SCRINIA RESERATA: A MEMORIAL Offer'd to the Great Deservings OF John Williams, D.D.

Who some time held the Places of L d Keeper of the Great Seal of England, L d Bishop of Lincoln, and L d Archbishop of York.

CONTAINING A SERIES OF THE Most Remarkable Occurrences and Transactions of his LIFE, in Relation both to CHURCH and STATE.

Written by JOHN HACKET, Late Lord Bishop of LITCHFIELD and COVENTRY.

[...]
[...].

Nazianz. de laudibus Athanasii.

Vita mortuorum in memoriâ vivorum est posita.

Cicero Philip. nonâ.

IMPRIMATUR,

JO. Cant.

In the SAVOY: Printed by Edw. Jones, for Samuel Lowndes, over against Exeter-Exchange in the Strand. M. DC. XC. III.

THE PROEM.

READER,

Paragr. 1. BOOKS are sown so thick in all Countries of Europe,that a new one, which one adds more to the former Gross, had need of an Apology. The easie Dispatch of so many Sheets in a day, by the readiness of Printing, hath found the World a great deal more Work then needs. Many that love Knowledge, both Industrious, and of sound Judgment, are not nice to say, that Repletion of Authors hath begat Loathing. Which is a Reason likewise, or a Pretence, that divers, who are Learned and full Men, contain their Liquor in their Vessels, and never broach it in the Press to make it Publick, because they think it is Folly to contribute to Waste and Excess. I am one of those, I confess, that wish it were possible, that a Moses could be raised up to restrain us, from bringing more either of our Pamphlets, or Volumes, to the Work of the Tabernacle; For the Stuff already is sufficient for all the Work to make it, and too much, Exod. 36.7.

2. How shall I answer it therefore? Or, how shall I defend that I am constant to mine own Judgment in this Design, that I thrust my Labours into the World? What Warrant can I plead, that I build a new Cottage upon the Waste? I conceive that it will stand for satisfaction, that I set forth an History of Things not tra­vers'd before, but of memorable Passages running through the Channel of one Man's Life in our present Age. It is a Debt owed to Posterity, to furnish them with the true Knowledge of sore-gone Occurrences, worthy to be Registred; as, I believe, these ensuing are. A Tradition must be kept of famous Exploits, espe­cially moving upon the Stage of turbulent Times. For when it is skilfully drawn through the Acts of famous Men, it will rouze up our Children by Emulation as much as by Precept, and give them double advantage to seek Virtue and Glory. But better it will be to have it coarse spun, then quite omitted: For such will serve for Cork, to keep a Net from sinking.

3. This Century of our Account from Christ's Birth wherein we live, now wasting beyond the middle, hath been happy in this, That it hath brought forth in our King­dom of England many of great Renown, Wise and Eloquent, deep in Learning, and sage in Counsels, in a word, to be praised as much as the best of their Fore­fathers; yet granting to all, both former and latter, an Allowance for some Grains of Frailties. It were pity their Memorial should perish with them. Caesar was a large seeker of Glory; yet grudge no Man a share in Glory, as testifies that little which remains of his Oration for the Bithynians, saying, It is a Duty required from the surviving Generation, to keep them alive in their good Name, who deserv'd it, and can endure the Censure of the World for ever. I listen to his Encouragement; yet measuring my Strength by mine own Meet-wand, I task my self to set up a Pillar but for one Man's Memory. The Event will clear me, that I stint not my self to this one Theme to do but little.

But, First, Because there is so much Kernel in one Shell; I must set forth a great Bishop, a great Judge, a great Counsellor, in all these Capacities most active [Page 2]in most active Times. Such a Mill will not go with a little Water. Beside the Turnings and Returnings of his Fortune, multiformous Changeableness, rather Prodigious then Strange, by Honour and Dishonour, by Evil Report and good Report, 2 Cor. 6.8. Which will draw considerate Thoughts for no little time to this one Center. As Pliny writes of the Emperor Augustus his Life, interwoven with much Glory, Lib. 7. Nat. Hist. c. 45. and much Misfortune, Si diligenter aestimentur sancta, magna sortis humanae reperiantur volumina. So it is highly re­markable, that in this one Piece a diligent Eye may discern all the Colours of human Inconstancy and Instability.

4. Secondly, I spend all my little Skill upon this Subject; for I can draw no Picture so like, because I knew none so well. I noted his Ways and Worth in the University, when I was but young. I observ'd him in his earliest Preferments, when he came first sledge out of the Nest. I was taken into his Houshold Service, as soon as he ascended to his highest Office. And commencing from that time till thirty Years expired with his Life, I trespass not against Modesly if I say, I knew his Courses as much, and saw them at as near a distance, as any Man be­side. I have as much Intelligence from an Eye-witness Information, and from his familiar Conference with me, as can be expected from any Writer of the Memorials of a great Statist: Qui audiunt audita dicunt, qui vident planè sciunt, says Plautusvery well. He that reports but what he hears, must con­fess he is at uncertainty; he that sees a Thing done, can relate it perfectly. Pliny hath cast down a great deal of that which he built up in the seventh Book of his Natural History, with this Passage in his Proem, Nec in plerísque corum obstringam sidem meam, potiúsque ad autores relegabo. He would make Faith for little of that which he wrote; but turns his Reader over to such Authors, as himself did not trust in. I am far from such Prevarication. I drew the knowledge of those things of most moment which I shall deliver from the Spring-Head. And I trust in God, that I have incorporated them into this Frame with Integrity. This then is my confidence to make this Compilement, that my Tools were whetted at home. I need not repair to the Allophyli, or Philistins, to sharpen my Axe at their Grind-stone.

5. Thirdly, I am full of willingness to be the Father of this Child: And nothing is apter for a Man to undergo, then that which is agreeable to his Delight. I profess it is not the least of my drifts to sweeten my Master's Memory with a strong composed Perfume; and to carve him out in a commendable, but a true Figure. Suffer me to put one Day to his Life after his Decease. When a worthy Man's Fame survives him, through their help, that light a Candle for that use, that others in succession of Ages may perfectly behold him, it is a grateful Service to put one Day more, as it were, to the Life of Nature, but a Day that may be longer, perhaps, then the Mortal preceding Life thrice told over. The Learned Grotius (Who can stop his Conjectures?) thinks it not improbable, but that the Sun went down, Josh. 10.13. when Joshua pursued the Kings of Canaan in the Valley of Ajalon: Sed post Solis occasum speciem ejus in nube supra horizontem extanti per repercussum ostendere: That is, a kind of Sun, that made a great Lustre, shined sufficiently to make it Day, not in his Presence, but in the repercussion of his Beams upon a Cloud. I cite it only for Accommo­dation; that when a renowned Man is departed, his last Sun set, the worthy Deeds of his Life may yet shine in our Horizon, as it were by Repercussion in the memory of after-times; which causeth a longer Day then any, nay then all that went before.

6. Now I fear I am in danger of a stabbing Censure, through the Discovery of some part of my Aim in this last Confession: For I have divulg'd, that I offer up this Book as a Banner at the Shrine of this Renowned Prelate's Memory. Some will say, What could be utter'd more in way of Prejudice, to entangle the Belief of the Reader with Knots of Jealousie? A Master in this Art, Dionysius [Page 3]Halicarnassus gives this for one Rule, to examine prudentially the Truth of an History, by considering, [...], the Affection of the Writer. For my part, I desire to be tried by such a considerate Overseer. And let him judge uprightly, that I could not but understand, it had been better for me to have smother'd my Purpose, which I hold out before the open Light, if I had meant corruptly, and would stain my Paper, and my Conscience, with blots of Falshood and Flattery. I fear God. And he that feels that Motion within him, will not seek Honour to himself, much less to cast it upon another, by Consenage and Fictions. Or if Religion, carelesly present, did not bind so hard, I think Discretion and Experience should advertise any Man, that he is a Fool that ima­gins he can poison the whole World with a Lye. Polybius speaks soundly, that Truth will be obscur'd by no History, by no Conspiracy. Yet although I should gild this common Place with as much Oratory and Flourish as could be laid on, I know yet there is no Historiographer, but must stand to the courtesie of his Judges to think him honest. I am content to stoop to that Necessity. Not that I despair to make it appear, that I play above Board so fairly, that he that is true-hearted himself, Thomas Albius. will suspect no Juggling. A late Writer, and one of our Country-men, [...]ds me this Passage: That Historical Credit is of three degrees; First, When the Fact was s [...]en of Thousands, as the Battel fought at Pharsalia. Secondly, When a small Number can attest it, as Tully's Defence for Ligarius before Caesar. Thirdly, When few were present to justifie the thing, Sed a sido, occulato, & aurito teste posteris est consignata. Such are many Matters related by Comines concerning his Master Lewisthe Eleventh. I am furnish'd in great part with Materials of the first and second Faith; I will supply the rest from Evidences, though of the third and lowest Credit, yet of the true Sterling value, being the Hand-writings kept in custody, or the very Sayings kept in me­mory of the chief Actors. The Result is, That I engage unto the World to carve my Mercury out of sound Wood, and then to set it up. As the Roman Senate did the like for the Glory of Cato Major, who s [...]t up his Statue in their Court, having been the Honour of their Robe: To which Valerius very pertinently, Lib. 16. Com. 4. Gratum ordinem, qui utilissimum Reipub. Senatorem tantùm non semper secum habere voluit. A thankful Bench of Judges, that would never suffer so beneficial a Senator to be out of their sight.

7. In the end of this Preface I protest, that there is nothing troubles me less, then that I expect this my Endeavour may displease some, that will either cavil at my Pen, or at the Arch-Bishop's Praise. I wish the Offence may rather fall upon me: Lib. 1. [...] For I am grown rather Impudent, then Bold, from that Defiance which Clem. Alexandrinus gives; [...]. Nothing was ever written so fortunately, that found no Opponents: But that's considerately written, which no Man can considerately oppose. But if any have their Teeth set on edge with a sour Humour, and gnash at the honourable mention of the Dead, it is not to be wondred: For he lived when there was little hope to please all; he died when there was less. I wish well to his Memory. I profess it. And would have him live in Honour, though he be dead, not with me, or a few more only, but with the Succession of Men. Historia praestat, ut qui aevo priore vixerant, vivere adhuc nostrâ videantur aetate, as a mighty Master of Learning says: Salmas. Praefat. in August. Histo. Scriptores. And if this Monument cover'd no more then one dead Man, it ought to be Intemerate; says as great a Scholar as the former: Grotius, Lib. 3. Cap. 12. Com. 7. de ju. Bell. & pacis. Quae in honorem mortuorum structa sunt, violari non possunt nisi contemtâ humanitate. But my Scope is, (and I am not under­stood if I be taken otherwise) not to Consecrate this slight Piece to the Fame of one, but to the Benefit of all, that will find leasure to peruse it: That is, I in­tend in the Narration of one Life, to insert Rules for any. [...] [Page 4] [...]: Breathing Images of our Divine Conversation. Therefore I repeat it, that my Labours may have a right Construction, that I cast out this Matter into the Figure of a Moral Example; else I had been far more Compen­dious. Yet it is the true Image of his Life, whom I describe, and not a Cyrus, or feigned Idea of Wit. One of the greatest Knowledge of any in his Age said, Est Historia nihil aliud, nisi Philosophia quaedam exemplis utens. Ca­saub. Proleg. in Aug. Hist. Scriptores: A right History is a System of Exemplary, or Practick Philosophy. Such I wish this were; though that way will not please all. Not. those who are delighted with Romances, and like to have Shadows commended that were never extant, rather then such as lived among us, did do us good, and deserv'd Glory; who are no wiser then they, that had rather have Felicity in a Dream, then Waking.

Lastly, That I may not Lavish in Proem, I crave my Due from my Readers and Judges, their good Opinion that I extremely affect Candor; and let them try me by this Mark, That I never (or with little Exception) blame any thing with my Pen; but, First, I consider how much I may Excuse it: Or, Secondly, How I may Recompence it with some other Praise.

A MEMORIAL Offer'd to the Great Deservings OF JOHN WILLIAMS, D.D. Who sometimes Held the Places of the LORD-KEEPER of the GREAT-SEAL of England, &c.
PART I.

Paragraph 1. EDMOND WILLIAMS Esq of Aber. Conway in the County of Carnarvan, was the Son of William Williams Esq of Coghwillanne near adjoyning, and of Dorothy Daughter to Sir William Griffith Knight, of Penrhyn. This Edmond took to Wife Mary Daughter to Owen Wyn Esq and by her had five Sons and two Daughters. Of the Male Children, John was the youngest; the Womb of his Mother ceasing to bear, when it had done its best. This John, whose Memory deserves to be Dignified in a lasting Story, was born at Aber-Conway, a Sea-Town in Carnarvanshire, about, or upon the Feast-day of our Lady the Blessed Virgin, March 25. 1582. The Shire wherein he drew his first Breath, is notorious for the highest Hills of this Island, Snoden, Penmanmaur, Creig-Eriri, and others. It is not unlikely that it hath much Riches under the Earth, but it is Barren above Ground. As Pliny speaks of the Orobii, certain Mountainers in Italy, Lib. 3. c. 17. Etiam nomine prodentes se al. tius quàm fortunatiùs sitos: Their Situation was rather high than prosperous. But what the Region wants in Fatness of Soil, is requited by the Generous Spirits of the Inhabitants, a far greater Honour than much Clay and Dirt. I light upon it in the Invention of a Masque, Presented before King James at Whitehall, An. 1619. that our Laureat-Poet Ben. Johnson hath let some weighty Words drop from him, to the Honour of that Nation, and I take them as a serious Passage, and will own them, That the Country is a Seed-Plot of honest Minds and Men. What Lights of Learning hath Wales sent forth for our Schools? What Industrious Students of our Laws? What Able Ministers of Justice? Whence hath the Crown in all times better Servitors, more Liberal of their Lives and Fortunes? And I know I have their good Leave to say, That the Honour of Wales shin'd forth abroad in the Lustre of such a Native as this; and I add what Pliny writes to Sabinus of the Firmians, among whom he was born, Credibile est optimos esse inter quos tu talis ex­titeris, Lib. 6. Epist.

2. For Carnarvanshire in particular, says Reverend Mr. Cambden, the Ordovi­ces lived there of old, who held the Romans Play to preserve their Liberties the longest of all our Britains: and forced the Roman General Suetonius Paulinus to fix [Page 6]his Head-Quarter there, desiring to keep them his first and surest Friends, who were his last subdued Enemies. Afterward the Saxons had the longest and stoutest Repulses in North-Wales, that they felt in all their Battels; which made them bloody their Swords most barbarously in the Bodies of those resolute Defen­dants.

3. Among the Champions of greatest Note and Valour, that did the best Feats of Chivalry against the Saxons, was a gallant Commander, the Top of the House of Williams, which is preserv'd in Memory to this day, because the Family of that Name doth until this time bear in their Coat three Saxons Heads, ( De tree pen Saix, they call it in Welch, I think) a noble Testimony of the Valour of the Chief of that Stock, that sought manfully for his Country, and preserv'd it from the Invasion of the Saxons, when their Armies had march'd over the Ground of England (now so called) with Slaughter and Conquests. And since the best Men of the ancient Houses in Wales did manage War so valiantly in maintenance of Glory and Liberty, it is no marvel if the Inhabitants are noted in the current Ages ever since, to have almost a Religious Care in preserving the Pedigrees of their Gentry. Who could excuse them from Ingratitude, if they should not garnish Heraldry with the Genealogies of such Worthies?

