The POSTSCRIPT.

I Now render you my hearty thanks for your free advice you gave me, concerning the publishing of the Argument for the Bishops Right of Judging in Capital Cau­ses in Parliament, and for asserting their civil Honours and Rights in the Government. Be­cause it hath given me an occasion, both of vin­dicating the most of the Inferiour Clergy from those Imputations which you have remembred to me, and are commonly discoursed to their disadvantage, whereby they have lost their E­steem with the People; and also of rectifying the mistakes of some (for their number is not great) who have given too much cause therein of pub­lick complaints.

You disswade me from giving any assistance to the Rights of the present Bishops, for that the Clergy out of whom the Bishops must be made, have entertained Principles that are de­structive to the Government. They affirm (you say) That it is in the Power of a Prince, by Divine Right, to govern as he pleaseth; that the power of the Laws is solely in him; that he may, if he please, use the consent of Parliaments to assist the reason of [Page 2] his Laws, when he shall give any, but it is great condescention in Kings to give a reason for what they do, and a diminution to their most unaccountable Prerogative. You say, That they are for a Po­pish Successor and no Parliament, and do as much as in them lies, give up our Ancient Government and the Protestant Religion, the true Christian Faith, to the absolute will of a Popish Successor, giving him a Divine Right to extirpate Gods true Religi­on established amongst us by Law, and to evacuate our Government by his absolute pleasure.

Our Government by a King and Estates of Parliament, is as antient as any thing can be re­membred of the Nation. The attempt of alter­ing it in all Ages accounted Treason, and the punishment thereof reserved to the Parliament by 25 Edw. 3. The conservancy of the Govern­ment being not safely to be lodg'd any where, but with the Government it self. Offences of this kind not pardonable by the King, because it is not in his power to change it. This is our Government, and thus it is established, and for Ages and immemorial time hath thus continu­ed; a long Succession of Kings have recogni­zed it to be such: And just now, when we are under the dread of a Popish Successor, some of our Clergy are illuminated into a mystery that hath been concealed from the beginning of Go­vernments to this day, from the wisdom of all Princes and Ministers of State; That any autho­rity in the Government, not derived from the King, [Page 3] and that is not to yeild to his absolute Will, was re­bellious, and against the Divine Right and Authority of Kings in the Establishment, against which no usuage or prescription to the contrary, or in abate­ment of it, is to be allowed. That all Rights are ambulatory, and depend for their continuance upon his pleasure. So that though the Reformation was made here by the Government established by Law, and hath acquired civil Rights not to be altered but by the King and the three Estates. These men yet speak (say you) as if they envied the Rights of their own Religion, and had a mind to reduce the Church back again into a state and condition of be­ing persecuted, and designed she should be stripped of her Legal Immunities and Defensatives, and brought back to the deplorable helpless condition of Prayers and Tears; do utterly abandon and neglect all the Provisions that God's providence hath made for her protection. Nay, by this their new Hypo­thesis, they put it by Divine Right into the power of a Popish Successor, when he pleaseth, at once, by a single indisputable and irresistable Edict, to destroy our Religion and Government. And these opini­ons, you say, they are the more inclined to en­tertain, for that they believe no Plot, but a Presbyterian Plot; for, of them they believe all ill, and call whom they please by that hated name, and boldly avow that Popery is more eligible than Presbytery; for by that they shall have greater Revenues, and more Authority and Rule over the Lay-men.

This is a heavy Charge, if true; but it is impu­table (I am sure) but to a few, and not so gene­rally, as some malevolent men of the Popish Faction are industriously busie to have it. For if it were, I confess it might choque the constancy, Resolution and Zeal of the most addicted to the service of the Church-men, and make them at least very indifferent in their Concerns. For these mistakes are so gross and inexcusable, that they ought, if they could perish by themselves, to be permitted to suffer the smart of their own follies, and to be corrected by the evils they are drawing down upon themselves, with their own hands. They deserve to suffer as betrayers of their own Country: To be prosecuted with greater shame and ignominy, by all of the Reformed Religion, than the Traditores were by the Antient Christi­ans: These their deserting of the true Christian Faith, being much less excusable than their fault that deserved that name, and of greater mischief, as of deeper malignity.

How many of the Clergy-men are thus misled we know not; but they seem many more than they are, because they are most in view, and come often under observation, frequent publick houses, and talk loud, because they want the Comple­ment of their Preferments.

But certainly, Sir, what you say to be the de­clared Opinions of some Clergy-men, is the busi­ness now of the Papists to propagate.

These are agreeable to, and indeed make up the most modern Project and Scheme of the Po­pish Plot.

Since the discovery of their first Design of kil­ling the King, and massacring of the Protestants, they have taken such courage, by observing how little power we have to prevent their Design, that they have us in scorn, and in the vilest con­tempt.

They now think that we are not worth de­stroying, but by our own hands; that we are not worthy of their trouble, or the charge of Executioners of their providing. How enter­taining is it to his Holiness, to find the Church of England, the impregnable Bulwark of the Reformed Religion, easily fall into his hands, by the unpresidented folly of some of her Sons, without the trouble of attacking her either by Force or Argument, which have hitherto wanted success, and such attempts always atten­ded with dishonour, and mischief to his See. How pleasant will it be to him to see us perish, and our destruction to be from our selves! With this he will answer all the irrefragable Apolo­gies of the Church of England for her de­parture from the Communion of the Romish Church. Then he will say with triumph, our Church destroyed her self, and perished by a Divine Fate, for her unwarrantable and Sacrile­gious Schism; for so he will call our Follies, and impute them to Divine infatuations. The [Page 6] manner of our destruction will be a better Ar­gument, and of more force against the Do­ctrine of the Reformation, than all the Argu­ments of all the Doctors of that Church to this day.

For this purpose, since the Discovery of the Popish Plot, it is, that Sir Robert Filmers Books were Re-printed together, and recommended by the Title-page and the Publick Gazet to our reading. Since the Discovery of the Plot, we have had variety of Books Printed to the same purpose; viz To prove that all Kings, as Kings, are absolute by Divine Right. Since the Discovery of the Popish Plot, we have had men imploy­ed to search all our antient Records and Histo­ries, to find out something more antient than our Parliaments as now constituted, that it may serve as a pretence to take them away. Since the Discovery of the Popish Plot, we have the memory of our late calamitous War revived, to raise a Panick fear of another, and to make the King believe that the genius of the Nation is Rebellious, and that the Prote­stant Religion it self is to be apprehended by Kings.

It is difficult to tell how that late unhappy War began, or how it came to issue so Tragi­cally in the Death of the late King; though we know how it ended; viz. The Nation re­covered within twelve years after the most de­plorable Death of that excellent King, into a re­nowned [Page 7] Loyalty; and in spight of a great Ar­med Power, never before foil'd, ever victorious, then kept on foot for the Interest of a very few men, restored our present King (may his Reign be long and happy) to the Government of his Kingdoms, without the least assistance of any of the Cavalier-party, and oblig'd a wary Gene­ral in the head of a factious and republican Army to Loyalty.

Nay, within that time also, the Nation had re­covered out of their partial Lapse into Fanati­cism, bred up great numbers of excellent Scho­lars, who mastered the prejudices of those times, were reverenced by the chief of the Presbyterian party, and are the beauty and strength of the Church of England at this time.

The Presbyterians themselves were grown reconcileable to the Church of England, and had learnt by woful experience the mischievous­ness of Schism, upon no better pretences than what then might have been satisfied and accom­modated.

When the King and Church were restored, Fanaticism had expired, if some old peevish and stiff Church-men had not studied obstacles against an universal Accommodation, and some crafty States-men had not projected that the continuance of the Schism would be of great service some time or other, to destroy the Church of England, and change our ancient Government; which is now apparently the Po­pish [Page 8] Plot; and if ever it be affected, it will be with this trick of affrighting the Church of England with the apprehension of Fanaticism, and making them suspicious of Parliaments. As many of them as are drawn into an opinion of the disloyalty of our late Parliaments, the illusions of the Popish Plot have passed upon them, and they are under the power of its fasci­nations. But both the Loyalty of the late Parlia­ments, and also how much it imports the Plot­ters to have it believed that they design upon the present Government, will at once be clearly understood, if it be considered what hath been done for the forging of a Protestant Plot, (which was intended at the first opening to ex­tend to the House of Commons), Things so wicked, as would make a virtuous man ashamed of the Age he lives in. But after all endeavours to find witnesses for their purpose, powerful encouragements, and great rewards, they have drawn none into their assistance, but who are publickly known for Rogues, or who wanted Bread, or had no Reputation to loose. If the falshood of this forged Plot had not been utter­ly improbable, they might have procured bet­ter seeming, and more credible witnesses. They might sure have found in this Age men bad e­nough, not already infamous, to have testified a probable Lye. But so necessary it is to the Po­pish design, that a Protestant Plot be believed, that they are not discouraged at the manifest [Page 9] detection of their Conspiracies, Perjuries and Subornations; but will still go on as if they had a power to work miracles of villany for their Re­ligion, which is no better. Our modern Politi­cians have been most observant agreeably to their virtuous make, how frauds, perjuries and violence have prospered and succeeded in some particular cases, and have brought about some designs; they imagine such means throughly multiplied, to be able to conquer all things which they design. But these Arts, which have had success by the permission of God, when one Vil­lain hath been to destroy another, will not pass upon the Protestant Religion. Let them seri­ously in time despair, and give over such enter­prises; For there is no Enchantment against Jacob, nor Divination against Israel, the Lot of Gods inhe­ritance, and his peculiar Care. If Mordecai be of the Seed of the Jews, Haman shall fall before him. It is matter of comfort to us, and despair to the Plotters, that not one of their Plots yet, but hath proved abortive, or they have been de­feated by their very success.

Besides, pray let it be observed how this De­sign of lessening our just confidence in Parlia­ments, is otherwise carried on and promoted. It is now become the principal business of the Mercenary Writers for the Plot, to pick up and cull out all the enormities and irregulari­ties of those times, the Vitia temporum, and sto­ries of wild pranks of some beastly Fanatical [Page 10] people, that exceed the common degeneracy of those ill times into which the Nation by undi­scernable degrees so fouly lapsed, to make there­of an ugly Vizard; and this they clap unduly up­on our fifths of the Nation, upon all that love and adhere to our Government and Religion, to render them suspected of destroying again the English Monarchy and the Protestant Religion, even for those very proceedings that they make for preserving both. For the service of Popery requires, that whatsoever opposes it, must be branded with Treason and Fanaticism; that such delicate persons as are fond of the name of Loyal­ty, though they understand not in what it con­sists; that hate the name of Fanatick, since it is become as common a name of reproach, as the Son of a whore, though they understand not so well what it means, may be sure so to behave them­selves, as to be reckoned for Loyal and not Fana­tical, by taking the measures of the one and the other, according to the new notion of the Plot-Writers, and so become theirs with all their idle prattle. But let them make their best of this foolish sort of men, if that was all they could effect by this project.

But they design further upon the Nation, viz. to match the fears of Popery, with a fear as great of the like Evils to those of Forty one; as if these Plotters had power by their interest to raise a new War, when we have power and au­thority in our Government, if it were exerted, [Page 11] to destroy them by Justice. But these State-Mountebanks think it convenient, because the Nation was cast into a Frenzy in Forty one, there­fore now, when in perfect health, we are to be cast into a Lethargy to prevent our relapse; and in the mean time they intend we should perish insensibly and quietly, that way they design to destroy us.

It is since the Discovery of the Popish Plot, that Popish Mercinaries have been hired to write virulent Libels against the Church, and bitter Invectives against Fanaticks. Out of the same Mint came a villanous Libel, called Omnia Comestia a Belo, against the Church, apt to render the Church-men suspicious of another detestable Sacriledge designed; and that loath­some Print entitled the Committee, or Popery in Masquerade. Many parts whereof hath no o­ther reason of belief, but that they have been the Subject of some drunken Rhimes in former times; but it is in the whole an insufferable Li­bel against the Nation, by its application to this Age.

These Mercinaries are the Authors as well of treasonable Libels against the King, which they form so, as they may seem to come from the Fanatick party, to render the King jealous of them, as they are of the Libels against the Par­liament and their proceedings, to breed misun­derstandings between the King, Parliament and People.

It is since the Popish Plot was discovered, that Fanaticism is represented more intolerable than Popery: That the Popish Plot, evident to the satisfaction of the King and several Parliaments, and of our greatest Judicatures, is yet told us not to be so certain, as that the Fanaticks are Trai­tors in their hearts, though they own no prin­ciples, as the Papists do, that warrant Treaso­nable practices. And these Mercenaries, as frankly as if they had for the dividing of the Na­tion a Warrant so to do, call all Fanaticks that oppose Popery, desire Parliaments, and expect they should use that power that is lodged in them, to keep out Popery, and preserve our Go­vernment, and to bring to punishment those wicked men that have notoriously designed to destroy it. The belief of the Popish Plot, in the mean time, is by scoffs and paltry Rhimes permitted publickly to be sung in the Streets, put out of Countenance, and those that believe it exposed as a sort of credulous Fools, or designing Knaves.

Such a vile esteem the Papists now have of us, that they prosecute us with their scorn, and use us as if we were below their hate. They think our divisions, which they have made, have already destroyed us; and they now hire a sort of Scaramouchy Zaneys, Merry Andrews and Jack-Puddings to insult over us, and make a sport at our miseries.

These pleasant Knaves cry with one side of the Face, and laugh with the other; but in the mean time they cry in jest, but laugh in good earnest. He that had the art of imitating a grave Spaniard with one side of his body, and a brisk French-man on the other side, rendred both Nations ridiculous.

These vain fellows deprave every thing they meddle with; and whatever they say of Church or State, Religion or Policy, is raillery and abuse, and Pamphleting scurrility.

Lord, under what seeming fatality do we labor, that it can be thought to the Service of the Church or State, to employ such Knaves!

We are used like Sampson, bound, and our Eyes put out, and made sport for the Philistims. By these py'd Pipers, our young men are seduced, and danc'd down a precipice; though these merry Knaves have not skill enough to com­mend them for Rat-catchers, if our City should be infested with that vermin, as they say the Town of Hammel once was. But the Dae­mon that appeared there a py'd Piper, who de­stroy'd their Children as well as their Rats, was not more mischievous to that Town, than these motley Knaves are to the Kingdom and Nati­on.

It is an insufferable indignity, That the tragical State of our Nation should become al­most daily the matter of a Rascally Farce; the very anguish and groans of the Nation turn­ed [Page 14] into Laughter and Mockery, such a barbarity was never used to a Nation.

It is an excess of Petulency, to make abstract misery in the very form of it, mimically repre­sented matter of Mirth and Laughter.

These men were born out of time, and were fit for no Age but that of Nero, of whose consort they should have been, when he played the Destruction of Troy, to the Burning of Rome. But I do not doubt but His Majesties Justice will e're long overtake the Incendiaries, that are so pleasant at the embroilment of his Kingdom, when it shall be duly represented to him what beautefeus they are, and unmerciful deriders of the Calamities of his People, which they occa­sion or promote. Tho they think they may pass any thing of this kind upon the Nation, made vain with trifling false wit and Buffoonery.

It is now Twenty years since our Nation was infected with this sort of wit, and now we are to dye of the disease. We have a Fiddle provided for us that have been bit with this venemous Tarantula, to dance and frisk us to our destruction, not to our cure; and yet we pay the Fidler.

