WHereas the Directors of the Dutch East-India-Company, do desire nothing more earnestly than a good Intelligence between them, and the Royal East-India-Company of this Kingdom: They also de­sire nothing more earnestly, than to see an end of the differences which would trouble that Intelligence, in case it was not from both sides endeavoured with all imaginable care to suppress, in the very beginning, the seeds of a quarrel, of which the progress (though short) should be able to produce an Evil, which after having taken root, it would not be easie to dissipate.

Now forasmuch as the Late King of Great Britain, of Glorious Memory, and my Lords the States Gene­ral of the Ʋnited Provinces, being desirous to provide the differences that should arise between both Compa­nies should have no bad consequences, have thought fit to Order the Remedy, contained in the Treaty of the Year, 1674-75. Upon which ground the under-written Deputies of the said East-India-Company of the said Provinces, desiring that the differences about Bantam [Page 2] should be determined: They do desire your Lord­ships to concurr with them, and proceed upon that Foundation; and to deliver to them a Copy of all the pretensions of the English Company touching the Ban­tam Affairs; and also of the justificative Proofs and Deeds upon which they pretend to ground their said pretensions. The under-written Deputies being re­solved to pursue all the Forms required by Equity and natural Right. And because they have been in­formed, that in the Conference of Munday last, there were some mistakes; they have thought fit to express their mind by Writing, and to desire your Honours to give Answer in the same manner.

IN Answer to your Honours Memorial of the 27th. of May, it is impossible for the Commissioners of the Netherland East-India-Company, to desire a more speedy end of the Affair of Bantam, than the English East-India-Company; who hath layen under the Op­pression [Page 3] of the want of their Residence and Trade there, now for above three years; besides the great Loss and Spoil sustained at the surprize thereof. And the said English Company by us their Commissioners, have humbly besought the Lords Commissioners Deci­sors, appointed by His Majesty, Our Soveraign Lord the King, that the matter of the Restitution of Bantam to His Majesties Subjects may be first Discoursed and Adjusted: It having been already consented to by the High and Mighty Lords the States General, and the Netherlands East-India-Company, that Restitution should be made thereof; as appears by the Answer to the Memorial presented by Sir John Chardin at the Hague, the 21th. of May, Anno 1683. And the only difference then remaining upon that subject was, the manner of the Restitution. So that to enter into proof or any long Debate concerning the manner of the sur­prize of that Place, and of His Majesties Subjects Ex­pulsion therefrom, instead of making a short end of that difference would but retard it. Which being once deter­mined to mutual satisfaction, we are ready immediate­ly to produce to your Honours a List of our dammages, incurred by reason of those Violences offered to our Trade, Estate and Servants at Bantam, with our Proofs to justifie our said Demands.

THE underwritten Deputies of the Dutch East-India Company, having observed in the Answer of your Honours to their Memorial of the 27 th of the last Month, that your Honours do persist in the same Opinion you did maintain in the Conference about the discussion of the business of Bantam, having only al­tered the ground of the said Opinion: They the said Deputies cannot but conjure your Honours to call seriously in to your minds all that hath been done as well in Holland as here, about the said Affair; they being sure that in case your Honours do reflect upon it advisedly, and considering that in all the Affair no­thing is concluded nor settled; your Honours will agree, that all the Articles debated and questioned, about which Sir John Chardin, did demand two Years ago in Holland in the Name of the English Company, (though without any ground) Justice and Satisfaction; ought now without any difference or distinction to be judged and determined by the Lords Commissioners De­cisors, according to the Treaty of the Year 1674-75, which in this present Affair is a Rule and a Law to both Companies.

THE underwritten Deputies for the English East-India Company having well considered your Honours Replication of the 5 th Instant to their Answer of the 27 th May last, say, That they cannot now re­quire less of your Honours, than what was upon ve­ry good and justifiable grounds demanded by Sir John Chardin two Years since at the Hague, in the Name of our Soveraign Lord the King then Reigning, as well as in the Name of His Majesties East-India Company; and which was then consented to by the High and Mighty Lords, the States General of the Ʋnited Netherlands, viz. The entire withdrawing of all the Dutch Forces from all the Ports and Territories of both, or either of the late Kings of Bantam, and Restitution of that Place unto His Maiesty; it [...]eing of more important concern to His Majesty, and His Kingdoms in General, than it is to His Majesties East-India Company. We have lately, and for a long time past, humbly supplicated His Deceased Ma­jesty of Glorious Memory, and Our Soveraign the King now Reigning, that the withdrawing the Dutch Forces and Restitution of Bantam as aforesaid, may be first finally adjusted before any Treaty be entred into concerning the English East-India Company's Dammages; which we shall alwayes insist upon: And [Page 6] in regard the Netherlands East-India Companies Commissaries and Servants in India (not satiated with the late Violences they did at Bantam, and for­merly at Macassar) are at this time by the very same injurious Methods (as they deprived us of our Fa­ctories and Trade of Macassar and Bantam) endea­vouring to deprive us of the Trade of all places on the Coast of Malabarr, to engross to the Netherland's East-India Company the sole and entire Trade of Pep­per; (which would be intolerable to the interested Great Kings of Europe.) We must therefore further demand of your Honours, That the Fort of Bantam, which was built with the English East-India Compa­nies Money, may be surrendred to His Majesty un­demolished: The recent Injuries and Hostilities of the Netherland's East-India Companies Commissaries and Servants upon the Coast of Malabar having crea­ted to His Majesty an absolute necessity of securing part of the Pepper Trade to his Subjects; which we apprehend cannot be done without a strong English Garrison in the South Seas, and at no place so well, as at Bantam aforesaid.

WHereas the underwritten Deputies from the Dutch East-India Company in all that hath passed between them and your Honours about the Bantam business since their arrival in London, have had no other Scope but to agree with your Honours in the Method of discussing the said Affair: They did expect, that in regard of sparing time, and saving to the Lords Commissioners Decisors the trouble and tediousness of hearing Debates about the Method of proceeding abovesaid, your Honours would have consented to it without any further mention of the Affair in it self. But since your Honours proceeding, and chiefly your last Paper, does give to the said De­puties a just Subject to fear it should be the design to treat the said Affair as Negotiators, rather than In­structors of a Cause: (though the last Quality be the only proper to both, and that only conform to their Commission.) They the underwritten must declare to your Honours, That since their Power is only to bring the Differences to an Issue by the Method of the Trea­ty of the Year 1674-75, they likewise will not go from that way in any manner whatsoever; as they will [Page 8] more fully expose it in the presence of the Lords Commissioners Decisors.

THE underwritten Deputies of the English East-India Company understand not what ground your Honours can find in their last Memorial, or other­wise to suspect they design to avoid the Method of the Treaty of the Year 1673-75, or that they pretend to be Commissioners Decisors; which the said Deputies do not, but only to be Advisers in this great Affair; pro­fessing to pursue with all sincerity, the Method of that Treaty; desiring nothing more than to be the happy Instruments of procuring a right Understanding be­tween the two Companies; although considering the constant Inclination, and late Proceedings of the Ne­therland East-India Companyes Commissaries and Ser­vants in India, to engross the whole Trade of Pepper; which if attained, will consequently destroy the Eng­lish Navigation; and carry with it the Universal Trade of India, in all other Commodities as well as [Page 9] Pepper. The said Deputies therefore have been obli­ged in duty to inform His Most Sacred Majesty and the Lords Commissioners Decisors (as they intimated to Your Honours in their last Paper) what they judged to be the only means to preserve any part of the Eng­lish Trade in India, and to lay the foundation of an Everlasting Peace between the two Companies. Which opinion the said Deputies are ready not only to Defend and Submit to the Lords Commissioners Decisors, according to the Treaty of the Year, 1674-75, but to demonstrate to their Lordships that all other tedious circumstantial discourses tend only to protract time.

ALthough the under-written Deputies of the East-India-Company of the United Provinces, cannot [Page 10] assure themselves well to understand the true sense of the Memorial that they received from your Honours; yet they find themselves obliged to Witness how much they are satisfied with the protestation they have made not long to defer the discussion of the Contro­versies about Bantam, in the form prescribed by the meeting in the Year, 1674-75. To which seeing the under-written Deputies have been a long time confor­mable; they shall be very glad that the said con­troversies may be debated as soon as possible, accor­ding to the same Form, before the Lords Commissio­ners that must decide it.

1. IN Obedience to Your Lordships commands inti­mated to us in the Robes Chamber at White-Hall the 17th. Instant; We do humbly present your [Page 11] Lordships with Copies of all Papers that have passed between the Dutch Commissioners Instructors and our Selves since their Arrival in England.

We do humbly offer it to your Lordships as our Opinion, and the Opinion of all English Men, that have any knowledge of the Affairs of India; That nothing less than the withdrawing of all the Dutch Forces from Bantam, and the Territories thereof, belonging to both or either of the late Kings of Bantam, on the 14th. day of March, 1681-82. and the surrender of the Fort of Ban­tam unto His Majesty undemolished; can prevent the Dutch from being immediately Masters of the entire Trade of Pepper. And what fatal consequences to His Majesty and His Kingdoms do depend upon such their Engrossing of that Trade, we have Demonstra­ted in Writing to His late Majesty of Blessed Memory: And the Memorial relating thereunto, now remains in the hands of the Clerks of His Majesties Most Honou­rable Privy Council. And although His late Majesty did only demand from the Dutch, the withdrawing of all their Forces from Bantam, &c. and the satisfying the East-India-Company for the dammages sustained, by reason of the unjust surprisal thereof; Our later advices from India have given us sufficient Reasons to justifie our further Demand of having the Fort of Bantam de­livered to His Majesty undemolished, for the following Reasons.

1. Because (as we foresaw when we humbly pre­sented our Memorial aforesaid to His late Majestie.) The Dutch have since not only obstructed but Hostile­ly invaded our Trade, and shot at our Servants with Bullets on the Coast of Mallabar, to deter and beat them off from that little remainder we had there of the Pepper Trade.

[Page 12] 2. We since understand that the Dutch have so mi­serably enthralled and improverished both the late Kings of Bantam, that they are not now both able to pay us 5 l. of that vast Debt they owe us, otherwise than by that Fort of Bantam, which was built with the Money the young King owed us, and the Guns mount­ed on the said Fort are our own Guns, for which we were never paid.

3. Because the Young King (as we have been cre­dibly informed, and do believe) assassinated formerly our Agent and Factors (though for what Cause, or who instigated them thereunto we know not.) And now the Dutch say, it was He the said Young King and not They, that commanded us away from Ban­tam: And therefore we dare not without a strong Garrison to defend us, trust our Servants and Estates in his Dominions; neither will any go thither that are worth sending, without such security be provided for their Lives.

4. Because if the Old King of Bantam had a right to Bantam, and to the Territories thereof. They are now His Majesties by His Donation of them to the late King of ever Blessed Memory. If the Right thereof lyes (as the Dutch say) in the Young King, He hath been so inhumane, ungrateful, and bloody an Enemy to His Majesties Subjects confessedly, without the least Cause or Provocation on their part, that we humbly conceive His Majesties Honour cannot be repaired without invading his City and Countrey: And the ra­ther because though he be called a King, he is in truth none, but a perfect Slave to the Batavians, and an Ex­ecutioner of their will and pleasure.

5. If the Dutch say the Young King is their Allie, and they are bound in honour to protect him: We say, by that Rule there can never be Peace between the [Page 13] English and the Dutch in India: And they may be as good Right easily make a Quarrel between any other Indian Princes and their Neighbours, or their own Sons or Brothers; and then take a side; and condition with the prevailing side to turn us and all other Europeans out of their Countries, and we must not revenge our Selves because they will protect such injured and injurious Princes as their Allies: Whereas by the Articles of Peace, the English and Dutch ought mutually to assist and help each other.

6. This is an old practice of the Dutch: So they made a quarrel with the Macassars, and when the dif­fering Princes were equally matched, they assisted one side which turned the ballance, and they conditioned with the prevailing side to turn the English ( Nomina­tim) and all other Europeans out of their Countrey.

7. The Dutch were doing the same thing again be­tween two Kings or Rajas on the Coast of Mallabar, when our last Letters came from that Coast.

8. If the Dutch say, the old King was assisted by the English against his Son the Young King, and therefore he turned the English out of his Countrey: We An­swer, That that is so false a suggestion, that we can­not think the Dutch themselves believe it: And that it is as manifest as the Sun at noon day, That the Dutch having beguiled the young King into their power, to compass to themselves the entire Trade of that place, compelled him to force the English out of his Domini­ons: Otherwise why did he at the same time force away the French, Danes, Portuguez, Moguls, Gen­tues, and other Nations against whom no such pretence was or could be made.

On the whole matter, and out of a true and real sence of our bounden Duty and Allegiance to His [Page 14] Majesty, and the vast Concernment Bantam is (not to us) but to His Majesties Honour and Interest: We humbly propose that this Affair of the Restitution may be fully adjusted before any Treaty be entred upon concerning the Dammages sustained by His Majesties East-India Company; of which notwithstanding we herewith present your Lordships the best Accompt we can, until we receive Copies of those Batavia Books which were lost in the Ship, Surrat Merchant.

When the Company shall return to the Possession of Bantam, it will cost them in Ships, Soldiers, Am­munition, [Page 17] and Fortifications, before they are fully settled, above 100000 Pounds.

THE Deputies for the Netherlands East-India-Company having on the 10 th of this Instant Sep­tember, requested before your Lordships to have Copies of what the English East-India Company do complain against them, and sight of the Proofs. The said East-India Company do herewith humbly present your Lordships with the Companies just complaints, and the Proofs thereof put into French by Sir John Chardin, which most of the Witnesses are in Town ready to confirm. The said Company do insist upon that Me­morial that was first presented to His Majesty; (of [Page 18] which the Copy is hereunto annexed) and that (with His Majesties leave) the matter of the Restitution of Bantam to His Majesties Subjects, may be first discussed and adjusted. It having been already consented to by the High and Mighty Lords, the States General, and the Netherlands East-India Company, that Restitution should be made thereof, as appears by their Answer to the Memorial presented by Sir John Chardin at the Hague the 21. May, 1683. And although His late Majesty upon the humble Petition of His Majesties East-India Company did formerly only demand from the Dutch the withdrawing of all their Forces from Bantam, and the Territories thereunto belonging, or which did belong to both, or either of the late Kings of Bantam on the 14 th day of March, 1681-82. And the satisfying the East-India Company for the Dama­ges sustained by reason of the unjust surprizal thereof: Our later advices from India have given us sufficient reason to justify our further demand of surrendring the Fort of Bantam undemolished, before any Treaty be entred upon concerning the particular Damages sustained by the Company: For which increase of our Demands we humbly offer to your Lordships the fol­lowing Reasons.

Eight of these Reasons were the same as in the foregoing Paper of the 24 th of June, with this Addition.

9ly. We are well assured, and hope to produce con­vincing proofs to your Lordships, that the Dutch of Batavia since they betrayed the young King of Bantam into their Power, have compelled him to sign Articles in prejudice of the English Nation, and agreeable to those in print which they made with the King of Ma­cassar; the business of Bantam being but exactly the same Game played over again iutirely, which they formerly acted at Macassar; and may do as many [Page 19] times more as they please: And we have reason to be­lieve will, till they are possessed of all the East-India Trade exclusive to the other European Nations, if they be not forced by his Majesty out of that Plea, by compelling them to make a just Restitution of Bantam.

And although we humbly conceive the notoriety of the Fact at Bantam, is sufficient to convince all indiffe­rent Judges of the Justice of our Complaint and De­mands; and that to add any further proofs to those we now exhibit to your Lordships, would be an idle interruption and wasting of your Lordships time, and as needless in this case as giving light to the Sun; yet if more proof shall be desired, We have other suffi­cient credible Witnesses to produce to your Lordships to prove any part of our Charge, if your Lordships will require it.

A List of the Papers delivered to the Lords Commissioners Decisors, attending the said Paper of the 15 th September, 1685. (the Copies whereof do hereafter follow.)

• No.
• 2 EXtract of Captain Ʋtbert's Letter.
• 3 Extract of Bantam Consultation Book.
• Deposition of William Smith, and James Jeffcoate.
• Also of James Harrison.
• And of Geo. Gosnell, Ric. Knipe, and John Burdet.
• 4 Deposition of Captain John Fisher.
• 5 Deposition of Mr. Charles Sweeting.
• 6 Deposition of Mr. Nic. Waite.
• 7 Deposition of Mr. Ambrose Moody.

HAving an opportunity by the so sudden return of the Amoy Merchant, I have made bold to trou­ble you not only with the tediousness of our passage, (notwithstanding we were the first Ship that arrived) but of some passages which have hapned since my Ar­rival.

The 7 th of May I came into Bantam Road, having two of your Factors come on Board with an Order to Sail directly for Batavia, where your Agent and Coun­cil was, and of the Destruction of Bantam, how it was in possession of the Dutch, and all burnt down. [Page 21] I having not Fourteen Gallons of Water in my Ship, was forced to go ashore for a Boat load of Water, where I was Spectator of what I was told by the Factors: The young King hearing of my being ashore, would have spoke with me, but he that was Chief of the Dutch would not permit him; so that the young King sent me word, that if the Company had put in any Agent but a Madman and a Fool, he had never sent for the Dutch; and the rest of your Council so inferiour, being not in Power as an Agent to treat up­on State Affairs: Having this from the King, I went aboard, and sailed directly for Batavia; where I found the Agent and Council: And as the King had sent me word, so I found the Agent, for he would not speak one word to me, but sometimes nod his Head, but eat and drink as well as the best; so that I delive­red the Pacquet to the Council, whom I think are wor­thy Gentlemen, &c.

THese are to certifie whom it may concern, That this day, about Three or Four of the Clock in the Afternoon, Jacob De Roy entred our Factory with a File of Dutch Musqueteers, accompanyed with Pengran Natta Negana, and many of his Army At­tendants; and after a strict search into every of our individual Godongs (or Warehouses) and Apartments [Page 22] for Goods as they pretended lost out of the Dutch Factory, did put a Lock upon one of the Honourable Companies Godongs Doors; and for the more securi­ty of the same, the said Jacob De Roy, put his Seal there­on. To the truth whereof, we are ready on Oath when required, and subscribe our Names in Bantam this 1. April, 1682.

WE the Subscribers, William Smith, Com­mander of the Honourable Companies Ship the Return; and James Jeffcott, Commander of the Formosa Frigat, do Declare and Certifie, That about six of the Clock in the Evening we went off from the shore in the Returns Pinnace, to go on Board each of our Ships, and at the Rivers Mouth were detained as Prisoners aboard a Dutch Sampan, by order as they told us, of the Captain of the Ship Europa, that now rides Admiral in this Road. We desired the Steerman of the Sampan, to send aboard the Admiral, for per­mission to go on board our Ships, which after two or three hours stay, the Captain of the said Admiral sent us word by the aforesaid Messenger, That the Dutch Commissioners Major St. Martin, and Captain Tack [Page 23] had given them Orders that no English Boats should pass without License from them; but it being late, and the first time, he did grant us liberty to go on Board our Ships, although he was assured he should be severe­ly check't by the aforesaid Commissioners. To the Truth whereof we are ready to depose Our Oaths when thereunto required; as Witness our hands this first of April, 1682. in Bantam.

I James Harrison Cooper of the Honourable Compa­nies Ship Return, do Attest and Certifie, That about one of the Clock this Afternoon, going off in our Long-Boot from the Factory, Laden with Sales of Long Cloth, to carry on Board the Tywan Frigat; the Tyde being low, lay upon the Barr until four or five of the Clock; the water then flowing we got off, and Rowing without the River, met with Jacob de Roy a Dutch Lieutenant, who called to us, and bid us go back; and being out of the River came a small Boat from the Dutch Sampan that lay to command the river, and likewise told us that we must go in again; which refusing to do, came the Admiral's Long-Boat which lay at the Rivers mouth in call of the Sampan, being Mann'd and Gun'd came to us, commanding us also to go in, saying, that if we made any opposition they would kill my self and all the Las [...]ars in the Boat: [Page 24] and immediately thereupon took hold of the Painter, and Towed us from thence, and went with our Boat to the Factory, where she was this night unladen. To the Truth whereof I am ready to depose my Oath when thereunto required;

WE the subscribers do Declare and Certifie to all whom it doth or may Concern, That this Morning about 9 of the Clock the Young Sultan came with his own and several Dutch Guards to the Hollands Factory; from whence after some small stay, they pas­sed by our Factory, and enquired of the Health of our Agent Mr. Francis Bowyer; and then called Pengran Juda Ningrat, who after some discourse had between them, came unto our Gate, and told Mr. Nicholas Waite, and Mr. George Gosfright, that the Young King sent him to know how long it would be before all the Com­panies Servants went off: To which was answered that we were in daily expectation of a Ship from Ba­tavia, which when arrived should with all expediti­on Lade with the Honourable Companies Goods, which in their Godongs were considerable, and then give compliance to His Majesties commands in with­frawing from hence, so he departed, and within a quarter of an hour after came to our Factory Pengran [Page 25] Nata Negana. who acquainted us the Kings pleasure was, that without delay all English and other Servants belonging to the Honourable Company, should this day depart and go aboard; but had liberty to seal up all their Godongs wherein any Goods were housed, and when they had Shipping might Export them. And within half an hour after this message, we had notice of the Sultan's coming from the Pavian, and passing through Chinarow to the Danes Garden, who making some short stay there, returned and came in at the back Gate of our Factory, where Mr. Nicholas Wait, and Mr. George Gosfright with sundry others of the Companies Servants met him, and the said Mr. Nicho­las Waite, and Mr. George Gosfright desired His Ma­jesties permission to reside upon the place till they had Shipping to Export our Honourable Masters Estate and although moved twice, yet responded nothing to that point, saying only, That he had Ordered Pengran Natta Negana to Live in the Factory, and so marched out without admitting any further Reply: And within an hour after, the said Pengran's people and the said Pengran came into the Factory, and took possession of all the Chambers, except onely wherein Mr. Nicholas Waite, and Mr. George Gosfright resided; who some time after went to Monsieur Martin, and Mr. Tack the Dutch Commissioners in the Fort, and in their ab­sence entred our Factory sundry Dutch and other Sol­diers belonging to them, and plundered most of the Chambers. The Truth whereof we are ready to con­firm by Oath when required. Witness our Hands in Bantam, this 11th. day of April 1682.

I Hada house in Bantam which had been in possession of several English Men for about 13 years; In which House I kept Servants, and several Goods, for the most part Liquors; which I bought and sold. The day after the Dutch Landed in Bantam, being the 29th. of March. 1682. I stood on a Platform in our Facto­ry, and saw the Soldiers (under the Command of De Roy the Lieutenant of the Majors Company, pull down a silk Flagg, commonly called St. George's Flagg; which I had by permission and Order of the Council put upon my House) seeing which I went with speed towards my House; near the entrance whereof, I saw the a­bovesaid De Roy with part of the Flagg in his hand, which he had torn and given to his soldiers for Scarfs; who espying me, ordered his soldiers to stand upon their Guard, and keep me out of my house; two whereof knocked me down with the but-end of their Musquets, telling me I now had nothing to do with the house, nor any thing therein; and so took out my Goods being Houshold Goods, four chests of Claret, four barrels of Mum, &c. and broke open some of the chests, and took out the heads of some of the barrels, and drank out part; the remainder by Jacob's Order was carried away: First, having put some Batavia Blacks in possession of my house. Af­ter which seeing no remedy, I returned back to the Factory. The nearest value of my Goods (besides house) was about 600 Dollers.

At our Exclusion and departure from Bantam, the Council Ordered the Halyardes of our Flag, being St. [Page 27] George's, to be cut off close to the foot of the flag, and nailed to the Flag-staff, and leave the Flag flying; and one English Man by name ( Daniel Quick [...]) to remain upon the place, to acquaint the Commanders of our Ships which might arrive from Europe, &c. of depar­ture of the Companies servants to Batavia, for which Port they were to proceed with their ships. About five days after our departure from Bantam, the Dutch soldiers went into our Factory, and Ordered their black servants to go up our Flag-staff and pull down the Flag. This information we had from some of the eminentest China Merchants in Bantam, particularly Concho Choo­ancho Sankee, and Abdool Hallim, the last whereof was a Chinese turned Javee.

1. THat upon a difference depending, and a War broken out, between the old Sultan of Bantam and the Young Sultan his Son; the Dutch Govern­ment at Batavia pretending to assist the Young King, came with a Fleet of Ships and Prows, and attempted to Land at Bantam, on the 14th. of March 1681-82. but [Page 28] were beaten off by the Old Kings Forces, and forced to retreat with their Fleet to a greater distance from the Town, till further recruits might be had from Bata­via; which arriving the 23th. of the same month of March; The Dutch General (the sieur Martin) Land­ed his Men at Bantam the 28th. who forced their way through the Old Kings Guards, which were placed be­tween the Castle (in which the Young King was be­sieged by His Father) and the shoar, and were imme­diately let in by the Young King into the Castle, where they set up their Dutch colours, and so they did upon all other principal parts of the Town.

2. The next day being the 29th. the sieur Caeffe the Dutch Resident, with a File of Soldiers and several Carpenters, came into the back yard of the English Factory, and commanded the English Agent to pull down the Balconies, and to nail up all the windows; a Dutchman in his Company adding by way of threat, that if the Factory did not cause it immediately to be done, he would himself do it; and he accordingly did cause it immediately to be done.

3. The next day but one being the last day of the month of March, 1682. One of the Young Kings chief Officers called Pengran Deepa Paneratt, came to the English Factory with a Paper Writ in the Mallay Language, and said to be sent from the King, being an Order to the English with all possible speed to get their Goods and Effects on Board their ships and de­part his Countrey: The said Pengran urged the Eng­lish Agent and Factors to comply speedily with the said Order, as they tendred the said Kings displeasure, But the English Agent and Factors are assured that no such Order was given voluntarily by the King; the [Page 29] Agent and Council when they were the day before to attend the King (to represent to him how they had been perfectly Neuters in the differences between him and the King His Father, and had given him no cause at all to be offended with them,) having perceived no­thing by his words or actions towards them, of any intent in him to drive the English out of his Countrey. And it is certain there was a great dispute between the Young King and the Dutch Major, before he could be brought to give any such Order, but being himself under the power of the Dutch he was forced to do it.

4. When the English saw themselves in such dan­ger, and not only their Houses and other Goods on shoer forcibly taken from them, but their Powder also from on Board their ships, commanded to shore; (as was done out of the ship Return on the 3d. of April,) they Laded what Goods and Effects they could in that hurry get together, in the Countrey Boats, in Order to put them on Board the English ships then near at hand. Whilst this was doing they met with no hindrance from the Young Kings subjects or souldiers that were on shoar; but when they came up to the Dutch Guards at Sea, they were stopped and told that they (the Guards) were ordered not to suffer any Goods to be brought from the shoar to the English ships, and that if the English did attempt further, to get on Board their ships, they would fire upon them; upon which the English and their Boats were forced to return back.

5. Of this the English made their complaint to the Dutch Major; who in a smiling manner told them, all was by Order of the Young King, (though none of the [Page 30] Natives, or the Kings soldiers, had any hand in these violences; all being directed by Dutch Officers, and executed by Dutch soldiers. And this is the more notorious, in that the Young King himself told the French Chief in the presence of the Dutch Commission­ers, (when the said Chief addressed himself to him to have four chests of Treasure, that had been taken from him restored;) That he (the said King) knew nothing of the cause of his complaint; for that he neither had nor would prejudice him, nor the English, nor the Danes, nor any other Strangers that were Trading in His Countrey: Therefore if he (the French Cheif) had any wrong done him since the Landing of the Dutch at Bantam, (the King told him) he must apply himself to the said Dutch Commissioners, or to the Ge­neral at Batavia, for Reparation.

