THere is not any thing since these wars begun, whereof there hath been more advantage made, to traduce and blemish His Majesties actions, to alienate and imbitter the affections of his people, to incite them to armes, and enharden them in the quar­rell, than of the Irish affaires; whether one cast his eyes upon the beginning and proce­dure of that warre (which some by a most mōstrous impudence would patronize up­on their Majesties) or upon the late Ces­sation, and the transport of Auxiliaries since from thence. There are some that in broken peeces have written of all three, but not in one entire discourse, as this is: nor hath any hitherto hit upon those rea­sons and inferences that shall be displayed herein.

But he who adventures to judge of af­faires of State, specially of traverses of warre, as of Pacifications, of Truces, Sus­pensions [Page 2] of Armes, Parlies, and such like, must well observe the quality of the times, the successe and circumstance of matters past, the posture and pressure of things present (and upon the Place) the induce­ment or enforcement of causes, the gaining of time, the necessity of preventing greater mischiefes (whereunto true policy prome­theus like hath alwayes an eye) with other advantages. The late Cessation of Armes in Ireland was an affaire of this nature; a true Act of State, and of as high a conse­quence as could be: Which Cessation is now become the common Subject of every mans discourse, or rather the discourse of every common Subject all the three King­domes over: And not onely the subject of their discourse, but of their censure also; nor of their censure onely, but of their re­proach and obloquy. For the World is come now to that passe, that the Foot must judge the Head, the very Cobler must pry into the Cabinet Counsels of his King; nay, the Distaffe is ready ever and anon to arraigne the Scepter; Spinstresses are be­come States-women, and every peasan tur­ned [Page 3] politician; such a fond irregular hu­mour reignes generally of late yeeres a­mongst the English Nation.

Now the Designe of this small discourse, though the Subject require a farre greater volume, is, to vindicate His Majesties most pious intentions in condescending to this late suspension of Arms in His Kingdome of Ireland; and to make it appeare to any rationall ingenious capacity, (not pre-oc­cupied or purblinded with passion) that there was more of honour and necessity, more of prudence and piety in the said Cessation, than there was either in the Pa­cification or Peace that was made with the Scot.

But to proceed herein the more metho­dically, I will lay downe, first,

The reall and true radicall causes of the late two-yeers Irish Insurrection.

Secondly, the course His Majesty used to suppresse it.

Lastly, those indispensable impulsive reasons and invincible necessity which en­forced His Majesty to condescend to a Cessation.

[Page 4] Touching the grounds of the said Insur­rection, we may remember when His Ma­jesty out of a pious designe (as His late Majesty also had) to settle an Uniformity of serving God in all his three Kingdomes, sent our Liturgie to his Subjects of Scot­land; some of that Nation made such an advantage hereof, that though it was a thing onely recommended, not commanded or pressed upon them, and so cald in suddenly againe by a most gracious Proclamation, accompanied with a generall pardon: Yet they would not rest there, but they would take the opportunity hereby to demolish Bishops, and the whole Hierarchy of the Church (which was no grievance at all till then) To which end, they put themselves in actuall Arms, and obtained at last what they listed; which they had not dared to have done, had they not been sure to have as good friends in England as they had in Scotland (as Lesley himselfe confessed to Sir William Berkley at Newcastle) for some of the chiefest Inconformists here, had not onely intelligence with them, but had been of their Cabinet-counsels in moulding the [Page 5] Plot: though some would east this war up­on the French Cardinall, to vindicate the invasiō we made upon his Masters domini­ons in the Iste of Rets; as also for some advā ­tage the English use to do the Spaniard in transporting his Treasure to Dunkerk, with other offices. Others would cast it upō the Jesuit, that he should project it first, to force His Majesty to have recourse to his Roman Catholick Subjects for ayd, that so they might, by such Supererogatory service in­gratiate thēselves the more into his favour.