4. Among their copious Stems, and far-fetch'd Descents, the Pedigree of the House of Williams of Coghwillanne hath as many brave Strings in the Root, and spreads as wide in the Branches, as I have seen produced from the Store-house of their Cambrian Antiquities. It grows up in the top Boughs to the Princes of North-Wales in King Stephen's days, as it is deducted by Authentick Records which I have seen, and are formalized into a comely shape by Evan Lloyd of Egloyvach in the County of Denbigh, and Jacob Chaloner of London, Gent. Men faithful and expert in such Monuments of elder Years. The same Authors demonstrate, that Williams of Coghwillanne hath continued his Coat of three Saxons Heads con­stantly, and without any the léast alteration, from Edneuet Vychan Lord-Steward of Wales, an. 1240. and of Hen. 3. his Reign, an. 25. to this day. It hit right in­deed for a Coat of Arms, says the neat Wit of Mr. Hugh Hotland, when one of that Lineage was advanced to be Lord-Keeper of the Great-Seal, as he couched it in an elegant Distic, engraven on his Lordship's Silver Standish, as I found it there:

Qui sublime fori potuit cons [...]ndere tignum,
Par suit hunc capitum robur habere trium.

Meaning, it was a sign he had the Abilities and Brains of three Heads, whose good Parts lifted him up to that Honour, to set Chief Judge in the highest Court of the Kingdom. But I need neither the light Air of Poetry, much less the empty Wind of Vain-boasting, to blow it about the World, that he was Anciently and Nobly descended, there are so many Proofs for it, as there are Offsprings of Gentry in North-Wales, being all of his Blood and Alliance, to whom a Catalogue might be added of Great and Honourable Persons in England. Which King James was aware of, when he was sworn his Counsellor; for He told him pleasantly, that He thought not the worse of him, nor suspected his Fidelity, though He knew well enough, that Sir William Stanley, (then living) a great Traitor to his Prince and Country, was his near Kinsman. I could insist more upon this; but it is the Rule of a wise Author, that whosoever will search into a Man prudently and Philosophically, —Nunquam cunabula quaerit:—Et qualis, non unde satus.

I close it up therefore, that his Pedigree of Ancestors gave a good Lustre to his Birth, but he gave a greater to them. Howsoever I receive it for a Moral Truth, as well as a Mathematical, that the longest Line is the least of all quan­titive Dimensions.

5. Now to begin with my Subject, from the first time that he was able to go without the hand. His Education was like to be Prosperous, for not only his Parents, but his Grandmother the Lady Griffith; his Grandmother Lois, as well as his Mother Eunice, contributed her Care to give him Godly and Learned Breeding. It fell out well for their purpose, that their Pious Country-man Gabriel Goodman, Dean of Westminster, had about that time founded a Publick School at Reuthen, and had placed a good Grammarian in it, under whom he was taught his first Rudi­ments of the Latin and Greek Tongues. I have heard some of his Contemporaries [Page 7]say, that his Master knew not for a while how to manage him, he was of so strange a mixture; for at sometimes he was addicted to loiter and play, and to much exercise of Body: Again, by fits he would ply his Book so industriously, that his Praeceptor thought it a great deal too much for a Child to undergo it. But, like a prudent Man, he quickly consented to leave his Scholar to his own pace; wherein he got ground so fast of all his Fellows. He that raised himself up to that height of Knowledge in his adult Age, had need to lay some part of the Foundation so early: For as Comines observes it, Lib. 1. Hist. Indubitatum est ees qui in ullâ re unquam excelluerunt, maturi puerilibus annis ad cam accessisse.

6. All things fell out happily by Divine Disposition, to bring him up from a towardly Youth, to a worthy Man. For by that time this Bud began to blow, it fortun'd that Dr. Vaughan, afterward the Reverend Lord Bishop of London, came into Wales, and took the School of Reuthen in his way, where he found his young Kinsman John Williams to be the Bell-weather of the little Flock. Dr. Vaughan was exceeding glad to find him in that forwardness, and being not only as Learned as most Men to try a Scholar, but Judicious above most Men to conjecture at a rich Harvest by the green Blade in the Spring, took speedy care to remove his Kinsman to Cambridge, and commended him to the Tuition of Mr. Owen Gum of St. John's College, well qualified by his Country and Alliance for a Friend, and no indiligent Tutor. The young Youth was now entring into the 16th Year of his Age, an. 1598. much welcom'd to Cambridge by the Old Britains of North-Wales, who praised him mightily in all places of the University, [...]for they are good at that, to them of their own Lineage,) and made more Eyes be cast upon him, than are usual upon such a Punie. Which took the rather, because of his great Comeliness, I might say Beauty: And it is a great Attractive of common Favour, when virtue takes up a fair Lodging. One thing put him to the blush, and a little Shame, that such as had gigling Spleens would laugh at him for his Welsh Tone. For those who knew him at his Admission into St. John's Society, would often say, that he brought more Latin and Greek, than good English with him. This also pluck'd Advantage after it; for it made him a very retired Student, by shunning Company and Conference, as far as he could, till he had lost the Rude­ness of his Native Dialect. Which he labour'd and affected, because he gave his Mind to be an Orator; which requires, Decus linguae, regnumque loquendi, as Man­lius lays it out, Lib. 4. And all that heard him will subscribe, that when he was put to it to speak publickly, his Gesture and Pronunciation did add much Grace to his Matter, and Invention.

7. He was the Pattern of a most diligent Student to all that did emulate him then, or would imitate him hereafter. He had read over so many Authors in se­veral Sciences, so many Volumes, so many Historians and Poets, Greek and Latin, in four Years, (the Evidence of it was in his Note-Books) that I may say, Aeta­tem ultra putes; who would have thought it had been the dispatch of an Under-Graduate? He had ransack'd not only the bare Courts, and spacious Lodgings, but the very Closets and Corners of the best Arts and Authors. Nothing so great that exceeded him; nothing so little that escap'd him. I will make this Credible to all that are not utter Drones. He plied his Book, [...]; As much in the Night, as in the Day. Nature contributed to this a strange Assistance, that from his Youth to his old Age he ask'd but 3 hours Sleep in 24, to keep him in good plight of Health. This we all knew, who lived in his Family. It would not quickly be believed, but that a cloud of Witnesses will avouch it, that it was ordi­nary with him to begin his Studies at six of the clock, and continue them till three in the morning, and be ready again by seven to walk in the Circle of his indefatigable Labours. Aristo complains thus in Pliny, l. 7. c. 50. Vivendi breve tempus homini datum, quoniam somnus veluti publicanus dimidium aufert. That which makes the Life of Man short is, That Sleep, like an exacting Publican, takes half of it away for Toll and Tribute. But here was one that paid very little Custom to that common Publican of Nature, and kept so much Time continually going in his Stock, that he lived almost twice as much as any Man, that lived no longer. Who will not say now, but so much Toil was plain Drudgery? And I marvel it the more, that so great a Wit could endure to task him to such constant and vexatious Pains. No doubt he look'd far afore him, upon the hope of a great Recompence in Church or Commonwealth: that contented him, and confirmed him. Marius speaks gailantly in Salust, Nae illi falsi sunt qui res diversissimas pariter expectant, ignaviae voluptatem, & praemia virtutis. They are much mistaken, that think to piece together two Things so different, the Pleasure of Ease, and the [Page 8]Guerdon of Virtue. Therefore all these concurr'd together in him to make up the Master-piece of a Scholar, a rare Wit, a most tenacious and even stupendious Memory, a clear Judgment, a most distinguishing common Sense, called Natural Logick, which is the best, and most vital part of Judgment, and that which hatch'd all these, that they might not addle, uncessant Industry. Truly he that will build many Stories high, had need of all these Materials. And let those that are happy in great Natural Endowments take Example by him, to joyn the Felicity of Na­ture, with such a Mate as Diligence. Gardners give the most attendance to the best Stocks in their Nursery, and the Fruit will quit the Cost, after due time hath matur'd it. It was God above therefore that gave his young Servant so wise a Mind, to fill up the choice Vessels of Nature with Liquors distill'd from his own Studies. And herein I may compare him to Messala Corvinus in Tully, as he writes of him to Brutus, Ep. 15. Tanta industria est, tantúmque evigilat in studio, ut non maximo ingenio (quod in e [...] summum est) gratia habenda videatur. He was so labo­rious and vigilant about his Studies, that though his Wit were of the best kind, yet he was not most beholding to it.

8. I have not added a Grain to the just weight of Truth, that his Sails were filled with prosperous Winds, which blew from the Cape of Nature, yet that he plied the Oar with main might to make a gaining Voyage. Especially the good God was pleased to give a good Rudder to the Vessel to stear it right, both in the Channel of true Religion, and virtuous Practice. For in those Lubric and often failing years, he neither fell upon the Rocks of dangerous Errors in Opinion, nor stuck in the quick Sands of Vice. He was duly present at the Service of Com­mon-Prayer in the College-Chappel: And in his private Prayers, as he began, so he did ever continue to commend himself to God's Mercy and Protection mor­ning and evening, rather with a due Constancy, and, as it were, Canonical, ne­ver to be dispens'd with, then a long winded Prolixity; it grew up with him by a Catechetical Principle, rather to be, then after a contrivance and fashion, to pro­fess to be a good Christian. I expound him thus: A Face set smooth by the Glass of Hypocrisie, an affected shew of holy Simplicity, a dreaming simpering of Words to shuffle into the good Opinion of the World by mere Histrionical Devi­ces, he declined in himself, and dislik'd in others. Though he did not strive to cry up himself for a great-gifted Saint, yet no wholsom Morals, which are com­mendable in such green and sappy Years, were wanting in him. He was obedient to Superiors, strictly just in his Word, and in all Commerce and Dealing a Faith­ful Friend, and, as will appear more in the Sequel, no Vindicative Enemy. He was no Loiterer, no Companion for Ruffians and loose Persons, no Tippler, no Wine-bibber. And though the University Discipline began to be more remiss in those days, then in by-gone Ages, yet he consin'd himself most inculpably to Modesty and Sobriety, not so much as leaning towards Youthful Exorbitancies. So far he was a Stranger to wanton Lusts, that his Acquaintance marvelled, that the more the Sin came near to him, so comely a Feature wanting not Enticement, the further he ran from it. Arthur Wilson, in his History of King James, by some secret Whisper came nigh to the Discovery of the Reason. Not that he was an Eunuch ab utero, as he bluntly delivers it; but he had suffer'd an adven­titious Mischance, being about 7 Years old, which compell'd him to actual Cha­stity. He took a leap, being then in long Coats, from the Walls of Conway Town to the Sea-shore, looking that the Wind, which was then very strong, would fill his Coats like a Sail, and bear him up, as it did with his Play-fellows: But he found it otherwise, for he did light with his Belly upon a big ragged Stone, which caused a secret Infirmity, fitter to be understood, then further describ'd; and want of timely Remedy, the Skill of good Chirurgery being little known in that Cli­mate, continued it to his dying day. They that traduc'd him when he came to be Lord-Keeper, not only to be Amorous, but to be Incontinent with a great Lady, and taught common Fidlers to sing it, may blush at this Discovery, if they be alive; but if they died without Repentance, it may be they want the tip of his Finger dipp'd in Water to cool their Tongues.

9. Though I have not concealed that he was Chast perforce, yet I must wit­ness for him, that in the use of Meats and Drinks he was one of the most tempe­rate Men in the Kingdom of free Election. I think he suck'd it in with his Milk, it was so fix'd in him. To let pass how well he was satisfied with his short Aca­demical Fare, I will go further, and come to him, when he came to be a great House-keeper. He kept a full Table, elegantly set forth, none of his Rank be­yond him. Yet I scarce ever saw him eat a plentiful Meal. He supplied the [Page 9]convival time at his Board with Carving and Discourse, which made his Absti­nence less observ'd by his Guests; but it was most beneficial to him. He that eats sparingly, sacrificeth to Health, and is fit for Labour, and Watchfulness upon all Occasions. What Repugnancy there was in his Concoction to Flesh, I know not; but he fed the least upon it that ever I saw: His Diet upon his own Trencher consisting chiefly out of a Dairy, a Garden, and an Orchard. No Capuchin kept Lent, and Fish-days, as we term them, more strictly. As his Appetite was easily under his Will, so his Will was as much under the Laws of the Realm. It were a rash Censure to count him Superstitious in this Observa­tion of Abstinence, because he would not be a Libertine. Obedience is account­able to the smallest Commandments, and which are customarily broken. I can­not but call to mind upon what is rehearsed before, that what Pythagoras ask'd of his Disciple, was comprized in this Verse, [...]; to be unaddicted to Belly-pampering, Sleep, and Carnal Wantonness. Which threefold Rule, this might Moral Man made up into one Practise.

10. Many are happy that they have not Means to be Riotous, though they would; but he was happy that he had Means of large Supply for his Breeding, and would not. His Father was a Gentleman of a bountiful and kind Heart, and spent more upon himself, and upon his Neighbours, then upon his Children. But the numerous Stock of rich Gentry, to which he was Allied, his dear Grand­mother especially, made him a great Allowance. But to say the truth, all of them could never fill his Purse. From a Youth, and so upward, he had not a Fist to hold Money, for he did not only lay out, but scatter, spending all that he had, and somewhat for which he could be trusted. By one Instance, which I have heard much quoted in Cambridge, he did discover a most charitable and franc Affection. That unparallell'd worthy Man Mr. Edward Liveley, Publick-Professor of the Hebrew Tongue, was so unprovided to sustain himself and his Family, that he was put to a sad shift, to sell a part of his Library, which being made known to some by pitiful Rumour, and to young Williams, among others in Cambridge, he got the Sum of three Pounds together, and carried it home to Mr. Liveley, which the Learned Man's Necessity made him accept, and his Thank­fulness told it abroad, to bring his pretty benefactor into Estimation, which was much noised, that so little a Hand did open it self, when large ones were shut. Many things concur'd to make him talk'd of, and to be noted out for future Eminency; yet Envy, that loves to crop the Bud of Virtue, had two Things to object against him. First, That he gave Distast to some by his Vehemency of Anger, not seldom flying out. 'Tis true, he was obnoxious to Arles [...], a sudden eruption of Choler sometimes upon a little stirring; an Infirmity which only bred him Enemies, for his fair Candor could give no other Offence. But as Hippocrates, the chiefest of the Aesculapians, writes, Where Fire abounds in the Mixture, and exceeds the Moisture, such Flashes cannot always be suppress'd. And sublime Wits are seldom without the Frailty to bring them to Humility. So Pliny said of them in the Character of Julius Cesar; Acutissimi evadunt, & igneâ celeri­tate volucres. The second thing called Culpable in him, but was not, was pick'd at by the cross Humours of some in the end of Q. Elizabeth's Reign. They were of the old Stock of Non-conformitants, and among the Seniors of his College, who look'd four upon him, because he was an Adherent to, and a Stickler for the Discipline and Ceremonies of the Church of England; these laid their Heads to­gether to exclude him from Preferment, but their Plot would not hit. Others that were the most orderly Sons of the Church, were not pleased with him, be­cause he frequented Reverend Mr. Perkins his Congregation. It is true, he was his constant Auditor, while Mr. Perkins lived, so early his well-kneaded Judg­ment took delight in clear and solid Divinity. And he that is discreet, will make his Profit out of every side, or every Faction, if you like to call it so.