6. On the 11th. of April the Dutch souldiers ent­red and ran-sackt all the Chambers in the English Fa­ctory, carrying away whatsoever they found there; but the Java's (that is the Natives) did not deal so unjustly with them, permitting the Factors to seal the Companies Warehouses, and promising to secure them.

7. On the 12th. of April the English left Bantam; and to save themselves, and what they could of their Masters Goods and Effects, imbarqued upon their ships; leaving the English Flag (commonly called St. George's Flag) flying upon the Factory where it had stood for so many years before; but this Flag was soon taken down by the Dutch, and their Flag set up in the stead of it; and so had another Flag of St. George's set up upon another House in Bantam, being pulled down by One Jacob de Roy Leiutenant of the [Page 31] aforesaid Majors Company, on the 29th. of March, (that was the very next day after the Dutch Landed there.) And the said Flag being taken down was by the said de Roy, with his own hands torn in pieces, and given among the souldiers to wear for Scarffs.

Charles Sweeting Merchant, late Factor, and one of the Council for the English East-India Company at Bantam; and afterwards residing with the rest of the said Council at Batavia, maketh Oath: That the mat­ters contained in the two first Paragraphs of the Memo­rial aforegoing is certainly true, to this Deponents own knowledge. And that the other five following Paragraphs he beleives to be True, having heard the same from divers credible Witnesses in that Countrey. And that four of the five last Paragraphs of the Memo­rial, are truly Extracted from the English East-India Companies Letters from their Agent and Council at Batavia, dated the 17th. and 23th. of September, 1682. The last Paragraph is proved by Captain Fisher's Affidavit, to which he refers, and verily be­leives the same to be true, as therein set down.

NIcholas Waite late of Bantam in the East-Indies, Merchant; maketh Oath as followeth.

1. That upon a difference depending, and a Warr broken out, between the Old Sultan of Bantam, and the young Sultan his Son; The Dutch Government at Batavia pretending to assist the young King, came with a Fleet of Ships and Prowes, and attempted to land at Bantam on the 14 th. March, 1681-82. but were obliged to retreat at some distance from the Town, till further Recruits might be had from Batavia; which arriving the 23. of the same Month of March, the Dutch General Sieur Martin landed his Men at Bantam the 28 th, who forced their way through the old King's Guards, which were pla­ced between the Castle (in which the young King was besieged by his Father) and the shoar, and were im­mediately let in by the young King into the Castle, where they set up their Dutch Colours, and so they did upon all other principal parts of the Town.

2. The next day being the 29 th, the Seignior Caeffe, the Dutch Resident, with a File of Soldiers, and se­veral Workmen, came on the back side of the English Factory, and commanded the English Agent to pull down the Balconyes, and to nail up all the Windows looking that way: An Officer in his Company adding by way of Threat, that if the Factory did not cause it immediately to be done, he would himself do it; and it was caused immediately to be done.

[Page 33] 3. The next day but one, the last day of the Month of March, 1682. One of the young Kings Chief Of­ficers called Pengran Deepa Panneratt, came to the En­glish Factory, with a Paper writ in the Mallay Lan­guage, and said to be sent from the King, being an Order to the English, with all possible speed, to be gone with their Effects aboard their Ships; the said Pengran ur­ged the English Agent and Factors to comply speedily with the said Order, as they tendred their own Lives, and the King's Displeasure: But the English Factors are assured, that the King used to put his Seal to all Orders sent to them, and to that said Paper was nei­ther Hand nor Seal: And the Agent and Council when they were the day before to attend the King, (to re­present to him how they had been perfectly Neuters in the difference between him, and the King his Father; and had given him no cause at all to be offended with them:) Having perceived nothing by his Words or Actions towards them, of any intent in him, to drive the English out of his Country; but on the contrary, de­clared in presence of several Dutch Officers, that he alwayes did and would still believe, that the English were his Friends: And it is certain, that after the said Paper was brought to the English Factory, that the Council could have no admittance to the King, though several times they went into the Castle, and desired leave of the Dutch Commissioners.

4. When the English saw themselves in much dan­ger, especially when some of their Officers made it their business to suborn Witnesses, as was told the Factors by the very Persons that they endeavoured to corrupt, and that a Dutch Lieutenant with a File of Soldiers sealed up a Warehouse in the Factory; and not only their Horses and other Goods on shoar forcibly [Page 34] taken from them, but their Powder also from on board their Ships commanded to shoar (as was done out of the Ship Return on the 3 d April.) They loaded what Goods and Effects they could in that hurry get toge­ther, in the Companies Boats, in order to put them on board the English Ships then in Bantam Road. Whilest this was doing they met with no hindrance from the young King's Subjects or Soldiers; but when they came up to the Dutch Guards at the Mouth of the Ri­ver, they were stopt, and told that the Guards were ordered not to suffer any Goods to be brought from the shoar to the English Ships, and that if the English Men in the said Boats did attempt further to get on Board their Ships, they would fire upon them: Upon which the English and their Boats returned to the Factory Gate.

5. Of this the English made their complaint to the Dutch Commissioners, who told them, all was by Order of the King; though none of the Natives, or the King's Soldiers appeared (to the knowledge of the English) in these violences, all being executed by Dutch Soldiers. And this is the more notorious, in that the young King himself told the French Chief, (as the said Chief acquainted the English Factors) that in the pre­sence of the Dutch Commissioners, when the said Chief addressed to him to have some Chests of Trea­sure restored, that had been taken from him; That he the said King knew nothing of the Cause of his Complaint, and that he neither had nor would preju­dice him; nor the English, nor the Danes, nor any other Strangers that were Trading in his Country. Therefore if he (the said Chief) had any wrong done him since the landing of the Dutch at Bantam, the King told him he must apply himself to the said Dutch [Page 35] Commissioners or to the General of Batavia for Repa­ration.

6. On the 11 th April, the Dutch Soldiers entred and ransackt all the Chambers of the young men in the Factory; but the Javaes (that is, the Natives) did not deal so with them; they permitting the Factors to seal the Companies Warehouses, and promising to secure them.

SOme few dayes after the Dutch landed in Bantam, in the Month of April, 1682. several Dutch Sol­diers came into the English Factory, and stole out several things; and Twelve of them broke open the Chamber Door of the aforesaid Ambrose Moody, and carried away all that was therein, viz. Three Pecul of Aggula-wood, Sixty Musquets, One Chest of fine Tea-Pots, One Barrel of Mum, and Fifteen dozen of Pottle Bottles, and Two dozen of Wine, and several Cloths, Books and Bedding, and one Canister of China-Tobacco, &c.

[Page 36] The English being all ordered to leave Bantam, the said Moody went to Batavia with the Agent, &c. where he spent above Four Months time; and being inform'd that one Nynahassin a Moor-man, and others who were indebted to the said Moody, was gone to Terrytyassa, (the Palace of the old King of Bantam,) he having an opportunity, went thither to demand his Debts: And upon his arrival, he requested the favour of the King, that the said Nynahassin might be summoned to Court to give an accompt why he did not pay the said Moody: But when he came, he told the King, that in the time of the Wars of Bantam, he had delivered to the said Moody, and Mr. William Hodges to the value of 7000 Rs. 8/8 in Goods; upon which the old King advised the said Moody to write to the Council of the English East-India Com­pany in Batavia, and desire them to send word to the Sultan, what was the real value of the said Goods; They being in their possession, were able to give an accompt of their true value; and if they would not satisfie the said Nynahassins Debt, then he would give him order to seize upon all his Concerns. So the said Moody wrote to Batavia, and waited in Terrytyassy about two Months for an Answer: But it being trouble­some times, could get none: So he resolved to return to Batavia himself, but the King advised him not to go directly for Batavia, for fear of being cut off; but to go to Cherringyen, and stay till arrival of an English Ship; which he did, but could meet with none, until the latter end of December, the Surrat Merchant bring in sight, the said Moody could not procure a Boat to go on board; it being ordered by the Java's, that none should go on board of an English Ship. So he re­solved to go to Bantam in a Java Prow, to take his passage for Batavia: But upon his arrival at the Boome [Page 37] in Bantam, the Dutch ordered him to come ashoar, and immediately stopt him as Prisoner, and the next day put about Twenty Five pound weight of Iron upon his legs; the said Moody demanded the reason of their unjust Action; and had for Answer, that he must con­fess that he was sent by the Agent and Council of the English Nation, to assist the old King of Bantam a­gainst them, and then he should be discharged, but not before: He replyed, that if he should confess that, it would be false, and would rather dye in Prison than confess it.

In the time of the said Moody's Imprisonment in Bantam, one David Oorly, and William Harmenson, with one Christian Inson, and Phillip Aldes, and seve­ral other Dutch Soldiers, did declare, they met with but little plunder in Bantam, except what they had out of the English Factory; which by their own con­fession, was considerable. Some part of the said Plun­der the aforesaid Moody did see in the hands of the Dutch, viz. Pepper, and small Arms, and Armou­rers Tools; some of the Chirurgeons Instruments and Medicines, and Bottles, (which they said had been full of Wine) and part of the Mallay Library, and Books of Accompts, and other Writings of the English East-India Company; which supplyed the Dutch Soldiers for six Months time, for Cartridges. The aforesaid Dutch Soldiers at the Boome did declare, that some of them had played away to the value of One Thousand Rs. 8/8 a Man in a days time, of those Goods which were plundred out of the English Factory.

The said Moody being in the old King's Palace, the 5 th of November 1682. did hear him say, that he had nothing in his Territories but what he had received [Page 38] from the English, and to them he would give it again, with the possession of all his Forces, upon the arrival of the first English Ships; and Pengran Probaya the General of all his Forces, did likewise declare, that he would surrender up his Charge.

The Dutch being landed at Tancoratt, the Javans all left Terrytyassy, except the Sultan, two Pengrans, and two English men which were employed as Gun­ners; at sight whereof the King being troubled, set fire to the Palace himself, and fled up the Hills; and about a Month after, the young King sent to his Fa­ther, and promised him his Freedom and Liberty, if he would come and live with him in the Fort; who consented to it upon the following terms, viz. (as he was informed.) That the English French and Danes might have the same liberty that they had formerly; and that the Dutch Renegado should be turned out of the Fort; and that when he came in, no Dutch-man should stir from his Quarters; which was consented to. But three dayes after he was in the Castle, the Dutch desired the Son to demand his Father's Trea­sure; who told him that he had given it all to his Son Pengran Probaya, who is gone up the Hills with Four Thousand Macassars and Mallayans.

The 18 th July 1683, all the English being going from Batavia for Surrat, the Dutch Council in Ban­tam sent for the aforesaid Ambrose Moody, and after Examination discharged him, and ordered him to take his passage to Batavia in a Dutch Ship.

When the two English Men which had been with the old King came down the Hills, the Javans carry­ed them before the Chief of the Dutch, who ordered them to go before the young King; who when he saw [Page 39] them, gave them their liberty to go where they plea­sed: But three dayes after the Dutch sent to the Pen­gran (who lives in the English Factory) and ordered him to keep the English Gunners close Prisoners; All which was told and affirmed to him by the Brother of the said Pengran.

The 22th. of August 1683. The Agent and Council of the English Nation set sail from Batavia for Surat; at which time the Dutch had Wars with the King of Jambee, and the King of Jehore; and on the West Coast of Sumatra, and with Rogia Pelatta the King of Macassar, who formerly served the Dutch, but is now fled from them with his Forces, and dayly Mallayans and Macassars go from Batavia and Ban­tam to his assistance. The Dutch at Ambonia sent this year (as he hath heard several of them confess) Fifty Dutchmen to Batavia in Irons because they be­gan to Revolt.

Sometime before the English left Batavia, the Dutch had been a fitting of nine ships and a Fleet of Prowes to go against Macassar; but finding they had not men sufficient to man them, were forced to for­bear till next year.

Now they suffer no Java to wear either Launce or Crease, or any other Weapon; and the best Java that is in Bantam, must pull off his Cap to any Dutch­man. Although the Dutch have not above Three or Four Hundred Men in Bantam, yet the Young King hath not power to act any Thing; and all Javans pay to the Dutch at their Marriage Ten Rs. 8/8 and Two Rs. 8/8 per month for each Fishing Prow, and Two Ditto a year Head-money; and several other Taxes which makes the Javans daily run from Bantam to [Page 40] Pengran Probaya: So that now he hath about Ten Thousand Men in the Field, and is in expectation that the English will send to His assistance.

The Dutch Received the Letters which were sent by the Ambassadors, and interpreted them as they pleased: And would not suffer the Ambassadors, nor no Java to speak to the Young King, but by their Linguester.

The Young King with his own Hands did crease his Uncle Pengran Coloone, and keeps his Brothers which came in, fast in irons: Pengran Keedull did come in with the Old King; but finding how severe the Young King was, made his escape with several other great Men.

The Dutch could not perswade the Young King to sign to their Articles; at which they are much trou­bled.

The Dutch have perswaded the Young King to turn out of Bantam all Europeans, the Moors, Banyans, and the Chineses,

In January, 168 2/3, Ambrose Moody did see in Ban­tam the Two great brass Guns which came from Ton­queen; which (he thinks) the Company have not charged to accompt.

The Young King of Bantam must pay to the Dutch for every White Man that they lose in the Wars, or by sickness, Thirty Rs. 8/8 and Twenty for each Black. They have lost already by their own confessi­on Fifteen Hundred Europeans by sickness and by the Warrs, since the 18th. of July, 1683. the Chief of the Dutch was poisoned in Bantam; and very oft as the soldiers go to Market, they are killed with Clubs.

The Young King, by instigation of the Dutch, keeps His Father close prisoner; and suffers onely one [Page 41] slave-Woman to bring him Victuals, which she puts in at a Window, and keeps Centinel always at the door.

In the time of the aforesaid Moody's imprisonment, there was sent to him in Bantam, from Mr. Gurney which did belong to the Kempthorne, a Letter by the Hands of Nicholas Dios; which he did ask leave of the Dutch to deliver, and had consent; but within two days after, the Dutch put the said Dios in prison, and would not discharge him before the English came from Batavia, which was about five months time after his first imprisonment.

I Ambrose Moody above-named do own the forego­ing Relation or Narrative to which my name is sub­scribed, to be drawn by my self, and of my own Hand-Writing; And I do make Oath that all and eve­ry particular therein is true, according to what I have heard from very credible persons, or been my self an Eye-witness of, as the same is exprest by me in the said Narrative.

AS the Directors of the East-India-Company of the United Provinces have been very sensibly moved to see that the differences of Bantam have been able to cause a difference between the two Companies, whose interest is so much never to be dis-united; so they have been very glad to understand, that it hath pleased his Majesty to name four Lords as Illustrious by the Qualities of their minds, as of their birth and office, to labour jointly with the Deputies of the Lords the States General of the United Provinces, in the de­cision of the said differences; and to prevent by the wayes of Justice and Equity, this coldness from ever being capable of sowing seeds of bitterness, which might be able to destroy the remainder of this brother­ly love which ought to be the Bond of Union, and good Intelligence between the two Companies.

The under-written Deputies of the Company of the said Provinces, who have the honour to defend be­fore your Excellencies, the Right and the Innocency of [Page 43] their Company; to spare your Excellencies the trou­ble of an obscure and perplext discourse, will endea­vour as much as it is possible for them, to unfold the matter, and to govern their Defence by the order of nature, which enlightens with its clearness, the sub­ject proposed to be treated of: and deviding, for this reason, their answer into two principal parts; they will consider in the first place, the nature of the demand of the English Company in its proper scope; and will afterwards examine upon what it is founded.

As to the first point, since the demand ought to be the Basis and foundation of a Judicial Decision; the un­derwritten Deputies could have wished that the Com­missioners of the English Company, in relation to the point of their Re-establishment in Bantam, would have explained with more clearness than they have done in their Memorial which they exhibit instead of a de­mand; for although there be there mentioned the Restitution of Bantam, and the delivery of the Fort of the said Town, and lastly the recalling of the Dutch forces from Bantam, and out of all the Territories which de­pend upon the said Town, and that whole Kingdom almost, in the same terms with the Memorial of the said Commissioners of the English Company, of the Tenth and of the Seventeenth of June; wherein, besides the re-calling of the Hollanders Forces, they pretend that the Town of Bantam should be restored (as they word it) into the hands of His Majesty: The under-written Deputies could never without difficulty, nor can yet believe, that the expression concerning the Restitution of Bantam could be expected to be understood literal­ly. For since before the last War of Bantam, the English Company had in the Capital City but a house [Page 44] and Residence, without having had there, or pretend­ed to, any Right or Territory; it's unconceivable with what appearance of Justice it can pretend to that which it never possest, and to what it hath never had any real pretence founded upon propriety ( Domini­on) which not only according to the Civil Law, but also according to that of Nature, ought to be the ground of a real action ( Rei vindicatio:) besides that it is not to be comprehended, to demand more than it hath lost, viz. The City and Fort of Bantam instead of a House which the Company there possest, and of which the King of Bantam hath driven the English out of Ban­tam: and from whom doth the English Company de­mand the City and Fort of Bantam? From the Company of Holland which enjoys there only a bare Residence, without any Right of Territory or Authority, which is intirely inherent in the person of the King. But how should they dispose of the City of Bantam? And in what manner shall they put it into the Hands of the English? shall they drive away the King of Bantam from it? Whom notwithstanding the Honour which the late King of Great Brittain (of glorious Memory) did him by the Reception of his Ambassadors, and the great respects which the English Company shewed to him in the Letter they Writ to him in the Year, 1682, They would now make pass for a pitiful fel­low and a slave to Batavia. But it may be they would have the Dutch Company make the King of Bantam, yeild up the said Town to the English; But in what manner? Probably by threatning the Indian Prince to leave him to the mercy of his Enemies, by withdraw­ing the Dutch. Troops from Bantam. But if the go­vernment of Batavia be obliged to maintain and pro­tect the King against his Enemies, (as it is really and effectually engaged to do) must they break their word [Page 45] and falsifie their faith to accommodate the English Com­pany in Bantam? This would be unjust, and by con­sequence morally impossible, as are all things which cannot be compassed with Justice and publick Faith; which there is as much obligation to keep with an In­dian Prince, as there is with the most considerable and most potent King of the whole Earth.

Against which, the politick remark of the Commissi­oners of the English Company in the 5th. Paragraph of their demand, signifies nothing; where the say, ‘That to alledge the obligation of protecting an Allye, is but a politick artifice to Banish for ever peace between the English and the Dutch in India; because there will be nothing more easie than to make War by these means between any other Princes and their Neigh­bours, or their Sons or Brothers; and then take a side, and condition with the prevailing side, to exclude the English and all other Europeans.’

For although it would be a very base and Criminal action, to make quarrels between Indian Princes, espe­cially with an intention to make advantage of them against the Europeans; yet no man in his Right senses can doubt, but that according to the Law of Nations, it is Lawful for any Europeans to make Treaties and Alliances with Indian Princes, which make a very considerable part of man-kind; and that the abuse which may be made of this, is no more able to take away this liberty, than evil usage which European Princes may make, and do very often, of their Alli­ances, can deprive them of their Right of making them when they think fit.

[Page 46] That the Artifice, of which the English Commissi­oners speak, viz. of making a War between the In­dian Princes, to exclude the English from the Trade, (as they say in the Sixth and Seventh Paragraphs of their demands) is an old and discovered trick of the Dutch, they will never prove: But it will be seen on the contrary, in the sequel of this Answer, that the Government of Batavia cannot be accused to having either kindled or fomented the War of Bantam (of which is now treated) or perfidiously drawing the young King under their Yoke; but by want of Charity, and a passionate Spirit, which discovers it self in the End of their Demands; wherein they seem to wish, His Majesty would decide by force of Armes, an Af­fair upon which on each part, we ought with a Spirit of Submission and Acquiescency, to wait for the judg­ment of your Excellencies.

As to the second point, viz. The Justice of the Demand, and the Ground upon which it is founded; which ought to be the truth of the Complaints of the English Company against that of Holland upon the matter of Bantam; the underwritten Persons can't doubt, but that your Excellencies will think fit and proper, before the matter be entred into, that it be ex­amined if it be true, that on the parts of the High and Mighty Lords the States-General, and on that of the Dutch Company, it hath been agreed (as the Com­missioners of the English Company do alledge) that Restitution should be made of Bantam; the discussion of which Affair as a preliminary ( Questio prejudicialis) ought to precede the examination of the truth of the Complaints, in which consists the principal cause; for, in Effect, the English Commissioners would have rea­son, if the Affair concerning the Restitution of Bantam [Page 47] were determined by their High and Mightinesses, and the Company of Holland not to ingage themselves in a long Suit, being able to make an end of the Affair, without breaking their Heads with so many Disputes; but as these Gentlemen have been mistaken in writing of a few Lines, as it appears by their Answer of 27 th July to the Memorial of us the underwritten, of the 19 th of the same Month, where the word of Decisors, at which they are so angry, is not to be found; but that of Negotiators is used; 'tis not much to be wondred at, that they should be mistaken in the Explication of the Answer of the States General to the Memorial of Sir John Chardin, to which they refer in their Demand.

Their High and Mightinesses love justice too much, to have been willing to dispose of a Town that did not belong to them, and to which they had no right: It is true, that they offered not only, not to hinder the resettlement of the English in Bantam, from being obstructed either by the Dutch Company, or any of their Subjects, but also to further it themselves, and to make the said Company to assist them in it; which is far from that which the Deputies of the English Company say in their Demands.

But it being important to prove here, that the En­glish Company cannot, at this time, take hold of the Answer of their High and Mightinesses, no more than of the advances which the Company of Holland made in the year 1683, towards the accommodating the Differences which the War of Bantam had made to arise between the two Companies; who must have recourse to what passed between Sir John Chardin and the Deputies of the Dutch Company on the subject of the said Differences.

[Page 48] It is certain, that at that time it was not known in what condition the Affairs of Bantam were; Whe­ther the War between the King of Bantam yet lasted, or whether it was ended; and if it were determined, whether it were done by a treaty, or by force of Arms; if by Arms which of the two the Father or the Son, re­mained Conqueror, and Master of the Kingdom.

It being also less known whether the Son, (in case that by the Auxiliary Arms he was resettled in his Throne) had not granted to the Company of Holland, in recompence of their Assistance, some right in Ban­tam; by virtue of which they might have been able to dispose of the reestablishment of the English in their former Residence. Besides, that the Dutch Company might reasonably promise themselves, that the King of Bantam who owed his Deliverance from the Op­pression in which he was, to the Auxiliary Arms of the Company, would not be displeased, that to be as­sured that the English would never assist his Father a­gainst him, they had engaged to cause the English to be resettled, in their former Habitation; which Consi­deration would not have place any more, after that the Father was reduced under the Power of his Son.

In these uncertainties the Dutch Company made some Advances, and Sir John Chardin drew up a pro­ject of Accommodation between the two Companyes, wherein it is spoken of the withdrawing the Dutch Forces from Bantam, and of what each of the Compa­nyes should be obliged to do in the Cases therein spe­cifyed. But it having pleased Mr. Chudleigh and Sir John Chardin to break up (somewhat abruptly) the Ne­gotiation which was already very far advanced, and that it pleased the English Company to refuse all the Offers as well of the States General, as those which the [Page 49] Embassador Citters made here in London in the Name and on the behalf of the Company of the United Pro­vinces; after the return of the said Sir John Chardin, the last Company did not think it proper to follow the Negotiation, with which my Lord Embassador Citters was charged, upon the foot of those offers which had been despised, and by which they were, by consequence, no more tyed, especially when in the latter end of the year 1683, they understood by Let­ters from India, that the War of Bantam was ended, with advantage to the Son, who remained in possessi­on of the Kingdom of Bantam, the Father being made Prisoner, and the Rebels Power overcome; without (however) having granted to the Dutch Company any Right, by virtue of which they might be able to settle the English again in Bantam.

To what purpose is it then to alledge at this time, the Answer of the States General to the Memorial of Sir John Chardin, after that they have publickly refu­sed their offers, and proposed new Conditions, which appeared to their High and Mightinesses so much out of all reason, that they would not so much as allow them to give so much as an Ear to them, as it appears by the Resolution of their High and Mightinesses quo­ted B. How can the English Company then ima­gine, that excepting at present the offers which they refused two years ago, the Dutch Company should think themselves obliged to it, after the change of Af­fairs which hath happened at Bantam.

Have not they declared that after the said change the Treaty could not continue any longer, upon the foot of the Offers which they had rejected, with so much disdain? And although they had not declared it, was it [Page 50] not a thing visible and evident of it self, to conclude a project, which supposing a perfect uncertainty of the Affairs of Bantam, contain causes which at present cannot happen: Besides, it is not to be conceived how the English Company after having chosen themselves the way of decision in pursuance of the year 1674, and 1675, and prest for this Effect, the Nomination of the deciding Commissioners, can at present make use of the offers and projects of Accommodation, which they themselves caused to be broken off; and which besides has nothing of Common, with a judicial discussion, in which the two Companyes are at present engag'd; and from which they can't dismiss themselves, to return to the Treaty, but by a Common Consent: the underwritten Deputies of the Company of Hol­land having proved at present, that neither from the offers of their High and Mightinesses, nor those of the said Company of Holland, the English Company can infer any thing which is capable of making good their Demands; we will now pass to the second point, which is, that of the justice of the Complaints of the English Company, and will Examine in them, first their Nature, and in what they consist, and will con­sider in the second place, the strength of the proofes which have been delivered to the underwritten, to make them good.

As to the first point, the English Company had re­presented to the King of Great Brittain of Glorious Memory, as it appears by the Letter his Majesty wrote to the aforesaid Lords the States General, dated the 23th. April 1683, that the Sieur St. Martin Commander in Chief of the Dutch Forces and Ships, (which the Government of Battavia had sent to the assistance of the King of Bantam) had committed great violences upon the Factors, Servants and Effects, of [Page 51] the English Company at Bantam, even to the dispos­sessing them of, and driving them from, their antient residence; and Mr. Chudleigh then Envoy from his said Majesty to the States General, says in the Me­morial, which he presented to them in the Month of May of the said Year 1683, that the King of Great Brittain his Master, having understood by the com­plaints of his Company of Merchants Trading into the East-Indies, in what an extraordinary manner those of Battavia had affronted and drove away from Bantam all those of the English Nation, which had been setled there for so many years; his Majesty could not avoid being sensible of such a proceeding; without the Companies ever troubling themselves with verify­ing so black an accusation, with which they have filled all Europe, to prepossess it to the disadvantage of the Company of the United Provinces.

Sir John Chardin, who in the year 1683 was depu­ted in the behalf of the English Company into Holland, for the Affair of Bantam, endeavouring to risco the said Company from the plunge into which the want of proofes had cast them, thought of changeing the Byafs, and instead of accusing the Government of Batavia for having drove the English from Bantam, contented himself with imputing their going out of the Town to the suggestion and advice of the said Sieur St. Martin, who 'tis said, had inclined the King of Bantam, to turn the English out of his Country; making use for proof of an Affirmative so ill founded, but on a bare conjecture grounded only upon want of Charity, which we shall prove upon the Examination of the principal cause; it being enough to observe here by the by, that the Circumstances upon which Sir John Chardin grounded his suspition, are so little considera­ble that there is reason to wonder, a Man of Parts [Page 52] should pretend to make use of them, in a publick manner.