The Irish hearing how well their next Neighbours had sped by way of Arms, it fil­led them full of thoughts & apprehensiōs of feare & jealousie, that the Scot would prove more powerfull hereby, and consequently more able to do them hurt, and to attempt wayes to restrain them of that connivency, which they were allowed in poynt of Reli­gion: Now there is no Nation upon earth that the Irish hate in that perfectiō, & with a greater Antipathy, than the Scot, or from whom they conceive greater danger: For whereas they have an old prophesie a­mongst them, which one shall heare up and [Page 6] downe in every mouth, That the day will come when the Irish shall weep upon English mens graves, They feare that this prophe­sie will be verified and fulfilled in the Scot, above any other Nation.

Moreover, the Irish entred into conside­ration, that They also had sundry grievan­ces and grounds of complaint, both touch­ing their estates and consciences, which they pretended to be farre greater than those of the Scots. For they fell to think, that if the Scot was suffered to introduce a new Reli­gion, it was reason they should not be so pinched in the exercise of their old, which they glory never to have altered. And for temporall matters (wherein the Scot had no grievance at all to speak of) the new plan­tations which had been lately afoot, to be made in Conaught and other places; the con­cealed lands and defective titles which were daily found out; the new customes which were imposed, and the incapacity they had to any preferment or office in Church and State (with o [...]her things) they cōceived these to be grievances of a farre greater nature, and that deserved redresse much more than [Page 7] any the Scot had. To this end, they sent over Commissioners to attend this Parlia­ment in England, with certaine Propositi­ons, but those Commissioners were dismis­sed hence with a short and unsavoury an­swer, which bred worse blood in the Nati­on than was formerly gathered; and this, with that leading case of the Scot, may be said to be the first incitements that made them rise.

In the course of humane actions, we dai­ly find it to be a true rule, Exempla movent, Examples move, and make strong impressi­ons upon the fancy; precepts are not so powerfull as precedents. The said example of Scotland, wrought wonderfully upon the imagination of the Irish, and filled them (as I touched before) with thoughts of emulation, that They deserved altogether to have as good usage as the Scot, their Country being farre more beneficiall, and consequently, more importing the English Nation. But these were but confused im­perfect notions, which began to receive more vigour and forme after the death of the Earle of Strafford, who had kept them [Page 8] under so exact an obedience, though some censure him to have screwed up the strings of the Harp too high; insomuch that the ta­king off of the Earl of Straffords head, may be said to be the second incitement to the heads of that insurrection to stirre.

Adde hereunto, that the Irish under­standing with what acrimony the Roman Catholicks in England were proceeded a­gainst since the sitting of our Parliament, and what further designes were afoot a­gainst them, and not onely against them, but for ranversing the Protestant Religion it selfe, as it is now practised (which some shallow-braind Scismaticks doe throw into the same scales with Popery.) They thought it was high time for them to fore­cast what should become of Them, & how they should be handled in poynt of consci­ence, when a new Deputy of the Parlia­ments election ( approbation at least) should come over. Therefore they fell to consult of some meanes of timely prevention: And this was another motive (and it was a shrewd one) which pusht on the Irish to take up Armes.

[Page 9] Lastly, that Army of 8000. men, which the Earle of Strafford had raised to be trans­ported to England for suppressing the Scot, being by the advice of our Parliament here, disbanded; the Country was annoyed by some of those stragling Souldiers, as not one in twenty of the Irish, will from the sword to the spade, or from the pike to the plough againe. Therefore the two Marquesses that were Ambassadours here, then for Spaine, having propounded to have some numbers of those disbanded forces, for the service of their Master; His Majesty by the mature advice of his privy Counsell, to occurre the mischiefs that might arise to his Kingdom of Ireland by those loose casheered Souldiers, yeelded to the Ambassadours motion, who sent notice here of to Spaine accordingly, and so provided shipping for their transport, and impressed mony to advance the businesse; but as they were in the heat of that work, His Majesty being then in Scotland, there was a suddē stop made of those promised troops, who had depended long upon the Spaniards service, as the Spaniard had done on theirs.

[Page 10] And this was the last, though not the least fatall cause of that horrid insurrection: All which particulars well considered, it had been no hard matter to have been a Prophet, and standing upon the top of Holy-Head, to have foreseen those black clouds engendring in the Irish aire, which broke out afterwards into such fearfull tempests of blood.