11. At the close of the most happy Reign of Q: Elizabeth, he Commenced Batchelor of Arts. And to make that Degree sit upon him with the better Cre­dit, within a Month he was made Fellow of his College, with the advantage of that Seniority which promised him the Proctorship of the University, if he lived to it, according to the constant Order of that Society. Filii prunae exultant vo­lare, Job 5.7. He was full of warmth, and tended upward. I find in a Letter, which he wrote to King James 22 years after, wherein he remembers the King, That His Majesties Gracious Letters confer'd that Blossom of the first Preferment [Page 10]upon him. He was no heavy Log to be lifted up to a Fellowship with a Court-Leaver. But the Place being extraordinary, (for it was pregnant with the Pretor­ship) there needed some Engine from above to settle him. Without disparage­ment to his Merit, it shall not be concealed, that some of the Seniors did make resistance against him, whose Suffrages are requisite by Statute for the Election of Fellows. One or two of them were observed to stop the Advancement of all the most sharp Wits, as far as they could, Men not to be compared with the sweet Philosopher Plato, but like him in this, That Plato would not admit Homer into his Commonwealth, for he was too great a Citizen for his City. This was a Grief apparent, that Mr. Aluy, though himself departed into Ireland, had left of his Spirit among them, a Spirit devious from the Quiet and Happy Way of obey­ing our Church Discipline. And this did season a few with a wrong Zeal to de­press such whose Learning and prudent Behaviour did promise, that they would be Champions for Conformity. But he that was then the Pinacle of the Codege, far higher then the low-roost Building of the rest, was Dr. Playsere, one of the Public Professors of Divinity, and of most celebrated Eloquence, (let me carve a good Figure for his Memory in this Structure,) it was he that opened the stiff Soil, and planted this young Sprig in his Fellowship, and led him in his hand out of the Throng of Contradiction. You may guess, that the young Batchelor did Glory in it, and had the sense of Juily in his mind, when he said, He had rather be Praised by Cato, then have a Triumph voted to him by the Senate.

12. Now our young Graduate began to run the Race of three years Course to the Degree of Master; a time of loitering with too many, but not with him. It was his common Theme, even when he was a Bishop, if young Students were at his Table, to inveigh gravely against Batchelors of Arts, because commonly they mis-spent that Triennial Probation, and left upon that place a Vacuum of doing little or nothing. He that least of all committed that Crime, might best set Judge upon the Guilty. For his own part, now his Clay was upon that Wheel, it turn d about, as Peripateties say of the highest Sphere, with a most rapid Mo­tion. He surrendred up his whole Time to dive into the Immense Well of Know­ledge, that hath no bottom. He Read the Best, he Heard the Best, he Conferr'd with the Best, Excrib'd, committed to Memory; Disputed, he had some Work continually upon the Loom. And though he never did so much in this unwearied Industry, as himself desired, he did far more then all that did highly value him could expect. Ingenium caeleste suis v [...]lecius amns surgit. Ovid. His Equals of the same time began to find his Discourse far above their pitch in weighty Judgment; and what was look'd for from him in his Public Exercises, might be perceived by the Throng that come to Hear him, and that none at the parting but Admired him. All perceived that a Fellowship was a Garland too little for his Head, and that he that went his pace, would quickly go further then St. John's Walks.

13. He that will dig diligently for Wisdom, God will provide a Mine for him to Recompence his Labour; my Proof lies thus: Here was a Student that would take any pains to know much; and God supplied him with as good Men in that Age, as ever Cambridge afforded before or since, that were able to teach him. A Scholar can have no taste of Natural Philosophy, without some conditement of the Mathematicks. See the good luck of it, that he had Mr. Edward Briggs within the Walls of the same College for his Master; by whom he was initiated into the Principles of Geometry, which never departed out of his tenacious Memory. Yet he did but kiss the Cup of those Sciences, and drank not deep: Fruit that is next the Sun, may change the colour; but unless it hang long on the Tree, it comes not to maturity. He frequented Mr. Lively and Mr. Downes, ( Duo Scipiadae) the Professors of the Hebrew and Greek Tongues in the Publick Schools, from whose full Breasts he suck'd most excellent Skill in those Learned Languages. He had also other choice Praeceptors to perfect him in the Sacred Tongue, Mr. Robert Spal­den, a modest and no less Learned Divine, Fellow of St. John's, and Rabbi Jacob a Jew born, whom I remember for a long time a Commorant in the University; with the Instruction of these two, he dived far into the Mystery of that Holy Language. But chiefly he did heartily acknowledge, that the Hand of God did go with him, that Dr. Overal was the King's Professor in the Chair of Divinity in his Years of soft Wax, from whom he took such a right Orthodox Impression of stating Theological Controversies. I ask'd him on a time, what it was that pleased him in Dr. Overal above all others whom he heard to handle Determina­tions of Divine Points in a Scholastical Form? He gave me this Answer; because, [Page 11]First, Dr. Overal was used to prove his Conclusion out of two or three Texts of Scripture at the most, and no more, being such Places upon whose right Inter­pretation the judgment of the Cause did chiefly depend. Secondly, That above all Men that ever he heard, he did most pertinently quote the Fathers, both to the right sense of their Phrase, which few did understand, and out of those their Treatises, wherein especially they handled the Cause, for which he Appealed un­to them. And, Thirdly, When he had fixed what was prime and principal Truth in any Debate, with great Meekness and Sweetness he gave copious Lati­tude to his Auditors, how far they might dissent, keeping the Foundation sure, without breach of Charity. These were the Constellations, whose fortunate Aspect did shine upon this Neophytus in the Orb of Cambridge, and being under the Influence of such Luminaries, a judicious Academian might Prognostic, how much he would prosper without a judicious Astrologer. But for all that he posted so speedily through the broad Way of the best Tracts of Knowledge, yet he found a little leisure to call in as he went, at the attaining of some Skill in Musick, In­strumental and Vocal, not as a Siren to catch him, but as a Delight to solace him. Nay, though he set his Face to the end of a great Journey, yet in transi [...] he took Acquaintance of the French Tongue, to make himself able to read the choice Pieces of that acute Nation, which flow'd in easily and apace into him, having the Pipes of the Latin Tongue ready cast to convey it. What shall we say to him that took in hand such a long Sorites of Sciences and Tongues together? But that such Blood and Spirits did boil in his Veins as Tully felt, when he spake so high; Mihi satis est si omnia consequi possim: Nothing was enough, till he got all.

14. The Gamester was the freer to throw at all, because he was like to draw a good Stake, Preferment already holding its Hand half open. For [...]f [...]c [...]bi 2 o his Patron, and tenderly-loving Kinsman, Dr. Vaughan was Removed from the Bishoprick of Chester to the See of London. The young Eaglets are quickly taken up upon the Wings of the old one. But the good Bishop, within three Years after he had ascended to that Dignity, ended his days, greatly lamented of all, and lived not till his young Cousin was adult for Promotion. This only was much to his Benefit, that every Year the Bishop sent for him to spend a few Weeks in his Palace of London, a great help to his Breeding, to let him see the course of Church-Government managed by the Piety and Wisdom of so grave a Prelate, who had much of a Gentleman, much of a Scholar, and most of a Christian. During his abode in the Reverend Bishop's Palace, he had the opportunity to tender his Duty to that noble-minded and ancient Baron John Lord Lumley, who received him with equal Courtesie and Bounty as his Kinsman. That Lord ha­ving given his Sister in Marriage to Mr. Humfry Llyd of Nor. h. Wales, a most indu­strious Antiquary, as appears in Ortelius, and Adjutant to Mr. Cambden in his great Work. This Lord Lumley did pursue Recondite Learning, as much as any of his Honourable Rank in those Times and was owner of a most precious Library, the Search and Collection of Mr. Humsry Llyd. Out of this Magazine, that great Peer bestowed many excellent Pieces printed, and Manuscript, upon Mr. Wil­liams for Alliance sake, a Treasure above all Presents most welcom to him. Yet the noble-hearted Lord, a free Mccaenas, gave with both hands, and never sent his young Kinsman away from him without a Donative of ten Pieces. The first Gift of Books he kept better then Gold; for the Gold went from him again as magnificently, as if he had been no less then the Lord Lumley himself But that he had received those noble Favours, I heard him remember with great and grate­ful Expressions in the Chancel of the Parish-Church of Cheam near to N [...]n [...]c [...] in Surrey, (whereof my self have been Rector now above 30 Years) coming on a day to view the Burial-place of the Lord Lumley, where his Body lies under a comely Monument.

15. It fell out luckily to Mr. Williams, to keep him from incurring great Debts, that he had such an Ophir or Golden Trade to drive with the Lord Lumley's Pu [...]se, who supplied him with a Bounty that grudg'd him nothing, till the Year 1 [...]9. (for then that aged Baron died.) Four Years before the loss of that dear Friend, An. 1605, he took his Degree of Master of Arts, and he Feasted his Friends at the Commencement as if it had been his Wedding, having more in Cash at com­mand by the full Presents of many Benefactors, then is usual with such young Graduates. His Merits being known, brought him in a great Revenue, long be­fore he had a certain Livelihood. A Master of Arts, is a Title of honest Provo­cation rightly considered: Nomina insignia onerosa sunt, says the Emperor Alexan­der [Page 12]Mammaens. But they are scarce so many as a few, that are warm'd with the remembrance of that Honour, which the Regent-House conferr'd upon them, worthy to be taxed, in parodie, with that Increpation, Heb. 5.12. Cum deberetis Magistri esse propter tempus, rursum indigetis ut vos doceamini. When for the time ye eught to be Masters, you have need one teach you again. Whose Reproach hath this, and no other use, that they are a pitiful Foil to their Betters. I am sure I explain a Man, who added as much Grace to the Name, as any his Ancestors; of those that came after, he that was the best, was but second in the Order. Every day (borrowing much of the Night) advanced his Knowledge. He hired himself to labour under all Arts, and sorts of Learning. The more he toil'd, the more he perceiv'd, that nothing in this Earth had such Amplitude, as the extent of Scien­ces: He saw it was a Prospect which had no Horizon, a Man can never say, he sees the utmost Bound of the Coast. Therefore he was continually drawing his Bow, because he was sure he could never shoot home. No Man fishes to get all the Fish in the Sea; yet since the Sea contains so much, he is slothful that labours but for a little. Our Student began now to fall close to the deep, and spacious Studies of Divinity. I deliver from his own mouth what he would relate some­times in his riper Years; That he began to read all the Scriptures with the choicest and most literal, and, as he found it fit, with the briefest Commentators, so that all his Superstructure might knit close to that Foundation. He compared the com­mon places of P. Martyr, Chemnitius and Musculus, Calvin and Zanchie, being in at all, with the Sacred Text, and found that Harmony in them all with the Ora­cles of God's Word, that he perceived he might with a good Conscience, as he would answer it to Christ Jesus, defend the Integrity of the Reformed Religion, taking it not upon Trust, but upon Judgment and Examination. But an Artist knoweth not what he hath got by all his Diligence till he useth it; neither can a Scholar understand what Tast is in the Waters of his own [...], till he draws some quantity out. Therefore he disclosed himself both in his own Terms, and for his Friends, in common Places and in Problems, sweet as Sampson's Honey in the one, strong as his Lion in the other. By both he received mighty Praise from his Elders, and great Thanks from the younger Fry, whose Benefit is to be intended in such Exercises. For it is a Duty that sits as close to them, as an Oath can fasten it, who live in such a social Life, to make ready, not wild Gourds, but of their best Preparation, to set before the Sons of the Prophets, that they may eat.

16. Having fetch'd such a great compass about Theology in less then two years, he began to climb up higher upon the Mountain of God. His Project was to take so much Work in hand, that no Temptation should make him idle. And that he might be to seek in nothing, which might exactly furnish him in the Mi­nistry of Christ, he adventur'd to read the School-men, Histories Ecclesiastical, and the Fathers all together. Conceive me that this course of Study begun so early, co-extended with all the space of his Life. But was it possible for one Hand, and yet but a tender one, to grasp all this together? Himself knew best how he could weave so many Webs at once. ‘My manner was,’ says he, ‘to allot one Month to each of these Employments. And Variety was almost as much Re­freshing, as Cessation from Labour. Then I was sure to return to none of those courses of Learning as a Stranger, making my spaces of Absence from none any longer then those Monthly Revolutions. Manilius. Howsoever, Viam sibi repperit usus, and I like my own method so well, that I was constant to it for 13 Years, until I was called off by my Secular Employments, and when I was discharged of them, I fell again to run round with my former Circle.’ He was an exact Phi­losopher, but chiefly in the Metaphysicks, whose Utility and Necessity he defended in the Schools, Pro more Academico, when he was Proctor of the University. Having taken such a Preparative of Metaphysical Quidities, the Potions of School-Divinity wrought easily with him, so that he was not lost a whit in their Intricoes, any further then they lose themselves, which is not seldom in more Subtilty then Solidity, being like those Artichokes that have much Core, and little Bottom. He was the first that made me look into them better when I was a No­vice, then all the Conference I had had with the greatest Doctors did Premonish me before. He said, The best Thing was, that those Disputative Men cross'd and opposed one another eagerly, which was the way to strike out Sparks of Truth between the Flint and the Steel. But the worst was, that such Maxims as passed for common Principles unquestionable on all sides among themselves, were hollow and unsatisfactory. Chiefly herein they do but beat the Air, they never scann [Page 13]the Interpretations of any Scriptures, but take them upon Traditional Trust, which are easily wrung from them by more curious Expositors: So that an hundred Quodlibets all of one Blood, I may say, being not maintainable, but from such sense of Scripture as they offer'd to derive them, are but so many Bastard-Slips begotten upon vulgar Errors. A young Clerk that reads them, and trusts them, may think they are good Men, and have paid him the whole Sum of Divinity; but let him weigh their Coin, and I am confident he will perceive, that they will owe him above half the Debt. This was a sound Caution from him, to take heed how we Trust: Yet he was not so easily provoked against those Scholastical Plod­ders as some are, who fault them above all, because they have mixed the Learn­ing of Arle, the Topics of Boethius, and the like, with Conclusions laid down out of the Word of God; for Prophets and Apostles themselves are not without Embellishments of Humane Sciences, as well in Argument, as for Ornament: For why may not Sheaves of Wheat be bound about with Wisps of Straw, that they may not shatter? This Brable is put into a true Sea [...]e by a late Author, and is thus poized; Accedens Philosophia ad Th [...]ol [...]gi [...]n [...], facit eam [...], s [...]d facit Sophisticam adversus eam debilior [...]m. Divinity borrows no Recruit from Philoso­phy to make it self stronger, but to make Sophistry, or Heresie, which impugns it, weaker.