The Deputies of the English Company holding at present the same Language, say in their Memorial, which they have annexed to their demand, that the Hollanders at Batavia have made and fomented the quarrels between the Old and the Young King of Ban­tam; and in their demand that those of Batavia having made the young King fall into their Snares, and drawn him perfidiously under their Yoke, to compass to themselves the entire Trade of that Place, exclusive to all others; compell'd him to put the English out of his Dominions.

These Complaints are very terrible, and at the same time, very just if they are true: but they are very black Calumnies, and very unjust reproaches, if they are false, as they will be proved to be in the se­quel of this Answer; 'Tis not that the Subscribers think that the Directors of the English Company are the Inventers of it, (God forbid) but that they have only too easily suffered themselves to be led away by Reports ill grounded and sown every where; with a design to blacken the Dutch Company, and to render it odious: But these Reports, although they have no other Grounds but Lyes and Scandals, have insinuated themselves into the minds of several Persons, and espe­cially of the Parties concerned, by the means of Cre­dulity, Jealousie, and Mistrust.

The Subscribers, although they might intrench them­selves in a bare Negative, and keep solely upon the Defensive, without advancing of any Affirmative, which may oblige them to Justification and Proofes; have notwithstanding proposed to themselves, before the discussion of the Justificative Papers of the English Com­pany be entred into, to give your Excellencies a true [Page 53] Idea of the Affair of Bantam, but not intending to leave their hold, which is the Negative; but only with a prospect of making their Defence the stronger, as it will appear supported by the truth of Facts, which are indisputable, and which destroy and over­throw, from top to bottom, all that the Commissio­ners of the English Company have advanced.

Sultan Agan King of Bantam, and Father to the present King, finding himself too weak, by reason of his great Age, to continue to bear the weight of the Government, yielded up the Kingdom of Bantam to his Eldest Son, retiring to Turchaser, a charming and delightful place, about six Leagues from the Town of Bantam, and about a League from the Sea, to enjoy there an agreeable Repose, and to finish there the re­mainder of his Life in quiet, and out of the troubles of the Affairs of the Kingdom: The Son having as­cended the Throne, sent Embassadors to those of Ba­tavia, as to his nearest Neighbours, to signifie to them, his accession to the Empire; as he also dispatched others, afterwards to the late King of Great Brittain, of Glo­rious Memory; who acknowledging their Character, gave them such a Reception, that the Gentlemen of the English Company themselves, exaggerating the Honours which were turned to the said Embassadors here at Lon­don, saying in the Letter which they wrot to the King of Bantam in the Month of June, in the Year 1682, and by consequence two years after his coming to the Crown, that they had treated his Embassadors in as magnificent a manner, as if they had come from the greatest Prince of the Earth; adding in the same Letter, that they had heard that God with the consent of his Father, had established and settled him on the Throne of the King­dom of Surosoan, that is to say Bantam.

[Page 54] But the People being accustomed, under the Reign of the old King, to a looser Government then that of the young King, who kept them in subjection; they began to murmur, and at length took up Arms to throw off the Yoke; having engaged in their Party by evil Impressions and Importunities, the old King of Ban­tam, whom they had taken out of his Retirement, and prevailed with him to make himself Master of the Town, and afterwards to besiege the Fort, into which the young King had retired to save his Life; who see­ing himself upon the brink of the Precipice, and with­in two fingers breadth of his Ruine, dispatched Let­ters and Servants to those of the Government of Bata­via, to represent to them the sad Condition of his Af­fairs, and to pray their Succours: But the Gentlemen of the Government of Batavia, being too prudent and too circumspect, to embarque themselves in an Affair of this importance, they thought it fit before they re­solved upon any thing, upon the sollicitations and in­stances of the Indian Prince, to inform themselves of the Condition of his Affairs; and even after having found that they were very bad, and almost desperate, would not resolve upon any thing notwithstanding in his Favour, until they had interposed their good Offices for Peace: which being despised by the Fa­ther, who made no Answer to them, they at length took up their Resolution of assisting the Son against the Rebels, and to deliver him from the Oppressi­on wherein he was; which they had the happiness to Effect, and to Re-establish him upon his Throne, whereon being settled, he made the English go from Bantam being satisfyed (as he was) that they had assi­sted his Enemies.

[Page 55] This is the true History of the last War of Bantam, and of what passed there from the beginning of it to the end; in which the government of Batavia had no other share, then the bare assisting of a Prince against his Rebellious subjects; wherewith the Gentlemen of the English Company cannot be dis-satisfied, if they are pleased to devest themselves of their proposition, and to make a serious reflection upon the following considerations.

I. That the Old King of Bantam having resigned his Empire to his Eldest son, he by this concession, be­came lawful King, and that he was acknowledged as such by the late King of Great Brittain of glorious Me­mory; and by those of the English Company, as it may be proved as well by His said Majesties Letter to the Young King of Bantam, as by those of the English Company to the said King.

II. That he being lawful King His subjects taking up arms to dethrone him are Rebels.

III. That according to the Law of Nature, and that of Nations, it is not only lawful to assist a King, oppressed by his subjects, but that this assistance ought also to be looked upon as a work of Charity.

IV. That it is also contrary to the same Law, to impute the unhappy consequences of an allowed and just occasion, to the person who is Author of the acti­on, and not of the consequences.

V. And by consequence that there is nothing more contrary to Reason, then to charge the Government of Batavia, and their Auxiliary Arms, with their ex­pelling the English from Bantam, since it is evident, that the sending away the English from Bantam, was not a necessary consequence of it, but only a conse­quence [Page 56] by accident; the Indian Prince having sent them away not because he was victorious (for he had suffer­ed them to enjoy their Habitation peaceably from his coming to the crown, until the War, that is to say, almost two years together,) but only because he was perswaded that they had assisted His Enemies.

The under-signed Deputies of the Dutch Company having by what they have urged hitherto, cleared the way to a true understanding of the controversie, which is now under consideration between the two Companies; do not at all doubt but that the Gentle­men of the English Company themselves, comparing the state of the question, and that which they ought to prove; will perceive the weakness of their own proofs, which in effect do either prove nothing at all, or at least that which is in dispute, and from which can be inferred that which they inferre from it.

The subscribers therefore, now passing to the Ex­amination of the proofs of the English Company, (which is the second point of this discussion) will sepa­rate the Facts of importance from those that are not so, and which signifie nothing, or which are of no other use, at most, but to blacken and encrease Dis­trust, Jealousie and Suspition.

That those of Batavia have made and fomented the quarrels between the Old and Young Kings of Bantam.

And that having beguiled the Young King into their power, to appropriate to themselves the [Page 57] entire Trade of that place exclusive from all others, compelled him to force the English out of his Do­minions.

These are the Facts which the Commissioners of the English Company set down in their Memorial, and in their demand, after having represented two years ago to the late King of great Brittain of glorious Memo­ry, what can be immagined of blackest, that the Sieur St. Martin Commander in Chief of the forces and Ships, which the Goverment of Batavia had sent to the King of Bantam, had used and committed great violences upon the Factors servants and effects of the English Company at Bantam, to the having deposed and forced them from their antient residence.

The under-written after having given themselves the trouble of Reading over and over, examining and studying with great application, all the proofs of the English Company; do protest sincerely, that they can't find in them any thing which is capable of directly or indirectly, by consequences, to make good the enormi­ty of the said Facts; and although that by consequence, they might excuse themselves from saying any more of it, they not being any way obliged to prove a Nega­tive, which is not always possible, and can never be done but indirectly, since it is against reason to prove in a direct manner, that which is not: But yet to make appear the innocency of the Goverment of Batavia, in the affair of Bantam, and place them in a right light, they will shew the moral impossibility of the said Facts, viz. That the government of Batavia, compelled the Young King to force the English from Bantam.

[Page 58] As to the first Fact, it is certain that every rational man that doth not do any thing hand over head, pro­poses to himself naturally always some end in his acti­ons, at least in those which are important, or may have considerable consequences: from hence comes it, that in an inquisition, when a man is accused of any crime, (for Example of Murther, the author of which being undiscovered) though he be really guilty, it is always inquired, cui bono, that is, why he should have done it, and when the reason of it can't be discovered, the Judges are naturally enclined to believe, that the accu­sation is void of all likelihood of Truth, especially if the accused person can make it appear that it was his interest to preserve the Life of the person Murthered.

The under-written (to apply this maxime to the government of Batavia, which they accuse for having made and fomented the quarrel between the Old and the Young King of Bantam) desire the Commissioners of the English Company to explain to them ( cui bono) and with what design those of Batavia should give themselves the trouble, to put the Father at odds with the Son, and to animate the one against the other? What good could this do to them, and what advantage could they reap from it? The Son had by his Ambas­sadors to the government of Batavia, (which he sent so soon as he was ascended on the Throne) signified to them, that he desired to live well with them, and de­sired to keep a good correspondence with them, and to use them more favourably then his Father had done in his Reign, and in Effect those of Batavia had no rea­son to complain of His behaviour towards them: And why should they then be willing to engage him in a War against his Father, and his own subjects, and expose him to the danger and hazard of losing his Crown, and of seeing his Father re-ascend the Throne, [Page 59] or his Younger Brother made King; and although the War should end to his advantage, what could he hope from it, he who was already upon the Throne, and who could not become greater, and what likelyhood was there, that a man in his right senses should give ear to an advice so extravagant, and so dangerous? An advice that no body could relish, unless he were a man fit to be shut up: From whence we must conclude, That there were some people which not being able to endure the government of the Young King, who did not suffer himself to be nosed by his subjects, as his Father who was too soft and too indulgent, did with­out doubt make the subjects rise, and rebel against their Prince, to throw off the yoke, and to set up ano­ther in his place, which might be more to their minds, and who would easily suffer an Anarchy, as they did effectually afterwards take up Arms against the King, to execute the criminal design, which they had brought to the point, that the King had like to lose his Crown, and his Life. But it may be it was the government of Batavia, which enflamed the Father and the subjects of the Young King against their Prince, and that after­wards perswaded them, to take Arms and to throw off the Yoke: But why and with what design may it be asked? Only with the prospect of making an advantage by the War: For as those of the said government were Divines and Prophets, and that by a spirit of prophesie they were able to penetrate into the secrets of futurity; they knew that the Warr would be de­termining to the advantage of the Son; that the Eng­lish would take part in it, and that they would assist the Young Kings Enemies, or at least they would be perswaded they did; and that upon this score he would turn the English out of his Kingdom: Thus far must we carry the Vision, and the extravagance, to make [Page 60] the Gentlemen of the government of Batavia pass for head strong Mad people, fit to be put into an Hospital for mad Men: To which also it must yet be added, that those of Batavia (for in fine we must believe eve­ry thing, though never so far from any likelihood of Truth) had the Old King in their power, and posses­sed the subjects of the Young Prince.

But although the arguments by which the adverse parties are reduced to absurdities, that they would never confess themselves, but which are natural and necessary consequences to be drawn from their positi­ons, are (it may be) strong enough to convince them of the falsity, of what they advance in matters of Fact.

The under-written will notwithstanding give them­selves the trouble to demonstrate, not only the little likelihood which there is in the said accusations, but also the moral impossibility of that which the govern­ment of Batavia is charged with in this matter.

The Young King being besieged in His Fort, gave notice of it to those of Batavia, and desired their as­sistance; representing to them his miserable condition, and reiterating the said requests divers times; this is proved by the Letters marked D.

The government of Batavia inquired into the con­dition of his affairs, and after having understood the Truth of his complaints, would not however deter­mine any thing in favour of him, before they had of­fered their mediation both to him, and his Father; as it appears, as well by the Letters that they sent to each, quoted E and F. as by the relation of Mr. Saint Martin markt G. and having in vain used all peace­able ways for ten whole dayes, as it appears by the said relation; they resolved at last to send succours, which if they had defferred to do but one day longer, it [Page 61] had come too late, and after the destruction of the Young King, who was then upon the point of yeilding.

The under-written desire the Gentlemen of the Eng­lish Company to devest themselves for a moment of all their prejudices, and then to tell them sincerely, if they can possibly imagine, that if the government of Batavia had made and fomented the War between the Father and the Son, they would have suffered the Young King to languish in his Fort, sighing after the succours which he had requested so often, and so ve­hemently, if before the arrival of the Dutch Forces, the Old King and the Rebels had made themselves Ma­sters of the Fort, and that they had killed the Young King, would not the succours have come too late? and those of Batavia, could they have been able to hin­der the Old King, or save others from seizing upon the whole Kingdom? From whence it must be concluded, that it is morally impossible that those of Batavia, should have concerned themselves to make a quarrel between the Old and the Young King, and to raise and foment a War.

As to the Second of the said Facts, Viz. That the Hollanders of Batavia, having beguiled the Young King into their power had compelled him to force the English out of Bantam: It must be confessed it is a very bold thing to urge Facts of this nature, without justifying them with the least proofs; there is not so much as one witness of all those which the English Commissioners, have produced, who hath spoken the least word of it; Or that speaks of any snares into which those of Bata­via led the Young King; Or of the Yoke under which they had perfidiously brought him. There is only Mr. Waite, (whose deposition is marked number 6) who speaking of the driving away of the English from [Page 62] Bantam by the Kings Order, adds, that the English Agent and Servants were assured, that such an Order was not voluntarily given by the King, because the day before, the Agent and Councel waiting upon the King to represent to him that they had been Neuters between the Father and the Son, and that they had given him no manner of Reason to be displeased with them; they could not perceive in him, either by his Words or Actions, any thing which shew'd an in­tention of banishing the English from his Countrey; and it is certain, there was a dispute between the Young King and the Dutch Major, before the said Order could be obtained from him; but he being him­self wholly under the power of the Dutch, was forced to grant it.

Upon which it is to be observed in the first place, that it is not a Testimony founded upon the Witnesses own knowledge, but only a Deposition grounded up­on what he believes to be true, and which he heard related by several credible Persons, as he says him­self at the end of his Depositions; having only made Oath of the two first Articles of his Depositions; whereof the first speaks of the landing of the Dutch Commander at Bantam; and the second of the Galle­ries of the English House, which the Resident and the Dutch Soldiers caus'd to be thrown down, and of the Windows of the said House, which they ordered to be dammed up (of which more hereafter) All which was true to his own knowledge; and he believed the rest to be true, relying upon the credit of credible Per­sons.

But supposing that the English Agent and Council be­ing to wait upon the King to perswade him of their neutrality, could not discover his Animosity against [Page 63] them, nor the design which he had formed of driving them out of Bantam; and even that they found him much less (this much less ought to be observed) angry with them, than the Dutch had published, he was: And suppose also, that there was a great contest be­tween the King and Mr. St. Martin, to what can be reduced the Proofes urged at the Hague, or here, in an Affair of this Importance? Was there ever such a pitiful Argument as this?

We allow that the English did not observe either in the words of the King, nor in his gestures, the least thing which shewed any resentment agaist them, and that he even pretended the contrary: But can one ever trust to the meen, gesture, nay, to the words of a Person? Is it so difficult (especially among the Indi­ans) for a person to conceal his Resentment, and to constrain himself for a while, and afterwards suffer his Indignation to break forth with the more fury? But suppose that all the time of his Audience the King did not design to revenge himself upon the English; Could not he form this design the next day without be­ing inspired by the Hollanders And although he should never have had that design, the sole consideration of his security for the future, was it not enough to en­cline him to force the English out of Bantam? He be­ing perswaded that they had assisted his Enemies, and in the apprehension wherein he might be, That they being knowing, in the Art of War, and their House neer to the Fort, they should still encourage the Re­bels; and that after having been recruited with Sol­diers, they would assist his Father. But why should one trouble his Head with conjectures? It can be pro­ved, (and that effectually) that the perswasion where­of the King of Bantam was, that the English had assi­sted his Enemies, had so sowred and animated him [Page 64] against them, That from that time he had meditated so terrible a Revenge against them, that if the said Mr. Martin and the other Agents of the Dutch Company had not prevailed, the English would have felt as much in their Persons as in their Goods, the horrible Effects of his Anger; as it is proved by an Abstract out of the Consideration of Mr. St. Martin marked G, and the Deposition of Mounsieur Heinsius marked

, and to which tended particularly the Discourse which the said St. Martin held with the King; which that it might not languish (for warmth and zeal was required to overcome the animosity of this Prince) pass for a Conversation full of Contest; which is presumed (con­trary to the Spirit of Charity, which is never apt to suspect) that the intention of it was to encline the young King to force the English from Bantam, although it was, as saith Mounsieur St. Martin in the Abstract mark't G. to sweeten the mind of this Prince towards them; which they acknowledged themselves when they thanked the Agents of the Dutch Company for their protection; as it appears by an Abstract of the Report of Commander Tack marked O.

The underwritten passing at present to the discussion of the Proofs which the Commissioners of the English Company have produced to justifie the Facts which they have heaped up one upon another, wi [...]hout re­marking the Conclusion which they pretended to make from them, will follow no other Method than this; That is of the numbers wherewith the Papers are markt.

The first marked Number 2. is an Abstract of a Letter from Captain John Ʋtber to Mr. Edward Rudge Director of the English East-India Company. In the which the said Ʋtber giving an Accompt of what he [Page 65] met with in his Voyages, says, that being arrived in the Road of Bantam, two of the Factors of the En­glish Company came on board to command him to sail for Batavia, where were the English Agent and Coun­cil; informing him at the same time, of the Destru­ction of Bantam, the Possession which the Hollanders had taken of it: That going in his long Boat ashoar, to fetch fresh Water, he there saw with his Eyes that which had been related to him by the Factors; that the young King hearing he was ashoar, desired to speak with him, but that the Dutch Chief would not allow him to do it. These are the Contents of the Letter which contain these three points, viz.

• The Story of the English Factors.
• The Confirmation of the Truth of this Story by his Eyes.
• The Desire which the young King had to speak with him, but that the Dutch Chief would not allow him to do it.

As to the Story of the Factors, it cannot be doubted that the Town of Bantam was very much ruined, both by the War and the Fire, which the Rebels (according to their Relation) of the young King and his Party, had kindled there before: But it is false that this Desolation was caused by the Possession of the Hollanders; for it was the young King (and not the Hollanders) who retook the Possession of it, having reduced it to their Obedience with the Assistance of the Government of Batavia.

As to the Confirmation of the said Story, 'tis a strange thing, that the said Captain Ʋtber seeing the Desolation of Bantam, should be able to discern by whom and how it was caused, and that he should be [Page 66] able to find out by the Ruines, the Author of its De­struction: But although the Hollanders should even have contributed by their Auxilliary Arms, to disfi­gure the Town (as there is great likelyhood they did) this ought to be imputed solely to the Chance of War, since no Body is obliged to answer for the Calamities which commonly are its Consequences: But this ought to be understood only of a just War, as this without doubt was, undertaken for the Assistance of a Prince oppressed by his Rebellious Subjects.

As to the third point of the said Letter, viz. That the young King desired to speak with Captain Ʋtber; but that the Dutch Chief would never allow him to do it: This good man ought to be ask't, how he knew that the King had a mind to speak with him? Had he signi­fied it only to himself? Or did he know it onely by Relation? For he doth not say that the King had seen him, but onely that he had heard that he was ashoar; and by consequence, he could not be assured, that That which was told him was true: But in fine, what would they inferr from all this? Would they infer that the King of Bantam had submitted himself to those of Batavia? That he was under their Yoke? (Oh the pitiful consequence!) For although the Dutch Chief should have disswaded the King of Bantam from his design of seeing an unknown person, for fear that in the condition wherein he was encompassed by his Enemies, there should be Snares laid for him, into which he might fall; could this shew the least slavery? (trifles!) The most powerful Princes, sometimes suffer themselves to be governed by the wholesome Coun­sels of their Ministers, and with much more reason ought those of their Alyes to be a wholesome con­straint upon them.

[Page 67] The Abstract of the Consultations, without Book, of Bantam markt No. 3. contains nothing which de­serves Refutation; for that which in the first place, Mr. Gosnall, Mr. Hodges, and Mr. Fisher Witnesse, viz. That James De Roy entred into the English Facto­ry with a Company of Dutch Musketeers, accompani­ed by Pengran Nata Nagaa, with some of his Forces also, and that after a strict search in every one of the Warehouses, upon pretence of searching for some Goods, which had been carryed out of the Dutch Factories; and that the same Deroy had sealed it with his own Seal; what doth this prove against the Dutch Company? The presence of the King's two Servants Pengran Nata Negaa, and James De Roy (who far from ever having been Lieutenant to Mounsieur St. Martin, had been in the service of the young Sultan, sometime before the War) shews enough that this Action was done by Publick Authority, that is to say, by that of the Prince; and not being possible to know by the said Deposition whether the search was made by the desire of the Servants of the Dutch Company; the Subscribers do also think they need say nothing of it, adding only, that however it was not an Affair of great Importance, since the English themselves don't complain that they then lost any thing.

As to the Depositions of Mr. Smith, and Mr. Jeff­cott, and that of Harrison, can't be wondred at; the King having recovered the Town of Bantam from his Enemies, by whom he was yet encompast; had cau­sed the Behaviour of the English to be watched, as al­so the entring and going out of their Ships, consi­dering the apprehension which he had of their plotting some new and ill design against his Person, and Estate; and that in the confusion wherein Affairs then were, [Page 68] the Goods of other Men were taken away, which the Directors of the English Companies Affairs of Ban­tam themselves could not have prevented, no more than they were able to hinder (in the time when the old King made himself Master of the Town of Bantam, that the Dutch Resident Caeff was forced to take flight, and to shelter himself from the violence of the Banta­mites) some English (probably without the knowledge of their Masters) from robbing the Dutch House, as it is proved from the Deposition markt S.

And as for the Depositions of Gosnal, Knipe, and Burditt, also contained in the same Abstract; the Sub­scribers will pass it over without Remark, as being far from being prejudicial, but rather advantagious to the Cause which they defend; because by them it ap­pears, that the King's Edicts and Order for the send­ing away of the English from Bantam, were irrevoca­ble, and the Prince was inexorable, as to that point, it not appearing that the Hollanders contributed any thing to it.

1 THat the next day after the Landing of the Hol­landers, he saw Soldiers under the Command of James De Roy, throw down a Taffaty Flagg called by the name of St. Georges Flagg, which he had upon his House, by Permission and Order of the Council; and that running immediately to his House, he found the said De Roy with part of the said Colours in his [Page 69] Hand, of which he had torn the rest, and given pieces of it to his souldiers to make Scarfs of it.

2. That the said souldiers drank part of his Liquors, and that they carried away the rest with his Goods, abusing him, and putting Blacks into his house.

3. That five days after the departure of the English from Bantam, the Dutch souldiers went to the house of the English Company, and that they sent some of their Blacks, to throw down the Flag, which was up­on their House.

This is a terrible Action, and with which they have made so much clutter, that it was thought fit two years ago, to insert it into a Memorial, which was presented to the Lords the States General upon the subject of Bantam: But was there ever in Truth any thing more weak and pitiful? For in the first place sup­pose the History were true, and that the Deposition of one man alone might be credited; and that also in his own case; the authour of the action however was a man in the Kings service, and by consequence the Soldiers were Bantamites.

Secondly, The first Flag (for two are mentioned) though it were St. Georges Flag, could not raise the House of a particular, above those of other Inhabitants, nor give him any Right to respects which were capa­ble of freeing him from the disorders of War, more then any other: And as to the Flagg, and the use that was made of it, (according to the deposition of the said Captain) is there any reason to wonder, that a Captain and Soldiers belonging to the King, should have taken off from the House of a private man, the English Colours, after that the King had lookt upon the whole Nation as Enemies to his person and State?

[Page 70] As to the second part, viz. That the Soldiers had drank up part of his Wines and Liquors, and that they had carryed away the rest with his Goods, and that they had thereby caused him a considerable loss, which he makes amount to 600 Crownes, if he sayes the Truth he is certainly to be pityed very much, but he can accuse no body but the Kings Servants, and the disorders of War for it.

As to the last point of the said Deposition, viz. That five days after the departure of the English from Ban­tam, the Dutch souldiers went into the English Com­panies House; and that they had sent some of their black servants, to throw down their Colours: As all this is justified but by the Relation and Advices of some Chineses, (who it is not said whether they were pre­sent or not) it may be lookt upon as a story, or a Tale invented to blacken the Hollanders; for in fine how could these Chineses know, that these Blacks were ser­vants to the Dutch souldiers, and not to the King? Of which there was much more likelihood, since it is very rare for common souldiers to have servants. But after all, suppose the Dutch souldiers had executed the Kings Orders, to whom the right of taking down the English Flagg can't be disputed, after having banished the whole Nation from Bantam, and could they blame him for it? Not at all: But though the souldiers should have done it without the Kings Order, (which can't be believed) it was only at most but a Military affront which ought to be pardoned in the disorders of War, wherein the Laws of Modesty and Decency are little to be regarded; and however it can't be imputed to those who represented the Government of Batavia in the time of the War, which have never failed in the respect which they owe to Crown'd heads.

[Page 71] Mr. Sweetings deposition marked No. 5. contains seven Articles, whereof he swears only the two first; the five others being only grounded upon the relation of credible persons, as he says himself at the end of his deposition: But to what purpose is it to have re­course to conjectures, after that the deposition Markt K: Which tells us that it was the Young King who caused the colours which was upon the English house to be taken away.

In the first Article it is said, that upon the differen­ces arising between the Old Sultan and the Young Sul­tan his Son, the Warr being declared between them; those of the Dutch Government of Batavia, upon pre­tence of assisting the Young King, came with a Fleet of Ships and Boats; and that endeavouring to Land the 14th. of March, 1681-82. they were beaten back by the Old Kings Forces, and forced to retreat with their Fleet to a greater distance from the Town, expecting reinforcement from Batavia, which being arrived the 23th. Monsieur St. Martin, General of the Hollanders landed his Men the 28th. and beating the Old Kings Guards, which were posted between the Sea-side, and the Fort, where the Young King was besieged by his Father, was there immediately received by the Young King, and set up their Dutch Colours, doing the same upon the other principal places of the Town.

He sets out at first, with somewhat a malitious sus­pition, saying, That those of the Dutch government of Batavia, upon pretence of assisting the Young King came with a Fleet of Ships and Boats, and he afterwards mistakes when he adds that it was the 14th. of March, when the Dutch Fleet came thither to put this design in Execution.

[Page 72] What meaneth this word of pretence? Would he insinuate thereby that the Hollanders came thither up­on any other pretence but to assist the Young King, he has reason if he means the 19th. of March for they had then no other design, but that of pacification, but if he speaks of the 28th. when they Landed, he wrongs those of the government of Batavia, to suspect them for having assisted the King, with any other prospect then that of delivering him from the oppression of his Rebellious subjects, which without the highest in­justice can't be said of those who did not offer them­selves to do this service of the King, but who on the contrary granted their succours only to the importu­nity, and earnestness of his requests; after having en­deavoured in vain an Accommodation. But as Mr. Sweeting mistook when he believed that the design which the Dutch had the 19th. of March, was the same which they put in execution the 28th. of the same month; 'tis necessary to undeceive him, and the Gen­tlemen of the English Company to take the thing a lit­tle higher.