Out of these premises, it is easie for any common understanding, not transported with passion and private interest, to draw this conclusion. That They who complied with the Scot in his insurrection; They who dismissed the Irish Commissioners with such a short unpolitick answer, They who took off the Earle of Straffords head, and delayed af­terwards the dispatching of the Earle of Lei­cester; They who hindered those disbanded troops in Ireland to goe for Spaine, may be justly said to have bin the true causes of the late insurrection of the Irish; and conse­quently, it is easie to know upon the account of whose soules must be laid the blood of those hundred and odde thousands poore Christians, who perished in that war; so that [Page 11] had it been possible to have brought over their bodies unputrified to England, and to have cast them at the doores, and in the presence of some men I beleeve they would have gushed out afresh into blood, for disco­very of the true murtherers.

The grounds of this insurrection being thus discovered, let us examine what meanes His Majesty used for the suppression of it. He made his addresse presently to his great Counsell, the English Parliament then assem­bled, which Queen Elizabeth and her proge­nitors did seldome use to doe, but onely to their Privy Counsell in such cases, who had the discussing and transacting of all forreigne affaires; for in mannaging matters of State, specially those of war, which must be carried with all the secrecy that may be, Trop grand nombre, est encombre, as the Frenchman saith, too great a number of Counsellours may be an incumber, and expose their results and re­solutions to discovery and other disadvanta­ges, whereas in military proceedings the work should be afoot before the Counsels be blazed abroad. Well, His Majesty trans­mitted [Page 12] this businesse to the Parliament of England, who totally undertaking it, and wedding as it were the quarrell (as I remem­ber they did that of the Palatinate a little be­fore by solemne vote; the like was done by the Parliament of Scotland also, by a publike joynt Declaration, which in regard there came nothing of it, tended little to the ho­nour of either Nation abroad) His Majesty gave his royall assent to any Propositions or acts for raising of men, mony and armes to performe the work. But hereby no man is so simple as to think His Majesty should ab­solutely give over his own personall care and protection of that his Kingdome, it being a Rule, That a King can no more desert the pro­tection of his owne people, then they their subje­ction to him. In all his Declarations there was nothing that he endeard and inculcated more often, and with greater aggravation and ear­nestnesse unto them, then the care of his poore Subjects their fellow-protestants in Ireland: Nay, he resented their condition so f [...]rre, and took the businesse so to heart, that he offered to passe over in person for their [Page 13] reliefe: And who can deny but this was a magnanimous and King-like resolution? Which the Scots by publike act of Counsell, did highly approve of, and declared it to be an argument of care and courage in His Ma­jesty. And questionlesse it had done infi­nite good in the opinion of them that have felt the pulse of the Irish people, who are daily ore-heard to groan, how they have bin any time these 400. yeeres under the English. Crowne, and yet never saw but two of their Kings all the while upō Irish ground, though there be but a salt ditch of a few hours sail to passe over. And much more welcome should His Majesty, now regnant, be amongst them, who, by generall tradition, They confesse and hold to come on the paternall side from Fer­gus (by legall and lineall descent) who was an Irish Prince, and after King of Scotland, whereas the title of all our former Kings and Queens was stumbled at alwayes by the vul­ger. His Majesty finding that this royall proffer of engaging his owne person, was re­jected with a kind of scorn, coucht in smooth language, though the m [...]ine businesse con­cerned [Page 14] himselfe neerest, and indeed solely himselfe, that Kingdome being his owne he­reditary Right. Understanding also, what base sinister use there was made of this insur­rection by some trayterous malevolent per­sons, who, to cast aspersions upon His Ma­jesty, and to poyson the hearts of his people, besides publike infamous reports, counter­feited certaine commissions in His Majesties name to authorize the businesse, as if he were privy to it, though I dare pawn my soul His (or Her Majesty) knew no more of it then the great Mogor did. Finding also that the Commissioners imployed hence for the managing and composing matters in that Kingdome, though nominated by the Parlia­ment, and by their recommendation autho­rized by His Majesty, did not observe their instructions, and yet were connived at. Un­derstanding also, what an inhumane designe there was between them and the Scot, in lieu of suppressing an insurrection to eradicat and extinguish a whole Nation to make booty of their l [...]nds, (which hopes the London Ad­venturers did hugge, and began to divide the [Page 15] Beares skin before he was taken, as His Ma­jesty told them) an attempt the Spaniard not any other Christian State ever intended a­gainst the worst of Savages; The conceit whereof infused such a desperate courage, eagernesse and valour into the Irish, that it made them turn necessity into a kind of vertue.

