PREFACE.
THE real passages of this piece are various, like those of a well-contiv'd Poem, intermixt with surprising accidents, sometimes pleasant, sometimes horrid, and at last ending in a strange catastrophe. Than which, as the Critiques say, nothing can be more agreeable to an inconcerned Reader. Of which condition, I presume most are in this distance of time. The Author is one Ludovico Beccatelli an Italian, sometimes domestique of this great person, and afterward advanced [Page 14]to the Archbishoprick of Rhaguse for his rare piety and learning. Which latter partly appears in the artifice of this writing, wherein he has us'd a native, graceful and perspicuous eloquence, becoming the learned age and place wherein he lived. From which our times, with their studyed follies and affectations, have much degenerated. There is not seen the least mention of him among our Writers, in recognisance of this great benefit, and our national obligation. However, as it happens in those vertues which reward themselves, in the choice excellency of his Subject he has not only given, but received also a never dying memory. I am sorry, [Page 15]I can say nothing else, save only that I find every where honorable mention of him among the forrain writers. We owe intirely to him, what we have of the pretious remains of this person: his very ashes as I think, in the foul sacrilege committed in our times at Canterbury, being sacrific'd to the winds. For our late brethren spared neither King nor Priest in the fury of their zealous preaching & proceeding. Though this age, like some others, be pester'd with swarms of writers, yet 'tis prudently observ'd by my Lord Bacon and others, that there have been ever too few of this nature. Which whether it happen out of the scarcety of subjects, or difficulty to express them, [Page 16]I cannot tell. But 'tis certain, there is nothing more properly conducing to human happines. The way to which, though this preaching age may perchance deny it, being neither so certain or compendious by precepts, as great examples in this kind, which not only instruct, but also animate us at the same time. But where to find them, and after to illustrate them is a tasque of much difficulty. Which I perceive in the case of our noble Author, who though he brought an eloquence proportionat to the singular affection, he had for his subject: Yet I find him succumbent, and, as it were, opprest with the weight of it. The divine pencil of Plato has set forth [Page 17] Socrates with what exquisitnes, art or wit could contribut: Yet we imagine something much above what we read of him. So our fancy must assist us in forming the idea of this great Cardinal, who crown'd all those admired vertues of the other with a supream and Christian perfection. In expressing shapes of singular beauty, and of some luminous objects, the art is often more deficient then the painter, too much light, which will not be confin'd, causing in him an obscure confusion: which happens in the same fashion to a writer from the resulting splendor of an eminent worth and vertue: which if ever appeared in a corporeal shape, as the antients discourse, [Page 18]certainly it was in the rare person of this Cardinal. As we may see by the powerful attraction and strange effects of those divine rayes which enlightned him; and not only surpriz'd such persons who approacht him, but drew others out of remote parts into Italy. Where they were not only captivated, but detain'd in a manner, I think, unknown to all antiquity. But, what seems incredible, Italians of noblest quality left their own Country, rich relations and all temporal respects to come into a northern climat, where they were sure to be incumber'd with various infirmities and troubles, besides the disaffection and hatred of the people. But all this [Page 19]was more than recompenst in the constant fruition of his charming aspect, discourse and company: whom I percieve they would have follow'd to the very Antipodes, or where ever he should be: For among the sect (as I may call them) of his friends and followers I find those most troubled, who surviv'd him. As they found the first and choicest fruit of life in the enjoyment of him; so death it self could present nothing so dark or terrible as a separation and deprivance of him. And yet most of these persons were neither of pedantique or monastique humor, but of noble extraction and education, and of that Country, whose greatest stain is, to breed up minds [Page 20]too much addicted to temporal respects and interest. But to consider what qualities wrought these wonders, let us in short survay him, and first externally, observing his extraction from the Houses of York and Lancaster, which produc't the comliest and the greatest Princes of those times. Which rare advantage he made use of in the cultivating his mind, as other Princes in neglecting this principal part in them, through the false doctrine and insinuation of flatterers. From the practices of which sort of domestique cattle, that he might be entirely freed, he early past the Seas, submitting himself to the institution of the best Masters of Italy. Under whom though his natural [Page 21]wit was much admired; yet it was alwayes surpast by his singular industry; so that his progress in learning was stupendious. But that which most surpriz'd the judicious, was to see a person of so high bloud, in the heat of youth and at his own disposal, which all seems invitations to corruption, to keep himself pure, chast, and unstained from all vice, and besides exempted from all those disordinate affections and passions which so incommodate our human natures. Which effects though some may enviously impute to a stupid heavines of disposition: yet this can have no place here in a person of a sanguine complexion, vigorous health, and such a singular vivacity [Page 22]of wit and spirit. They are rather to be ascrib'd to the free election of his noble mind, and the known domestique valor of his family, which he a person of the long robe shew'd in this trampling all vices and passions under foot; and so according to the rule of nature and religion keeping original slaves in a continual vassalage. The antients observ'd two sort of vertues, wherein we chiefly approach our celestial origine; the one contemplative in matters most worthy of human knowledge; the other consisting in actions chiefly conducing to the general good. In Polus we find a rare commixture in this kind, and all the moments of his life thus happily divided. [Page 23]As if from his infancy he had propos'd this the universal scope of his intentions, in which consists the Soverain perfection: to which so few in all Ages have arriv'd. For as the finest earth cultivated with skilful hands and choicest seeds, scarce ever produces fruits without some intermingled weeds: So the singular excellency of nature and education seldom exempts us from all sorts of imperfections. Yet no defect has hitherto bin observ'd in the life or actions of this Cardinal, expos'd in so much light to the curious inquisition of so many nations: which advantage we owe to his exile and memorable proscription. The confines of our Iland were too [Page 24]narrow a space for so sublime and boundles a vertue. So that fortune herein seem'd to prepare him the noblest Theatre of the Universe, for his rare eloquence, erudition, and other eminent qualities to appear in a fit lustre for the benefit of mankind. Which being compos'd of several and opposite tempers, could never from one example draw so various and manifold advantages. For no excellent qualities though incompatible in themselves found any discord in him, as magnanimity and humility, fortitude and modesty, frugality and magnificence; in fine, such a tenor of mind, that 'tis unknown with what fortune most suitable. For at all times I remarque in him [Page 25]a constant serenity, like that of the ethereal region, unalter'd with any aspiring vapors of ambition or dejecting clouds of adversity. When a price was set upon his head, and the cursed undertakers provided; and the Earth conscious of the future loss seem'd, as it were, to tremble at the horror of the act, he himself rested, with a stupendious indifferency, wholy inconvern'd. What so honorable, so glorious a present can Heaven or fortune bestow on us like a Principality, especialy where the votes and suffrages are free? yet Polus refus'd this, profer'd to him by a Senate of Princes, or at least the greatest men that ever appear'd since, in that place. Besides he [Page 26]was at that time in want, in exile, devested of his total patrimony; and had only received this, as the just and innocent acquisition of his merit, superior to any of that age, though fertile in great persons. When I consider the circumstances herein, this seems to me an act of a nobler temper & elevation of Spirit, then what I have ever read. But to be short, there is no vertue intellectual, moral or Christian, to which at his birth he seems not to have had a rare disposition, and in process of time perfectly habituated. If it be thus, some will ask, why his memory thus long lies inter'd with his ashes. I answer, because the popular judgment in England has [Page 27]bin a long time strangely corrupted by some Demagogues. So that they have bin very ill esteemers of the worth of great persons▪ especially those of the Royal Bloud. Which that we may sufficiently demonstrate, let us consider some occurrents in the late head of his Family, because passages are fresh, and not yet, as the fashion is, historicaly corrupted. If his royal birth and fortune had not cast a crown upon him, his rare endowments of mind and body, and excellent vertues might have challeng'd it in a popular or aristocratical election. To which I chiefly attribute his ruine, by the rule of contraries; as being directly opposite to the hypocritical [Page 28]and vitious manners of the times. We hear of no Prince persecuted with so violent and obstinate a hatred by his implacable adversaries. Who in their impious designes could be prevented with no kind of anticipating oaths; nor represt with any humane, natural or divine obligations. Nay, but the last preparative of a voluntary perjury invented to accomplish his destruction, exceeds all imagination. For who could fancy in his thoughts a sort of creatures visibly stampt with the impression of humane form, who just before the robbery, should voluntarily enter into a solemn league to preserve the person, whom they destin'd to [Page 29]utter ruine; a pactise unheard of till this latter Age. I speak this because some regarders of events, have suspected some human deficiency in the King to have expos'd him thus to Fortune and his Enemies which is a manifest error, for he had both the moral and politique Virtues of an Excellent Prince and that in no mean degree. But how could he, (conscious of his own worth, and high meriting of the publick) imagine the future Eruption of that Villany in his dayes, which never shew'd it self in the world before? Some have brought in Religion, as a principle actor on the scene of these affairs: but the error is easily discoverable, and the grounds of such discourse will [Page 30]be found fallacious. Unles we mistake a profound hypocrisy, or a volatile religion, changeable with the humour of fickle times, for a serious profession of faith. The truth of this assertion, though to some strange at first, will manifestly appear; if we consider, how the old Protestant and Roman Catholic were the onely Christian Religions, which ever this Nation publickly embrac't. Now in these different professions their late Majesties were as sincerely zealous, as in their mutual affections. So that both parties boast of them as admirable examples in different kinds. Yet tis not known, which was the greater object of hatred to the same enemies. For though the [Page 31]Queen escapt the publique scaffold, yet perchance 'twas through her flight and exile. For after declaring her a Traytor, they barbarously sought to tare her in pieces with their canon at Burlington, without al respect due to her birth, or very sex. Now in the mention'd case of religion, and not rather mutual excelency in vertu, these occurrencies could not have hapend, for otherwise hatred on the one side must with a necessary sub-alternation have encreast affection on the other. 'Tis not to be wonderd therefore, if the same causes have bin prejudicial to the reputation due to the memory of this Reginaldus Polus. Among whose other vertues a clear, constant [Page 32]sincerity of mind was the least observable, because this, with many other excelent qualities, was formerly habitual to the nation. Nature was observ'd to imprint an ingenuous candor in our looks, uniform to that of our hearts.