The government of Batavia after having well con­sidered of the affairs of the Young King of Bantam, offered themselves to mediate between the Old Sultan Agan and his Son, writing to this effect, two Letters in obliging and civil terms, by which they shewed not only the trouble which it gave them to see the dissension between the Father and the son; but also the design which they had to endeavour to make a friendly end of their differences, and with this prospect they sent to Bantam Plenipotentiaries with their Let­ters to the two Kings, convoyed only but by one Ves­sel, three others having been sent thither before. But these Plenipotentiaries going to a place where all were [Page 73] in Arms, and that they did not know whether they should meet Friends or Enemies, they thought it was necessary for their safety to put themselves in a posture of defence, and to arm themselves sufficiently to be able to resist those who forgetting the Law of Nations, and the respect due to publick persons, should under­take to attacque them: And this is that Fleet of Ships and of Boats, which is pretended was sent to Bantam, there to Land their Forces. The Hollanders having wait­ed some dayes for the answer of Sultan Agan, with­out receiving it; and not knowing well enough what were the inclinations of the Javans towards them, they re-tacked some Commanders with a Party to inform themselves more exactly of the posture of affairs: But after having advanc'd a little, they met with some Eu­ropeans, who asked them by the mouth of an English Man, why they intermedled with the differences be­tween the two Kings? To which having answered that they came in the quality of Friends, to procure Peace between a divided Father and Son; they were not long without perceiving the design which was formed against them; since the Javans drew together in those parts a body of Forces; and sending out some fire Ships, and some men of Warr, they made as if they would attacque the Hollanders, who were of too small a number of having any thoughts to undertake any thing against an Enemy so powerful as that that threatned them. The Javans proceeded from Threats to Effects, fired upon the Hollanders; and the Canon (of which the English had the management) having very much gauled the Dutch Ships, they were sensible that they were resolved, not only not to accept of their mediation, but that they look't upon them also as Ene­mies; which afterwards determined the government of Batavia to free the Young King from his misery by [Page 74] force of Arms, which notwithstanding was not done until the 28the of March.

As to the Dutch Colours which they say the Holl­anders set up after the Victory upon the Fort, and every where else in the Town, (of which the Sub­scribers are notwithstanding really ignorant) deserves no answer, since it is certain that the Hollanders ne­ver having pretended any right to the Town of Ban­tam, the Colours could be of no other use than the service of the Dutch Forces, which after the siege of the Dutch Forces was raised, were posted in all the principal places of the Town; the Dutch Colours having been set up by the Kings Order, in honour to the Auxiliary Armes of the Government of Batavia, but they did alwayes fly underneath the Kings Co­lours.

The second Article of the said Sweetings Deposi­tion, though there hath been a great deal of noise made of it, is notwithstanding, to take it rightly, the innocentest thing in the World. Mr. Sweeting swears that the Dutch Resident Caeffe came with a Company of Souldiers, and several Carpenters, into the English Companies back Court; commanding the English Agent to cause his Galleries to be beat down, and to dam (that is to say, nail up) the Windows, to which an Hollander who was in the Company added, threat­ning him, that if he did not do it immediately he would do it himself, and that he did cause it to be done immediately.

In reading this Article, in the Terms wherein it is couched, one would imagine, without doubt, that there was a great outrage committed by the Hollan­ders; but those who have any knowledge of [Page 75] this afair will judge quite otherwise of it, this being the true Relation of it. The Hollanders not being willing to cause any inconvenience to any person in Bantam, chose their own House to keep their Maga­zine of Ammunition and Victuals; but the Wall of their House touching in a little place the English Ha­bitation, and that heretofore there came no light but through the Lettice; where sometime after the English by the Old Kings Permission, who sought all occasions to trouble the Hollanders, had made great and large open Windowes, and which was made a Gallery or Balcony, which leaning 4 or 5 foot over the Dutch House, which is raised but 12 or 13, gave them op­portunity of hearing and seeing all that ever past in the Dutch Residents House: The Young King seeing that the Dutch House was like to be (in time of a War) the great Magazine in the Garrison, foresaw the dangerous consequences of such Inlets into a place where was Powder and other Ammunitions of War: Wherefore knowing that the English would not cause his Windowes to be shut up, nor take away the Bal­cony, He himself sent thither his people with a Dutch Renegado, (who is here called barely a Hollander) who having lived several years amongst the Javans, had gained the favour of the Prince, and had been raised by him to the Dignity of a Pengran: As to what is said that their Resident Caeff was present there, that might very well be, because this happened at his door, and his duty was to take care of the Ma­gazine.

This is the true History of this affair, which con­tains nothing in it of ill, and which besides was done by the Kings Authority, as it was proved by the fifth Abstract of Mounsieur St. Martins Considerations, marked G.

[Page 76] As to the first Article of the said Depositions which Mr. Sweeting believes to be true upon the credit of credible persons; (which is much to be wondred at). It contains but two things; First, the intimation which the Kings Officer gave to those of the English house, containing a peremptory order from his Master to make us leave Bantam, and this is confessed. Secondly, That the English Agent and Council were assured that such an Order was not voluntarily given by the King, of whose opinion of them, although we have before examined the Reasons, we ought here to convince the English of the wrong which they do the Hollanders in accusing them of having been the cause of their ex­pulsion from Bantam: It is confessed by both sides, that there was command given by the King to the English to go out of Bantam; but the dispute is, whether the King gave it of himself, or at the insti­gation of the Hollanders: The Hollanders protest that they do them great injustice to believe them capable of an action of the nature of this: Are not the English obliged to prove so uncharitable a fact? But have they any proofs of it? Surely none at all. They ground their opinions upon ill grounded jealousies, and say, that at the audience which the King of Bantam had granted to them immediately after his Victory, they could not remark his resentment or indignation, and that between him and Mounsieur St. Martin, Com­mander of the Dutch Forces, there was a very warm conversation: But how do they prove these things of this importance? Can we trust to the looks of a Man who hides his animosity? Is there any one that heard Mounsieur St. Martin inspire the King with the design of driving away the English? Has there been any proofs produced of it? No certainly; Mounsieur St. Martin, does not he wipe away all suspition which [Page 77] the most jealous of men could have of him? In pro­testing as he is a Man of Honour, that the Discourse which he had with the King was designed only to dis­swade him from his design of Massacring all the English: But it may be the Hollanders are suspected because the impossibility of guessing at the reason of the Kings displeasure, gave occasion to the conjectures. But how can it be said, after that the King had complained to all the world that the English had assisted his Ene­mies, and after a cloud of Witnesses had confirmed the same thing, that the English themselves will not be able to deny, if they will be pleased to give any heed to what one of their own people has written in a Book Printed here in London; where giving an ac­count of all that happened at Bantam in the time of the War, and whereof he had himself been an Eye­witness, who sayes, he believed that the greatest part of the Cannon shot which were shot against the English at Bantam, were shot by the Hollanders: But in this he was very much mistaken, for the Hollanders had posted themselves then before the Town only to wait for an Answer from the Old King to the offer of the Mediation of the Government of Batavia, and not in the least to hurt any one; because they knew that those of the English Nation (those are the very words) had furnished the King with almost all his Ammunition of War, and that they had animated the Javans against them, viz. (against the Hollanders) from whence it is easie, adds he, to conclude that we cannot much reckon upon their Friendship if they land. This is a sincere Confession of what is so much denyed at present.

The fourth Article of the said Mr. Sweetings Depo­sition contains two things: First, That there was [Page 78] taken from the English their Horses and other Goods, and that they were forced to unlade their Powder, and to carry it on shoar. Secondly, That the Hollanders which kept guard on the Port hindred them from go­ing out.

As to the first, since it is not said, much less proved, that the Hollanders took away the Horses and other Goods from the English, nor that they had forced them to land their Powder; the Subscribers will spare them­selves the pains of making remarks upon what does not concern them; and of which the Hollanders are discharged by the Memorial annexed to the Demand; which Memorial charges with this (expresly) the Young King of Bantams Chief Officers: Only in relation to the Powder, they say, that if it be true that the English were forced by the Kings Order to dispose of it, it was not because the King had need of it, but because he feared they would have furnished his Ene­mies with Ammunition.

As to the second, viz. That the Hollanders hindred the English from going out of Bantam; There is no likely hood that the Hollanders should have hindered the going out of the English, since they were invited there with their Ships to transport their Persons and Goods from Bantam to Batavia. Let it be added, that the English made their complaint to the Dutch Major, and that he had answered, (mocking them, as it is said in the fifth Article of the aforesaid Depo­sition) that all this was done by the Kings Order, and it signifies nothing. For although the said Major (we not granting he did) should answer, (not to mock them but seriously) that however they must require satisfaction from the King, though his Orders should [Page 79] be put in Execution by Dutch Soldiers (but this he has alwayes firmly deny'd, and whereof there are no proofs) All this however makes nothing against the Hollanders; who, let the Case be how it would, were not responsible for the King's Orders.

That which is added in the same Article, viz. That the French Chief demanding of the King the Restituti­on of two Chests of Silver which had been taken from him: The King answered that he knew nothing of that of which they complained: And that afterwards he sent him to those of Batavia to have Reparation, makes nothing against those of the Government of Bata­via, since the King did thus, it may be to rid himself of the trouble of the French Agent's Complaints, who not­withstanding knew very well himself (as it appears by the Relation of Commander Tack, and by the Letter which is inserted in it,) That it was one of the King's Officers which had seized upon his Chests.

The 6 th Article containing that the 11 th April, 1682, the Dutch Soldiers came into the English Companyes Godongs, plundering and carrying away all that they found in it, has no appearance of truth; not only because it is far from any likelyhood, That the English having carryed away and laden all their Goods, even to the smallest trifles upon their Ships to transport them to Ba­tavia; the day before their departure (for they depar­ted the 12 th April, as they say themselves) there should be any thing found in their House of the least value; but also because, during their stay at Batavia, which was long enough, they never made any Complaint nor ever delivered any note of what the Dutch soldiers had robb'd them of at Bantam: Wherefore we ought to conclude it is a story made at pleasure, or that they left nothing [Page 80] in their House but Raggs, and the Refuse of their Houshold Stuff.

As to the Seventh and last Article of the said Mr. Sweeting's Deposition speaking of the English Colours, the Subscribers to spare your Excellencies the trouble of hearing Repetitions, will have recourse (with your permission) to the remarks which they have made upon Mr. John Fisher's Deposition marked N. 4.

The Testimony of Mr. Waite marked N. 6. con­taining nothing in substance but what has been sworn by Mr. Sweeting, does not deserve any new Observa­tions, excepting the Fourth Article; of which it is ne­cessary to discover the Malignity and the Artifice. When the English (saith Mr. Waite) saw themselves in so great a danger, especially when they knew that some of the Dutch Officers endeavoured to suborn Witnesses, (as it was related to the Agent, by those whom they endeavoured to corrupt;) and when they saw that a Dutch Lieutenant came with Soldiers to seal up the Warehouses in their Factory, and that they did not on­ly take from them their Horses and Goods, but that they did also make them by force bring and deliver out of their Ships, the Powder belonging to them, they put on Board what they could gather up of Goods and Effects in this confusion.

First, Of what use would the Witnesses have been which the Dutch Officers would have suborned? pro­bably to prove that the English had assisted the young King's Rebels: But did not the young King know it himself? And had not he been a Spectator of it? Was it necessary to suborn Witnesses to prove a truth ma­nifest? And things which have been acted in the sight of all the World? But yet those Persons themselves whom they had endeavoured to corrupt, had related it to the English Agent. This is a new method of pro­ving [Page 81] that which is urged with so much boldness. Such a one has related such a thing to such a one, without nameing either the one or the other; by this way one may easily dispatch an Affair without the least trouble.

That which he sayes afterwards of the Dutch Lieu­tenant which sealed up the Companyes Warehouses, is a mistake, of which it has been formerly spoken; where we shewed that James De Roy was never a Dutch Lieu­tenant, but that he was in the service of the young King of Bantam in the time of the War, having some time before fled from Batavia to Bantam to shelter himself from his Creditors.

That which he adds concerning the Horses and other Goods which were taken away from the English, with­out naming the Authors of, it shows cunning, and disco­vers the design of suspecting the Hollanders (under am­biguous Expressions) for things of which they knew them not to be guilty: For the English Companies Deputies say themselves in the Memorial which they have annexed to their Demand, and which make one part of it, That it was Pengran Deepa Panerat, one of the young King's Chief Ministers, who caused all the English Companies Horses to be delivered to him, and divers other things which he carryed away with him, as it has been observed before.

The last Affidavit marked N. 7, is that of Ambrose Moody, wherein there is neither Rhime nor Reason, a perfect Rhapsody of all sorts of Facts heaped one up­on another, and that which is yet more admirable, is the credulity of the good man who makes Oath, That all and every of the Articles contained in his Deposi­tions are true; and who notwithstanding confesses that there are some of them which he affirms only upon the Relations he has had from Eye-witnesses, without making any distinction between those he says he has [Page 82] seen himself, and those he believes upon the Credit of credible Persons. And although the Subscribers might dispense themselves from making any reflection upon a Deposition of this Nature, yet they will give themselves the trouble of running it over, and making the Obser­vations upon it which they think are proper.

That which he sayes in the beginning concerning the Dutch Soldiers which came to the English Factory, and their taking away several things, deserves no particular mark to be made upon it, since the same Complaints have been answered before; to which we refer with the permission of your Excellencies, and he being singular, and to be reproached for what he adds concerning the Twelve Soldiers, and of what they robb'd him of, one should be very ill advised to give credit to what he swears in his own Case.

That the Hollanders kept him a Prisoner at Bantam, is very unlikely; but that having rendred himself sus­picious to the young King by his stay at the old Sultan's Court in so nice and ticklish a conjuncture, he might be clapt up by Authority from the young King, is not in­credible.

That which he sayes of the Plunder which the Hol­landers had in the English Factory, is not likely, the English never having complained of it at Batavia.

What the old Sultan might say at Tartiassa (although we believe nothing of it) and what the said Moody sayes of a Treaty between the Old and the Young King (of which we never heard) does not in the least concern the Dutch Company.

That which he sayes of the Mastery of the Hollan­ders at Bantam, are made stories; it being very remote from any likelyhood of Truth, That the Hollanders should have there made Laws and raised Taxes. But [Page 83] this man having no discernment, and that besides he appears very much incensed against the Hollanders, he was desirous to imbitter things.

That the Hollanders seized upon the Bantam Embas­sadors Letters can never be proved: But it may on the contrary be proved, that sometimes the Dutch Companies Letters had been opened.

As to what he sayes of the Articles which the King of Bantam was not willing to sign, we cannot under­stand what he means, since there is a Treaty between the King of Bantam and the Government of Batavia, signed by both Parties.

That the Hollanders should have put into the King's Head the design of forcing out of his Country all Eu­ropeans, Indians, Mahometans; (what a folly is this, the King himself being a Mahometan?) Gentues and Chineses, are gross Calumnies, as it is also one, that the young King at the instigation of the Hollanders keeps his Father in the narrowest Prison, giving him his food through an hole which served instead of a Window; since it is evident that the Old King sees sometimes Company, and even Strangers, and that he receives respects from them.

The Subscribers after having made their Remarks upon the Proofs of the English Company, whereof the greatest part contain nothing of Essential, or which deserves pausing upon, desire at present the Gentlemen of the said Company to consider, since the Succours given to a lawful Prince oppressed by his Subjects, was very just, and that it can never be pro­ved that the Government of Batavia made the Quar­rel between the Father and the Son; nor perswaded the last either directly or indirectly to drive the Eng­lish out of his Country, how unjust it is, and not be­coming their Generosity to urge against the Dutch [Page 84] Company either invented Stories or Trifles, which conclude nothing, and which are not strong enough to uphold a Demand of the importance of that which the English Company makes.

But the Subscribers having made it their business hi­therto only to examine the Nature of the Pretensions of the English Company, and to make Observations upon all their Proofes:

There remains only to run over all the Paragraphs or Articles of the Demand, upon which there has yet been no Reflection made; for although these Para­graphs contain only Facts which are inserted in the Demand rather in form of a Narrative, than with the design of making Depositions of them which they would be obliged to prove; The Subscribers cannot however dispense themselves from making this Re­mark upon them, because passing them under silence, they would increase the impressions which the said Ar­ticles may have made upon the Minds of your Excel­lencies.

The Commissioners of the English Company say in the first Paragraph of their Demand, That the Hol­landers since the Invasion of Bantam, have not only Obstructed, but Hostilely Invaded our Trade, and shot at our Servants with Bullets on the Coast of Ma­labar, to deterr and beat them off from that little Re­mainder we had there of the Pepper Trade.

To which the Subscribers Answer, That the Dutch Company having taken from the Portugals when they had War with them, the Towns and Forts which they possest on the Coast of Malabar, It was not un­just for the said Company to enjoy the Advantages of their Victory, with excluding of all those who without having shared with them in the Charges and Dangers of the War, pretend to a share in their Con­quest [Page 85] although they have the Trade of all the North part of Malabar free and open, where is a great deal of Pepper, and where the Dutch Company hath very little or no Trade, and which produce much greater profit to the English Company without being at any Charge of keeping Towns and Forts. That the Hol­landers assaulted the English fireing upon them (as it is said in this Article:) The Subscribers protest they knew nothing of it, and that they do not even believe any thing of it since the Letters from Batavia make no mention of it.

The second Article speaking of the Money which the English Company had lent to the Young King of Bantam, and with which the Fort was built, is a thing does not in the least concern the Dutch Company, and of which they know nothing. Besides, That when they make up their Accompts with the King of Ban­tam, he will discharge himself of his Debts by a just Compensation.

The third Paragraph making mention of an Assassi­nation (which the Dutch Company abhors,) shews a great inclination to Suspition and Jealousie, which ought to be banisht from the Mind, to re-establish a good Understanding between the two Companyes.

The fourth Article is a Dilemma couched in these Terms: ‘Because if the Old King of Bantam had a Right to Bantam, and to the Territories thereof, they are now His Majesties by his Donation of them to the late King of ever blessed Memory. If the Right thereof lyes (as the Dutch say) in the Young King, He hath been so inhumane and ungrateful, and bloody an Enemy to His Majesties Subjects confessedly, with­out the least Cause or Provocation on their Parts, that we humbly conceive His Majesties Honour cannot be repaired without invading his City and Country; and [Page 86] the rather because though he be called a King, he is in Truth none; but a perfect Slave to the Ba­tavians, and an Executioner of their Will and Pleasure.’

As to the first fork of this Argument, because it is evident, that the Old King of Bantam, having resign­ed His Kingdom to his eldest Son, could not give it af­terwards to any other; so that the inference which ought to be made from it, is against the English Com­pany.

As for the second part of the Dilemma, viz. If this Right belongs to the Young King, and that it be true that he hath been so inhumane, ingrateful and bloody an Enemy to His Majesties Subjects without the least provocation: One may indeed inferr a great deal from it, but nothing which can support the demand of the English Company, from That of Holland: As there can be nothing inferred from it, against the Young King of Bantam; if for good Reason (as he main­tains he has) he shewed his resentment against the English. But it must be observed here (by the by) that when they are to reproach the Young King, they say, he has been an inhumane, ungrateful, and bloody Enemy to His Majesties Subjects, without the least cause or provocation. But when the Hollanders are to be charged, and to make them pass for the Authors of the expulsion of the English from Bantam, the langu­age is changed, and it is said that there could not be observed either in the Kings looks or words, the least thing which shewed any resentment against, or that he had any design of turning them out of his Countrey.

The Fifth, Sixth, and Ninth Articles have been ex­amined before.

Of the Seventh, The Gentlemen of the Dutch Company never knew nor believe any thing.

[Page 87] To the Eighth it is answered, That the Young King was perswaded (as it appears by Tack's Relation marked O. and that of Heinsius marked N.) that all those which he had drove out of his Countrey had assisted his Enemies.

Thus is the Apology of the Dutch Company finish­ed, and the English Companies Demands destroyed.

There remains now nothing more but to relate in a word the Demands of the Dutch Company, for the Hire of their Ships of which the Gentlemen of the English Company at Bantam (promising to pay the Freight) made use of to Transport their persons and Effects from thence to Batavia, and which after­wards were made use of instead of Magazines, to the great dammage of the Dutch Company who had de­sired them to be returned to them, to carry their own Merchandize.

The Ships which the Gentlemen of the English Company used, are these following.

And the Subscribers relying entirely upon the Ju­stice and Right of the Dutch Company as well in Re­lation to their Defence as to their Re-convention, they hope your Excellencies will acquit them from the Eng­lish Companies Demands, and that you will condemn the English Company, to pay to the Dutch Company for the Freights of the said Ships the said sum of 13900 l. sterling, besides Dammages and Interest.

1. WE should admire at the Voluminousness of the Deputies for the Dutch East-India-Companies Answer (especially considering how valua­ble Your Lordships time is,) But that looking back for many years past, we find it is one of the Old Artifices of that Company, to hide or confound the truth by a multitude of eloquent but vain words, as Your Lord­ships may have observed in the Records of all former Transactions and Complaints of the same Nature, as this is now of Bantam; in most whereof they have been judged formerly, to pay great sums of Money to the East-India-Company, which they did pay accord­ingly: But we could never hear or read that the Dutch Company restored to the English any place of Trade, that ever they deprived them of by fraud or violence.

2. We affirm to Your Lordships, that we never gave any Order or Liberty to Sir John Chardin before, or at his late being in Holland, but enjoyned him al­ways to keep strictly to the Demands of His late Ma­jesty [Page 90] of glorious memory, in his said Majesties letter & memorial: For the proof of which assertion we here will present Your Lordships, Copies of all our Letters and Orders to him: And if Sir John entered upon any dis­course or Articles, other then what was contained in His Majesties said Memorial and Letter, through the perswasion of the Dutch Bewinthebers, or otherwise, he is now here and must make his own justification, we being perfectly unconcerned in any thing he did con­trary to His late Majesties, or our own instructions.

3dly. For the Negotiation that was afterward con­cerning this affair, with the late Lord Ambassador Mon­sieur Van Citters, we referre our selves to the said Ambassadors Long Memorial, and our Answer here­with presented Your Lordships; by which the truth, Regularity and Justice of His Majesties East-India-Company will appear to Your Lordships above all contradiction.

4thly. To the Dutch Deputies question, cui bono, what profit the Dutch could make by exciting the Young King to quarrel with his Father, and the consequences that might happen thereupon: We say, we cannot but think it very strange, that such experienced learn­ed Gentlemen, should propound so slight a question to such a wise Tribunal as Your Lordships; which the simplest Sailer either English or Dutch, that ever was in India can resolve Extempore. Bantam was a Port to which all European Nations Trading in India, and most of the Natives did resort with Ships richly loaden, to the number of above forty yearly: And the Bata­vians by causing that poor simple man, (they yet call King) whom they will not trust with a Knife, to ex­pell all those Nations from his Port, have thereby en­grossed to themselves in effect the whole Trade of the South-Seas; and had thereby fair hopes of Engrossing [Page 91] the whole Trade of Pepper; as their people in India have often boasted they would: And it is most apparent they designed it, by the hostilities they have since perpetrated against the English and other Nations of India, upon the Coast of Mallabar; which Engrossement if they accom­plish as by like arts they have the other Spices, Cloves, Mace, Cinamon and Nutmegs, they might gain sufficient by that sole Commodity, to maintain constantly a Na­vy in Europe strong enough to fight any Royal Navy.

Fifthly, Their next question, How it can be imagi­ned the Young King of Bantam should be so simple, as to enslave himself and his posterity; We shall resolve, when they tell us by what slights the Batavians, with pitiful inconsiderable Forces have enslaved and held in slavery above Fifty such Kings within Eighty years past in those Eastern parts of the World. It will be enough at present to tell Your Lord­ships; The Princes and people of those parts are a naked people, unused to fire-Arms, that live in the innocent primitive estate of Nature, without un­derstanding the guiles of the Dutch East-India-Company, until they have built a Fort, and then the Princes themselves as well as their subjects, must immediately become down-right Slaves to the Dutch; and its too late to repent without the hazard of being all cut off, Man, Woman and Child; which was lately the Fate of one of the Javan Princes in the Eastern parts of that Island, and of his people; wherein an English Fugitive Captain Cooper, was said to be employed by them in the execution.

Sixthly, We herewith present Your Lordships the Articles, Printed at Batavia, made at Macassar for the Exclusion of the English and other Nations, from the Trade of that place; for which never any satisfacti­on was made the English Company. Our end therein is [Page 92] not to make the breach wider between the two Na­tions, (of which they seem groundlesly to accuse us,) but to shew Your Lordships the same Tragedy that was acted at Bantam, with little alteration, except changing the Scene; wherein such an Ocean of humane blood was spilt, and in such a manner (with a little fighting, and after submission) as we are not willing to mention; and is not to be parallel'd in any History we have Read; of which there are living Witnesses that were present at the action, which we can produce to Your Lordships, but that we are not willing to ir­ritate or trouble Your Lordships with what is not per­tinent to the present case of Bantam: Yet this use we must beg Your Lordships leave to make of that in­stance of Macassar, that since no satisfaction has been made to the English, for that important place; Your Lordships would be pleased to take and keep a strong hold of our just claim to Bantam; that we may not be totally deprived of a place of rest and security in the South-Seas, (where the Dutch have above Thirty Forts) to the irreparable shame and reproach of our Nation.

Seventhly, The proofs we have exhibited to your Lordships are so express to the matter of our com­plaint, that most of them do prove in terminis the things complained of, and the Witnesses are not only fide digni, but Men of good Fortunes, and approved exemplary Veracity; and we do not only believe what all of them have sworn, and particularly Mr. Moody, but much more, (which they have told us) con­cerning the many years contrivances, and horrible wicked methods that were used by the Batavians, to create those unnatural quarrels between the Father and the Son; which we have omitted to trouble your Lordships with, because they could not attest them upon their own knowledge, as we have likewise [Page 93] omitted (for the same reason) some Letters of the Old King of Bantam, wherein he wrote to his late Majesty long before the surprize of Bantam, that the Dutch were contriving to enslave him and his Coun­try, as they had done all his Neighbour Princes; but that he would be slave to none but to his late Majesty of Glorious Memory.

Eighthly, What the said Dutch Deputies say in extenuation of the Hostilities committed by their people upon the Coast of Malabarr, is so wide from any excuse of that crime, and breach of the peace between the two Nations, that it seems to us to be a plain confession of what they have been so often and so justly accused of, ( viz.) that they design not only by their old arts of setting Indian Princes at War, and making themselves partakers in the quarrel to enslave both parties, and then compel their partners to drive the English out of their Country: But that now having got so great a post for their purpose as Bantam, they are become impatient of trusting to their old slow methods, and are resolved to finish that engrossment of Pepper at once, Vi & Armis: For one of your Lordships may remember that soon after the first News came to the English Court of the Batavians action at Bantam, Mr. Van Damm (a ruling man in their Committee) wrote to a Friend of his then in Lon­don, to acquaint the Lords of His Majesties Council, that he did for himself and all the seventeen, (which is their whole Committee) disclaim that wicked act as (we remember) he called it, that Spelman had done at Bantam: which now since they were so prevalent (by promise of doing right in the fair way of a Treaty) to cause His late Majesty to divert that Warlike Fleet that was designed for the recovery of Bantam two years past; they have arrived at the considence not [Page 94] only to justifie that wicked act, but to tell your Lordships (in effect) that they have made the same termes with the poor enslaved Creature they call the King of Bantam, as they did make with the enslaved Macassars; and that they would make such terms ex­clusive to the English, French, Danes, &c. some of your Lordships may please to remember we told your Lordships formerly they would do; which any person, knowing the Dutch and the affairs of India, might easily have foreseen, without pretending to the gift of Prophecy, which they upbraid us with: And for their justifying or defending, (as they term it) their expelling us from Bantam, we will undertake at the hazard of our Credit with His Majesty and your Lordships, (which is very dear to us) to prove in their own presence before your Lordships by irre­fragable Arguments, that if that defence which they have made shall be admitted good by your Lordships, they may with ease and certainty expel us from every Port and place in India where we have not Guns and Men enough to beat them off. And if your Lordships, or the Deputies themselves, will nominate any Port or places in India particularly to be discours­ed before your Lordships, (be they many or few,) we will demonstrate to your Lordships that they may easily expel us particularly from each nominated place by the same or such like methods as they used at Ban­tam, and justifie their so doing by better Arguments than they have or can urge for what they have done at Bantam: So that though they pretend so much for Peace, if they be sincere in their pretences, it is such a Peace as shall leave them alone in the whole fruition of the East-India Trade; for otherwise by their own Hypothesis, (which is in substance, that they may make any treaty with the Native Princes of In­dia, [Page 95] though to the prejudice of the Subjects of the Kings in amity with them in Europe;) the two Nati­ons are now and must continue in a state of War in India, though we are not in actual Hostility; or else we and all other Europeans must quietly yield them the sole Trade of those Eastern parts of the World; except only those few places where we have Forts strong enough to defend our selves, against not their Forces only, but theirs conjunctive with all Indian Nations that they have enslaved, or can draw into their confederacy.