Moreover, His Majesty taking notice that those royall Subsidies, with other vast con­tributions whereunto he had given way, with the sums of particular Adventurers (amongst whom some Aliens ( Hollanders) were taken in, besides the Scot, to share the Country) were misapplyed, being visibly imployed, ra­ther to feed and English Rebelliō then to sup­presse an Irish: Nay, understanding that those charitable collections which were made for the reliefe of those distressed Pro­testants, who being stripped of all their live­lihood in Ireland, were forced to fly over to England, were converted to other uses, and the Charity not dispensed according to the Givers intention. Hearing also that those 5000. men which had been levyed and as­signed to goe under the Lord Wharton, the [Page 16] Lord of Kerry, Sir Faithfull Fortescue and o­thers were diverted from going to the west of Ireland, and imployed to make up the Earl of Essex Army: And having notice besides that the Earl of Warwicke had stayd certaine ships going thither with supplies, and that there was an attempt to send for over to England some of those Scottish Forces which were in Vlster, without his privity. Lastly, His Majesty finding himself unfitted, and in­deed disabled to reach those his distressed Subjects, his owne royall arme▪ all his navall strength, revenues and magazines being out of his hands; and having as hard a game to play still with the Scot, and as pernicious a fire to quench in England, as any of his Pro­genitors ever had: Receiving intelligence also daily from his Protestant Nobility and Gentry thence, in what a desperate case the whole Kingdome stood, together with the report of the Committee that attended His Majesty from them expresly for that service, who amongst other deplorable passages in their petition, represented, That all means by which comfort and life should be conveyed unto [Page 17] that gasping Kingdome, seemed to be totally ob­structed, and that unlesse timely reliefe were af­forded, His loyall Subjects there must yeeld their fortunes for a prey, their lives for a sacri­fice, and their Religion for a scorne to the mer­cilesse Rebels.

His Majesty (as it was high time for him) taking into his Princely thoughts those wo­full complaints and cryes of his poore Sub­jects, condescended at last to appoint some persons of honour to heare what the Irish could say for themselves, as they had often petitioned; and God forbid but the King of Ireland should receive his Subjects petitions, as well as the King of Scotland. But His Ma­jesty being unsatisfied with what they pro­pounded then, the Lord Marquesse of Or­mond marched with cōsiderable Forces against them, and though he came off with honour, yet no reliefe at all cōming thither for many moneths after from the Parliament here, who had undertaken the businesse, and had recei­ved all the summes and subsidies, with other unknown contributions to that end, matters grew daily worse and worse. To sum up all, His Majesty receiving expresse and positive [Page 18] advice from his Lord Justices and Counsell of State there, that the whole Kingdome was upon poynt of utter perdition, which was co-intimated the same time to the Parliament here, by a speciall letter to the Speaker; I say His Majesty finding that he had neither pow­er of himselfe, it being transmitted to others; and that those Trustees did misapply that power and trust he had invested in them (for the time) to make good their undertaking for preservation of that his fruitfull King­dome; being impelled by all these forcible reasons, His Majesty sent a commission to the Lord Marquesse of Ormond his Lieutenant Generall (a most known sincere Protestant) to hearken to a treaty according to their pe­tition; and if any thing was amisse in that treaty in poynt of honour (as it shall appeare by comparing it with others, there was none) we know whom to thank. For out of these premises also, doth result this second conclusion. That they who misapplied those moneys, and mis-imployed those men which were levyed with His Majesties royall assent for the reduction of Ireland: They who set a­foot that most sanguinary designe of extir­pating, [Page 19] at least of enslaving a whole ancient Nation, who were planted there by the hand of Providence from the beginning: They who hindred His Majesties transfretation thither to take cognizance of his own affairs and expose the countenance of His own roy­all person for composing of things: They, They may be said to be the true causes of that unavoidable necessity (and as the heathen Poet sings, The Gods themselves cannot resist Necessity) which enforced His Majesty to ca­pitulate with the Irish, and assent to a Ces­sation.