17. Let it be no marvel if I stay long to take a right prospect of his Studies: To proceed then, you shall find him, as it follows, it the next Partition. The Jews divide the Months of the Year after their Calculation in plenos & cavos, some fill'd, of 30 Days, some unfill'd, of 29 Surely they were Menses pleni, solid Months of the longest Measure, wherein this Man p [...]ied Ecclesiastical History. This one eminent Merit alone, his diligence in reading History is worthy of an History: For I will deliver it confidently, that I took him to be the best Proficient in that spacious Knowledge, that this Age brought forth wherein he lived. His Memory was so trusty, that it made him presume to be very fleet in Reading. Therefore I know nothing which he had not Read, and I could observe nothing he had not remembred. [...], as the Greeks boast; Let no Man compare with Simonides for a Memory. So without boasting I may say, Who would compare with Mr. Williams but Simonides? He that would try his Cunning in History when he was old, might wager an Oath upon it, that he fell to it very young. He moiled a while in Chronology, especially after the Epocha of Times was meetly well set from the Olympiad of Greece, and Consul­ships of Rome, yet he stuck not long in the Briars of Chronologers, from which a Man can never pluck out his Feet, but referr'd his own Collections to such Com­putations of Years as himself liked best, by which he knew well enough in what Rank to find his own Notions. And because Cosmography is like Eyes unto the Blind, to lead a diligent Man in all the Journeys of the Earth, through which divers Authors carry him, he took such Light to walk by as Ortelius held before him; yet he would confess, that oft-times he was like an Errant-Knight, and knew not in what Desart he was, till he came to live in York-house a Chaplain to the Lord-Chancellor Egerton, and then became a Scholar to Mr. Richard Hacklun, a Prebendary of Westminster, and so his near Neighbour, indeed the most versed Man in that Skill that England bred, and from him his Preceptor, whom he forgat not to mention with much Praise, he got as much Thread from Ariadne's Quill, as serv'd him never to lose himself in any Region or Sea, whether near or re­mote.

18. Chronology and Chorography were his Bladders to swim with. Now suppose him lanch'd into the Main Ocean for Historical Traffick. The Writers are but few that afford any thing to illustrate the Contents of the Old Testament, till the Jews came back to their own Country again from the Babylonish Captivity. From that time whatsoever concern'd the Records of the Church under the Persian and Macedonjan Monarchies, together with the Seleuctan and Ptolemae [...]n Princes, he had it at his Fingers ends. But after that the Barren brought forth more Children then the Fruitful, since the propagation of the Christian Faith among the Nations, the Books are infinite which have compiled Occurrences of Evangelical Memo­rials; yet our indefatigable Undertaker was not disheartned to read over all that was preserv'd, but ransack'd Rolls and Libraries for all that was hid or lost. Of such as faithful Custody had brought to light, none escap'd him. They are not the Divines of Magdepurg, nor Baronius Annals, (though twice read over by him) which furnished him with the Title of his Skill. He knew more then they had observ'd, from the Originals out of which they had digged their Ore. Especially [Page 14]he was cunning in all Transactions done in the old Asian Churches, and no less in the Greek, even to the time of their Decay, or Ruine rather under the Turkish Tyranny. And because General and Provincial Councils, the most Pure of them having been Celebrated in the East, were the brightest Lanthorns of this kind of History, he had observ'd in them as much as his Wit could penetrate into. I say as much as he could; for none was more ingenuous then he to confess his De­fects And he did deplore, when discourse of that Learning was on foot, that the meaning of the Greek Canons (nay, nor of the Latin likewise) was not opened to the World by an Artifice that was able to try their Metal. That all Glossators hitherto had mistaken the Phraseologies, and Terms of Imperial Laws, and quaint Words, having allusion to popular Speech in those days, which are couched in them. And since he minded me of such abstruseness in the Con­texture of those Canons, I have accused mine own oversight to my self, that I thought I had known more of the true sense of those Canons, then now I per­ceive I do. There wants a Scholar like an Hound of a sure Nose, that would not miss a true Scent, nor run upon a false one, to trace those old Bishops in their fuse. A Divine, he ought to be of the first Magnitude; a Critic, that should be an Hercules in the Greek Tongue; a rare Canonist, a most Learned Civilian, migh­tily acquainted with all Pristine Ceremonies, of a strong and inquisitive Judg­ment. And since the matchless Salmasius is lately dead, the Man whom I would have trusted with such a Work before all others, who is sufficient for such a Task?

19. The Histories of the Occidental Churches of great Bulk, but little Credit, he knew were both Partial and Adulterated, many of them no better Authors then Luit prandus, though it was his ill hap more then his Fellows to confess his Kna­very; for he says in his third Book, that he set himself to write. Ut de inimicis sumat vindictam, & landibus extollat eos, qui se multis [...] aff [...]erant. Such as this plain-dealing Fellow, and all after him, that struggled to raise up the Gran­deur of the Rom [...]n Court, Mr. Williams had read them and had hanged them all upon the File of his Memory; and could vouch each or them to King James, when a Question was ask'd about any of their Contents, as if it had been the freshest thing in his Mind, which he had perused but an hour before. I think bonâ side, there was no Man born more like to Eum [...]es in our Divine Poet Mr. Spencer's Description, Recording all Things which this World doth weld, laying them up in his Immortal Scrine, where they for ever Incorrupted dwelt. Let the Rea­der, if he be not struck enough into Wonder already, be advertized further, that he could as readily and as dextrously recite Things which had been done in our British and English Churches, from the first Infancy of them to his own days, as if it had been written in the Palm of his Hand. He carried in his Mind an Uni­versal Idea of all Synods and Convocations that were ever held in our Land, of all our Cathedrals, their Foundations, Conditions of Alteration, Statutes, Reve­nues, &c. As he had spared for no Travel to purchase this Skill; so, to fill his Vessel brim full, he received all that Sir Harry Spelman, Sir Robert Cotton, and Mr. Selden, his dear Friends could pour into him. Some will say, his Mind was set upon this Church, and every particular of it might in some occasion concern him. I will satisfie him that so proposes it, that there was not a corner of an History, Sacred or Secular, in any Kingdom or State in Europe which he had not pried into, and wherein he could not suddenly enlarge himself, whether they were their Wars, or Leagues of Amity; whether their Laws, Inheritances of their Crowns and Dignities, their Lineages, Marriages, or what not? The Chronicles of the Empire and German Princes, the great Partidas of Spain, all the Pieces of Antiquity he could rake out of French Abbies, he was expert in them all, as if he had got them by heart. The issue of his Life bewrayed his End therein; for he made this Study pay him Wages for all his Labour: For he discerned his own Abuities to be fit for Publick Employment; therefore he search'd into the notable Particularities of all Kingdoms, Republicks, and their Churches, with all the Importances that hung upon them. And he guessed right, that King James would give all he could ask for such a Minister.

20. The Tertia of his Industry and happy Studies, and the Top-sail of them, was the reading of the Fathers Greek and Latin. Great was his Diligence in them; marvellous was his Devotion to their Volumes. These were the casting Counters, with whom he reckoned all the Items of Christian Truth. The least stood for a Pound, the best for an hundred. These were the Champions, that first took the Field to fight the Lord's Battel, all of them the Worthies of David, [Page 15]whereof the stoutest had lifted up his Spear against 800, 2 Sam. [...]. 23. and chased them. These were after the Apostles the first-born Sons of the New-Jerusalem, to whom, by the Blessing of Primogeniture, God had given the double Portion of Wisdom, and his Spirit. Mr. Williams remembred, and would remember others of it, when they needed such Advice, that a Disciple of the Church of England must be their Disciple, and would often cite out of the Canons concluded in Convoca­tion, an. 1571. ‘That Preachers should teach nothing in their Preaching, which they would have the People Religiously to observe, but that which is agreeable to the Doctrine of the Old Testament and the New, and that which the Catholic Fathers and ancient Bishops have gathered out of that Doctrine.’ This is our Directory. Let our Adversaries make the best of it to their advantage, as the Funambulatory Jesuit C [...]mpian presumes, Ad patres si [...] ­ctum est praeliuns. Let him crow over Capons; we have long laugh'd at his Arro­gancy.

21. I have here a Passage to insert, as well for the Good of others, as for the Praise of this Man of God. He was as free as Water that runs from a public Con­duit, to lay open his Knowledge to all that would listen to his Discourse. If I must give Precedency to this Charity to any before him, it shall be only to that Glorious Servant of God, the Marrow of Learned Communication, the Lord Primate of Armach. But to our present Matter, thus he would say, as my self and many others have heard it come often from him. That his Contemporaries in Cambridge delivered to him by Tradition, which was given to them in the name of Dr. Whitaker's Resolved Rule. By Proviso, first of all, sift the Chaff from the Wheat; mark whom Valla, Erasmus, and others, have bored in the Ear for Coun­terfeit Pieces; and for the rest, acquaint your selves with the choicest and least corrupted Editions. The Protestants, to their great Commendation, had given no cause to suspect them in either kind. They that had notoriously, more than all others, vented false Wares, were Italian Huckiters; for be [...]de those good Au­thors, Coins, Medals, Monumental Inseriptions in Stone and Brass, nay nothing of Archaique Value, had escaped their false Fingers. Having separated the Vi [...]e from the Precious. expect that all the Leaven of the Fathers is hid, as the Gospel speaks, in three Measures of Meal. They are very witty and exuberant in Alle­gories, which are the Windows of the House; they serve well for Light, but not a jot for Strength. Another share of their Works is taken up in maintaining Ec­clesiastical Decrees grounded upon Canons and prudent Orders for Decency and Discipline. And a good Moiety of their Writings presseth only such Matters, as are settled by no more then Canonical, or Humane Authority. No wonder if now adays we hold such Obligations but in a slip Knot. Variableness of Customs, alternation of Manners, sundry new Products in new Ages gives power to dispense, so we abuse not our Liberty to a scornful Licence. But it is approveable in Musick, to set new Tunes, if we keep the old Gammut. The 34th Article of the Church of England decides it gravely, ‘That every particular or National Church hath Authority to Ordain, Change and Abolish Ceremonies and Rites of the Church, Ordained only by Man's Authority, so that all Things be done to Edifying.’ Now these Canonical and Human Decretals are Butteresses to the House of God, they are raised up without the Walls, but all that is within is the stronger for their Supportance. The third Part of the Heavenly Extraction of the Fathers, the Pearl growing between the two Shells premised, is Dogmatical, their Doctrine of Faith, and Works necessary to Selvation In any of which, when many of them consent we may well presume, that the Spirit of Christ breathed in them. For the Martyrdom of soms, the Humility, Self-denial, and Sanctity of them all will attest, that they intended the Truth; and one Point of Success, that those who gainsaid them, never took Root, or prosper'd, will perswade you that they found the Truth. Neither is there any Reverence towards them diminish'd by this di­stinction, that what they sowed in the Field of God, saving here a little, and there a little, was sound Wheat; but all that they mowed down were Weeds, or Heresies without exception. Thus far He, or rather Dr. Whitaker; whose An­tagonist Duraeus would seem to ascribe more to the Fathers; indeed it is but a seeming. Says he, ‘We assent to all the Doctrine of the Holy Fathers, to all of it without exception.’ A mighty Concession, but his Hand slacks immediately; N [...]que patres censentur, cum suum aliquid, quod ab Ecclesiâ non accep [...], vel seribunt, vel docent: For if they write or teach any thing, which they have not received of the Church, they are not to be esteemed Fathers. As like to Plato's Sophister, as one drop of Water to another, who would prove that no Shoe-maker did [Page 16]ever make a bad Shoe; for he that made a bad Shoe, was not Master of his Crast, he was not a Shoe-maker.

22. I will invite the Reader but to the notice of one Thing more upon this Title. This Man was the least Distasted, so far as I have known Men, among all of his Profession, with a Scholar that was divers from him in a Theological De­bate. And this, he said, he learn'd from the moderation of the Fathers, who were zealous Upholders of the Glory of the Blessed Trinity, of Christ, and of his M [...]diatorship, and of the Covenant of Grace for the Redemption of Penitent [...]ners; but for differences of Questions which were not so prime and substan­tial, they caused no angry Contract about them, much less a Separation of Churches. St. Cyprian is praised for this Candor by St. Austin, De Bap. con. Donat. lib. 3. c. 3. in this wise: Cyprian was not to be removed from a darling Opinion of his own, too much his own, about Re-baptizing of those that had been Baptized by Heretics, yet so as, Nominem judicantes, nee à jure communio [...]s aliquem, si di­versum senser [...], amov [...]ntes. I like this Concordance, says Austin, with two Expla­nations: 1. In iis quaestionibus quae nondum eliquatissimâ perspectione discussae sunt. 2. Exceptis iis quae jam sunt d [...]sinita in totâ Ecclesiâ. First, Not to think the worse of any, much less to make a Rupture for maintaining Opinions, which were not discuss'd so far to be convincing and conspicuous. Secondly, To be the bolder with them, if they were the Tenets of some Men only, and not the Definitions of the Church Univeral. O that many living Stones, now scattered from one another, were cemented together with this Mortar! O that such as are rigidly ad­dicted to their own Fancies, would desine less, and leave more charitable Allow­ance to their weak, or at least dissenting Brethren! O that there were less Inclo­sure, and more common Pasturage in the Church for poor Cottagers! And I wish again, that it were wisely considered, that a good Conscience may continue in our Brother, though he be not so found in some lesser Truths. Then you would not deny him your Love, because he submits not his Wit and Reason to all your Perswasions. Many hot Opiniators of our Age are little better then the S [...]maritans, as describ'd by Epiphanius, Haeres. 61. [...]: They thought it piaculous to touch a Man, that did not Dogmatize as they did. Therefore how many Slanders must they put up quietly, who were of Mr. Williams his Equanimity, sociable with them that are at point blank contradiction in some Quarrels of Polemical Divinity, n [...]y as ready to prefer the one side as the other, how sure is this to be called by our F [...]ri [...]s [...]'s lukewarm and undigested Christianity? I have seen the Life [...] Renowned Frier Padre P [...]lo of Venice, written in Italian by his [...] and [...] tersely and faithfully into English by that Gentleman [...] great and elegant Parts Mr. [...] Secretary to this He [...]oical Prelate, of whom I write, when he was Lord-keepe [...]: Out of that Piece I shall observe many Things as I can overtake them in fitness of Time; this comes to me now under [...], that Fulg [...]io cannot deny, that Father Paul was Libel'd for a stupid [...] Man, [...] careless of Religion, because when two perhaps were divided which was the Truth, he made a good Construction of them both. To put this into the Trial of an Instance; it is as recent to me, as if it had been [...] done, what befel this prudent Man I write of, for looking upon [...] of two vehement Factions, and yet laying a Bet on neither [...]. He had a mighty Insight into the seventh Volume of St. Austin's Works, wherein that holy Bishop hath so divinely contended for the Efficacy of Grace against [...], and Semipclagians. For his own part, St. Austin had possess'd him, and he was over entirely his Adherent in those Controversies. Many others of exquisite Learning were not convinced with St. Austin's Judgment. The Schools had many that ven­tilated those impenetrable Conceptions, pro & con; at first, with sharpness of Learning; at last, with more sharpness of Enmity. The Netherlanders unluckily in­vented several Names for these Scholastical Skirmishes, Remonstrants, and Contra-Remonstrants. Ate, and the Furies of Contention, came among us out of Belgia with these Names. Reproaches, and all sorts of unkind Discriminations, succeeded. But he, whose Praise is under my Pen, held his Augustinian Conclusions, but ne­ver disparaged, [...], never condemned the Judgment of them that opponed, but commended both Tribes with this P [...]acidness, that himself, and those of his Mind went upon this Ground, to be circumspect to ascribe all Good unto God; and that the adverse part were very cautious to state their Cause so, as to ascribe no Evil to God. If the most Learned in the World could not de­cide how to joyn both these together, without some jarring Consequences, let us [Page 17]meet together in Peace, till God had decided it. Was not this sweet and can­did? Yet it was call'd in him, and in others of that Moderation, Sluggishness, Craftiness, Neutrality and the like; as if in points unfundamental and unresolv'd, every man must be a Guelph or a Gibelline. Whereas by deep inspection it will ap­pear, that many such Opinions are of as even choice as two Shillings, thogh not of the same Stamp, yet of the same weight; it is all one which you Receive in Pay.