At the first appearance of the English beyond the Alpes, the Italians deriv'd the name Angli from their angelical aspects. To which, the frank sincere integrity of their minds was correspondent. Hence proceeded that mutual love and generous hospitality unknown to other nations. So that whoever inform'd with this notion had arriv'd among us in the late times, would certainly have thought [Page 33]our iland had bin absorpt (as 'tis said of one of the Cyclades) and a new England started up in the room. For insted of Monarchie, he would have found a wild anarchie spiritual and temporal, the preachers being scarce distinguisht by sexes; insted of sincerity, perfidiousnes; of hospitality, treachery; of faith, perjury: insted of religion, a sacrilegious superstition; and insted of those above-mention'd looks, a cloudy forehead, distorted eyes, with a worse distorted heart, from al the courses of equity, justice, and honor. We owe the original cause of these changes to hypocrisy, transplanted hither from forrain parts, where I am sorry the soil has [Page 34]prov'd so fertile. For nothing sooner induces, as we have seen by the sudden improvement, atheistical impietie. This was the secret engine, by which at first the ruin of the best of Princes was procur'd, and then his murder; and afterward a Hydra set up in his place, and at last a Barabbas to shew and make manifest in al fashions, that the true Anointed, and a Man according to God's heart, could not be according to the hearts of these people. Al these vile, wicked, and cursed practices were follow'd with such a confirm'd, publique and obstinat impenitence, that it raises at present horror and amazement, not onely in al sober Christians, but [Page 35]al others, who have not clearly devested themselves of their humanitie.
The English nature and disposition in it self certainly excels that of most nations, as being capable of al sciences, and more easily applicable to that sort of vertu and piety, wherein others find much reluctance. But there is no temper, which by false opinions, especialy in religion (which swarmd here in the royal absence) by education and discipline wil not be corrupted. Hence it is that the noble actions and monuments of magnificent Founders and Benefactors have not onely bin defac'd, but defam'd among us by an ingrateful posterity. Which has bin alike injurious [Page 36]to the most illustrious eminence of this Riginaldus Polus, but with less effect, his reputation soaring in another region, above the reach of their Malice. For our suburbian Chronicles allow him no other attribute, than that of a barbarian, a monster, and idolater. Sure 'tis with the publique damage of the Country, that such mechanique spirits should be thus the judges and disposers of the price of merit in noble men. But since the disorder is such, and they have acquir'd general reputation among no vulgar persons, I cannot pass them over with that scornful neglect, which they deserve, without some prejudice to that of the royal family, and the general [Page 37]honor of our Country concern'd herein. In opposition therefore to their abuses, out of many, I shal produce some few testimonies; which I desire may be perus'd circumstantialy in the greatnes of the persons, and as the effects of no flatery or interest, being chiefly after death, with such profusion of praises, from a nation so jealous and cautiously abstemious in this kind to al strangers, besides himself.
Ex Pauli manutii Epist. a Pium quartum e Medicea familia Principem.
Quae cum per se maxima sunt, & curandis Christianae Reipub. vulneribus utilissima; tum verò ponderis accedit plurimum ab eximiâ [Page 38]scriptoris innocentia, doctrina, dignitate. Quis enim quibus animi bonis, quibus industriae ingenii (que) ornamentis abundaverit, qui deni (que) vir, quantus (que) fuerit Reginaldus Polus, aut ignorat; aut si quam modo tantarum laudum partem habet cognitam, non earum memoria, & desiderio vehementer commovetur. Potestne quisquam tam inops a judicio, tam aversus ab humanitate, tam plane ferus esse ac ferreus, qui non intimis eum sensibus dilexerit. Cujus non modo in studiis, in moribus, in sermonibus, sed in ipso plane aspectu omnis probitas, omnis luceret bumanitas. De religione verò, deque Christiani hominis officio quid senserit, & judicarit, non aut in uno alteróve libro ita ostendit, ut in aliis unquam dissenserit: aut ita scripsit, [Page 39]ut aliter viveret, aut ita vixit, ut interdum sibi non constaret. Sed omnia literis ab illo prodita, sine ulla exceptione semper laudarunt, hodie (que) laudant boni, & sapientes viri; quorum directa ad verit atem ipsam, id est, ad unam Dei gloriam sententia nec obtrectandi studio, aut invidia flectitur, nec malevolentiâ, aut ambitione mutatur. Vitae vero totius instituta, & excellentem in omni actione, omni (que) fortunâ pietatem, utinam quam facile noverunt, tam libenter imitarentur multi. Opes, honores, clientelas, Regum maximorum gratiam & benevolentiam qui assequuntur, proxime ad felicitatem putantur accedere. At ille haec omnia apud Henricum Britaniae Regem, & jure propinquitatis, & multo etiam magis sua virtute cum possideret, [Page 40]ultrò contempsit, ne turpissimas Regis actiones, & adversantem Christi Vicario sententiam probare, aut etiam adjuvare cogeretur. Patavii diu vixit, quanquam erat habitu naturae prope divino, liberalibus tamen disciplinis vehementer deditus: Et cum eloquentiae at (que) philosophiae pari studio flagraverit, in utra tamen magis enituerit, non facile est existimare. Illud certe constat, qui vel meliora, vel ornatiora scriberet, hâc hominum memoriâ extitisse neminem. Quanquam id ei propositum fuit, eo direxit cogitationes omnes, at (que) curas, ut philosophiae scientiam non tam scriptis, quàm vitâ ostenderet. Ita (que) major at (que) excelsior Patavii in tenui & humili fortunâ fuit, quam cum in regno omnibus copiis, & ipsius maxime regis gratia floreret. Hic nimirum [Page 41]verus est, ac praestantissimus optimorum studiorum fructus, si qui à seipso pendeat, si temporum vicissitudines non extimescat, si adversus hominum iniquitates, fortunae (que) injurias ratione & vertute pugnet. Quam in Polo constantiam & sapientiam fuisse quis ignorat? Metuendae erant a rege potentissimo insidiae, metuenda vis propterea quod, suscepta Ecclesiae causa, luculento illo de Pontificis autoritate libro, susceptum simul a se gravissimum ejus odium intelligebat. Deserebatur etiam quotidie magis à re domestica. Nemo tamen eum dejecto, aut demisso sensit esse animo, nemo unquam vidit tristiori vultu in sermonibus, in consuetudine, in convictu: in tota deni (que) vitae ratione tranquillitatem mentis, quam habuerat antea, perpetuo retinuit. [Page 42]Nec defuêre, quae nunquam speraverat, ac ne cogitaverat quidem, tantis debita virtutibus praemia. Nam cùm ita viveret, ut in uno Deo omnia poneret, caetera quae mortales admirantur, infirma, caduca, inania duceret: cum (que) in illa Patavini gymnasii celebritate domesticis otii sui fimibus contentus, paucorum admodum consuetudine uteretur: brevi tamen (ut sibi viam facilè virtus aperit) ita manavit fama de admirabili ejus prudentia, temperantia, doctrina; ut ad aures Pauli tertii Pont. max. pervenerit. Qui cùm ea esset mente praeditus, ut nemo unquam magis de ornanda egregiis Cardinalibus Ecclesia cogitaverit, & eo judicio, ut nemo in delectu erraverit minus: commotus multorum indubio