It was the saying of one of the bravest Roman Emperours, and it was often used by Henry the Great of France, Her Majesties Father, That he had rather save the life of one loyall Subject then kill a hundred Enemies: It may well be thought that one of the pre­valentst inducements that moved His Maje­sty (besides those formerly mentioned) to condescend to this Irish Cessation, was a sense he had of the effusion of his owne poor Sub­jects blood, the hazard of the utter extirpa­tion of the Protestants there, and a totall irrecoverable losse of that Kingdome, as was [Page 20] advertised both in the petition of the Prote­stants themselves, the relation of the Com­mittee imployed thither to that purpose, and the expresse letters of the Lord Justices and Counsell there.

To prove now, that this Cessation of Arms in Ireland was more honourable and fuller of Piety, Prudence and Necessity, then either the Pacification or Peace with the Scot. I hope, these few ensuing arguments (above divers others which cannot be inserted here, in regard of the fore intended brevity of this Discourse) will serve the turne.

1. Imprimis, When the Pacification was made with Scotland, His Majesty was there personally present, attended on by the floure of His English Nobility, Gentry and Ser­vants, and the enemy was hard by ready to face Him. At the concluding of the Irish Cessation, His Majesty was not there perso­nally present, but it was agitated and agreed on by his Commissioner, and it hath been held alwayes lesse dishonourable for a King to ca­pitulate in this kind with his owne Subjects by his Deputy, then in his owne person, for the further off he is, the lesse reflects upon him.

[Page 21] 2. Upon the Pacification and Peace with Scotland, there was an Amnestia, a generall pardon, and an abolition of all by-passed of­fences published, there were honours and offices conferred upon the chiefest sticklers in the War. At the Cessation in Ireland there was no such thing.

3. When the Pacification and Peace was made with the Scots, there was mony given unto Them, as it is too well knowne. But upon the setling of this Cessation, the Irish gave His Majesty a considerable summe as an argument of their submission and gratitude, besides the maintainance of some of his Gar­risons in the interim; and so much partly in poynt of honour.

4. At the concluding of the Pacification and Peace with Scotland, there was a vigorous fresh, unfoiled English Army afoot, and in perfect equipage; there wanted neither Am­munition, Armes, Money, Cloaths, Victuals or any thing that might put heart into the Souldier and elevate his spirits. But the Protestant Army in Ireland had not any of all these in any competent proportion, but were ready to perish, though there had been [Page 22] no other enemy then hunger and cold: And this implies a farre greater necessity for the said Cessation.

5. In Ireland there was imminent danger of an instant losse of the whole Kingdome, and consequently, the utter subversion of the Protestant Religion there, as was certified both to King & Parliament by sundry letters & petitions which stand upon record: There was no such danger in the affairs of Scotland, either in respect of Religion or Kingdome; therefore there was more piety shown in pre­serving the one, and prudence in preserving the other in Ireland, by plucking both (as it were) out of the very jawes of destruction by the said Cessation.

We know that in the Medley of mundane casualties, of two evils, the least is to be chosen, and a small inconvenience is to be borne withall, to prevent a greater.

If one make research into the French Sto­ry, he will find, that many kinds of Pacifica­tions and Suspensions of Armes were cove­nanted twixt that King and some of his Subjects, trenching farre more upon regall dignity then this in Ireland. The Spaniard [Page 23] was forced to declare the Hollanders Free­states, before they could be brought to treat of a truce: And now the Catalans screw him up almost to as high conditions. But what need I rove abroad so far? It is well known, nor is it out of the memory of man, that in Ireland it selfe there have been Cessations, all circumstances well weighed, more prejudici­all to Majesty then this.