23. Such a Scheme, as I have drawn forth at large of his profounder Studies, was expedient to be put whole together, to avoid the trouble of broken Inter­ruptions. With the weight of those Plummets, his Wheels began to turn a­bout at the 25 year of his Age: And with the same Plummets the Clock went even Hour from Hour, from Month to Month, to the expiration of his Life. He never chang'd his fashion. Now let me invite such as may peruse these Pa­pers to go back with me, and to look upon him again in the Spring of his Ma­stership of Arts. For who hath despised the day of small things? as the Prophet says, Zachar. 4.10. And because he made his first, and most advantagious Sallies into the World about this time, being employ'd for his College in Civil or Liti­gious Causes, call them as you will, I will bring him upon that Stage before I go further. Dr. Clayton, the Head of St. Johns College at that time, was a care­ful and prudent Governour at home, Thrifty for the publick Stock, Meek and quiet as any of that Dignity. Yet it is not possible that so numerous a Society should be so fortunate, to dispatch all their business among themselves, what by Suits of Law, which burst in upon them by bad Tenants; what by frivolous complaints often Raised by their own Members, but by these and other sudden Claps, against which there is no prevention, the Governour being very Aged, and wisely contented to dispatch others to struggle in such contestations, he sent forth divers that were Trusty and Judicious to be employ'd in such designs. But if it were a knot to be cleaved by a strong Wedg, he did always entreat Mr. Williams, either alone, or with collegues, to manage such an Enterprize. As the Greeks Adagy goes, Nil sine Theseo, Theseus made one in every Master-piece of Chivalry: Such was our Theseus to the Athens where he lived. And he was con­siderately lookt upon for such service, for he well understood any thing he went about, he had a fineness to be Gracious with them to whom he was sent, and no man could deliver a Tale more smoothly, or wrinkle it less with digressions, or Parentheses. To say much in brief, he had the Policy and Gravity of a States­man, before he had a Hair upon his Chin. The Messages of greatest Trust committed to him from the College were to these Eminent persons that follow; To the Earl of Salisbury Chancellour of the University. By the way I can Wit­ness that he much lamented, that he knew that most Wise Lord Cecil no longer, or upon no greater occasions; whom he extolled above all Wits, spying him through the Tryal of such petty matters as were brought before his Lordship in his Presence: For, as if the Chancellour had a Spirit of Divination, he would instantly discover, whether the Suit made to him were fit for his serious care, or whether it were but Faction and Envy, the Diseases of Scholars within their own Walls, that made a Clamour for Justice. Upon such like Errands for his Society, he was admitted sometimes to Speak and Argue before the true Pillar of the Church, Arch-Bishop Bancroft. And upon this Reverend Father he gained so far, by his neat Wit and decent behaviour, that the Arch-Bishop sent for him two years before he was Batchelour of Divinity, and ex mero motu gave him the Ad­vouzon of an Arch-Deaconry in Wales (Cordigan, if I forget not) which came to the Metropolitan by his customary Prerogative. I am not certain when it fell void, and came to Mr. Williams's possession. This I am sure of, that he sate in Convocation in the Title of this Arch-Deaconry the year 1613. expiring, when Dr. Lake, Holy and Learned Dr. Lake was Prolocutor. Sometimes also he Pe­titioned Lord Chancellour Egerton for the same Foundation. And in a Lucky hour. For the Lord Chancellour in those Addresses quickly found him out, that he was a Jewel fit for his own wearing; which broke forth in due time, as shall be comprized in the sequel. And to rise up one step more upon the degrees of God's Providence, the Master and Fellows aforesaid deputed him for their Agent to the Court to Petition the King for a Mort-main, thereby to bring some in­crement to their maintenance. It is no New thing to say he sped in the Suit [...] for when did he miscarry? You have him right in that Elogy, which Aurelius gives to Septimius Severus, acer erat ingenio, & ad omnia quae intenderat in finem perseverans: His Wit was sharp, and drew success after it, as the Needle doth [Page 18]the Thred, and his Industry was restless, till he had his End for which he La­bour'd. The marvel is that his Worth and Activity should make such impression in the King, that his Majesty upon some occasion told him of it long after, when he was then become His Highness's principal Officer.

24. These were the noted Adventures which our young Academian, by de­putation from his College, did make abroad; but his Staple was at his Study at home, where his Light did break out openly in great splendor upon this occasion. On Candlemass-Day Anno 1608. his Reverend Friend Dr. Playfere departed out of this World, in the 46 year of his Life, in his Flower and Prime; whose great­est well-wishers did not wish him alive again, because his rarely beautified Wits, with which he had even inchanted his hearers in so many estivat commence­ments, were now more and more distemper'd. Yet Mr. Williams wept over him, and exceeded in Grief, as if a Child had lost his Father. The University mak­ing preparation for the Solemn Funeral of so great an Ornament to it, the Vice-Chancellour that then was Dr. Jeggon possest the Pulpit to Preach, and Mr Wil­liams was required to be the Oratour, to give him a farewel of due praise in the Chappel of St. Johns College. He pleaded the Truth, that his sorrow would not grant him such a dispassionate mind, as was fit to compose a Panegyrick and that in the space of three days, and for such a man as Dr. Playfere. And with this Excuse he held off, till Dr. Clayton, set upon it to enforce the Tasque on him that could best discharge it, Threatned him with expulsion, if he refused that Service to which his Superiours had allotted him. An hard condition, and such as might have been disputed, as long after I heard him Argue upon it. But then he yielded, whether fair means or foul means overcame him I know not: But I think rather Love than Fear got the upper hand of Grief. And when [...]his Turn came to speak upon the day of the Obsequies, O what a tunable Musique he made between his Rhetorique and his Tears! for both flowed together. How curi­ous were his Apostrophes! How moving were his Passions? How winning his pro­nunciation? Many pauses he was compelled to make by the Applause and hum­ming of the Swarms about him in the close of his Periods. When he had done, and the Assembly brake up, it was in every Mouth, that Playferes Eloquence was not dead with him, while this Orator was alive. Let me trouble this Narration with a small interjection. I was my self in the throng among those that heard this Oration, newly admitted into Trinity-College, that being the second day wherein I wore my Purple Gown. This being the First Exercise that I heard in Cambrige in the Latin Tongue, I thought it was a City paved all with Eme­raldes, and that such Learning and such Silver Elocution was common to them all. But there is a saying in Macrobius, a great Orator being the Subject, which might have made me Wiser; it is thus, ad notam seculi sui non sufficit Hortensius. All men that lived in that Age were not like Hortensius; and among a bundle of Gods, the Poets have feigned but one Mercury; and although the success of this Funeral Encomium was much to the Authors praise, yet I have it from his own Testimony, that he never suspected himself so much as then in all his Life, least he should have shamed his own parts, and Trespast against the Honourable Memory of the Dead, because his Wits were bedarkened with a Cloud of Sad­ness. But I see that falls out otherwise, with many more than he imagin'd. The Noble Author of the History of the Council of Trent hath remembred, that the Letters of the Cardinal of Lorain, ween he was struck with horror of Grief for the untimely Loss of his Brother the Duke of Guise; I say, his Letters consolatory written in that plunge and amazement of Sorrow to his Sister the Dutchess, were the most full, the most sententious, the most flourishing in Phrases that ever he wrote. No instance can go higher that that of the Prophet Jeremy, whose Elo­quence and curious Figures in his Lamentations were never matcht: The mourn­ing of that Dove is sweeter than the warbling of any Nightingale.

25. Having bought this Credit so dear, with the loss of his dearest Friend, he grew more considerative to look above him, not about him, to the praise of God, and not of Men. He had labour'd four years strenuously in Theological Studies, and found himself in some Ripeness to do God Service in the Ministry. So sur­rendring himself in Prayer to him, that alone gives sufficiency, he received the Orders first of Deaconry, then of Priesthood in the 27 year of his Life. And being recommended to the Grace of God by imposition of hands, presently he began to labour in his Masters Harvest, and became a Preacher of more fre­quency and diligence, than it useth to be with Fellows of houses for the greater part. Who stay too much upon their preparation before they buckle to the [Page 19]work of their calling, like Mowers that are longer in whetting their Sithe, then in cutting down the Grass. And that the Lord when he came might find him careful in tending like a good Steward over the Houshold, immediately with the Office of his Ministry he took the charge of a Living, the scantling of it very mean, and it could be no better after the Letter of the Local Statutes where he Lived, that he might keep his Fellowship with it. It lay beyond St. Edmunds Bury in the confines of Norfolk, (perhaps Fakenham, or very near to it) it was the flitting Milk of a poor Vicarage, the Parsonage Tithes being scumm'd from it. I know not who presented him to it, but questionless the Benefice sought him, and not he the Benefice. He had a fair Champion Country to Ride over to it from Cambridg, which was Exercise with breathing in sweet Air: But the profits of the living would hardly defray the Costs of his Journeys. The exility of the small Revenue took not off his Edge: For it yielded all out as much as he did drive at, to teach the simple, to attain to a readiness in Preaching, by early and often practice; and to be acquainted with compassion (I use his own words) towards the hard condition, which his poor Brethren did undergo, that had scarce enough to feed them, and keep them Warm for all their Labour. It seems the people of the Parish were good people, or he thought them such; for in his highest Honour I heard him Treating with Sir Lionel Talomach of Faken­ham, that Sir Lionel would employ from him an 100 l. to buy Land of five or six pounds per annum Value, for the Relief of the Poor of that Village to the worlds End. I hearkned no more after it: For I reckon'd it was done: Because every place wherein he had a Title was the better for his Charity. If further for a deeper Gage to sound his Learning, some expect to know what he perform'd in St. Maries in Cambridg, rather than in a sorry Vicarage, I can tell them among others that were present, that he publisht himself a most rare Preacher in a Ser­mon made before the University anno 1610. upon this Text, Luc. 16.22. It came to pass, That the Beggar died, and was carried by the Angels into Abrahams Bo­som. He handled the points of the Souls Immortality, of the present Blessed [...]ss of them that dye in Gods Mercy, of their Reception into Heaven, of the Mini­stry of Angels, whether particularly Guardian, or rather in general to all Chri­stians, there he discours'd with that depth of Learning, yet liquidating that depth with such facility of opening it, beside with that Energy and Vigour of Voice and Sides, that his Auditory granted him to be a loud Cymbal, and a well-Tu­ned Cymbal. About Eight Mouths after, being Listed into the Combination of the choicest Preachers: He was call'd to do that Duty before K. James and Prince Henry at Royston, whereupon the King spake much good of him, but the Prince taking great notice of him as an Honour to Wales, was not satisfied to give him encouragement of praise, but gave him his Princely Word, that He would Re­ward him after the weight of his Worth. But the Father bestowed that prefer­ment on him, which the Prince, taken away by early Death for our Sins, in­tended. I heard of this Sermon Six Weeks after, and by a merry Token; for having occasion to come to that hunting Court at Royston, I received Hospitality at a Table full of good Company, where I was askt over and over, especially by the old Brittains, what Place and Dignity Mr. Williams had in Cambridge; eve­ry one of them could tell me he made a most Excellent Sermon before the King, but for their parts they had been such attentive Hearers, that among them all I could not Learn the Text.

The Fame of our accomplisht Preacher, who had taken the University and the Court so far with his Merits, as none more, spread far: And he wanted not Friends in the Lord Chancellour Egertons Family to acquaint his Lordship with it, who instantly preferr'd him before all Competitors, and said no more, but, Send for him, and let me have him. This was at Midsummer anno 16 [...]1. That Lord Chancellour was a great Patron to Divines, but then they must be of many degrees above Mediocrity; and those whom he pickt out for the Service of his House, were of the first, and as it were, Seraphical Order. And such in­deed were Dr. Richard Feild, Dr. King Bishop of London, Dr. Carew Bp. of Exon; and as one of that stamp, he was pleased to entertain Mr. Williams. But when he came to London to be Approved for that Service, after great and humble ac­knowledgment of his Thankfulness, he prayed the Lord Chancellour he might continue a year, or the greatest part of it at Cambridg, before he came to wait constantly in his Lordships Honourable Family, because at Michaelmass following he was to enter upon the Proctor-ship of his University, a place of Credit and some Emolument. And may you not fulfil that place by a Deputy? says the Chan­cellor, [Page 20] My Lord, says the Chaplain, I must take an Oath upon my admission into that Office, to oversee the Government entrusted to me, not in general Terms only of Faith and Diligence, but for the due Provision of many particular Branches of the Statutes; and I dare not trust my Oath with another mans Conscience. To so fair a Plea, he got a gentle concession, where I must shew him in his Honour of Proctorship, before he return again to my Lord Egerton.

I have more to say, than to tell the World he was Junior Proctor of Cambridge: So have many been, who did nothing, but that which deserves to be forgotten; like Consuls that acted nothing, and were useful for nothing but to have the Fasti known by their Names. His was [...], or a a procuration indeed (so it is Translated out of Xenophon) which he filled up with as much real Worth and Value, with as much Profit and Dignity to the University as could be dispatcht in the Orb of that Government. The first place wherein Epaminondas appear'd pub­lickly among the Citizens of Thebes, was the Surveyorship of the High-ways and no better, Et muneri Dignitatem addidit, says Valerius lib. 3. c. 4. He gave Lustre by his management to that petty Function. It holds as right, as possibly an Ex­ample can match a thing, in this instance. It is well known our Proctor came into this Magistracy burthened with great expectation, which measure he filled up, and exceeded it. He rose with great Light, and set with more Brightness than he rose. Happy were those times that heard his Plinian Orations (for his Style had that Savour) that heard his Aristotelian disputations, that enjoyed the Fruit to hear him moderate at the Morning Exercises between a Master and a Batchelor. Methinks yet I do hear him inveighing, as I did once, against the Sloth of the Batchelors, for degenerating from themselves and the Ancient Cu­stoms of the Schools, as of a fearful Metamorph [...]is with those Words, Nam vos mutastis & illas. He was an assiduous Overseer and Interlocutor at the After­noon Disputations of the Under Graduates. Some of the most hopeful he enfla­med with his Praise: Not a few Tasted of his Bounty, and in no meaner Met­tle than Gold. I know a man whom he took Notice of at those Acts, who is the better for his good liking to this day. It was greatly commendable in him that he disdain'd not to be President himself at these [...], but attend­ed at them, and acted in them vivâ voce, and did not put off the Work to Journey-men. The Night-watches indeed, he committed sometimes to Deputies, as the manner is, to compel the Looser sort from their Haunts of Inns and Ta­verns, and Houses of ill Fame. But when he held the Staff in his own hand, he perceiv'd he prevail'd most. And it was sensible to the Eye, That he reclaimed many from disorder; not that in all the year he damnified any one by censure, that I could hear of: Neither did he use to make a crackling Noise with con­tumelies and Threatnings. But won Regard to his Place by Sweetness, by Af­fableness, by Perswasions, as dealing with Scholars, not with Peasants; with Free­men, and not with Servants. This I am sure of, by his Prudence and Vigilancy Scandals of corrupted behaviour abated, but increased not. And what any of his Successors of the sowrest Rigor could do more, I know not.