This thing Wit, the greatest debauchment of this Age, hath depraved not only the Manners, but the Judgment and Understanding of the Nation too. It hath been accounted the best accomplish­ment of men in place, the best part of the Learning of this last Age: It is not the reason of the Leviathan, so much as the vanity of Wit, [Page 15] that hath propagated Atheism, and corrupted our Manners. This hath made our Judgments in­sincere and trifling; our determinate resolutions in matters of the greatest moment, slight and Phantastical; introduc't idleness and neglect of solid Learning, which requires labour and appli­cation to obtain, while this extemporary faculty has been accounted an admired accomplish­ment.

There is a sort of Wit very commendable, which Tully calls celeritas in verbis, and the Greek Epigram, [...], which is a pleasant entertainment in conversation, and a commendable refreshment, where our minds are tired with anxious and graver busi­ness, and the troubles and cares of humane life; but this ought to observe its times, its proper subjects, it ought to be confined to Table-talk an evening-compotation, and the hours of mirth, and the relaxation of our mind: It may be used decently in a Comical Farce; but it is not allowable in Satyr, most undecent is the use of it in Tragedy. But yet it hath insolently interposed in our Politicks, governed publick Councels, sometimes determined debates in Parliament; hath made our Pulpits contempti­ble, our Theology trifling: It is admitted to resolve the greatest Questions, and determine Cases of Conscience, to establish and refix Church-Government; hath usurped an autho­rity to alter and pull down Governments, and [Page 16] to render them tottering, when they are as firm­ly establisht and fixt as a Rock.

That Wit that is abhorred by all men that are wise and honest, is that versatile shifting, squinting, distorting of the Understanding, that it views nothing truly, and represents things not according to their true nature, but under false Fantastical Schemes, which they affix to them, to abuse the judgments of others: a man can never arrive to any perfection in this faculty, until he is become false, and lost his truth and modesty: none but weak men are entertained with it, and such who do not desire to understand truth, but to serve a turn, and love to be deceived, and who deceive themselves for advantage. It is in perfection in old Knaves, and admired by young Coxcombs. It is the Hypocrisie of the Tongue, a plausible mode of lying and slandering; and at best, but a pleasant Knavery.

It will render ridiculous or culpable, by false representations, the most noble and heroical a­ctions, and put false colours upon most detestable Villanies. It can discredit a man by honouring him, and make a thing incredible by the very mode of believing it; making a man ridiculous, it concludes him at the same time unworthy; and to confute the most avowed Truths, there needs no more than to raise a sit of laughter up­on it; which has the same effect with the men of wit, and their vain admirers, as reducing a [Page 17] false proposition to an absurdity: Thus the rea­son of this Age is governed by our risibility. The Popish Writers have thus tickled us with their Wit, that we are ready to dye and perish laughing, and we know not, nor care to consider or judge of what does truly concern our preservation. And by improving the vanity of some youngsters, they have drawn them to question the Truth of the Popish Plot; and some can believe every hour of the day, when they meet with a merry Popish Pamphlet, that there is a Protestant Plot on foot; though they believe it, I am sure, not much longer than they are reading it.

I will not grudge my pains in furnishing a short Demonstration of the Popish Plot, since it is of such importance to the saving of these men and the whole Nation, which possibly may fix their minds (notwithstanding so vain they be) into a belief of it; which I have made short, that it may be the better remembred; which I do in kindness to them, since it was lately (and may be so again shortly) a criminal matter to bring the truth of it into question; and they are by all honest men reckoned as Plotters them­selves who doubt it.

The Plot has been declared by the Kings Pro­clamation, and four Parliaments, one of them consisting of Pensioners and Dependents on the Court, which for eighteen years together, were giving Demonstrations of their Loyalty to their Prince, almost forgetting the publick [Page 18] Weal: A solemn National Fast has been Indicted by the Civil and Ecclesiastical Authority of the Kingdom, for averting the mischiefs thereby de­signed, and solemnly Celebrated by the whole Nation; in which, certainly, they did not mock God, and deride his Providence.

Many unparallel'd Villanies have been commit­ted, for the stifling, concealing, and suppressing the discovery of it, which (however wicked the Papisti­cal Sect of base, false and degenerate Christians are) we cannot without breach of Charity towards them, think they would commit cheaply, and without cause, and to no purpose. They have murdered a Minister of Justice, because he had the knowledge of it, and left nothing undone that they thought necessary to Assasinate another for strenuously opposing it. They have attempted upon the Lives of our Witnesses. By perjuries and forgeries they have endeavoured to charge them with the most infamous crimes, to destroy them in their Lives and Reputations too, in a form of Justice. They have attempted by fears and rewards upon the integrity of all our Witnesses, to draw them to retract their Te­stimony against the Plot; for which some of their Agents have been judicially censured; One Gen­tleman to the Pillory, Fin'd 1000 l. and Con­demned to a years imprisonment: so evident and notorious was his offence, and by the Court thought so heinous, that it provoked the passion of the Court, and they seemed to [Page 19] exceed the ordinary Rules of Justice, for that they judged the Case to be of an exorbitant and transcendent nature.

The Plot of the Meal-Tub is a sublimated piece of wickedness, the last accomplishment of villany; it hath out-done all former, and Will never be out-done in after-Ages. The Papists by the Discovery of the first Plot be­came less hopeful in a Massacre, and of effect­ing their purpose by force: They dare not now kill the King, for that the World would not now believe it to be done by Mr. Claypole and his feigned accomplices; which must have born the blame from the Papists, and he and they long since Executed as Traitors, if that part of the Plot against the Kings Life had not been prevented by being detected.

I say, the first design of the Plot being rendered less feasible by the discovery; They keep the King alive with care, as well for their avoiding the rage of the Nation, as to lessen the credit of the Plot: But contrive to destroy as many as they thought fit to be Massacred, in form of a legal process, and to charge them with a design of raising Rebel­lion against the King. They had made a List of a great number of considerable persons, whom they intended to charge, principal Nobles and worthy Gentlemen about the Town; had pre­pared witnesses to swear the charge against them, and would certainly with more ease, after the first Conviction and Execution, have sworn all that [Page 20] they had a mind to destroy into the same guilt. And thus all the truly Religious, the Noble, Good and Virtuous of our Nation, that had courage enough to own, assert and defend the true Christianity, and our Government, must, to the eternal dishonour of our Nation and Religion, have suffered the execrable death of Traitors.

We have reason to think them humane, when they onely designed a Gun-powder Treason, or a Massacre. Our abhorrence of this usage dischargeth in us all reluctancy to Martyrdom: Let them bring us to the Stake as Martyrs, then we shall bear our Testimony to the truth of the best Religion, and our Lives will not be cheaply lost; but by this means we must be forced to dishonour this Religion by our deaths. By a Massacre or a Gun-powder Plot, the vile­ness, cruelty and treachery of that Apostate Church, had been declared to all the World, and that false Religion, as well as the professors of it, had been rendered detestable, for which end a good man would scarce refuse to dye. But by this means they would have forced us to personate their own proper Crimes and Vil­lanies, and dishonour our own peaceable and ho­ly Religion. A man of Honour prefers his Ho­nour to his Life, and would redeem it by his Death: But by this means we were, though innocent, to lose our Lives by dishonour, and to fasten a stain upon our Memories by our death. The Priests, their impudent Lyes at their deaths, [Page 21] in denying the matters of the Plot, of which they were upon clear evidence Convicted and Sentenced, must have past for truths; and all our worthy men dying with protestations of their innocence, must to the everlasting infa­my of our Religion and Nation, been account­ed false and impious at their last breath. There is no reason to be assign'd of the patience of God or Man towards such miscreants, but that they may have time to add one impiety to ano­ther, until an easie vengeance triumphs over them.

And though this last mentioned Plot is clear­ed beyond all exception, their Faces are hardned, and they are not yet ashamed; but they have since contrived and suborned Witnesses to swear the ve­ry Discovery of the first Plot to be a false contri­vance of a Plot against the Papists. To this pur­pose they suborned a Son by perjury to commit parricide against his Father; this the greatest Sin against Earth, the other the greatest affront against Heaven. What a Religion is this, that must be thus supported!

Nay, as if they did not fear or care to loose the favour of their most indulgent Prince, which they have possest since he used Papists in making his escape at Worcester; they have con­trived these two last Plots with such Art, as to bring them under his Majesties Observation, and represented them as things fit for his en­couragement. Sure if they were not urged [Page 22] with the fears of a real guilt, and a restless Con­science of the Plot, they would never have ad­ventured thus to have interested the honor of the King, and to tempt him to abandon them to the publick Justice of the Nation; which begins to grow impatient, by the delays of it a­gainst this Hellish Plot.

For we have had four Parliaments dissolved since the Discovery of it, one a darling to the Crown. The bringing into question the Dissolution of that Parliament in the House of Peers, upon the reason of an unnatural Prorogation, was not long before censured, and some great Lords imprisoned there­fore; proceedings so unwarrantable, that it was after thought fit by that House to obliterate the Memory of them; so necessary was that Parliament then thought to the service of the Crown. The Dissolution of that Parliament, gave us reason to fear that the King had no more business for Parliaments. By these Dissolutions, no publick ends that are intelligible are served, no Interest but that of the Plot is gratified; no persons of any sort receive their satisfaction but the Plotters, who are respited thereby from pub­lick Justice, and gain time to bring their Plot to effect.

This is the end the Papists have served; but the King our great Physician of State, had ano­ther reason that hath g [...]ned him: for he knew the strength of the Pl [...], our Disease, and that a Disease that is dangerous, is sometimes [Page 23] to be palliated, until the season comes to make a thorow Cure; for it many times kills the Pa­tient to precipitate the Crisis. All these De­monstrations of the Plot are past under every mans observation.

But that we know so little of it after all this time: It is now above three years since the first discovery. That the Plotters now ordinarily escape Justice. That a great Judge did abate his first Zeal in punishing the Plot, lest he should exasperate it; and Reason of State might thus require it. These things prove the greatness and strength of the Plot, as well as the reality of it; these declare the Plotters interest is great, that the Plot is yet unbroken, stanch and hopeful.

Therefore we are not to believe our selves well, and live fine Regimine, as the Physicians say, but to expect, address to, and desire our Cure.

That the Papists think it yet hopeful, is evident from the Priests and the Lawyer ab­juring their guilt with their last breath. We had the honest Confessions of the Convicted Priests and other Traitors of the Popish Trea­sons of which they stood Convicted, in the time of Queen Elizabeth; and in the time of King James, of the Gun-powder Treason. What then could induce our Plotters Convict, to utter most solemn Perjuries the next minute before they were to appear to God? nothing sure, but that they then hoped that the Plot might [Page 24] be executed; they did it for the interest and ser­vice of their Church, and for the better bringing that Plot to effect for which they dyed; and for which at their deaths, to conceal, they ad­ventured Heroically upon lyes and perjuries; which if confessed, would have been frustrated and become Abortive: For it must not be be­lieved that even that Church is so degenerate, as to permit and allow men to such impieties, for the punctilio's of honor, though of the Church it self. But while they are not done for the sake of him that commits them, but for an im­portant interest of their Church, (such as the carrying on of this Plot) they say they loose their nature by the direction of the intention, they become a pure piece of mortification and self-denyal, an adventure to trust God in what they do for his sake, and for his service; and their Casuists will no more call them in this Case lyes or perjuries, than Abraham's offering up his Son Isaac (though that was at Gods express command) was murder. But the God of Truth, that God who hath declared, that when he him­self in any entercourse with Mankind interposeth an Oath, that the matter under that Oath is ir­revocable, peremptory and absolute, cannot li­cense or dispense with perjurious falshoods for a­ny end whatsoever.

But I must remark one thing more, and that is, touching the credit of Dr. Titus Oats, and Capt. William Bedloe, viz. That they have been [Page 25] incurious in their conversation, have followed their own natural course, allowed themselves in their passions, have been apert and unreser­ved, have not cared who they offended, have sought no mans favour, seem to care for no mans opinion, have valued and supported them­selves only by their veracity, and have seemed to set all the world at defiance to find a flaw in their evidence, and have had little of friend­ship or esteem, but for the sake of their disco­very. Besides that so long a time hath not af­forded a possibility, by all the Artifice, Interest and unhallowed frauds of Rome, to falsify any one part of that evidence. But numberless e­vents have given credit and authentickness to their Testimony. Did ever any feigned Testi­mony bear it self up with so much Confidence, Bravery and Assurance? was there ever any false witness that did not endeavour to render himself acceptable, to bespeak favour, which draws after it credit, and to appear of the most unexceptionable behaviour? Their faults and imprudences, such as they have been, we would not have wanted, to make their evidence beyond all exception.

The undoubted truth of their evidence alone, hath given them the civil respect of all honest men, and will give the Doctor the publick ho­nours of the Nation in due time. I will not re­cite the innumerable Sham-plots contrived a­gainst the Protestants, every one of them a De­monstration [Page 26] by it self of the truth of the Popish Plot, because I have no design to exasperate, but awaken these men that are asleep and secure in this storm.

This trouble of demonstrating of the Plot, may seem unnecessary to the judicious, nay, to the plain sort of honest, upright, and well-mean­ing men; and so it would certainly have been, had not some young Gentlemen, by this paltry thing called Wit, been corrupted in their judg­ments, and brought into a Scepticism, and wild undetermination in a matter of so great concern­ment.

This despicable faculty hath made a famous Gentleman, who hath a liberal Dose of it, a Writer of Books, caused him to waste so much Paper, and abuse so many Readers; but in all that I have read of him, there is nothing true and sincere, or truly and sincerely said; his Judgment is made false by his Phantasie, or he hath serv'd a turn by his Versatile windings and Wily conceits. That dangerous faculty that he indulgeth, hath imposed upon him, which the severe and honest enquirers after truth are concerned to mortify and suppress. And I do earnestly recommend to all ingenious Gentlemen, that would be rightly instructed and informed, neither deceive others, nor would be deceived themselves, as they love truth and virtue, wisdom and sober thoughts, to despise this sort of wit in others, and repress it in [Page 27] themselves. And never allow it to be used, but in the hours of mirth, in the Relaxations of their minds from serious Contemplations and matters grave and weighty, where this pro­phane thing Wit ought always to be shut out with care.

Enough hath been said for rectifying the mistakes of any true Protestant, especially any Clergy-man of the Church of England, which you have objected against them about our Go­vernment or Parliament, Dissenters from the Church of England and Popery. Especially, when it is made apparent that these mistakes are made serviceable to the Popish Plot, and the means which the Popish party prosecute to com­pass and bring about the ruine of our Church. But that nothing may be wanting, that lies in my poor power, for pulling their Foot out of the Snare, I shall more distinctly consider them.

First, I shall desire them to consider what our Government is, and where the true know­ledge of it is to be found. And where can it be found, but in our Statute-Books, the Com­mentaries of our Law, the Histories of our Go­vernment, and of the Kingdom? Search them if you be at leisure; if you are not, consult those that have read them, and whose business and em­ployment it is to understand them, and you can­not fail to be informed.

That the King hath no power to make Laws, [Page 28] that both Houses of Parliament must joyn with the King in making a Law.

It can with no more reason be concluded that the King hath the Legislative Power, because his Assent makes the Bills in Parliament Laws, than it can, because the third Unit added to two makes a Triad, that the other two do not go to the ma­king of that number.

When a matter's moved from the King in Par­liament to pass into a Law, the Commons consent last. The Letters Patents of Ed. 3. for making the Eldest Son of a King in Succession Prince of Wales and Duke of Cornwal, Sir E. Cook 8. R. was confirmed (as they must have been, otherwise they would have been void) by the House of Commons.