But that which I heare murmured at most as the effect of this Cessation, is the transport of some of those Souldiers to England for re­cruting His Majesties Armies, though the greatest number of them be perfect and rigid Protestants, and were those whom our Par­liament it selfe imployed against the Irish. But put case they were all Papists, must His Majesty therefore be held a Favourer of po­pery? The late King of France might have been said as well to have been a Favourer of Protestants, because in all his wars he imploy­ed Them most of any in places of greatest trust, against the House of Austria; whereas all the World knows, that he perfectly hated them in the generall, and one of the reaches of policy he had, was to spend and waste [Page 24] them in the warres. Was it ever knowne but a Soveraigne Prince might use the bodies & strength of his own naturall-born Subjects, and Liege men for his owne defence? When His person hath been sought and aimed at in open field by small and great shot, and all o­ther Engines of hostility and violence: When he is in danger to be surprized or besieged in that place where he keeps his Court: When all the flowers of his Crowne (his royall pre­rogatives which are descended upō him from so many successive progenitors) are like to be plucked off and trampled under foot: When there is a visible plot to alter and o­verturn that Religion he was born, baptized & bred in: When he is in danger to be forced to infringe that solemn Sacramentall Oath he took at his Coronation to maintain the said Religion, with the Rights & Rites of the ho­ly Anglican Church, which some brain-sick Scis­maticks would transform to a Kirk and her Discipline, to some chimericall forme of go­vernment they know not what. Francis the first, and other Christian Princes, made use of the Turke upon lesse occasions; and if one may make use of a Horse, or any other bruit [Page 25] animall, or any inanimat Engine or Instru­ment for his owne defence against man, much more may man be used against man, much more may one rationall Creature be usd a­gainst another though for destructive ends in a good cause, specially when they are cōman­ded by a Soveraigne head, which is the maine thing that goes to justifie a warre. Now touching the Roman Catholicks, whether English, Welsh, Irish, or Scottish, which repair to His Majesties armies either for service or security, He looks not upon them as Papists, but as his Subjects, not upō their Religion, but their alleagiance, and in that quality he en­tertaines them: Nor can the Papist be de­nied the Character of a good Subject, all the while he conformes himselfe to the Lawes in generall, & to those lawes also that are parti­cularly enacted against him, & so keeps him­self within the bounds of his civil obedience: As long as he continues so, he may challenge protection from his Prince by way of right, and if his Prince by some accident be not in case to protect him, he is to give him leave to defend himselfe the best he can, for the law of [Page 26] nature allowes every one to defend himselfe, and there is no positive law of man can an­null the law of nature. Now if the Subject may thus claime protection from his Prince, it followeth, the Prince by way of reciproca­tion may require assistance, service and sup­plies from the Subject upon all publike occa­sions, as to suppresse at this time a new race of Recusants, which have done more hurt then ever the old did, and are like to prove more dangerous to His Crowne and regall Authority then any forraigne enemy.

But whosoever will truly observe the ge­nious, and trace the actions of this fatall Fa­ction which now swayes with that bound­lesse, exorbitant, arbitrary and Antinomian power, will find, that it is one of their prime peeces of policy, to traduce and falsifie any thing that is not conducible to their owne ends: Yet what comes from Them must be so magisteriall, it must be so unquestionably and incontroulably true and lawfull, that it must be beleeved with an implicite faith, as proceeding from an in-erring Oracle (as if these Zealots were above the common con­dition [Page 27] of mankind, to whom errour is as he­riditary as any other infirmity) though the thing it selfe encroach never so grosly both upon the common liberty, the states and soules of men. But if any thing beare the stamp of royall Authority, be it never so just and tending to peace and the publike good, yea, though it be indifferent to either side, it is presently countermanded, cryed down, and stifled; or it is calumniated and aspersed with obloquies, false glosses and misprisions; and this is become now the common Theam wherewith their Pulpits ring.

Which makes me think, that these upstart politicians have not long to reigne; for, as the common Proverb saith, Fraud and frost end foule, and are short lived, so that policy, those Counsels which are grounded upon scandals, reproaches and lyes, will quickly moulder & totter away, and bring their Au­thors at last to deserved infamy and shame, and make them find a Tombe in their owne ruines. Adde hereunto as further badges of their nature, that black irreconcilable ma­lice and desire of revenge which rageth in [Page 28] them, the aversnesse they have to any sweet­nesse of Conformity and Union, the violent thirst they have of blood, which makes me think on that distique of Prudentius, who seemed to be a Prophet as well as Poet (a true Vates) in displaying the humours of these fiery Dogmatists, this all-confounding facti­on which now hath the vogue, to the punish­ment, I will not say yet, the perdition of this poore Island.

Thus in English: