeps qui delatores non castigat, ir­ritat. The Prince that chasteneth not Pro­moters, setteth them on to promote.

At the first he so abhorred all Blood­shed and slaughter, that he purposed to publish an Edict, forbidding to kill and sacrifice any Oxe; and he scarce gave the least suspicion of Covetousnesse. But he continued not long in this strain, but fell after both to Cruelty and Avarice.

He was not only cruell, but very subtil and crafty in cloking of his cruelty.

Nunquam tristiorem sententiam sine praefatio­ne clementiae pronunciavit, Suetonius. ut non aliud jam certius atrocis exitus signum esset, quam Princi­pis lenitas. He never pronounced any heavy and bloody Sentence without some pream­ble and preface of clemency, so that there was not now a surer signe of some horrible end and conclusion, then a mild begin­ning and gentle Exordium.

It is reported of him, that, Eum se im­pensissimè diligere simulabat, quem maximè in­teremptum [Page 115] vellet. He would seem to love them most, whom he willed least should live.

It was sufficient, if any deed or word whatsoever was objected against any one, to make it high Treason against the Prince. Suetoniu [...]. Primus Do­mitianus Do­minum se & Deum appel­lari jussit. Eusebius in Chronicis. Sueton. Eutropius. Aurel. Vict. Virgil called Augustus God, D [...]us nobis haec otia fecit. Vnde institu­tum post [...]ac, ut ne scripto quidem nec sermone cu­jusquam ap­pellaretur aliter. Suetonius. Inheritances (though they belonged to the greatest strangers) were held confiscate, and adjudged to the Emperours Coffers, in case but one would come forth, and de­pose that he heard the party deceased say whiles he lived, that Caesar was his heir.

He was the first Emperour who comman­ded himself to be called Lord, and God. He sent out his writs in this form, Dominus & Deus noster sic fieri jubet, Our Lord and God thus commandeth. Whereupon after­ward this order was taken up, that neither in the writing or speech of any man, he should be otherwise called.

A true forerunner of his successour the Pope, who in the Extravagants (and well it deserves to be put there) is styled Dominus Deus noster Papa, An Oracle signifieth the answer of God. Rom. 3. 2. Euseb. Eccles. Hist. l. 3. c. 15. Portio Nero­nis de crude­litate. for his cru­elty a piece of Nero. Tertul. He was reprochfully called by the people bald Nero, because he was like him in cruelty, but bald. Et calvo serviret Roma Neroni. Juvenal. and his Decrees are styled Oracles.

The second persecution was under him in the twelfth year of his reigne; he most cruelly persecuted the Christians, because they would not give the Title of Lord to any but Christ, nor worship any but God. In this second great persecution, the beloved Disciple of Christ, the Evangelist [Page 116] Iohn, when he taught the Church of Ephe­sus, was banished to the Isle of Patmos for the Word of God, where he wrote the Re­velation.

Cletus, Nicomedes, Pontia, Theodora, Domi­cilla, were then famous Martyrs.

There were many learned Schollars in his time; Iuvenal, Martial, Valerius Flaccus, Silius Italicus, Poets: Epictetus the Philosopher, and Apollonius Tyanaeus a famous Magician: Corne­lius Tacitus the Historian, Iulius Solinus, Quintilian, Iosephus the writer of Iewish An­tiquities.

He was proud like Nero, and persecuted innocent Christians as he did.

Tertullian called him Neronis portionem, Eusebius haeredem, In vita Agri­colae. Nero tantum subtraxit ocu­los, jussitque scelera, non spectavit. Praecipua sub Domitiano miseriarum pars erat, vi­dere & aspici. the one a part, the other the heir of Nero: and Tacitus puts onely this difference between them, that Nero in­deed commanded cruell Murthers, but Domitian not onely commanded them, but beheld them himself; and so he was Bis Parricida (as Valerius L. 9. c. 11. Valde solici­tus, quod sci­ret ultimum vitae diem, saith Sueto­nius He was much tor­tured in mind, be­cause he foreknew his end. Sueton. Maximus saith of another) Consilio prius, iterum spectaculo.

He caused the line of David to be diligent­ly sought out and extinguisht, for fear lest he were yet to come of the house of David, which should enjoy the Kingdom.

He was so fearfull, that he walked almost continually in his Gallery, which he cau­sed to be set with the stone Phengites, that by the brightnesse thereof as in a glasse, (Plin. l. 36. c. 22) he might see what was done behind him.

[Page 117] That is admirable which writers have re­lated concerning Apollonius Tyanaeus, a Pytha­gorick Philosopher and famous Magician, who suddenly as amazed, cried out at Ephesus the same time, O Stephen, strike the Tyrant; and a little after, he said, It is well thou hast strucke him, thou hast wounded him, thou hast killed him.

As his life was like unto the life of Nero, so was he not unlike him in his death; for his own wife Domitia, Suetonius. Aurel. Vict. Carion. and friends conspired against him, and slew him; his body was carried to the grave by Porters, and buried without honour; the Senate of Rome also decreed, that his name should be rased, that all his Acts should be rescinded, and his memoriall abolished quite for ever.

He perished in the 45. year of his life, Aurel. Vict. & Eutropius. Carion, Chron. a­bout the 15. of his reigne.

With whom both Tacitus and Suetonius end their History.

Choyce Observations OF COCCEIVS NERVA.

DOmitian thus made away, Coccejus Nerva a prudent, He was 76. yeares old when he was Empe­rour. Carion. honourable, and aged person was elected Em­perour by the Senate; his birth was noble, and of Italy, in the City Nar­nia, and of the Province Vmbria, ruling so well, as he may be esteemed too good a Prince long to continue in so bad an age; who reformed many enormities, and re­mitted many grievous tributes and exacti­ons; also he recalled from banishment the Christians severally dispersed, and suffe­red them to enjoy the freedom of their pro­fession, Suidas. Nicephorus. at which time Iohn the Evangelist returned from Pathmos (wherein he had been confined) unto Ephesus, a City in Asia the lesse, where after his return he li­ved 4. years. The excellent temper of his Government is by a glance in Cornelius Taci­tus touched to the life, In vita A­gricolae. Postquam divus Nerva resolim insociabiles miscuisset, imperium & li­bertatem. Dion writeth of him, that he was so good a Prince, that he once uttered this speech, Nihil se fecisse quo minus possit deposito imperio privatus tutò vivere, He remembreth not to have done any thing why he should not live securely, and without fear of any [Page 124] body, although he gave over the Empire. His symbole was, Mens bona regnum possidet. He discharged the City of the new imposi­tions which Vespasian and Domitian had laid upon them, and commanded that goods unjustly taken should be restored to the owners.

He was very eloquent, and a good Poet, as Martial testifies of him,

See Martial's Epigramme of him, lib. 11. epig. 6.

Herodes Atticus found a great treasure in his house, but fearing calumnies, he wrote to Nerva, and discovered it. He wrote back again, Vtere, use it. But he being not so se­cure, wrote again, At enim thesaurus privati hominis conditionem superat, but the treasure exceedes the condition of a private man: Nerva again nobly replied, Ergo abutere. Lips. in Plin. Paneg.

On a reverse of Nerva is found a team of horses let loose, with this inscription, Ve­hiculatione per Italiam remissa; whereby we learn (which no Historian remembers) that the Roman Emperours commanded all the carriages of the countrey; that Nerva re­mitted that burden; and that the grievance was so heavy, that coines were stamped in remembrance of this Emperours goodnesse that eased them of it. See the coines in L. Hulsius, and Speed's Chronicle.

Sextus Aurel. Victor writeth thus; Quid Ner­va prudentius aut moderatius? quid Trajano [Page 125] divinius? Quid praestantius Hadriano.

Having reigned onely one year, four moneths, and nine dayes, de dyed of a passionate anger conceived against a Senatour, Dion Cassius. in the year of Christ his In­carnation ninety nine, the twenty seventh day of Ianuary, and seventy sixth of his own age.

Choyce Observations OF ULPIVS TRAJANVS.

UNto Nerva succeeded Vlpius Tra­janus into the Roman Empire, Speed Chro. Trajanus Tudernino Hispaniae oppido oriun­dus est, in quo nihil praeter unum Traja­num est quod commende­mus. Opes nec exiguae, nec supra priva­tum modum evectae. Cor­pore valido, & formâ quae digna imperio vi­debatur, erat. Boxhorn. orat. de vitae & moribus Trajani. in the 42. year of his age, who was born near unto Sevil in the Territories of Spain, of a Noble Family, but was much more ennobled in himself for his Princely endowments; which mo­ved Nerva in his life time to adopt him in­to so high a Calling, and the whole Senate after his death joyfully to confirm his Ele­ction, and so often to honour him with the title of the most Excellent Prince in publik Dedications. He raised the Roman Em­pire unto the very highest pitch of glory, and spread the power of their command in­to the largest circuit that ever before or since hath been possessed.

He subdued Dacia, made subject Armenia, Parthia, Caput non diadema sed gales orn [...] ­bat: & qua manu scep­trum domi, eadem gladi­um bello te­nebat. Boxhorn. and Mesopotamia, conquered As­syria, Persia, and Babylon; passed Tigris, and stretched the confines of the Roman Em­pire unto the remotest Dominions of the Indies, which never before that time had heard of the Roman name. For his Per­son, he was not very learned, yet he was a great admirer of, and Benefactor to Lear­ning; a Founder of Famous Libraries, a [Page 127] perpetuall advancer of Learned men to Of­fice, Eruditissimos, quamvis ipse parcae esset scientiae, moderateque eloquens, dilige­bat. Aurel. Vict. Plutarch was his Master.and a familiar Converser with learned Professors. Praesens ade­rat non spe­ctator tan­tum, sed & inter primos bellatorum; ut virtuti consiliisque ejus omnia deberentur. Quem honorem dicendi Magistris? quam dignationem sapientiae doctoribus habes? ut sub te spiritum, & sanguinem, & patriam re­ceperint studia, quae priorum temporum immani­tas exiliis puniebat. Plin. Secund. Paneg.

Of stature he was big, of complexion swarthy, thin of hair both head and beard, he had a hooked nose, broad shoulders, long hands, and a pleasant eye.

He stirred up the third Persecution, wherein Ignatius, and Simon the Son of Cleo­phas, and many other worthy Saints of God received the Crown of Martyrdom in such cruell manner, as that his other vertues are much clouded by that Taxation; Eusebius. Eccles. Hist. l. 3. c. 30. for mol­lification whereof, he was intreated by Pli­nius secundus, whose Epistles to that purpose are yet extant, viz. the 97. of his tenth Book, where he hath this passage to Trajan concerning them; Affirmabant hanc fuisse summam vel culpae suae vel erroris, quòd essent soliti stato die ante lucem convenire, carmenque Christo quasi Deo dicere secum invicem; seque Sacramento non in scelus aliquid obstringere, sed ne furta, ne latrocinia, ne adulteria committerent, ne fidem fallerent, ne depositum appellati abne­garent, &c. to which Letter Trajan thus replyeth, Conquirendi nnon sunt; si deferantur & arguantur, puniendi sunt.

[Page 128] Whereupon Tertullian in his Apology hath this passage, Nemo suppli­ci vultu, sed sati & ala­ [...]res non tam principem quam patrem agnoscebant. Boxho [...]rn. Orat. O Sententiam necessitate confusam! negat inquirendos innocentes, & mandat puniendos ut nocentes; parcit & saevit, dissimulat & animadvertit. Quid teip sum cen­sur â circumvenis? Si damnas, cur non, & inqui­ris? si non inquiris, cur non & absolvis?

He was affable and familiar even with his inferiours; of such carriage toward his subjects, as he himself would wish (he said) his Prince to use towards him, if he had been a subject. Aequus, clemens, patientissi­mus, atque in amicos perfidelis, saith Aurelius Victor of him. Accipe gla­dium quem pro me, si re­cte impero, sin minus, contra [...]e distringe. He was a great observer of Iustice, in so much that when he invested any Praetor, in giving him the Sword, he commanded him to use the same even a­gainst his own person, if he violated Law or equity.

He erected many famous buildings, whence Constantine the Great called him Pa­rietariam Wall-flower, because his name was upon so many walls. Alexander Severus is rather to be commended, who caused that precept of the Gospel to be engraved on the frontispiece of his palace, Quod tibi fieri non vis, alterinèseceris.

Dion reporteth this Apothegme of him, Nullum se unquam virum bonum male habitu­rum, nedum occisurum Dies ille triplici gaudio laetus (saith Pliny in a Panegyrick to him) qui principem abstulit pessimum, dedit optimum, me­liorem optimo genuit.

In solo Plinio Trajanum habemus, in Trajan [...] [Page 129] imaginem omnium magnarum virtutum. Qui ea libertate omnia scripsit, qua Trajanus fecit; adeò ut incomparabili principe opus dignissimum sit & ipsum incomparabile. Boxhorn. Orat.

Rara temporum felicitas, ubi sentire quae ve­lis, & quae sentias dicere licet, L. 1. Hist, saith Tacitus of his reigne: a man so exceeding wellbelo­ved of the Senate, and of the people of Rome, that after his dayes, whensoever a new Emperour was Elected, they wished unto him the good successe of Augustus, and the uprightnesse of Trajanus.

He dyed by a Flux the seventh day of August, Carion Chron. after he had reigned 19. yeares, six moneths and 15. dayes, and of his age 64.

Choyce Observations OF AELIVS HADRIANVS.

AFter the decease of Trajan, It was his word, Non mihi sed populo, signi­fying that which he was often heard to say; Ita se rempublicam gesturum, ut sciret rem populi esse, non suam, his Nephew Aelius Hadrianus by the consent of the Army, who swore to him obedience, was proclai­med Emperour; the Senate likewise con­firmed their choyce, as being a man endu­ed with gifts both of Art and Nature, an­swerable to the fortunes of his estate. His birth was of Spain, in the City Italica, near unto Sevil where Trajan was born; his Fa­ther Noble, Hic Graecis literis im­pensius eru­ditus, à ple­ris (que) Graecul [...]s appell [...]tus est. Aurel. Vict. and his Mother in Cales de­scended of an honourable stock. He was a great Mathematician, skilfull in Arithme­tick, Geometry, and judiciall Astrology, learned in the Greek and Latine Tongues, well seen in Physick, and knew the vertues of Herbs, Roots, and Stones; a singular Musitian both for Theory and Practise, and could both limne and carve with approba­tion of the skilfull; He said rightly, Te­stibus non te­stimoniis [...]redendum. but above all is the ad­mirable report of his memory, who never (they say) forgot any thing that he had ei­ther read or heard.

If he discovered any man to have the like skill with him in all sciences (in the which he very much excelled) by whom there might be danger lest he were overcome, through envy and too greedy a desire of [Page 131] singularity, he caused him to be killed. A­mong the which was Apollodorus the Archi­tect, a man beyond comparison excellent in that Art; for that the Emperour having sent unto him the plat-form of a great work which he had contrived, he by his effi­cacious reasons had proved, that in some place it was to be corrected. Cuffe of Affe­ctation. He quotes Dion & Bapt. Fulg. l. 8.

He was the most curious man that lived, and the most universal inquirer, in so much as it was noted for an errour in his mind, that he desired to comprehend all, and not reserve himself for the worthiest things; Sir Franci [...] Bacons Ad­vanc. of Learn. but it pleased God to use the curiosity of this Emperour as an induce­ment to the peace of the Church in those dayes: for having Christ in veneration, not as a God or Saviour, but as a wonder or novelty; and having his picture in his Gal­lery matched with Apollonius (with whom in his vain imagination he thought he had some conformity) yet it served the turn to allay the bitter hatred of those times a­gainst the Christian name, so as the Church had peace during his time.

He was a great favourer of learned men. In Adriani Principis aulam non viri tantum mi­litares, sed innumer abiles Philosophorum gre­ges, tanquam in Lycaeum aut veterem Academiam magnis de rebus disputaturi confluebant. Al­phonsus Garcias Matamorus in narrat. Apolo­get. de Acad. & viris liter atis. t. 2. Piccartus Observat. Historico-polit. Dec. 17. c. 5. instanceth [Page 132] in K. Alphonsus and others, who delighted in the society of learned men.

He was minded (as Lampridius writeth) to have built a Temple to the service of Christ, had not some disswaded him therefrom.

He was of Personage tall and very strong, of a good complexion, and amiable coun­tenance, wearing the heare of his head and beard long.

To shew that he counted hatred retained a base and unprincely disposition, as soon as he came to the Empire, he laid aside all his former enmities; insomuch as that meeting with one who had been his capitall enemy, he said unto him, Evas [...]s [...]i, Thou art now escaped from my displeasure. Spar­tianus in Hadriano. videsis Casuabonum.

When a woman called to him passing by, saying, Audi me Caesar, Hear me Caesar, and he answered, Non est Some say this was spoken to Philip of Macedon. otium, I have no lea­sure, she cryed out, Noli ergo imperare, then cease to reign; at that speech he being mo­ved, staid and heard the Dion laudat Adrianum, qui in causis cognoscendis fuerit & fa [...] ­cillintus & diligentissi­mus, adeo ut uni causae cognoscendae & dijudican­dae saepe dies undecim aut duodecim tri­bueret, non­nunquam eti­am noctes simul insu­nieret. woman. It was accounted discretion in him, that would not dispute his best with him, excusing himself, That it was reason to yeeld to him that comman­ded thirty legions.

Though he was famous for his industry, wit, memory, and fortunate successe, and could in his fatall sickness command others to be slain, yet death denyed subjection to him. His servant which undertook it fled, his adopted Son pretended piety, his own hand was prevented by Attendants, his so­licited [Page 133] Physician flew himself that he might not slay the Emperour, Turba medi­corum Caesa­rem perdidit. who yet complained at his death, Many Physicians have slain the Em­perour. He sported at death with these Ver­ses:

When he had reigned in great honour and love the space of one and twenty years, five moneths and fifteen daies, and lived sixty two yeares, he dyed the eighth or tenth day of Iuly of a Dropsie, which malady so tormented him, that willingly he refused all sustenance, & languished away through faintnesse.

Choyce Observations OF ANTONINUS PIVS.

UNto Adrianus succeeded Antoninus Pius, Hunc ferè nulla vitio­rum labes maeculavit. Aurel. Vict. Vixit ingenti honestate pri­vatus, majori in imperio; Pius propter elementiam dictus est. Eutropius. who was for his many ver­tues, or rather piety toward the Gods, Sur-named Pius; For piety (to speak properly) is the true worship of God, as Austin shewes in his 10. book de Civit. Dei c. 1. But he was not truly pious, because he knew not the true God.

He was compared for his peace and poli­cy unto Numa Pomplius, the second King of Rome. His birth was in Lombardy, the Son of Aurelius Fulvius. He was a Prince excel­lently learned, and had the patient and subtile wit of a School-man, insomuch as in common speech (which leaves no vertue untaxed) he was called Cymini-Sector, a car­ver or a divider of Cumine Seede, which is one of the least seeds; such a patience he had, and setled spirit to enter into the least and most exact differences of causes: he likewise approched a degree nearer unto Christianity, and became as Agrippa said to Paul, half a Christian; holding their re­ligion and law in good opinion, and not onely staying persecution, but giving way to the advancement of Christians. In his time Iustin Martyr wrote notable Bookes of [Page 135] Apologie for the Christians, His Symbo­le was, Me­liu [...] servare unum quam occidere mille. which were preserved and read in the Senate of Rome, and mollified the Emperours mind to­wards them. He was favourable to all sorts of men, Scipio Afri­canus was wont to say, Malle se unum ci­vem servare quam mille hostes occi­dere. having that Apothegme of Scipio A­fricanus rife in his mouth, that He had ra­ther save one Subjects life then kill a thousand enemies.

He was of stature tall, of a seemely pre­sence, in countenance majesticall, in man­ners mild, of a singular wit, very learned and eloquent, Solus omni­um princi­pum sine ci­vili sanguine fuit. Carion. a great lover of Husbandry, peaceable, mercifull and bounteous, he neither in his youth did any thing rashly, nor in his age any thing negligently. In time of great famine which was in Rome, he provided for their wants, and maintained the people with bread and wine, the most of the time that the famine lasted; making vi­ctuals to be brought from all parts, and paying for the same at his own cost.