Ninthly, To what the said Deputies say, that some English were found among the slain of the Old King of Bantam's party; we say, that in truth we do not know or believe there was one man: But if there were two or three renegado English, (servants to the Old King) it concerns not the Company, nor would be any News especially to the Dutch Compa­ny, whose Seamen and Souldiers run away by hun­dreds into the Moors, and other Natives service year­ly. Their charge likewise of the English robbing their houses at Bantam, is as ridiculous, false, and impossi­ble, as circumstances then stood with the English; for after the Dutch were landed, it was immediately given out that all the English should be Massacred that night; which our servants (remembring too well what had formerly been done in Amboina and the Eastern Islands) were in eminent fear of for two days and two nights together; and had enough to do to meditate and pre­pare themselves for present Death, although (by what followed) they since believe, that bloody report was given out artificially and purposely to terrifie them; that as soon as the Dutch should think fit to order their Slave the young King to command the English to dis­lodge, they should do it readily, with such a thankful [Page 96] Letter as Mr. Sweeting carried, or any other thanks; which the stoutest of the English being unarmed, after such a fright, would not have refused to subscribe.

Tenthly, If your Lordships should object, that if the Batavians can so easily deprive us of all the re­mainder of our Trade in India, and that they are so avaritious and unjust as we affirm them to be; how comes it to pass that we have any part of the East-India Trade left us? We answer, that we suppose the reason why they deprive us not of all presently, is for fear of that word that troubles them so much; ( viz.) if they should proceed per Saltum, it would make a great noise in Europe, (as they say we have made about this business of Bantam) and are the more angry at it, because they have been so fortunate in shifting off many other aggressions which they have made upon the English Nation: Particularly their ex­pelling us from that important place of Macassar, for which they never made satisfaction by any Treaty, as aforesaid. But they must consider, (as we doubt not but your Lordships will) that they have drove us now to the Wall, and necessity will make a Coward valiant: We must be restored to Bantam, or for ever bid adieu to the South-Sea Trade; and in a little time more (when the noise that troubles them is over) to all the Trade of India: The methods of their proceedings in all such encroachments upon the English, in all times having been to make one bold step, and then spend thirteen or fourteen years in allaying the noise of that, or paying for it not the hundredth part of what the concernment of it is worth to this Kingdom: And when the noise of that is well allayed or bought off in Europe, then to make a new encroachment; so they began at Japan and Amboyna; and since that deceived us of Pollaroon and Polloway; then of Dam and Ma­cassar, [Page 97] and lastly of Bantam; moving still from the East Westerly, to lay their Purchases together (for we cannot call them Conquests) And without doubt when this noise is over, the next place they will expell us from shall be Bengal and the Coast of Mallabar, (as their own Director or Chief of Bengal hath publick­ly declared) And then our business in those parts of the World will be compleatly finished. This, my Lords, is our Case, and must be our Fortune, if we must see our selves destroyed, the noblest Navigation of Eng­land ruined, and consequently our King and Country dishonoured, with our hands tyed behind us, so as not to be permitted to right our selves, without being unjustly charged (as the Lyon did the Lamb in the Fable) as if we were Men affecting Wars, and pro­moting Dissension between the two Nations: An im­putation that we disown and abhor, having been in all times more averse to Armes, than did consist with our Interest and Duty, out of the too great inclination we had to Peace and Quietness.

Eleventhly, And whereas the Gentlemen are pleas­ed to insinuate, that though the pretended young King of Bantam be never so mean, their Faith ought to be kept with him as much as if he were the greatest King upon Earth; which we deny not, but say, they had first plighted their Faith to our Deceased Sovereign of Glorious Memory, in the last Treaty of Peace, which they have violated by those injurious Articles they have made with the enslaved King of Bantam.

Twelfthly, If the Batavians have kept their terms with that enslaved Prince of Bantam, (which we have reason not to believe they have) it is the first time that ever we heard they have kept their Faith with any of those poor ignorant Natives.

[Page 98] Thirteenthly, If they have made any Articles with that poor King, they were made while he was a Pri­souer within the Fort, in a most abject Thraldom to the Dutch; in which condition the poor man would as readily set his hand to any thing the Batavians would have him, as our servants subscribed the Letter before mentioned. And such is certainly his condition, that the poor Creature, if Bantam be delivered to the English, will be so far from upbraiding the Batavians with breach of Faith for that cause, that he will look upon it as the only good turn that ever they did him in his life, for then he may be sure of his Liberty, and hope to be a little King upon the Hills, or in the Woods, and at worst see his Subjects flourish under the mild Government of the English; whereas in his present condition, with the total loss of his little Do­minion, he must live in durance, under the anxiety of seeing his Country ruinated and depopulated.

Fourteenthly, For the justification of our Demands of Dammages, or to lessen or invalidate what is de­manded of us by the Gentlemen Subscribers; we shall trouble your Lordships with no Discourse at present, because we desire not to enter upon that Ar­gument till Bantam be restored to us; neither shall we trouble your Lordships with any Paraphrase upon the Dutch Papers, offered for Evidence upon the Nether­lands East-India Companies part; because few of them are upon Oath, and none of them (as we appre­hend) to any purpose.

Fifteenthly, There are some few particulars in the said Deputies answer that we have not replyed unto, being in our judgments (to use their own phrase) meer trifles; but if your Lordships shall think any thing of moment unanswered, upon your Lordships command we shall make a farther and particular answer there­unto.

[Page 99] Sixteenthly, What the Gentlemen mean by their triumphant conclusion, that they have overthrown our pretensions, and justified that wicked act of Bantam, we understand not, except it be a form of concluding litigious Papers in Holland. Our Conclusion shall be no more, but to assure your Lordships that we have a perfect confidence in your Lordships Justice, and therefore we cannot doubt but our present Sovereigns most auspicious Reign shall be signaliz'd, by having one place of importance in India, that his Subjects were unjustly deprived of, restored again to them in his time, which never was done in the time of any of his Noble Progenitors. We are,

THe underwritten Deputies of the Dutch East-India Company being desirous not to engage in a fight of Calumnies, from which the Conquerour can reap nothing but shame and confusion; instead of returning the like to the Gentlemen of the English Company, will apply themselves solely to demonstrate in this replication, that the Reply, far from having undermined the foundation of the Answer, has not so much as touched it.

The English Commissioners having highly main­tained in their demand, that on the behalf of the High and Mighty Lords the States General, and of that of the Dutch Company: It was agreed that restitution (as they call it) of Bantam should be made into His Majesties hands: The underwritten, before they en­tered into the discussion of the principal cause, in re­lation [Page 101] of this preliminary point ( quaestio pre judicialis) had proved two things.

I. That touching the Restitution of Bantam, there was nothing concluded nor setled between the two Companies; and that their High and Mightinesses were far from disposing of Towns that did not belong to them, and to which they had no manner of Right.

II. And in the second place, That the English Com­pany after the change which happened at Bantam, could not take hold of the Answer return'd by their High and Mightinesses to Sir John Chardin's Memorial, no more than of the Advances which the Dutch Com­pany made in the Year 1683, towards the Accommo­dating the Differences which the War at Bantam had been the cause of between the two Companies.

What do the Gentlemen of the English Company reply to this? Nothing at all, but only bring Sir John Chardin upon the Stage very improperly. The que­stion not being what Sir John Chardin acted at the Hague upon the matter of Bantam, but only whether the two Companies with the consent of the States, did agree to the Restitution of Bantam into the Hands of His Majesty; which the underwritten have expresly denyed; which was enough to prove that there was nothing concluded between the said Companies: Wherefore it may be inferred, since the Gentlemen of the English Company pass all this under silence, speak­ing there only of Sir John Chardin, that these Gentle­tlemen do indirectly detract from what they advan­ced in their Demand touching the Conclusion of the Restitution of Bantam.

The English Company having had in the Capital City only a Factory and their residence, without having made any pretence there to the least Right of Territory; it was demanded of the English Deputies, with what ap­pearance [Page 102] of Justice the English Company could pretend to the Restitution of that which they never possessed, unto which it had never had any real pretence founded upon the propriety ( Dominium) which not only accor­ding to the Civil Law, but also according to that of Nature, ought to be the Ground of a Real Action.

What do they reply to all this? Nothing at all. The underwritten after having given (in their Answer to your Excellencies) a true Idea of the Affair of Bantam, did afterwards conjure the Gentlemen of the English Company to devest themselves of their Prepossession, and to make serious Reflection upon the following Considerations.

First, That the King of Bantam having resigned his Empire to his Eldest Son; the last by this Resignation became lawful King, and was acknowledged as such by the late King of Great Brittain, of Glorious Me­mory, and by those of the English Company.

Secondly, That being a lawful King, his Subjects taking Arms to Dethrone him, were Rebels.

Thirdly, That according to the Law of Nature, and That of Nations, it is not only lawful to assist a King oppressed by his Rebellious Subjects, but that it also ought to be reputed an Act of Charity.

Fourthly, That it is contrary to the same Law to impute the unhappy consequences of a lawful and just Action to the Person who was Author of the Action, but not of the Consequences.

Fifthly, And that by consequence there was no­thing more contrary to reason than to impute, in their Reply, the Expulsion of the English out of Bantam to the Regency of Batavia, and to their Auxiliary Arms.

What do they say to all these decisive points? No­thing at all. From which silence, although it might [Page 103] be concluded, that the ground of the Answer of the Dutch Company remaining still firmand unshaken, the pains of refuting the English Companies Reply, (which can contain nothing Essential in it,) the underwritten notwithstanding have thought fit to read it over from one end to the other, and to make upon it the Remarks which are necessary.

And passing over the three first Articles of the Re­ply, in the first of which they speak (although very improperly, and by way of Reproach) of Sums which the Dutch Company paid a long time ago to the En­glish East-India Company, with the prospect only of buying Peace: They will begin their Remarks with the Considerations upon the Fourth Article of the Re­ply.

Coming to the Question of Cui Bono of the Dutch Deputies (say the English Commissioners in the said Fourth Article) that is to say, what Advantage the Dutch should have had in exciting the Young King of Bantam to make a Quarrel with his Father, and what may be the Consequences of it: We answer, (add they) that we wonder such knowing and experienced Gentle­men should make so pitiful a Question to so wise a Tri­bunal, as that of your Excellencies, to which the mea­nest Sailer English or Dutch which ever had been in India, could answer ex tempore. Bantam was a Port to which all European Nations, and the greater part of the Indian Nations traded with Ships richly laden, to the Number of more than Forty every Year (and what follows to the end of the same Article.)

The underwritten Deputies do not doubt but that your Excellencies after so pitiful a Rhapsody (or Galli­matias) will be pleased to allow them to complain of the little heed which the English Deputies give to what has been said in the Answer, and of their terming a convincing Argument ridiculous.

[Page 104] There is only common sence required, without be­ing either wonderful Learned or Experienced, to per­ceive that the English Deputies have not more com­prehended the Arguments drawn from the end; which every rational Man proposes to himself in his Actions, than if it had been writ in Arabick.

The underwritten desired in their Answer (not your Excellencies, but the Commissioners of the En­glish Company) to explain to them cui bono, and with what prospect those at Batavia should give themselves the trouble of making a Quarrel between the Father and the Son, and to animate one against the other; of what Use that would have been to them, and what Advantage they would have drawn from it. For since the Son had ascended the Throne, and that he had signified by his Embassadors to the Regency of Bata­via, that he was willing to live in a good Correspon­dency with them, and to use them more favourably than his Father had done during his Reign: As also in­deed those at Batavia had no reason to complain of his Behaviour in relation to them; and why then should they be willing to engage him in a War against his Fa­ther and his own Subjects, and of seeing his Father re-ascend the Throne, or his younger Brother set up in his stead.

What do the English Deputies reply to this? They say that Bantam was a Port to which all the European Nations trading to the Indies, and greatest part of the Indian Nations, traded with Ships richly laden, to the Number of above Forty every Year; that is to say (as it ought to be Explained in the sence of these Gentle-Men) that Bantam is a Port which would fit the Hol­landers very well: Oh the fine Reply! The Question is not here, Whether the Town of Bantam be an Ad­vantagious Port; we agree it is; but the matter is [Page 105] only to know, what Advantage 'twould be to those of Batavia, to excite and foment a War between the Old and the Young King of Bantam? And what was the Advantage which they could rationally hope to reap from it? The underwritten desire the English Deputyes to tell them, what Connexion there would be, in the Mind of a Rational Man, between stirring up a War between the Old and the Young King, and the seizing upon Bantam upon the success of this War? How those of the Regency of Batavia? Were they Diviners and Prophets, and could they, by a Spirit of Prophecy, penetrate into the secrets of futu­rity? Did they know so long before, that the War would end to the Sons Advantage? That the En­glish would concern themselves in it? And that he would drive them from Bantam? Those at Batavia had they not rather cause to fear, that the Young Prince would be overcome in this War? And that his Father would reascend the Throne? As really we saw the Young King within two [...]ngers of his Ruine, and upon the brink of the Precipice, writing to those of Bata­via Letters filled with marks of despair. Why did those of Batavia (if they had designed to kindle a War between the Father and the Son) give themselves the trouble to reconcile and pacify them? Suffering all this while the Young Prince to sigh after their Assi­stance? From whence we ought conclude, whatsoever the English Gentlemen say of it, have not comprehen­ded the strength of this Argument, that it cannot be supposed that those at Batavia should concern them­selves with making a War between the Father and the Son, without making things desperate, or without destroying probabilities; which ought even to be kept in a Romance, that is to say in a feigned story made to divert the World.

[Page 106] In the Fifth Article of the Reply, the English Depu­ties say, That the underwritten Deputies ask them how it could be imagined that the Young King of Bantam should be so simple as to put the Fetters on himself and his Posterity? But it is pleasant that the English Gentlemen should represent the under-written as making Demands and Questions of which they have not had the least thought. It is true, that the under­written Demand in their Answer, what likelyhood there was that a Man of common sence should give ear to an advice so Extravagant, and so Dangerous, as that by which they would have perswaded the Young King of Bantam to a War against his Father, and against his own Subjects: But they have been pleased to invent this Question, that they might answer it, as they have done, with a Torrent of Injuries and Abu­ses; with which they tear the Dutch Company in the most unjust and outraging manner.

But the underwritten having been able to foresee long since, that they would have opportunity of exer­cising their Patience in rendring good for evil; they would pray to God, that for the good of both the Companyes, he would be pleased to encline the Gen­tlemen of the English Company to return into the Paths of Moderation, and of Mildness: And as to the injuries, they would say only these two things.

First, If the Gentlemen of the English Company ever take a fancy to write the History of the Dutch Company in the East-Indies from its beginning (to which these Gentlemen have recourse to this time) it will be made appear, that either this History will belye all that is said in the Reply, concerning the en­slaving of fifty Indian Kings, and of the encroach­ments upon the English: Or if it confirms all that, it [Page 107] will be proved that it will be but a terrible Romance grounded upon supposed facts; not to divert the World, (which is the design of all the Authors of Romances) but to blacken the Dutch Company, and to render them execrable to the whole Universe. But as it hath pleased the English Deputies to set the Town of Bantam in parallel with the other places of the Usurpation, of which they complain, and to say in the Tenth Article of their Reply in formal terms, that the Dutch had done as much to them at Bantam, as in the other places they have usurped: It is evident that all their injurious Complaints must vanish into smoak so soon as by the reading of the Answer, and the proofs of the Dutch Company, it will appear that the Regency of Batavia has done nothing at Bantam, neither towards the King nor the English Company, which was not very just and equitable: For although since the difference between the Companies concerning the affairs of Bantam, the English Gentlemen have been pleased to rally (although very ungratefully) the King of Bantam, and to call him a poor and piti­ful Slave, and a Prisoner to Batavia, notwithstanding the honour which was done to his Embassadors here in London, in the year 1682. 'Tis notwithstanding true that those of the Regency of Batavia have used this Indian Prince in so charitable, and at the same time in so generous a manner, that very far from ha­ving ever complained of their proceedings towards him, he has on the contrary highly commended them.

Thus therefore there is a great deal of trouble saved to the English Gentlemen, and to those of the Dutch, which may at present dispense themselves from it; The first from justifying the bloody reproaches which they make against the Dutch Company; and [Page 108] the others from defending themselves from them in this replication, which would become a second Vo­lume, if they would make it swell with a new Apo­logy, which is nothing of common with the affair of Bantam.

And as the English Deputies themselves (after ha­ving suffered themselves to be carryed away by the first torrent of their Passions) have upon better thoughts, thought fit not to grieve the hearts of your Excellencies (as they speak) with things which signifie nothing to the present Case of Bantam: (although in truth they say nothing which comes to the said point). The underwritten will keep themselves within the bounds of the present Controversie, without going out of it, but by an indispensable necessity.

As to the Complaints which the English Deputies have so throughout their whole reply, in relation to the Dutch exclusive Contracts with Indian Princes; the Dutch Company will be very well able to justifie, in time and place, that which it has alwayes main­tained, and which it does still maintain, concerning the right of the said Contracts.

The proofs which the English Gentlemen have ex­posed to your Excellencies view, as they say in the seventh Paragraph of their Reply, very far from being (as they call them) so express upon the point of their Complaints, and that the greatest part of them prove in terminis every one of their grievances: It is on the contrary true, that not one of their proofs makes so much as mention of them: The underwritten desire these Gentlemen to tell them, by which of their De­positions they can prove, that the Regency of Bata­via did ever stir up and foment a War between the Old and the Young King of Bantam; and that the Dutch expelled (as they call it) the English from Ban­tam; [Page 109] for as for having raised the War, there is not one Witness so much as speaks of it, far from attest­ing it. And as to their expulsion from Bantam, there is not one Witness which swears to have seen himself, or to have heard others say, that they had seen it with their Eyes, or that they had heard others say that they had seen it with theirs; there being only two or three Witnesses who endeavour to ground it upon Arguments and Conjectures, contrary to the Cha­racters of true Witnesses, who can depose nothing but upon the Testimony of their own Senses.

The Dutch Deputies have not extenuated the Ho­stilities upon the Coast of Mallabar, for which those of Batavia were accused; but have absolutely de­nyed them; whatsoever the English Gentlemen may say in the eighth Paragraph of their Reply; in which they endeavour to make an express Negative pass for a Confession.

That which followes in the same Paragraph, con­cerning a Letter from Mounsieur Van Dam, deserves a particular reflection; not only in consideration of the matter of this Letter, but also for the person of Mounsieur Van Dam, who is a Man thoroughly ho­nest, prudent, and has applyed himself to the affairs of the Dutch Company, being careful and indefatiga­ble in that labour, having served the Company as Ad­vocate for above thirty years, with the approbation of his Masters, and the applause of all those who know his desert. After which the underwritten do not at all doubt, but that your Excellencies will wil­lingly pardon the little Credit to what is said of Moun­sieur Van Dam in the said Reply: Not that they can believe, that the story of it could be invented by the English Deputies, who refer themselves to the memo­ry of one of your Excellencies; but believe that [Page 110] time may have obliterated the traces of remembrance of it; it not being at all credible, that a man so cir­cumspect as Monsieur Van Dam, should think fit to reprove in a Letter the behaviour of Governour Spill­man, in relation to the Affairs of Bantam, without having cleared to the bottom, the proceedings of the said Government, which is incompatible with that which the said Monsieur Van Dam has since judged, and still judges concerning the Affairs of Bantam; being so fully perswaded of the right of the Dutch Com­panies pretensions, and the wrong of that of Eng­land in these Affairs; that all the Letters which the under-written have received from them concerning the matter of Bantam during their stay in England, are markes full of this perswasion: So that it cannot be doubted, without doing great injustice to Monsieur Van Dam, but that the said Letter was only conditio­nal, that is to say, that he condemned the behaviour of Spillman only in case that the news which his friend might have sent him were true.

The English Deputies have also very well under­stood the sence of the under-written, who as they in the same Eighth Paragraph, had bestowed on them the gift of prophecy: For it is evident, that the under­written deducing in their answer the Argument of Cui Bono, (as the English Deputies calls it) to prove that it was morally impossible for those at Batavia, to make a difference between the Old and Young King of Bantam, with the prospect of taking advantage of the success of this War; unless that by the gift of Prophecy they could be able to penetrate into the se­crets of futurity; which is remote from the sense which the English Deputies wrest from these words.

As the under-written confessed frankly, that they do not very well understand the true sense of the last [Page 111] words of the same paragraph, by reason of the fre­quent parenthesis, are a little puzled; they will make no answer to it: But yet if the English Deputies do there offer to prove by irrefragable Arguments, that the Dutch have driven the English from Bantam, the under written will be very glad to be present at this proof; not only that they may be able to destroy it, but also to learn by what new sort of Logick they can prove by irrefragable arguments, Facts which are proved by no deposition of any Witness; without which notwithstanding, Facts cannot be proved which depend on the testimony of the senses.

The Ninth Article of the said Reply shews also, the little heed which the English Deputies have given to the Answer of the under-written, as to the accusation which they talk of ( viz. the Dutch Deputies) that the English should plunder their house at Bantam; 'tis equally ridiculous, false and impossible, in the po­sture wherein things were then, for the English to do; for so soon as the Dutch Landed, there was a Report spread abroad, that all the English were to be Massacred that night; it is onely to read the answer of the under-written to be satisfyed, that it has not pleased the English Deputies to give themselves the trouble of reading with the least application the Dutch Companies Apology, wherein upon the matter of the plundering of the Dutch Factory, these following words will be found; ‘It ought not to be wondred at that the King having re-taken the Town of Bantam from his Enemies, wherewith he was en­compassed, should cause the motions of the English to be watched, as well as the entry and going out of the Ships, in the apprehension wherein he was, some ill design might be carried on against his person & estate: And that in the confusion wherein the Affairs were [Page 112] then, the goods of other Men were taken away, which the Directors of the English Company themselves could no more have prevented, than they could have hindred in the time when the Old King made himself Master of the Town of Bantam; and that the Dutch Resident Caeff was forced to take flight to shelter him­self from the violence of the Bantamers; some English probably without the knowledge of their Masters from plundering the Dutch Factory.’ There is no cause to doubt at present that after the reading of these words, but that the English Deputies will themselves perceive their Error, and the little care which they have taken to understand the sense of the under-written; since it appears evidently in the said passage, the time is not spoken of, in which the Dutch Landed at Bantam (as the English Deputies have understood it) but the time when the old King made himself Master of Bantam; and that the Dutch Resident Caess was forced to take flight. There is certainly nothing more troublesome or tire­some than to see ones self forced to clear passages so very evident. But as this (without doubt) ought to be attributed to the great Affairs the English Deputies have on their hands; The under-written easily per­swade themselves, that in this negligence there is nei­ther design nor mystery.

The Objections which the English Deputies make to themselves in the Tenth paragraph of their Reply, and the Solution, which they give to it, shews that they have difficulty enough to reconcile the encroach­ments of the Dutch with the flourishing condition of the English Company.

As the under-written Deputies confess that the cre­dit of the Dutch Company is engaged to His Majesty of Great Brittain, (as the English Deputies say in the [Page 113] Eleventh paragraph of their Reply.) The under­written deny expresly, that That Faith ought to be violated in acquitting themselves of that which the Dutch Company owed to the King of Bantam, by vertue of the Leagues which they have made with this Prince.

The Twelfth paragraph is injurious to the Dutch Company; which far from not keeping their Faith makes a constant profession of acquitting themselves of it every where and towards all. The under-written, not observing any thing more in the follow­ing Articles, which deserves any reflection; we will persist to desire that Your Excellencies by your sen­tence will acquit the Dutch Company from the de­mands of that of England, and that you will adjudge to the Dutch Company what they demand in Re-con­vention.

WE are sorry and ashamed, that we are necessi­tated to waste Your Lordships time; but if the Dutch Deputies will persist injuriously to charge us with calumniating them, because we are forced very gently and argumentatively only to touch some of their too well known methods of managing their Affairs in India; If likewise the said Gentlemen, after so full an answer as we gave (though brief and perti­nent) to their voluminous papers, do yet tell Your Lordships we have said nothing to several weighty points (as they do in a late paper presented Your Lordships) We hope we shall obtain your Lordships pardon for this Rejoynder, which shall be as short as the nature of their paper and of their practices in India will admit.

First, As to the Restitution of Bantam, we say, All the late King of glorious Memory demanded, was the withdrawing of the Dutch Forces from Bantam, and [Page 115] satisfaction for our dammages; and we ask no more now, But that the Fort built with the English Money may be left undemolished, that we may be able to defend our Factors and Servants, and preserve the Trade we design there; which as the present Affairs of Bantam are, can be no otherwise secured to us. And it is certain that the Lords States General consented to the withdrawing their Forces as aforesaid, by their answer to Sir John Chardins Memorial. Whether we speak truly in this or not, we are in Your Lordships Judgment, upon view of the authentick Copies of the said Memorial and Reply, lodged with Sir John Chardin, and with your Lordships Secretary. And for the Gentlemen to say, the Lords States Concessi­ons then to Sir John Chardin, are not to be urged now, because they have since made Articles with that poor Young King (which the Batavians have so much abused and enslaved) and who is so ignorant and so miserable, that he would set his Chop or Mark to a Hundred blanks if they would have him: And we ap­peal not only to your Lordships Wisdom, but to all Men of common sense, whether any thing since done with such a poor Creature, now and then in durance, can make any new Case since the transactions at the Hague.

Secondly, The Gentlemen say, they affirmed we had only a Factory and a Residence in the Capital City of Bantam, and can found no dominion upon that; and that we have replyed nothing thereunto; wherein (we humbly conceive) your Lordships will find the Gentlemen under a great mistake: For though our Factory and the Fort Built with our Money were more worth than all the rest of the Buildings in Ban­tam; (which they call the Capital City) We claim no Territory by vertue thereof; but we say the Old King of Bantam was King of Right, and his Son only [Page 116] Probationary with his Fathers leave, to see how he would behave himself, and as such a King, and the Son of a Father alwayes Obsequious to His late Majesty of Glorious Memory, His Embassadours were here recei­ved with Respect: And that the Old King his Father, (before the Articles the Dutch Gentlemen pretend to have made with his Son,) gave that City and Terri­tory to His said late Majesty. And if the Dutch De­puties will yet contend, That the Young King was King not only Probationary, but de jure; and that the Father was subject to the Son; which was not so of Right by the Laws of that Country, nor can ever be proved, but the contrary most certainly; if it were worth the contesting: Then we say that Young King hath violated his publick Faith by his Assassina­ting our Agent, and other publick Persons Resident as Chiefs of the English Nation by Commission from His late Majesty of Glorious Memory. And if it be true, (as the Dutch Deputies themselves have constantly af­firmed) That it was not the Batavians, but that Young King of Bantam that rifled our Houses, tore our King's Colours, drove us from our Ancient, Great, and Costly Habitations and Trade; while at the same time his own Embassadors were treated here by His Majesty, and His Majesties East-India Company with the greatest Kindness and Respect: If this be the Case, do not the Dutch Deputies themselves in Effect con­fess, That that Young King deserves no longer to be corresponded with by them: And that it is most reaso­nable for us that are and desire to be their Friends, to request them to depart thence, and leave us the Fort which our Money paid for; which is all we ask of them with respect to the pretended Restitution of that place; and we may say, to the Restitution of the Majesty and Honour of our English Name and Nation, [Page 117] which hath been intolerably affronted and abused at that place of Bantam in sight of many Eastern Nations.

3. As to that weak Question cui bono, we cannot but wonder the Gentlemen should expose themselves again to the censure not only of your Lordships, but of all Mankind that have the least knowledge of India: They argue thus, They had favour at Bantam, a Fa­ctory there, their Friend King; why should they ad­venture a War if compassion to their Ally had not mo­ved them, when they could not better their Condition? Our Answer was full to this before; but in regard the Gentlemen will have more of it, Your Lordships we hope will pardon our telling them, that their Factory at Bantam was used mostly for buying Rice, Hens and Provisions; and it may be to inspect the English Pro­ceedings; for where the English are, Trade runs ge­nerally at so low profit, that the Dutch care not for medling with it in such places; But if by the Artifices they have used, they can keep the English, French, Danes, Portugueez, Moores, Gentues, and Mallayes, and all other Nations from bringing Callicoes to Ban­tam (which Callicoes are the principal Clothing of the Javans and many Nations thereabout to the Eastward) they may then sell one piece of Callico for the price that two would sell for, when the Trade of Bantam was open; and buy two Baharrs of Pepper for the price they paid for one formerly; which may alter the Dutch Companies Affairs for the better Two, or Three Hundred Thousand Pounds per annum; besides the much greater Advantage they would make by ha­ving the whole Trade of Pepper in Europe, if they can keep Bantam as now it is, by any means right or wrong. Besides the design which it is manifest they have in prospect of obstructing all other Europeans from the China and Japan Trade, having (by preven­ting [Page 118] all Nations from the Trade of Bantam) secured as they think the two great Passages, viz. the Streights of Sunda, and the Streights of Malacca. If this be not a full Answer to their cui bono, let the World judge (as we doubt not but your Lordships will up­rightly,) although the Gentlemen (with as little rea­son as they did before,) should call the most clear Truth and undenyable Arguments, by the same in­significant Term Gallimatias.

The next Question they discourse of, viz. How it can be imagined that the Young King should be so simple &c.? We dare not say any more to it now, lest your Lordships should apprehend it to be an abuse of your Lordships Patience, after we have so fully and clearly answered that before.

We must own our selves obliged to the Gentlemen for the good Advice they give us in their former Pa­per, to subdue our passions (which are too apt to stir in the Minds of injured Men) and for their Prayers in this, that God would incline us into the paths of Mo­deration and Mildness; and in requital thereof we shall not only pray to God to forgive them for the Ocean of Innocent Blood they have shed in India; but that at length they may repent and forsake those ill Methods, by which their People at Batavia have designed to en­gross the whole Trade of the East-Indies; which (in truth) is much to be feared, if timely Remedy be not applyed. And as to the English Proceedings in India, though the English Company was settled there before the Dutch, and our Trade is not yet much inferiour to theirs, bating only the Spice and Japan Trades which they have engrossed by such wayes as we have justly accused them of: We dare appeal to the Gen­tlemen themselves, and to all People that know any thing of India, whether the Dutch Company in the [Page 119] progress of their too well known Methods, have not killed Thousands of Indians for one that ever dyed by the English hands, upon any Cause or Quarrel what­soever: From whence we may reasonably infer that through God's Mercy we have hitherto been Men of Meekness and great (if not too great) Moderation, considering the manifold provocations we have had.

Mr. Van Dam we have good thoughts of, and the better because he did so frankly condemn those ill Pra­ctices of Spellman's; and we do not remember, nor believe there was any Conditional Words expressed or implyed in his Letter fore-quoted.

We observe the distinction of time which the Gen­tlemen now make; in which they have been told the English Slaves robbed their Dutch House at Bantam; but we believe not one word thereof, neither is there any probability of it.

There is nothing more that we can observe in the Gentlemen's last Paper, that deserves the troubling of your Lordships with one Line in Answer thereunto; but one short Paragraph which is indeed very mate­rial, and therefore we shall beg your Lordships leave to repeat it verbatim.

The say, ‘As to the Complaints which the En­glish Deputies have made throughout their whole Reply in Relation to the Dutch exclusive Contracts with Indian Princes, the Dutch Company will be ve­ry well able to justifie in time and place, that which it hath alwayes maintain'd, and which it does still maintain, concerning the Right of the said Con­tracts: In answer whereunto, we say,’

First, This is plain dealing, throwing the Gantlet to all Nations, and amounts to a Confession of that de­sign they have of engrossing the whole Trade of India, [Page 120] and that they will and may easily do it, is as plain, except some speedy Course be taken to defend that Remainder of Ports and Places that are left us in In­dia to trade unto: For it is certainly known, that any European Nation that is considerable in Naval Power in India, may by their Shipping take some Advantage upon the greatest Native Prince of India; and it is as certain that any Prince being surpriz'd, or his Sub­jects Estates to a very considerable value, will for a present Redemption of his Subjects from the Ruine of such a surprizal, grant to the Surprizer any Con­ditions of Trade exclusive to any other Nation or Peo­ple residing unarmed in his Country, and by Conse­quence such unarmed People expelled from the Trade of any such Native Prince his Dominions, must re­main for ever deprived thereof, or by force of Arms compel the Restitution, which can never be without using force: For after such Contract, they will make themselves Parties (as now they do with the Young King of Bantam) and tell us in plain terms (as they do your Lordships) that they must defend their Al­lyes, and maintain their Contracts or Articles.

Secondly, We say, This Assertion makes it evident what the Design of their Fleet now or late in the Gulph of Persia was; where if they had prospered in their shutting up all that Great Emperours Ports, which (in probability) they had done, if the English Ships there had not undertook the Navigation between India and Persia; and if they had not been (as by chance they were) too many and too strong to be obstructed by the Dutch at that time, Your Lordships may easily conceive what Articles that Great Emperour of Persia must have entred into to perswade the Dutch to open his Ports again.

[Page 121] Thirdly, Hereby your Lordships may see by what Title the Dutch hold the whole Trade of the Spice Islands, although there be very many of them that have not one Dutchman resident upon them: Notwith­standing which, we have forborne many Years visi­ting those Islands, because we would shun all occasi­ons that might make any misunderstanding between the two Nations.

Fourthly, We must deny (under favour of these Gentlemen) that the Dutch have alwayes or at any time maintained, or could maintain, their pretended Right of such exclusive Contracts; which will be ma­nifest to your Lordships not only by the last Articles of Peace and Commerce made with the Dutch, but by the large Arguments on both sides, which remain upon Record, and were managed more closely and to the purpose, (as to this point) than any thing we have seen from these Gentlemen: On the part of the Dutch by Mounsieur Van Benninghen and others, and on the part of the English by Mr. Secretary Trevor, Sir Will. Temple, and Sir George Downing. The Result of all which long and close Argumentation was (as your Lordships may observe it) settled in the Treaty, That the English might trade to all places, and even to pla­ces blockard or besieged with any Commodities except contraband Goods.

The foregoing Original papers exhibited to the Lords Commissioners Decisors, by the Commissioners Instructors for both Companies; we think may give sufficient satisfaction to any indifferent persons, not onely of the state of the Controversie, but a full justi­fication of the English East-India-Companies Right to have Bantam so restored, that they may hope to live there without having their Throats cut, or being [Page 134] Stabbed, as the English Agent formerly was, or with­out being obnoxious to the having all taken from them in a moment at the pleasure of the Batavians.

Now because all Sumatra abounds with Pepper, they pretend a Right to the whole Territory of that Island, which is computed bigger than England, full of In­habitants; whereon as they confess are many distinct Kingdoms, which are governed by antient Soveraign Hereditary Princes: And we dare presume to say, They have not Two Hundred Dutch men upon the whole Island; and we believe not Ten Dutch Wo­men; having no place that we know upon that whole Island able to resist Twenty Europeans, but Padang and Pollocinco; and their Forts upon them are very inconsiderable; neither of them having a Garrison of above Fifty or Sixty Europeans, and about the like number of black Fellows which are of no value.

To Bencoolen they do not now, nor ever did pre­tend; but say it belongs or owes subjection to the Young King of Bantam: Which if it be true, we have rightfully taken possession of it, That King being our declared Enemy; but we shall say more of that here­after.

To Atcheen, Pryaman, Teco and Indrapoora, they did formerly pretend; and they may (as the Reader will see hereafter) with as much reason pretend to all In­dia; and so (questionless) they will in a little time, if the Kings of Europe and their respective priviledged Companies will give them leave, first to take the principal places, and then be content to accept of a little Money for them, not the Hundredth part of the true value of them. But they must first dispatch this business of Pepper, and make that Commodity entire­ly their own (as they have all other Spices already) [Page 135] and then they need neither pay nor thank any King (or their priviledged Companies) of Europe for letting them take all the rest, because the profit of that single Commodity, if it were in one hand, would defray the charge of a power sufficient to defend all the Coasts of India from any new-comers; and to enslave the Sea Coasts of all those great Monarchs of the East; who though they have great Forces by Land, have no Na­val power, and very little skill in taking of Fortresses, being not accustomed to the use of Fire-Arms.

☜We know the World better, than to ex­pect a Confession of guilt from States-Men; and we know how to distinguish between the Dutch Nation, and the Dutch East-India-Company; the former may be as in-offensive and Just, as any other Nation; but the latter (doubtless) have always been a most inju­rious people; for which difference the famous John De Wit assayes to give a reason in a certain Treatise he hath set forth.

But our end being not to cavil or contend for maste­ry in words, much less to promote War or dissension (with which they unjustly charge the English East-India-Company.) We shall satisfie our selves, if we can obtain a Witness or Justification in the hearts and minds of the good and peaceable men of both Nati­ons; for which purpose, if any of the States or other of the Dutch Nation dis-interested in these debates, doubt the truth of the English Companies Allegations, we will ask no more, but that to satisfie themselves throughly, they would privately discourse some of the Dutch themselves that were at Bantam or Batavia, Anno 1682. when Bantam was surprized, or at any time since.

[Page 136] Secondly, We would pray them likewise to read their own Histories, and observe therein whether most of the wrongs complained of by the English in all ages, were not perpetrated by the Dutch Company in time of full Peace, viz.

The falling upon the English and beating them out of the Trade of Japan: The taking from them Lan­tore, Polloway, and Pollaroone, Nutmeg Islands; and depriving them of the Trade of Banda, Seram, and others of the Banda Islands; as also of the Trades of the Moluccas or Clove Islands; (not to revive the Hi­story of that unparallel'd inhumanity at Amboyna,) and in latter times by their depriving them of the Pep­per Trades of Japarra, Andragera, Lampoon, Pollin­bam, and Jambee in the South-Seas, and Porcat upon the Coast of Mallabar; besides those Things and Places lately complained of by His Majesties Envoy at the Hague. And if any English Gentleman would be further satisfied as to those past injuries, we need only referr them to Mr. Purchas's Pilgrims, the first part toward the latter end of that Book.

Thirdly, Ask any plain hearted Bewinthebber, or any honest Dutch Skipper that knows India, whether the Dutch have not been contriving these Twenty years to turn the English out of the Trade of Pepper; and whether their General Matsuker at Batavia had not a Warrant dormant (and since him their late General Van Goens) to enterprize that business of Ban­tam when ever they could effect it.

Fourthly, Ask any sober minded man, whether the encroaching, restless, covetous, humour of the Dutch Company, hath not imbroyled the two Nations in great Wars and Blood-shed within the space of one age; and whether it be Wisdom to try that hazard­ous experiment again, with such a load of guilt upon [Page 137] them? Whether it were not more prudent, (since they have the noble places of Trade in India already) to sit down quietly and let their Neighbours peaceably imploy their industry to gain a penny by their leav­ings?

Whether that encroaching Game be not played far enough already, and it were not Wisdom now to set bounds to their Dominion in India? (as their wiser States-men seem to have set bounds to the encrease of their Territory at home) least indignation provoke the great Kings of Europe to visit those remote Regions w ^th their Royal Navies at their proper charge, and thereby discover a secret yet unobserved by the Kings of Eu­rope, (viz.) That Sampsons strength lies in his locks more than in his Brains, or his robust body and bones; and that the dutch Company is no less hated in India by all Nations by reason of their Tyranny and Oppression, than their State in Europe is loved by their best Friends and Confederates? Whether their own people in India (which are a mixture of all fugitive Europeans) do not think themselves under great Slavery, by reason of their Companies severity? and whether their very countenances as well as their discourses, do not disco­ver their discontents as the very Clothes (or rather want of Clothes) of their common Sea-men proclaims their excessive penury: Whereas on the contrary the Dutch Sea-men in Europe, may be distinguisht from other Nations by the neatness, wholeness, cleanliness, and sufficiency of their garments: And whether if they be pressed hard in India now they have stretched their Arms so wide and grasp't so much, they will not be found much weaker then they were Fifty years past when they had not half so many Forts, and their own Servants and the Natives necks were not so gaul'd by [Page 138] their Iron Yokes, which have since been straitned upon them. Verbum sapienti sufficit!

To wave long and tedious discourses, the short case is, whether a Contract for the sole Commerce with any Countrey, or a small Fort upon a Coast of a vast Extent, or the pretence of War with any of the Native Princes, shall deprive any Europe Nation (being in Friendship with the Dutch) from Trading to such Countrey in India where such Contract hath been made, or such Fort built, or such pretence of War begun? we say, none of these can or ought to hinder a Nation in friendship with the Dutch, from Trading with the Natives of that Countrey or People, without making War in India every moment of time that any Nation hath peace with the Dutch in Europe.

Before we proceed to the argument, we own that where-ever the Dutch have the sole Occupancy, or the exercise of the sole Dominion, of any place or Countrey; they may without breach of Peace pro­hibit any Friend-Nation from Trading to that place; and this concession overthrowes all the arguments they draw from the English Laws of preserving or confining the sole Trade of Barbadoes, Virginia, &c. to the Kings subjects only.

To give some instances of the Case or Proposition before asserted (which will open the Readers under­standing;) We shall begin at the North of India, viz.

It is famously known that the Emperour of Persia owes the English Company a vast sum of money for the Arrears of their half Custom of Gombroon, due to them for the expence of their Blood and Treasure in helping the Persian to take Ormus from the Portugueez. Now if the English should at any time think fit to [Page 139] War, on this indubitably just occasion, upon the King of Persia and his Subjects, for the Recovery of their known just Debt: suppose the Dutch should come at the same time to Trade with their Ships, (in goods not Contraband) at Gombroon, and the English should hinder them from Trading, or from the Na­tives Lighters or Boats to Land their goods, and Ballast their Ships: Would not the Dutch cry out loudly and justly, This is against natural Right, and a breach of the peace? And would it be any diminution of the un­justice to say the English would lend them Boats? Might not they reply, what is lent is not of Right, but of Courtesie, and may be taken again when the lender pleaseth? Besides that it would be a scorn and con­tempt put upon the Dutch Nation in sight of the Per­sians, to tell them, you shall have no Boats but what we please. But this hath never been the English pra­ctice: whose it is the Reader will see hereafter by Transcripts of the following Papers, Translated from the Latin Originals, viz.

YOU have been pleased to require us for some time not to unload our Ship the Bengal Merchant, now in the Road, of the Honourable Companies goods aboard her. Should we consent to that, How long must our Ship continue here without making an end of her business? We have perused and looked over the Marine Treaty between His Majesty of Great Brittain and the States of Holland, and we cannot find any Article whereon you can ground, or whereby you can justifie, the stopping or impeding the unlading the said Ship Bengal Merchant, of our said Companies concerns. If there is any, we trust you will make it known to us; if there is none, then we desire you to withdraw your intentions of stopping the Boats we have imployed in that Service. It is not to be suppo­sed when any of our Ships Arrive to any place where you shall have Wars, that our Ships must lye still till you conclude a peace: If so, what enjoyment have we by the Treaty? Boats are to be understood neces­saries without which Ships (when they come into Harbour) cannot do their business: Therefore we suppose not mentioned in the Articles of Peace. 'Tis late of the year, and the Ship has but a small time of stay here, having more important business in another [Page 142] place: Therefore if you bear any Friendship to us (as we have no reason to question but you do) you will rather assist than hinder us: In doing of which you will oblige us to continue what we desire always to be,

WE Received this day your most courteous An­swer to our request, by your Interpreter David; by which we understood your demand, That we would suffer the Persian Boats and Lighters to un­load your Ship, and that according to your sense it will by no means be convenient for us to hinder the Boats which come from the shoar to your Ship: To which we respectfully Answer, that we have no other Thonght nor design, than to continue in all friend­ship [Page 143] with your Nation; being ready to serve you in all things, as we do heartily wish we could do at this juncture, without prejudice to our own honour: But seeing we are basely and maliciously trampled up­on in this place, we don't in the least doubt, (relying on your goodness) that you will take it ill if we should hinder the free passage of our Enemies Boats whilest we besiege this Port, as we have determined to do: Being heartily sorry that we are forced, for the Honour of our Nation, to this necessity; so that we cannot consent to your demands, though in any other occasion we shall heartily demonstrate our selves to be

YOur behaviour towards us in impeding our busi­ness, has been such, that we are forced to draw up against you in the behalf of the Right Honourable [Page 144] English East-India-Company, the Protest and Declara­tion now sent you by our Linguist Senior David. Your urging your aim and design to be, to continue with our Nation in all Amity and Friendship, is very improper while you persist against all Law and Reason to obstruct us in our Affairs. We are very sorry to be the subject of your Scorn and Contempt, for no other reason but because you are compelled to keep up the Honour of your own Nation against the Persians. You have forced us to buy and make our selves Ma­sters of Boats for our service; which we give you to understand, that you may not plead ignorance when met withal by you. Sure you must think us to have little regard to our own concerns, to let things pass so. We trust there may be a means found to remedy these irregular proceedings. We are really

WHEREAS the Bengal Merchant, Captain John Goldsburrough Commander, in the service of the Right Honourable English East-India-Company, and laden with their Goods, arrived this Road the first of [Page 145] May, 1685. The 4th. ditto we went according to the Course of our Duties, to unlade the Ship the Bengal Merchant (the Marine Treaty between his most Se­rene Majesty of Great Britain, and the High and Mighty Lords the States General of the Ʋnited Netherlands, nothing hindring, but altogether allowing.) In Order to which, we sent off two of the Countrey Boats which we had hired and taken into our service, for the same purpose; with Orders to go on board the said Ship, to bring on shoar what of the said Companies goods should be put on board them. In their way the first Boat was stopt and carried away by order and appointment of Rehnier Casembroot Commissary for affairs of the Illu­strious Company of Holland (which the second Boat perceiving returned again to the shoar;) notwith­standing they had goods on board them of the said right Honourable English East-India-Companies, ordered and appointed to be delivered on board the said Ship the Bengal Merchant; which they likewise carried away in the first boat, detaining some time, and after­wards returning them on shoar to us. All which appears to us, to be utterly against the sense and meaning of the first Article of the said Marine Treaty; and therefore a manifest breach of the Peace. We therefore in the name and behalf of the said Right Honourable English East-India-Company, do protest and declare a­gainst the said Rehnier Casembroot Commissary for the said Illustrious Company of Holland, for (and lay to his charge to answer at such times and places as the same shall be demanded according to the Rules of Ju­stice and Equity, and in conformity to what is provided for in such cases in the said Marine Treaty) all dam­mages that may arise to the Right Honourable English East-India-Company by these their Actions: and also for all other dammages that may ensue to any of the [Page 146] Servants of the said Company, either in Life, Body goods or Estate. Dated in Gombroone the 6th. of May, 1685.

WE received last Night your Protestation, by which we understand to our great Admiration, the Complaints which you were pleased to produce for the siezing of a certain Persian Boat rowing amongst our Ships, which you pretend to have hired for the unlading of your Ship the Bengall Merchant; as also ac­cusing us for detaining the Goods for some time which were carried in her. In answer to which ye cannot be ignorant how that this Port and Persian Bay hath been blockt up with Eight or Nine Ships for almost a whole year: And although our Agents be attending the Per­sian [Page 147] Court, to compose those differences: Neverthe­less our Men were Hostilely driven from the Coasts, our Flagg thrown down, and that (according to report) the Inhabitants of the City of Gombrone threatned us, that we should be overwhelmed here in this Port with the Persian Sea Forces: which things Nature it self tea­cheth us to prevent. And forasmuch as it seems good to us to destroy all the Persian Ships, yet it never came into our thoughts you should incur any Damage by it, as you your selves very well know it was not done in the unlading, or lading of the Ship Williamson, who came and went, although loaden with Persian Goods. But on the contrary, we offered Yesterday to your Interpreter David (when the aforesaid Persian Boat was seized on sailing amongst our Fleet) our Long-boats for your Service to unlade your Ship; and for that very reason we were no hindrance at all in the least to your Affairs: And that our Ships might be ren­dred secure from the imminent dangers of our ro­ving Enemies, who affirmed they sailed under your Name, and by your Order. But you seem to incline rather to accuse us very unjustly, that we had seized on your Goods being two Chests of Rose-water; ra­ther than to accept of our kindness in offering our Long-boats. The aforesaid Interpreter David took along with him, those two little Chests with the same Boat which brought him from the Shoar, whilest that sloop was carryed down to our Ship. And seeing the Case is thus, you seem to darken the truth of things by patcht-up Fictions and forged Tales. This your so ill-grounded and strange Accusations, does not at all concern us, seeing that even from the beginning of this Expedition we have patiently borne all those Calum­nies by which we have been aspersed for some time, by some of your Nation, amongst the Persians: And [Page 148] loseing Ground here in our Affairs, especially by your promises to them, That you with Six Ships will drive us from this Port and Castle of Kisim. Concer­ning the which we can produce sufficient proofs; and withal manifest we gave you not the least Cause, But all things were carryed on with such apparent loss to our Company. And moreover you did intend also to force us to suffer the Boats of our Enemies to pass and repass us safely: Therefore we protest in the Name of the Dutch East-India Company, That we will be Innocent of all such Damages, Wounds, Slaughters, Losses, and other Inconveniences which may arise from one Cause or other.

WHereas there is a Treaty Marine between our Most Gracious Sovereign Lord the Most Se­rene and Mighty Prince CHARLES the Second, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. and the High and Mighty Lords the States General of the Ʋnited Netherlands, to be observed through all and every the Countreys and parts of the World by Sea and Land; concluded at London the First day of De­cember 1674. In which Treaty there is Liberty for the Subjects of the King of England to trade freely to any Ports and Places in the World, without hin­drance or molestation; although the said High and Mighty Lords the States General or any of their Sub­jects be in actual Hostility and War with such Ports and Places.

Now these presents shew, that the Ship Bengall Mer­chant, John Goldsborough Commander, in the Service of the Honourable the Governour and Company of Merchants in London trading to the East-Indies, ar­rived in Gombroone Road in the Gulph of Persia, and in the Dominions of that King, the First day of May 1685, where were Six Ships belonging to the Dutch Ʋnited Netherlands East-India Company, riding be­fore the Town of Gombroone, Commanded in chief by Rehnier Casembroot as Admiral; who pretended to be at Wars with the Persians, and victoriously then rode in Triumph in the midst of a few Trankeys or Persian Boats which he had seized.

[Page 150] On Sunday the Third of May, the said Admiral sent me word aboard our Ship Bengall Merchant, and the same in Writing he sent ashoar unto the Honourable English East-India Companyes Factors in Gombrone, That they being now at Wars with the Persians would not suffer any of the Persian Boats to help unlade our Ship: To which I answered, That the next Morning Boats were appointed to come off, to begin to unlade us; and that in each of them there would be an En­glish Man, whereby the Admiral or his People might know that they were Boats imployed in the English Service; and I desired they would give us no hindrance or molestation in our business.

Our Factors from the Shoar sent off one to the said Admiral and his Council, whom he found resolved to stop all Persian Boats from coming off to us.

On the Fourth of May Six Boats were provided by our Factors for the unlading our Ship, of the Honou­rable English East-India Companyes Goods; and in each of the Boats an English Man: The First Boat that came off, the Dutch sent their Boat from the Admi­ral's Ship, and seized and carryed her aboard of the Admiral, with one of our Men, (named Thomas Morley) in her and several Goods in her, ordered by our Companies Factors to be put on board of our Ship. The rest of the Six Boats seeing the First Boat taken, returned ashoar, and those of them that were not put from shoar, remained there; and so we could get none off. This Action of the Admiral and his Coun­cil, was committed by them whilest Senior David was aboard with them (he being Linguist unto the Honou­rable English East-India Companies Factors in this place) and sent by them with a Letter to inform the Admiral and his Councel, That these Boats (whereof he had taken one,) were imployed in the English Ser­vice, [Page 151] and by the Treaty Marine ought not to be hin­dred. The Goods that were Laden in the Persian Boat for our Ship, the Dutch took out, and put into our Boat by force; she being there waiting upon the Linguist Seniour David; who seeing the Admiral and his Councils Resolution, told them, that we would buy Boats and make them our own: Some of them replyed, if we did they would stop them. Upon this I was forced, with our own Boats and Men, to carry a great deal of the Companies Goods ashoar to ligh­ten our Ship, to the great Hazard and Dammage of the said Goods, and of the Lives and Healths of our Men, in this Extream hot Place and Season.

On the Ninth of May having somewhat lightned our Ship, we removed her in toward the Shore, that we might in some measure, be able from her to relieve all such Boats as came off to us, from the Insolent Vio­lence of the said Admiral and his Council, &c. And in striving to lay her conveniently near, for that pur­pose, we grounded several Tides towards low Wa­ter, to the great hazard of our Ship and Cargoe; be­ing forced thereunto by the Insolence of the Admiral, &c. to our Boats whilest our Ship lay farther off.

The Honourable English East-India Companies Fa­ctors having been forced to buy Three Boats in Gombroone, on the Twelfth and Thirteenth of May, because the Dutch had threatned to take them away; we were forced to go ashore with our Ships Boats, and Forty or Fifty armed Men in them, and guard these Three Boats off to our Ship; and every time afterwards, when these Boats were to come off, we were forced to send our Boat to wait upon them, or else they would not come: Which so sending our Boats and Men to and agen, was more hindrance and [Page 152] loss of time to us than if we had done the Work with­out them.

On the Seventeenth of May we having put out what Goods we could, until we had ballast, for want of the Persian Boats to bring it to us, as accustomary in this place; we were forced with our Ship and three Boats that were bought, to sail from hence to the Island Ormuzz, and there with great trouble and diffi­culty, to take in Ballast such as we could pick up. In doing which Seven Dayes were spent before we could obtain this Road again, which need not to have been if we had not been hindred or molested by the Admiral, &c. as aforesaid; for it is evident that whilest we were putting out our Goods, we might have had Ballast brought to us dayly as we wan­ted it.

Now considering the great loss of time by us su­stained, through the hindrance and molestation given us by you Rehnier Casembroot Admiral, &c. Council as aforesaid, whom I find to be men of such exact Dutch Principles that you are bound by no League or Treaty farther than it suits with your present Interest, par­ticularly not by the Treaty Marine: Therefore I should think my self remiss in Duty to my King and Country, and to all my Imployers, If I should let these things pass in silence, without declaring against them and protesting the same.