27. In this Procuratorian year, it is as due as any thing to be Remembred, how he behaved himself in three weighty occurrencies. Soon after Christmass, the Kings Majesty Commanded the Heads of the University, to give entertain­ment, such as might be prepared of a sudden, to a German Prince, and his Train. It was the Duke of Wittenberg. I cannot err in that I suppose; for we of the younger fort were taught to know him by that Name; and his Stile at every Word was his Excellency. The Duke was singularly Learned for one of that Eminency and Illustrious Blood. Therefore it was thought meet to receive him in the Publick Schools with a disputation in Philosophy, performed by the most expert Professors of it, who were ready, we were sure, at the shortest warning. I must do him Right to him that was the first Opponent, that he charged the Repondent bravely with Arguments of the best Artillery. It was Mr. Wr [...]n of Pembrooke-Hall, now the Reverend and Afflicted Bishop of Ely whose Enemies God hath punisht with such hardness of Heart, that he being never yet brought to Answer to the Objections of his Persecutors after Ejection out of all his Estate, and after Twelve years of Imprisonment in the Tower, he continues still in that cruel Durance. But I look back to my own Matter. Mr. Prectour Williams was the President or Moderator at this Learned Act; who by discre­tion, as well as other sufficiency, outstript them all. For, as the Apostle of the Gentiles says, He was made all things to all Men, so the Proctor manag'd his part before this Prince alla Tudesea, to Dutch-men he became a Dutch Philospher, [Page 21]for all his Conceptions he confirm'd by Quotations out of Julius Pacius. G [...]l [...]ius, Keckerman, and others, that had been Professors within the Districts of the Gor­man Principalities, which was so unexpressibly acceptable to the Duke of Witten­berg and his Retinue, that they kept him in their Company so long as they stay'd in Cambridge, and would never part with him; and in fine, carried him in their Caroaches to Nowmarket, and acquainted the King what Credit he had done to their Country Philosophers.

28. The next Passage is of another frame; and tried his Judgment, not his Learning. The Earl of Salisbury, that famous Lord-Treasurer, had Govern'd our University as Chancellor from the Year 1600, with good liking to all. Uxit dum vixit bene. He lest this World May 24. 1612. In the Election of a Succes­sor, the Regent-House, in whom the Choice was, were improvidently divided. The greater Number gave their Voices for Henry Earl of Northampton, Lord Privy-Seal, sometimes a Gremial of our Body, superlatively Learned, a Writer of Books in Queen Elizabeth's days, that especially against Judicial Astrology is of as elegant Contexture, as any that are written in more Sunny Climates: Beside, he was very Rich, and a Batchelor; a Founder already of a charitable and handsom Pile of Building at Greenwich. Therefore such as devised all good ways to at­tract the Benevolence of Liberal and Wealthy Men unto us, hoped he would be very beneficial to Cambridge his Mother, which now cast her self into the Arms of his Governance and Patronage. So far the adverse Part could not dislike him. One and the only thing to them of ill digestion was, that Vox populi, not the Jea­lousie, but the Clamour of Court and Country was, that he was no better then a Church-Papist: That certainly his Heart was more with the Consistory of Rome, then of Cambridge. These, with whom this Objection stuck, were close Students, plain and honest Men, the least of all others acquainted with the World abroad. Therefore they run blindfold upon a desperate way; and to discountenance or discourage the Lord Privy-Seal, they put one, far better then himself, in balance against him, the King's second Son, Charles Duke of York his Highness, though then but in the 12th Year of his Age. The Lord Privy-Seal had far more Votes in the Scrutiny for his Election, and so it was in all Post-haste signified unto him. But he took on with all Impatience to be so Abus'd, to be made Competitor with the King's Son, and to prevail in the Election. And the King was more Wroth with the Simplicity, or rather Presumption of those silly Clerks, that durst Nomi­nate his Dear and Tender Son the Duke to any Place or Office, before they had beg'd Leave in all Humility for the Royal Assent. A few of these received a great Check for it at the Council-Table, and were a while under the Custody of Pursuivants. For their Error, the whole University was under as black a Cloud of Displeasure, as ever I knew it in all my time, and floated like a Ship in a great Storm, that knew not where to Anchor. The King exclaimed at them for Heady, Inconsiderate, swayed by Puritanical Factions. The Lord Privy-Seal, the Elect Chancellor, shrunk up his Shoulders, and made an Answer of fine Words, and well set together, 'That he was not worthy to have the Primacy or Pilotship 'over the Argonauts of such an Argosie: But in Rude English it was no better, then that He scorn'd their Proffer. The Lords of the Council told them plainly, They deserv'd no Chancellor among the Peerage, who had so spitefully confronted an Earl of that Eminency. The Vice-Chancellor Dr. Gouch, with the Sophies of the Con­sistory, Resolved, That this was not a Sore that would heal with delay, therefore they dispatch Proctor Williams with their Letters, to offer himself before the King, though the Storm blew stiff against him. So he came to the Court at Greenwich, and casting himself upon his Knees before the King with his Letters in his hand, the King, with no pleased Countenance, ask'd him what he would have. Sir, says he, my self, and they who sent me, crave Justice of Your Majesty in the behalf of Your Uni­versity of Cambridge, which suffers under Your Displeasure in that sort, as I believe never any of Your Subjects did before, that nineteen Parts of a great Incorporation should be Condomn'd, for the Frowardness, and that unpreventable by all the Power we had of the twentieth Part, and they the meanest of us all. We beseech You, Grati [...]us Sovereign, to Name a Chancellor to preside over us, or suffer us to come to Your Majesty upon all Occasions as unto our Chancellor, not made so by the suffrage of poor Scholars, You are far above that, but in the sublime Title of Your Kingly Office, by which You are obliged to Pro­tect all Your People, that are Unprotected. This confident Speech was enough to hint to so wise a King, that this was not the Style of Guiltiness; so Justice being even the Girdle of his Loins, and Mercy dropping easily from his Lips, like an Honey­comb, without streining, he gave the Petitioner his Hand to kiss, and bad him [Page 22]bid those that sent him, to take Courage in looking well to their Charge in the University. All Errors lately committed were struck off. They should have Power to choose their Chancellor; for he would not take their Right of Free Election from them. His further Pleasure should be declared in his Letters, which would be at Cambridge before him, if he made not haste home. And indeed the Proctor and the Letters came thither both in a day, which being opened, signi­fied to the Vice-Chancellor, and the Heads assisting, That they should forthwith call a Congregation, and resume an Election for a new Chancellor, and that His Majesty would constrain him to hold it, whosoever it were that the Congregation agreed upon. The Heads were yet in a Quandary, and knew not well what to do, because the King was not more Particular, and seemed to be ill pleased with the Proctor, that he had dived no further into His Majesties Meaning: For they feared to fall upon a new Rock, because His Majesty had pointed at no Person, nor disclosed His Meaning by any Decipher or Intimation. Nay, says the Proctor, I shall help this Mistake before you stir from hence. Certainly there is one Clause in the Royal Letters, which sets up the White at which all our Votes should aim: For none hath declared a flat Refusal of this vacant Place but the Earl of Northampton, therefore none else can be meant in this Passage, "That whomsoever we Choose, the King will constrain him to hold. It were not proper to think, that any Grandee in the Realm, beside that Lord, should need to be constrained by the High Power and Prerogative of our Sovereign to be our Pa­tron. The Riddle being so luckily Unfolded by this Oedipus, the Business was con­cordiously dispatch'd; and then the King confess'd, that they had hit upon the Interpretation of his secret Meaning. Which abounded to the Praise of Mr. Wil­liams's Solertiousness; and indeed in an hundred Instances more, he was as dextrous as in this, to hunt upon a Fault, and to recover upon a Loss: But as Cicero says, Orat. pro Cecinnâ, cujus prudentiam pop. Romanus in cavendo, nunquam in decipiendo perspexit. The Lord Privy-Seal soon after took his Oath with due Solemnity to be our Chancellor, and gave civil Entreaty when the Esquire-Beadles, or other Mini­sters of our Body came to him. And we can boast of no more that came from him; who went out of the World before his Sickness was suspected, Jun. 15.16 14. The Golden Mountains we hoped for, and promis'd to our selves from his Libera­lity came to nothing; and the University was not the better for him by the worth of a Barly-Corn.

29. There remains one Passage more justly devolved to be last and lowest; for it had more of Success, then of good Success in it in my judgment. Dr. Clayton the Master of St. John's College died, a good old Man, about the beginning of June. His Breath no sooner expired, but the Fellows, who have all Right of Election, first began to Confer, and then to Canvas for a Successor. It was soon discovered that the swaying Men, and that were fit for the bandy of such a Busi­ness, meant to set up Mr. Owen Gwin one of the Senior Fellows. Others look'd out for one that was Simplicitor optimus, and they hit him. It was the Darling of Divines, Dr. Morton, then Dean of Winton, now Lord Bishop of Durham, the Polycarpus of our Smyrna the Church of England, whose Piety and Humility are Incomparable, his Learning most Admirable, and his long Age most Venerable. Almost all the true Children of the Muses bless'd their Endeavours that acted for such a Man, saying with the Psalmist, We wish you good luck in the name of the Lord. But this Patriarch, as I may call him, was not like to carry the day by the Con­sent of the most. Too few stood up for him, too few by one especially, and that one was Proctor Williams. O how could one of his deep Reach, and passing great Love to his Society prefer an obscure one, scarce to be named before the Man that had all good Men's Applause, Dr. Morton? If there be any thing to be said to make it look fair on his part on one side, it is this, Mr. Gwin had been his Tutor. A high Spirit, of which he was guilty, will rather Trespass, then not repay the least Benefit it had receiv'd. Nay, a wise Man dare not incur such a Folly as to be Ingrateful. Says Comines, lib. 2. Mihi absurdum quiddam esse videtur hominem prudent em ingratum esse posse. For great Ones, before they will collate a Favour to make a Man, and raise him up, will desire to be satisfied, how he hath carried him­self to other Obligations? What Fidelity hath he shewn to former Benefactors? Ecclus. 3.34. He that requiteth good turns, is mindful of that which may come hereafter. The relation of Pupilship prick'd on Mr. Williams to do any thing that was in his power for him, that had so much Interest in his Breeding. But while he was struggling and wooing his Friends to advance that Choice, he solicited Mr. Sen. house, a very rare Preacher, as Floury as the Spring-Garden, afterward Bishop of Carlile, who bespake him fairly again. Sir, if you desire my Voice to confer the M [...] ­stership [Page 23]upon your self, I will not deny you. I know you, though a young Man, right wor­thy of it; but your Tutor shall never have my Suffrage, while I can say No. After he had prevailed to set Mr. Gwin over that great Society, his Fortunes carried him away, but he heard so much, that he quickly dislik'd his own Work. For there was ano­ther in that College, whose Name is best conceal'd, that was a robustious driver of Canvasses, who took the whole Rule from Mr. Gwin, (a soft Man, and given alto­gether to Ease,) into his own hand, and was like the Major Domo, by whom all Suits pass'd, and every Student stoop'd to him for his Preferment: To compare great Things with smaller, such another as Victor says Mutianus proved, after he had advanced Vespasian to the Empire by his Cohorts, Fiduciâ meruorum factus inso­lens, sawcy to meddle with all, because he had deserv'd so much, and nothing would content him, unless nothing were denied him. Mr. Williams heard of these Passages too late, when he could not help the harm he had done. But because he endured much compunction of Mind for it, I will only commit him for this Fault to the castigation of the wise Poet Horace;

Qualem commendas etiam atque etiam aspice, ne mox
Incutiant aliena tibi peccata pudorem.
Horat. Lib. 1. Ep. 12.

30. It was time for him, after the Settlement of these great Places upon others, to look to his own Place in the ensuing Commencement, which was even ap­proaching. The Inceptor-Masters by Prescription have the Right to choose out of the two Proctors whom they please, to be the Father of the Act, as we Can­tabrigians call it. It is a strange Aenigma, that the Sons should beget their Fa­ther. It lights commonly, as if it were Postulatum Mathematicum, upon the Senior. But because he that now was the Elder, if ever he had Polite Learning fit for such a Performance, had out-grown it, therefore because he was no Elder that could Rule well, the Inceptors gave the Younger the double Honour. This Commencement was as Gay and full of Pomp, by the great Concourse of No­bles and Gentlemen, as ever I saw. The Acquaintance and Fame of the Pro­ctor drew the most. The Welch Gentry were enough to fill the Scaffolds. Beside such as repair'd thither at that Season from Lord Chancellor Elsmore's House, and the very brave Attendance of the Lord Privy-Seal, the lately confirm'd Chancel­lor of the University, divers others attended the Elder Brother of the Act. Sir Charles Stanhop Knight of the Bath, only Son and Heir to John Lord Stanhop of Harington, a comely Gentleman, that took his Degree of Master, and well de­serv'd it, as much by the Proficiency of his Learning, as by the Title of his Blood. These Gallants must be Feasted by the Proctor, and there was no Want, I would there had been no Superfluity. These Costly and Luxurious Meals are the Lard of our Commencements, thrust in among the better Banquets of Scholastical Exer­cises. The Proctors Table was more Sumptuous (I understand my Comparison) for the time, then useth to be at a Mayoralty in London. I do not reckon it among his clean and unblemish'd Praises. But if I may presume to sit Judge over his Thoughts, I believe He took Parsimony to be most uncivil Behaviour. The Prevaricator made me smile, when he gave him this Character to his Face, Titus Largius primus Dictator Romanorum. To express my self a little further: These Messes of good Chear ought to be frankly set out at the times of such Genial and Gaudy Days. It were a wise World, if they could be kept within Moderation. The wise and well-governing Heathen Romans had Leges Cibarias, as old thrifty Cato term'd them: Leges sumptum comprimentes, in the Style of Tertullian in his Apology. I take it from A. Gellius, lib. 2. c. 24. that the Sum of 300 Sestertii, and no more were permitted to be spent in feriis Solennibus, which comes to about 40 Shillings, or a little under, as I cast it up with my Counters. Yet Liberal Julius Caesar indulg'd on such Occasions the Expence of 1000; his Nephew Au­gustus bounded it up to 2000; which comes not altogether to 15 Pounds of our Money, Ut his saltem finibus Luxuriae effervescentis aestus coercerctur. And this was granted only to Senators, the Princes of the World, and not to Scholars, and that neither but, in Nuptiis & Repotiis, at the Feast of the Bride, and the Repotations of the Bridegroom. I want not Commission to spend this little Ink, and it is but very little, upon this Subject. For the Holy Scriptures speak of Salomon's Feasts, as well as of Salomon's Wisdom: Howsoever these Junquets, and the men­tion, are quickly taken away with a Voider. The Feasts of his Learning and Eloquence, demonstrated in the Theatre of the Commencement, (that was the open House-keeping) were far more delicious and sweet to the Ear, then Meats [Page 24]could be to the Belly. All his Speeches were damask'd quite over with most pleasant Allusions out of Greek and Latin Authors. This was the last Scene acted on the Stage of that one Year's Office, and it had the loudest Plaudite. Indeed this was the Vintage, when more then ever before he press'd out the ripe Grapes of his Elegancies: Virgil. Georg. Tumidisbumasta racemis. These were his Olympic Wrestlings, wherein he got the Mastery in all sorts of Exercises. As Laertius says of Democri­tus, lib. 9. [...]; So this Champion got the best at all the Weapons of Philosophy. Selected Questions were disputed, and fit for the greatest Celebrity of the Year, extracted out of the Politics, Natural Theorems, and the Metaphysics, he became Victor in every Duel. And so he shut up his Proctorship (as to the Learned Trial of it, here it ended) with that General Testimony of his Praise, Ut puderet virum altius extollere, as Pollio says of Valeria­nus, that neither we could give, nor he with modesty receive a greater Com­mendation.