And yet we will not say, that the House of Commons can make a Prince of Wales or Duke of Cornwal. And yet upon no better reason than this, some men will talk as if they believed them­selves, that the Legislative power is in the King, when no King of England yet ever pretended to it; but by their process of Law have punished such officious and mischievous Knaves.

They also will tell you that, the Laws are the measures of our Allegiance, and the Kings Pre­rogative, and declare the terms of Obedience and Government.

That a Legislative authority is necessary to every Government, and therefore we ought not to want it; and therefore Parliaments, in [Page 29] which our Government hath placed the making of Laws, cannot be long discontinued, nor their Conventions rendred illusory and in vain, which is all one as to want them.

That to Govern by Laws, implieth that great fundamental Law, that new Laws shall be made upon new emergencies, and for avoiding unsuffe­rable mischiefs to the State.

By the Statutes of 4 Ed. 3. c. 14. 36 Ed. 3. c. 10. it is provided that Parliaments be holden once every year. The Statute of this King required a Parliament every three years; which being an affirmatory Law, doth not derogate from those of Ed the 3. But if the King doth not call a Parlia­ment once in a year, he neglects these Laws; and if he delays calling a Parliament three years, he ne­glects the other Law of his own time too. And for that he is by the Law intrusted with the calling of Parliaments, he is at liberty to call them with­in the times appointed.

And that Laws ought to be made for Redress of mischiefs that may ensue, appears by the Statute of provisors, 25 E. 3 cap. 23. In which we have these words:

Whereupon the Commons have prayed our said Soveraign Lord the King, that sith the right of the Crown of England, and the Law of the said Realm is such, that upon the mischiefs & Dammage which happeneth to this Realm, be ought and is bound of the Accord of his said People in his Parliament thereof, to make Remedy and Law in avoiding the mis­chief and damage which thereof cometh: [Page 30] which that King agreed to by his Royal Assent thereto given.

I dare be bold to say, that never any Bill in Par­liament was lost, and wanted the Royal Assent, that was promoted by the general desires of the people.

If Popery therefore (which is the greatest mis­chief that ever threatned this Kingdom) can be kept out by a Law, we ought to have such a Law; and nothing can hinder such a Law to be past for that purpose, but want of an universal desire to have it. I desire these Gentlemen to consider, how they will answer it to our Saviour at the last day, if they suffer his true Religion, and the professors of it, to be destroyed and per­secuted, when nothing but their desires of a thing lawful to be had, and of right due, was requisite to prevent it. Their sufferings will be just and righteous from God, if their sin occasioneth it, and very uncomfortable to themselves.

The extent of the Legislative Authority, is no­where to be understood, but by our Acts of Par­liament, in which it hath been exercised and used, and by such Acts that declare the extent of its power. By the 13 Eliz. cap. 1. it is made. Treason during that Queens Life, and forfeiture of Goods and Chattels afterwards, To hold, maintain & affirm, that the Queen by the Authority of the Parliament of England, is not able to make Laws and Statutes of sufficient force and va­lidity, to limit and bind the Crown of this Realm, and the descent, limitation, inheri­tance and Government thereof.

And this authority was exercised by Entailing the Crown in Parliament in the times of Richard the 2d, Henry the 4th, Henry the 6th, Edward the 4th, Richard the 3d, Henry the 7th, thrice in the time of Henry 8th. and upon the Marri­age of Queen Mary to King Philip of Spain, both the Crowns of England and Spain were Entai­led, whereby it was provided, that of the seve­ral Children to be begotten upon the Queen, one was to have the Crown of England, another Spain, another the Low-Countries. The Articles of Marriage to this purpose were confirmed by Act of Parliament.

Those that are truly Loyal to our present So­veraign, have reason to recognize with high sa­tisfaction, that such a power of altering and li­miting the descent of the Crown, is duly lodg­ed in the King and States of the Realm: For under the Authority of an Act of Parliament of the Kingdom of Scotland, we derive our selves to the happiness of his Government, and He his Title to the Crown of Scotland, which drew to him the Imperial Crown of England. For Robert Stewart, first King of Scotland of that Family, lived in concubinate with Elizabeth Mure, and by her had three Sons, John, Robert, and Alexander; afterwards he Married Eufame. Daughter to the Earl of Ross, and after was Crowned King of Scotland: He had by her Wal­ter Earl of Athol, and David Earl of Straherne. When Eufame his wife died, he Married Eliza­beth [Page 32] Mure. After that by one Act of Parliament, he made his natural Children first Noble, that is to say, John Earl of Carrick, Robert Earl of Menteith, and Alexander Earl of Buchquhane. And shortly af­ter, by another Parliament, he limited the Crown in Tail Successively, to John, Robert, and Alexan­der, his Children by Elizabeth Mure in Concubi­nate, and after to the Children of Eufame Ross his Legitimate Children; who are to this day in their Issue by this limitation, by authority of an Act of Parliament in Scotland, barr'd from the Crown; and we hope ever will be, by the continuance of the Line of our most Gracious King.

Note, that though a subsequent Marriage by the Civil Law, which is the Law of Scotland, in such cases, doth Legitimate the Children born be­fore Marriage of a Concubine; yet it is with this exception, that they shall not be Legitimated to the prejudice of Children born afterwards in Mar­riage, and before the Marriage of the Concubine. Besides, the reason of the Civil Law in Legiti­mating the Children upon a subsequent Marri­age, is this, viz. a presumption that they were begotten affectu maritali; which presumption fails, where the man proceeds to Marry another woman, and abandons or neglects his Concu­bine.

But I desire these Gentlemen that are so un­willing to be safe in their Religion, which I be­lieve is most dear unto them,

That if any Law should exceed the declared [Page 33] measures of the Legislative Authority, though in such case they may have leave to doubt of the lawfulness of such a Law, yet if it be not against any express Law of God, they will up­on a little consideration determine it lawful, if it be necessary to the Commonweal; for that nothing can be the concerns of men united in any Polity, but may be governed and order­ed by the Laws of their Legislature for pub­lick good: for by the reason of all Political so­cieties, there is a submission made of all Rights, especially of the common rights of that Commu­nity, to the government of its own Laws.

But all this, and a hundred times as much, will not satisfie some Gentlemen of the lawfulness of our Government, and the extent of the Legislative power of Parliaments, since they have entertained a Notion, that Monarchy is jure divino, unaltera­ble in its descent by any Law of man, for that it is subject to none. That all Kings are alike ab­solute. That their Will is a Law to all their Subjects. That Parliaments and the States of the Realm in their Conventions, can be no more than the Monarchs Ministers, acting under and by his appointment, which he may exauctorate and turn out of office when he pleaseth: For there can be (say they) under the Sun no ob­liging Authority but that of Kings (to whom God hath given a plenitude of power) and what is derived from them. That this divine absolute­ness may govern, and exercise Royal Power im­mensely, [Page 34] and that it is not subject to, nor to be abated or restrained by any humane inventions or contrivances of men: (however necessary and convenient Kings have thought them in former Ages) by such methods and such Offices and Officers (of which number the States of the Realm may be, or not be, as Kings shall please) as they shall by their absolute Will order or ap­point. Our Parliaments, say they, are Rebellious, and an Ʋsurpation upon the unbounded power of Kings, which belongs to every King as such Jure or­dinario, and by Divine institution: That a mixt Monarchy, as ours is, is an Anarchy; and that we are at present without a Government, at least such as we ought to have, and which God hath appointed and ordained for us: That we by adhering to the present Government, are Rebels to God Almigh­ty, and the Kings unlimited Power and Autho­rity under him, which no humane Constitution, no not the Will and Pleasure of Kings themselves can limit or restrain, for that, jura ordinaria & divina non recipiunt modum: That the Le­gislative Power is solely in the King, and that the business of a Parliament (if they would think of being onely what they ought to be) is onely to de­clare on the behalf of themselves and the People (that send them for that purpose certainly) the obedience that is due from them to such Laws as the King shall make, and that they may be laid aside whol­ly when he pleaseth. And after all this, what matter's it with them what we say our Go­vernment [Page 35] is, hath been, or where the Legisla­tive Authority of the Nation is placed, or how used?

But I desire these Gentlemen to consider how they come to these Notions, upon what reason they are grounded. How a Government esta­blished by God and Nature for all Mankind, should remain a secret to all the wise, good, just, and peaceable men of all Ages. That Kings should not before this have understood their Authority, when no pretences are omitted for increase of Power, and enlargement of Empire. I desire them to consider that this secret was not discovered to the World before the last Age, and was a forerunner of our late unnatural War; and is now again revived by the republishing of Sir Robert Filmer's Books, since the Discovery of the Popish Plot.

I wish they would consider, that the reasons ought to be as clear and evident as Demonstra­tion, that will warrant them to discost from the sense of all Mankind in a matter of such weight and moment.

That to mistake with confidence and over­weening in this matter, will be an unpardonable affront to the common sence of Mankind, and the greatest Violation of the Laws of modesty. I desire that they would consider, and rate the mischiefs that will certainly ensue upon this opi­nion, and whether a probable reason can there­fore support it.

That they would throughly weigh, ponder, and examine the reasons of these bold and new Dogmata. For their enquiries ought to be in proportion diligent and strict, as the matter is of moment; and if they are not, their errour and mistake will be very culpable, and the sin of the errour aggravated to the measure of the mischief which it produceth and occasion­eth.

Where is the Charter of Kings from God Almighty to be read or found? For nothing but the declared Will of God can warrant us to destroy our Government, or to give up the Rights and Liberties of our people. If they are lawful, I am sure it is villany to betray them, since all Political Societies are framed, that all may assist the common Rights of all. I cannot imagine they can pretend an umbrage from the holy Scriptures for such unheard-of Opinions.

The Jews indeed had a Government and Laws of Gods framing and appointment, and a King of their own chusing; and such a King as they desired, by Gods permission they had: But their form of Government ought with less rea­son to be the rule of all kingly Governours, be­cause it was a Government chosen by themselves: then the Laws of the Jews ought to be the Laws of all Nations (which they are not) though made and enacted by God himself.

Christ would not make himself a Judge in a [Page 37] private Right submitted to him: He determi­ned the right of the Roman Empire by the pos­session of Soveraign Authority; and such as the whole world had made it, his Disciples were ob­liged to acknowledge it, by their obedience and submissions, which is the sum of the Apostles Doctrine in this matter.

The Christian Religion instituted no form of Governments, but enjoyns us to be obedient to those we have, not onely by express command in the case, but by its general Rules of a most re­fined, improved, and extensive morality.

But though I said the Scriptures have not prescribed or directed any universal Form of Governments, yet the Scripture hath declared the falshood of this new Hypothesis of Kingly Government to be Jure Divino, or by Divine Right: For St. Peter, 1 Peter 2.13 and 14, stiles Kings, as well as the Governours under him, the ordinance of man; which cannot have any o­ther sence, but that men make them, and give them their powers. By St. Paul the power of Governments indeed is called Gods Ordinance, Romans 13.2. but that is for this reason, be­cause in general God approves of Govern­ments as necessary to the well-being of Man­kind, for the improvement of humane nature, for the punishing of Vice, encouragement and security of Virtue; without them it being im­possible to live honestly and in peace. And he hath made them the under-Ministers of his pro­vidence [Page 38] and care over Mankind, and expects of them, that they should promote his true Honour and worship in the world, which will be always accompanied with the exercise of all civil vir­tues.

These two different places must be so under­stood, that they may be both true; and by no o­ther interpretation can they be reconciled and made consistent.

It is impossible that any thing can be of mans appointment, which is of Gods Ordination; there can be no such thing as a Co-legislative power of Men with their Maker. Government there­fore is from God, as he hath made Governments necessary in the general order of things; but the specification thereof is from men. The best de­finition that can be made of Government, is in the words of both the Apostles put together, [...], and such Governments which men make, God approves, and requires our obe­dience to them, upon all those reasons which make Governments necessary.

The natural and easie consequence and re­sult of these Scriptures, is this; which I desire those Gentlemen to observe: That whatsoever is not lawfully established by men, no Law of God, not the Christian Law, doth oblige us to obey.

The Christian Religion doth equally con­demn, in the reason of its Institutions, Usurpa­tion and Contumacy. Where the Apostle ad­monish [Page 39] us, that if we be free, we should not become Servants, he hath by virtue of that Admonition, made it commendable not to suf­fer the encroachments of Power over us. Most certainly therefore, as the Christian Religion doth not prejudice the Soveraign Rights of Princes, such as they are in the several Forms and Models of Monarchical Governments, non eripit terrestria, qui regna dat coelestia, as Se­dulius; so doth it not enlarge them: when by the Gospel God made us free from his own posi­tive Laws to the Jews, sure he did not intend there­by, de Jure, to render us Slaves to the Arbitrary pleasure of men.

No man intends by any thing in the Scri­pture, that all Mankind is obliged to any one Form of Government, and therefore all men are left to their own. It hath not therefore alter­ed the terms of Government and Obedience that every Nation hath established for themselves, but hath confirmed, and strictly obliged the obser­vance of them.

To Obedience to Government, we are ob­liged by as many ties as there are Christian Vir­tues; and he must disown his Christianity, that departs from his due Allegiance, And since our Saviour is declared King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, all Christian Kings are to govern in imi­tation of his mercy and goodness, and in sub­serviency to the interest of his Religion and Kingdom.

Whence then is this absolute Authority of Kings, if it come neither from God nor man?

Give me leave now to inform you, that these opinions render you all Traytors, guilty of Trea­son of State, perduellionis rei, obnoxious to be punished as Traitors by an Authority lodg'd in Parliament, in the Constitution of the Govern­ment.

You your selves must needs condemn your selves to have forfeited all your own, who hold such Principles that tend to destroy every mans Right, by resolving all things into the absolute pleasure of a Monarch; in which you mostly dis­serve the King, and are contrary to his Ma­jesties late Declaration. The men of these Prin­ciples, the less of the Government they are in­trusted with, the better; for the less they have to give up and betray. I confess, if I could be­lieve that this Doctrine was become Orthodox among them, and the prevailing opinion of the Clergie. I should conclude us to be the most un­happy people under the Sun. This is an Hy­pothesis indeed, that will bring on new Heavens and a new Earth; but such wherein no Peace or Righteousness can ever dwell. But I deem all such as are Defenders and Promoters of it, do deserve a civil Excommunication, more smarting than their Ecclesiastical: and to be condemned [Page 41] to live upon, and onely feed themselves with their thin and crude Speculations. To be excluded from any share of that Government that they professedly in their Principles betray. To be puni­shed as seditious persons, and most mischievous Schismaticks, far more intolerable in this mat­ter, than the scrupulous Brotherhood, for their boglings at an indifferent and insignificant Ce­remony. For that to the ruine of our Religion, and destruction of the publick Peace, they di­vide from that Polity, to which by drawing here their first breath, they made Faith; and to which the condition of their birth doth oblige them; they falsifie that which Arrian in his Epi­ctetus calls the [...], than which nothing is more sacred and inviolable.

By creating themselves a new Allegiance, and obtruding it upon their fellow-Citizens, and Mem­bers of the same Kingdom, they set up a King­dom within a Kingdom, more dangerous and mischievous than the Papal Imperium in Imperio; which certainly will be introduced, if this Mo­dern and monstrously-extravagant opinion can prevail by a general Credence.

It is criminal, and no less dangerous to the being of any Polity, to restrain the Legislative Authority, and to entertain Principles that disable it to provide remedy against the great­est mischiefs that can happen to any Commu­nity. No Government can support it self with­out an unlimited power, in providing for the [Page 42] happiness of the people: No Civil establishment but is controulable and alterable to the publick weal. Whatever is not of divine Institution, ought to yield and submit to this power and Authori­ty.