sermone, Reginaldum Polum, disciplinae Christianae [Page 43]renovandae caussâ, cum praestantibus aliquot viris ad Urbem accivit: eum (que) Paulo post non petentem, non optantem, prope etiam recusantem Cardinalem creavit. In hác dignitate, cum alios antea, tum seipsum vicit omni genere laudis. Omitto fingularem illam, cui par oratio reperiri milla potest, in caede matris acerhissima fortitudinem at (que) constantiam. Unicum illi contraommes injurias, omnes (que) calamitates conscientia praesidium fuit; & in aduersis rebus jam antea didicerat esse fortis. Gravitatem eximiam, pari comitate conditam, mansuetudinem prudentiam, benignitatem in sublevanda miserorum inopia non attingo; communia sint haec, in quibus tamen principua quadam lande Polus txcelluit. Venio ad id quod à Cardinalis persona [Page 44]postulatur. Nam ubi primum sacerdotio est ornatus amplissimo, non ille mentem, ut multi, cum fortuna mutavit: non sericam vestem, non argenteam supellectilem, non deui (que) illustrem aliquam, aut optimam provinciae praefecturam appetivit. Sed contempta prorsus rerum hnmanarum specie, divina studia, quae antea non leviter attigerat, toto pectore complexus, de tuenda Pontificii juris majestate, de augenda inter homines Dei gloria, de illustranda veritate dies noctes (que) cogitare coepit. Quantum in ea philosophia, quae a sensibus ducitur, erroris insit, at (que) obscuritatis, cum antea non ignorasset, tum verò totus ad cam philosophiam traductus, quae caelestium bonorum cognitionem parit, clarissime perspexit. I am illam, quae colligitur ex rhetorum [Page 45]praeceptis, eloquentiam, in qua praeter coeteros floruerat, neglexit penitus, inanem duxit, cum librorum voces, non durium voluptati servientes, sed ad intimas animorum partes incredibili quadam suavitate penetrantes, exaudivit attentus. Nec verò quidquam habuit antiquius, quam ut a sanctissimis Ecclesiae legibus discedentes, quoquomodò ad sanitatem redirent: cum ipse multos cohortatione sua, consilio, doctrina, nonnullos etiam lenitate quadam ad meliora cons [...]ia converteret. Incidit tempus, cum de sufficiendo post obitum Pauli tertii Pontificis successore Cardinalibus deliberatio esset: affuit Polus ita sedato animo, ita cupiditatis & ambitionis expers, ut majore Collegii parte Pontificatum ad eum de ferente, non statim assenserit, [Page 46]differendam (que) rem tantam in posterum diem censuerit: fore enim; si probaret Deus, eundem post aliqot horas Cardinalium consensum: sin minus, omnino sibi quod Deo displiceret, placere nihil posse. Scripsit etiam in eo Conclavi praeclara quaedam de officio Pontificis: quae cum aliis ejus libris, quos Joannes Moronus Cardinalis ob summa erga sedem Apostolieam merita, perpetuam (que) vitae innocentiam clarissimus, accuratè servavit, propediem in lucem proferentur. Quibus in libris, cùm spirare adhuc mens illa divini hominis & vigere videatur, afficimur non tam praeceptis at (que) docrina, quàm recordatione tautarum virtutum, quas in illo vidimus.
Ex Jacobi Sadoleti Cardinalis, Epist. 10. lib. 5.
DE consuetudine & convictu Poli nostri tantum te capere voluptatis, quantum scribis & minime miror, & tuum de illo judicium vehementissime probo. Quid enim esse potest homine illo humanius, cruditius, sanctius? Eum ego cùm hàc iter haberet, paucis illis horis vix degustare quidem potui: sed tantas tamen in illo omnium ornamentorum divitias tum mihi persplexsse visus sum, ut posteà illum non amore modò, sed insigni quadam observantiâ semper sim prosecutus. Nam cùm illa mihi amabilia in eo sunt cognita, ingenium probitas, literae, in quibus ille non mediocriter excellit, tum id [Page 48]praeterea admiratione summâ dignum (quod ego primum statuo omnium) quòd cum tantâ generis amplitudine & nobilitate tanta naturae bonitas atque humanitas juncta sit. Itaque quanti fieri a me putas, quod à te scriptum est, nomen saepe meum versari in sermonibus vestris? Ego verò vobiscum, o amicissimi homines, & animo semper & cupiditate illâ sum, ut si detur facultas, vobiscum vivere potissimùm velim. Etenim si essemus unà, Deus immortalis, quantas & quàm varias caperemus suavitates? quae studiorum cunjunctio? quae communicacio voluntatum? qui denique ardor existeret animorum? ut ad illa praeclara atque sancta philosophiae adyta copulati introiremus.
Ex ejusdem. Epist. 13. lib. 5.
POlus ad me scribit uberrimis elegantissimisque literis, multa illa quidem digna illo ingenio & sanctissimis ipsius moribus, sed plurimum & praecipuè de te, quem ipse admodum cuperet ad Theologiae studia jam aliquando animum adijcere.
Ex ejusdem. Epist. 20. lib. 12.
QUanquam quod ad suavitatem amicitiae & familiaritatis attinet, multorum mihi amicorum vicem praestat vir clarissimus Polus, qui apud nos complures jam est menses: quo homine cave mi Bembe quenquam existimes aut dulciorem in congressibus, aut fideliorem in consiliis [Page 50]aut sanctiorem in omni parte vitae optimisque moribus existere: praeterea summae ipsum doctrinae, summique judicii. Sed quid ago? tibine ego eum laudo, qui tibi ipsi melius notus est, quam mihi? illud affirmare possum, hòc illius sermones mihi etiam gratiores esse & jucundiores, quòd in magnâ copiâ & varietate rerum, de quibus colloquimur, saepe nobis de te in loquendo incidit mentio, in quâ diutius commorari solemus, Priulo praesertim tuo materiam & copiam sermonibus suppeditante.
Ex Epist. lib. 14.
ADventus huc Poli amplissimi collegae nostri, & magnum mihi dolorem attulit, ut tu quoque [Page 51]futurum videras, & non minorem etiam voluptatem. Videre enim hominem amicissimum utrique nostrûm, summâ ipsum virtute, summâ temperantiâ modestiâ, sanctitate vitae praeditum, sanè jucundissimum mihi fuit. Eundem autem videre tot appetitum injuriis, atque alienae impietatis & crudelitatis scelere, in tantas & tam graves conjectum calamitates, certè non mediocriter mihi molestum accidit: cum praesertim non amici solùm in eo incommoda, sed Christianae etiam Reipub. vulnera uno & eodemtempore, dolere & miserari cogerer. Atque ipse quidem, quo animi robore, & quâ erga Deum pietate munitus est, ferebat res adversas fortiter atque constanter. Ego vero qui nequaquam simili virtute praeditus sum, cum me afflictarem [Page 52]in ejus acerbis casibus, illo ipso consolatore sublevatus sum, cui me afferre solatium magis oportebat. Atque is unum diem apud me cum fuisset, ita a me discessit; ut praeter pristinammeam de illo opinionem no vam etiam admirationem suae spectatissimae virtutis in animo relinqueret.
Ex ejusdem. Epist. 11. lib. 15.
QUòd enim me cum Polo meo, tuâ opinione sententiáque conjungis, homine summâ eruditione, summâ pietate, summâ prudentiâ praedito: optas (que) denos utriusque nostrûm similes, si fieri possit, existere: quorum fide, vigilantiâ, consiliis afflictae Christianae Reip. subveniatur: est quidem hoc & tuae probitatis, ac religionis maximum argumentum & ejus opinionis, quam [Page 53]de me habes conceptam, indicium insigne. Veruntamen scito, cùm jamdiu sit, quòd ego virum illum, & colo & admiror, nunquam autem me optare esse ausum, ut cum eo compararer: tantum sat mihi duxisse, si illius modò persequi vestigia, vel procul observando atque imitando possem. Itaque habeo eum in vitâ & in disciplinâ, & in omnibus forensibus senatoriisque actionibus, ducem ac magistrum: Quem quòd tu quoque tam studiosè laudas & probas, perjucundum id mihi est, propriumque ejusdem praestantis animi tui, de quo jamdudum loquor.