Having reigned twenty and two yeares, 23 Saith Carion. seven moneths, and twenty six dayes, he dyed of a Fever at Porium the seventh of March, 70 Carion. the year of his life 75. and of Christ 162.

His death was generally lamented, and the Romans did him great honour, and made sacrifices to him, Canonizing him for a God, and building a Temple also to him.

Choyce Observations of LUCIUS COMMODUS VERUS, AND ANTONINUS PHILOSOPHUS.

THere succeeded Antoninus the Di­vi fratres, This was the first time wherein the Roman Empire was governed by two Au­gusti; Domi­tian was Titus his Associate, yet was he not called or accoun­ted▪ Augu­stus until the death of his Bro­ther Titus: but now two Empe­rours reig­ned at one and the self-same time. the two adoptive Bre­thren, Lucius Commodus Verus, Son to Aelius Verus, (who deligh­ted much in the softer kind of learning, and was wont to call the Poet Martial his Virgil,) & Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, where­of the latter who obscured his Collegue, and survived him long, was named the Phi­losopher, who as he excelled all the rest in learning, so he excelled them likewise in perfectiō of all royall vertues. Betwixt their natures and conditions was as much odds as between day and night; the one very mode­rate, loving, and industrious; the other proud, careless, and cruell; the fruits whereof the poor Christians felt, whose chiefest Pil­lars, Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna, and Iustin Martyr an excellent Philosopher, with in­finite more were put to most cruell deaths.

After his death the whole Government returned to Antoninus Philosophus onely, Vir quem mi­rari facilius quis quam landare pos­sit; à princi­pio vitae tranquillissi­mus, adeo ut in infantia quoque vul­tum nec ex ga [...]dio nec ex maerore mu­taret. Eutropius. whose Symbole was, Regni Clementia custos. [Page 137] He was Sur-named the Philosopher, not onely for his knowledge, but also practice of Phi­losophy; he had often in his mouth that speech of Plato, Tunc florent respublicae, quan­do vel Philosophus regit, vel Rex Philosophatur. This good Emperour possessed the Seat of Majesty nineteen yeares and eleven dayes, wherein he alwayes approved himself in wit excellent, in life vertuous; very learned and eloquent, Tantum Marco sapi­entiae, inno­centiae, ac li­terarum fuit, ut is Marco­mannos, cum filio Commo­do quem Caesarem suffecerat, petiturus, Philosophorum obtestantium vi cir [...]umfunde­retur; ne se expeditioni aut pugnae prius committeret, quàm sectarum ardu [...] & oc­culta explanavisset, &c. Aurel. Victor. full of clemency, justice, and tem­perance, nothing inferiour to most of all the worthiest Emperours before him, nor matchable in qualities by many of the Mo­narchs that followed him.

He would not believe that Avidius Cassius could ever have deposed him; and his rea­son was, The Gods had greater care of him, then to let Cassius wrong him undeservedly, Vulc. Gallicanus in vita Aridii Cassii.

Iulian the Emperour in his book intituled Caesares, being a Pasquil or Satyre to deride all his predecessors, feigned that they were all invited to a banquet of the gods, and Silenus the Iester sate at the lower end of the table, and bestowed a scoffe on every one as they came in; but when Antoninus Philosophus entred, he was gravelled and out of countenance, not knowing where to carpe at him, save at the last he gave a glance at his patience towards his wise.

[Page 138] When his Armies were even famished The Chri­stian Legi­on was after that time called Ful­minatrix. Euseb. Ec­cles. Hist. His Wife Faustina (by whose meanes partly he obtained the Empire) was a Princesse, but a lewd and wanton woman; one counselled him to put her away, but he answered, Si uxorem di [...]tti­mus, reddamus & dotem; choosing rather to have his house defiled then little.for want of water, Tertul. in A­polog. the Christians by their prayers procured wine from Heaven to their great refreshing, and the Barbarians were dashed with thunder and fire; where­upon he mitigated the rage against Christs Professors, and in his time the Church for the most part was in peace. He dyed the se­venteenth day of March, in the year of our Lord 181. and of his own age, 59.

Choyce Observations OF COMMODVS.

HIS name agreed not with his dis­position, he being called Commodus, who was (saith l. 7. c. 6. Semper in­commodus saith Vopis­cus in vita Taciti. Orosius) cunctis in­commodus.

Concerning his birth there passeth this story or fiction; His mother Annia Valeria Faustina, daughter of Antoninus Fius, and wife of Antoninus Philosophus, when she saw certain Gladiators or sword-players going to fight, Heywood in his various history of women. was monstrously inflamed with the love of one of them, upon whom she do­red so extremely, that her affection was almost grown to phrensy, languishing wherewith, she confessed her love-mad­nesse to her husband. He perceiving her di­stemper to increase, consulted with the Chaldaeans or sooth-sayers, what was best to be done in so desperate a case, for the saving of his wives life, and the quenching of her unchast desires. They after long consideration determined, that there was left for her but one onely remedy, as strange as the disease; viz, to cause the said Gladiator to be murdered secretly that she might not know of it, and that the next night that her husband intended to lye with her, a cup full of his luke-warm bloud [Page 140] Casaubo­nus in Histo­riam Augu­stam.changed into the likeness of water should be given her to drink, ut sese Nescia quis primus sub­lavaret hoc loco re­posuit proe [...] quod v [...]tus e­ditis & scripti codi­ces habeb [...]nt, sublevaret. quam veram esse scriptu­ram quovis pignore con­tendere sum paratus. Non dicit i [...]tem [...] sublevar [...]t se Faustina sanguine il­lius gladiatoris occisi. Quod de industria t [...]uit hic au [...]tor, & modestis [...]erhis m [...]l­livit horrend [...]m m [...]ic [...]tionis genus. Non [...] cerie est, pro remedio sanguinem illum ebibisse Faustinam, atque ita se subleva [...]se, &c. Salmasius in Historiam Augustam. p. 91. sublevaret: which was performed accordingly, and she cured of her disease, but with this bad suc­cesse; for that night, as it is said, she was de­livered of Commodus, who in qualities re­sembled that Gladiator upon this occasion, as some reported; which they ascribed to the power of her imagination, but others esteemed him a Bastard. Ferrand. of love­melancholy out of Capitolinus in Antonino Philosopho c. 19. editionis Gruterianae.

The conject [...]re that Commodus was born in adultery, is confirmed by the behaviour of Faustina his mother at Cajeta, where she was wont want only to gaze on naked gladi­ators and mariners. Capitolinus ibid. Aurel. Victor.

When his mother was with child with him and his twin-brother Antoninus, who dyed when 4. months old, she dreamed that she brought forth two Serpents, one where­of, viz. Commodus, as the event proved, ex­ceeded in fierceness. Lamoridius in Commo­do. c. 1.

Commodus was more noble by descent then any of the former Emperours, and the most beautifull person of his time. He­rodian. l. 1. in fine.

[Page 141] He was so excellent a marks-man, that he could hit with an arrow or dart whatsoe­ver he aimed at, exceeding the most expert Parthian Archers, and Numidian Darters which he had about him. Herodian l. 1. c. 15. editionis Boeclerianae.

Once he shot forked arrowes at Moresco Estriches, which were wonderfull swift of foot, using their wings as sailes in running. These he did hit so full in the neck, that though their heads were struck off with the furiousnesse of the blow, [...]. yet they ran a­while headlesse, as if they had not been hurt. Id. ibid. Aliquandiu tamen viven­tibus similem cursum con­tinuabant. ut Herodia­num inter­pretatur Politianus.

Neque haec superant veri sidem, cum instrumen­tamotus, spiritus s [...]ilicet vitales, aliquandiu mo­tum continuare possint, non exhausti uno tem­poris momento; quod colligunt medi [...]è motu cor­dis anguillae exsecti. Simile quid memini inter hi­storias à nonnullis narratum, de quodam pyrata, qui interceptus cum suis sociis navalibus hoc unum suppliciter petiit, ut sociorum singuli vitae redo­narentur, quos capite truncus cursu praeteriisset. Largitum hoc est supremis ejus votis: stans capite truncatur; cursum intendit, quem usque ad po­siremos [...] continuasse [...], nisi a carnifice ac l [...]ctoribus adstantibus in terram fuisset detractus. P. Voet. in Herodiani Marc. & Commod. p. 183. videsis Fromondum de Anima l. 1. c. 4. art. 3. p. 97. &c,

Another time a Panther having fastned upon a man, (who was brought into the lists) so that all thought she would instant­ly tear him in pieces; he darted at her so [Page 142] happily, that he killed the beast and saved the man, [...]. He­rodian. l. 1. c. 15. preventing the impression of her teeth with the point of his weapon.

[Alcon seeing his son Phalerus (one of the Argonauts) sleeping on the grasse, and a Serpent creeping on his breast, slew the Serpent, and saved his son:

Sidonius Apollinaris in paneg. Majoriani. videsis Servium in fextam Virgilii Eclogam.]

He slew also 100. Lyons with so many darts; See Domitian p. 113. their bodies falling in such order, that they might easily be numbered (not one dart miscarrying.) Herodian ubi suprà.

He resembled his Father in nothing but fortunate fighting against the Germans, with whom notwithstanding he made a dis­honourable peace.

He was faithfull to none; See Nero p. 68. and Domitian p. 114. &c. and most cruel to those whom he had before advanced to the greatest honours, and enriched with most vast rewards. Sextus Aurelius Victor.

He and Heliogabalus conferred all the dig­nities of the Empire upon men for lust and licentiousness most like unto themselves. Walsinghams Manuall.

He was the first Roman Emperour who through covetousnesse sold offices for mo­ny; [Page 143] Vespasian had done it before him, but through necessity, finding the common­wealth in debt, and the treasure exhausted. The History of Spain translated by Grimston.

He killed some though innocent, instead of others who were guilty, and did let of­fenders escape for mony. Lampridius in Comm.

If any one had an enemy of whom he would be revenged, he needed but to bar­gain with Commodus for a summe of money to kill him. Id. ibid.

He pretended that he would go into A­frica, that he might raise money for that fei­gned journey, which when he had gathered, he spent in banquetting and gaming. Id. ibid.

He was so careless in serious matters, that he wrote nothing more then Vale in many of his letters; and so serious in things of light or ill concernment, that he caused to be registred how often he frequented the fense-schoole, with all his cruelties and impurities. Id. ibid.

He employed not himself in any thing which became an Emperour; making glas­ses, dancing, singing, piping, playing the Buffoon and fencer; bathing 7. or 8. times in the day, eating in the Bath, drinking in the theatre in womans habit; mingling humane excrements with the daintiest fare, tasting them himself, thinking so to mock others. Id. ibid.

He kept 300. Concubines, and so many [Page 144] boyes which he used as women; like Commod. Imperator, qui natus est eo die quo Caligula; tanquam eun­dem haberet horoscupum, & ipse soro­res constupravit, concubinasque suas sub oculis suis constuprari ab amicis jubebat. Beroaldus in Suetenium. Caligulam habuit velut exemplar quod initaretur. Id. Ibid. Ca­ligula commanded women to be ravished in his sight, committed incest as he did with all his Sisters, and exceeded him (saith Tristan) in polluting the Temples with whoredome and human bloud.

His naturall incontinence was incredibly inflamed by divers sorts of ointments (used by him to preserve himself from the pesti­lence, whilest it reigned throughout Italy) which were of so hot and subtile a quality, that they excited in him the unquenchable flames of extraordinary lasciviousnesse. Tristan.

He was so cruell, that when he was but 12. yeares old, because the bath in which he was washed was a little too warm, Lamprid. c. 1. he com­manded that the heater of it should be cast into a furnace.

Dion confidently reporteth that the Phy­sicians poysoned his Father to gratify him.

He put to death his Wife Crispina, his eldest sister Lucilla, and Annia Faustina his Fathers Cousin German, with 24. of the Eminentest Personages of the Roman Em­pire.

He commanded one to be cast to wild beasts, Lamprid. c. 10. for reading the life of Caligula in Suetonius, because he had the same birth­day with Caligula. August. 31.

[Page 145] His very jests were cruell; Id ibid. seeing one have white haires among black ones, he set on his head a starling, which thinking it picked wormes made festers.

He cut a fat man off at the middle of the belly, Id. ibid. that he might see his entrailes drop out suddenly.

He called them Monopodii and Luscinii whom he deprived of a foot or eye.

He made men exercise that cruelty up­on themselves in reality, which they used to act but in shew. Lamprid. c. 9.

He imitated Chirurgions in letting bloud, Xiphiline. and barbers in trimining, under which pretence he cut off eares and noses: wherefore such was his jealousy of all men, Lamprid. c. 17. that he was forced like Dionysius to be his own barber.

Histories not onely affirm, Neronis in­sania Com­modi turpi­tudini per omnes flagitil gradus [...] est: egregium sc. par, prin­ceps histrie & gladia­tor. that he plaid the Gladiator in person, but his statue in that fashion stark naked, with his naked sword in his hand, is yet extant at Rome in the Farnesian palace.

He imitated Nero in driving of Chariots, and if Quintus Aemylius Laetus had not deter­red him, he would have burned Rome (as Nero did) thinking he might do what he pleased with that place which he called af­ter his name. Boecleru [...]. See Nero p. 75.

So exceeding great was the madness of this vile monster, that he sent a letter to the Senate with this style: Imperator Caesar Lucius, Aelius, Aurelius, Commodus, Antoni­nus, Augustus, Pius, Foelix, Sarmaticus, Germa­nicus [Page 146] Maximus, Britannicus, pacator orbis tevy rum, Invictus, Romanus Hercules, Pontisex Maximus, Tribunitiae potestatis, XVIII. Impe­rator, VIII. Consul, VII. Pater Patriae, Consulibus, Praetoribus, Tribunis Plebis, Senatui (que) * Commodiano soelici Salutem. Xiphilin.

The former Emperours at pleasure some­times times took some few names to themselves, sometimes bestowed them on others. In the later times, vertue decaying, ambition in titles increased. Yet Iustinian accounted of as a sober Emperour, hath his style not­withstanding not much shorter. Imp. Caesar Flavius Justinianus, Alemannicus, Gothicus, Francicus, Germanicus, Anticus, Alanicus, Van­dalicus, Africanus, Pius, Foelix, Inclytus victor, ac Triumphator semper Augustus. S r. H. Savil on Tacitus.

He changed the names of all the moneths, calling them after his own sur-names, which was observed no longer then he lived.

He ever and anon changed all his sur­names, except that of Amazonius, taken up out of love to Marcia his Concubine, whose picture he wore upon the outside of his garment; and of Exuperans, because he would have been thought to excell all men: as appeareth by his being sacrificed to as a God.

When his Favourite Perennis was dead, he repealed many things that were done by him, but persisted no above 30 dayes in his reformation, permitting Cleander to be more licencious then Perennis, Lamprid.

[Page 147] Yea to such drunken dotage he was grown, that he refused his fathers name, commanding himself in stead of Commodus the son of Marcus, Quid mirum si Commo­dus Hereu­lem se vocari voluit, cum id fecerit A­lexander praeceptis im­butus Aristo­telis? to be styled Hercules the son of Iupiter; and accordingly he forsook the Roman and Imperiall habit; and in stead thereof, thrust himself into a Lions skin, and carried a great club in his hand: and (which made him extremely ridicu­lous) he put on also purple Amazonian robes embroydered with gold; Athenaeus. expressing in one and the same garb austerity and effe­minateness: this was his daily attire.

He commanded many Statues of himself made in likeness of Hercules, to be erected throughout the City, and one before the Senate-house in form of an archer ready to shoot; that his very Images might strike a terror into the beholdèrs. Herodian.

He ranged so far in a mad humour, as that he purposed to forsake his palace, and live in a fence-school; and now being weary of the name of Hercules, he assumed the name of a famous sword-player deceased.

On New-yeares day he determined in great solemnity to issue forth of a sence­school, from which Marcia, Laetus, and Ele­ctus disswaded him; but he incensed with them, commanded them to depart, and re­tiring into his bed-chamber, to repose him­self at noon (as he was wont,) he wrote their names in a table-book, dooming them to death that night. Having done this, he laid his table-book on the pailet, not imagining [Page 148] that any would enter into his chamber.

But his darling Philo-Commodus being full of play, Multos prae­terea parave­rat interime­re, quod per parvulum quendam pro­ditum est, qui [...]abulam è cu­biculo ejecit. Lamprid. videsis Gru­ [...]erum. went (as he usually did) into the bed-chamber (while Commodus was bathing) and taking the book to play with, went forth, and was met by Marcia; who took the book from him, lest he might spoil some weighty matter. As soon as she per­ceived it was Commodus his own hand, she greatly desired to read it. But when she found the deadly contents, she discove­red to Electus and Laetus the danger they were in, and they all resolved to purchase their own security by Commodus his death, and concluded it most convenient to dispatch him by poyson; which Marcia having given to him, it cast him into a slumber, out of which awaking he vomited extremely: the conspirators fearing fulnesse might expell the poyson, cause him to be strangled.

He lived 31. yeares, 4. moneths, and reigned 12. yeares, 9. moneths and 14. dayes. In him the Aelian together with the Aurelian family was extinguished, as the Iulian in Nero. Tristan.

How joyfull his death was both to Senate and people, their assemblies in the Tem­ples to give thanks for their deliverance, and their execrations pronounced against him, at large reported by Lampridius, do manifest.

He was called the enemy of God and men; the very name of the Devil.

The Christians escaped persecution from [Page 149] him by the mediation of Marcia, who fa­voured their doctrine. Dion.

Of all Emperours until Constantine he was most favourable unto Christians, what­soever he was otherwise. Mountague's Acts and Monuments of the Church. c. 7. para­gr. 115.

In respect of much persecution before, those times were called Halcyonia sub Com­modo Ecclesiae. Lloid's consent of time, p. 599.

Choyce Observations OF PERTINAX.

WAS so called, either for his re­luctance in accepting the Empire, or rather for his per­tinacious resolution in his youth to be a Woodmon­ger, as his father was, when he would have made him a Scholar.

Yet at last he was perswaded by his father to apply himself to learning, in which he was such a proficient, that he succeeded his Master Sulpitius Apollinaris in the teach­ing of Grammer: But gaining little there­by, he served in the camp with such proof of his valour, that upon the death of Com­modus he was chosen Emperour. For the murther being done in the night, Laetus went in all hast to Pertinax, and saluted him with the unexpected name of Emperour; but he thought Laetus was sent from Commodus to kill him, See Claudius in initio. till he was certified of Commodus his death, by one of his servants whom he sent to view his carkase.

So different was the opinion of all men concerning Pertinax and Commodus, that many hearing of Commodus his death, thought the report was raised by himself to try mens inclinations; wherefore many Go­vernours of Provinces imprisoned those [Page 151] who related it, not because they would not have had the news to be true, but for that they thought it more dangerous to believe the death of Commodus, then not to come in to Pertinax, by whom every one was confident that they should be easily pardo­ned, whereas with Commodus innocence gave no security. Excerpta Petresci. p. 728.

Pertinax was forced to accept of the Em­pire by Laetus and Electus, when he was above 60. yeares old; yet admitted not any sym­bole of sovereignty, and declined so en­vious a Title, till compelled by the Senate. Recusabat imperare; quod erat bene imperaturi. Plinius de Trajano. panegyr. 5.

He chiefly re [...]used the Empire, because he was to succeed a Tyrant, who by his disorders had so impoverisht the State, and rendred the souldiers so loose, that he saw 'twas impossible to avoid a publik odium, by the use of a necessary remedy. Tristan.

He would not let his wife receive the title of Empresse, nor his son be called Caesar, as the Senate had decreed, lest he should be corrupted, but deferred it till he might deserve it; nor admitting him being a youth into the Court, but causing him to lead a private life.

He permitted not his Name to be stam­ped on the peculiar goods of the Empe­rours, saying, That the propriety thereof be­longed to the State in generall. Herodian l. 2. c. 4. As Marcus Aurelius, whom he imita­ted, said to the Senate; Nos usque adeo nihil [Page 152] habemus proprium, ut etiam vestras aedes habite­mus. Xiphilinus in Marco Aurelio.

He enacted that all the wast ground in I­taly and other countries (though of the Princes demesne) should be improved, and freely given to them who would manure it: to which purpose, he granted to Husband-men 10. yeares immunity from all taxes, and security from all further trouble du­ring his reigne. Herodian.

He banisht informers, preserved the commoners from the injury of souldiers, and released all Imposts exacted by Ty­rants. Id.

He never could be induced to revenge an injury. S. A. Victoris Epitome.

He was too negligent of his wife Flavia Titiana's chastity, who openly loved a fid­ler; he in the mean time being as ardently and infamously enamoured on his Concu­bine Cornificia. Capitolinus c. 13.

He was called [...], a giver of good words, because he was rather a Fawning than a kind Prince; promising well but per­forming ill.

Such was his niggardliness, that he would set before his guests a Sallad of Lettuce, &c. and part of a Tripe; but if he at any time exceeded, a leg or wing of a Hen. Capitoli­nus c. 12.

Tristan parallelleth him with Vespasian.

His strict discipline and short donatives displeased the souldiers, who conspired a­gainst him, and elected Falco Emperour, [Page 153] whom the Senate sentenced, but Pertinax cryed out, God forbid, that during my reigne any Senatour be put to death, though deservedly. Xiphiline.

Laetus pretending to punish this sedition, causeth the death of divers souldiers, that the rest might mutiny, which they did, 200. entring the palace with drawn swords, whom Pertinax was advised to flye from: but he indiscreetly rejecting that good counsell, met them, thinking with his Maje­sty to make them afraid and leave off their enterprise, which fell out accordingly, for immediately they all retreated, except one Tausius a Tungrian, who ran him into the breast, saying, Hunc tibi gladiū milites mittunt.

Dion censureth him thus, Non norat homo multarum rerum peritus, multa simul tutò corrigi non posse: sed si quid aliud in rebus humanis, tum imprimis reipublicae constitutionem & tempus & sapientiam requirere.

He having endured all manner of la­bours, & being bandied from one extreme condition to another, was called the Tennis­ball of Fortune.

He lived 67. years lacking 4. months and 3. dayes, and reigned 87. dayes, saith Dion.

Pertinacis Principatus solo tempore minor est optimi cujus (que) Principis regimine, saith Boeclerus.

Choyce Observations OF JULIANUS.

SOuldiers proclaiming the sale of the Empire, Julians wife and his daughters with some Parasites, urged him to accept of the proffer, since he could exceed any in lar­gesses. Herodian l. 2. c. 6.

Sulpitian Father-in-law to Pertinax offe­red each soulder 200. Crownes, but Julian outbidding him, and promising more then they demanded or expected, obtained the Empire of them, who feared lest Sulpitian might revenge Pertinax his death, as his Competitor suggested to them. Xiphiline.

He entered the City, all the Souldiers calling him Emperour, the Citizens nei­ther daring to resist, nor yet approving the election by joyfull acclamations, as the custome was to other Emperours; but cur­sing him and throwing stones at him. Hero­dian ubi suprà.

He being hated, Syria elected Niger, Ger­many chose Severus Emperour, who took Albinus as partner.

The rise of these 3. Commanders, with the fall of Julian, See the Ad­vertisement. pag 21. was prognosticated by the appearance of 3. Stars about the Sun (while Julian sacrificed) conspicuous to all but [Page 155] the flattering pur-blind Senators. Xiphiline.

A boy also divining by a looking-glasse, saw Severus his advance and Julians depar­ture. Spartian c. 7.

Severus hasting to Rome was met by Em­bassadors from Julian with the offer of half the Empire; which he refused, and was by the Senate (who lately proclaimed him Traitor) declared Emperour.

The souldiers discontented because Ju­lian kept not his Covenant, and hoping to purchase favour with Severus, slew their Chapman in his palace; he thus expostula­ting with them, Quid rei gravis admisi? quem interfeci?

Severus who had been acquitted by him from the imputation of Adultery, where­with he was charged, slew him with the like ingratitude, as Julian did Laetus, who had sa­ved his life. Tristan.

He lived 60. yeares, Orosius, ab initio Perti­nacis ad fi­nem Iuliani, [...]nnum unum absumptum fuisse dicit, senis mensibus utriusque Imperio imputatis. Quod falsum est; vix enim dimidium a [...]ni inter initium Pertinacis & Severi in­terjectum est. Scaliger in Eusebium. 4. moneths, and so many dayes; and reigned 66. dayes. Dion.

He being old, honourable and rich, by the purchase of the Empire lessened his e­state, impaired his credit, and lost his life.

Choyce Observations OF SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS.

HE was one of the 25. Con­suls made in one year by Cleander Commodus his fa­vourite. Xiphiline in Commod.

He was an African, of so low birth, Xiphiline. that, when he en­rolled himself into the family of Marcus Au­relius, one Pollenius Sebennus is reported to have said, O Caesar, I congratulate thy [...]ortune, that thou hast found a Father: as if he had not had a Father before, his original being so base and obscure; Tristan. reflecting hereby also upon the chastity of his mother.

Having ascended from mean estate to the highest honour, he was wont to say; Omnia fui, nihil expedit. Spartian in Severo c. 18.

He dreamed that he saw in one of the market-places at Rome a horse to throw Per­tinax, Xiphiline. who had mounted on him, and to suffer himself to back him; Herodian. l. 2. c. 9. a brasse Image of which dream remained in Herodians time.

He was expert in the Mathematiques, a good Philosopher, and eloquent oratour.

Nothing is comparable to Severus his conflicts or conquests, either for multitude of forces, commotion of countries, num­ber [Page 157] of battels, length of journeyes, or speed in marches. Herodian l. 3.

His souldiers endured all difficulties cheerfully in emulation of him, who exci­ted them to hardship by his own example, being wont as Silius Italicus saith of Hanni­bal:

He was so inured to continual action, that even at his last gasp he said; Is there any thing for me to do? Xiphiline.

In stead of punishing he entertained and rewarded Priscus an Engineer, who did him most mischief in his siege of Byzantium. Xiphiline.

Entring into Alexandria he found this in­scription, Domini Nigri est urbs; with which being offended, the inhabitants met him, crying, Novimus nos dixisse Domini Nigri esse urbem; tu enim es Nigri Dominus. For which ready excuse he pardoned them. Suidas in [...].

When certain of his Officers went about to perswade him to rase out an Epigramme made in commendation of Niger, (at the ba­sis of whose statue it was engraved) he ex­pressed his dislike by these words; Si talis suit, sciant omnes qualem vicerimus; si talis non suit, putent omnes nos vicisse talem: immo sic sit, quia fuit talis. ingenuously and wisely confessing the worth of his enemy. Spartia­nus in Nigro c. 12.

When he was Lieutenant in Africke, one [Page 158] of his inferiour acquaintance met him go­ing in state with his bundle of rods carried before him, and embraced him familiarly as his quondam chamber-fellow; whom he caused to be beaten, the cryer proclaiming, Embrace not rudely a Roman Lieutenant. From which time Lieutenants have not gone on foot. Spartian.

Plautian his favourite was so great with him, that one of Plautians Officers being commanded by Severus, then at leisure, to plead a cause, refused, saying, He could not do it unlesse Plautian commanded him. Xiphiline.

At the siege of Atra, when he had beaten down a great part of the wall, and his Soul­diers were ready to enter, he commanded a retreat, hoping thereby to induce the Arabians to discover that great treasure there laid up. But his covetous designe was miserably disappointed, for the besie­ged immediately made up their wall and kept him out. Xiphiline.

Being used to get the victory, he now reputed himself conquered, because he could not overcome. Herodian l. 3. c. 9.

When one who lived in Albinus his quar­ters, would have excused his forced assi­stance of him to Severus, demanding what he would have done if it had been his own case; Severus answered, Ea perferrem quae tu, I would suffer as you do. Aurel. Vict.

He boasted to the Senate of his clemency, although he slew at one time 40. of the most Illustrious personages of the Roman Em­pire, [Page 159] not hearing them in their defence, contrary to a Law which himself first made; proving himself thereby truly to answer his name, being (as was said of him) verè Perti­nax, verè Severus: so that Silenus might well say, (in Iuliani Caesaribus) I dare not speak a­gainst him, I am so terrified with his inexorable cruelty.

10. Antiochenus saith he was a great Soul­dier, but his covetousnesse transported him beyond his valour.

He was more covetous and cruell then any of his Predecessors. Tristan.

When he warred in Britain, he comman­ded an universall slaughter of his enemies, in these verses:

Having taking Albinus prisoner, he com­manded him to be slain, caused his body to be laid before his palace, rode over him, and at last cast his mangled corps (the stench whereof could not be endured) into the river Rh [...]s [...]e, with the carkases of his wife and children.

Having compelled Nigers Captaines (whose children he kept as pledges) to be­tray Nigers affaires, Herodian l. 3. c. 2. & 5. Of his ver­tues and vices, but especially his dissimu­lation, see Brochmands Ethica Hist. c. 3. when he had attained [Page 160] his ends, he slew them and their chil­dren.

He gained his sur-name Britannicus, by building, or at least repairing the Picts-wall between England and Scotland, 132. miles in length, against the incursions of the Scots and Picts. At every miles end was a tower, and pipes of brasse (in the wall betwixt every tower) conveied the least noise from garison to garison, without interruption; so newes of an approching enemy was quickly spred over the borders, and occasionall provision made for resi­stance. There were also resting places for the Areans, who were appointed by the An­cients (saith Amm. Marcellinus) to serve for foot-posts, to run as occurrents fell be­tween the Officers, and carry them word of the least stirring. Since the wall is ruined, and that way of dispatch taken away, many inhabitants thereabout hold land by a te­nure in Cornage (as Lawyers speak) being bound by blowing a horn to discover the irruption of the enemy. Cambden's Britannia. ubi videsis plura.

It is reported by Spartian, that in his passage to York a little before his death, a Black-Moor with a Cypresse garland on his head did meet Severus, (who bid him, as unfortunate, to be put out of his sight) and saluted him thus; Totum fuisti, totum vicisti, jam Deus esto victor. At his entrance into the City, he was by errour of a rusticall Sooth­fayer (who guided him) brought into the [Page 161] Temple of Bellona: and black beasts, being appointed for sacrifice, did of themselves follow him to his palace. Which things, howsoever they fell our accidentally, yet were interpreted as ominous by others in respect of the event.

While he lay sick of the gout at York, the souldiers saluting his son Bassianus Empe­rour, he arose and caused the principall of them to be brought before him, and when they prostrate craved pardon, he laying his hand on his head, said, Sentitisne tandem caput imperare, non pedes? Spartian c. 18.

A little before his death he caused his urne to be brought before him, and taking it into his hand, said; Thou shalt contain him whom the world could not. Xiphiline.

He said to his Sons on his death-bed, Agree among your selves, enrich the souldiers, and contemne all others. Id. ibid.

In relation to which union he bade them read in Salust, Mycypsa's dying speech to his sons, in which there is this expression; Concordiâ res parvae cres [...]unt, discordiâ magnae di­labuntur. Spartian. c. 21.

By his pernicious advice to his sons to study onely the enriching of the souldiery, he made a breach in the impenetrable wall of the Roman power, as the Greek Epi­grammatist calls it. For after Severus his raigne, for 30 lawfull Emperours, the Ro­man Empire saw in the space of 150 yeares, more then an 100 Tyrants. The discipline of the vertuous Emperours occasioning the [Page 162] wicked ones to mount on the throne. As the tragicall ends of young Gordian, of A­lexander Severus, of Posthumus, Probus and Au­relian manifest. Tristan.

He ended his life with these words, Tur­batam Rempublicam ubique accepi, pacatam etiam Britannis relinquo, senex & pedibus aeger, firmum Imperium antoninis meis relinquens si boni erunt, imbecillum si mali. Spartian c. 23.

Before he dyed he was so pained in all his body, but especially in his feet, that not able to endure the torment, he called for poyson, which being denied, he greedi­ly glutted himself with grosse meates, and not able to digest them, dyed of a surfet. Sex. Aurel. Vict.

The imprecation of Plautius Quintillus had the like effect upon Severus, as that of Severianus had upon Hadrian. Xiphilin.

Some say he dyed rather through grief for his son Caracalla's wickednesse, then of any other malady.

He lived 65 yeares, 9 moneths and 25 dayes, and reigned 17 yeares, 8 moneths and 3 dayes.

He was buried in a place near York, which to this day is called Severs-hill.

It was said of him by the Senate, that either he should not have been born, or not have dyed; having done so much mischief in pursuit of greatness, and so much good when he was established. Spartian. c. 18.

He married Martia, and after her death Iulia Domna, because he found by her na­tivity [Page 163] she should be matcht with a King; though he foresaw not by his art his destiny to marry a whore; whom yet he bare with through excesse of affection, though she was guilty of a conspiracy. Spartian. c. 3. and 18.

He was deifyed after his death by the Se­nate.

After the death of Charles the 9 of France, his image was laid in a rich bed, in trium­phant attire, with the Crown upon his head, and the collar of the order about his neck, and 40 dayes at ordinary houres, din­ner and supper was served in with all ac­customed ceremonies, as sewing, water, grace, carving, &c. all the Cardinals, Pre­lats, Lords, Gentlemen and Officers atten­ding in far greater solemnity, then if he had been alive. Now this I confesse was a piece of flattery more then needed, but not com­parable to that of the Romans, in making their Emperours Gods, which they might well have conceived, was neither in the power of the one to give, nor of the other to receive. Dr. Hakewill in his Apology.

In Severus his reigne the world was so loose that 3000 were indicted for Adulte­ry. Id. ib.

When Julia blamed the wife of Argento­ [...]oxus a Northern Britain, because her coun­try people accompanied promiscously (10 or 12 men having 2 or 3 Women com­mon among them) she not ignorant of the Roman incontinency, replied; We accom­pany [Page 164] openly with the best, but vile persons de­file you secretly. Xiphiline.

Dion writeth that in Severus his time it rained silver at Rome in Augustus his forum.

O pluviam salutarem, & supparem illi, quâ Iupiter ad Danaen suam penetravit! sed nimis hic inf [...]equentem inquies. Sed avaritiam tuam effervescentem infusâ hac frigidâ confutabo. Rore illo argenteo, addit Dion, nummos aliquot aereos oblivi, mansit color 3 dies; 4 ^to. quicquid oblitum fuerat, evanuit. Fro­mondus Met [...]orolog. l. 5. c. 6. Art. 3.

Severus caused the 5. persecution, it be­ing the Devils policy to employ especially men noted for morall honesty and abilities, to massacre Gods Saints, that the world might believe, that those could not choose but be most abomiable, whom such wise and pious men were so earnest to extin­guish. D ^r. Prideaux.

PESCENNIUS NIGER, And CLODIUS ALBINUS. Usurpers.

ENgaged both in the war against Septimius Severus, with like un­fortunate event being both con­quered, and having their heads set upon a pole; Niger had his name à nigra cervice, saith Spartian in his life.

Albinus was so called, quod, exceptus utero, contra consuetudinem puerorum qui nascuntur, & solent rubere, esset candidissimus. Capitoli [...]us in his life; who confirmeth his relation with this passage in an Epistle of Cejonius Posthu­mius (Father of Albinus) to Aelius Bassia­nus then Proconsul of Africk. Filius mihi natus est, ita candidus statim toto corpore, ut linteamen quo exceptus est, vinceret. Quare susceptum eum Albinorum Famil [...]ae, quae mihi tecum communis est, dedi, Albini nomine impo­sito.

Niger was overthrown at the first encoun­ter of his party with Severus, through the treachery of Aemilianus his General, as it was thought; and in the next fight in which [Page 166] he engaged personally was totally defeated, near the Bay of Issus, where Alexander the Great vanquished Darius.

Albinus warred with Severus, for withhol­ding the copartner-ship which he promi­sed to Albinus, whom he feared because he was a valiant Souldier, whereas he sligh­ted Julian and Niger, who were negligent and luxurious.

Choyce Observations Of BASSIANUS CARACALLA. And ANTONINUS GETA. Brethren.

BAssianus was so called from Julius Bassianus his Grand-father by the Mothers side, and his Father named him Antoninus, out of re­spect to the Antonini, whose memory was honoured by the Romans.

He was called Caracalla from a new fashi­oned cassock he wore, See Caligul [...] p. 49. reaching down to his ancles.

He was a hopefull youth, & endeared him­self to the people by weeping and turning away his eyes, when condemned persons were cast to wild beasts, (which tenderness Baronius thinketh proceeded from his Chri­stian nurse Euhodia) yet after he was so changed he seemed not the same. Spartian c. 12.

Knowing well that he could not make himself seem more beautifull then he was, See Caligul [...] p. 55. he would take the advantage to appear more terrible, affecting a cruell and furious countenance. Tristan. in the 2 part of his Commentaires Historiques. See the 12. 18. 21. 26. 29. 31. Medails of him there.

[Page 168] He attempted to kill his Father; & put to death the Physicians for not hastening his death (as he commanded;) slew his Father in law Plautian, his wife Plautillae, and her brother Plautus, Antip [...]ter the famous So­phister of that age, Cilo his Tutor, and Euhodus his Foster-father: sparing not any who either honoured his father, or was honoured by him.

When at the Circensian sports (where himself was a spectator) the people cast some scoffe at a chariotier which he favou­red, he taking it as an affront to himself, suddenly commanded his souldiers to rush among the multitude, and kill all who had scorned the chariot-driver. Upon this com­mand, it being impossible to find out the delinquents in so great a throng (none con­fessing himself guilty) the souldiers spared none whom they light upon, but either slew them, or took away what they had for a ransome. Herodtan l. 3. c. 6.

He put down Aristotles Schooles, burnt his books, saying he conspired against A­lexander. Xiphiline.

Having seen the body of Alexander the Great, Andr. Schot­tus l 3 ob­serv. Human. c 19 hath collected a Catalogue of those who said th [...]y resem­bled Alex­ander the Great. he commanded his followers to call him Alexander and Antoninus Magnus; and by flatterers was brought to a fond con­ceit, that he walked like Alexander with an awfull countenance, and bent his head to the left shoulder; and whatever he obser­ved in the countenance of Alexander, he imitated to the life, and perswaded him­self [Page 169] that he had the same lineaments and proportions. Sext. Aur. Victor. vide Schottum.

I have seen divers ridiculous Images, which had one entire Body; and one Head, which had 2. half-faces, to wit, Alexanders and Antonines; saith Herodian. l. 4. c. 8.

He was excessively given to Adultery, while able, yet most severely punished it in others. Excerpta Peiresci. p. 755.

Being unable to weare true armour through his weakness of body, he wore counterfeit harnesse that none might at­tempt to assassinate him. Excerpta Peiresci.

Fuit ejus immanitatis, ut its praecipuè blandi­retur quos ad necem destinabat: ut ejus magis bland [...]mentum timeretur quàm ir acundia.

He would shew courtesy when he inten­ded mischief; See Commo­dus p. 142. so that his kindness was more feared then his anger. Spartian in Geta c. 7.

Having miserably impoverished the peo­ple, his mother reproved him, to whom he shewing his naked sword, replied; As long as I have this, I will not want, Xiphi­line.

Where he wintered, or but intended to winter, he caused Amphitheaters and Cir­ques for publique games to be erected, and within a while to be taken down again. Id. ibid.

He learned the vices of 3 Nations from whom he drew his original; of the French, vanity, timorousness, and idleness; of the A­fricans, roughness and wildness; of the Syri­ans, cunning and malice. Excerpta Peiresci.

[Page 170] He preferred Hannibal, Sylla, and Tiberius, before other commanders for their cruelty; in which he exceeded his father, and all the preceding Emperours.

He confessed that in all his life he never learned to do good. Xiphiline.

When Maximinus the younger (yet a child) got up into Caracall' as Chariot, and was hardly drawn thence, there were some who admonished Caracalla to beware of him, to whom he answered, Longè est ut mihi succedat iste. Capitolinus in Maximino junio­re. c. 4.

[Tiberius in like manner when he knew that Galba should be Emperour, but not before old age, said; Vivat sanè quando id ad nos nihil pertinet. Suetonius in Galba. c. 4.]

He delighted more in Magicians and Ju­glers then in men of worth; for seeing him­self hated, he told the Romans he could command his own security, though not their love; and therefore he lesse valued reproches, or feared dangers by their dis­favour. Xiphiline. Zonaras.

Yet Oppian who when banished by Seve­rus wrote the Cynegeticks, and after his de­cease dedicated that work to Caracalla, was therefore recalled from exile, and received a piece of gold for every verse in his Poem.

As Caligula having kild many French and Greeks, In Parthia quid gesserit, [...]siter Hero­dianus, ali­ter Dio nar­rat. Certum tamen est eum etiam illi [...] perfidia tru­culenta poti­us quam vir­tute grassa­tum. Jacobus Capellus in 5. Centu­riis. bragged that he had conquered Gal­lo-Graecia: so Caracalla having perfidiously slain a great number of Germans and Par­thians, usurped the titles of Germanicus and [Page 171] Parthicus. Tristan in his parallel of Caracalla with Caligula.

Being incensed against the Alexandrians, who traduced him for his fratricide, and nick-named his mother Iocasta, he com­manded the strongest of them to be listed for service; whom when he had enrolled, he killed, after the example of Ptolomeus Eu­ergetes, the 8 of that name, called Physcon; giving moreover a signal to the souldiers to kill their hosts.

He restored all profligate persons who were exiled, to their liberty; and presently after filled the Ilands whither they were ba­nished with more exiles. Xiphiline.

He slew his brother Geta in his mothers armes, Baronius produceth a Medaie of Severus with Cara­calla and Geta's heads on the reverse, and these words, Con­cordia perpe­tus. whom he forced to dissemble mirth; He consecrated the sword wherewith he kild him sequestred their goods in whose will Geta's name was found, and slew 20000 persons related to him; spending whole nights in such tragicall executions. com­pare Dion with Herodian.

To cloke which fratricide with shew of constraint, first to the souldiers, and then in the Senate, he accused his brother to have sought his death, and that in defence of himself he was forced to kill him; and thereupon fled to the Praetorian bands for safety of his life, as though further conspi­racies had been intended against him in the City.

Notwithstanding which cruelty he arro­gated to himself the name of Pius, and after, [Page 172] conquering the Germans, he was not asha­med of the title Germanicus, though through the ambiguity of the word he might be thought to boast of his brothers murder. Hemelarius.

He allowed Geta a good funerall, buried him in a stately monument built by Severus, called Septizonium; wept as often as he saw his picture, or heard mention of his name: and being told that his Fratricide might be expiated in some degree by calling his bro­ther a God, he answered; Sit Divus modò non sit vivus. Spartian in Geta. c. 3.

For the murther of his brother he was punished with madness by the Furies, de­servedly called Vltrices Deae.

Affrighted with the Ghost of his Father and Commodus, he prohibited any upon pain of death to name Geta; and broke the mony stamped with his effigies, and abo­lished all the playes instituted in honour of his birth-day.

By his Favourites, the name of Geta was raced out of all Monuments and Impe­riall inscriptions, as we have seen some of them defaced upon some Altar stones found in Britain. Speeds Chron.

He slew Papinian the famous Lawyer, be­cause sollicited by him to defend his Fra­tricide, he said; It was a crime easilyer com­mitted then excused. Spartian c. 8.

He did chide the executioner, because he beheaded Papinian with an Axe, and not with a sword. Spartian in Caracalla c. 4. and in Geta c. 6. Xiphiline.

[Page 173] When he ascribed to himself the titles of Germanicus, Arabicus, and Alemannicus, Sar­maticus Maximus, and Parthicus Maximus; Helvius Pertinax son to the Emperour Perti­nax jestingly said, Adde if you please Geticus Maximus, because of his brother Geta's murther, and because the Gothes (whom he overcame in his passage to the East) are called Getae; which occasioned Pertinax his death. Spartian in Geta ubi suprà, & in Cara­calla c. 10.

Being in Mesopotamia, he writes to Ma­ternianus to whom he committed com­mand at Rome, to enquire of the Magici­ans, (to whom he was so addicted) whe­ther any intended to surprize the Empire. Maternianus writes back that Macrinus treacherously aspired to the Empire; which letter with others Caracalla received while he was at his sport, and delivered them to Macrinus to give him an account of. Macri­nus broke up the letters, and fell upon that which aimed at his destruction; where­fore finding his own danger, he reserved that letter to himself, acquainting Caracalla with the rest. But fearing lest Maternianus should write again of the same businesse, he resolved to prevent his imminent danger by this plot. He perswades Martialis a Cen­turion, and one of Caracalla's guard (whose brother the Emperour had slain a few dayes before, upon an accusation without proof) to dispatch him, which he did whilest the Emperour was about to ease nature.

[Page 174] When he went out of a certain gate, he heeded not the detaining of him, and tear­ing his garment by a Lion, whom he used to play with, and named Acinaces; who held him as it were by an extraordinary in­stinct, as if he foreknew the misfortune ready to befall him. Dion.

It was but just, that he who had killed so many of his friends, should be slain by the treason of his enemies.

Both Caligula and Caracalla reigned but a little while. Both were killed by military Tribunes, the one by Cassius Chaerea, whom he was wonted to taxe with effeminacy: and the other by Martialis, who was em­ployed by Macrinus, whom Caracalla char­ged with the same fault. And which is won­derfull, they both dyed being 29. yeares old, and both their Assassinates were slain after them. Tristan in his parallel of Ca­racalla with Caligula.

He reigned 6 yeares, 2 moneths and 2 dayes.

Serapion an Egyptian a few dayes before told him, that he should dye shortly, and Macrinus should succeed him: for which he was cast to a Lion, and though the beast spared him, Macrinus would not. Xiphiline.

Both Neró and Caracalla dyed violent deaths, and both had for their successors old men whom they loved not at all, and who reigned not long, being both slain by the practises of two effeminate persons, who were Otho and Heliogabalus. Tri­stan [Page 175] in his parallel of Caracalla with Nero.

When he was dead, it appeared that he procured as much poyson from the inhabi­tants of upper Asia, as cost 220000 crowns, that he might poyson severall wayes as ma­ny as he pleased. Xiphiline.

It is to be admired, that a man so extreme­ly wicked, tempered himself from slaugh­ter of the Christians.

His wife Plautina had as much for her dowry as would have served 50 Empresses. Her Father Plautian made men Eunuchs, who were married and had children; and their children also were gelded, that she might have musick-masters who might teach her the better, and domestiques of this sort fitter to compose tunes for her.

Choyce Observations OF OPILIUS MACRINUS, And his Son ANTONINUS DIADUMENVS.

MAcrinus was of so obscure par [...]n­tage, that according to the cu­stome of the Moores, he had one of his eares bored thorough. Xiphiline.

He was made a praefect by Caracalla, af­ter whose death he was elected Emperour by the Souldiers, who were ignorant of his treason, the suspicion whereof he escaped by a seeming sorrow.

The Romans were so glad of Caracalla's death, that they considered not whether Macrinus was good or bad; men who are in­jured, when they overcome their enemies, respect not so much their profit as revenge.

He associated with himself his son Diadu­menus, so called either from his Grand-Fa­ther by the Mothers side, or because he was born with a Diadem on his head, like a bow-string. Lampr [...]d. in Diadumeno. c. 4.

He commanded Diadumenus forthwith to be called Antoninus by the Souldiers, and assumed to himself the name of Severus, whose memory he pretended to reverence, [Page 177] that he might deface the suspicion of assasi­nating his Son.

He imitated Marcus Aurelius in a slow pace and low voice, and Nero in a cruell life.

Instead of Macrinus, he was by his own servants called Macellinus, as one would say Butcher, quòd macelli specie domus ejus cruen­taretur sanguine vernularum. Because his house was like a shamble of murthered men. Capitolinus in Macrino. c. 13.

He was named Mezentius, because like him he joyned live bodies to dead.

He commanded 2. souldiers, who had ra­vished their hostesses maid, to be sewed up in the bellies of 2. great Oxen, their heads onely left out, that they might speak one to another.

He caused those souldiers who commit­ted Adultery to be tyed to the women, and burnt alive; though his Wife Nonia Celsa was insatiable that way.

He shut live men in seiled walls, where they dyed miserably.

Mothe le Vayer in his Opuscules p. 27. &c. thinketh that one reason why Macrinus banished Lucius Priscillianus a valiant Cap­tain into an Island where he dyed, was be­cause he had the boldnesse to encounter alone 4. such fierce beasts, as a Bear, a Leo­pard, a Lyonesse and a Lyon; though his cruell carriage under Caracalla who advan­ced him, afforded sufficient pretence for his punishment, as Dion informeth us. l. 78.

[Page 178] Macrinus said he was clement, when he punished but one souldier in an hundred with capitall punishment for a mutiny, when he thought they deserved to be deci­mated or at least one in 20. to suffer.

Having written to the Senate, that he knew no body desired his death, Fulvius Diogenianus cryed out; Yes but we all do.

After he had concluded a peace with Ar­tabanus the Parthian King, he returned to Antioch in Syria, and there spent his time in sensual pleasures, being drenched so far therein, that the Army began to dislike his government, and to favour young Bassianus the son of Caracalla, then present at Emesa a Citie in Phoenicia, with Maesa his Grand-Mother by his Mothers side, who there had built a Temple to the Sun, and therein ordained him a Priest, for which cause he was called Heliogabalus, which in the Phoenician language is, the Priest of the Sun.

To this temple resorted many of the Souldiers, and seeing the beauty of the youth, allured Maesa to bring him to their Camp: where known to be the Son of Ca­racalla, the Souldiers proclaimed him Emperour, and maintained his right a­gainst Macrinus; who after this revolt, met young Heliogabalus in the confines be­tween Phoenicia and Syria, where he fought a bloudy battel, but being put to flight, hasted to Chalcedon, fell sick, and was with his Son Diadumenus put to death by [Page 179] the Souldiers, because he contracted their pay, and suppressed their luxury.

He lived 54. yeares, reigned one year and 2. Moneths:

Choyce Observations OF HELIOGABALUS.

THis Monster had more names and sur-names (saith Tristan) then Hydra had heads; for whilest he was a private man he was called Varius Avitus Lupus, Varius from his reputed Father Varius Marcellus, Avitus Lupus from Julius Avitus Lupus his Grand-father by the mothers side; after being presented to the Souldiers to obtain their favour, he was named Bassianus: by whom when he was received and proclaimed Emperour, they gave him the name of Antoninus. He was the last Emperour upon whom that name was conferred, which because he dishonoured, he was called Pseud-Antoninus. He was named Assyrius (saith Dion) because he was often seen in publick clothed with a barbarous habit, such as his Countrymen the Priests of Syria, anciently called Assyria, used to wear. His debauchednesse made him to be sur-named the Roman Sardanapalus. He had the sur-name of Heliogabalus given to him, Novo ex­emplo hic fa­nati [...]us, de nomine cjus dei cujus sa­cerdos fuit, se quoque dici voluit. quod non minut in­solens quàm si Iovis sacer­dos aut dialis flamen ipsam Iovis appella­tionem sibi vindicasset. Casaubon.because he was Priest of Heliogabalus the peculiar god of the Emesenes; so strange a Deity, that Authors agree not about the writing, or meaning of his name: though it be most probable that it signifieth the Sun.

[Page 181] He was the spurious issue of Caracalla and Symia Syra, which Sealiger rendreth Lunula Onychine.

He had 6 Wives in the short time of his reigne; the first of which was Annia Faustina, of Commodus his linage, for the enjoyment of whom he caused Pomponius Bassus her hus­band to be put to death, not permitting her to weep for him. On a re­verse of Au­nia Fanstina is written Concordia, and on one of Paula's Concordia aeterna. Tristan. See p. 171. in the mar­gin. Divorcing her he mar­ried Cornelia Paula a most Illustrious Ro­man Lady (that he might the sooner be a Fa­ther (said he) who was not able to be a man) yet soon after onely because she had a spot in her body, as he said, he put her away, and stripping her of all honours, sequestred her to a private life. After pretending he was in love, he violently took out of Vesta her sacred Nunnery at Rome, Julia Aquilia Severa a Vestal Virgin, and married her, which by the Heathens was held such a crime, that the Num which had carnal know­ledge of a man, was buried alive: writing to the Senate, who were grieved at his sacri­legious act, That she was a fit match for a Priest, and impudently affirmed he did it, That from himself a Priest and his Wife the chief Priestesse of Vesta there might be born issue wor­thy of the Gods. Yet he quickly turned away this wife, for to espouse another, with 2 more whose names are unknown; it being difficult to determine whether he be to be blamed more for his frequent and illegal marriages, or his sudden and causelesse di­vorces. And at last being possessed with a [Page 182] continuall inconstancy (having changed 5 times in 4. yeares) he returned to Aqui­lia Severa. compare Dion. l. 79. with Herod. l. 5. c. 6.

Nor did he thus play at fast and loose with humane matrimonies onely, but now his God also wanted a wise. Him he married first to Pallas, after (saying, His God liked not so martial a wife) to Vrania, concluding it was fitter to match the Sun and Moon together, making his God almost as fickle as himself. Herodian l. 5. c. 6.

He gave all the treasure in the Temple of Vrania to his God, for a portion with her.

He commanded all the people of Rome and Italy to use all publick and private feasts for joy of the wedding:

He erected in the suburbs a magnificent Temple, into which every year with great solemnity he brought his God, whom he preferred before Iupiter, and made an edic [...] that the Romans should pray to the ne [...] god Heliogabalus before all other gods, who he said, were servants of his God, spoiling their Temples to enrich that of his, nay would have had no other gods worshippe [...] at Rome, saith Lamprid. in Heliogab. c. 3. Ne [...] Romanas tautùm voluit extinguere religioues sed per orbem terrae unum studens ut Heliogabalu [...] deus unus ubique coleretur. Id. ibid. c. 6.

He was a man for all women, and a woman for all men. Coëffeteau.

He so far differed from the manners o [...] men, that modesty permitteth not to re­late [Page 183] his greatest vices; the Devil in the form of an Hermaphrodite, not being able to act greater lewdness then he did saith Tristan.

Lampridius thus beginneth the story of Heliogabalus: I would never have wrote the beastly life of Heliogabalus, that it might not have been known, that he was a Roman Emperour, unlesse Caligula, Nero and Vi­tellius had before sate in the same throne.

Boccaline feigneth that Lampridius was se­verely proceeded against by Apollo, and that by order of the whole congregati­on of Parnassus, his Histories was turned back upon his hands, and he was freely told, That he should go and teach those execra­ble lusts in the publick Classis, wherewith he had so delighted himself to fill his shamefull pa­pers, wherein he had written the lives of He­liogabalus, Caracalla, and other las [...]vious Monsters of Nature. Parnassus cent. 1. adver­tisement 55.

It is questioned whether were greater his boundlesse Prodigality, his stupendious Lea­chery, or his fantasticall Foolery: the last of which his Imperial vertues he gave proof of, when he commanded his servants to bring him a thousand pound weight of Spiders offe­ring them a reward, and received of them ten thousand pound weight, whereupon he said, that now he understood the greatness of Rome: At another time he caused to be gathered ten thousand Mice, a thousand We­zels, and a thousand Polecats, which he brought forth in a publick shew to the people, for [Page 184] some wise State-purpose, like the former. Speeds Chron.

He disfigured his faire face with foul tin­ctures; He slept in the day, transacted af­faires in the night.

Being near the Sea, he never tasted fish; nor flesh, when he was farthest in the Con­tinent: He said that fare was best which cost most.

He ridicously wore Jewels, and those curiously engraved, on his feet; as if the rarity of the work could be discerned there. Lamprid. c. 23.

That he might seem magnificent, he drowned Ships in the haven; paying the owners for their fraught: and drew Fishes out of his Ponds with Oxen. Lamprid. c. 32. and 24.

He built stately Bathes, which being but once used were plucked down. Lampr. c. 30.

He said, If he had an heir he would teach him to do as he did.

When he was but a private man, being reproved for his prodigality by a friend, who asked him, Whether he did not fear want hereafter; he answered, What can be better for me then to be heire to my self?

He conferred honours on sordid per­sons, and put great persons upon mean employments, causing the entrails of the sacrifices to be born by Generals of armies, and the chief Officers of State.

In imitation of Apicius he would frequent­ly eate Camels heels, the combes of Cocks [Page 185] newly cut, the tongues of Peacocks and Nightingales, with the entrails of Mullets, Partridges egges, the heads of Parrats, Pheasants and Peacocks, and the braines of Thrushes and Phoenicopters. Id. ibid. c. 20.

He had served in at a meale the heads of 600. Estridges, onely that he might eat their brains. Id. ib. c. 30.

He fed his horses with grapes, his dogs with Geese livers (a dainty then) Lyons and other beasts with Parrats and Phea­sants. Id. ibid. c. 20, and 21.

He often changed his Pallets, and lay not on any couch unlesse it was stuffed with Hares furre, or the feathers under Partrid­ges wings. Id. ib. c. 19.

One day he would eat nothing but Pheasant, another day Chickens, on ano­ther this or that Fish, at one time Ostri­ches, at another Herbs, or Apples, other whiles sweet-meats or white-meats onely. Id. ib. c. 32.

One of his feasts was hardly ended in a day, the several messes being prepared, and eaten successively in the houses of his seve­ral friends, one dwelling in the Capitol, another upon mount Caelius, a 3 beyond Tiber, &c. one staying for another, till the dishes went through all their houses. Lam­pridius c. 30. In parasitas tantùm sce­lestus nebulo ingeniosus & justus fuisse videtur, saith one.

He tyed his Parasites to a wheele, and turned them up and down in water, calling them his Ixionian friends. Id. ibid. c. 24.

[Page 186] He thrust them also out of his dining­roomes, which had deceitfull floores, into chambers filled with roses, that smothered with them, they might meet with the bit­ternesse of death in sweetnesse. Id. ib. c. 21.

He Tantalized them with mock-feasts in waxe, wood, ivory, marble, glasse; some­times what himself did eat was woven or wrought with a needle on their Napkins: otherwhiles so many dishes of meat as were provided for him, were painted upon their tables: onely allowing them to drink. Id. ib. c. 26. and 27.

At the 2 and 3 course he caused Beares, Pardals, Lyons and Leopards, which lac­ked their teeth and clawes, to be brought in suddenly by their Keepers, to terrify them, who were ignorant of their inability to hurt. Lamprid. c. 21.

He shut them up when they were drunk, turning in upon them in the night these dis­armed beasts, with the fear of which many dyed. Id. ib. c. 25.

Their yearly salaries were pitchers full of Frogs, Scorpions, Serpents and Flyes. Id. ib. c. 26.

Many times he kept them in their lod­gings from night to morning with old Black-moor women, whereas he told them he had provided most beautifull ones for them. Id. ib. c. 30.

When the people had taken up their pla­ces before day in the Theatre to behold the sports, he caused Serpents to be thrown [Page 187] among them, whereby many of them were sore bitten and hurt by flight. Lampridius c. 23.

He did fantastically set up a Senate of Women, with sutable Orders, as how to attire, where take place, when salute; but after his death all Women were deprived of that priviledge by the Senate. Id. ib. c. 4. and 18.

He did drive Chariots drawn by Ele­phants in the Vatican, levelling the tombes which stood in his way; he was also drawn by 4 Camels in the Circus, by 4 Mastives in the Palace, after he was Emperour; by 4 stags in publick, sometimes by Lyons he naming himself Magna Mater, also by Ti­gers counterfeiting Bacchus, unto whom through his excessive humour of drinking he was something more like: other whiles 4 naked Wenches drew him, he being also naked. Lamprid. c. 23. 28. 29.

He was addicted to divination by inspe­ction of the bowels of young men sacrifi­ced, chusing many fair Gentlemen through­out all Italy, whose Parents were living, that their sorrow might be the greater, Lam­pridius c. 8.

By perswasion of Maesa his Grand-mother, who pretended to free him from cares of state, he proclaimeth Alexander Severus his Cousin German Caesar, maketh him Consul with himself, and adopteth him for his Son, the Senate ridiculously voting what he com­manded, viz. Alex. Severus who was 12 years [Page 188] old, to be the Son of Heliog abalus who was but 16.

He assaying in vain to draw his cousen to his unseemely courses, repented that he had made him his collegue in the Empire; expelled all his Tutors from the Court, and put the chief of them to death: alleadging ridiculously, that the Pedants spoiled his Son, not suffering him to dance and revell, but teach­ing him to be Modest and use manly exercises. Herodian. l. 5. c. 7. Lamprid. c. 13.

That he revenged himself on none who mocked him upon the reading of Macrinu [...] his letters against him at Rome: Tristan im­puteth to the prudent moderation of Maesa and Eutychianus, by whose means chiefly he got the Empire, whom yet he put to death with cruell ingratitude, onely because he was advised by him to reform.

The Syrian Priests having foretold him that he should dye a violent death, he build a rich and stately Tower whence he might throw himself down; preparing also cords of crimson silk and gold to strangle himself with; rich swords to thrust himself through; keeping poyson in boxes of Emeralds and Jacynth, that he might chuse a death accor­ding to his humour: saying, That however he dyed, his death should be glorious in the eyes of men, and such a one as none ever dyed.

But he failed of his hope, though not of his desert; for the Souldiers of his own guard, whom he commanded to make away his Cousin-german, and deface his statues, [Page 189] for the love they bore to Alexander Severus, killed Heliogabalus himself in a privy, whi­ther he fled to escape them.

His body was drawn by a Souldier through all the streets of Rome, like the car­kas of a dog, with this military proclamati­on: The whelp of untamed and ravening lust. At last when the quantity of his body was grea­ter then would enter into the stool of a pri­vy, wherein for the last funerall ceremony it should have been buried, they drew it to Ti­ber, binding it to an heavy weight, & so cast it into the River, that it might neither float above water nor be buried; he being the only Emperour who was ever so punished.

They did also thrust stakes through the fundament of some of his lewd compani­ons, that their death might be conforma­ble to their life.

It is observable that notwithstanding he not onely permitted, but also encouraged his subjects to live licentiously: moreover was so liberal toward them, that he fed them with most delicate and exquisite meates, gave unto them abundance of mony, and all the plate, were it of gold or silver, where­with he was served, to them who dined or supped with him, & made many other very sumptuous distributions to the people: yet the Romans nevertheless abhorring in him their own vices, or rather being satiated therewith, slew him as is above mentioned, in the 21 year of his age, when he had rei­gned 3 years 9 months & 4 dayes.

Choyce Observations OF ALEXANDER MAMMAEAE.

HE was named Alexander, because he was born in the Temple of A­lexander the Great, and on that day that Alexander dyed; he had a Foster-father called Philip, and a nurse named Olympias: in allusion to Alexander the Great's Father and Mother. Lampridius in Alexandro Severo. c. 5. & 13. who recko­neth 14. omens of his coming to the Em­pire.

He is called Alexander Mammaeae from his mother Mammaea more known then his Fa­ther. Of his pe­digree, see H. Valesius on Peiresci, Excerpta p. 112.

Though he was strict in his discipline, yet Lampridius erroneously affirmeth that he was named Severus for his severity to the Souldiers. Tristan tom 2. p. 385.

His mother Julia Mammaea (daughter of Maesa) was a Christian woman, and did send for Origen to instruct her son in the grounds of the Christian religion.

He was the first who received at one time all ornaments and tokens of honour, which he purchased by his honest life and vertu­ous manners, whereby he obtained such favour of all men, that when his Cousin-German Heliogabalus would have slain him, [Page 191] he could not for the Souldiers and Senates resistance: he proving himself worthy to be saved harmless by the Senate and Souldiers, and to be elected Emperour by the votes of all good men, when he was but 16. years old. Lamprid. c. 2.

He was then so modest, that when the Se­nate and people would have given to him the sur-names of Antoninus and Quod ei qus­si Alexandre est oblatum. Magnus as principall titles of Honour, he humbly re­fused them, saying openly unto the Senate; It pleaseth me not to assume what belongeth to others, and I find my self overladen with your love, for these high names of honour are too bur­densome to me. Whereupon (saith Lamprid. c. 12.) he gained more honour, than if he had taken titles upon him, and from that time he had the repute of a moderate and wise man.

[Eruditionis gloriam famam (que) declinando eru­ditissimus habebatur saith Hierome of Nepotia­nus.]

He went usually in the morning betime to his devotion into his closet, where were set the images of Apollonius, Christ, Abraham, and Orpheus. Lamprid. c. 29.

He did read much the life of Alexander the Great, See p. 13. in the margin. whom he imitated especially, yet abhorred his drunkeness and cruelty toward his friends. Id. c. 30.

He would not hear Oratours or Poets speak any thing to his praise, counting it folly, but willingly heard Orations of the acts of other good Princes, or of famous [Page 192] Romans; and most gladly such as were made in praise of Alexander the Great. Id. c. 35.

He had the picture of Virgil and Tully, with Achilles and other great persons in his lesser lararium; Alexander the great among those he worshipped as Gods in his greater. Id. ibid. c. 31.

He was at first harsh, after favourable to Christians, thought to build a Temple to Christ, but was diverted by Vlpian and o­thers who having consulted their Heathen gods, See p. 44. and 132. received this answer (saith Lamprid. c. 43.) that if that were suffered, all men would be Christians, and all other Temples desolate.

He delighted not in cloath of gold or silkes, saying; Government consisted in ver­tue, and not in costly apparell. Lamprid. c. 33.

At his table he drunk not in cups of gold, and kept not above 200. pound weight of silver vessels in his house, Id. ibid. c. 34.

He sold Jewels that were given to him, Lamprid. c. 51. counting it unfit for himself to possesse such things, as he could neither give to his soul­diers, nor any man find profit in. Where­fore when an Embassador had given to the Empresse 2. unions of wonderfull great­nesse, he commanded them to be sold: and when none could be found who would give as much as they were prized at, lest any ill example should proceed from his wife, if she wore that which no body could buy, [...] caused them to be hanged at the eares of [Page 191] the Image of Venus: Sr. Th Elyot his image of govern. thereby declaring that such things either for the inestimable price were [...]itter for gods then men: or for the unprofitable beauty thereof served onely for persons of wanton dispositions, whereof Venus was goddesse and patronesse.

He would not suffer any to come into his presence, but such as were honest and of good report, commanding that none should enter into his Palace, but onely such who knew themselves to be free from vice: causing it to be proclaimed that no person knowing himself to be a thief, should presume to salute him upon pain of capitall punishment. Lamprid. c. 18.

He prohibited infamous women to salute his Wife or Mother. Id. c. 25.

He was strict in his own manners, where­fore all noble men assayed to imitate him, and honourable matrons followed the Em­presses example. Id. c. 41.

He caused the sinews of one of his Secre­tary's fingers to be cut through, See p. 62. and 63. so that he could never write after, and banished him, for forging a false bill in his Counsell. Id. ib. c. 28. Videsis plura.

He commanded one of his own servants, who had abused him by receiving 100. Crownes of a Souldier for a bribe, to be hanged in the high way, wherein his ser­vants most frequently passed to his man­nors without the City. Id. c. 23.

He used like severity toward souldiers; for when he heard that one of them had [Page 192] wronged a poor old woman, he cashiered him and made him be bond slave to the wo­man, that he being a carpenter might with his trade and labour maintain her: and when the Souldiers were grieved thereat, he perswaded them to be contended, and made them afraid to grudge at it. Id. c. 51.

He would in no case permit offices to be sold; for (said he) he who buyeth, must sell; I will not endure any merchandise of authority; which if I tolerate, I cannot afterwards con­demn; and I shall be ashamed to punish him who sold what I permitted him to buy. Id. c. 49.

He so abhorred bribery, that if by chance he saw a Judge therewith corrupted, he was ready to scratch out his eyes; and was so incensed at the sight of such extortioners, that he would immediately vomit up cho­ler, his face being as it were on fire, and he not able of a long time to speak a word. Id. c. 17.

He had a favourite named Vetronius Turi­nus, who used to be more familiar with him then others, which so blinded him, that he by lyes confirmed the opinion of many, who thought the Emperour would do no­thing without his advice. Which abuse the Emperour hearing of used this plot to cir­cumvent him. He caused one to desire some­thing of him openly, and after to sue pri­vily to Turinus to help him in his demand, and secretly to move the Emperour for him: which being done, Turinus promised [Page 193] good will to the petitioner, and soon af­ter said that he had sollicited the Empe­rour therein, (whereas he spoke not a word thereof) and expected his answer; where­upon he received of the said person a great summe of money, which the Emperour knowing, caused him to call often on Turi­nus; who, as if he had other business in hand, onely beckened on him without speaking any thing to him; the Emperour in the in­terim having given to another that which this man sued for, who grudging thereat, discovered openly what Turinus had recei­ved of him: whereupon the Emperour commanded Turinus to be accused openly in his presence, and all things being proved by sufficient and credible witnesses, in whose presence he had received bribes, and in whose hearing he had promised great mat­ters: he was adjudged by the Emperour to be bound to a stake in the market place, and to be smothered to death with smoke of green sticks and wet stubble, the bedell being commanded to cry the mean while, Fumo punitur qui vendidit fumum; He peri­sheth by smoke who had vented smoke in stead of substance. But lest men should think the judgement was too rigorous for one of­fence, before he was condemned to dye, the Emperour made diligent search, and found by evident proofes, that Turinus had often and in many causes received money of both parts, promising to promote their cause to the Emperour. Lamprid▪ c. 35. & 36.

[Page 194] He had in his chamber bills containing the number of his Souldiers, with their names, and what time they had served; and when he was alone, he perused their accounts, and the number of them with their dignityes and wages, that he might be sure­ly provided upon all occasions: wherefore when he had any thing to do with them, he could tell many of their names. When he was sollicited to promote any one, he mar­ked his name, and then searched his books of remembrance, wherein were the names of them who served him, with the time of their service, also their reward, and at whose request they were promoted. Id. c. 21.

In his expeditions if any Souldier going out of the way passed through an other mans ground, he would cause him to be beaten with rods, or be drubbed in his sight: or if the dignity of the person freed him from such punishments, he would se­verely reprove him, saying; Visne hoc in agro tuo fieri, quod alteri facis? Lamprid. c. 51.

When his Souldiers mutinyed at Antioch, See p. 128. because he exercised martial discipline up­on some of them for debauchednesse, he stilled them with these words; Quirites dis­cedite, atque arma deponite. A wonderfull example, they all putting off their armes and souldiers coates, departed to their se­verall lodgings. Then the Emperours guard brought all the Standards into the Camp, and the people themselves brought [Page 195] all their armour to the Emperours Palace: Yet that very Legion which he disbanded, being sued unto 30 dayes before he went toward Persia, he received again, and by their valour especially, he overcame his enemies: notwithstanding ere he departed he put to death the Commanders of that Legion, because the souldiers passed their time riotously at Daphne, through their negligence or connivence. Id. ib. c. 53. & 54.

He so heard the complaints of souldiers against their Commanders, that if he found any Officer faulty, he punished him accor­ding to the quality of the offence, without purpose of pardon. Id. c. 23.

He made one a pretorian prefect, who fled to avoid so arduous imployment, say­ing; Invitos, non ambientes in republica collo­candos, They were fit to bear office of state who shunned them, not those that sued for them. Id. c. 19.

[King William Rufus (sacrilegious in other acts) herein discharged a good con­science. Two Monks came to him to buy an Abbots place of him, seeking to outvie each other in offering great summes of mo­ney, whilest a third Monk stood by, and said nothing. To whom said the King; What wilt thou give for the place? Not a penny, answered he, for it is against my conscience; but here I stay to wait home on him whom your Royall pleasure shall design Abbot. Then quoth the King, Thou of the three best deservest the place, and [Page 198] shalt have it, and so bestowed it on him. Fullers Holy stare. l. 2. c. 12.]

He never made a Senatour without the Counsell and approbation of the whole Se­nate, testimony of him being given by ho­nourable persons; but if either the Sena­tours who gave their suffrage, or the wit­nesses were found to have spoken untruly, they were put into the lowest place of e­steem, being also condemned by the peo­ple as deceivers and forgers without hope of remission. Lamprid. c. 19.

He loved learned men, and feared them also very much, lest they should write any thing sharply of him. Lamprid. c. 3.

His Mother Mammaea and his Grand-mo­ther Maesa chose out of the Senate 16 grave and honourable Peeres for his Counsellers and Assistants, without whose consent no­thing was to passe as an Act of State. Hero­dian. l. 6. c. 1.

He transacted no weighty matter of judi­cature, without the advice of no lesse then 50 most learned and wise men, beside 20 Lawyers (18 whereof were Scholars of Papi­nian) of whom Vlpian was chief.

Every mans opinion was heard, and what they said was written; a competent time be­ing given each Counsellour to consider what they propounded, that they might not speak unadvisedly in matters of impor­tance. Lamprid. c. 16. and 68.

In Law and business of state, intelligent, learned and eloquent men were of his [Page 197] Councel; in military affaires old Com­manders, who had behaved themselves va­liantly in several battails, and were expert in the situation of places, pitching of fields, and preparation of camps; in each matters he advised with the best Historians: asking them, what the Emperours of Rome or Princes of forreign countries in former times did in like cases as were then in debate. Id. c. 16.

When he appointed Governours of Pro­vinces, he published their names, exhor­ting and encouraging the people to bring in what exception they could against them, and manifestly to prove the crime, if there was cause of accusation; provided, if they did not sufficiently prove their charge, and that their accusation proceeded from ma­lice, the accuser should forthwith be behea­ded: for, said he, Since Christians and Jews use this method in ordination of Priests, it is most reasonable that the like course should be taken in the choice of Rectors of Provinces, to whom are committed the lives and fortunes of those who are under them. Id. c. 49.

When certain Hucksters and Cookes pre­tended they had right to a place which was consecrated by the Christians, and it was inquired what was his pleasure therein, he answered; It was better that God should be worshipped there after any sort, then that the place should be put to vain uses. Id. c. 49.

Eusebius in his Ecclesiasticall History l. 6. saith, that there were many Christians in his family.

[Page 198] He wrote down so far as he could remem­ber, what he had given to any man, and if he found any to whom he had either given no­thing, or that which was not equall to his merit, he called them unto him, saying What is the cause that thou askest nothing of me? Wouldst thou have me to be in thy debt? Ask some­thing that thou mayest not complain of me for want of promotion. Id. c. 46.

When any one had exercised his office in the Common-wealth well, at the end of his term when there was a Successour appoin­ted, he would say to him who departed out of his office; Gratias tibi agit Respublica: and would so reward him, that being a pri­vate person, he might according to his de­gree live the more honestly. Id. c. 32.

He allowed every Judge of a Province 20 pound weight in silver, 6 silver pots, 2 Mules, 2 Mulets, 2 Horses, a Horse-kee­per and a Muletour, 2 Robes to sit in judge­ment, one honourable garment to wear in his house, one for his bath, one cook, and 100 crowns; their employment being en­ded, they were bound to restore the Mules, Mulets, Horses, Muletours and Cooks: but might retain the residue if they had dischar­ged their office well, otherwise they payed 4 times as much as they received. Id. c. 42.

He did let no day passe without exerci­sing himself in learning and martial affaires. Id. c. 3.

Every day also he did some good to others, in which (saith Tristan) he had an [Page 199] advantage of happinesse above Titus, who could not expresse the like goodness above space of 2 yeares in which he reigned.

If necessity required, he heard matters before day, staying till it was late; never seeming to be weary or troubled: but had all the time the same countenance, in all things appearing merry and pleasant. Lam­pridius c. 29.

He was so courteous, that he visited the meanest of his sick friends, desiring them to tell him their minds freely of every thing, and hearing them attentively; and when he had heard them throughly, what­soever he found amisse he carefully amen­ded: and when his mother Mammaea and his wife Memmia blamed him for his great civility, saying it made his authority con­temptible, he answered; but more secure and durable. Id. c. 20.

He repaired most of the Bridges which were built by Trajan, leaving notwithstan­ding the name and honour thereof to Tra­jan. Id. c. 26.

His Souldiers marceed like Senatours to the Persian war, the Country loving them as brethren, and honouring the Emperour as a God. Id. c. 50.

When he dined or supped abroad, he had ever with him Vlpian or other learned men, that he might benefit himself by their dis­course, with which he said, that he was both recreated and [...]ed. Id. c. 34.

In all the time of his reign, which la­sted [Page 200] 14 yeares he suffered none to dye, but those who were condemned by law; a rare vertue, and not practised by any since Mar­cus Aurelius: and there had been nothing wanting to have rendred him a most excel­lent Prince, had not his Mother who was (a good woman but) too miserable, blasted his honour by her sordid demeanour. Lampridius c. 14. Hero­dian l. 6. c. 9.

He meeting with a Druid as he went into Germany, she said to him; Vadas, nec victo­riam speres, nec militi tuo credas. Lampridias c. 60.

Thrasybulus his friend foretelling that he should die by the hand of a barbarian, he rejoyced, thinking that he should die a war­like death; but he was mistaken in his in­terpretation, dying not in war: for the soul­diers enraged with his discipline, and his mother Mammaea's covetousness, slew both near Mentz in Germany, by the instigation of Maximus a muletour whom he had rai­sed.

He lived 29 yeares 11 months and 7 dayes, and reigned (saith Lampride) 13 years and 9 dayes. S. Aur. Victor saith that when Alexander saw himself forsaken of his guard, he cryed out upon her which gave him his life, as the cause of his death; adding that Mammaea had reduced her son to such an ex­tremity by her sparing humour, who if ne­ver so little was left at their overfrugal ta­ble, Matris cultu plus quam pius. Aur. Victor. reserved it till another time.

Verè Mammaeus à studio in matrem Mammae­am, [Page 201] ex cujus arbitrio & consilio multa admini­strat infeliciter & cum proprio exitio. Dieteri­cus in breviario historico.

Iulian bringeth in Silenus thus deriding him: O te hominem amentissimum, & nullius plane consilii! qui ad tantum dignitatis fastigium elatus, tuas res ex animi tui sententia non admi­nistrasti, sed tuas pecunias matri commisisti, neque tibi tn mentem venit, longe satius & utilius esse eas amicis impartiri, quàm sibi recondere.

He is the more to be honoured and ad­mired, since being come of uncertain linage, born far from Rome, and in so barbarous a Country as Syria, he so well governed the Roman Empire, which before his time was extremely corrupted with detestable vices.

Dion was contemporary and Consul with Alexander, with whom he endeth his history, of which Bussieres in his Flosculi historici pas­seth this censure: Tunc Dio Cassius principi charus & fastis insertus, inauguravit literas tra­bea; Romanae Graecus scriptor historiae perquam accuratus, quam tamen negligentia temporum perdidit, dum studiosus brevitatis in Xiphilino, ignorantiam sovet, & umbram amans corpus amittit.

Choyce Observations OF MAXIMINUS, And his Son MAXIMUS.

MAximinus spent his youth in keep­ing cattle, yet was advanced af­terward for his stature which ex­ceeded 8 foot by 6 fingers. Capi­tolinus in Maxim. c. 1. & in Maximino I un, c. 2. secundum correctionem Casauboni & Salma­sii. [Ego (ut [...], cui magna solet esse fides, testem saciam) Belgam (Antwerpianum se fere. bat) in Galliis, Anno 1583. vidi novem pedes al­titudine excedentem, &c. Merula Cosmographis parte prima, l. 3. c. 14.]

His body was so great that his wives bra­celet served him for a ring. Capitolinus in Maximino, c. 6.

His stomach was answerable; he eating daily 40, sometimes 60 pound weight of flesh; and drinking 6 gallons of wine, Id. ibid. c, 4.

His strength was sutable; he being able to draw waines loaden with his hands; to strike out the teeth of a horse with his fist, to break his thighes with a kick; to crumble tophy stones between his fingers, and to cleave [Page 203] young Trees: for which he was called Her­cules, Antaeus, and M [...]lo; as Achilles, Hector, and Ajax, for his valour. Id. ibid. c. 6. and 8.

Sept. Severus celebrating the birth-day of his Son Geta, with military sports, gave the winners for a reward jewels, collars, bra­celets, belts; Maximinus who was newly come to the army, and could scarce speak Latine came before him, intreating his leave that he might put forth himself in these exer­cises. Severus wondring at the greatness of his body, granted his request; but upon conditition, that he should not encounter with any souldier, Nequid a rudi homine militaribus viris venires injuriae, saith Iorna [...]des in Geticis. c. 15. but with such as were wa­ter-bearers and servitors of the Camp, among which were very strong and stout men. Maximinus overcame 16 of them before he rested, receiving so many smaller re­wards, but not such as were given to the Souldiers, and was listed for service. Three dayes after the Emperour riding to view his Camp, saw Maximinus (who was yet but a fresh water-souldier) out of order; where­fore he commanded a Colonel to call him into his rank, and to instruct him in the du­ty he was to obverve in the warres: Maximi­nus imagining the Emperour spake of him, kneeled down at his feet. The Emperour desiring to see whether he could run well or no, spurred his Horse and took several Turnes in the field; and seeing Maximinus left not of running, old Severus being tired said to Maximinus, Thracian, will you wrestle after your race? whereto he answered, So [Page 204] long as it shall please your Majesty. Then the Emperour chusing 7 of the strongest men in his army, Maximinus overcame them with­out resting between. Whereupon Severus commanded a collar of gold to be given to him alone, with certain pieces of silver; made him one of his guard, and com­manded that he should continually attend in the palace: by which means he came to be esteemed by the Commanders and Soul­diers, and to obtain what he desired of the Emperour, Id. ib. c. 2. and 3.

He was diligent as well after as before his preferment, saying, Ego quò major fuero, tanto plus labor abo: and rather then his Soul­diers should be out of action, he imployed them in hunting.

Even in his old age he would throw down 5, 6, or 7 Souldiers (whom he wrestled with) one after another; and being challen­ged by a Tribune who envied him, whē they met, Maximinus gave him such a blow on the breast with the palm of his hand, that he threw him flat upon his back, saying, in sport; Date alium, sed Tribunum. Id. ib. c. 6.

Caracalla made Maximinus a Centurion; (in Macrinus his reign he left the army out of hatred to the assasinate of his sovereign;) even Heliogabalus permitted him to be a Tri­bune: but Alexander Severus gave him the command of a Legion, whose death not­withstanding he disloyally practised (as is before mentioned;) whereupon he was ele­cted [Page 205] Emperour by the souldiers, without the consent of the Senate. Id. ibid. c. 4. 5. 7. 8.

It appeareth unquestionably that he committed this villany (notwithstanding the doubts of some) because he killed all Alexanders relations and friends. Tristan.

He arrogantly usurped the names of Cajus Julius Verus, and the proud Epithets of Invictus, Fortissimus, and Nobilissimus; notwith­standing his ignoble extraction. Tristan.

He suffered no noble person to be about him, and out of a desire to conceal the base­ness of his birth, slew even the best of his friends who were conscious of it. Lampridius c. 9.

His tyranny caused many to conspire against him, which he discovering, took an occasion to renew his cruelty.

Maximinus first thanked Macedonius, who treacherously slew Tycus that had rebelled against him, but afterward put him to death as a Traitor. Capitolinus c. 11.

Prae [...]larum tyranni factū, & verè singulare, nam totâ vitâ unicum hoc laude dignum. Elenchus Numismatum in Bibliotheca Bodlejana.

He slew all of the faction of his adversary Magnus without any judiciall processe, not satisfied with the slaughter of above 4000. Capitolinus c. 10.

Maximus Pupienus (who made prepara­tions at Ravenna to wage war against him by the Senates appointment) was exceedingly afraid of him, and saying often; that he was [Page 206] not engaged against a man, but a Cyclops: and Balbinus (who was made his colleague in the Empire by the Senate, and staid at Rome) trembled at the naming of him.

He was so feared at Rome, that, when he was in Italy, the women with their children prayed solemnely in their Temples that he might never return; having heard that some were crucified by him, some inclosed in beasts newly killed, others cast to wild beasts, others bruised with clubs, with­out any regard to the quality of persons. Id. ibid. c. 8.

For his cruelty (which he thought neces­sary for his security) he was hated, and cal­led Cyclops, Busiris, Syron, Phalaris, Typhon, and Gyges. Id ib. &c. 9.

He was so infatuated with the confidence of his own greatness and personal strength, that he entertained a conceit, that death durst not adventure to encounter him, for fear of having his Javelin broke about his own crazy skull, and all his Skeleton of bones rattled to dust. Dr. Charletons Dark­ness of Atheism dispelled by the light of nature, p. 178.

Because he thought himself immortal, he was covertly defied in the Theatre by a Co­moedian in these verses:

What was spoken in sport, befell him in earnest; for Maximinus hasting with his army towards Rome to be revenged of the Senate which intended resistance, was opposed at Aquileja, where women made bow-strings of their hair to shoot against him; at which re­pulse he became so furious that he killed many of his own Souldiers; Capitolinus in Maximi­mino Ian. & id Maximo & Balbino. wherewith the rest being enraged slew him and his Son, saying; Canis pessimi ne catulus quidem re­linquendus: Of a bad litter not a whelp is to be left.

He was 65 years old when he dyed, and his Son 21.

The time of their reign is not agreed up­on.

The Messenger who brought word of their death, came from Aquileia to Rome (798 miles) in 4 dayes, Capitolinus c. 25.

Magna sane diligentia: sed non incredibilis; cùm similis celeritatis aut etiam majoris exempla & apud veteres legantur, & hodiéque ed saepissimè videamus. Constat hodiernos veredarios Roma Lu­te [...]iam saepe diebus sex septem commeare: quae lon­gè major contentio est, Casaubonus.

When his head with his sons were brought to Rome, all ran to the Altars to thank the Gods, and Balbinus sacrificed Hecatombs for his deliverance, commanding the same to be done throughout the Empire.

Maximinus was the Author of the 6 perse­cution, [Page 208] which Tristan thinks he raised onely that he might confiscate the Christians goods, his sacrilegious covetousness not permitting him to spare Heathen Temples.

In his reign GORDIAN the father and son took upon them the Empire in Africk, the Son was slain by Capellianus a friend to Ma­ximinus, the Father through despair strang­led himself.

Choyce Observations OF MARCUS CLODIUS, PUPIENUS MAXIMUS, And DECIMUS CAELIUS BALBINUS. Collegues

VPon the death of the 2 Gor­dians the Senate chose Pu­pienus and Balbinus Empe­perours in opposition to Maximinus. In the mean time the Commons de­cryed the election, but especially rejected Pupienus, as too austere; and cryed out that they would presently kill them both, and have a Prince of Gordians linage, that the Empire might continue in that name. Bal­binus and Pupienus assaying to go forth of the Capitol, were kept in with clubs and stones, till they deluded the people by this inven­tion.

There was in the City a little boy, son to Gordians daughter, and of his Grand-fathers name; whom they sent for thither. They who were sent for him, finding him playing at home, lifted him on their shoulders, and so carried him through the crowd, telling the people he was Gordians Nephew, and of his name: the people shouting for joy, and [Page 210] casting leaves upon him. When the Senate had proclaimed him Caesar (his minority not permitting him to manage the state) and the people were calmed, the elected Emperours were suffered to passe to the Palace, Herodian. l. 7. c. 10.

Balbinus was both noble and ancient, Ridiculè O­rosius l. 7. fratres fuisse scribit, cùm alter nobilis, ignobilis al­ter fuerit, Capitolin [...] auctore Schottus in Aur. Victo­rem. Pu­pienus was ignobly descended, but had born many offices, which having discharged with wisdome and valour, he was highly prized by the Senate.

These Emperours were not joyned in af­fection, as in authority; each holding himself most deserving: each having their own, and standing upon their own guard.

The election of these Emperours by the Senate displeased the souldiers so much, that at last they assaulted the Court, and easi­ly slew these Senatorian Emperours, (as they carried them) being at variance; crying out that they had but slain them, whom them­selves first rejected.

Zosimus, saith that Balbinus and Pupienus, would have killed young Gordian, because he was more beloved of the souldiers, by whom he was made Caesar; who hearing of their designe, prevented them: but Boeclerus thinketh he is mistaken.

Choyce Observations Of ANTONIUS GORDIANUS

UPon the dath of Balbinus and Pu­pienus, Gordian the third, before created Caesar by the Senate through the importunity of the souldiers; was made Emperour by a general consent in the thirteenth year of his age.

He married Tranquillina daughter of Misi­theus, whom he loved and honoured for his learning; by whose advice he transacted state-affaires prosperously, expelling Sapor King of Persia from Syria, recovering An­tioch, Nisibis, and Carrae by his assistance: for which successe the Senate appointed a triumph for Gordian, and a triumphal cha­riot for Misitheus with this inscription: Misi­theo parenti principum, Pop. Rom. tutori r [...]ip. S. P. Q. R.

Misitheus was soon missed for counsell and trust, being poisoned by Philip an Arabian of ignoble parentage, Eutropius. who was made Prefect in his stead, and aspired to the Empire.

Philip secretly caused a scarcity of vi­ctuals in the Army, which he did, that the [Page 212] souldiers might imagine it to be occasio­ned by Gordians neglect, whom he charged with inability to govern, being so young.

The Officers were corrupted by Philip, and the souldiers through ignorance of his deceipt, make him Gordians Governour, whereupon he grew so insolent, that he com­manded all, as if he had been sole Empe­rour.

Gordian discerning his aim complaineth openly to the souldiers of the wrong which was done to him by Philip, notwithstanding all obligations to the contrary; but Philips project prevailing, Gordian since he could not share in the Empire, sued to be a Ca­ptain, which was denyed him: Philip not thinking himself safe (whilest Gordiā of great blood and esteem was alive) slew him in the 22 year of his age, and 6 of his reign; as if Ju­stice her self appeared evidently to take vengeance on the Traitors, See Iulius Caesar, p. 19. each of his Mur­therers with the same Poinyard wherewith they slew him, killed himself.

Gordiaus Motto was Miser est Imperator apud quem verà reticentur; which was his own case.

Choyce Observations OF PHILIPPUS ARABS, And his Son CAIUS JULIUS SATURNINUS PHILIPPUS.

PHILIP the Father writing to the Senate of Gordians death as if it had hapned naturally, was by them proclaimed Emperour, through fear of the Souldiers.

The Gothes infesting Mysia and Asia, Philip sent Marinus against them, who as soon as he came into those parts drew his Army into a rebellion, and proclaimed himself Empe­rour; taking (he said) his example from Phi­lip, who raised his title by his sovereignes fall.

Philip complaining very much to the Se­nate of Marinus his ingratitude, Decius bid him not fear, for Marinus should suffer for it, as he did, for the mutable souldiers, who even now erected him, suddenly threw him down, and slew him.

Decius being sent in Marinus his room, was also proclaimed Emperour by the soul­diers, though against his will, out of their hatred to Phil [...]p.

Decius sent secretly to Philip, professing he meant to escape the souldiers, and persist [Page 214] in his allegiance: Philip fearing that was but policy (lest Decius should be stronger by delayes) hasted himself with a great Ar­my, and being overcome was slain by the souldiers at Verona, his head being cut off through the teeth.

At the newes whereof the Pretorian soul­diers slew his son, but 12 years old; who was so composed, that it from the 5 year of his age none could make him laugh: and when his Father was tickled with laughter at the secular playes, he looked on him with an estranged countenance.

The time of their raign was 7 years say some, others say 6, some but 5.

The elder Philips age is not related by any Historian.

Choyce Observations OF TRAJANUS DECIUS, And his Son ETRUSCUS DECIUS.

DECIVS was elected Emperour by the Persian legions, proclaim­ed in Verona by the Roman soul­diers, and had the voices of the Senate to confirm him.

He was noble by birth, an experienced, wise and valiant Prince; and might have been reckoned among the best; had he not with an heathenish rage persecuted the Christians, being Author of the seventh per­secution.

He put more Christians to death in a year and an half, than Trajan (whose name he had, and whom he would have been thought to resemble) in 20. Tristan.

The Novatians would not communicate with them, who had denyed the faith in the persecution of Decius, and afterwards re­penting turned to the same faith again, Ni­cephorus Callistus l. 12. c. 28. The fear of his persecution gave the original to a Monkish life.

[Page 216] He was victorious against the Gothes, and joyning a fresh battail with them, Of Brutus saith Aur. Victor. was over­thrown by the treason of Gallus his General: saith Pomponius Laetus.

His son was mortally wounded by an ar­row, he leaping into a whirl pool was never seen after.

Tristan thinketh this misfortune befell Decius for a punishment of his persecu­tions.

Vopiscus in the life of Aurelian, and Pompo­nius Laetus compare Decius and his son with the Decii Mures, who devoted themselves to destruction in a dangerous fight, for the safety of their Country, which depended thereupon. But the comparison doth not agree saith Tristan. For the 2 ancient De­cii rendred the Romans victorious by their death, whereas these by theirs made them slaves to the Barbarians, and lost many of their Provinces. Besides that Decius the Father was drowned and swallowed up in his flight, which hath no resemblance with the end of the Decii of the ancient Com­monwealth.

He dyed at the age of 50, having reigned 2 years.

Choyce Observations OF TREBONIANUS GALLUS, And his Son VOLUSIANUS.

GALLVS appearing much grieved for Decius his death, was not suspected; which facilitated his attaining of the Empire.

He caused Virtus Augustorum to be stamp­ed upon his and his sons medails, as if he had got the Empire by valour and not by de­ceit.

Under these two Emperours arose a plague in Ethiopia, Solâ pesti­lentiâ, mor­bis atque, a [...] ­gritudinibus, Galli & Vo­lusiani notus fuit princi­patus. Eutropius. which spred it self by de­grees in all the Provinces of the Roman Em­pire, and lasted 15 years together, without intermission; and so great was the mortali­ty, that in Alexandria, as Dionisius himself (at that time the Bishop of that Sea) reports, there was not one house of the City free, and the remainder of the inhabitants equal­led not the number of old men in former times: By means whereof St. Cyprian, Bi­shop of Carthage, who lived in that age, took occasion to write that excellent Trea­tise de Mortalitate: And Lipsius his censure of this pestilence is, Non alia unquam major [Page 218] lues mihi lecta, spatio temporum sive terrarum.

Aemilianus his General having overcome the Gothes, grew so proud thereupon, that he aspired to the Empire, which he pur­chased by the good will of the souldiers, who slew Gallus and his Son in battail.

Dexippus who lived in those times saith he governed but 18 months.

Choyce Observations OF AEMILIANUS.

HE was an African of obscure pa­rentage, and arose to be a General from a common souldier.

His election was at first contradi­cted by the Italian band, who sought to make Valerian Emperour, to which the Se­nate inclined, because of Valerians renown.

Aemilians Army hearing of the election of Valerian, tumultuously murdered their own creature, who reigned almost 4. months.

Some reckon him among Usurpers, but his title is allowed by Eutropius.

Of 30 Emperours who reigned since Octavius Augustus time, untill Valerian, 6 of them escaped not the hands of murtherers. Lloids consent of time.

Choyce Observations OF VALERIANUS.

HE was nobly descended, and of such esteem among the Romans that being a private man, and absent they chose him for their Censor; Valeriani vita censura est. an office of great dignity, ever con­ferred upon the best saith Trebellius Pollio who wrote his life.

At the beginning of his reign he was gra­cious to the Christians above any of his Pre­decessors, but after being perverted by an Egyptian magician and Macrianus, he was author of the 8 persecution.

He was very cruel; Massa Can­dida in A­frica. pulled out the eyes of young children thereby consulting of future Events.

In his reign there suffred 300 Martyrs to­gether at Carthage, whom the Gover­nour of the City commanded either to throw frankincense into the fire (set be­fore them) in honour of Iupiter, or else to cast themselves head-long into a Brick kiln hard by, which they did, chusing rather to embrace fire, than resist light. Prudentius in Peristeph.

When he warred in Mesopotamia, he was taken prisoner by Sapor King of Persia (through the treachery of Macrianus) and used like a slave as long as he lived, Sapor [Page 221] setting his foot upon his neck whensoever he mounted on horse-back, to the utmost vilifying of Majesty, and the regret of di­vers interceeding Princes.

It was the most signal affront which the Romans hitherto ever received in the person of their Emperours. Tristan.

At last saith Eusebius, by Sapors command, his eyes were pulled out, wherewith he dyed; Agathias saith he was flayed alive, and rubbed all over with salt: a calamity which may challenge tears of blood.

He lived along, but disgracefull age; was 76 years old before he was taken prisoner: after his captivity he lived 7 years in re­proches, and then died a violent death. A man of a poor mind, and not valiant; not­withstanding lifted up in his own, and the opinion of men, but falling short in the performance. Sr. Fr. Bacon. Infaelicissimus Principum a filio Gallieno in Deos relatus est, quasi Deum facere posset, quem liberum facere aut nequiverat, aut neglexerat, Cluverus.

Gallienus tam claro Dei judicio territus mise­roque collegae permotus exemplo, pacem Ecclesiae trepidâ satisfactione restituit, saith Orosius.

Choyce Observations. GALLIENUS.

WHen Valerian his Father was ta­ken prisoner, he was made Em­perour.

He was expert in Oratory, Poetry, and all other arts, but was defective in other qualifications which are requisite in an Emperour.

At first he acted like a valiant Captain, Initio impe­rium faelici­ter, mox commodè, ad ultimum per­niciosè gessit, Eutropius. overcame and slew Ingenu [...]s (who usurped the Empire) as also Trebellianus; & overcame 300000 Gothes, & Almans, having but 10000 on his side (saith Zonaras) but after he gave himself so much to sensuality, that when the World was infected with Warres, he con­tinued for the most part in Rome among whores, compassed with Roses and Flowers; seeking new delights, often bathing him­self, studying how he might keep Figs and other fruits green all the year; having or­dinarily at his table most exquisite and de­licate meats, and of great cost. Trebellius Pollio in Gallieno c. 16.

He commanded one, who had sold coun­terfeit jewels to his Wife, to be cast to a Lion; but the den being opened, nothing came forth but a Capon: at which when the people wondered, he bade the Cryer pro­claim, [Page 223] Imposturam fecit & passus est; being content to have the impostor more fright­ed than hurt. Id. ib. c. 12. Videsis Christiani Matthiae Theatrum Historicum Theoretico-pra­cticum. p. 263.

When a shooting prize was played be­fore him, he gave the garland to one who shot alwayes wide, concluding that it was the more improbable difficulty to aim so often, and never to hit. Taurum toties non sagittis vel jaculis ferire difficile est. Id. ib.

Whē it was told him that Egypt rebelled, he answered, Cannot we live without the linen of Egypt? Being advertised of the losse of other Provinces, he answered so scornfully, that he seemed to care for nothing: which occasioned 30 Tyrants to make themselves Emperours in his time; whereof two were Women, Zenobia and Victoria.

In his reign the Heavens were darkned so that the Sun was not seen for many dayes; in the bowels of the earth were heard roa­rings, with the fear whereof many dyed; Earth-quakes threw down many houses, whereby the Inhabitants were destroyed; these Earth-quakes were frequent in Rome, Africk, but especially in Asia; the Earth ope­ned in many places, and shewed Vaults and Caves, from whence salt-water streamed; a [...]d several Cities were drowned by the Sea: and in Rome there dyed above 5000 in one day of the pestilence. Treb. Pollio c. 5.

Gallienus addicted onely to his pleasures, [Page 224] was not affected with these calamities, thinking they proceeded rather from chance than any signal punishment.

He grieved not for his Fathers captivity, but, when he was informed of it, said, alluding to the speech of Xenophon the Phi­losopher, who having lost his son, said, Scie­bam me genuisse mortalem; Sciebam patrem me­um esse mortalem: I knew that my Father was lyable to the same miseries as other men. Nec defuit Annius Cornicula, qui eum quasi constantem Principem salsò sua voce laudaret, pejor tamen ille qui credidit, saith Pollio, c. 17. videsis Cuspinia­num in Gallieno.

Odenatus though an Independent Prince, was of such moderation, that he held cor­respondence with Gallienus, & sent him such of the Persian Nobility as he had taken pri­soners, for monuments of his victory over Sapor, and revenge of the indignities offer­ed to Valerian: thus Odenatus conquered, and Gallienus triumphed, who when he could not eclipse Odenatus his merit by any Princely vertue, nor suppresse it by valour, sought to deface it by treachery; but failing of his aimes therein, he made him partner of the Empire for fear; Odenatus receiving the titles of Imperator, and Augustus, from Gallienus and the Senate.

Being not ashamed ridiculously to triumph over the Persians, who detained his Father prisoner, & to lead thē captive in his mock-shew; some jeering companions mix­ing themselves with the Persians, exactly [Page 225] viewed their countenances, and being ask­ed wherefore they did it, answered, We seek for his Majesties Father; which when Gallie­nus heard of, he was so incensed at the taunt, that he commanded those who uttered it to be burned alive.

The Scythians invading Cappadocia, the souldiers attempt to make a new Empe­rour, for which Gallienus put them all to the sword, Pollio c. 11.

In his time the City Byzantium (renowned for sea-fights, and the place which barreth in the Euxine Sea) was destroyed by his souldiers; to revenge which, he being re­ceived into Byzantium, compassed them un­armed with armed souldiers, and slew them contrary to his covenant. And as if he had done some great matter, he posteth to Rome, and summoning the Senatours, ap­pointeth decennial playes to be celebrated novo genere ludorum, nova specie pomparum, ex­quisito genere voluptatum, saith Pollio c. 7.

He killed sometimes 3 or 4000 soul­diers in a day. Id. Ib. c. 18.

At last he himself with his brother Vale­rian and his son Gallienus were slain near Mi­lain (where he besieged Aureolus) by the treachery of Marcianus Ceronius, aliter Aur. Victor. or Cecropius and Heraclian. Pollio. c. 14.

He lived 50 years, reigned 15, 7 with his Father, 8 alone.

Choyce Observations OF CLAUDIUS GOTHICUS, And his Brother QUINTILLUS.

CLAVDIVS was appointed Emperour by the will of Gallie­nus being ready to dy, unto who [...] by Gallonius Basilius, he sent the Im­perial Robes to Ticinum.

He was elected by the souldiers before the Walles of Milain, and confirmed in Rome by the Senate with much joy.

He was so renowned a Prince, that he was said to have Augustus his moderation, Tra­jans vertue, and Antoninus his piety met in him.

A Woman desiring him after he was Emperour, to restore an inheritance, which he had unjustly took from her when he was but a private person; he graciously granted her request, saying, Quod Claudius dum pri­vatus erat, nec leges curabat, abstulit; factus Im­perator restituit. Zonaras.

In his time Athens was ransacked by Gothes, who piled heaps of Books to burn, but were advised by one to for bear, that the Graecians spending their time in them, might be lesse fit for war. Cedrenus. B. Egnatius. [Page 227] Judicium barbari non prorsus vanum. Etsi Cleo­demus Atheniensis, fuga elapsus, coactaque manu & navibus hostes invadens, Graecis librorum tra­ctatione virtutem non demi ipsorum clade docuit. Heidmannus in Epitome Historica de Imp. Rom. in Claudio. ex Zonora.

Aureolus being slain by his own compa­ny, Claudius received the government of those Countries, and fighting against the Almains, he overthrew above half of them. S. Aur. Victor.

He waged war with the Gothes, who infe­sted the Empire 15 years with continual ir­ruptions (saith Iornandes) and now in league with many barbarous Nations, invaded Thrace and the Countries before them, even to Macedonia; and thence came through Hungary down Danubius with 2000 saile of ships fraught with munition and men: to meet which Claudius prepared, and engaged them so valiantly, that he slew and took 320000 men, and 2000 ships laden with shields, swords, lances, &c. so that houses were filled therewith.

He intended to go against Tetricus and Zenobia, but was hindred by a fever which soon put an end to his life. He reigned 1 year, 10 months and 15 dayes. He was dei­fyed by the Senate; had a statue of gold 10 foot high erected in the Capitol in honour of him by the people at their own cost, (which they never did to any before:) and a target of the same metal, with his picture in it, was hung up in the Court by the Se­nates [Page 228] appointment. There was also by ge­neral consent set up for him a pillar com­posed of the prowes of ships; upon which was placed his statue, representing him clothed with his Consular robe, of 1500 pound weight of silver.

It was a providence, that Claudius found the Empire so beset with enemies, that he could not exercise so much cruelty as he in­tended against the Christians.

Julian feigneth that Constantine the great and his children were delivered from tor­ments in Hell, in favour to Claudius their ancestor; the reason of which fiction of that Apostate was certainly, because Claudius was a great persecutor. Tristan.

His brother Quin tillus endeavoured to succeed, and was chosen Emperour, but being not able to resist Aurelian, chosen at the same time by the army, he made away himself by opening a vein, at Tarsus in Ci­licia, say some, having reigned but 17 dayes; but others write that he was killed by the souldiers.

Choyce Observations OF AURELIANUS.

HIS Parents being mean, he fol­lowed the Warres, and ad­vanced himself thereby.

There being in the Army another tribune, who was named Aurelian, Aurelianus ma [...]ad ferrum. and had been taken priso­ner with Valerian the Emperour, to distin­guish the one from the other, this was called Aurelian with his hand upon his sword; he being upon all occasions with a weapon in his hand, ready for service. Vopiscus in Aurelia­no. c. 6.

He was very temperate, made no use of Physicians when he was sick, but cured all excesse by abstinence. Id. ibid. c. 50.

Though temperate himself, yet he de­lighted in Phago, who in his presence at one meal ate 100 loaves, and a boar, with a wea­ther and a pig; and drank through a tun­dish plus orcâ, which Lipsius saith was bigger than the Amphora, The Am­phora Copi­tolina held 6 Gallons. but how much he know­eth not; and honoured Bonosus a great drin­ker; of whom he was wont to say, Non ut vi­vat natus est, sed ut bibat: He was not born to draw in breath, but beer.

Aurelian married this Bonosus a Spaniard [Page 230] (but son of an Englishman) to Hunila a no­ble Gothish Woman, meerly that by her means he might discover the Gothes secrets. Vopiscus in Bonoso.

Aurelian appointed Bonosus to carouse with Embassadours, that they might be brought to bewray secrets by this lene tormentum; whilest he (who had this wonderfull proper­ty, that he could pisse as fast as he drunk, without containing any jot within his bo­dy) faultred not, but was more discreet. Id. ibid.

[Schenkius arma nunquam accuratius tracta­bat, quàm quum effusè potus, ac vino amens: im­mo ebrietate ipsa, quae resignare ac aperire occul­ta quaeque consuveerit, illum ad arcana occult and a uti solitum ferunt. Strada Belli Belgici Decade secunda, l. 10.

Aurelian was Colonel of Horse under Claudius in Persia; he slew in one day 48 of his Enemies with his own hands in the War against the Sarmatians: and slew in severall dayes above 950; whereupon Ballads were sung by Boyes on Festivals in praise of him. Vopiscus in Aureliano, c. 6.

When the Enemies of the Romans, had overrun all France, he made such ha­vock of them at Mentz, that he slew 700, and sold 300 sub corona; upon which occasion new I [...]gges were made. Id. ib. c. 7.

He overcame all his Enemies in 3 years, whereas Alexander the Great travelled 13 years by great victories, before he came in­to India. Caesar spent 10 years in over­coming [Page 231] the Gaules, and 4 years in conque­ring the Romans. S. Aur. Victor.

He caused a Souldier, See Macri­nus, p. 177. who had committed Adultery with his Hostesse, to have h [...]s feet tyed to the tops of 2 Trees bent down­ward, and suffered suddenly to start back again; so the wretch was twitched in sunder, and hung on both sides in halves.

He wrote to one of his Lieutenants, If thou wilt be a Captain, nay if thou wilt live, contain thy Souldiers in their duty. I will not have a pea­sant wronged in a Chicken, nor a Grape taken without his permission; not a grain of Salt, or a drop of Oil unjustly exacted. I desire my Soul­diers should be enriched with spoils of Enemies, not the tears of my Subjects. I would have them chast in their Quarters, & no Quarrellers. Which commands Baronius compareth with that of Iohn the Baptist to the souldiers, Luk. 3. 14.

He advanced Tetricus (one of the 30 Ty­rants in Gallienus his time, whom he over­came) and made him Provost of Lucania, who had been before proclaimed Empe­rour by the French Army; elegantly upbrai­ding him, That it was more majestical to rule some part of Italy, than to reign beyond the Alpes. S. Aur. Victor.

Being incensed against Tyana, See in Herberts Travels the pillar of beasts heads ere­cted at Spa­ [...]awn on such an oc­casion. because the Gates of the City were shut against him, he vowed, He would not leave a Dog in it; but having taken it, upon a fright by the ghost of Apollonius Tyanaeus dead long before, he commanded his Souldiers to kill all the Dogs, but spare the Citizens. Grande Princi­pis [Page 232] dictum, grandius militum votum: nam dictum Principis quo praeda negabatur, civitas servaba­tur, totus exercitus ita quasi ditaretur, accepit. Vopiscus.

Aurelian demanding how he might go­vern well, was answered by a great perso­nage; You must be provided with Iron and Gold; Iron to use against your Enemies, and Gold to re­ward your friends. Zonoras.

His chief engagement was against Ze­nobia, the most beautiful, chast, learned, wise, and valiant Woman of that age.

Her Letter in answer to him, who sorely tired, profered her life, and liberty, and wealth, if she would yield, sheweth her re­solves for fight.

He was so inraged at her haughty reply, that he forthwith besieged Palmyra, de­stroyed her aids, and at last took her priso­ner, whom he led in triumph; ea specie, ut nihil pompabilius populo Rom. videretur, saith Treb. Pollio in Zenobia.

He put Longinus to death upon a suppo­sition that he dictated Zenobias Epistle. He is called Necessarius magis quàm bonus Impera­tor, because he wanted clemency, which is Imperatorum dos prima, saith Vopiscus.

He was so bloody, that he put to death his own Sisters son.

Being about to signe an edict for the 9 persecution (of which he was the author) God hindred his purpose. Theodoret. l. 4. reportes of Valens the Arrian Emperour) that as he was attempting to sign an edict [Page 233] for the banishing of Basil, he could not write one tittle of a Letter, Providence breaking his Pen 3 several times; at the fourth assay his hand was struck with a pal­sy, cramping (as it were his knuckles, and thereupon as a man affrighted, with his own hands he tore the paper in pieces; ma­nifesting to all, that the Princes of this World have no power to practise any thing against the Church, any farther than God permitteth. Eusebius l. 7. Haymo l. 7. c. 11.

At the same time also a Thunder-bolt fell so near him, that all thought he was slain; by which messenger God warned him to be wise, lest he perished in those destructive wayes, as shortly after he did; Mnestheus his Secretary fearing punishment for some of­fence, for which the Emperour threatned him with death, and knowing that he used not to pardon if he threatned, counterfeit­ed the Emperours hand, and wrote the names of many in a rowl as appointed by him to dy; mixing the names of some, with whom the Emperour was truly offended, with those of others whom he was not dis­pleased with, adding his own name that he might the easilyer be believed. They upon sight hereof, thinking to prevent the worst, slew him in a Castle called Coenophrurium, betwixt Byzantium and Heraclea.

When Mnestheus his Treason was disco­vered, he was cast to wild beasts, as appeareth by marble statues erected in honour of Aurelian, even by those who slew him.

[Page 234] He reigned 4 years, 11 months, and 7 dayes. Vopiscus calleth him Bonum Medicum, sed mala ratione cur antem; A good Physician, had he not administred too bitter potions: in reference to which, Julian feigneth that he had much ado to defend himself at the tribunal of Minos, before whom many ac­cused him of unjustice; but that the Sun, who had alwayes in his life specially assisted him in all his enterprises, excused him to the other Gods, saying, That he had been punished enough by his death, according to the Delphick Oracle, which saith:

Choyce Observations OF TACITUS, And his Brother FLORIANUS.

UPon the death of Aurelian, the Souldiers who would not have any of his assassinates to suc­ceed, sent to the Senate to chuse an Emperour; the Senate refer the election to the Souldiers, who, they knew, used not to be pleased with the Se­nates choice: half a year passed in comple­ments with a peaceable interregnum, at last, the Senate and Souldiers joyntly elect Ta­citus.

He retired to his mannor in Campania, where he was secret 2 moneths, shunning that dignity which might prove his over­throw; was often sollicited, but, with hearty thanks, absolutely denied; affirming his age made him unable to satisfy expectations; at length, necessity of state so requiring, he accepted of their proffer; at which all re­joyced but himself.

He was such an example of moderation to others, See Ale­xander Se­rus, p. 192. that he permitted not his Empresse to wear jewels.

[Page 236] He honoured Tacitus the Historian, He called September Tacitus, because he was born and made Emperour in that month. whom he called his Father, commanded his Works to be put in every Library through the Empire, to be transcribed 10 times eve­ry year at publick cost. Vopiscus in Tacito. c. 10.

When the Senate chose him Emperour, they cryed out, Quis meliùs quàm gravis impe­rat? & quis meliùs quàm literatus imperat?

When he objected his age, they answered, that Trajan, Adrian, and Antoninus were old, when they came to the Empire; whom they mentioned because they reigned well and fortunately: omitting Vespasian, Nerva, Per­tinax, Macrinus and Decius, who came older to the Empire; but their reign was short, espe­cially that of the four last: the three last also dyed a violent death. Tristan.

When the Senate denyed him the Con­sulship, which he sought for his brother Florianus, he took it very well, saying; Scit Senatus quem Principem fecerit. Vopiscus.

He gave the Souldiers all the mony he had in silver, which was a great summe; he having had more than 9 millions in gold for his patrimony.

His death was caused by grief occasined by factions, infirmity of age helping to break his heart and his life, when he had reigned 6 months. Vopiscus.

His brother Florianus ambitiously strove to get the Empire as true heir, though he knew Tacitus was engaged to the Senate, that he would prefer worth before his [Page 337] relations in the designation of his Succes­sour.

Being not able to withstand Probus who was chosen by the Army, he was killed by the Souldiers, say some; but most write, that by opening a vein he killed himself at Tar­sus, as Quintillus also did, who was reduced to the same extremity.

Choyce Observations OF PROBUS.

VPon Tacitus his death, the Army unanimously cryed out, Let us have Probus for our Emperour; and the Senate with applause confirmed the election.

The manner of his being chosen by the Souldiers was thus; The Officers told them the requisites of one that should be elected, that he should be Fortis, Sanctus, Verecundus, Clemens, Probus: which when it was spoke to many companies, on all sides they cryed out as it were by a divine instinct, Probe Au­guste, Dii te servent. Vopiscus in Probo, c. 10.

Valerian the Emperour called him Verè Probum, saying in an epistle, that if he had not had Probus for his name, he deserved to have had it for his surname. Id ib. c. 4.

He was made tribune by Valerian, in which office he served under Gallienus, Clau­dius, Aurelian, and Tacitus.

His first service, after he became Empe­rour, Vopiscus in Probo, c. 13. 14, 15. Iu­lianus in Cae­saribus. was in France, against the Germans who had conquered it; wherein one battel he slew almost 400000 Germans, 9 of whose Kings prostrated themselves at his feet: he [Page 239] won also and repaired 70 of their Cities in lesse than 7 years.

The Egyptians electing Saturninus a wise and valiant Captain▪ Emperour, so sore against his will, that he was like to be slain for gain-saying their desires; Probus hasting towards them offered them pardon, out of an unwillingnes to shed civil blood, or to loose such a man as Saturninus: but upon re­fusal of his clemency, he engaged in a sharp battail, wherein most of the revolters were overthrown, and Saturninus slain in the assault of a besieged Castle, to the grief of Probus who sought to save his life. Vopiscus in Saturnino.

Bonosus who had charge of ships, which the Germans burned in the mouth of the Rhine through his negligence▪ if not treachery; who fearing punishment for his fault, rebelled against Probus, but was over­come and through despair hung himself: whereupon it was said, Amphoram pendere, non bominem; That a barrell or tankard hung there, and not a man; because he was so given to drink. Vopiscus in Bonoso.

There rebelled also against Probus, Procu­lus as insatiate a vassal to Venus, as Bonosus was to Bacchus; so impudent that he did not one­ly cōmit filthinesse, but boasted of it, as ap­peareth by his Letter wherein he braggeth that having taken 100 Sarmatian Virgins he deprived 10 of that name in a night, and all the rest within a fortnight: inter fortes se haberi credens si criminum densitate coalescat, saith Vo­piscus in Proculo.

[Page 240] He honoured Aradion a most valiant man (whom he overcame in wrestling) with a tomb 200 foot broad remaining in Vopiscus his time; which he caused the souldiers, whom he never suffered to be idle, to erect: testifying the greatness of his respect by his largenes of his monument. Vopiscus in Pro­bo c. 9.

Quo latior agri modus sepulchro assignaba­tur, eo magis crescebat honos. Casaubonus.

Being presented with a Horse taken in War, which it was said, could go an 100 mile in a day, for 8 or 10 dayes together, he said, He was fitter for a cowardly than a valia [...] souldier. Id. Ibid. c. 8.

Some say he was the last Emperour who triumphed, after his Victory over the Ger­mans and the Blemiae a people of Africk.

He commanded to be let loose at once 1000 estriches, 1000 stags, 1000 wild boars, 1000 fallow dear beside wild goats, wild sheep, and other creatures which sed upon grasse, as many as could be fed or found; which he gave to the people to catch as they could; the Circus being set all over with great trees, which by the souldiers were ta­ken up by the roots, as they grew in the woods, and planted there with green turf about them, and fastned with beams and irons: next day he let into the same place 100 maned Lyons, which filled the air with roaring as if it had thundred; 100 Lybian Leopards, 100 Syrian, 100 Lionesses, and 300 beares. Vopiscus in Probo. c. 19.

[Page 241] As Hanibal filled most parts of Africk with Olive-yards planted by his souldiers that they might not be idle, to the indangering of the Common-wealth; so Probus, who for his famous acts is compared with Hanibal and Caesar, for the same reason caused his souldiers to plant vineyards throughout all France, both the Pannonias, and the Mysian hills. Aur. Victor.

He undid himself by that speech of his; Brevi milites necessarios non futuros: wherewith the souldiers being offended murdered him, when he had lived 75 years, and reig­ned 6 years 4 moneths; others say 6 years.

Iulian feigneth that Silenus reproched him with his severity towards his souldiers, who added that he underwent deserved pu­nishment, though unjustly inflicted by them.

It is thought, that because he suffered the Christians to live in peace, God gave him so many victories against the Barbarians.

Choyce Observations OF CARUS, With his Sons CARINUS And NUMERIANUS.

PROBVS being slain the Army chose Carus Emperour, whereun­to the Senate consented.

The Sarmatians threatning Ita­ly he engaged with them, and overthre [...] them with the slaughter of 16000, taking 20000 prisoners. Vopiscus in Caro. c. 9.

Leaving Carinus his elder son to govern Britain, France, Illyricum, and Spain; he pre­pared with Numerian against the Persians, in which expedition he took in his way Mes [...] ­potamia, Ctesiphon, &c. Whereby he pur­chased the surname of Persicus.

Embassadors coming to him from the King of Persia, find him lying upon the grasse, eating black broath and morsels of swines-flesh; (whom he bade to tell their young master: If he continued obstinate, with­in one moneth, all his woods and fields should be as bare as hisb. [...]ld pate, which he shewed; offer­ing them to eat out of the pot, if they pleased, otherwise to depart forthwith.

[Page 243] Lipsius in his Notes to his second Book of Politicks and the fiftenth Chapter out of Synesius de Regno, where see Petarius who ap­plieth it to Probus.

Surprized with sicknesse he pitched his tent on the shore of Tigr [...]s; where he and others were slain in their beds by a thun­der-bolt.

Sidonius Apollinaris.

Arrius Aper a Pretorian prefect having murdered Numeri [...]n (his Son-in-law) being troubled with sore eyes upon his return from Persia (saith Zonaras) pretended to those of the Army who enquired how de did, that his infirmity onely kept him from sight, but at length his treason was discove­red by the putrefaction of Numerians body. Whereupon he being brought by the soul­diers before the tribunal was slain by Dio­cletian; who was both his Judge and Execu­tioner. Vopiscus in Numeriano.

Carinus gave himself to all lusts, married 9 Wives and then divorced them bei [...]g big with child; he was twice overcome by Dio­cletian, and slain by a Tribune, whose wife he had abused. Vopiscus in Carino.

Some say Carus and his Sons reigned but 2 years or some what more, others say but a little above one.

These 7 Emperours Claudius his brother Quintillus, Aurelian, Tacitus, his brother, Flori­an Probus and Carus reigned but 18 years. Lloids Consent of Times.

Choyce Observations OF DIOCLETIANUS, And MAXIMIANUS. Collegues

DIOCLETIANS parentage is uncertainly reported, some ma­king him the son of a Scrivener, and others of a bondman made free by Anulinus a Senatour: but all agree that he was a Dalmatian of base birth.

The name of his Mother (and of the Town wherein he was born) was Dioclea, whence he was called Diocles till he came to be Emperour, and then named himself Dio­cletian (converting a Greek name into a Roman form) and upon the conquest of the Persi [...] and Egyptians, Iovius; as Maximian his Collegue stiled himself Hercullus: velut ille Iovis, hic Herculis haeres saith P. Laetus, who parallels Diocletian with Iupiter, and Maximian with Hercules.

When Diocletian serving as common soul­dier in France, reckoned with his hostesse (one of the Druides) she told him he vvas too penurious; he jeastly ansvvered, that he vvould be bountiful vvhen he came to the [Page 245] rour of Rome: Oraculum apud Plu­tarchum mo­nebat quen­dam ut an­guem sedu [...]ò vitaret: id cum praesta­ret ille, in militem cui anguish in­signe clypei erat, incidit, ac obtrunca­tu [...] fuit. Quanquam putem ego (pace magni istius Philo­sophi, & Histori [...]i tamen) mo­nuisse Deum ut [...] vitaret, quod commune no­men & cly­pei & ser­p [...]n [...]is est, ita oraculo illi aequivocatio sua constat. Heinsius in Crepun­diis. Vide Val. Maxi­mum l. c. 8. de Daphida & Philippo Macedone. she bid him not jeast, saying; Imperator eris, cum aprum occideris.

From that time he hunted often and kil­led many boares, to see if a Crown would spring from their blood; but he still missed the Empire, which he saw Aurelian, Tacitus Probus and Carus obtained, whereupon he said: I kill many boars, but others go away with the flesh.

At last Aper having killed Numerianus (as is before mentioned) was brought by the souldiers before Diocletian, who being told his name, (and concluding at length that the predictiō was to be understood of a man presently killed him; in outward shew [...]or zeal of justice, as being not able to endure so foul a fact: but in truth to fulfill the pre­diction of his hostesse, the Druid; for that A­per signifieth a Boar. Vopiscus in Numeria­no saith that his Grand-father, from whom he had this report, was present when Aper was slain, to whom Diocletian, when he struck him, said in a bravado; Gloriare Aper, Aeneae magni dextracadis: adding; Tandem Aprum fatalem occidi.

Diocletian was the first who wore cloath of gold, trod on silk and purple embellished with pearls; and (next after Caligula and Do­mitian) was the first, who would be sued unto as a god, though (saith Aur. Victor) he carried himself liker a Father, than a Tyrant.

It was a good speech of him though an evil Emperour, That the best and most wary Prince may be abused by bad servants. Vopiscus in Aureliano.

Notwithstanding his cruelty condemned even by Libanius a Heathen (in his Oration to Theodosius the Great) yet he counterfeit­ed Clemency, and in appearance had the me­mory of Marcus Aurelius in great venera­tion, as a God, saying often that he desired to resemble him in humanity. Capitolinus in Marco Antonino Philosopho.

These 2 Emperours chose 2 Caesars; Dio­cletian chose Galerius surnamed Armentarius, and Maximian; Constantius Chlorus, enfor­cing them to put away their wives, and Theodora take their Daughters for an assu­rance of love by the bonds of that alliance Aur. Victor.

Diocletian by his profound wisdom, wherewith he was endued, found out a more assured way to secure himself against rebellions, than others had discovered: for having taken Maximian for his companion and allie: and afte [...]wards created Galerius and Constantius Caesars, he rendred himself formidable to those who desired to make themselves Emperours. For in what part soever the rebels rose, one of these four was upon their backs, and stifled them in the birth. Onely Carausius, whom the situa­tion of great Britain rendred invincible, stood out 7 years. But all the other who [Page 247] had the the boldness to make themselves Emperours, as Aelianus, Amandus, Julia­nus, &c. were quickly defeated, before they could make any considerable progresse. Tristan. Quae perse­cutio omni­bus ferè ante­actis di [...]tur­nior atque immanior fuit. p. O­rosius, l. 7. c. 25.

In the 19 year of his reign he raised the 10 and extremest persecution, wherein 17000 men women and children were mar­tyred within one moneth, besides infinite numbers otherwise punished: the Chri­stians torments lasting 10 years without intermission, Incessabiliter acta est. Id. ibid. no place being free.

Nullus dies cui non ultra quinque millium nu­merum Martyrum reperiri posset ascriptus, ex­cepto die Calendarum Ianuarii.

There was never a day in the year, ex­cept the first of Ianuary, whereto the num­ber of 5000 Martyrs at the least might not be ascribed saith Hierome in his Epistle ad Heliodorum & Chromatium.

Quis non horreat in una Aegypto 144 millia mortalium caesa, 700 millia in exilium acta; prae­ter Africam totamque Europam in carnificinam versas? ut totum orcum dicas in orbem effusum, ubi nemo nisi tortus vel tortor sit. Bussieres in Flos­culis Historicis.

Maximian at Octodurum commandeth the Army to sacrifice to false gods; the Theban Legion consisting of 6666 Christians re­move their quarters to Agaunum, to avoid (if possible) occasion of discontenting the Emperour; who summoneth them to per­form their parts in this devilish worship: they return an humble denyal, with their re­solve [Page 248] not to disobey God, for whose sake they would ever continue faithfull to him. He unsatisfied with this answer, putteth them to a decimation; to which they submit with cheerfulness, praying for their murde­rer. His commands are renewed but prevail not on the remainder, who are butchered without resistance, there being no delay in their death, except from the wearines of their executioners. Mauricius their Colonel could not contain his joy, when he saw the first decimation gallantly suffered. How [...]eareful was I, said he to his, awhile, surviving souldiers (for armed men may be tempted to defend themselves) lest any of them might upon colour of just resistance for self-preservation in an innocent cause have strugled against this blessed slaughter. I was watchful and had Christs example in readines, who commanded his Disciple to put his sword into his scabbard. Salus vestra non periclitabitur, nisi armis vestris. De­spair it self could not conquer one single patience, which yet createth valour in co­wards, and maketh them more couragious in such extremities, because they are fear­full; since they are likely to do most to pre­serve life, who are most afraid of death. Eu­cherius Lugdunensis.

Diocletiano & Maximiano imperantibus, acerbissima persecutio exorta, quae per decem con­tinuos annos plebem Dei depopulata est, quâ tem­pestate omnis ferè sacro martyrum cruore orbis in­fectus est: quippe certatim gloriosa in certamina ruebatur, multoque avidius tum martyria glorio­sis [Page 249] mortibus quaerebantur, quàm nunc Epistopa­tus pravis ambitionibus appetuntur. Nullus un­quam bellis mundus magis exhaustus est, neque un­quam majore ttiumpho vicimus, quàm cùm decem annorum stragibus vinci non potuimus. Sulpitius Severus Sa r. Hist. l. 2.

There was a Columne as a Trophy of the extinguishing the Christian faith ere­cted to him with this inscription. Nomine Christiano­rum deleto Qui Remp. ever [...]ebant. in another Inscrip­tion men­tioned by Baronius anno 304.

This most bloody persecutour of the Church, Zonaras, Ni­cephorus Callist. Th. Metochi­ta, &c. but neither Tristan, nor Chr. Mat­thias hold this to be the sole cause of his resignation at last perswaded Maximian to lay aside with him all government (not be­cause he was weary of persecuting, but of disappointment) since he could not hatch his long brooded designes for the utter extirpation of the Christians, being thus out of hope to do all the mischief he intended, by re­signing the Empire, he putteth himself out of powr to do any.

Being sollicited 4 years afterby Maxi­mian to reassume his charge, he answered; You would not tempt me to it, did you see the herbs set with my own hands in my garden at Salona.

Diocletian being invited by Constantine the Great and Licinius to their marriage-feast, excused himself, that by reason of his age he could not come; upon which they [Page 250] wrote back threatning Letter, wherein he was charged to favour Maximinus, and to have shewed favour to Maxentius: whereup­on fearing some shamefull death, he poy­soned himself. S. Aur. Victor.

Maximian seemingly taking offence at his son Maxentius, then at variance with his son-in-law Constantine the Great under colour of this dislike, repaired to Constantine, who mar­ried Fausta his daughter, with whom he tampered to make away her husband: but she revealed his treachery to Constantine, who thereupon put him to death.

Vtinam Maximianus suo potius ingenio, quàm alieno exemplo fastidi [...]set fortunae fastigium. Dio­cletianum secutus est. Sic verò animi inconstans; quia cùm ex Augusto privatus esset, è privato ty­rannus esse volu [...]. Nam ut ad Imperii majesta­tem eveheret M [...]xentium filium, acriter aff [...]xit Rem Romanam: ut deinde evectum rejiceret, pa­ter quoque esse recus [...]vit. Iam nec in filio Ma­xentio, nec in genero Constantino purpuram fe­rens, dum insidias utrique struit, interficitur. Pu­teanus in Historia Insubrica.

Choyce Observations OF CONSTANTIUS CHLORUS, And GALERIUS ARMENTARIUS, To whom are joyned SEVERVS MAXIMINVS, MAXENTIVS LICINIVS. Collegues

WHen Diocletian and Maximian laid down the ensignes of command, Constantius Chlorus was chosen Emperour in these Western Pro­vinces of France, Spain, and Bri­tain.

Unto Galerius his government fell, Egypt and the Provinces in Asia: Constantius (who chose rather to govern well than much) gave up Africk and Italy to him, as too re­mote from the seat of his residence, and eye of his direction.

Constantius was by birth a Roman; his Fa­ther was named Eutropius, his Mother Clau­dia, Neece to the Emperour Claudius Gothi­cus.

Tristan thinketh that Constantius was not called Chlorus from his Palenes, since Eume­nius attributeth to him a very sanguine com­plexion; [Page 252] but from some green garments which he wore when he was young: and he mentioneth others who had the same surname.

He was very affable, reigned to enrich his subjects, saying; It was fitter that the wealth of the Land should be dispersed into the Commons hands, than locked up in Princes coffers: in which kind he was so averse from all superfluities, that he may rather be adjudged faulty the other way: for he was an enemy to extor­tions, even to the lessening of the train of his house.

Being but nominated for the Empire, Eusebius de vita Con­stantini, l. 1. c 10. and reproched for his poverty by Diocletian, who sent to exhort him to heap up trea­sures; he advertised the people of his want▪ who vehemently contended among them­selves to fill his Exchequer, rejoycing great­ly, that now they had that long wished for opportunity to witnesse their benevolous minds unto the Emperour: whereupon he truly and excellently said; That the love of the people is the richest and safest Treasury of the Prince. Shewing to Diocletians Embassa­dors, the great summes which he had ammassed in few houres, they were amazed thereat; after whose departure he returned all the Subsidy that was presented to him: Gonstan­tius Pa [...]per. See Suidas in [...] by which custome he rather got the Epithet of poor, than, so indeed being by this volun­tary poverty, richer than Diocletian him­self, yea than all the other Princes together who were partners with him.

[Page 253] And as this one action shewed his royal magnificence, so this other declareth his piety; in both which he was exemplary. To try the hearts of his Courtiers, Sozomen, l. 1 The like History Theodorus Lector [...]elteth of Theodorick King of the Gothes an Arrian, in the second book of his Collecti­ons. he pro­claimed, that all they who would not for­sake the worship of the true God, should be banished the Court, and should have hea­vy penalties and fines laid upon them; pre­sently upon this (saith the Story) all who were base and came to serve him onely for ends, went away, forsook the true God, and worshipped Idols: by which means he found out who were the true servants of God, and whom he intended to make his own; thinking as such as he found faith­ful to God would prove so to him. What this exploratorie stratagem of Constantius effected in his Court, the same did that which Julian the Apostate set forth in good earnest, against the Christians. He no sooner caused it to be proclaimed, that whosoever would not renounce the Fai [...]h should be discharged his service, and forfeit both life and estate to his high displeasure; but presently upon the publi­cation of that decree, they who were indeed Christians; Socrates, l. 3. and they that had onely the title, presented themselves as it were on a common stage to the view of all men.

Eusebius saith that Constantius preserved [...] such Christians as were un­der his command from harm.

Under him the Church in these parts had a breathing-time from persecution. [Page 254] But I am afraid that that learned goes a lit­tle to farre, Camden his Brit in de­scription of York. who makes him founder of a Bishoprick at York, and stileth him an Em­perour surpassing in all vertue, and Christian pie­ty. Mr. Fuller in his Ecclesiastical History of Britain.

He married Helena (daughter of Coilus, Nullo modo Iacobus Philippus Bergomen­sis audien­dus est, qui Constantium repudiata Theodorâ Helenam, Anglorum regis filiam captivam, uxorem duxisse fa­bulatur: cùm ex Roman­norum anna­libus certò constet, He­lenam illum coactum re­pudiasse, ut Theodoram Maximiani Augusti pri­ [...]ignam con­jugem acci­peret. Usse­rius in An­tiquitat. Britann. who entertained him when he was Lieute­nant of Britain) but Maximian tyrannising aswell over loves, as men, declareth Constan­tius Caesar, on condition he would forsake Helen, and marry Theodora his daughter-in-law. He is won by ambition, and easines of his nature (which bowed to those who seemed to wish him well) and by the lustre of the purple presented to him.

He marrieth Theodora; which alteration Helena bore with great constancy, counting it an honour, that to refuse her no other cause was found, but the good fortune of her husband; Constantius lived in body with Theodora, and in heart with Helen: the tor­rent of ambition and affaires of the world having parted their bodies could not hin­der the inclinations of their hearts.For Constantius returning to Britain, dyed in York; and being asked on his death-bed which of his childrē should succeed him, since besides Constantine he had two sons by Theodora viz. Constantius & Annibalinus: he then forgetting his seōnd wife & her off-spring, cryed aloud Constantinū piū, he would have no other suc­cessour than the pious Constantine, which was approved by the army: who cast the purple [Page 255] Robe upon Constantine at York, whilest he wept, and put spurs to his horse, that he might avoid the importunity of the soul­diers, who attempted and required so in­stantly to make him Emperour: but the hap­piness of the state overcame his modesty.

Constantius lived 56 years; was Caesar 16 years, and Emperour 2 saith Eusebius. Cambdē reporteth that at the demolition of Mona­steries, there was found in his supposed mo­nument in Yorkshire, a burning lamp, thought to have burnt there ever since his burial, a­bout 300 years after Christ, & he addeth out of Lazius, that the ancient Romans used in that manner to preserve lights in Sepul­chers a long time, by the oylines of gold, resolved into a liquid substance.

Galerius born of mean parents (surnamed Armentarius because he kept cattle) bragged that a Serpent begat him, as one did A­lexander the Great. Moribus certèodioque in Christianos Draco fuit, nec indignus eo, quo se natum parente fatebatur. Cluverus.

When he rifled the camp of Narseus King of Persia, a common souldier having met with a Parthick satchel, wherein were pearls, through simplicity threw out the gems, and went away contented with the beauty one­ly on the leather bag. Amm. Marcellinus l. 22. c. 3. Vide Piccarti Observationes Historico-po­liticas. Dec. 3. c. 3.

He took for ease of his burden Severus and Maximinus surnamed Daza his sisters [...], whom he elected Caesars and after Augu­sti; [Page 256] which honours Severus enjoyed not long, being slain at Rome by treachery of Maxentius whē he had reigned but one year.

Galerius incensed with the outrage of Ma­xentius intended to fall upon the West; but distrust of the safety of his territories stayed him, and made him create Li [...]inius Caesar: after whose nomination he survived not long.

He boasted the acutenes of his wit by the invention of new tortures for patient Mar­tyrs; notwithstāding when he felt himself in­vaded with a verminous Ulcer, or Fistula in his secret parts; which did evaporate so con­tagious and pestilential a stench, that some of his Physicians, not able to endure that mephitis or steam of intense corruption, fell down dead; he understanding this to be a judgment sent from God to retaliate upon him those tortures, which he had inflicted on many innocents; then his flinty heart melted within him, and at length he began to think of his wicked practises against the holy worshippers of God, gave command­ment for cessation of the Christians perse­cution, confessed the equity of divine retri­bution, and in the midst of these confessi­ons of his own guilt, and Gods justice, he breathed out his execrable soul from a gan­grenous and loathsome body.

He lived not a year after his edict for the persecuting of the Christians. Eusebius, l. 9.

After whose death, Licinius, and Maximinus [Page 257] beheld each other with a jealous eye, and made shew of contest; but Maximine at Tar­sus decided the difference by an irrevocable resignation.

Maximinus was much inclined to wine, in the excesse whereof he commanded ma­ny things, of which he afterwards repented, giving a charge to his followers, that they should not execute his desires, except he was sober, or gave them a command in the morning Sextus Aurelius Victor.

Maxentius made himself Emperour, by consent of the souldiers, to recompence whom he gave leave to sin cum privilegio; no words being more frequent than these in his speeches to them; Fruimini, dissipat [...], pro­digite.

He being inamoured on a Woman, sent for her by his servants (her Husband not daring to refuse for his life) of whom she desired time to make her self ready; which having obtained, she goeth into her cham­ber, and killeth her self: the Officers (when they could stay no longer) broke open the room, and finding her dead, report it to Maxentius, who became more insolent than before. Eusebius l. 8.

By his Necromancy, Adulteries and Mur­ders he grew so intolerable, that the Senate sent to Constantine, craving his aid against him.

Constantine drawing Licinius to his side (by marrying his sister Constantia to him) hasted to Rome with 90000 foot and 8000 horse, levied out of Britain, France, and Germany.

[Page 258] Maxentius framed a deceitful Bridge over Tiber near Pons Milvius, to intrap Constantine: but being overcome in battel, he fled (through forgetfulness or hast) over the same Bridge, which falling under him, he and many more were drowned.

Licinius had nothing good in him, but that he disliked Eunuchs, calling them the Mothes and Rats of the Court.

He was a great enemy to learning, calling it, through his ignorance, a poyson and pu­blick plague.

He thought that none could live chast­ly, measuring others dispositions by his own vicious inclination.

He maligning Constantines fame, at last, persecuted the Christians in the East, where he reigned with Martinianus, whom he before made Caesar at Byzantium, and his son Licinius at Arles.

He was overthrown by Constantine in se­veral battels, loosing many thousands of men, Heme [...]arius, p, 1 [...]6. and was himself taken prisoner; yet by meditation of his wife, had his life spared, and was confined within Nicomedia: where for his treasons after, he and his son, who somewhat survived him, were put to death.

He lived 70 years, and reigned 15 Victor. Licinius a Constantino morte mulctatur: vel ut alii tradunt, quum filiam suam Herinam eò quòd Christiana esset, ab equis discerpi mandasset, ipse adstans & inspecturus, equi morsu interfectus est. Elenchus Numismatum in Bibliotheca Bodieeja­ [...]a.