And I do by these Presents (in the behalf of my Masters and Imployers the Honourable the Gover­nour and Company of Merchants in London trading to the East-Indies aforesaid, and their Successors; and in the behalf of the Owners of our Ship the Bengall Merchant, and in the behalf of my Self, Officers and Ships Company; and of all other Persons whatso­ever that any way are or hereafter may be concerned [Page 153] in this our Ship or Cargo, during her being out of England, until her next return thither,) make this Protest against you Rehnier Casembroot Admiral and Commander in Chief of the Dutch Ʋnited Nether­lands East-India Companies Fleet aforesaid, and a­gainst all your Council, and against all the Comman­ders, Officers, Sea-men and Soldiers, or any other Persons any wayes acting under you, and declare you all joyntly and severally your Heirs, Executors, and Administrators lyable to make full satisfaction unto the Honourable the Governour and Company of Mer­chants in London Trading to the East-Indies and to their Successors, and to all and every other Person that either now is, or hereafter may be any wayes concer­ned in this our Ship Bengall Merchant or her Cargoe, during her being from England upon this present Voyage, until her next return thither, and discharged from the same; for all such Dammages and Losses, causes of Sickness, Loss of Life, or Lives, or any other Dammages or Losses whatsoever, which hath, may, or shall arise unto us or any of us by this your Hindrance, Let and Molestation given to us in our Trade as aforesaid, without any manner of Occasion or Aggravation given by me or any under me, in any wise whatsoever; but is wholly contrary to the First Article of the Treaty Marine before cited, and of the whole Body of the said Treaty.

And in particular, I likewise farther Protest (in the behalf of all Persons concerned aforesaid) against you Captain of the Ship Blew Hulke, (and if I am not mis­informed named George Clareboat or some such Name) Captain under the aforesaid Admiral, for sending Boat and Men from your Ship the Fourth day of May, 1685 as aforesaid, and seizing the First Boat that was coming off to our Ship (with Thomas Morley one of our Men [Page 154] in her) and likewise Goods in her to be brought aboard our Ship Bengall Merchant as aforesaid, and thereby hindring other Boats coming off to our Ship to help us unlade; and so hath given us much hin­drance and molestation in our Trade, Time, and Re­putation with the Natives, contray to the said Treaty Marine, and the First and Ninth Articles of the same, and against the whole Body of the said Treaty; you being in the said Ninth Article particularly comman­ded and required to do no such thing: Nor will your saying that you did it by Order of Rehnier Casembroot your Admiral, excuse you from Imputation of breach of the said Ninth Article of the Treaty Marine, nor from being accountable unto the satisfactory part thereof as far as you are able; nor from the penal part thereof, as expressed in the said Article. In Wit­ness whereunto I have set my Hand and Seal aboard the Ship Bengall Merchant, riding in Gombroone Road the First day of June, 1685.

YOUR Protest was delivered to us the First day of June, according to your Account, by those whose business it was: And after we had perused the same, we found many things declared in it which indeed were otherwise than you took to be, or then was correspondent to truth. Therefore we think it needless to answer any thing more to them than what was done by our Addresse the Thirteenth and Four­teenth of May, (according to our Account) to the En­glish residing here, Mr. Daniel Edwards and Mr. Francis Snape; (the Example or Copy of which you have joyned to this) wherein the true Constitution of the Matter is fully contained: Therefore we refer our selves to the same. Yet we declare our selves guilt­less in as much as in your drawing near to the shore, your Ship strook ground so often; for that is not to be imputed to us, but to your imprudence. More­over we never hindred or forbid the Boats to come and bring you Ballast; therefore that is to be impu­ted to the Persians: And the loss of your time (through which for that Reason you suppose your selves hindred) is not to be ascribed to us but to them: And we declare that we are Men of no such ill Qualifi­cations as you are pleased to say us to be; but that the same ought rather to be ascribed to you, as it suffi­ciently appears from your unjust Protest: And there­fore [Page 156] we do not esteem it a matter of so great moment (that if any Dispute should arise betwixt your and our Company concerning this thing) but that we are able (in as much as Equity and Truth is on our side) to defend our selves. Therefore we Declare (or Pro­test) in the Name of the Renowned Hollanders East-India Company against you John Goldsborough Com­mander of the Ship Bengall Merchant, and against all others whatsoever whom it shall concern, that we are innocent; Nor are we obliged to render Compensati­on for all those things charged against us in your so ill-grounded Protestation.

HErewith is inclosed a Protest made by me against the Dutch Admiral Rehnier Casembroot, &c. and a Latin Translation made of it at his request, (be­cause he could not understand it in English.) In the Protest you will see how they hindered us from the help of the Persian Boats. And in regard these their actions fell only upon me, and not before nor since; I think it my Duty to give your Honours as brief an Account of the reason thereof as I can. It seems about two Months before we came hither, the Persian Kawn, or Governour of these parts, and the Dutch Admiral, had agreed that the Persians should deliver to the Dutch the use of their Factory; and Casem­broot was by the same agreement to come and dwell in it himself: But the Dutch pretended from time to time, that when they had made the Factory clean and fit, then the Admiral would come ashore to it; and therefore they had the use of what was in it; and bought Provisions freely for their Ships: But about three days before we came thither, the Kawn seeing himself deluded by them, set a great guard about their Factory, turned the Dutch out of it, and sent [Page 158] them all off the shore. Upon this the Dutch thought themselves highly affronted; therefore they siezed all the Persian Trankeys or Boats they could catch. And further, to shew the Persians that they could stop all Trade, and ours as well as others, they resolved to suffer no Boats to come off to us; giving out (as I have heard say) that it was upon Courtesie that they suffered us to Trade, and no body else; and hereby thinking to bring the Persians sooner to their beck, and lessen us in the esteem of these people. Whilst I was gone in our Ship to Ormuze for Ballast, the Dutch and Persians made a new accord thus; That the Dutch should release all the Trankeys, and then have free leave to come ashore with Boats and Men, and buy provisions for their Ships as they did former­ly; but the Factory was still guarded, and they not suffered to go into it. And thus it now stands between them, and is the real occasion of their hindring us as they did.

Now if ever the Dutch make a strict War with these people, your Honours may by this little occasi­on, see how they will deal with your Ships, if they are strong enough; notwithstanding the Treaty Ma­rine; for (as I have told them in the Protest) they keep no Leagues where they suit not with their pre­sent interest.

This Argument That there can be no peace between the Dutch and their European Neighbours in India, if they may obstruct their Neighbours Trade upon the Reality or Pretence of a War with any of the Natives, (as they did at Persia) will appear the stronger, If it be considered how easie and frequent a thing it is with the Dutch in India, to pretend a War upon any frivolous Occasion; or to make an Occasion of War where they want a Realone, by entring into an Al­lyance with some Petty Prince on the Coast of Mala­bar, or the West Coast of Sumatra; or among some of the Islands which naturally afford Spice or Pepper; and engage that Prince to quarrel with his Neighbour Prince where the English have a Factory, and make themselves presently Parties in the Quarrel: Thus they did upon the Celebes between the Buggesses and Macassars; In which Quarrel joyning their small Forces to Rajah Balacca's King of the Buggesses and the King [Page 160] of Buttoon's Forces, they overcame the Macassars, and then obliged them never to suffer the English or any other Europeans to Trade more in their Countreys: and if they could do this upon so considerable a King as the King of Macassar then was, how much more easily may they do it among those little Princes on the Coast of Mallabar, or upon the West Coast of Suma­tra, where the gift of Five or Six Barrels of Powder, and as many Cases of Brandy, will do the Feat.

It may be said, they did but Threaten, they did not Obstruct the English Trade at Persia: To which we answer,

First, They did really Obstruct the Ship Bengall, as before appears, to the affronting of our King and Na­tion in sight of the Persians; in which they alwayes took a peculiar Pride in India.

Secondly, They did exceedingly hazard that Ships whole Voyage, and were the Occasion of the Deaths of many Seamen on board that Ship, by the Excessive Toil and Labour they injuriously forced them to in that Extream Heat, for want of Boats.

Thirdly, In probability, They had proceeded to further Acts of Hostility, but that they heard of ma­ny more English Ships coming into the Gulph, upon their necessary Occasions; which together would have made up a Force more than double that of the Dutch Fleet in Gombroone Road.

To let the World see how little the States General would suffer their Subjects in Europe to be treated af­ter that manner, as the Dutch Company would treat their Peaceable Neighbours in India; Let it be remem­bred, That when the Spaniards formerly blocked up Lixboa, although the Spaniards had then a Land Army in Portugal, yet did not the States send a Fleet thither, [Page 161] not only to Force their Trade; but also to take those Spanish Men of War that attempted to hinder it.

And when the King of Sweden lay before Dantzick with a Fleet of Men of War, and had also at the same time Land Forces in those Parts, yet did not the States send a Fleet from Holland, and by force open their Trade there? (as justly they might do.)

Now we say, and we appeal to all European Nations, whether we argue rightly or not: That what is unjust in Europe, is unjust in India and all the World over: And on the contrary, what is just in Europe is Uni­versally so. And that Action of the Dutch Compa­nies at Persia, is so much the more unjust, in regard it was contrary not only to Natural Right, and the Ge­neral Articles of Peace between the two Nations; but expresly against that Article in the Treaty Marine of 1674 provided purposely to prevent injuries of that kind, as is well observed by Captain Goldsborough in his Protest before mentioned.

To proceed, the English have now a War with the Great Mogull, and a superiour force of Shipping and Soldiers (by reason of that War) than the Dutch have on that Coast in the common Course of their Trade. What then? Do the English endeavour to hinder the Dutch Ships from Loading or Unloading in Surrat Ri­ver, or Swally Harbour, or from the use of the Na­tives Boats? No, all Nations know they do not, nor ever did attempt to offer such injury to any Chri­stian Nation in Amity with them. But the Dutch Ad­vocate peradventure (according to the Liberty Men of that profession take) will say the English durst not do it, because the Dutch were stronger than they on that Coast: which if it were true, as it was not, would argue nothing to the prejudice of the English; because all Christians in India will avouch, the English never [Page 162] offered injury in such a case to French, Danes, or Portu­guez, or other Friendly Nations, which are confessedly weaker than the English are in India.

But that the Dutch are Universally so injurious to the English, in other places as they were at Persia; and much more where they have the least hopes of putting the English by the Trade of any Pepper Port, will manifestly appear by what they did on the Coast of Malabar; For which we shall (according to our avowed Truth, and impartial Management of this Controversie) produce true Copies of the Original Pa­pers, viz.

Note, That these Hostilities are still continued by the Dutch on the Mallabar Coast; and all since the sur­prize of Bantam; and by our last Letters from India we have advice, they are at other places upon the same Coast, in constant pursuit of the great design of ingrossing the Pepper Trade by the same means. Of the truth whereof we could produce many more ma­nifest Evidences, but that they would swell this Reply unto too great a Volume.

Upon the Coast of Choromandel the English Com­pany have a Sovereign Regency under His Majesty, over a great City and a strong Fort and Garrison, with above Two Hundred Guns mounted: Notwithstand­ing which as soon as the Dutch Company had taken Metchlepatam (an open Town upon the same Coast;) they did immediately, with insufferable insolence, for­bid the English the Trade of that place, on purpose to lay the English low in the Eyes of the Natives, accord­ing [Page 169] to their usual Treatment. The particulars of this appears by the following Transcripts from the Ori­ginals, Viz.

The Time they did this was while the King of Gulcondah (in whose Dominions Metchlepatam is) was engaged in a dangerous War with the Great Mogul, and they took that Advantage to fall out with him; and after they had got from him the value of a­bout Sixty Thousand Pound Sterling, with enlargement of their Priviledges at Pollicatt, they quitted the place, having no further use of it. And indeed the English Company at the time they presented the aforesaid Transcript, humbly acquainted His Majesty with their Opinion, that the Dutch would not hold that place, it being not worth their Charge to defend it, having Pollicat so near that would do their business as well. But that which the English complain of, is the insolent injury of commanding them from their own Possession, which they had enjoy'd about Eighty Years; which is the very same thing they did at Bantam; but intend­ing to keep that place for ever (as they did not Met­chlepetam) they used the Name of the Young King in the former Case, that it might look like his Act and not theirs. And whether the Dutch did well in that, or the English had cause to complain, We would have any honest peaceable Dutchman tell us, after we have asked them, How they would like it? If the French now they have (as is supposed) command of the Forts at Syam, should forbid them to Trade to the House they have built there; Or, How they would have li­ked it, if our Soldiers after they had surprized the Fort at Hughly in Bengall, should have forbid them Trading any more at their own House in Hughly, or from bringing any Goods thither after Six or Eight Weeks, as they did the English at Metchlepatam? The Dutch Company talk much of Natural Right and E­quity, but there is one short Rule if they would ob­serve [Page 176] it, would soon end all our differences, That is, Of doing as they would be done unto. But that, the En­glish Company affirm, they never did yet to them; which they may have time to repent when they find the same measure meted to themselves.

As to the Case of Batam Capass (which is a most Egregious Case as the Reader will observe hereafter;) The Dutch Company would extenuate the Hostilities executed upon the English there, in so contemptuous a manner by pretending a Title to all the Trade of the West Coast of Sumatra, by virtue of private Con­tracts made with the respective Soveraign Kings or Rajahs, for all the Gold and Pepper within their Re­spective Dominions: An old Claim which they long since made as well in the time of Cromwell's Usurpati­on, as since His late Majesties Happy Restauration; but with how little Justice the Reader may partly ob­serve by Doctor Turner, and Sir William Thomson's Certificate, Two of the Arbitrators that determined the Differences between the two Companies at con­cluding the peace that was made between the two Na­tions in the aforesaid Usurpers time; a true Copy whereof followeth.

AND as for my proceeding thither, the 16 th. July departed hence with what Soldiers and Ser­vants I thought convenient, to carry along with me to the Number of Forty, with whom I went down to the Qualla of Indrapoura, where I found Orran Caq Lillam Rajah with the Mandareenes and People of Mauduta, to the Number of about Four Hundred, who were then going to pay their Respects to the Manumcabbo his two Sons Ampitwan Doa Sella; and so accompanied me to Batan Capass; and having then three Sloops in the Road, did order them to meet me, and make the best of their way thither, for bet­rer carrying on of our settlement there; My self set­ting forward by Land towards the Emperours Sons, who waited our coming at Pangason; and from thence we proceeded to Batan Capass with the Princes and Mandareenes, &c. of Banda Sapeula to the Number of above Two Thousand: And in Five Dayes time arri­ved with me at Batan Capass, and ordered me to settle where I thought most convenient, notwithstand­ing the Dutch were come to settle there, and had pit­ched themselves on the other side the River three Dayes before upon a small Rock, and were very busie to fence themselves against any Enemy that should oppose them. Notwithstanding the Emperour and Mandereenes ordered them to withdraw, declaring to [Page 180] them that the Countrey was given by them to His Majesty the King of England, for the use of the Ho­nourable English East-India Company, and that the Dutch never had had any such grant from the Empe­rour of Mamuncabbo for their Residence there. The same day we arrived, the Dutch sent us a Protest, the Contents whereof was to advise us to be careful of the Mallayans, and if they did cut us off, or otherwise do us any harm, we must not impute it to them, seeing we were good Friends and at Peace one with ano­ther; alledging also, that we did them great injustice by settling at Bencoolen and Indrapoura, which (as they said) was formerly given to them. In answer to which, in two dayes after, I returned them another Protest, as appears by a Copy of the same Dated the 31 st. July 1686. Next having resolved on a place which we thought most convenient and commodious, We first brought our Guns and Ammunition on shoar, and planted them round our House, which we found ready put up in the place; and the next day the Em­perour, his two Sons, &c. Mandareens, did hoist up His Majesties Flag with their own Hands, and then we all fell to work for a Pallasado our selves in, which ac­cordingly we did finish in few dayes time: The Dutch in the mean time continually using their utmost endea­vours both by Night and Day, to fortifie themselves so strong as they could; to which end they brought two Sloops into the River, just before the place where we were setled; and in the largest Sloop the Chief of them did most commonly reside, having on Board and on shoar with him near One Hundred and Fifty Dutch­men and Mustezees, besides Mallayans and other Na­tions. In this posture of Defence we both lay almost Three Weeks; All which time neither side did molest [Page 181] each other: Notwithstanding all the while the Dutch were urgent with their Mallayans to set upon us; but seeing they would not effect their designed ends by such perswasions as they had used, withdrew all their Mallayans and most part of their Dutchmen, about Three Leagues distance to the Northward; intending (as the Emperour and his People thought) to go further into the Country, and to destroy it, and the Houses thereof, but especially the Town of Battan Capass: To prevent the same, the Manumcabbo and his two Sons withdrew themselves and their force from me, excepting about Sixty or Seventy Mallayans they left to keep their Works. The next day after the Em­perour and his force had withdrew themselves, (it be­ing Fryday the 20 th August, which is constantly their Market day) several of the Countrey People having brought Provisions to sell, there being a very conside­rable number together Buyers and Sellers, with others fighting of Cocks, the Dutch took that opportunity in hopes of making a great slaughter, to terrifie the people, and to discourage them from coming near us, or to bring any Provisions for us; they fired one of the biggest Guns they had, which was loaden with a dou­ble headed shot; but missing the mark (which I suppose they aimed at) luckily, instead of hitting the people it struck against a Tree very near to our Palisadoes, and there broke in two, one piece whereof was kept to shew the Emperour the other for me when I returned at Night, being gone that day to accompany the Emperour at Battan Capass, with whom (at his request) I left two Englishmen and a Moorman with the English Co­lours, whom they promised to protect, and that no­thing should be wanting to them; at which the said Englishmen were well satisfied and continued with [Page 182] them. The next Morning I sent Mr. Samuel Worley Serjeant to know the Reasons why they fired over our Factory and at our People, and withal to tell the Chief, that I should send the piece to His Majesty the King of England, and acquaint His Majesty how they abused His Subjects here: The Chief not being there, told his Message to an Ensign (that was left there as Chief until the other returned) who answered as fol­loweth, I wonder you should take so much notice of one or two Shots; (and pointing with his Finger to a parcel that lay near him, said he) We have a great many more of them: And accordingly to make his Words good, the same Afternoon Saturday the 21 th. did fire two shots more in the same Nature as the others, by which means our Mallayans were so terrified, that the grea­ter part of those which were left, went away from us; and they perceiving of it that few were left with us, the same Night by Boats and Prows brought back all their Mallayans, &c. landed them by day light the next Morning at their own settlement, and presently after­wards embarqued themselves in the said Boats with a considerable quantity of Dutchmen along with them, carrying what force they could make, and so landed them on our side with fireing of several great Guns from their Sloop, beside small shot, running with all the force and fury they could, upon those few Mallayans we had left us, who were standing by Three small Guns without our Pallasadoes, which they fired, and so run away, the Dutch pursuing of them for a short time, then stood and drew up all their Mallayans toge­ther, and returning came upon us, standing at the entrance of our Pallasadoes; at which time Mr. Mackalon their Chief called from the other side to me, saying Mr. Potts, Mr. Potts, run away run away, or [Page 183] else the Mallayans will kill you, make haste, be gone: Yet notwithstanding all his words of terrour, we were not affrighted, but only desired he would give us time; at which instant the Dutch forced their Mallay­ans upon us; but they not willing to enter, the aforesaid Ensign came in the Head of them, and rushing by us brought in all the Mallayans with above Forty Dutch­men in the Rear, forcing them along to enter in; which accordingly they did, and the Dutchmen followed; which were no sooner in our Pallisadoes, but said to me and all the rest of us, if we did offer to enter in a­gain, we must expect to be knockt on the Head. So presently after they all fell to plundering, as well the Dutch as the Mallayans, and any thing that appeared somewhat of worth, was by them and their Order, carryed over the Water into their own Fortification, and delivered into the possession of their Chief; as all of us did plainly see with our own Eyes: And I am sure, every Englishman that was there present, will swear the same. And in the time while they were doing this, a Dutchman went and struck His Majesty of England His Flagg; and when it was down, the Dutch with the rest of those they commanded, did in the presence both of them and us, and all others there, tear them in pie­ces; we not being able to withstand the same, by rea­son of the multitude they brought along with them; who did also carry away out of our Fortification, all things of worth and value, into their own; making havock of the remainder, and afterwards set fire to the Houses belonging to us: And after all these abuses had happened, the aforesaid Ensign with others, by Order of their Chief, came and desired me to go on the other side, promising me when I should come there, all things which could be got out of the Mallayans Hands, should [Page 184] be delivered us again; which accordingly I did accept, and with their Boat went over, where at the Water side Mr. Mackalon the Chief did receive me and desired me to sit down while the Water served to go on Board; and in the mean time would see to procure a­gain from the Mallayans, so much Merchandize, Goods, Plate, and other of our things as they could get; which they were so far from performing what they promised, that I having but one small Leather Case wherein I had Two or Three Suits of Cloaths, with the Honourable Companies Seal, and some of their Cash; one of my own Servants having got it clear over the Water where the Hollanders resided; and ha­ving sat down with it a little while, two Dutchmen came and took it from him, and carryed it into their Fortification; where after they had cut it open, and plundered what best things were in it, they retur­ned it to me again, with some few things not worth the notice. After which, I asked the Chief for our Goods and Merchandize, Plate and Money, Guns and Ammunition; This Answer Mr. Mackalon him­self made me; That as to our Goods and Merchandi­zes, Plate and Money, or whatsoever belonging to the Honourable East-India Company or their Servants, it was fallen into the Hands of the Mallayans, and they could not force it from them, the same being as free prize and plunder to them; but for the Guns he would endeavour to get them again if I would leave one of our Sloops to bring them away; which accordingly I did, and promised as a reward Twenty Dollers for the Care and pain of those that should bring them on Board: But after I was gone from thence, and had left one sloop on purpose to bring them away; the Master going on shore, demanded them of Mr. Macka­lon; [Page 185] who told him the Mallayans would not part with them under Five Hundred pieces of Eight. Notwithstanding the Commander of their Ship told our Men, they were on board their Sloop which lay in the River; So our Sloop came away without them; said Mackalon told me at Departure, that himself in short time would be with me at Indrapoura. So having the Honoura­ble Companies Souldiers and Servants on board, made the best of our way for said Port, where we Arrived the 25th. of August.

Thus far I have given you an Account of what passed in General; as to particulars must referre you to those who have been Spectators and losers so well as my self.

But the Dutch say in their Printed Treatise, they came thither three dayes before us; To which we answer briefly.

First, If they did, it was purposely to hinder us; because they had Pepper enough at their own places, and more then they know what to do with.

Secondly, If they came first, they came wrongful­ly, because they came with Arms to Erect a Fortress upon the King of Englands ground.

Thirdly, If they had any pretence of Right on that side of the River they were on, they might have stayed there peaceably, the English did not mo­lest them, notwithstanding they had no right to be there.

Fourthly, Its manifest they had no pretence of Right, because they did not produce any to the Em­perors two Sons while they were present upon the place.

Fifthly, If they had had the justest Title in the World, they ought not to have used Hostility; That being a direct breach of the Treaty Marine, Anno 1674-75. by which all dammages done by either Compa­ny are to be adjusted by Commissioners in Europe.

But this going to Batan Capass of the Dutch, is but an old practise of theirs, to hinder other Nations in Amity with them. For so, when the French Fleet Arrived in India before the War begun, the Batavi­ans by Consultation of the 30th. of April, 1672. Sent presently to the Island of Banca, to set up the Dutch Flag there, hoping thereby (as they say in that Con­sultation) that the French might alter their enterprize, though they had no Flag there before; and if the Dutch [Page 190] had done no more at Batan Capass we should have had the less cause to complain, except of their insatiable Avarice; but to proceed to Hostility as they did at Batan Capass is abominable.

Now to turn the Tables, and shew how directly contrary the English treated the Dutch at Pryaman; the real truth of that case is this: The English Com­pany being expelled from Bantam by the Dutch pra­ctises before-mentioned, thought it their bounden duty to His Majesty, not tamely to forego all the Pepper Trade, for fear of a little charge, as their An­cestors did the other Spice Trade after the Dutch had forced them from Banda, Amboyna, &c. did send an Em­bassy to the Queen of Atcheen to settle a Trade with her Subjects for Pepper, and built a Fort in her Coun­trey.

But while the said Embassadors were at Atcheen on that occasion, some of the Orran Kays or Princes of Pryaman and Teco came thither on their own accords unsent for, and applyed themselves to the said English Embassadors or Envoys, and acquainted them, that their Countreys (as the truth is) afforded more Pepper than the Queen of Atcheen's; and the English should not onely be wellcome to Trade with them, but to build a Fort in any part of their Countrey. Upon which the English Envoys told the Oran Kays of Pry­aman and Teco, That if they would go to Fort St. George, or send thither some persons sufficiently autho­rized, they might better make their Contract with the English President and Council there, then with them, who were but Servants to the said President and Coun­cil; and accordingly some of the said Oran Kays au­thorized by the rest did go over to Fort St. George, in an equipage suitable to the occasion, with very many [Page 191] attandants; and did there make an absolute Agree­ment, and conveyed unto His Majesty for the use of His East-India-Company, the Soveraignty of Pry­aman, and as much of the ground thereunto adjoining, as might be contained within the Ramble of a Shot from a piece of Ordnance. Whereupon Two or Three Ships, and Three or Four Sloops were immedi­ately prepared and furnished with Souldiers; and all materials necessary for a Fortified Settlement. But a day before the said Ships and Vessels should have sailed for Pryaman, the President and Council at Fort St. George Received advice from the King of Ben­coolen, that he was willing and extreamly desirous, the English would settle and Fortifie in His Countrey. Upon which after all the Orders were perfected for Pryaman, The President and Council by Postscript or­dered the Fleet and Soldiers, &c. designed thither, to proceed first to Bencoolen, being supposed the windmost Port, and settle that place. All this preparation where­in so many were concerned, could not be so secretly carryed, but that the Dutch had notice of it; and thereupon sent Eight or Ten Soldiers, and Twenty or Thirty pitiful black Fellows, to take possession of Pry­aman; who built there a small Booth or Cajan-house, landed Five or Six small Guns, and inclosed some Ground with a slight Pallisadoe. After which one of the smaller of the Companies Ships coming to Pryaman, upon a Presumption that the English were setled there, found those few Dutch in the posture before-mentio­ned. Notwithstanding with Forty or Fifty of the English under the Command of James Jenifer second Mate and Purser of the said Ship, marched into the said Dutch inclosure as far as their Booth, with their Arms fixed; and could have taken possession of the said [Page 192] Inclosure with as much ease as Ten Men could beat One; not only because they were much stronger, and were within the Dutch Guns; But also because the Dutch Soldiers themselves (such as they were being most Blacks) came to them and told them they had no Shot in their Guns or small Arms: And that if they came to take the place, desired them they would shoot no Bullets as they were resolved not to do themselves, but to submit to the English. Notwithstanding which, and the previous Right before mentioned, which the King of England hath to that place; The English (af­ter having drank His Majesty the King of England's Health, with the Prince of Orange's, the States Gene­ral's, and the two Companies) left the place peaceably, telling the Chief they had no Order to make War, but to leave the Right of that place to be determined else­where, which ought to be by Commissioners on both sides in Europe according to the Treaty of 1674-75.

But one Circumstance is fit to be added, viz. In treating with the Oran Kayes aforesaid at Fort St. George, The English President asked them seriously whether they were under any Obligation to the Dutch? Which they positively denyed, assuring the President, &c. that the Dutch had no Residence in their Country, not so much as a Factory, House, or Lodge; as was most true at that time: And for further certainty of their Allegiance to His Majesty said, If there were any scattering Dutchmen in their Countrey they would cut their Throats before the English came thither. But the President told them, That would be an abomina­ble Act in the sight of the true God whom they Wor­shipped (being Mahometans;) and that the Dutch were the Companies Friends and Christians, and there­fore he would have nothing to do with them if they [Page 193] offered any violence or hurt to any Dutchman that might be in their Countrey upon any occasion. And this is the very Truth and the whole Case of Pryaman as the English do a vouch upon their Faith and Allegi­ance to God and His Majesty, to their Knowledge or Belief. And how contrary this is to the Dutch practice in all times, any indifferent Reader of any Nation will easily judge.

But not to let this special Matter of Fact pass with­out some Testimony upon Oath, We have added true Copies of two Affidavits relating thereunto, Viz.

By this time the Reader will be able to judge, Whe­ther His Majesty had not the greatest Reason by His Envoy the Marquiss of Albeville, to demand satisfa­ction for all the aforesaid wrongs and abuses done to His Subjects in India; and to insist upon the Restituti­on of Pryaman, and Batan Capass as well as Bantam.

And if any doubt can yet remain with any of the Honourable Lords States of the Netherlands, of the Truth of the English East-India Companies Com­plaints, and of their Affirmations concerning the Dutch Practices and Designs; the English Company desires no more Vindication in their Lordships Breasts, then such as they may find by impartial private Conference with any honest plain hearted Dutchman that under­stands India; or any indifferent Frenchman, Dane, or Portugueez.

The Dutch Company in their Treatise Page 53. of the Amsterdam Copy, say the Case of Bantam is now much altered, That King being become their Debtor Six Hundred Thousand Rix Dollars; and so if they will shew their own Books, It will (we suppose) by them appear, that the King of Zeilon is in their Debt Four times that Summe; The Queen of Atcheen For­ty [Page 198] Thousand Pound Sterling; and many more such Debtors Kings and Princes they have; Amboyna it self being not quite out of their Debt in 1672. Their Custom being, when they beat any Indian King from his own Coast, make a War upon him, or build a Fortress by his own consent, or betray him into a War (for their own ends) to his utter ruine, To make such King Debtor not only for all the Char­ges (according to a large Estimate they accustomarily make of them) but for every Man that dies or is kil­led in the Service, Whites at Thirty Pounds per Head, Blacks at Twenty Pounds, as we have heard; but we are not so certain of the Rates, as we are of the manner of their Accompting with such circumven­ted Princes.

Page 40. They say the King of Bantam wrote to the Governour of Batavia not to consent to withdraw their Forces and forsake him, &c. which we verily believe he did, and durst never do otherwise, since they were Masters of him; but write or set his Hand to any thing they commanded: And so did the ruina­ted Kings of Macassar write the Governour of Bata­via very thankful Letters for his and Spillman's kind­ness to them after many Thousand Souls that submit­ted, were set upon an Island (where there was nei­ther Meat nor Water) to starve or eat up one ano­ther as they did. But that story is so black, that we are loath to relate it at large, and had much rather such as desire to know the Truth would inform themselves from Dutchmen that were present at that Action, many of whom are yet alive.

[Page 199] Page 46. They say the English for many Years made it their business, to entice away their Men in Bengall. The Truth whereof is plainly this; Com­manders of Ships, Dutch as well as English, when they want Seamen in India by reason of Deaths or Runa­wayes, are alwayes willing to fill up their Compa­nies by entertaining any Seamen that willingly proffer themselves to service, and when such men are on Board Ships on either side, the deficient Commanders are willing to hide or keep them: But we say, the Dutch East-India Company is very much more to blame for that Practice, because some of their Chiefs on shoar have avowed the doing thereof, which we do not remember that ever the English Chiefs did, either at Fort St. George or elsewhere; although it may be true, that the Dutch do lose more of their Seamen in that manner than the English; for which there is a plain reason in Nature which every Body understands, viz. Where there is the most hardship or oppression infli­cted on Sailers, there will alwayes be the most Run­awayes. We shall offer for truth of this Paragraph Copies of Captain Bowers and his Officers, and Cap­tain Owens Affidavit, Viz.

Page 47. The Dutch would extenuate the injuries done to the English at Macassar, by saying, they were done before the Peace could be known in India; (which is not improbable) but most certainly that action at Macassar was done after the ratification of the Peace at Bredah, 1667. And if the Peace since concluded, viz. that of 1674. should cut off the English Companies right to demand satisfaction for the wrongs and injuries suffered there, (which is not granted) by the burning of their Factory, carrying away their goods, and their Servants Prisoners to Ba­tavia (where some of them dyed through hard usage) why should all this hinder the English East-India-Company, or any other Europeans from Trading with such of the Soveraign Kings of Macassar as never [Page 203] were subdued, or have since cast off their subjection to the Dutch; and are now (or lately were) in open Hostility against them, as well as in the full exercise of their own Soveraign Authority?

Secondly, If it were not evidently the Dutch Com­panies design to exclude all Nations from Trade, why should they in those Articles of Macassar exclude the Portugueez with whom they were then in Amity?

Thirdly, We verily believe, it will not be hard to prove (when this matter falls under a serious debate.) That the Dutch Companies War against the Macas­sars, was purposly made to drive the English from that place; The Dutch Company having long endea­voured to drive all other Europeans from any vicinity to their ill got darling Spice Trade; And yet, ac­cording to our professed sincerity, we will not deny that the Dutch Company have more to say for them­selves in this case by reason of the time it happened to be done in, than they can pretend in any of the for­mer Cases.

Page 48. The Dutch Company say, The English Deputies in their reply did calumniate the Dutch Companies conduct, after so odious a manner, that the English Commissioners (meaning the Lords Com­missioners Decisors) were constrained to abhor and manifest their discontent thereof.

To which we say, Their Lordships are able to vin­dicate their own honour, which is better approved and known to the World than to be impaired by the Pen of any Dutch Advocate. And for the East-India Company, They have now exposed all their Papers to the censure of the World; not doubting but that it will appear to all unbiassed persons, they have said [Page 204] nothing but what becomes them, and is exactly con­sonant to truth, and the nature of their oppressions: And if they had said less, they had betrayed the In­terest of their Soveraign, and their common Coun­try, as well as the trust reposed in them by the East-India Adventurers.

Page 49. The Dutch demand Thirteen Thousand Nine Hundred Pounds for Freight of the four Ships carrying the English Companies Goods from Bantam to Batavia: To which we say,

First, If the English Companies goods were so con­siderable as to deserve Thirteen Thousand Nine Hun­dred pounds, for carrying them from Bantam to Ba­tavia (about Twenty Leagues) upon Ships that must have gone thither if they had had no such unfortunate loadings; How great must the English Companies dammage be that were at that time the injured Owners of those goods!

Secondly, We say, That the dammage wrong­fully done to that One injured Ship the Bengal Mer­chant in the Gulph of Persia, was much more (in the judgement of any indifferent Merchant) than all the Freight of those Four Ships could amount unto, being bound to go from Bantam to Batavia, if they had had no such Loadings on board them.

Page 27. Toward the end of the said Treatise they say, However this is undeniable, That our men now lately at Bengal did the English, a signal ser­vice; For when they were in a great extremity, and the Moors had deprived them of all means of Livelihood; Then by our Mediation and Interces­sion the business was brought to a Cessation of all Acts of Hostility for a time: So far was it from [Page 205] our intent to Plot or Cause any harm to come to them; for if it had been so, never fairer opportu­nity was put into the hands of any than in that business of Bengal; wherein the English (besides the loss of Hundreds of their Men) would have sus­tained irreparable dammage in their Estates and Occasions.

To which we say, If we had not been long accu­stomed to such strange extravagant assertions from the Dutch Company, we should be astonished that any men in their wits should have the forehead to offer to the High and Mighty Lords the States General and Publish to the World, such a prodigious and pal­pable untruth. The true Case at Bengal being really this; The English Company had there a very conside­rable Fleet, Among which Two Ships mounted with Seventy Two Guns each, viz. The Beaufort and the Rochester, and the Nathaniel mounted with Fifty Two Guns; besides several smaller Ships, and War-Sloops: On board all which, and with their Souldi­ers on Shoar at Hughly, they had near Fifteen Hundred Fighting Men: But notwithstanding this strength, they designed no War with the Mogulls Subjects, if they could obtain their Right by Treaty; and His Majesties Orders, and His East-India-Companies were expresly, that if it must come to a War, not to begin the War at Hughly: But the Mogul's great Governour at Decca (commonly called the Nabob) having sent down se­veral Troops of Horse and Foot to Hughly, (of his standing Army) and they finding their numbers to be considerable, grew insolent, and pickt a quarrel with some of the English Souldiers in the Market place or Buzar, and wounded Two or Three of them; whereof one afterwards dyed. Upon which the [Page 206] English Captains and Soldiers were so enraged, that notwithstanding the Orders aforesaid not to begin the War at Hughley; the Companies Agent and Council found themselves under some necessity to give their Souldiers leave to revenge their fellow Souldiers Lives, which they did with such courage that they beat all the Nabobs Souldiers before them like a flock of Sheep: pursued them to their Mount or Fort, where they made no considerable resistance; took that, dismount­ed their Guns, &c. And while the English souldiers were so far advanced, some of the Natives set fire to the Cajan Houses (which will as easily burn as thatch or dry sticks) thinking thereby (as we suppose) to obstruct the English Souldiers retreat to their Factory, which was Fortified with some great Guns. The Eng­lish killed about an hundred in the fight and might have killed Thousands if they would; for after the first or second assault, the Natives turn'd their backs and did not so much as look behind them; and might as easily have been destroyed as Sheep in a Penn. Be­sides which, in the Evening the Companies War Sloops came up with the Tide, and fired all night upon the remainder of the Town: So that never men could be more miserable than the unfortunate in­habitants of Hughly then were: And all the Dutch Factors, Souldiers and Seamen, were so inconsidera­ble in Hughly at that time, that they were as much at the English Mercy (and all the Shipping they had then in the Ganges) as the Natives themselves. In this miserable Condition Abdull Gunny the Nabob's Go­vernour of Hughly, and others of the best of the Natives, applyed themselves to the Dutch Chief and Council to intercede with the English Agent and Council for a Cessation of Arms, until they could have [Page 207] Order from the Nabob to satisfie the English demands: which the English Agent and Council granted at the Intercession of the Dutch; for which they have been since blamed (as they well deserved) by the Gover­nour and Committees in England. And it is further to be observed that notwithstanding the English strength at that time and place, and the fury of the Souldiers; yet the English were so farr from endea­vouring to expel the Dutch from Hughly, or to for­bid them Trade after a certain limited time (as the Dutch did the English at Metchelpatam aforesaid) that they did not (in the height of their success) of­fer the least affront, or give any unkind word to any Dutchman. And further, that God Almighty was so pleased to bless the English endeavours to recover their just Rights; that in the conflict aforesaid there was but one Englishman killed: and the English Agent Writes, that of about Four Hundred English Souldiers he had ashore, he lost but Eleven in seven months killed or by any other accident or sickness; which is an extraordinary thing in that Countrey. Besides, it is observable, that the Dutch Chief and Council, when they came to intercede for the Cessa­tion aforesaid, they began their discourse with telling the English Agent and Council, they came to congra­tulate the great victory God had given them over their Enemies.

The Relation is so true, that we believe no honest Dutchman (then in Bengal) will deny any part of it; and it is impossible but it should be known to the Dutch Company in Holland before the said Treatise was Writ; since by their own Ships the English Company Received a Letter from Abdull Gunny, the Native Governour at Hughly, Writ in Portugueez, [Page 208] and (as we suppose) by advice of the Dutch Chief and Council, because that Letter was carefully sent the English Governour from Holland by one of the most considerable of the Dutch Bewinthebbers (or Com­mittee-Men.) In which, Abdull Gunny Writes the English Company here, that the Natives had suffered by fire and plunder of the English Souldiers above Ten Millions, (we suppose he means of Rupees the lowest species of Money there, which may amount to about One Million of pounds Sterling) and beseeches the Company most earnestly for Gods sake, and for the sake of Religion that they would find a way to compose those differences; which latter expression is not the usual stile of those people, and therefore we conclude, was dictated by some European as afore­said.

If the Truth of the aforesaid Relation needed any judicial confirmation, we could produce Hundreds of Affidavits from honest men that were upon the place; but that one which follows will be sufficient to con­vince all Gainsayers.

The Pages of the aforesaid Treatise beginning a­gain about the middle of the Book, (which is of two parts,) the Reader will observe, that the lower num­ber of Pages we are now at, are in the second part of the Amsterdam Copy. Where in Page the 14 and 15. They say, and what concerns Bencoolen, it is true, the English some years past, came with their Forces and possessed themselves thereof, under pretext that the old King of Bantam had, during the Civil Wars (in which he was taken prisoner) granted to them free Trading and Habitation at Syllabar; but being driven out of the last place by the forces of the King that now reigneth in Bantam, they retired to Bencoolen, and built a Fortress there; where they yet keep their abode; and from thence did transport and Wrest out of our hands a very considerable part of Pepper. We say Wrested, Forasmuch as it was by Contract with Bantam made over to us, whereby although they have intruded into what belonged unto us to our great detriment, yet we will pass that by as not being igno­rant that such manner of Contracts and Obligations made with Princes in Those Countreys, where we have [Page 213] only Lodges or Factories do give us no full Right actu­ally to hinder other Nations for to buy and transport their Commodities; but must leave it to the disposal of him that is Lord and Master of those Countries.

This Confession comes near to the truth, but is not the whole Truth, (as has been before and will here­after be further demonstrated;) and yet by this con­fession, they must own not only our Right at Bencoolen, but themselves in the wrong intirely at Indrapoura, where they had neither Factory, Lodge nor Dutch­man; and where the English had settled and fortified themselves, not only with the consent, but to the great joy, of seven Soveraign Kings. And this con­fession will by consequence, convict them of doing in­jury, and unjustly seating themselves at Pryaman; and more especially at Batan Capass, after those Kings had surrendred their Countrey to His Majesty, and came in person to avow their doing it to the Dutch-Men themselves; and the Dutch Chief then present, did not so much as urge for his excuse any previous Contract with those Kings, or any defect of Title those Kings had so to Convey their Countrey unto His Majesty His Heirs and Successors for the use of His Ma­jesty's East-India-Company, which doubtless he would have done, if he had known of any such Right or pretences, which have been since invented to excuse that villanous act. Besides, supposing the pretences to excuse that act which are now made in the aforesaid Treatise were not inventions but realities; such real grounds or pretences of Contracts, can never justifie the Dutch for using force and arms against the Eng­lish in a time of peace, for matters which its confessed ought by the Treaty of 1674-75. to have been amicably determined by Commissioners on both sides in Europe: [Page 214] And it is very well known to the Kings Majesty now reigning, and all the Honourable Lords then of His Majesties most Honourable Privy Council, that when the English Company had been at the cost of about One Hundred Thousand pounds, for fitting out a Fleet of three and twenty Sail of great Ships, with about one thousand Land Souldiers, and some of the said Fleet were departed, and others advanced on their Voyage as far as the Downs; The Dutch Embassa­dors prevailed with his late Majesty, and the Lords then Ministers, to command the English Company to for­bear recovering Bantam by Arms, upon this very ground, That by Treaty aforesaid of 1674-75. such matters and differences in India ought not to be de­termined by Arms, but by Commissioners as afore­said; and the distinction which the Dutch would make between the Maliayans and their own people, in doing that mischief at Batan Capass, every one knowes is a distinction, without a difference; those Mallayans being their hyred Servants, as ap­pears by the Protest and Affidavit aforesaid re­lating to that business: For if the Dutch should be accountable onely for what they do by Na­tive Dutchmen, there would be found very few of them in India to be accompted with, besides Merchants, Nine Tenth parts of their force in India, such as it is, being by Computation of For­reigners, or a mixture of all European Nations as well as Natives, Macassars, Buggesses, Ballees, Turnatteens, Javans, Mallayans, Madagascar Slaves, Topasses, or black Portugueez, which will serve any Nation for Money.

[Page 215] Page 26. Of the latter Treatise they say, The Netherland's Company has with a few inconsiderable Potentates or Princes made Contracts over a privative or seclusive Traffick of some kinds of Wares which their Countrey did yield, but if the English Company should maintain this to be an unlawful thing, they must condemn their own doings, and so as it were pro­nounce sentence against what themselves have done in former times, and of which many Examples may be alledged. Now if the English Company have made such Contracts sometimes without, and sometimes to­gether with us when we were in a near League, Anno 1619. And some years following as may be seen and will appear in the publick Testimonies, and when the English Company had such Contracts with us together, then according to their sentiment it was lawful and good, But now the Netherland's Company do the same without them as having no Communion or Fellowship with them in the least in the Indies, ought they not to call to memory that in former times the English Mer­chants had the whole Traffick of the Caviar which Rushland or Muscovy did yield, and to come yet closer to them have they not made in the Indies and yet daily seek to make such Contracts especially on the Coast of Malabar.

To which we answer with Truth and Impartia­lity:

First, That when that Treaty was concluded between the Dutch and English 1619, in the peaceable Reign of King James the First, it was ma­naged in England on the Dutch's part by that Worthy Incomparable Person Hugo Grotius, and we believe with an upright intent in him, and the High and Migh­ty Lords States that imployed him in that Negotiation. [Page 216] But how the Dutch Company immediately upon the Conclusion of that Treaty contrary to the Lords States upright intention turned the use of it in such a manner (as we believe the Dutch Company would not have us remember, though it be upon Record in many Printed Books) as to screw the English by Force and Fraud, out of all the Trade of the Spice Islands, which is of more Value and Advantage than the whole Trade of India besides.

2. To come nearer and close to the Question, We say, it is lawful for the Dutch or any Nation to make such exclusive Contracts, and to secure the performance of such Contracts by a Fort or Factory; But if any Prince or People having made such Contracts with any Nation (suppose the Dutch) and the Dutch do not build any Fort or Factory in such Princes Countrey, nor (it may be) come in Seven Years after to buy his Commodity, or will not pay him for his Commodity but at lower Rates, or in Truck for worse Goods, or for any other Cause grow weary of such Contract: and the English be invited, or come thither purposely, to bargain with him; and by his Consent, (he being Lawful Soveraign) do build a Fort or Factory in his Countrey; We say in such case, if the Dutch do by Fraud or hiring of Cut-throats (Black People) or by open Force endeavour to destroy the English, or any other Nation so settled, such Practice is a violation of Natural Right, Destroyes the Peace established by Treaties, and is of the same Nature as open War.

3. To make use of the Instance mentioned in the aforesaid Treatise, Page 27. True it is the English had by Contract formerly the sole Traffick of Caviar in Rushia by agreement with the Emperour of Vosco; but suppose (as it happened) the Emperour grew [Page 217] weary of this Contract with the English, for any Cause just or unjust, and that he had sent for the Dutch and agreed with them, for all that Commodity for the fu­ture: We say (with submission) in this very case it would have been notoriously unjust in the sence of all Christian Nations for the English to have made War upon the Dutch for that sole Cause.

4. We say in Fact, That notwithstanding the law­fulness of making such Contracts, the English did ne­ver attempt to hinder by Arms any Nation from Tra­ding with any Company or People whatsoever, where they had only a Factory, how great soever that Factory were.

5. We say, the English, where they have a Fort, did never attempt to hinder any Nation from Tra­ding with any People out of the reach of their own Guns; much less from Trading with any Prince upon the same Island or Continent, that had Sovereign Power in his own Dominions, in whose Dominions they had neither Fort nor Factory.

6. We say the English did never deny the Dutch Refreshment at any of their Forts; but have often entertained them, when missing the Cape by bad Wea­ther, they came to St. Hellena in great Extremity, and were relieved in all their wants with the same kindness as they could have been by their own Fathers or Bro­thers: But the Dutch have often (though not always) denyed the English Company Refreshment even of Water, when they have been in great distress, as particularly and lately the Ship Pryaman at Porcat when there was on Board her many Passengers, Men, Women and Children ready to perish for want only of that cheap but necessary Refreshment Water, as appears by Mr. Thomas Michel's and Captain Ʋnkettle's [Page 219] Letters of 5 th. Feb. 1686-87 wherein the Expressions a­gainst the Dutch Cruelty are so harsh, that we for­bear to recite them in terminis, but the Originals are ready to be produced.

Page 27. They take upon them to know very par­ticularly and specially, what Powers and Authorities His Majesty now Reigning (whom God long preserve) has granted His present Priviledged East-India Com­pany; but they betray their Ignorance therein in gi­ving so lame an Accompt of that matter; which for their better Information, we shall assure them, there is no Power or Authority whatsoever to the Exercise of Soveraign Power in India under His Majesty, or otherwise, that was ever granted to the Dutch Com­pany by their present or former Oct-troy; but His Majesty hath been graciously pleased to grant the same Powers to His present East-India Company for the good and benefit of His Kingdoms.

His Majesty having observed by His great Experi­ence that it is impossible for His Subjects of the East-India Company to support the English Dominion in India against the Continual Unwarrantable Designs of the Dutch, except the English Company be Armed and intrusted with the same Extent of Power and Authori­ty which the Dutch Company have, and may lawfully enjoy from and under their Sovereigns the High and Mighty Lords, the States General.

Page 29. They bring up again that Trifle of an Argument which hath been bafled a Hundred times in former Debates; and is fit only to be urged to Wo­men and Children; their Words are, If then it de­serve to be judged Injustice, Violence, and Oppres­sion [Page 218] in us by lawful means to seek in one and the other Countrey, out or beyond Europe, to get and appropriate to our selves the Trade thereof: Then we know not how possibly the English can be judg'd blameless considering what they have done in Caro­lina, Virginia, New-England, and elsewhere; Countreys of that vast Extent, that all which the Netherlandish Company doth possess in East-India is not to be compared thereunto.

To which we Reply,

First, It's confessed by all Nations, That all Sove­raigns within their own Dominions where they have Subjects and Exercise Soveraign Rights, may make what Laws they please.

Secondly, It is acknowledged before in this Answer, and must be confessed by all Nations; that whatever is just between Nations in Amity in Europe, is equally just in both Indies, and whatever is unjust in Europe, is equally unjust in India: But it is confessed, the King of England hath a Multitude of His Native Subjects in Carolina, Virginia, New-England, Jamaica, Bar­badoes, Mevis, and other Islands in the West-Indies; in all which His Majesty justly exercises plenary Sove­raign Power, and therefore may make what Laws he thinks fit for the Government of those places; and so may the Dutch do likewise in Batavia, Malacca, Co­chin, and in other places; but in those, and so far on­ly, as they have the full Exercise of Soveraign Power, not the pretence of a Right to the Soveraign Power, where they have neither Habitation nor Subjects; but peradventure a piece of Paper signed by some body that calls himself an Orankay or a Raja, a dozen or more of which may be had from abundance of those poor Men for a small Reward, with what words the [Page 220] Purchaser pleaseth to put into those Writings.

Thirdly, We say that by the Laws of Nations and Natural Right and consent of Nations, no Fort upon a Pass, or upon part of an Island, where some part of the said Island remains under the Soveraignty of the same Prince, can hinder any Nation in Amity with the Soveraign of that part of the Island where the Fort is built, from Trading with the People on the other part of the Island, or with the Subjects of another Prince on the same Island: For Instance, St. Christo­pher's Island in the West-Indies, is possest partly by the English, and partly by the French; each in subjection to their Respective Sovereigns: Now we say, while His Majesty and the French King are engaged in League of Amity, if His Majesty pleaseth to admit the Dutch or any other Foreign Nation in Amity with His Majesty, to Trade to His part of the Island of St. Christophers, the French King cannot by Jus Gentium hinder the Dutch from Trading with his Subjects; (and the like vice versa.) By which Rule it will evi­dently appear, the English Settlements were justly made according to unexceptionable Natural Right, and the Laws of all Nations, at Bencoolen and Indra­poura; and if the Dutch Company do or cause to be done any hurt or dammage to the English in those pla­ces, it will be an Injurious and Hostile Action, as is likewise the Dutch Companies hindring the English Ships from watering and refreshing at Bantam; which they have done ever since the surprize thereof; Not­withstanding they have ever since pretended that place is none of theirs, but belongs to the Young King of Bantam.

[Page 221] Page 31. They say, They suffered us to refresh our Seamen at Batavia, and to repair our Ships, which is very true, and the English Company will al­wayes acknowledge their Justice in that respect; and as they never did, so they never will fail to re­quite them with the same kindness where ever the English Company have to do: But that which follows in the same Page, is as extreamly unkind as we be­lieve it is untrue, viz. That in Case the Subjects of that State should come to request such a thing in the Caribees, Barbadoes, Virginia, or Jamaica they should not be admitted, but rather seized and con­fiscated.

Towards the Conclusion of their Treatise, they mention some little disorders committed in Batavia by the Herbert's Sailers, and the Master of a free En­glish Ship called the Madrass at Cochin, and of Cap­tain Andrews his searching a Moore's Ship in that Road; of which we never heard a Word before we saw it in print in the said Treatise; nor give any Credit to, un­til we hear from the said Captain Andrews, who is a discreet sober experienced Man, and whom we have reason to believe neither did or would do any thing but what did consist with Justice, or his Duty to His Majesty, whose Commission he had to take all Moore's Ships, though it seems by the Relation they give of it themselves he was so civil at their perswasion, to leave that Ship behind him.

We have now concluded our Reply, and Animad­versions upon the said Treatise; and (we think) made it appear beyond Contradiction, that the Dutch have done many and great Hostile Injuries to the English Company, especially since the time that with Interlo­ping [Page 223] the Rebellion of Bombay broke forth; which they thought a proper season being expert in that kind of Wisdom of knowing the times and seasons. But they ought to remember there is a double Accompt to be given for Injuries and Oppression of the Innocent: The one to God by Repentance, the other to Men by Re­stitution; without which they may (not improbably) bring a greater Judgment upon themselves than we wish, or their sagacity can foresee. Until they do which, and abandon those false Notions of Right, which their unbounded Avarice hath framed to them­selves, and which we have proved contrary to Natural Right, and the Laws of all Nations; They may for ever impunè Rob, Kill, and Destroy the English, not­withstanding the Peace between the Two Nations by the Treaty in force; which we think are as equal and just as can possibly be made or provided, if they were duly observed and obeyed by the Dutch Company, as we affirm they have ever most exactly been by the En­glish Company.

THough we have owned before (as we can never disown what is just in it self) that it is lawful for any Nation in India to make Ex­clusive Contracts with any Prince or People there, and to secure the performance of those Contracts by set­tling Factories or Forts in such Contracting Indian Prin­ces Dominions: Yet so Just and Generous are the En­glish East-India Company, that they do not only allow [Page 222] Refreshments of all kinds to the French, Dutch, Danes, Portugueez, and all Nations in Amity with our Sove­raign Lord the King, as well Natives as Europeans: But also do allow them free liberty of all manner of Trade and Commerce, and in all kind of Commodities, from and to any Port or Place in India whatsoever, as freely as the Companies own Servants, or any En­glish Free-man can or may: And also to reside at Bom­bay or Fort St. George, and to Rent or Purchase Hou­ses or Lands there; and in all Respects to have the same Liberty and Freedom for Landing or Shipping of Goods, and selling or disposing of them to whom they please, as the English themselves have, and to be in the like Capacity of being Aldermen or Burgesses of the Corporation at Fort St. George and Bombay, whatever Faith or Religion they are or may be of, as the Native English of those places are. And this we have Authority from the said Company to publish and avow in their Names to the whole World: To the intent that Merchants of all Nations may know with what Liberty Security and Freedom they may resort to both or either of those places.