The Succession to the Crown is of a civil na­ture, not established by any Divine Right. Seve­ral Kingdoms have several Laws of Succession; some are Elective, others Hereditary, under seve­ral Limitations. All humane Constitutions are made cum sensu humanae imbecillitatis, under rea­sonable exceptions of unforeseen accidents and emergencies that may happen in humane affairs; and so they must be intended, and so interpreted. The several limitations of the descent of the Crown, must be made by the people in confer­ring the Royal Dignity and Power, which is more or less in several Kingdoms. And the descent of the Crown in particular cases, is governed accor­ding to the presumed will of the People; and the presumption of the Peoples will, is made by measuring and considering what is most expedi­ent to the publick good; whereas private Estates are directed in their descent according to the pre­sumed will of the Decedents. And this is the reason tha [...] the descent of the Crown is gover­ned by other rules than private Estates. Onely one Daughter, and not all, as in private Estates, shall succeed to the Crown, because the strength of the Kingdom is preserved when continued u­nited, and the peace and concord of the people [Page 43] better established. A son of the second venter shall inherit, which is not allowed in private E­states; because a son of the second venter is equally of the bloud of the great Ancestor, upon whom the Crown was first conferred by the people, or after he had got into the Throne obtain'd their Submis­sions, and may equally participate of his virtues.

If the Royal Family be extinct, it belongs to the people to make a new King, under what limi­tations they please, or to make none; for the Po­lity is not destroyed if there be no King created; and consequently, in case of this cesser or discon­tinuance of the Regnum, there may be Treason committed against the people. By all which it is evident, that the Succession to the Crown is the peoples right: And though the Succession to the Crown is Hereditary, because the people so ap­pointed it, would have it so, or consented to have it so; yet in a particular case, for the saving the Nation, the whole Line, and Monarchy it self, it may be altered, by the unlimited power of the Legisla­tive Authority. We have been more just to the Royal Succession, than the wonderful Sir Robert Filmer; for his Hypotheses will not allow at all of Hereditary rightful Succession: For he, esta­blishing the right of the universal Empire of the World in Adams right Heir, since this Illumina­to hath enlightned the world in this secret, no Successor can, according to his Doctrine, derive any hereditary right from his Predecessor. His ti­tle can be only his own possession; for no man can [Page 44] claim by descent the Usurpation of his Father, but he that is not conscious to the wrong, and is bonae fidei possessor, under the presumed right and title of his Father. I would be understood to speak as the matter can be considered in a free reason, not under the prejudice of any positive municipal Law; for to such Laws the right of Crowns, as the renowned Knight will have it, are not submitted.

So that here in this matter their Knight fails them, and can give them no help. Their other friend, the great Leviathan-maker, is so far from establishing an Hereditary Succession, that he leaves Kings to be rightfully assaulted, deposed, and destroyed by any person that can, who stands in danger of being destroyed by the King, though justly condemned to death; Leviathan, Part 2. cap. 21. Those (saith he) that have commit­ted a capital Crime for which they expect death, have the liberty to defend themselves by Arms, as well as the Innocent. But I mention him onely to render him detestable; for I take his Books to be the dehonestamenta humani generis.

But I desire them to regard the sence of all Mankinde, in the words of Isiodorus Pelusiota, [...]. This governed the Judicious and Learned Dr. Falkner; for when he had carried Christian Loyalty as high as he could, to the honour of our Religion and the benefit of the world, for which we are all extreamly beholden to [Page 45] him, he concludes thus in his excellent Book, called Christian Loyalty, (viz) That if any Prince undertakes to alienate his Kingdom, or to give it up into the hands of another Soveraign Pow­er, or that really acts the Destruction, or the Ʋni­versal Calamity of his people; Grotius thinks that in his utmost extremity, the use of a Defence, as a last refuge, ultimo necessitatis presidio, is not to be condemned, provided the care of the Common Good be preserved. And if this be true, saith he, it must be upon this ground, that such attempts of ru­ining do ipso facto include a disclaiming the gover­ning of these persons as Subjects, and consequently of being their Prince or King. What unreasona­bleness is there then in shutting the Door upon him, and making it fast against him by an Act of State, who hath excluded himself by his principles and designs? For the truth of the fact, I shall onely refer you to his Secretary Coleman his Letters, wherein he saith, That his Masters in­terest, and the King of France his interest, is one and the same, and their design, their glorious design, the same, (viz) the extirpating the Northern He­resie. How far the King of France hath com­plied with the design, the cruel Persecution and Exiles of his Protestant Subjects (who at the time of that Letter were under the security and protection of the Laws of that Kingdom, and the Faith of that Crown) do declare to the world. And by what secret influences I know not, he is made so great, his Conquests so easie and expe­dite, [Page 46] that he is like to do the work himself here in England too, and go away with all the Glo­ry. But if the work must lie upon our hands, let no man think with himself that Popery is not to be introduced here, because the numbers of Papists are few; for that will not render the design impracticable, but the execution of it more cruel and barbarous; a whole Nation up­on the matter must be corrupted from the Faith of the true Religion, or destroy'd. One single arm of an ordinary strength, not resisted, may assassinate a whole Nation.

Let no man betray his Country and Religi­on, by pretending the example of the patience and sufferance of the Primitive Christians for our rule.

The Reformed Religion hath acquired a civil right, and the protection of Laws: if we ought not to lose our Lives, Liberties, and Estates, but where forfeited by Law, we ought much rather not to lose them for the profession of the best Religion, which by Law is made the publick National Re­ligion. And it is strange that some men of the same Religion in profession, can think (that not­withstanding) it makes no matter what is done to men if they be Religious; but if they be not so, the least publick injuries and injustice threatned or done them may be resisted, vindicated, remedied, and by right defended by old Laws, or new ones to be made for that purpose.

The Christian Religion was publish'd when [Page 47] the whole world was Pagan, and therefore it was submitted to such usage as the Governments would give it. But when the Christian Faith had by miracles of patience declared it self to be of Heaven, and of a divine Original; according to the Prophesies on that behalf, it took possessi­on of the Empire; Crowns and Scepters became submitted to the Cross; The Christians acqui­red a civil right of Protection and Immunity, which they ought not, they cannot relinquish and abandon, no more than they can destroy themselves, or suffer Violence and Cruelty to destroy the Innocent. Such as thus perish, shall never wear a Martyrs Crown, but perish in the next world for perishing in this. This will be interpretatively Crucifying Christ afresh after he is received up into Glory, i. e. after his Reli­gion is exalted into Dignity, and Honour, and civil Authority. If the Senate of Rome had been Christians, they would never have given up the Government to a Pagan Augustus, with a power to him and his Successors to make Laws for ex­tirpating the Christian Faith.

What is said of the Christian Religion and Paganism, holds between the Reformed Religion and Popery.

If any man is so vain, as to say, that an unaltera­ble course of Succession to the Crown is established amongst us by Divine Right: I say, he is a man fitted to believe Transubstantiation, and the in­fallibility of the Pope; he is deeply lapsed into [Page 48] Fanaticism, he dreams when he is awake, and his Dreams are Dreams of phrensie. There are some things so false, that they cannot be disproved, as some things are so evidently true, that they can­not be proved. This Proposition hath no colour to ground it self upon, no medium to prove it, no argument for it which is to be answered; nor is there any thing more absurd than it self, to re­duce it to. But if any shall adde, that this Do­ctrine is the Doctrine of the Reformation, and adventure to tell the people so; they are the most impudent falsaries that ever any Age produ­ced; when there is scarce a Child but hath heard what was done, said, and maintained by the Clergie of England in the Case of Mary Queen of Scots, a Popish Successor, in the earliest time of our Reformation here in England.

Our Age is blessed with a Clergie renownedly Learned and Prudent: By the Providence of God, and the Piety of our Ancestors, they possess good, though not to be envyed, Revenues and Ho­nours.

It is scarce possible they should have many a­mong them that can countenance a proposition so wickedly impious and sacrilegious, That we cannot have new Laws for the preservation of our Religion, but must lose the old at the pleasure of a Popish Successor, against not their own interest, and the Rights of the Church, but against the Rights and Liberty of Religion it self. For she is capable of Franchises and Immunities, which [Page 49] ought above all things to be most zealously asser­ted and defended by her Ministers. Can they them­selves with their own hands ever pull down her Hedg and destroy her Defensatives, and expose her helpless to the rage of her implacable Enemies, and suspend all the Legal security she hath for her pre­servation, upon the Life of our present King, whom God long preserve? If Kings be admitted to have a power to make Laws, one Proclamation may establish the Popish Religion amongst us; which the Papal Bulls, so long as that See continues, will never be able to effect.

Next to Religion her self, the Revenues of the Church challenge their faithful care, for they are at best but Usu-fructuary Trustees of her Endowments for the Succession, which they will wretchedly betray to an Arbitrary Succes­sor, if they do not repress such Opinions that pretend to change the Government into an ab­solute jure Divinity Monarchy, which will leave nothing jure divino but it self and the Pope­dom. Kings for their so doing have the autho­rity of Sir Robert Filmer, who affirms in his Treatise called the Power of Kings, Fol. 1. That the Laws, Ordinances, Letters Patents, Priviledg­es and Grants of Princes, have no force but during their Life, if they be not ratified by the express consent, or at least by the sufferance of the Prince following, who had a knowledge thereof. This is but the necessary consequence and result from the Doctrine of the absolute power of a Prince: [Page 50] for in such Government the Concessions of a Predecessor can no more oblige the Successor, than he can Govern when he is dead; and the Successor must be absolute in his time, as the Predecessors were in theirs. But in vain is the Net spread in the sight of any Bird; this deceit is of so gross a thread, that it cannot pass with the common people, much less upon our Clergy.

But I will not dissemble what may be the true reason of the seduction of some young good-na­tured Gentlemen of the Clergy.

It is thus they perswade themselves, that if these principles and opinions of the Ʋnlimited Power of Kings had been received, the late Wars had been prevented: Not rightly considering, that if such opinions had never been broached, or Uni­versally rejected, that War could never have ensued; and we should together with peace have enjoyed our ancient Government which our An­cestors transmitted to us, without that miserable inter-regnum.

I would not be perversely understood by any man, as if I went about to justify our late War: This is all I say, that every Government once established will continue for ever, if all the parts of it would unalterably consent to pre­serve it, to which their natural Allegiance doth oblige them: And never any Prince endeavo­red to change the Government, but where part of the people were first willing, or content to have it so.

Those false flatterers that go about to remove the boundaries of power, and change the Govern­ment, are the greatest enemies to the quiet and happy Reigns of Kings, and the peace and prospe­rity of Kingdoms.

And if they do adventure to call their fellow-Subjects by any opprobrious names of disloy­alty, because they will not joyn with them in such change, they are as absurdly impious and insolent, as any Prince or State would be, who should challenge another, as free and absolute as himself, for his Tributary and Vassal; and traduce him for a troubler of the World, because he would not Compose the Quarrel, thus inju­riously sought, with the surrender of his Crown and Dignity.

I desire these Gentlemen to consider, that the happiness of a Nation is best supported with Truth and Justice: This new Doctrine is not true; and whosoever entertains a belief of it, is not onely barely mistaken, but will be led by the mistake, into the most mischievous, impious, and sacrilegious injustice and treachery.

It is very agreeable to a good man, to em­brace a proposition with an easie belief, that of­fers the least seeming probability of a security against the miseries of War, by all means to be avoided. But this Doctrine of the Divinity of Kings, is most dangerous to the Peace of King­doms, for it is pregnant with Wars: Besides that it will give bad Princes, which sometime [Page 52] hereafter may be Born into the World, (for such there have been now and then) power to make their Reigns worse than War, and Plague and Famine to boot.

The Panick fear of a change of the Govern­ment, that this Doctrine occasioned, and the Divisions it made among us, was the principal cause of the late War.

It is not without reason, that, together with these new principles, revived since the Discovery of the Popish Plot, we have a perpetual din and noise of Forty one.

Then that fatal War began, which proceeded to the destruction of the Prince, and ruin of the Church and State: The remembrance of it is the principal matter, that stuffs our weekly Pamphlets; and it is brought into common dis­course, and grown so trival, that it is menti­oned and heard without abhorrence and regret: And what Service this can be to His Majesty, I do not understand; much better it were, that the memory of it were utterly extinct and abo­lished for ever, except onely in the Anniversary of that great Prince that so fell. Then, I say, and then onely, is it fit to be remembred, when we are on our Knees to God Almighty, and in his presence affecting our selves with sorrow and remorse, deprecating the like Judgments, and bewailing the National Sins that occasio­ned those: For notwithstanding, the Glories of that Great Prince his unhappy death, and the [Page 53] admired Devotions of the [...], The sto­ry of the Calamities of his people, (all his three Kingdoms involved in War during his Reign) and the remembrance of them, will be with some Men not very Loyal, a stain and diminu­tion to the Glories of the Royal Family. In Princes, their Calamities are reckoned amongst the abatements of their Honor; and meer mis­fortunes are disgraces, and have the same influ­ence upon the minds of the common people, as real faults and male administrations.

How then can this tend to the peace of the Nation, or the Honor of the King? what satis­faction is it to have our almost-healed wounds, thus perpetually rub'd and kept green?

Why should any of our Nation insult over the miseries of his own and neighbour King­doms, when he must be the most barbarous villain, and have devested himself of all huma­nity, that is not deeply empassioned at the re­membrance of them? If a Thuanus, or a Philip de Comines were to pass a Judgment of the condition of our late times, upon the conside­ration of our late Tragedies, and the Preludi­um's to it in the Reigns of King James and the late King; it would be formed and pro­nounced [Page 54] in these words of Tully, upon another oc­casion:

But this is not all,

We are affrighted by the weekly Pamphlets, with the expectation of another Parliamentary War; and this is the true reason of the mention of the late War, that we may forgo our Parlia­ments for fear of another. So it is written in our publick Prints, which are published under permission, as if Parliaments are designed to be rendered hateful, and to be feared as Plagues, Famines, or Inundations of the Sea.

But who is to begin, who designs this War, the Pamphleteers, or those that set them on work, best know: We had never heard of any such thing, if the Mercenary writers of the Popish Faction had not told us of it, as they do weekly: and hitherto we cannot find any Colour for this affrightful Lye; they are impu­dent so to talk of it as if they believed it, and have brought some as weak men, as they are false Knaves, to a belief of it: But to do them no wrong, those may best know what is to come [Page 55] to pass, who have the power of contriving and de­signing.

The vilest Traitors cannot contrive a greater prejudice to the King and his Family, than by advancing such a dismal thing into credit and belief: for fears, though but upon imaginary and false grounds, produce real effects, as well as they are in themselves really afflictive; and that almost equally, if of continuance, to the evils feared. Do these men speak like true Loyalists, that are mentioning perpetually the Calamitous War in the time of our Kings Fa­ther, and fright us with another now ensuing; after those Universal, Solemn, and hearty Joys of the whole Nation for his Restauration, after so many Millions of Money most dutifully issu­ed out of the affections of his people from time to time at His Majesties Royal pleasure, and nothing complain'd of, but that they have not opportunities of issuing ten times more, to the service of His Majesties Glory? Nay, they speak of this ensuing War, as if the Royal Standard was already displayed, and the Rebels had made their Musters; which must certain­ly affect the Royal Family with the greatest dan­ger.

If there were twenty Trajans derived from one stock, that had Reigned in an uninterrupted Succession, Two immediate Successours, that [Page 56] should have their Reigns successively attended with civil Wars, were enough to efface their own, and the glories and merits of such Ancestors. But base Caitiffs, you can no more truly believe the last Parliaments designed upon his Majesties Crown and Dignity, to make War, and change the Government, than you can believe that eve­ry Mothers Child of them, before they came up to the last Parliaments, set his House on fire and burnt his Wife and Children.

But these impudent Forgeries against the House of Commons, are contrived to make the people afraid of Parliaments: that this new model of Government in process of time, when we have an enterprising Successor, may take place, for the service of the Popish Religion. For upon the strength of Dr. B—s performance, who hath with great labour found out (which is hard for any man acquainted with our English History to be ignorant of) that our Parliaments were not always such as now constituted: This blessed change of our Government will never be atchie­ved. The Nation will never be perswaded, by any thing that he hath found out in his diligent re­search, that the House of Commons is an over­grown Wen, an unnatural Accrescency to the Go­vernment, and fit to be cut off, if that which is offered in the Argument to consideration be duly weighed. Neither can the most insolent Para­dox of Sir Robert Filmers Patriarcha, contribute much to this purpose. But for that I have in my [Page 57] Argument too forwardly despised it, considering that many have conceived a favourable opinion of it, that it may be able to deceive but a very few for the time to come; for the sake of such Gentlemen who have not chosen their side, are glad of the least Colour or dream of a Shadow, a single opinion of any body, it matters not whom, to relieve their modesty in their notorious de­fections from Truth, Justice and the Govern­ment; I shall here consider his Hypothesis, e­specially for that it was Re-printed, and is mag­nified by the Factors for the Popish Plot.

And first, I will draw it out shortly, in all its strength, and make it more argumentative than he hath left it, (for he hath left his wil­ling Readers to find out the Argument, and to make the Conclusion.) Adam, saith he, was the Father of Mankind; that to him as Father, belonged an Absolute dominion over all his de­scendents; that all Men being so born, are born under subjection to such an Authority: This Au­thority so reserved upon us by God, and the con­dition of our birth, and the manner of coming into the World, is to be submitted to, in the person of the present King, who by becoming King, is for that reason vested with this Absolute Authority. This power, and the duty of our sub­jection to it, results from our being Born, and coming into the World, after the manner of men. This power of Kings is grounded (by him) meerly upon this natural resultance, and not [Page 58] from any positive and express Revelation from God, for such, neither we, nor he, yet ever heard of.

We will now then consider, what there is of weight in this fictitious Reason of Government, in which the World is so lately illuminated by this Speculator; what force there is in it to un­ravel all Models of Government that are fra­med in the World, to confound Kingdoms and Nations, and to give Warranty to the bringing upon us all the miseries that are designed by the Papists for us; which we are to be prepared to suffer, with most conscientiuos patience, from the comforts and supports of this insolent and vain pretence.

I appeal to the Reader of him, whether in thus stating his Doctrine, I have not made it more Argumentative and concluding to his purpose than he left it: I will take this method of remonstrating the futility of his Hypothe­sis,

By considering what a Father is, and what his Duty towards, and Power over his Chil­dren; in which it will be found, that nothing of Empire belongs to him as Father; that no more belonged to Adam over his Children, than did to any of his Children over their own.

That the Authority of Parents over their Children, continues together with Soveraign power, and is not at all abated by it; and that it [Page 59] cannot be the same, because it continues entire with it.

That there is no footsteps in the Records of the Old Testament, to verifie his Hypothesis; that we could not have wanted some Declarati­ons about it from God, (if true) it being a matter so necessary for us to know. That no claims were made, (that we know of) to any such authority in the earliest times, when the Right was unpre­judiced, and must have been best understood, and could not have been forgotten, as now it is utter­ly.

Besides that it was never used. The first Histo­ries Recorded in the Bible, make every Child of the common Ancestor alike independent and absolute, and so it would for ever have conti­nued: And to this day we should have been in the state of Nature, and not United in any Go­vernment, and so no King yet in the world, not­withstanding the Paternal Authority. That his Instances of exercising Soveraign power by the Fathers of Families, are not concluding, and to his purpose.

That admitting Adam had while he lived been Universal Monarch, (yet if there be no o­ther reason and Foundation of Monarchy in the World, but this of Sir Robert Filmer) A­dams right Heir not being known, (and if he were, might perhaps be an Ideot or Lunatick, some Cobler or Botcher under a Stall, or mean Person unfit to govern) we can have no right­ful [Page 60] King in the World: for certain it is, that there is nothing in the World so personal as Re­lations, and the duties and Rights that do result from them: For they are neither assignable to, nor can be exercised or exacted by and between any persons, but the Relatives themselves: So that this power of Sir R. F. hath no foundation of reason in the nature of things, was in Fact ne­ver exercised, and is now utterly fallen to the ground, and all Government with it. A more puzled, vain, sensless and unlearned Paradox, was never yet offer'd to the world, nor a thing more mischievous ever received. For first, the abso­lute Power of a Prince over his Subjects, is not at all connatural to the dutiful Care of a Father over his Children.

It was the good pleasure of God that this part of the immense world should be planted with men endowed with a Capacity to admire his Power, Wisdom and Goodness, and therefore to render him praise and worship: He design'd that we should be happy in our own enjoyments, and promote the happiness of each other; which is not to be performed, but by a mind serene, beneficent, and loving. He provided that the disseminations of Love should run parallel, and be under alike necessity with the propa­gation of our kind. For the planting Love in our Nature, he instituted Marriage for Procrea­tion, that we might owe our Being to the state of the greatest and most agreeable friendship, [Page 61] and tenderest affection. That for many years we should be educated by a pure, single, and undesigning love of our Parents: and the friend­ship of that conjugal State, should be maintained by, and principally exercised in, their common care of their Issue.

Every Act of Love of either of the Pa­rents to the Child, being the best instance of love to the other of them; an endearment of a reciprocal love, and a provocation to the like love and care of the Child. And for this love the Children naturally pay a return of an affecti­onate honour to their Parents; and by that ho­nour which we so naturally render our [...], our Earthly gods, we are initiated, trained up, and instructed devoutly to worship our heavenly Fa­ther. God did likewise ordain, and so it was, that all Mankind should derive from one stock, be made of one blood, and every Man every Mans Brother, of the same Family and cognation. By this it was provided by the Father of us all, that we should be born into the World, under the tenderest care for our preservation, and improve­ment of our Nature; be powerfully enclined to love and beneficence; whereby we may be pleased with our selves, and at Peace and Amity with our whole kind; and disposed to celebrate the infinite Wisdom and Goodness of our almigh­ty Creator, with most affectionate Praises.

That the Generations of Mankind might certainly proceed, God planted in our Natures [Page 62] powerful and irresistible instincts to procrea­tion, which the Jews call a Precept, tho after this no Precept seem'd necessary, for en­crease and multiply they make a Command. But we follow our own propensions, and have no conscience of obedience to a Law, when we observe and follow them; which are so strong, pleasurable, and entertaining, that if God had not planted a restraint of Modesty in our Natures, and a sense of decency, we should over-do the business, and degrade our selves from the dignity of our Natures.

Thus far the Parents are fulfilling Gods ap­pointments, and gratifying their own Natures. What from all this can give them a right over their Child? All men coming into the world this way, are no less free, than if they had been form'd in Lucretius his Bottles, and drop't out of his imaginary matrixes, and we were all [...] & Aborigines.

In this they are onely executing the appoint­ment of God, are but his Instruments to bring us into this World, and are all along reward­ed and entertained, and caressed by the order of Nature. Adam ow'd this duty to God his Father; and so ordered it was, that he ow'd it to himself, and to his own natural propensions, pleasures and satisfactions to propagate.

The several succeeding generations of men, as soon as they are men, have as much Right to the enjoyment of themselves, to the freedom of [Page 63] their own Will, and to live by their own mea­sures, as Adam himself had. Our Parents do not give us life, but hand it to us from the Fountain of being, the Universal Father of all things.

And this is allowed, acknowledged by all Mankind: for assoon as Children can Govern themselves, we declare them free, that they are sui juris, they are extra familiated, and become themselves Fathers, and acquire to themselves.

The Jews, who had a Kabala of the truest and most antient Theology and Morality, best under­stood their own Laws, and were furnished with the knowledg of what Power and Authority Fa­thers had over their Children, whether by nature, or by vertue of the fifth Commandment, did take their Sons to be ipso jure, Emancipated and suoe potestatis, as soon as they were pubertatis plenoe: The time of which they reckoned, at the farthest, when they were 13 years, 3 months and one day old. And therefore whereas it was one of the Laws of Moses, Deut. 21. v. 18, 19, 20, 21. That the stubborn and Rebellious Son, at the Com­plaint and prosecution of the Father and Mother, was to be judg'd to be ston'd to death; They say a Son was not under this Law until he was 13 years and one day old: for until that time he was not Filius proecepti, not bound to any Laws: As [Page 64] not until that time presum'd of competent dis­cretion, consideration, or conscience, to make him a Transgressor, or Breaker of a Law. But three Months after, they reckoned him compleatly a­dult, upon a general Presumption: when (and sooner, if he were sooner adult) he was free from the Power of his Father, and could not incur the mentioned Law, which condemns the rebellious and stubborn Son to be stoned to death. Mai­monides Tract. Memarim. But the Father who struck the Son, after he was adult (the Jews tell us) incurred Excommunication, for that he of­fended therein against the Law, Levit. 19.14. Thou shalt not put a Stumbling-block before the Blind: By which Precept they understand all things in­decent and dishonest to be forbidden. By which it doth appear, that the Jews did not take their Children to be longer under the authority of their Fathers, than until they commenced, in the soonest account, Men. Besides, that Law of Deut. Chap. 21. seems to be onely a permission of an unnatural kind of severity to the offended Pa­rents, at whose suit onely the punishment of that Law could be inflicted; such a sort of permission and liberty it was, as was indulg'd to them in the matter of Divorce.

But that which hath imposed upon this Gentleman, I believe, is, for that while they are to be educated, Parents exercise an Au­thority over their Children, which a sower Fa­ther may imagine to be Power. This I be­lieve [Page 65] gave the Gentleman his mistake, because he saith a Child and a Slave doth not differ; which is a shrewd indication that he was some­thing too masterly over his Children. But all equal parents know and understand, that the Education of their Children is duty and care; and it may, not improperly, be called a Sort of Generation-Work.

For I pray let it be considered, That the foetus is not perfected assoon as it is extruded the Matrix, no not until it be able to perform, unassisted, all the Actions of its proper life. That the life of a man is a life of Reason. That he cannot do the Acts of a man until he hath it in the exercise of it. He is not a perfect foetus, so as to be neglected by his parents, as soon as he can feed himself: the man after this may miscarry; and after this, if exposed by his parents, and not continued under their care, be abortivated. Education is a kind of Incubation. Our faculties are to be formed and drawn out in­to use, as well as our body to be organized, be­fore we can be denominated men. While this is accomplishing, the parents are but executing the natural instinct of propagating their like; until they have made them men, they are not begot­ten in their own likeness. They therefore with an easie propension, and a natural care, do apply themselves to offer things to their observation, to furnish their Memories, to try their judgments in little Essays, to render them discoursive, to draw out their faculties into use, until by little [Page 66] and little they arrive at discretion, and a power to form true judgments of what belongs to them; and to govern themselves in such Affairs and bu­sinesses that are to employ them.

But while this is a doing, they are under a Government of love and care, by the Arts of Discipline to be trained up to perfection. Several freakishnesses and caprices are to be cured, and the strength and luxuriancies of several natural Appetites are to be abated and restrained; and they are to be held to attention and observation, and made patient of instruction: Correction is to be administred to these purposes, and by these measures: But this duty of Correction doth not participate any thing of the Nature of Civil Government. It hath nothing of the Nature of punishment, ex­emplarity, or vindicative Justice.

It is not for the gratifying of the Parents displeasure to secure him against wrong or in­jury, to deter others, but to amend, improve, and better the Child, and always terminated to, and directed to that end; and by those measures it is tenderly and affectionately admi­nistred.

It will not be impertinent to observe, that our Common Law had no opinion of any Soveraign Authority in a Father. And also that the Statute of 25 E. 3. which declares petty Treasons as well as high Treasons, doth not declare the Sons kil­ling the Father to be Treason, tho Treason it is [Page 67] for a Servant to kill his Master. In which we have the Authority of our Parliament, and of the constant opinion of our Judges. That the nature and relation of a Father and a Son, doth not favour any thing of Government, or of a servile or Political subjection; For that they have not made Parricide Treason, though it is the most unnatural and most detestable Crime, and a far greater sin than that of killing a Master.

But further, to clear the true notion of a Fathers Authority, that it is duty and care, not Empire and absolute will; Let it be consi­dered, that God by his right of Creation hath an absolute, plenary, and direct dominion over us; we are more his than we are our own, or than any thing can be ours. Yet when he was plea­sed, of his gracious condescention to our ca­pacity, to quiet our fears of his power, and to invite our love, and assure our hope, he did declare himself our Father, thereby to assure us, that he would not rule us pro imperio, and according to his absolute right he had o­ver us. That stile he himself delights to use, and gives us leave to call him our Father; by which we all understand, that he will not pro­ceed with us according to his Right of abso­lute domination, no not in the terms of strict Right and Political Justice: But that he will con­sider our frame, pity our infirmity, correct us as his Children, but not punish us with an ex­terminating Justice.

Amongst the Romans antiently no man was admitted a Judge in Criminal Causes, but he that was a Father of Children; that the se­verities of a Judge, might be abated by the tenderness of a Father; that he who had Chil­dren of his own, might have the more pity to those of others; so different is the Office of a Judge, from the natural duty and tender­ness of a Father. It is the greatest violence that can be done to Nature, to compel a Fa­ther to sit in Judgment upon his Son. Next to that of obliging and compelling a man to execute himself, to make it the Fathers duty to pronounce a capital Sentence upon the Son, is the most unnatural thing in the World. The Father and the Son in this consideration are con­junctae personae; and when the Sin of the Father is visited upon the Son, the Son is afflicted, but the Father is punished; and when the Son hath the Question, the Father is taken to be confessed in tormentis silii.

But for a further instance to make it ap­pear how incompetent the duty of a Magi­strate is with the Nature of a Father, I will observe, that notwithstanding a Law was given to Adam and all his Sons, to establish Judica­tures according to the Tradition of the Jews, as may be seen in Mr. Selden his Book de jure Gentium secundum Hebraeos; which Law by the way had been supervacaneous, if the Power of a Prince did belong to Adam in the right of his [Page 69] Paternity, and a Government had been provided for them by their Birth. Yet, I say, notwithstand­ing that, there was such a Relaxation of Justice in the World before the Flood, because it could be only administred by a Father, or such who participated of the stock of love lodg'd in the common Father, from whom his Children did derive their tenderness one to another, as they themselves sprang from him. That the World was grown so wicked within two ages (as men then liv'd) from the Creation, that a Universal deluge was brought upon the World, by the just Judgment of God, for the outragious and in­sufferable Wickedness that had spread it self u­niversally over mankind, 8 persons only except­ed. The overflowing deluge of Wickedness, that caus'd the deluge of waters, can't be imputed to a more probable cause, than to the indulgence and impunity that the observed and understood near­ness of Kindred, that all men stood then in to one another must naturally occasion.

This is a sad consequence of that natural Love in Parents towards their Children, which was intended for the propagation and advance­ment of Mankind. But since that now we are estranged one from another in remote and un­known degrees, and that prejudice is over; here is a Gentleman, to destroy the World another w [...] and to undo us by unreasonable and un­ [...]d power, (which is alike apt to make [...] fit for another Universal destru­ction, [Page 70] if it be not without more destroyed by it) doth endeavour to turn the exercise of such power into a Right, and to give it war­ranty from the Reason and way of our pro­pagation; and by this means to destroy us fa­ster than we can be born and bred, and impair the Generations of Mankind, to render them extreamly miserable, or wicked, which is much worse; extinguish the light of the World, which is Love and Amity; and destroy the encou­ragement and reason of almost all relative Mora­lity.

What a Saturnine Father have we got, to make a golden Age! who ever would have thought, that the [...], the most moving, kind­est, most tender, pleasing, and beneficent in­stinct in Nature, planted by God the Father of us all, for the propagating, educating, and improving humane Nature, should ever be made use of to found a right of Tyranny, and Arbitrary domination, the greatest de­stroyer and depraver of Mankind? What Monster hath this last Age produced! a Christi­an, a Father, seriously endeavouring to per­swade all Mankind to offer up their Children to Moloch the Saturn of the Easterlings, who was but the Devil of Tyranny, as the name im­ports!

This [...], the true Origine and Fountain of Love and Amity, and the social Virtues which render men humane, from whence [Page 71] flows all the happiness of Mankind, will by this Doctrine be corrupted and rendred unsin­cere and self-designing. For when a Father performs an Act of Generation, it seems now he designs to add a slave to his Retinue; and when a Child is born, there is another Item added to the Inventory of his Estate. If this Fountain be corrupted, there can be nothing sincerely kind after it in Humane Nature. The Levia­than is out-done by this Gentleman, and hath not performed half so renownedly in the great Work of depraving Humane Nature, as our Patriarchal Knight will do, if his Admirers can bring him in­to vogue and esteem.

For the Author of the Leviathan allowed something good in Humane Nature, several equal propensions, which he terms her Coun­sels, and sometimes adventures to call the Laws of Nature: But he concludes they are not practi­cable, and they are only fools who govern them­selves by them.

But this Gentlemen will not allow Nature to be good in her first institution and design­ment; though in this I think they are near agree­able, that Mr. Hobbs made the Pourtraicture of Humane Nature in an agreeableness to his own evil Ingeny; and this Knight did set himself: when he made this his draught of a Father, he could have no other Original but himself, or the Idea of the morose and sowr Dr. P. H. his ad­mired friend; but by his Character he had at least [Page 72] misfigured his understanding, and made it his own Nature by liking it.

2ly. No more of authority belong'd to Adam over his Children, than does to any of his Children over his; for that this Authority pro­ceeds from Nature, and Nature is alike in all men. The duty of their education, and the Au­thority over them that is competent to that purpose, is as much belonging to them, and in­cumbent upon them, as upon the Protoplast. The duty is so personal, consisting [...], that it cannot be transferred, or permitted absolutely to any other person by the Parents; nor can any man challenge a right to it, or discharge the Fa­ther from it, or require the same affection, sub­mission and reverence that is due from a Child to his Father.

To expect relative duties without Relation, is most unnatural; it is as impossible as incon­gruous. We may as well love and hate, rejoyce and grieve, without the proper object and in­citements of those passions. The fundamental Rule of all morality, is that of Epictetus, [...], (that is to say) by the State and Condition in which we stand, the relations and respects under which we are considered, our duties are determined, measured, and adjusted: upon which see Simplicius his Excellent Dis­course, wherein many things are said agreeable to our purpose. This moral Aphorism is as certain as any proposition in Euclid, as the Doctrine of [Page 73] proportional Triangles, and received as such by all the Masters of Moral Philosophy. There is no other foundation of our duty to God or Man, or towards our selves: This Rule, whatever it is, must declare it. Whatever is measured and al­lowed by this Rule, is commonly called, (which is comprehensive of all that is honest, just, and fit) [...]. The application of this Rule is called by St. Paul [...], which when a man ob­serves, he is perfectly moral. A man may as well pay his debts by giving away his Money, be grateful to his benefactor by being benefi­cent to strangers, as perform that duty he owes his Father, to any but he that is so: It is as impos­sible to separate the shadow from the Substance, as to make that subsist by it self, which grows by resultance from the state and condition of the per­son; or that without that state of the person, from which it doth arise, it should ever accrew.

3ly. Admitting Adam had a Soveraign Au­thority over all his descendents, which must grow (if there was any such thing) from some positive institution, and not from his paternity, yet the natural Authority and Duty of Parents towards their Children, continues entire toge­ther with Soveraign Power, and is not at all abated by it, and therefore cannot be the same. No Soveraign Power can extort the Children from their Fathers Authority and Care: This is a duty in Nature before Governments. They cannot belong to the Government, before they [Page 74] are filii praecepti, and capable of the Consci­ence of a Law. It is a duty in Parents to e­ducate their Children, and a right they have in consequence to govern them, that cannot be taken from them. It is the Parents duty to form their Consciences. They are appointed by God, the great Ministers of his Providence and Grace to the Children. That they perform this Office, he hath tyed them to it by the sweetest constraints and almost violences of Nature, by an irresistable love and tyes of Endearment that cannot be broken. This de­clares their Right of Authority over their Chil­dren, against any interposings of Soveraign Au­thority to its prejudice, let or hinderance. Tho­mas Aquinas positively determines, that it is not lawful for Christian Kings to baptize the Chil­dren of the Jews against the will of their Parents, for that (saith he) it is against the course of natural justice.

4ly. Thereis no footsteps in the Records of the old world to verifie this Hypothesis. That such Authority was so much as pretended to, used or exercised by Adam; but we find instances against it in the short History before the Flood. Cain received no sentence from Adam his Prince and Soveraign Judge, but from God himself, or rather from his Shecinah, or some visible Repre­sentation of his presence.

Thence he obtained some degree of impu­nity, and his life protected. No mention here [Page 75] at all of Adam his taking the Tribunal, or Cains arraignment, or of any pardon or in­dulgence granted by King Adam. Lamech that had killed a man by mischance, did not alledge his case at his Father Adams Court, and the matter of extenuation of the Man-killing; we hear of no pardon of Course to be allowed, when the circumstances of fact had been first judicially considered.

How could a thing of such importance be omitted in the story of the old World, though so short? It was of more concernment, than to know that Tubal Cain was the first Smith, and Jubal the first man that made a Musical instru­ment, to know the original nature and reason of Government.

Besides, we find all the grand-Children of Noah becoming Princes of Countries, and the Sons and grand-Sons of Esau alike Dukes and Princes; that is, at least absolute Fathers of their own Families, and ruling over such as were their slaves and dependants.

And the 12 Sons of Jacob are all called Patri­archs.

When Nimrod plaid the Tyrant, we find no­thing said for his justification, upon any Patriar­chal right.

But if we consult the Traditions of the Jews, they will inform us of another original of Go­vernment, and that is this: They say that God gave several Precepts to Adam and his [Page 76] Sons, and Noah and his Sons, and one amongst the rest, that they should erect Governments, which his Sons could not have performed with­out Rebellion against their King-Father, if Adam had been so, as Sir Robert Filmer first dreamt.

Also besides that of making Governments, there was a Precept given them of honouring their Parents, Selden de jure Naturae secundum Hebraeos, fol. 792. And therefore the Precept of honouring Parents, is a distinct duty from that of obedience to Governments. By this Precept they had Authority in general to e­stablish Governments amongst themselves, in the specification of which, they were left to their own liberty and discretion, and therefore were not obliged to any single form of Government. It must be understood, that the Precept which re­quired the Sons of Adam and Noah to establish Governments, required also every mans Sub­mission to their Orders, Laws, and Decrees, when established.

Lastly, We will consider of the instances he gives of the Exercise of Soveraign Power by Fa­thers of Families, which are as impertinent to his purpose, as his Doctrine is groundless and precari­ous: But they are these: Abraham's War, and Ju­dahs Judgment upon Thamar.

As to the first, of Abraham's making War; We say we cannot allow that making War doth argue any Soveraign Authority: It is sufficient, that he who makes it is under none [Page 77] to make a vindicative War lawful. For an injured Person may, in the State of Nature, vindicate wrongs by an Authority derived from God and Nature to a just satisfaction: Because there is no competent Judicature to appeal to for right and redress. But see how unhappy the Gentleman is! This very instance of his production, is clearly against him: For if Sove­raign Power had been Patriarchal, Abraham had been guilty of Treason, in making War without a Commission from Melchizedech the King of Salem, who, as the Learned men con­jecture, was Shem his Patriarch and Chief, and known by him for such. But because Abra­ham, the best man perhaps in any Age, did not take a Commission from Melchizedech his Pa­trialchal chief, and yet he was blessed by Mel­chizedech when here turned from the War; We may conclude, that neither Melchizedech nor Abraham knew of any such Patriarchal Sove­raignty. And also from this great Example it appears, that it is lawful for him that is not a Soveraign, if he be not under any, to make War.

I will not enter into a discourse, whence and how is derived the Authority of making War and capital Sentences, (for the same rea­son must warrant both) which hath puzled some great Divines. Dr. Hammond, that great man, was at a loss in this enquiry, and thinks that nothing but a Divine Authority can warrant [Page 78] them, which hath put them upon strange extra­vagant Hypotheses of Government, and sent this Knights brains a Wool-gathering. But this may satisfie any man of sence, That whatever is ne­cessary for the general happiness of Mankind, and for preserving peace in the World, and pro­tecting the innocent, and dis-inabling the migh­ty oppressors, is more commendable to be done, than the killing a man in his own defence is sim­ply lawful.

As to his second instance of Judah his Sen­tence pronounced upon his Daughter-in-Law Thamar, which the Knight would have an exercise of Patriarchal Soveraign Authority; we say, how could Judah do this by a Patriarchal Power, when Jacob his Father was then alive, and for all that appears, Judah his Son was not extrafamiliated? Besides, which is very unlucky, Thamar was then none of his Family, or of the Subjects of his Do­mestick Empire; for his Son her Husband being dead, she was free from the Law of her Husband, and ceased to be a Subject of his Paternal King­dom. But Mr. Selden, under the Authority of some Rabbins, which he cites in his excellent Book before mentioned, fol. 807. saith, That Ju­dah might have the Office of a Prince or Magi­strate in a district in that Country, and by that Authority might judg her according to the Laws of that Country. But what the Law was, and the Nature and Reason of her Offence, by which it became Capital, is not understood, as he tells us [Page 79] in the place before-cited. I shall not trouble the Reader with unfolding the matter.

But why doth he trouble himself to make Kings Fathers of their Countries? Some cannot be so, and some have no mind to be so; and yet they ought to be Kings. And some that have not been Kings, have been so, and so styled; as the great M. Tully, for defeating the Catiline-Conspiracy, was by decree of the Senate called Pater Patriae. Those are with reason truly called Patres Patriae, which either relieve their Country from misera­ble pressures, which is the civil death of a Nati­on; and for this reason our King hath the honour of being called Pater Patriae, and we hope that he will wear that honourable Title, upon a second deliverance of us from a most deplorable condi­tion.

Or else such are called Patres Patriae, who bring the Nation to an exalted state of happiness, so much beyond their old state of things, that they seem to give the Nation a new civil Life, Being, and Birth.

For his etymological argument from the no­tation of the Word, it is too putid to be insisted upon, though not more ridiculous than his Hy­pothesis.

But for that the reduction of our duty to our King to the fifth Commandment, may seem to give some advantage to this Hypothe­sis, with Fathers who know no bounds of their power over their Children; It must be obser­ed, [Page 80] that the Decalogue is not a compleat Rule of Morality. The Decalogue comprised the Principal Laws of that Common-wealth which God their Law-giver by a most Solemn Act of his Legislation, did more awfully oblige them to observe.

God that time was their King; Rebellion was as Idolatry; and the sin of Witchcraft, and the Defection of one of their Cities to Idolatry, was punished as a revolt and Rebellion, Deut. 13. v. 15. He had provided for his Honour and Worship, and their Allegiance, in the first Table; and did design by the fifth Command­ment to lay the Foundation of all positive mo­rality, by providing for a Reciprocation of kindnesses, by enjoyning the gratitude and fit­ting returns of Children to their Parents, and by putting Children under obligations to be taught and instructed by their Parents. But our duty to Governors is more duly referred to all the other Commandments, because Govern­ment secures the observation of those Laws to us, by which we enjoy our selves and ours, freed from the Volations of Lust, Appetite, Fraud and Violence.

We do not honour our King by relief in his fortune, which is commanded to be done by our Parents in the precept of honouring them; our subsidies and Aids are not to that purpose, but contributions to the charges of the Govern­ment; they are the just price of our immunity and [Page 81] protection, from fraud and violence; for which cause pay we tribute.

But whatsoever he be, that hath more respect for this Knights Works than I have, may find him more gently treated by a very worthy Gentle­man, in a very candid and judicious Book cal­led, Patriarcha non Monarcha.

But what is the meaning of these flattering Books? they cannot but be nauseous to His Ma­jesty, who is a very wise Prince, and knows how sensless such Books are: and besides, they make the People afraid, and the Nation unquiet, from the apprehensions they give, that the Govern­ment will be changed. Notwithstanding the King hath given such solemn assurance to the Na­tion by his late Declaration, That we shall have frequent Parliaments, and that he will govern by Law.

They would have had a better market for the Divinity they bestow upon Princes, with Alexander after he had lost his Vertue, and with those vile Emperours whose Names are Regum opprobria, for such the flatterers of ancient times Deifyed: those who had ceas'd to be men they made Gods, and when they had left no­thing about them that was tolerable, they mag­nified their power, which was already most in­tolerable.

If the Kings hereafter would but read the History of Kings, under that conclusion, that a wise observer of Humane Events made after [Page 82] a long observation and experience, and would make Experiments of the truth of it in their own reading, Kings would be glorious, and the Nations they govern happy and full of peace. They would find therein so many effectual Do­cuments to fear God and regard men, and govern them righteously. It is this:

People can be no happier than Government and Laws design to make them, though they do not always answer the good designments of the Government.

To what purpose then are these new Hypo­theses fram'd and published? Kings are exempt­ed by their Office, and the sacredness of their persons, from all fears, but the fears of Nature, and these can never be discharged. Those who do ill, will fear ill eternally, though their power were made little less than omni­potent; for the frame of Humane Nature hath made it necessary to be so. Besides, God hath made one thing against another: There is a divine Nemesis interwoven in the nature of [Page 83] things. And God will always govern the World.

The great Mogol at his Inauguration swears, That his People shall be at peace at home, and victorious abroad, afflicted neither with Plague nor Famine, but enjoy Health and Plenty all his days.

This seems extraordinary Pompous and Ar­rogant; but it means no more than this, that he will govern them so vertuously, that Gods Providence shall be always propitious to his People; and is no more in plain English, than what our Church offers up in her publick Prayers for the King, (viz.) That he may go­vern us in Wealth, Peace, and Godliness; that he may live long, and so govern us, ought to be every honest mans Prayers. But after all these vain Hypotheses contrived for making Kings Absolute, it will be more easie for Kings to make their Reigns unquiet, and turn their Kingdoms into Fields of blood.

But lastly, to revive the ancient Zeal of the true Members of the Church of England against Popery: To rectify the mistakes of some Gen­tlemen of the Clergy about the Dissenters: And of our late Parliaments, and their proceedings in reference to them;

Let it be considered, how unreasonable their [Page 84] apprehensions are of any danger to the Church of England, from the desires of the House of Commons, of some indulgence or toleration in favour of the Dissenters at this time; especi­ally when the Protestant Religion is so shrewd­ly beset: she hath reason now sure to take all such for her Friends, that are heartily Enemies to Popery, though not so skilful as they should be to ward off its assaults. Since the Papists presume to call them Fanaticks, though exactly conformable to the Church of England, that will not assist to bring on the Popish Plot by dis-believing it; and put us in fear of the Fa­naticks, by taking all the courses imaginable to provoke and exasperate them, and to increase their discontents (which they maliciously heighten, and by falshood and forgeries misre­present:) To graft thereupon a Pretence of a Protestant Plot, for a pretext to extirpate Pro­testantism and introduce Popery, which they impudently pretend to be of a more firm Alle­giance to the Government than the Reformed Religion.

I pray let it be considered, that that which is tolerated is put under disgrace, even for that it is tolerated; and that which tolerates, even for that it tolerates, hath the governing Autho­rity; and in so much as it indulgeth, it obli­geth to modesty and reason; and if that indul­gence should be abused, it may and will be re­tracted. It was never intended by the House [Page 85] of Commons, that the Church of England should be altered or modelled to an agreeable­ness to any form or sect of the Separation, or prescrib'd to by any of the Dissenters; or that she should be made subject to any of their rules or opinions, or her Liturgy laid aside for Directories, or, which is worse, undervalued to the prophane way of extemporizing: For as ge­nerally used and exercised, it deserves no milder a stile. That the Church should always govern by her own Wisdom in her own Province, and in those things that appertain to her, can never be deny'd her.

No man hath reason to say, though he hath great cause to dislike the Separation, and to have a bad opinion of the Dissenters, that he had rather submit to Popery, than to any form of the Separation, for he need do neither ex­cept he pleaseth. No man that thus expresseth himself, but will be suspected to seek an occa­sion and pretence to become a Papist, and to make a defection from the Church of England.

But if these Gentlemen have such a displea­sure against Schism and Separation (which cer­tainly is the worst disease any Church can la­bour under, and at this time threatens the de­struction as well of the Protestant Religion it self, as it doth to the Professors of all denomi­nations) let this sharpen their Zeal against Po­pery (which by its unhallowed arts hath occa­sioned and exasperated our Schism,) and put [Page 86] them upon the use of all means to reconcile, if possible, the Schism, (that the Papists have al­ready made, and by all means endeavour to continue) and take away, if possible, the occa­sion of it for the time to come: And thus de­feat the Arts of the Priests and Jesuits for supplan­ting our Church.

It is a most deplorable thing, that our Church should be kept rent and divided, in danger of being lost, between Rituality and Scrupulosity.

Though the Scruples of the Nonconformists, which I always thought, and do still think groundless, and unreasonable, have often moved me into some passion against them; yet upon consideration, I think this their Scrupulosity may be of God, and that some men are by him fra­med to it. That he hath provided it, as a bar and obstacle in the Natures and Complexions of some devout men against any Innovations what­soever, that dangerous ones may not steal upon the Church, for the better maintaining the sim­plicity and purity of the Christian Religion and Worship. But in saying this, I have said no­thing that is apt to give them a conceit of them­selves, but rather to humble them: For the best men are not govern'd by their Temper and Con­stitution, but correct them by their Reason, and determine themselves by a clear and him Judge­ment.

What affrightment, all this while, either to Church or State, from this weak and pityable [Page 87] Scrupulosity? Where lyes the Treason or Sacri­ledge, nay or so much as contumacy against our Ecclesiastical Governours, which is so much up­braided to them?

The Christian Religion may be prejudiced by addition to, as well as substraction from her rule: The Church of Rome by her additions hath al­most evacuated the Christian Faith.

Besides, there may be a fineness in the out­ward mode of Religious Worship in it self very justifiable, which may be not congenial to men of a course make. The Worship of God will al­ways favour of the manners of the people; men of dull capacity can scarce admit of any Ceremo­nies without danger of falling into superstition, or hardly escape being vext with endless and incura­ble scruples about them, until for ease of their minds they throw them off.

But the wisdom of the best Law-makers hath considered in giving Laws, what the people would bear, and not what is best to be enjoyn­ed; and many things have been tolerated by them which they did not approve, Ne majoribus malis detur occasio, aut etiam ne vilescant sine mori­bus leges.

There is nothing more exposeth the Autho­rity of Government to contempt, than a pub­lick and an open neglect of its Injunctions. But where obedience to Laws is exacted under se­vere penalties, where it doth not greatly im­port the common good to have them observed, [Page 88] that Government is unequal, and useth its Au­thority unjustifiably. Leges cupiunt, ut jure re­gantur.

The consideration of the sad effects the Schism in our Church hath occasioned, the con­tempt that it hath brought upon our Ecclesi­astical Governours. That Religion it self is thereby made the scorn of Atheists. That the Papists are thereby furnished with matter of ob­jection, reproach and scandal to the Reforma­tion. That every Age since it begun hath heightned the malignity of the Schism. That it seems now to despise the Cure of the greatest Cassanders. These considerations, I say, make it infinitely desirable to have it utterly extinguished.

There seems to be now left but one way of accommodating our Divisions, and that is, that we do not hereafter make those things wherein we differ matter and reason of Divisi­on.

That the Children of the Light and Refor­mation, be at length as wise in this matter as the Church of Rome, which is at unity with it self, under more and greater differences than those that have troubled the peace of our Church; which is sufficiently known to all Learned men.

Had it not been happy, that this Schism had been prevented by the use of the power of the Church in Ecclesiastical dispensations? If no Law had been made touching the mat­ters [Page 89] that gave the first occasion to the Schism, it had been in the Power of the Church to have prevented it. No good Bishop but would have relaxed the Canons that enjoyned these Ce­remonies (about whose lawfulness there hath been so much Zeal mispent, and unwarrantable heat and contention raised) for the sake of peace, and preservation of the Unity of the Church, to men peaceable, and otherwise obedient to her injunctions. So dangerous it is to make Laws in matters of Religion, which takes the conduct of Religion in so much from the Guides of the Church.

The beginning of contention is like the breaking out of waters, saith the wise man; and they are assoon as begun, more easily end­ed. Before the Contenders have exasperated one another with mutual severities and contumelies, which at every return increase, until both sides lose either their Vertue, or the Reputation of it.

Can any man imagine that any prejudice can accrew to the Church of England, if she did enlarge her Communion by making the con­ditions of it more easie? especially if this may be done without annulling any of her institu­tions, which the better instructed Christians will always, and the Weak may in time de­voutly observe. But till they can, they may be received and retained of her Communion, and not be rejected by her censures, though they [Page 90] do not submit to all of them at present. Will it be any prejudice, that the Number of her Bishops be increased, and that Suffragans be appointed or approved by the present Bishops, in partem solli­citudinis, as was enacted by the Statute 26 H. 8. cap. 14. Which Law was repealed by 1, 2 P. M. and revived by 8 Eliz. cap. 1. These Suffragans were not intended to participate of their Honours or Revenues. Had it not been much more eligible to have dispenced with invincible Scru­ples, rather than a Schism should have been occa­sioned, which the longer it continues will be more incurable, and with greater difficulty accommo­dated, as it grows likewise more mischievous? Is it fit that the peace should be hazarded, or the Nation put with reason or without reason in fear of it: Or a Kingdom turned into a Shambles for a Ceremony, or a Ritual in our publick Wor­ship, which if omitted would leave the exercise of it solemn and decent? For no man knows the obstinacy of inveterate prejudices, founded perhaps in the very Complexions and Natures of the Dissenters, hardned also in their way by observing how little effect Laws have had for reducing their Numbers, and also how unpra­cticable any Severity is in the present broken and distracted state of the Nation. Why may not Standing at the Sacrament be tolerated, (though Kneeling is the devoutest gesture, and to me most agreeable) when it is a posture of Pray­er enjoyned in the Primitive Church, in their [Page 91] solemn Meetings for Divine Worship, between the Feasts of Easter and Whitsontide? Why may not the signing of the Cross in Baptism for the sake of Peace and Unity, be dispensed with where desired, when the Sacrament is entire without it? Why may not our publick Liturgie be chan­ged and altered, though it may be defended as it is, and as it is, entertains the devotions of the best men, meerly for this reason, because it is not liked in some parts of it by some men, yet truly devout? Besides, it is the wish of some excellent persons of the Church of England, that our publick Offices were more, and those we have not so long; and that the Church had a greater Treasury of Prayers, and by variety of Forms for the same Office, were enlarged in her spirit of Prayer, and her publick Devotions heightned. Why may not the Rubrick be altered as general scruples shall arise, by the Authority of the Church? this would not lessen her Au­thority, but advance the esteem of her Wis­dom in the exercise of it, when she useth it for edification.

It is much better sure to give place to an innocent opinion, when entertained by consi­derable Numbers, though a mistake, than to keep up contention and strife. Peace in the Church is better than precise and nice Orthodox­ness; and Union is to be preferred before un­necessary Truth, which is of no more impor­tance to our Salvation, than one of Euclids Pro­positions, [Page 92] though to be sure not so certain, and of less use.

The business of the Church is not to make men great Clerks, to improve us to the sub­tilty of the Schools; but to build men up in the Faith and Love of God, by which they may be instructed to every good Work. Her aim is not to make men courtly in their behaviour in our Churches, but truly devout: and true devotion will never fail to make the Publick Worship so­lemn, and advance it beyond a decent formali­ty.

But I would not be mistaken; it is not the Dissenters I intend to befriend, but the Church of England: for as for them, I declare I have no liking to any thing they say or do; and am especially dissatisfied with their very bad man­ners. It is difficult to abstain from an inve­ctive, but that I think it would be thrown away upon them, and that they are at pre­sent incorrigible. This is not the season for instructing their Wisdoms; we must wait for the mollia tempora fandi. I thus conclude, since that excellent person the Dean of Pauls hath been treated by them with such petu­lancies and rude insults, for his Sermon of the mischiefs of Separation. If a discourse mana­ged with almost irresistable reason, candour, temper and Address, be matter of exasperation, and they turn again, and are more hardned in their obstinacies, and become more confirmed [Page 93] in their separating way, nothing but their own thoughts, and the consideration in what a des­perate condition they have brought the Refor­med Religion by their Separation, will reclaim them.

But it is expected that Governments should be wise, that they manage and controul the Follies and Weaknesses of those committed to their care, that they may do the least mischief to themselves and others, and by prudent and practicable methods amend and reform them. The most froward, weiward, and stubborn Children give their Parents the most care, and opportunities of exercising the most tender love for them, though they can take no complacency in their awkerdness. The Church of England is concerned to retain all her Children in her Family, to shut out none by abdication; that their numbers be not few, and she be asha­med when she speaks with her Enemy in the Gate. Not to provoke any of them to wrath, lest they forsake her, and turn against her when distresses shall come upon her. She hath reason at this time sure to make her Discipline easie, and to learn of the Church of Rome to be more comprehensive. Their Doctrine of comprehension is so large, that it destroys the Religion to increase the number of Professors: but I mean no more, than that positive and al­terable institutions may give place to the peace, security, and preservation of Religion it self, [Page 94] to whose service they were first fram'd and design'd.

It hath been heretofore, of old it hath been said, Mores Leges in potestatem pertraxerunt suam. Plato formed an Idea to himself of a Common­wealth, without respect to the manners of men; but he writ another, which he calls, [...] that is to say, accommodated and fitted to the man­ners of the people, and such as they would bear. Origen, in his Book against Celsus, applies to Mo­ses the Answer of a famous Law-giver, who asked, [...], i. e. whether those Laws he had given to his Citizens were the best? the answer was, [...], i. e. not simply the best, but the best they would bear. And we all know what God permitted to the Jews, in the matter of Di­vorce, for the hardness of their Hearts. When all is said, People must be governed as they can.

But in the mean time, it is pity any of our zeal and indignation should be mispent, when we have use for it all against the Church of Rome, the source whence all our Divisions spring. To which we owe the first Separations that were made in our Church; which appears by undeni­able Records, published by Dr. Stillingfleet, in his Book called the Ʋnreasonableness of Separa­tion. How they have propagated, multiplied, exasperated, and promoted our Divisions, to tell you, would make a Volume; besides, no Prote­stant is now to know it. I have only this fur­ther [Page 95] to observe, that the Church of Rome at first only designed by the Arts of dividing us, and breaking us into several Communions, to disgrace the Reformation, to make our spiri­tual Governours, Pastors, and Teachers, lose their Authority with the People: To deprave our Religion with licentious opiniastre, and absurd dogmatizing; to load our departure from that Church, with the mischief of innumerable Schisms; and to make us reconcilable to the Tyranny and Impostures of that Church, from the vain opinions and licentiousness of the Se­ctaries, who have been seduced, managed, infla­med, and made wild by their imposturous Arts and Deceits.

This, I believe, was only at first designed by the Priests, but now they apparently design by the Dissenters to destroy the Church, or by the Church to destroy the Dissenters, that they more easily come to rights with her. They imagine the Dissenters are very numerous, and that the Nation is fallen into two great parts; that the Dissenters numbers are vast. But God be thanked, they neither make our Grand Jury-men, nor the common Halls of the City of London, for chusing the Lord-Mayors or Sheriffs. And I challenge any man to give me a List of all the Names of Dissenters that were of the House of Commons in our two last Parliaments: I am sure they will not make a Number: but they reckon the Numbers of Dissenters, by the [Page 96] care they have taken to increase it. They used great art to continue the Separation when His Majesty was restored: Since, Laws have been made to raise the Animosities of Dissenters, but scarce ever executed for repressing them. If for any reason of State the Laws here and there, and for a spurt, have been exacted, secret com­forts and supports have been given to their Preachers of greatest Authority with them. And when they have seem'd to preach with the courage and zeal of Confessors to their Audi­tors, they have not only been assured of indemp­nity, but have received rewards. How pros­perously did the work of Separation go on by these Councils of our Achitophels! by these means they concluded it would be heightned, that it would admit of no terms of an accommodati­on. How insolent were their Harangues! more taking with their deluded Auditors, while they apprehended them acted with an invin­cible zeal of Religion. What Animations did their People receive to defy the Church and her Authority, when their Preachers despised Fines and Imprisonment, to their seeming, out of pure zeal against her Order!

It is well known, several of them were in Pension; and no men have been better received by the D. than J. J. J. O. E. B. and W. P. &c. Ringleaders of the Separation. Besides that Po­pish Priests have been taken and executed for preaching in Field-meetings in Scotland. They have [Page 97] raised there a sort of Enthusiasts more wild and mischievous than any we had amongst us in the times of licentiousness. They have had, not­withstanding, great Lords that have patronized them, who were always well received in their applications in their favour, at St. James's; and several of their Preachers, who were not Priests, have received Exhibition and Pensions for their encouragement. It was necessary that the Fana­ticism planted in Scotland, should be very loath­some, to make that Nation abate any of their zeal for the Protestant Religion, or to neglect their fears and apprehensions of Popery, or to make the least step towards it.

Awake, you drowsie Sleepers, open your eyes! the Sun is risen, there is light enough to fill your sight, if you would look up, and were willing to see. Could any thing be conceived more apt to bring the Church of England into contempt and scorn with those of the Separation, than to have Laws made in her favour, penal Laws which are thought to be of her procurement, and not exe­cuted? Vain and ineffective anger is always returned with contumely, scorn, and hatred: Cupide conculcatur nimis ante metitum. And so it hath succeeded in this case; nothing hath been more passable than the basest scurrility upon the Church, the Bishops, and the Clergie. The Atheist, the impious and profane, have listed themselves Fanaticks, that they might have the greater Li­berty of reviling Religion it self with impunity.

Consider how the Church of England is used, which is truly the Bulwark of the Protestant Religion. About ten years since, they designed to slight her works, and demolish her, by a ge­neral Indulgence and Toleration: And now they intend to destroy her Garrison, those that can and will defend her against Popery. By one of their Pamphleteers, the Separation is called an Usurpation upon the Government; and all the Dissenters (as such only) Rebels, and Trai­terous to the King. The same Gentleman would perswade the world, that the ready way to ex­tirpate Popery, is by rooting out of Fanaticism; whether (saith he) the Fanaticks bring on the Jesuits Plot, or the Jesuits the Fanaticks, is not a farthing matter: But in the mean time, that the Papists have a Plot on foot, needs no proof. That any sort of Protestants are engaged in a Plot, can­not be proved: But all honest Protestants of the Church of England, think it more righteous to punish the Deceivers, and pity the Deceived, and wish them only cut off that make Divisions. It is one way of curing, or rather of extinguishing the Disease, to kill the Patient; but no Prince did ever yet provide Cut throats for his People, in epidemical Diseases, instead of Physicians.

But if the Papists could arm other Protestants against Dissenters, there would be the less work for Papists to do: And they will be sure to requite them for this Favour with Polyphemus his Cour­tesie.

For, to give the Devil his due, they are not themselves so fond of Massacres and destruction of Hereticks, as to envy that employment to any other that will undertake it. They had rather any other party of men should do the drudgery for them. Besides, what one sort of Protestants shall execute upon another, will give them better pretence and more hardiness (if they wanted either Pretence or Resolution to destroy such as they call Hereticks) to execute the like destruction upon the Church-Prote­stants, who certainly differ more from the Pa­pists, than the Separatists do from our Church. Surely there is good reason they should be more sharply treated by the Papists, than they treated the Dissenters. And if they are in such sort used, they must lay their hands upon their mouths, and be silent before their Persecutors, and acknowledge the righteous Judgment of God, in bringing such tribulation upon them, from their Enemies, wherewith they troubled their own Brethren.

But there are better ways sure of putting an end to the Popish Plot, than by putting it in Exe­cution for them; That is to say,

By suppressing that contumacy that is grown so rife in the Dissenters, against the Church of England, by putting the revilers of her Establish­ment and Order under the severest Penalties.

By the Church her condescention and indul­gences to those that are weak and scrupulous, [Page 100] and the peaceable Dissenters, such Condescen­tion will not abate, but magnifie her Autho­rity.

The Church of England will not be by this means lost, but her Governance preserv'd, especial­ly if the Relaxation that shall be made proceeds from her ex mero motu, and is not imposed upon her by any secular Authority. Nay, she will be­come by this means more ample and venerable. What Glories will then shine upon the heads of the Bishops! We shall all rise up and call them blessed. They will attain an [...] here, and receive divine Honours while they live. Their Order will be recovered into the highest Venera­tion, and it will never be after a question in the English Church, whether the Order of Bishops be Apostolical.

The Parliament will make all Laws yield and comply to such happy, peaceable, and gratious Intendments. All the people will honour them as their common Saviours, that shall thus snatch us from the very brink of Ruine, and render the designs of the implacable Enemies of the Church, ready to take effect to the destruction of our Religion and Nation, utterly defeated.

But what punishments can we think too severe upon any, that shall be guilty of such insolent Iniquity, as not to allow that Liberty to the Church, which they seek as a favour from her to themselves; that will not let the Church escape their Censures, when she graciously exempts [Page 101] them from her Censures, and pities their Er­rors and Follies? What Fines and Imprison­ments, Pillories and Scourgings, do they deserve, that persecute the Church with Revilings, when they themselves are tolerated? Their condem­nation must be just, whatever their doom be, themselves being Judges. They will suffer as evil doers, and disturbers of the peace, not for their Religion, but for a most extravagant and intolerable unrighteousness. They who will not tolerate others, are themselves for that reason most intolerable: Against these our Laws are to be sharpned, and their iniquities to be punished by a Judge. But the Statute of 35 Eliz. which punisheth dissatisfaction, and peaceable with­drawings from the publick Worship with Exile and Death, declares how odly the business of the Separation hath been managed, and with what disadvantages to the Church; as it doth also the impracticableness of Laws, that make perhaps invincible prejudices, and modest and peaceable dissatisfactions, capitally criminal. The execu­tion of this Law is scarce possible. It is by no means agreeable, either to the Christian temper of our Church, or his Majesties great Clemency, of which he hath assured us in the general course of his Reign. And especially for that, that Law hath been very rarely proceeded upon. A Gen­tleman that lay in Cambridge-Goal, under the Judgment of that Law, was reprieved by his Majesty, with a great dislike expressed by him [Page 102] against that and such like severities. Whatever extravagances of a few wild Fanaticks of that Age occasioned that Law, the state of the Se­paration and of the Nation being quite alter­ed from what it was then, the execution of this Law now, would be something like a She­riffs serving a Writ out of date in another Coun­ty, which can have no effect but mischief to him­self.

While our Dissenters are thus reasonably in­dulged, and strictly obliged to their peaceable behaviour, they can give no apprehensions to the Government, either in Church or State. This is all that is designed, and all that they ought to have. This certainly would be readily yield­ed them in this present juncture especially, if the Evils of the late unhappy times did not stand up­on their score.

But I perswade my self, that as this course, if it had been heretofore taken, would have pre­vented one great cause of our late Troubles; so it will in such measure prevent them from re­turning, as the Separation can be accounted the cause of them.

As for the Sacriledge and Spoil which was then made upon our Church, it could never have hapned, but upon the dissolution of the Govern­ment, nor can it even happen again.

That War would have been impossible, if the Church-men had not maintained the Doctrine, that Monarchy was Jure Divino, in such a sence [Page 103] that made the King absolute; and they and the Church in consequence perished by it.

But God be thanked, we see the Church a­gain restored to her endowments, grown wiser than to desire to hold that precariously, and at pleasure, she doth enjoy by an unmovable legal Right. Of the three Estates of this Kingdom (for to suspect any such thing of the King, would be unpardonable Blasphemy) there can be no reasonable suspition: Though of the House of Commons it is become now lawful to suspect, and say any thing that is evil. But no man but the Villains that design by dishonouring them to change the Government, hath reason to en­tertain such a thought. The Members of the House of Commons in our latest Parliaments, were all, upon the matter, entirely conformable to the Church of England. They were persons of the best Estates, Reputation, and Honour in their Countries: And they, or such as they, are like to make our succeeding Parliaments.

I have leave to put them under the impreca­tion of the severest Curse, if ever they do sa­crilegiously impair the Church of her Revenues. And I desire it may be assisted with the hear­ty and passionate desires of all good Christians, that so the Curse I now pronounce may operate upon them who shall incur it. He that designs, contrives, or consents to spoil the Church of any of her Endowments: May a secret Curse waste his Substance; Let his Children be Vaga­bonds, [Page 104] and beg their bread in desolate places.

Besides, I know it is meditated, and designed by many, and the best men, that use to be sent to Parliaments, to redeem in part that infa­mous Sacriledge that was committed in the times of H. 8. Then Rectories appropriate to Religious Houses, which had by Appropriations the cure of the Parish, that ought after the dis­solution of the Monasteries to be presented to, were vested in the Crown; whereby not only the Church was robbed, but the People chea­ted of their Tythes, which were theirs to give, though not to retain, their Proemium for the Priests Ministrations; which are now often most slen­derly, and sometimes scandalously performed. As also to disincumber her Revenue of the Charges and Impositions of First-fruits and Tenths, which were imposed and exacted by the Pope, upon his pretence of being the oecu­menical Pastor and High-Priest of the Christian Church; and at that time likewise conferred up­on the Crown, and are as unreasonably conti­nued, as any thing can be that hath a Law for a pretext.

But for this, a Compensation may be given to the Crown; and some way will be found out for augmentation of Vicaridges and re-indow­ment of Churches that lost all in that unpa­rallel'd Sacriledge, committed by the unsatiable Avarice of that haughty and luxurious Prince. These designs employ the care of a great num­ber [Page 105] of our principal Gentlemen, to purge the sin and dishonour brought upon the Nation by that extraordinary King.

But if there were reason for any fear, that the Nation could again incur the guilt of Sacri­ledge, What warranty can this give to any of the Clergy of our Church to slack or abate the Zeal that is due for the purity of her Doctrine, prudence of her Discipline, and her commen­dable, decent, and intelligible Devotion? Are they worthy to be named of her, that are ready to dissert her, out of fear of a remote possibility that she may not always have such Largesses to give as she now bestows upon her Sons? Will they prefer the gift to the Altar, and declare all their Godliness to be Gain? To suffer Popery for such a consideration to be induced upon her, is a far worse and more detestable Sacriledge than that they pretend to fear. This is to make the Anathemata of the Temple to inserve to the dishonour of the Numen. To desecrate the Altar for the sake of the gift: And will by the just Judgment of God (I fear) bring the abomination of desolation again into our holy places.

Let none of her Sons, for the obtaining a Dig­nity, or a capacity for a double Benefice, betray her by neglecting her interest, thinking with themselves that she will otherwise be supported; for this their doings is no less than the sin of Ju­das, who took money to betray our Lord, ima­gining [Page 106] that he would by a Miracle rescue him­self from the hands of those to whom he sold and betrayed him.

The honest of our Clergy will have little sa­tisfaction when that day comes. When they shall be reduced to Prayers and Tears, if they are fail­ing in any thing that they may lawfully do to prevent that miserable state, their Tears will be as water spilt upon the ground; and their Prayers will never find acceptance with God, nor be returned into their own bosom.

But above all, those fine men are not to pass un­reproved, who are preparing pretences for their Revolt to the Roman Church. They tell us, that the Reformation is depraved, and Popery it self is much amended since the Reformation; that it is not so grosly superstitious, (though her Super­stitions are still enough to stifle Religion) nor so fabulous in her Legends, (she need make no new ones, since she gives authority still to the old) nor so imposturous in her cheats (for her Priests have not been Hocus-pocusses of late, used so ma­ny tricks of Legerdemain, and presented their Puppet-plays of moving and squeaking Images) since the Reformation, as before.

But they may know, that the reason why we have not maintained the dignity of the Refor­mation [Page 107] intire, is this; for that Popery hath not been utterly extirpated from amongst us, though their frequent Treasons, and their notorious se­ductions have deserved it.

By its continuance amongst us, and the resorts of their Priests hither, it hath created and fomen­ted Divisions amongst us, and corrupted her Chil­dren from their obedience to her guidance and instructions: But she her self is still the same she was, the Reformation of the Church is still in­tire. She hath made good her departure from the Church of Rome; her Adversaries have not been able to convict her of any fault therein, and by an easie victory she hath triumphed over all their oppositions and contradictions.

And though Popery appear not altogether so deformed, by her Priests artificial Dress, and the Representations they make of her to seduce us, and entice us to come again under her Yoke; yet we know she hath more established her Tyranny by the Council of Trent, and more corrupted her Morals by her modern Casuists since the Refor­mation, and thereby hath rendred her self more detestable, and for ever to be avoided.

But though it may be true, that the Popish world is beholden to the Reformation, and Po­pery it self is thereby amended in some overt things, and reformed in those Countries that have not reformed from her. For in the Light of the Reformation they have seen Light, and have been ashamed of some of their works [Page 108] of darkness, and do not bring into present use some of their most gross Impostures, and some worse than Pagan Superstitions. Yet when this light is extinguish'd, it will be a most dismal and eternal Night upon the Christian world. If we return to her, our Ears will be bored, and we shall be irredeemably enslaved.

The spirit of Popery, if it returns and possesseth us again, that hath been walking in the reformed Countries as in dry places, seeking rest and find­ing none, and finds us thus swept and garnisht, will bring with it seven Devils more wicked than it self, and our last estate will be worse than the first.

The Pride, Cruelty and Avarice, Domination and Luxury of their Priesthood, will be aggrava­ted upon us, and the minds of the Laity more lowly depressed by Superstition and Ignorance. The Gospel of Cardinal Palavicini will be the Ca­non of the Christian Religion, or it may be some­thing worse; for who can tell what will be the Religion that that Church will offer in process of time to the world under the Christian-Name? When the Pope by his pretended infallibility may make the Christian Religion what he please, by interpreting, adding, altering, or detracting with an uncontroulable Authority. For us therefore to become Papists, to return to the Church of Rome, acknowledge the Popes Infallibility, (there is no other way to become Papists) is virtually to be­tray the Christian Faith, to renounce our Allegi­ance to our Lord Christ, to prefer the Bulls of a [Page 109] profane Pope, to the holy Oracles of God, and the Revelation of Jesus, God blessed for ever.

With this Religion therefore we can never make an accommodation; we may as well make a Covenant with Hell. This (as Dr. Jackson, one of the glories of the Church of England, in his Book called The Eternal Truth of Scriptures, ve­hemently admonisheth us) admits no terms of parley for any possible reconcilement: whose fol­lowing words to this purpose, I shall here tran­scribe.

The natural separation of this Island from those Countries wherein this Doctrine is professed, shall serve as an everlasting Emblem of the Inhabitants divided Hearts, at least in this point of Religion: And let them, O Lord, be cut off speedily from a­mongst us, and their Posterity transported hence, ne­ver to enjoy again the least good thing this Land affords: Let no print of their Memory be extant so much as in a Tree or Stone within our Coast. Or let their Names, by such as remain here after them, be never mentioned, or always to their endless shame: Who living here amongst us, will not imprint these or the like wishes in their Hearts, and daily mention them in their Prayers.

Which he thus renders.

I shall only subjoyn my hearty Desires and Pray­ers, that we may all fear God, and be zealous for his true Religion. Honour the King, and firmly adhere to the Government, and in our several places steadily oppose and resist those Villains that are given to change. That by our Ʋnion we may defeat the crafty designs of our cruel and implacable Enemies, who if they can continue those Divisions they have made amongst us by their wicked Arts, will certainly at length destroy us; who are bent upon our destructi­on, though they themselves perish with us, we cease to be a Nation, and our Language be forgotten in a foreign Captivity.

Sir,

Now I have given you my Answer to your Reasons, to disswade me from publishing the Ar­gument for the Bishops; by representing how few of the Clergy can with reason be thought guilty of Opinions so mischievous to the Church and State, which you charge to have generally corrupted them; and how easily and with little consideration they will be laid aside by them.

I will make no other Apologie for the publish­ing this, than that I have communicated these thoughts to no Man alive, either of the Church [Page 111] of England, or any other denomination, or con­sulted any mans advice about it. That I can serve to design of no party of men herein, nor any particular design of my own: I wish they can be serviceable in the least degree to publick good. I have had them by me a great while, and have considered them under the several va­rieties of temper that our bodies are disposed to, which induce different thoughts, and various apprehensions in most things, under the several passions that the fluctuation of publick affairs have occasioned; under the Ebbs and Flows of Hopes and Fears in reference to the state of the Kingdom, for some length of time. And find­ing them to have the same appearance, and to give me the same satisfaction in all their several postures, and the views that I could take of them. I assure my self I was sincere when I thought, and that they result meerly from my Judgment (such as it is) uncorrupted. That I am not perverted or biassed by any secret passion or de­sire of any sort, which many times lurk and steal upon us, deceive us unawares, and undiscer­nedly abuse us. Sir, the sum of my Apologie is this; that I know my self sincere, of honest In­tentions, moved by nothing but a hearty love and affection to our King, Religion, and Coun­try: And for what any man shall think of me, I am not Solicitous.