Ex ejusdem. Epist. 9. lib. 16.
QUomodo ergo hoc lues? opinor si & literas mihi miseris, & doctissimorum hominum contubernalium [Page 54]tuorum Aloysii Priuli, Contarini & Marci Antonii Flaminii acta aliqua ad me perscribes. Nisi fortè omnem tuam mentem, cogitationemque rerum caeterarum, illa prope immensa suavissimi hujus comitatus voluptas sic obruit, ut despicere in partem aliam non queas: praesertim, omnium hominum longe & virtute & comitate & prudentiâ praestantissimo, Polo, tuos oculos animumque complente: quod si est ita, ignosco tibi equidem, neque te amplius ullo crimine accers [...].
Joannes Casa in vita Petri Bembi Cardinalis.
CUltus est Romae Bembus, cum à bonis plerisque omnibus Contareno, Sadoleto, Cortesio, [Page 55]Morono Cardinalibus amplssimis, hominibusque eruditissimis: tum verò praecipuè a Reginaldo Polo, homine, Dei immortalis, dubio procul, beneficio, ex ultima usque Britania ad nos vecto, vel de coelo potiùs, si modò dictu fas est, lapso; cujus de laudibus, quamquam de tam praeclarâ ac divinâ virtute nemo satis digne unquam loquetur, alius mihi profectò dicendi locus dabitur. Hoc certè haud facile in praesentiâ dijudicare audeam; plus ne eam insulam, multis vulneribus Christianae reipub. per summam impietatem infligendis, nocuisse dicam; an quòd in illo solo talis tantusque vir ortus & procreatus sit, unde verae, planeque Christianae pietatis, vitaeque exemplum peteremus; profuisse. [Page 56]Is igitur cum Bembo familiarissime vixit, &c.
Which Bembus speaks somewhere to him, as I remember, in this manner; Tu verò longe ornatior atque illustrior factus, non Italiam modò, sed Britaniam etiam tuam, atque ipsum coeli verticem tuarum laudum splendore fac impleas. As if his eminent vertue, like the surprizing light, of some new Comet, without a parallax, was to shine universaly in al parts, for the benefit of mankind.
SUPPLEMENT.
THE comendations of these great persons, I know, are of little account and validitie in Countries under the domination of Zuingle, Calvin, and Beza. But al learn'd and civiliz'd spirits rise up with a kind of reverence at the very mentioning of Sadoletus, Bembus and Contarinus, &c. Whose Names stand already consecrated to al posterity in the histories of their times. They liv'd in a happy, glorious age, which not onely reviv'd, but, I may say, accomplisht the noble arts, and sciences of the antient Greeks and [Page 58] Romans, which are now universaly and much degenerated. For in painting we see no pieces like those of Raphael, Michel Angelo and Titian, or their very Scholars, in the three famous schools, at the same time of Rome, Florence, and Lombardy. And what is very remarquable, the Statuarian art appear'd in perfection, and was extinguisht in the very same person of the fore-mention'd Buonaroti. Elocution in al her dresses either Historical, Oratorian or Poetical, scarce ever appear'd more majestique, polite or floride with al her artificial colours, beauties and graces. The above-cited persons Contarinus, Casa, Polus, Sadoletus and Bembus were very [Page 59]eminent in this princely, commanding facultie, as adapted thereto by their extraction (which was very noble in al, though only royal in Polus) by their learn'd education and natural excelencie of wit. They have left us rare monuments in al kind of Eloquence, wherein the old Grece and Rome ever boasted; but have proceded no further, like over-cautious Pilots not venturing in unknown Seas. Where however they knew others more rash and les expert would at the last hazard. For being al Churchmen and honor'd with Episcopal dignity, they have left us no rule, art, or methode of preaching; nor any example, to look upon, [Page 60]like a canonical picture of Titian, and trace thereby the futur model and general lineaments of a regular sermon. Which neglect in these our Master-guides has bin of great damage and detriment not only to their own age, but also that of their posteritie, leaving us in the dark and ignorance, nevertheles rashly venturing to put and push forward with hardy boldnes, not so much as like blind men, groping to find out the true way. To illustrate and give some light to this Parodoxical discourse, let us consider, what the moderate and judicious Spaniard, Ludovicus Vives sayes. Than whom, after his Countriman Quintilian, no one has better [Page 61]censurd the lifes, actions, and writings of men. He was conversant in most Countries, where human literature florisht, and sometimes in Corpus Christi College in Oxford, and therefore his censure fals particularly on no place or persons, which was this, in his famous book de Causis corruptarum artium.
— Receptâ Christianâ pietate, passi sunt Principes, quod universis in commune conduceret, ut Presbyteri ad populum de rebus sacris loquerentur: ita sacri Concionatores priscis illis Oratoribus successêre, sed dissimillimo successu. Nam quantó illos-superamus rebus, tanto partibus omnibus eloquentiae, totâ vi persuadendi, sententiis, argumentis, dispositione, verbis, genere orationis, [Page 62]actione inferiores sumus. Cujus rei culpa divisa est inter dicentem & audientem. Olim qui dicebant, erant callentissimi usûs & totius prudentiae communis, & tractandorum animorum peritissimi artifices. Qui nunc dicunt quam dispares, imperiti, ignari vitae, imô communis sensûs: qui sint affectus, aut quemadmodum vel impellendi vel revocandi omnino nescij. Nec cui rei quae verba, quod genus orationis sit adhibendum nôrunt, omnia bent convenire omnibus rati. Sententias habent plumbeas, frigidas, jacentes, segnes quae animos dejiciant potius quam excitent: argumentatiunculas colligunt ab illo exercitio scholastico, quae ventilant quidem, & titillant interdum, nunquam feriunt aut caedunt. Dispositio fusa & dissipata: nihil dicunt suo loco: actio immoderata: [Page 63]nihil pro re aut tempore: non in voce, non in oculis & ore, non in manu & digitis, non in gestu & statu corporis universi: quae illi ita habent cognita, ut nulla esse arbitrentur, nec interesse saltitent dicentes, an sedeant. Jam auditores habebant illi olim acutos, attentos pleros (que) eruditos, nunc socordes, segnes, peregrinantes, animo rudes at (que) imperitos, &c.
Italie at this time florisht in eloquence and polite learning, more than at present; and as for our Cisalpine Countries, I leave them to the pleadings of no mean advocates Sir Thomas More, Erasmus and Budaeus, &c. As for the first of his animadversions, touching the excessive disparity betwixt our Preachers [Page 64]and the antient Orators, whom they succede: I think there is no disagreement amongst the Learned. Nor how far we excede them in the noblenes, variety and amplitude of subjects; which the Mysteries of our religion in a copious manner afford us. Yet al this has produc't no considerable effect, nor any thing to be put in parallel with those pretious reliques of Antiquitie; richly embellishing with a pleasant variety, for the most part trivial, temporal and profane subjects. In our French travels, you remember, the common Sermons much deceiv'd our expectation, with their long repetitions, tedious circumlocutions and ayerie expressions, [Page 65]under which there was no solid sense or fundation of matter methodicaly dispos'd, wherin the antients were admirable; which defect made the words (as it usualy hapens) flye and flutter about our ears, with a great deal of insignificancie. Which however are pour'd forth with a confident readines and a great volubilitie, the Preacher never otherwise appearing arm'd and provided, than with his hankerchief, insted of prompting papers, so contrary to the custom of the English, who are nothing inferior in wit, and of a better memorie. At our return home, having seen King Charles the first in his writings often complaining and ascribing his [Page 66]ruine to the Pulpit; we presumptuously thought to have retriv'd the antient Eloquence rising amongst us there again, in a formidable Majestie. For the admirable effects of this renoun'd facultie being known to be good and bad: we have here seen the latter, higher and of a more cursed nature, than what Antiquity can shew. For where shal we find among them, so great and vertuous a Prince soberly murdred with cold hands in Publique, so incomparable a Queen and numerous issue either miserably wandring, banisht or imprison'd; in fine, the Religion and State wholy subverted by the voluntary swearers to defend both. Now, to this vast demolishment [Page 67]and downfall of three Kingdoms, if you imagine in fancie to find proportionated Enginers, you wil be much deceiv'd. For Hugh Peters, the chief Architect among them, had in his looks, behavior and discourse more the fashion of a Buffoon, then the face, habit and autoritie of one of the antient Orators. As for the rest of his Brethren, we wil passe them over in silence, as being his inferiors, and for our own credit sake; that the nature and paultry condition of our Antagonists may the better remayn indiscover'd Tis strange to think, how a noble Kingdom, acquir'd by the invincible hands of so great a Conqueror, should in proces of time fal thus by [Page 68]the wretched tongues of so vile, mercenary and ignominious Gowmnen. There was nothing more foolish or frivolous, (setting aside the Treason) in form and matter than their disconcerted Sermons: nor indeed more ridiculous, unless it was the action and pronuntiation, which was with an odious noise and utterance through the nose, yet appearing very musical and grateful to their most attentive & pressing Congregations. Their general custom was, to pick out of the Scripture some obscure Text, which they mangled, insted of dividing, into fragments, and certain diminutive particles, which were converted at last into so many positive [Page 69]points, strangely pricking & tickling the currupted fancies of their Audience. In whose opinion and judgment, they would often destroy al Prelacie and Popery in the same breath. Which, by vertu of former Scriblers in this kind, was as easily done; as the body of their Sermons compos'd out of Common places and Concordances. Their Epilog and terrible Peroration was usualy included within the seven hils of Rome there furiously baiting the horn'd beast, and Antichrist. Which however many times were their best friends and assistants, at a dead halt and stand; when al their Hebrew, Grec and Latin; and their last uses, doctrines and applications fail'd them. Which [Page 70]sort of sorry shifts and poor inventions, to waste time, are only the lazy customs of these latter dayes, unpractis'd by the Antients. Whom we cannot sufficiently admire, with their artificial methods; somtimes analytique, somtimes of an opposite nature, and somtimes mixt; yet ever producing admirable effects: Which subtile wayes were very wel known and practiz'd by my Lord Bacon, and are the hidden reason why so may of his discourses instruct, improve and please the readers in general, like a legitimate piece of Architecture very often surprizing, incomprehending, and ignorant fancies, which can give no reason of [Page 71]their ocular delight and satisfaction. Some of these discourses therefore have past the Alps, and found approbation in an Italian dress, from the exquisit judgments of that Country. Whereas tis best for most Sermons to rest satisfyed with the applause of their first Audience; whether it be in City, Court or Country. The open light and air are very improper and hazardous for them, as being usualy Creatures of a week fabrique and constitution: somthing not unlike in nature to the fading compositions in Musick of our dayes, which scarce ever survive the Author, and so disorderly thrust one another out of [Page 72]date, that the younger stile gets place. Which ever fals out contrary in the just and lawful productions of noble spirits, wherein we alwayes see precedence in antiquity rather giving autority and prerogative, than causing any kind of detriment or deminution. However I hear of late, that there are started up among us, excellent Preachers of al Religions, who with choice matter curiously elaborated, and with a free noble delivery, sett of with looks and gesture suitable to the subjects and passions represented, are likely to work marvelous effects, and reduce again the happy first dayes of King Charles the first. Which appears the more probable, in [Page 73]that I understand, these worthy persons are for the excelent, moral and pacifique doctrine of the old Grec and Latin Homilies, having laid aside al Controversies, which are most improper for Pulpits: and serve rather to irritate, than heal or compose our minds too much already fester'd and exulcerated with so many late seditious contentions of al sorts. We are onely fit now for a peaceable quietnes, like such patients, to whom the prudent Physitian prescribes a weathering repose alone, with the use perchance of some waters to purge and wash away certain scurvy, malignant humors. The matter of Controversie has bin drain'd to the [Page 74]bottom on all sides and hands, ever since my Lord Bacon's dayes, as he himself testifies: So that now there's nothing left, but filthy lees and dregs for new Operators. And therefore, like a sage Lawyer, as wel as great Philosopher, he disswades any father progres in such contentions, fruitles and endles in a Countrie, where there is no Tribunal of judicature erected, or wil be admitted by either sex. If any, by reason of the difficulty and varietie, find themselves unfit for those noble, profound sciences, which he often proposes; yet have an itchy, buisy spirit, which must be in some action; there are many other more ingenious [Page 75]occupations and employments, to take up their time of leisure, if aptly follow'd, as the various and delightful operations in Chymistrie; and so many excelent inventions and practices, lately discovered at home and abroad, in Experimental Philosophie, with several other accessory and subservient parts of Philosophical learning in general.
POSTSCRIPT.
As concerning the above-cited Testimonies.
THe fame of Paulus Manutius, Bembus, and Sadoletus, is spread among the learned of al nations; but this of Casa has not taken so large a flight, nor is much conversant in Northren parts, unles among Travelers. To give therefore some credit to his testimony, and make it more authentique, we wil hear, in the first place, Muretus, speaking in this manner.
— Neque immeritò commendati [Page 77]sunt, aut is qui pauca quidem scripsit, sed in scribendo omnium politissimus maximeque, limatus, idemque ab omnibus ineptiis remotissimus fuit Joannes Casa, &c. This expression ab ineptiis remotissimus, among others, as he elswhere testifyes, reflects on the conceits and Batavian jests of Erasmus, in his praise of Folly and Dialogs, &c. which sort of sawce and seasoning, some scholars have grosly mistaken for pure Attique salt and wit. The noble Tridentine Historian speaking of this Casa, sayes, As his brother was formidable with his sword; so he was with his pen. His Oration to the great Emperor of his time, is imagin'd to be the first piece of true genuine [Page 78]eloquence, which has appear'd since the dayes of Augustus; and therefore I wonder it has found no Translator. But perchance it would not please, since instede of the figures, tropes and schems, in a solid discourse, and other graces of the Antients, we are now so delighted with gingles, quibles, and trifling conceits in a frothie, incohaerent matter, interlarded with a nauseous multiplicity of citations, in diverse languages. Which, for the most part, are onely sorry, servile shifts, pedantique arts, and odious deformities in speech and writing, introduc'd by some modern Orators: and nothing conducing to the true delight or benefit on the one side, but [Page 79]much assisting and concealing the supine ease and lazines of the cunning practiser on the other side. Whereas an orderly discourse should, with a certain analogie, imitate the works of nature, or of art in perfection; where al parts have ever a congruous and conspiring union as wel as uniformity among themselves. As for example, in a Dorique composition, either in musique or architecture, any thing Jonique, though excelent in it self, would be vitious; and so al enterlacings and embossements, which are like frequent citations in speech, though otherwise splendid, would be here offensive to the senses and understanding of a wel-bred [Page 80]Gentleman. But let us passe to this short Character of Bartholomeo Zucchi in his Idea of a perfect Secretary.
Questi è quel Giovanni della Casa Gentilhuomo Fiorentino, che ha lasciato in dubio, in qual lingua egli scriuesse meglio, ò nella Latina ò nella Toscana, e nel verso e nella prosa: Cosi fu mirabile nell'una e nell'altra. Ha scritto poche cose, ò almeno poche vanno attorno, le quali il faranno piu immortale, che le molte, che hanno publicate alcuni. Son tutte belle, tutte eccellenti. Fu e Segretario di Cardinali, e impiegato in gravi affari. Dopo essere stato alcun tempo Prelato molto stimato nella Corte Romana, hebbe l' Arcivescovato di Benevento, nel quel grado si mori.
Englished thus.
This is that John de la Casa a Florentine Gentleman, who has left in doubt, in what language, he was most dextrous and excelent: whether in Latin or Italian; or Verse or Prose. He was so singular and admirable in all these faculties. He has writ few pieces or at least few passe currant as his genuine productions. Which however wil more immortalise his name, than the voluminous works of others. Every thing proceding from him is rare and excelent. He was Secretary among the Cardinals, and employ'd in affairs of great consequence. After having bin a [Page 82]Prelat of great estimation in the Court of Rome, he was advanc't to the Arch-Bishoprick of Beneventum, in which condition he dyed.
Monsieur Balzac, whose follies and affectations in his young dayes, corrupted not only the the spirits of his own Country, but many also of those abroad, seems at last to have had a mature judgment: which perhaps is the reason, why his latter books please lesse, and remain every where untranslated. However out of the value I have for them, I shall pick out here something concerning our present subject.
En Italie il s'appelle Monsignor de la Casa, il estoit Gentilhomme Florentin, de tres bonne [Page 83]et tres ancienne maison. Il auoit este nourry petit garzon a la Cour de Rome, ou d'abord il eut l'approbation de tout ce qu'il y auoit d'honnestes gens. Il a escrit en prose et en vers, en l'une et l'autre langue auec tel succes, qu'il fut admiré des Orateurs et des Poetes de son temps, au dessu desquels il s'estoit eleuè. Torquato Tasso l'a tant estimé qu'il a voulu estre son grammairien. Et j'ay leu, sur un des sonnets de ce Monsignor, une lecon, que ce poete recita, si'l m'en souvient bien dans l' Academie de Ferrare. Cet excellent homme est [...]it d'une santé assez vigoreuse, il vescut dans le loisir tantost de Rome et tantost de Venise: et neantmoins il n'a laissé en toute sa vie, qu'un liure de [Page 84]l'espaisseur de deux almanachs Cest n'est pas qu'il eust, l'esprit sterile, et qu'il cultivast une terre ingrate. Car jamais homme n'apporta au monde de plus grands avantages, ni plus de disposition a l'eloquence, &c.
Englished thus.
In Italian he is cald the Signor de la Casa, being a Florentine Gentleman of a most noble and antient race. The education of his unriper age was at the Court of Rome, where on a sudden, he gain'd the approbation of al persons of merit and honor. His prose and verse in both languages was so happy and succesful, as to make him admired by the Orators and Poets of his time, whom he much [Page 85]surpast. Torquato Tasso valued him at so high a rate, that he vouchsaft to become his Grammarian. And I have read, if I wel remember, a lesson upon a sonnet of this Signor which this Poet recited in the Academy of Ferrara. This excelent person was of a sufficient and active health, and enjoy'd a happy leisure somtimes at Rome, and sometimes at Venice. Yet al his life has onely afforded us a litle book no thicker in bulk, than two Almanacks. The reason of this proceded not from the sterility of his spirit; or that he cultivated a barren and ungratful soyle. For never man was born with more natural advantages, or endowed [Page 86]with a better disposition for Eloquence, &c.
The memory of Monsieur Blazac has not faild him; for the lesson here mention'd (which I have by me) was recited in this manner: and there was a kind of civil war between the two Academies of Ferrara and Florence at the same time, when it was compos'd be Torquato Tasso. Who was, without dispute, the greatest and most universal Poet, that has appear'd in any known language, since the death of the Roman Virgil. And yet here he acts the inferior and subservient part of a Grammarian, Scholiast, Comentator. Which condescention in so [Page 87]Princely a Poet, is the greatest which I have ever heard: and crowns with an everlasting honor the memory of this Signor de la Casa. From hence we perceive of how high a value, is this large Encomium of Polus, from a person of so rare merit, and otherwise, as we have seen, so penurious of his choice and pretious Ink. What is spoken here of this Giovanni della Casa, seems devious & episodical, as to our subject; but I could not omit it, out of respect and gratitude, for the great honor, this noble Florentine has done our Country, in the person of this royal Cardinal, to whom we will now return in this following relation of [Page 88] Le Sieur Maurier.
REnaud Polus, Cardinal & Archeveque de Cantorbie, estoit fils de Richard Polus Cousin Germain du roy Henry VII. & de Marguerite fille de George Duc de Clarence, frere du roy Edouard IV. La nature luy avoit donné un excellent esprit, qu'il avoit cultivé soigneusement & beureusement dans les plus celebres Academies de l' Europe, où il se'stoit fait d'illustres amis, & sur tout en Italie. Comme il avoit de la naissance, & du scavoir, de l'esprit, & de l' habilite, tout le monde l' honora en Angleterre: & le roy Henry; VIII. ne fut pas des derniers a luy faire des avances de [Page 89]bienveillance & d'estime. Renaud Polus en temoigna bien de la gratitude. Mais il ne pût jamais adherer, par une lasche complaisance, au desirs injustes de ce Prince, qui pour satisfaire une passion brutale, viola toutes les loix de l'honneur, & de la religion, introduisant, par un renversement deplorable, le schisme & l'heresie dans son estat. Polus fut contraint de sortir du royaume. Cēst dans ce temps q'uil se crût obligé d'escrire au roy, un traité de l'union de l'eglise: Et ce zele genereux passant pour insolence & pour temerité dans l'esprit d' Henri, il promit cinquante mille [...]escus a celuy qui luy apporteroit sa teste. Le Pape Paul III. qui l'avoit creé Cardinal en 1536. luy donna des gardes. Henri en temoigna un [Page 90]deplaisir extreme, & ne pouvant se vanger sur la personne de ce Cardinal, il fait mourir sa Mere & divers de ses Parens, & le persecutast luy mesme dans toutes sortes d'occasions. Le genereux Polus supporta la mort des siens & la desolation de sa famille, ayant tant de constance & de courage, qu'il merita des eloges des plus illustres Ecrivains de ce temps & l'admiration de toute l'Europe. Il pardonna aussi aux trois Italiens & a deux Anglois, qui l'avoient voulu assassiner. Cependant il fut employé en diverses legations, & envoyé au Concil de Trente. Apres la mort de Paul III. les Cardinaux voulurent le mettre sur le siege pontifical, & il fut le seul qui s'opposa a cette exaltation glorieuse. Sa [Page 91]mort fut un coup fatal & pour la religion & pour le royaume, elle arriva seize heures apres celle de la Reyne le 25 Nov. de l' an. 1558. Les Auteurs, mesme les Protestans, donnent les eloges a son esprit, a son scavoir & a sa prudence: & tout le mondé avoue q'uon vist peu d'egale bonté pour les hommes, ny de semblable zele pour Dieu.
Englished thus.
Reginaldus Polus Cardinal and Archbishop of Canterbury, was Son of Richard Polus Cousin germain to Henry the seventh. His mother was Margaret daughter of George Duke of Clarence, brother of Edward the fourth. Nature had given him an excelent spirit and wit. Which [Page 92]he carefully and happily enricht in the most famous Academies of Europe: where he gain'd the friendship of many illustrious persons, but especialy in Italie. As he was eminent in birth, wit, knowlege, and activenes of spirit; so he was much belov'd and honor'd at home; and King Henry the eighth was very forward in applauding and shewing the singular esteem he had of him. Wherein Polus was never backward in a ready demonstration of his humble gratitude. But however, could never adhear, and submit, with a servile complyance to the injust desires of this Prince, who to satisfy a carnal appetite, broke the laws of honor and [Page 93]religion, introducing a deplorable confusion into his Kingdom. Out of which Polus was constraind to depart. In this time of absence, he thought himself obliged to writ a treatise to the King, concerning the general union of the Church. But this general Zeal passing for an insolence and rash enterprise in the spirit of King Henry, he set a price, and promist fifty thousand Crowns, as a reward, to him who should present him with his head. The Pope Paul the third, who had created him Cardinal in the year 1536. preserv'd him with Guards, appointed for his safety. Which put the King into so great a passion and choler, that being unable to revenge [Page 94]himself upon the person of this Cardinal, he made his Mother dye a violent death, with many of his kindred; neither leaving to persecute his remaining person also, in al sorts of occasions. The generous Polus patiently sufferd the death of his nearest allyes, and the desolation of his family, with so great a constance and courage, that it merited and procur'd him the testimonies and admiration of al the noble Writers in Europe of his time. He pardon'd also three Italians and two Englishmen who would have assassinated him. He had the fortune to be employ'd in many Embassies of several kinds, and to be sent Legat to the Council of Trent. [Page 95]After the death of Paul the third, the Cardinals would have plac't in the Pontifical Throne; and he himself was the person alone, who oppos'd this glorious exaltation. His death was a fatal blow to the religion and kingdom, which happen'd sixteen hours after that of the Queen in the year 1658. The Protestants themselves give elogiums to his wit, learning, and prudence. And al agree that there scarce ever appear'd so great a zeal for the service of God, nor charitie and affection for that of men.
The learn'd Mr. Camden, a person of another religion, as being a worthy old Protestant of the old Church of England, seems [Page 96]to approve of these commendations, and verify this last passage in these words.
Eodem quo Maria obijt die, post pauculas horas Polus Cardinalis, Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis expiravit, Vir quem pietas, doctrina & integritas multò magis, quàm regij generis splendor illustrârunt; licet ille Georgij Ducis Clarentiae fratris Edvardi quarti Regis Angliae è filiâ nepos fuerit.
His persecution, with the tragical desolation of the Familie, and the cruel, unnatural destruction of the members by their proper head, is thus describ'd by Gratianus.
Nam Henricus, cum ei omnia tentanti, ac ne maximis quidem parcenti sumptibus intercipere Polum [Page 97] non successisset, implacabilis irae at (que) acerbitatis suae impetum in Margaretam Poli matrem avertit. Ea erat lectissima & sanctissima faemina, Edvardi Regis fratris filia. Nec tamen genere, quam moribus, innocentia ac totius vitae laude nobilior: in cujus disciplinâ antè Henricus Mariam unicam filiam educaverat. Tum abreptam in carcerem diu aerumnis ac miserijs male habitam, falsis etiam nuntijs interfecti Reginaldi filij tortam, postremò altero filiorumu natu majori, qui simal captus in eâdem custodiâ habebatur; crudeliter necato, anum ipsam alterum & septuagesimum annum agentem, palam in foro capitali supplicio afficit, nullum ob crimen aliud, quam quod Reginaldum genuisset, & de fide Catholicae pietatis decedere recusasset.
Though enough has bin already promoted in this kind, to please and satisfy al persons, whose Religion allows them any freedom of spirit; yet I cannot think this following Relation will appear tedious.
Ex L. B.
ILlud autem persuasum habeo, ejusmodi me legentium oculis imaginem propositurum, quae omnibus iis, quae in Christianum hominem cadere possunt, virtutibus ornata & expolita appareat. Tantas in hunc Deus hominem ex uberrimo illo benignitatis suae fonte divinorum munerum divitias transfuderat. Atque hae quidem tot tamque insignes Poli Cardinalis virtutes omnibus tota Europa [Page 99] ita cognitae atque perspectae fuerunt, ut multi etiam, qui eum nunquam vidissent, èjus nominis studiosissimi atque cupidissimi fierent. Celebre est etiamnum ejus nomen apud omnes bonos, magnáque cum laude, saepenumero in sermonibus usurpatur: at (que) ita gratiosa est apud multos Principes ejus memoria, ut, si quem in ejus familiâ aliquandiu versatum intelligant, eum, vel hanc unam ob causam, benevolentiâ, complectantur, ei (que) libenter faveant. Tanta fuit ejus mansuetudo & clementia, ut si quis eum offendisset, nibil de ulciscendo cogitaret, omnes (que) injurias facile remitteret, at (que) condonaret. Viterbij tres Italos, necem sibi molientes, liberari jussit. Duos item Anglos Capranicae, quò ipse ob aestivos calores vitandos [Page 100]secesserat, comprehensos, qui ad eum trucidandum ab Henrico rege ex ultimâ usque Angliâ submissi erant, necari noluit, cùm ad unum se eam injuriam pertinere diceret; nec durius in illos animadverti passus est, quàm ut paucos ad dies ad triremes relegarentur. Res adversas & calamitates, tam forti magnoque animo semper tulit, ut, ei hac virtute pares qui essent, paucos admodum memoriâ nostrá fuisse existimem, superiorem verò neminem. Ejus rei multa possem afferre exempla, sed hoc uno contenti erimus. Quodam die cum multas ex Galliâ, atque aliis ex locis literas accepisset, mihique mandâsset, ut iis respondcrem; tum ego literas in unum fasciculum colligens, cum quasdem Anglica lingua scriptas vidissem: Ad has [Page 101]verò, inquam, non est, quod ego respondeam, cùm ejus linguae planè sim ignarus. Ille minimè turbato vultu, utinam verò, inquit, eas & legere posses & intelligere. Laetum, enim nuntium referunt. Ejus ego nuntii cupiditate incensus, ut me quoque ejus participem esse velit, rogo. Tum ille, equidem semper existimavi, inquit, Dei beneficio, ejus me faeminae filium esse, quae tum genere ipso, tum virtutibus primaria esset. Quâ de re maximas etiam Deo gratias habebam. Nunc verò non id solùm, verium etiam majori me Dei benificio auctum video. Matrem enim meam martyrii gloriâ ornatam esse audio. Nam cum illa Catholicam fidem nostram constanter retineret, neque eam deserere ullâ ratione vellet, Henrici [Page 102] jussu, septuaginta jam annos natae mulieri caput est amputatum. Hoc sciliect praemium tulit laborum, quos in educandâ ejus filiâ susceperat. His verbis, consternato animo cum essem; bono, inquit ille, animo simus: haec quoque accessit ad caeteros patronos, & advocatos, quos in caelis habemus. Postea in sacellum, ubi deum precari solebat, secessit; ubique aliquandiu commoratus est, egressus ad suos eundem semper vultum, eandem hilaritatem retinuit. Neque verò hoc ille faciebat, aut quòd mediocriter matrem diligeret, aut quod non vehementer ab illá redamaretur; sed eâ animi fortitudine, ut dictum est, munitus erat, ut his fortunae telis de constantiâ suâ dejici non posset. Sic prorsus nuntium tulit de fratris sui natu maximi nece, [Page 103]cui Rex caput, uná cum duobus aliis ejus Consanguineis, religionis causâ, praecidi jusserat: Sic alias complures calamitates, & res adversas. Atque in his quemadmodum fortiter se gerebat; ita in secundis rebus humiliter; ut neque in alteris ullo modo efferetur, neque alteris dep [...]imeretur. Sic paupertatem tanquam dives; opes tanquam pauper tulit. Pridie ejus diei quo è vitâ discessit, extremae unctionis sacramentum sua sponte ipse, nemine monente, postulavit, & ad extremum usque spiritum & locutus est, & praeclarè sibi semper constitit; ac tam leniter, quietéque animam ipsam efflavit, ut dormientis speciem magis, quam morientis, vultus ejus ac totus corporis habitus referret. Obiit autem, quod sanè mirum videri queat, [Page 104]eo ipso die, quo Regina. Scripto to testamento Aloysium Priulum Patritium Venetum, quem unicè amaverat, & semper fratris loco habuerat, suarum rerum omnium haeredem instituit, ejusque arbitrio permisit, ut cum alia quaedam ipsius legata distribueret, tum iis, qui se longinquis è partibus secuti fuerant, sibique ministraverant, tum aliis; id singulis dom daret, quod cujusque diligentiam promeritam judicaret. Is cum haereditatem recusaret, neque tamen proptereà distribuendorum legatorum onus suscipere nollet; Rogavit eum Polus, quod etiam in ipso testamento perscribi voluit, ut aliquam saltem bonorum suorum partem sibi sumeret, quae tanquam aliquod veteris ac perpetuoe inter [Page 105]ipsos conjunctionis pignus ac monumentum extaret. Hoc ille planè renuit, seque jam inde ab initio cùm in ejus se familiaritatem contulerat, longè alterius generis bona secutum, ex eisque plurima assecutum esse respondit. Atque ita cum haeres scriptus esset, nihil ex haereditate capere voluit, praeter duos libellos, ex quibus Polus deum precari solitus erat, Breviarium vocamus & Diurnale. Atque hic quidem est Priulus ille, quem initio diximus, anno 1532. Patavii in arctissimam Poli consuetudinem venisse, neque ab ejus lutere unquam, ex eo tempore, discessisse, sed omnium itinerum, legationum, laborum comitem ac socium: studiorum item consiliorum ac omnium periculorum participem fuisse, ut neque ullis honoribus, [Page 106]nec dignitate, quae illi, cùm in patriâ suá in quâ summa est ejus familiae nobilitas atque amplitudo; tum Romae, non semel proponebatur, a Poli consuetudine avelli posset, quam omnibus divitiis omnique dignitati facilè anteponebat. Post ejus mortem xx totos menses, quibus ille superstes vixit, in colligendis magno labore ejus rebus, quae variis in locis disjectae erant, & in illis, summâ cum fide, distribuendis consumpsit.
Englished thus.
But I am verily perswaded, that I shal herein represent to the eyes and understanding of the reader, an image polisht and adorn'd with all those vertues, which can fal within the capacitie [Page 107]of a true Christian spirit. The divine Goodnes, with so large an effusion of grace, had enrich't the soul of this Reginaldus Polus. Whose rare and excellent vertues were so eminently conspicuous over al Europe, that many, who never saw him, cherisht the very thoughts, imagination, and name of him. Nay even now any mention or commemoration of him is very pleasant and delightful among al persons of honor or worth: and among Princes his memory is stil so gratious and prevalent, that to have bin of his family onely, is a sufficient commendation and entrance into their favor. His peaceable mildnes and clemency was so extraordinary, [Page 108]that howsoever offended he remitted al injuries, never complotting or meditating any sort of revenge. At Viterbo he caused three Italian conspirers of his death to be deliver'd out of prison. Whilst he was at Capranica retir'd to shun the infesting heats of the summer, two English men sent by King Henry to dispatch him, he would by no means suffer to be put to death, alleging how the injury pertain'd to him alone, as Judge and Partie: Nor would he permit any other punishment to pass upon them, save only the condemnation to the Gallies, for some few dayes. His various afflictions, misfortunes and calamities he ever sustain'd with [Page 109]so great a courage, and noble constancie, that certainly this age has not afforded his equal. To this purpose I could produce many examples, but let this alone for the present suffice. When on a certain day, he had receiv'd several letters out of France, and many other remote parts, and order'd me to prepare their answers: so foon as they were collected into distinct pacquets, perceiving some in English, I told him, I hope, Sir, you expect not that I should answer these, as being a stranger to the language. He, not the least chang'd in looks or colour instantly replyed; I wish you could read and understand them both at once, for they [Page 110]import joyful news and tidings. Withat impatient in my itching desire, I humbly beg'd, that I might participate. I alwaies thought my self, says he, the son of a woman as singular and eminent for her vertues, as extraction: in which respect, I have often rendred thanks to the divine Goodnes. But now I find these former qualities strangly dignifyed with a noble vantage of quite another and higher nature, by her being crown'd & adorn'd with the glory of a happy martyrdom. For whilst she constantly retain'd her Catholique faith and religion, immovable by any threats or perswasions, she lost her head upon the Scaffold, at the age of [Page 111] seventy Years, receiving this reward, for the great pains taken in the education of his only daughter, from King Harry the Father. When, I amaz'd with sudden horror and astonisht, startled at this relation; be of good courage, sayes he, my Mother has happily encreast the number of our patrons and advocats in heaven. After this, retiring for some few moments to a Chapel, where his use was to pray, he strait appears among us again, with the same former looks and chearful countenance. Neither did he act this strange unexpected part out of a tepid indifferency of affection, which he had for her, or she for him [Page 112](which was quite contrary in both) but out of a magnanimous constancy not expos'd or obnoxious to these violent attaques and cruel injuries of fortune. No other alteration was perceiv'd by us in him, at the sad doleful message of the death of his eldest Brother, who with two other of his nearest allies, lost their heads upon the Scaffold by the Kings order, for constantly adhearing to their religion.
These, and many other afflictions, calamities and injuries of divers sorts he suffered with the same perpetualy inalterable constancy. And as Fortun could not terrify him with her frowns; [Page 113]so she could not seduce him with her smiles. His affairs running prosperously somtimes beyond expectation could never puff him up beyond his accustom'd station; nor turning retrograde on the contrary cause in him the least dejection. So that his seeming poverty in riches; and his great satisfaction in poverty were both alike commendable.
Three dayes before he dyed (of his one accord without any other admonishment) he desir'd to have the Sacrament of Extreme-Vnction, retaining his speech, senses and understanding entire to the very last moment. He rendred [Page 114]up his spirit in that gentle, quiet and placide manner, that his face, visage, fashion and habit of his whole body represented the posture of one sleeping, rather than dead. That which seems marvelous to some, is that his Queen, and he should expire both within the compas of the same natural day. In his last Will and Testament he ordained Aloysio Priuli a noble man of Venice, whom he most singularly affected, the entire heire of whatsoever he possest. To whose wil and pleasure he freely transmitted the disposal of certain legacies, gifts and rewards to such, [Page 115]who had followd him out of forrein parts, and others of his attendants, according as he thought the merit and diligence of each person proportionaly required. Whereas this noble Venetian absolutely refus'd the total inheritance: he beg'd and entreated of him the acceptance onely of some part, which might appear, as a lasting pledge and monument of their ever inviolated love and friendship. This also he utterly renounc't, replying, that when he first courted and insinuated himself into his familiarity, he propos'd in his minde an other sort of riches, goods and treasure, with [Page 116]which now he thought himself abundantly gratifyed. Thus he the total heir of so considerable an inheritance accepted of nothing, but only two prayer-books, renderd precious in his thoughts by the frequent usage of Reginaldus Polus, whereof the one was cal'd the Roman Breviary, and the other the Diurnal belonging to it. This is that Aloysio Priuli, who in the year 1532 at Padua contracted that individual and exemplary familiarity and friendship with Polus, which never afterward admitted of any separation in adversity or prosperity. He was a constant companion in all his journeys [Page 117]by Sea and Land, in his tedious and dangerous embassies, and al other toyles and troubles: so unanimously participating also of al his intentions, purposes, studies and counsels, that he was sensible of no titles, honors, dignities, which were open and obvious in his own Country, by reason of the great nobility and prerogative of his family: nor could Rome her self with her dazling purple and other allurements ever seduce him from this habitual society and enjoyment of his friend, a hapines which he so inestimably valew'd above al others: and whom he surviv'd [Page 118]only the space of twenty months, which interval of time he wholy employ'd in the collection of those goods, which were disperst in several Countreys, and in the just and equal-distribution of them.
This memorable friendship of Reginaldus Polus and Aloysius Priulus contracted between persons of so distant and different Countreys, certainly excels in al circumstances, that of Laelius and Scipio, or what ever other examples, the antient Grece or Rome or the Barbarians (as they cal them) could ever produce. For that religion which most enriches our minds with the best Vertues, [Page 119]and devests them of usurping passions, renders them the most susceptible of this rare and divine quality. Which therefore consequently must alwayes be among the most excelent Christians. The Philosophers and their followers had the sublime vertues of this nature in subtile speculation onely, which were left for others to put into real exercise and practise.
I have at present sufficiently, as I hope, refuted some perverse Chroniclers among us, enemys, as we see, to truth, honor, and the just respect due to royal families: and have shown how requisit [Page 120]it is for these many years, to look abroad, that we may understand any truth at home of this kind. The Testimonies produc't are very authentique. Which I have the rather encreast, because nothing, methinks, can be said too much of so Rare, Divine and Princely a subject. However I shall now supersede, omitting many Authors of excelent account, as the French President Thuanus, and the famous Pallavicini, with many other Italian Writers. Who generaly in their relations, very much extol and magnify the power of King Harry, able to revive in Italie a custom [Page 121]abolisht ever since Marius, Sulla and Marc-Antony, in proscribing a great Roman senator in Rome it self, as wel as other parts of the world. Among these Authors, which I must advertise you, you will often find il Cardinal d' Inghiltierra mentioned; which you must have a care, not to take for our rich, fat Prelat the Cardinal Wolsey. Otherwise your mistake will be very grosse. For this Reginaldus Polus, who is thereby signified, and He were as different in quality and worth, as they were in extraction; the vast, immense ambition of the one, almost equalizing the most Christian [Page 122]humility of the other, and therefore vainly coveting and courting with an insolent presumption that Papacy, which the other with so generous a magnanimitie refus'd.
Now, as I suppose, I have fully satisfy'd my engagement, though perchance not the desire or expectation of our obliging friend. What the postscript of your last letter signifies, concerning some versification on this subject, was never included in my promise. Yet to be as complyant, as I can, I shal send here two Epigrams: in the former of which, could I dispense with [Page 123]my self, from being serious, in so grave a subject, as the sacred memory of this Cardinal, I could impose upon our friend, acting the jocular plagiary, and make my self pass for the author; being they seem so adapted to this noted Epitaph, Depositum Poli Cardinalis. But I can assure you, they were made above a thousand years ago, as I shal make it appear at our next meeting. As for the latter, they are excelent verses, made on the picture of this great person, drawn by Titian, and now in the Farnesian Palace. It would appear almost a madnes in me, to write on the same [Page 124]subject, after Marcus Antonius Flaminius the celebrated Author. I shal onely therefore venture, for satisfaction sake in this kind, to send some recover'd fragments of a Poem, dedicated to the honor of the Heroical Prince of this age, during the Dutch Wars, and to be prefixt before a meteorique treatise, not publish't, by reason of the late rogueries, set here artificialy on foot among us.