31. These Performances being so well over, he left Cambridge, and made a happy Remove, as a Consul, well approved in the Year of his Magistracy, was transposed into a Proconsulat, or Charge of a Province, to testifie the good liking of the People to his precedent Office. By this Province, I mean his Chap­lain-Attendance in the House of Lord Chancellor Egerton; a Nest for an Eagle. From that Step in the House of Lord Chancellor Hatton, Dr. Bancroft began to rise higher, till he came to be Metropolitan of all England. By the like Service in the House of Lord Keeper Puckering, Dr. Vaughan first made his Abilities known, and afterward got his Prince's Favour to sit in the See of London. Now, the Disciple whom these two great Prelates loved so well, performing that Trust with Lord Egerton, which they had done with his Lordship's Predecessors, was their Match at least in Dispatch and Judgment; and, by God's Providence, their Equal in Prosperity. Yet before I settle him for good and all in this Honourable Family, which will best be done in an whole Piece without disjoyning it, I must bring him to Cambridge again by an Act of Revocation. A fond Mother that dotes upon her dear Son, whom she hath sent abroad to be Manner'd and Disci­plin'd, will pick many Occasions, after a little absence, to recal him. But the Expedient, and not the Fondness, which made the University borrow him of the Lord Chancellor his Master, after he had been 7 months away, was this: The King's only Daughter, the Glorious Princess Elizabeth, was married at Whitehall to Frederick Prince Palatine, and Chief Elector of the Empire at Shrovetide. No­thing could be devised to Honour a Royal Solemnity with Bravery, Tiltings, Barriers, Masques, and all sorts of Triumphs, which was not used and presented. The Gallantry of the Court having had deservedly the first Place in Celebrating these Nuptials, it was Resolved by the King's Majesty, That His Son-in-Law the Elector, with the Strangers of the Platz, should be received for a Conclusion with an Academical Entertainment at Cambridge. The Warning coming to Dr. Carew the Vice-Chancellor, a Prudent Courtly Man, and very fit for the Ser­vice, Matters were put in a short time into Order and Readiness. The Earl of Northampton, our Chancellor, was expected, for Tradition Immemorial required him at such a season; but the frugal old Man appeared not. The Charge of great Fare and Feasting was not more Costly then Welcom to the brave Mind of Dr. Nevile Master of Trinity College; who never had his like in that Orb, I be­lieve, for a splendid, courteous, and bountiful Gentleman. His Table was Graced with the Company of Prince Charles, Prince Elector Frederick the Bridegroom, Count Henry of Nassaw, Lodwick Duke of Lenox, with a most comely Con­course of Nobles and Gentlemen, both of the German and English Nations. In two distinct Nights a Comick and a Pastoral Fable, both in Latin, were Acted before their Highnesses, and other Spectators, by the Students of the same Col­lege. This was Play, the rest was Work. The Scholastical Dissertations were the Work of the Day, the Church of St. Mary being Scaffolded for that use.

32. The Vice-Chancellor, with the Sages of the Consistory, concluded there should be a kind of Commencement extraordinary to Congratulate these Poten­tates and their Followers. Dr. Richardson, the King's Professor in Divinity, to manage the chief Place in the Chair; Dr. Davenant to moderate in the Theologi­cal Disputation; and Mr. Collins to answer upon three Questions. The next Care was for Opponents. And Mr. Williams was so high in the Opinion of all the Learned Doctors, that he was thought upon in his absence as a most Select Antagonist for this Conflict, and Letters of Entreaty were directed to him, to [Page 25]come and fulfil that part, which, upon Assurance of his Sufficiency, was imposed on him. There was no leisure for a Demur; the straitness of Time said, either do it, or deny it. But he submitted; yet humbly protesting against himself from one point of Incapacity, that though he had compleat time from the Midsummer elapsed for the Degree of Batchelor of Divinity, yet he had not taken it. And without that Title, it was not usual or decent to shew himself in the luster of such an Auditory. Well, (says Dr. Richardson) you speak Reason, yet we will not want you at this needful time; for I will teach you how to fill up that empty Circumstance It will be a fortnight yet before our Royal Guests the Princes will come to us: Prefer your two Questions Pro Gradu this night or to morrow to me. I know your readiness, that you need take no more time. In five days after I will meet you in the Schools. Incontinently your Degree shall be confer'd upon you Pro More, or by special Grace. He obey'd. And the Theses, which upon allowance of such short time he maintain'd, were these: 1. Peccata semel remissa [...] redeunt. 2. Qui sacres ordines susecperunt sa­mulari possunt magnatious ut fructus Ecclestasticos percipiant. Dr. Richardion, who received from him these T [...]ses, as it were the Chartel of Challenge, met him in the Schools. He was a profound Divine, as famous in the Pulpit as in the Chair, (which is not usual) a great Linguist, noted for a kind of Omnisciency in Church Antiquities, of pure Language, yet used not his Pen to Compose his Lectures but brought his Memory with him, and dictated his Mind with great Authority. We that frequented at his Polemical Exercises observ'd, That if the Respondent that stood before him were not a lusty Game-Cock, but of a Craven kind, he would shake him a little, but never cast him on his back: But if he were one of the right Brood, that would strike Spur for Spur, he would be sure to make him feel the weight of a Professor's Learning before they parted. Therefore he did not dally with Mr. Williams at this time, but laid at him with all his Puissance. No­thing could be more delightful for two long hours and better to us that were the Lookers on. In ventilating the first Question, we judged that the Doctor of the Chair had twice duck'd the Respondent under Water, but he quickly appeared again at the top. Once was upon the Objection, That Original Sin is remuted in Baptism, and yet some Baptized become Reprobates, and are for ever Tormented. Even so (says the Answerer) for their Actual Rebellions, but not upon the score of Original, which was wiped out. The second Shock was upon that Scripture, Matth. 18.32. where the Lord tells the Unmerciful Servant, that He had forgiven to him the Debt which he desired, but since he had no compassion of his Fellow, he should be kept in Prison, till he had paid all which was due. Though I might decline the Instance (says the Re­spondent) because it is Parabolical, yet to encounter the Text more directly, I say, that the Debt was not cancell'd to that rigid and hard Servant, for if he had his Ap [...]cha or Quietance, to speak after the manner of Men, he were free from all insequent Demands. But, I forgave thee, in that Verse, is as much as, I forbear thee, I did not pross thee, or exact upon thee. Though the Tally was not struck, yet no Suit was commenc'd, and a Temporary Forbearance is a kind of Forgiveness. The Professor was satisfied, and drove his Wedge no further into that Knot. Upon the second Question, I re­member the grave Doctor gave the Onset somewhat frowningly. But the Pith of his Obligation was, That the Vocation to Sacred Orders, Ministerium est, non mercatura: Piscatores sumus hominum, non venatores munerum; that is, Our holy Pro­fession is a Ministry, not a Merchandise; that we are made Fishers of Men, and not of Livings. The Retorsion to this had Strength and Sweetness, like Iron that is gilded; Alius est finis artis, alius artificis: The end of Theology is to gain Souls; the end of the Theologue, subordinate to the first and Architectonical end, is for an honest Maintenance and Sustentation. As the end of Art Medicinal is to cure a Sick Man; but the end of the Physician is to live well upon his Profession. This agrees with the mind of Seneca, lib. 3. De Benef. That the end of Phidias his Art was to carve a Statue with likeness, concinnity, and due proportion: Finis arti­ficis fecisse cum sructu; The Artificer's end was to take Money for his Work. A Distinction that cuts by an even Thread; which, with all that was deliver'd be­side, received great Congratulation from the Professor and Auditors.

33. From henceforth he was a Licemiate, as the Transmarines call it, as we a Batchelor in Divinity: A Relation to beautifie his Profession, or rather a mere Scabbard to put in the sharp-edg'd Weapon of his Learning, out of which he drew it forth upon a fair Quarrel, which was decided before a glorious Auditory, Mar. 3. 1612. That was the day wherein the Princes, with the Attendance of mighty Peers, and one Bishop Dr. James Montagu Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells, vouchsafed to give a most Gracious Hearing to a public Disputation held between [Page 26]some of our chief Divines. The Place was filled with the most Judicious of this whole Island; and some of the Attendants of the Palsgrave so Learned, that One might stand for many, Plato alone for Ten Thousand: One Abraham Scultetus, a Worthy greatly look'd upon, was able to awake the Diligence of them that had been Drowsie. But they that were set forth for this Encounter had Metal enough, and needed no Provocation, but their own Virtue. Dr. Richardson ( Agmen agens Lausus, magnique ipse agminis instar,) began first with his grave Ne­storean Eloquence, and having saluted Prince Charles, the great expectation of our future Happiness, [...], as G. Nyssen calls Isaac, the Branch of Succession; and having blessed his Serenity the Prince Elector the Bridegroom with Solemn Votes and Wishes to be added to his Hymeneal Joys, then he called forth the Son of his right hand, Mr. Samuel Collins, (created Doctor at this Com­mencement) to stand in the gap, and to maintain the Truth in three Theses against all Assailants. He was a firm Bank of Earth, able to receive the Shot of the greatest Artillery. His Works in print against Eudaemon and Fitz-Herbert, Sons of Anak among the Jesuits, do noise him far and wide. But they that heard him speak, would most admire him. No Flood can be compared to the Spring-Tide of his Language and Eloquence, but the milky River of Nilus, with his seven Mouths all at one disemboguing into the Sea. O how voluble! how quick! how facetious he was! What a Vertumnus, when he pleas'd to Argue, on the right side, and on the contrary! These Things will be living in the memory of the longest Survivor that ever heard him. In this Trial, wherein he stood now to be judged by so many Attic and Exquisite Wits, he striv'd to exceed himself, and shew'd his Cunning marvelously, that he could invalidate every Argument brought against him with variety of Answers. It was well for all sides, that the best Di­vine in my Judgment, that ever was in that place, Dr. Davenant held the Rains of the Disputation; he kept him within the even Boundals of the Cause; he charm'd him with the Caducaean Wand of Dialectical Prudence; he order'd him to give just Weight and no more. Horat. l. 1. Od. 3. Quo non Arbiter Adriae major tollere, seu ponere vult freta. Such an Arbiter as he was now, such he was, and no less, year by year, in all Comitial Disputations; wherein whosoever did well, yet conslantly he had the greatest Acclamation. To the close of all this Exercise I come. The grave elder Opponents having had their courses, Mr. Williams, a new admitted Batchelor of Divinity, came to his Turn last of all. Presently there was a Smile in the Face of every one that knew them both, and a prejudg­ing that between these two there would be a Fray indeed. Both jealous of their Credit, both great Masters of Wit, and as much was expected from the one, as from the other. So they fell to it with all quickness and pertinency, yet (thank the Moderator) with all candor; like Fabius and Marcellus, the one was the Buck­ler, the other the Sword of that Learned Exercise. No Greyhound did ever give a Hare more Turns upon Newmarket Heath, then the Replier with his Subtleties gave to the Respondent. A Subject fit for the Verse of Mr. Abraham Hartwel in his Regina Literata, as he extols Dr. Pern's Arguments made before Queen Eliza­beth: Quis sulmine tanto tela jacet? tanto fulmine nemo jacet. But when they had both done their best with equal Prowess, the Marshal of the Field, Dr. Davenant, cast down his Warder between them, and parted them. A Fable comes into my Memory, That Vulcan, to despite Diana, made a Dog which should catch every thing he hunted, called [...], and Diana, to despite Vulcan, made a Fox which could never be catch'd in Hunting, called [...]: And all the Gods and Goddesses could never reconcile the Contradiction, till upon one Chase both the Dog and the Fox ran themselves to death; which Ovid compriseth in a little, Lib. 3. Metamor.

Scilicet invictos ambo certamine cursus
Esse Deus Voluit.

The Moral in a great part may suit well with these two unvanquish'd Dispu­tants. The Bishop of Bath and Wells, Dr. Montagu, gave great demonstration of Affection to Mr. Williams ever after his Negotiation in this Act. As Velleius says, Nulla festinatio hujus viri mentionem debet transgredi: That Bishop was a Reverend and Learned Father in the Church, a most loving Son to his Mother the Univer­sity; he was full of good Works, as Bath and Farnham, and Winchester-house in Southwark, could testifie, if these impious and overthrowing Times had let them stand, and many more recited by Bishop Godwin in his Catalogue of Bishops. [Page 27]This was the good Man, who from henceforth was the truest Friend to Mr. Wil­liams of all that did wear a Rochet to his Last Day; who, after these two sublime Performances of the Responsion for Batchelorship of Divinity, and Opponent's Place in the Great-Day before the most Illustrious Princes, retired to his Home, for so I must now call the Lord Chancellor's Family.

34. He was now in the House of Obed-Edom, where every thing prosper'd, and all that pertain'd to him. The Chaplain understood the Soil on which he had set his Foot, that it was rich and fertile, able with good Tendance to yield a Crop after the largest Dimensions of his Desires. To be well then, was but to be well now. His fore-casting Mind thought of the future, how to stock himself with Experience, with Wisdom, with Friends in greatest Grace, with other Viaticum for the longest Journey of his ensuing Life. Let me use the Phrase correctedly, He lived not for half a Time, but for a Time and Times. He never liv'd Ex tempore, but upon premeditation to day what to do long after. As a wise Man says, Non disponet singula, nisi cui jam vitae summa propesita est; Sen. Ep. 71. Par­ticular Actions will be kept in method, when Providence hath affected the Sum and End of them. As at Chess, the Idea of the Game must be in the Head of the Gamester, then the Remove of every Chess-man promotes it. The Chaplain be­gan his part, as any wise Man would, to demerit his Lord with all due Offices, and prudent bearing, and he got it faster then he fought it. He pleas'd him with his Sermons: He took him mainly with his sharp and solid Answers, to such Que­stions as were cast forth at Table to prove his Learning: His Fashion and Garb to the Ladies of the Family, who were of great Blood and many, was more Courtly a great deal then was expected from a Scholar: He receiv'd Strangers with courtesie, and labour'd for their satisfaction: He Interposed gravely, as be­came a Divine, against the Disorders of the lowest Servants: And unto all these plausible Practises, the Back-bone was continual diligence. Other Things that commended him no less, or perhaps more, were these: My Lord Elsmore was at that time Chancellor of the University of Oxford; whose References and Peti­tions, when they were brought before that great Judge, the Chaplain, newly come from the Sister-Corporation, understood them more suddenly then all that were about his Master; and was cunning at the first Opening to propound, how to bring them into the just Academical way to be determin'd. And the Opinion which he gave did so constantly Arbitrate all those Complaints, that the truly admired Bishop of London, Dr. King, would sometimes call him pleasantly, The Chancellor of Oxford. The second Part of his Industry, to make his Acceptance so gracious, was, That he was stored with Friends in the Courts of the King and Prince, from whence he gather'd Intelligence fit for the Hearing of his Master: Not blind Rumours, or the frothy Talk of the Lobbies; but weighty Passages carried in a Mist before they came to Light: Clouds that at the first rising were scarce so big as an hand, yet portending mighty Tempests when they fell. For he had a Palate to taste their Court-Wine, when it was working in the Must. Every day this Sufficiency grew with him more and more, till he became the only Jewel, which the Lord Chancellor hung in his Ear. Yet in four months after he fell to this Trade, his best Customer fail'd him; the Court of the Prince being Dissolv'd by the Death of Prince Henry, Nov. 6. 1612. with whom so much Light was extinguish'd, that a thick Darkness, next to that of Hell, is upon our Land at this day. O matchless Worthy! live in everlasting Fame with the Elogy given by that quaint Historian Velleius to Pub.Rutilius; Non seculi sui, sed omnis aevi optimus. The third Step of Felicity upon which he clim'd, Eis [...], as it is Athanasius his Metaphor, into the Bosom of his Master's Soul, was, That he had pick'd up in a short space some Gleanings, in his own modest words in the knowledge of the Common Laws of the Realm, but indeed full Sheaves, if his Acquaintance may be believ'd. He remitted not the Studies of his own Science and Profession; but having read the Tenures, the Doctor and Student, and somewhat else like unto them, at hours of Relaxation, he furnish'd himself with no little quantity of that Learning, by Discourse and Conference, and enquiring after some cases how they sped in the Courts of Justice. When he was at a non­plus, he respited that Difficulty till he met with Sir John Walker, (afterward Lord Chief Baron) whose Judgment was most agreeable to his Genius. This was his Practise, not now, but all along, to gather up more at the Interspaces of Leisure, then others do at their Study. Which was the Contrivance of Scipio Aemilianus, the Sir Philip Sidney of the Old Romans, Neque quisquam Scipione elegantius inter­valla negotiorum otio dispunxit, says the Character of the Author lately cited.

[Page 28] 35. Here I will provide a little to set my Shoulder against the Justle of an Objection. Perhaps some will say, What did the Study of our Laws belong to him? The Dainties of the Scriptures were his daily Diet prescrib'd him by his Calling. Why did he seed upon those coarse Coleworts? And who could spare any of the Time of this short Life, when the Work of a Divine is more then this Life can dispatch, so that the Remainder must be learnt in Life Eternal? Some­what to that purpose is pithily express'd by Seneca; Quae dementia est in tantâ tem­poris egestate supervacua discere? Ep. 48. And what say you to the Judgment of Pope Honorius the Third, who sat, an. 1216. who forbad all Clerks to study Phy­sick, or the Pandects of the Laws? Or to the Emperor Justin the elder, who lived 600 years before Honorius, c. leg. 41. Opprobrium est si Ecclesiastici peritos se ve­lint ostendere legum forensium? I say, those Laws must be weighed with Grains of Temper and Charity. Whom Nature hath made docile, it is injurious to prohi­bit him from learning any thing that is docible. Marie he that forsakes his holy Calling, and lists himself in another Warfare, that gives himself up wholly to scrape a Livelihood from curing Diseases, or fogging in Secular Causes, is a Rene­gado, and must be brought back again to his Colours with the Infamy of a Fugi­tive. But far is he from being guilty of this Fault, who serves Christ Jesus faith­fully in the Labour of the Gospel, and can do it the better by poizing Humane Laws, and trying how consonant they are to God's Justice; and by searching the Virtue of Plants and other Creatures, can find out how wonderful the Almighty is in all his Works. The Collation between Moses and the Imperial Laws, which Paulus Modestinus, and others of his Robe have made, why may not a Minister peruse it with as much profit as an Advocate? It were a Tyranny, more then barbarous, to confine a Wit, that hath a Plummet to found the depth of every Well that the Arts have digged; or to clip his Wings, that he may not fly into every Bush as freely as the Fowls of the Air. Padre Paulo the Frier, the brightest Star in the Hemisphere of Italy, was second to none in Divinity while he liv'd; equal with the best Doctors in Rome or Siena in explicating Canon or Civil Laws; and above all the Practisers of Padua, or in the World, in understanding the Aescula­pian Art, says Fulgentius. Albericus Gentilis spoke it, to do Honour to the Indu­stry of Dr. Reynolds of Corpus-Christi College, that he thought that great [...] had read as much in the Civil Law as himself. Wherein then consists the diffe­rence? Why might not Mr. Williams examine the Cases, Reports, and Maxims, of our Municipal Laws to be expert in them? Both being egg'd on into it by the Happiness of his Attendance in the Pretorian Court, where he might learn much, and labour little for it; and making it the Recreation, not the Intermission of his proper Studies. Therefore out of Charity give him leave to gather Stubble where he would, since he fulfil'd his Task of Brick, Exod. 5.18. The Lord Chancellor did highly countenance him in it, and was so taken with his Pregnancy, that at his leisure-times, both for his own solace, and his Chaplain's furtherance, he would impart to him the Narration of some famous Causes, that had been debated in Chan­cery, or Star-Chamber. What could not such a Master teach? What could not such a Scholar learn? Socrates says in Plato of Alcibiades, that he Gloried in nothing so much, as that he was Ward to Pericles, and brought up under him. Neither had this Chaplain a more graceful Ornament to shew in the Eyes of the World, then that he was Disciple to the Lord Egerton. That great Senator, the most judi­cious Judge and Counsellor of his Age, would not have disparaged himself to give a young Divine so great a Place in his Affections, but that he had founded him, and discover'd him to be a person of rare Abilities. By this favour to which he had attained, though he was not in the place of one of the Secretaries, yet he be­came to be like a Master of Requests; especially in weightier Petitions he could prevail more then any other Minister, which was not to be presisted by the other Officers. He had a Mind full of worth, and full of warmth, and no place became him so well as the foremost; as Pliny says of Cocks, lib. 10. c. 21. Imperitant suo generi, & regnum in quâcunque sunt domo exercent. None of his Fellows had cause to repent, that he rode upon the Fore-Horse. For he was courteous, and ready to mediate in any Cause, and as bountiful as might be wish'd; for he left all Fees and Veils of Profit to those to whom they did belong. By this, in a little while, they that would have kept him back at first, did their utmost to put him forward; which did not need. For the Lookers on did mark, that his Lord did not only use him in his most principal Employments, but delighted to confer with him; for it is a State-Rule: Raro eminentes viri non magnis adjutoribus ad gubernandam fortu­nam suam usi sunt. Yet this latter Favour, the Nature of the Lord Chancellor [Page 29]considered, was greater then the former. For though he was as good a Master to his Followers as ever was serv'd, yet he was of an austere Gravity, and rather Bountiful then Affable. Now though it be as clear as any Ocular Demonstration, that the Chaplains full and absolute Parts did introduct him to this Love and Like­ing; yet I will not say, but that which brought it to this Growth and Excess was a sympathy of Souls, which is a knitting of Souls by secret Ligaments that tran­scend Reason. Our Genetl [...]iacal Writers, perhaps, would call it Synastrta, which is a wrong Word for a right Meaning.

36. By this opportunity he interceded, that divers Benefices, which fell to the Lord Chancellor's Presentation, should be devolved upon deserving Scholars, and quickly became a great Patron before he was a Bishop. They were Godly Men whom he oblig'd, and such as had waited long in the Universities, and fit to be called forth to use their Talents. If he displeased any in the use of this Power, they wey were such as presumed upon ancient Acquaintance, more then upon their Merit. Pity and Power meeting equally in him, swarms of Scholars flock'd about him. Those whose Backs were bowed down with tedious and chargeable Suits, he was the Sanctuary to which they sled; and he refused none. This diffu­sed Humanity to so many that stood in need of help, is that which Marc. Anto­nius the Emperor calls Natural Duty: [...]. It suits with the Nature of a Man to take all Men into their Compassion and Care. I have heard some of those distressed ones, that were Strangers to him before, with whom he had never chang'd a word, when they re­turn'd back to Cambridge with Peace and quiet Possession of their own, speak of his Goodness to Admiration, that he would teach them either the validity or weakness of their Cause, commend them to faithful Attorneys and able Counsel, work the Officers and Clerks of the Courts to abatement of Fees, thrust Money into their hands that wanted it, the Nerves of Law as well as of War. Especially if the Cause concern'd the Title of their Living, or the Right of their Tithes, he would sweat and bestir him for his poor Brethren, and never forsake them, till Sacrilege and Oppression were charm'd with the golden Meet wand of Justice. The way that some use in the manner of their doing a thing, makes them to be rumour'd for their Courtesie above many others, though they do not affect it. So the Chaplain's readiness and Felicity in assisting the Clergy, was in a little while [...]lked among Church-men in all places; so that not a few of the Bishops, and Chapters of Cathedral Churches, who were encumbred about their Leases and Priviledges, In foro Litigioso, thought it their best way to send their Messengers, and to shew their Condition to him, who was easily entreated to be their Servant and Solicitor; and he was like one that lay Lieger at London for their Dispatches. But being of a most tender and dutiful Regard to such Reverend Persons, he did always acquaint his Lord and Master with a Breviate of their Grievances, and humbly besought his Judgment for Support and Remedy; and steering by that Oraculous Wisdom, he never put forth into the troubled Waters for those Digni­ties and Foundations, but they came merrily to the Haven with Bon-adven­ture.

37. His own Share follows: For by coming to that pitch of Interest with so great and good a Lord, as he befriended many, so in the space of about 5 years that he lived with him, he compass'd a plentiful Fortune to himself, from that Bounty which denied him nothing, and commonly prevented him before he ask'd. Methinks it was that sweet Patron's Speech, which Pliny makes the fruitful Earth to speak to us all, Lib. 23. in Prooem. Ex me parata omnia, sese porrigentia ultro, & si pigeat attingere, etiam cadentia. I have provided all things for us, I offer them to you voluntarily, if you will not gather them, they shall fall down at your Feet of their own accord. To be particular, he confer'd the Parsonage of Walgrave in Northamptonshire upon him, and no other Cure of Souls by direct Presentation. For the Lord Chancellor had declar'd in the Conference at Hampton-Court before King James, pag. 58. That he did not dislike the Liberty of our Church, in granting two Benefices to one Man; But out of his own private Purpose and Practise, he disposed such Livings as he gave, that some might have single Coats that wanted them, before others had Doublets. But by his furtherance, the Chaplain had like­wise the Rectory of Grafton-Underwood, in the same County, lying in a very small distance from Walgrave, gratifying the Patron with as good or better in some other Shire. Divers Cathedral Churches offered their Preferments to him, be­cause they needed such a Collegue, and some to make amends for his former Civi­lities. In the Church of Lincoln he was a Prebendary and Resident, with the [Page 30]Chantorship of the same. He had a Choral Place in the Minster of Peterborough, and in the Churches of Hereford and St. David's. Neither the Canons of our Church, nor the Statutes of our Realm, have provided an Incapacity for holding Plurality of Prebends. I find indeed among the Decretals of the Popes, a Con­stitution of Urban the Second, an. 1087. running thus: Licet Episcopi dispositione unus diversis praeesse possit Ecclesiis, Canonicus tamen Praebendarius nisi unius Ecclesiae in quà conscriptus est, esse non debet. An Order which they keep, till any Man, that hath occasion to transgress it, brings enough in his hand to pay for a Dispensa­tion. These Stalls therefore he possess'd in Cathedral Foundations, for which the Lord Chancellor was well pleased by exchange of some of his own Preferments, to make amends to those who had confer'd their Kindness upon his faithful Servant. Nay yet further, Mantissae loco, he gave him a Donative (called Sine curâ) in Wales, which was equal in Profit to any Endowment that he held. Here was a glut of Preferment indeed, will some say: Be it so; it was the Liberality of a large and a loving-hearted Master, that would let him do no less; and it is as true, that the Chaplain desired no less. Aristotle lived in the most flourishing times of Greece, and perceiving that the valiantest Heroes that attended Alexander grew very rich, he framed this Axiom, Lib. 3. ad Nicom. That great Spirits are willing to be wealthy, to reward and gratifie others. Doubtless such as are of an high-flown Animosity, affect Fortunas Laciniosas, as one calls it; a Fortune that sits not strait and close to the Body, but like a loose and a flowing Garment. They would spend to be be­lov'd, and to oblige as far as they can; and that cannot be done out of a narrow Revenue. Salmasius (O what a Miracle of Judgment and Learning!) wrote bountifully, and liv'd bountifully, as I have heard: These are his words, Lib. de Usur. p. 392. Quomodo liberalis esse potest, qui nihil plus acquireret, quàm quod sibi ad victum necessarium sufficere queat? They that talk of possessing no more then to content Nature, must live with such as know no other People but themselves, else it is impossible but they will depart from that Primitive Simplicity. And truly I have known but few, perhaps none, that would not be content to have had all the Chaplain's Portion, or more, if they had liv'd in as good a way of getting. I do not excuse him therefore, it need not, that he got sufficient Wealth, and bestow'd it Charitably, and Honourably, as will be manifested. Whither it be Tully or Panaetius that says it, or both, it is well said, as I learnt it in my Les­sons of Puerility, Lib. 1. de Off. Neque rei familiaris amplificatio vituperanda est, ne­mine nocens; sed fugienda semper injuria. Riches that are augmented out of Nig­gardice, or by Cheating, Extortion, or doing unworthy Offices, carry their Curse along with them; those that are well gotten, are the Blessing of God. The Adjection of Wealth then was not to be refus'd, by one that serv'd not such an Idol, but made it serve him for worthy Purposes. Neither did his franc and ge­nerous Nature esteem such Things to be the Recompence of five years Service, but this rather, to be brought up at the Feet of the most prudent Counsellor that lived in the King's Service, and that he got his Favour so early, and held it so strongly till Death, which came on apace. An. 1616. in October, this aged Pa­triarch began to languish and droop. Therefore to recreate him, and to put an after-spring into his decaying Spirits, the Prince with due Solemnity being crea­ted Prince of Wales, Nov 4. the Lord Chancellor was created Viscount Brackley on the 7th of the same. This Honour was a Token that the King held him Pre­cious, yet it work'd not inward. Who did ever see, that the Sand in an Hour-Glass did run the flower, because the Case in which it was put was guilded? For all this Viscountship his Feebleness was more and more sensible, the Eyes that look'd out of the Windows were darkned, and he grew thick of Hearing. From thence, that is about January, he delighted not in any Talk, unless his Chaplain spoke to him. All his Business with his Great and Royal Master the King, he sent by him to be deliver'd with Trust and Prudence. Upon which Messages the King took great notice, that the Chaplain was Principled by his Master to be a States­man, and a Pillar of the Kingdom. And even hard upon the day of his Death, which was Mart. 15. the Chancellor call'd him to him, and told him, If he wanted Money, he would leave him such a Legacy in his Will, as should furnish him to begin the World like a Gentleman. Sir, (says the Chaplain) I kiss your hands, you have fill'd my Cup full, I am far from Want, unless it be of your Lordships Directions how to live in the World, if I survive you. Well, (says the Chancellor) I know you are an expert Workman, take these Tools to work with, they are the best I have. And he gave him some Books and Papers written all with his own hand. These were as Valuable as the Sibylline Prophesies. They were that old Sage's Collections for the well [Page 31]ordering the High Court of Parliament, the Court of Chancery, the Star-Chamber, and the Council-Board. An inestimable Gift, being made over to the true Heir Apparent of his Wisdom. Let every one wear the Garland he deserves. For my part, I attribute so much to the Lord Egerton, that I believe the Master's Papers were the Marrow of Mr. Williams his Prudence, and subtle Judgment in all his Negotiations. These Notes I have seen, but are lost, as it is to be feared, in un­lucky and devouring Times. So died that Peerless Senator, the Mirror of a Lord Chancellor, having left that Blessing to his Chaplain and dear Servant, that be­wailed him long after with the mourning of a Dove, and attended his Body to Cheshire, and said the Office of Burial over him in a Chapel, where he was entomb'd with his Ancestors: Whose surviving Name a Grave cannot cover, and a Tomb is too little to preserve it. You may measure him in much by these two Spans: ‘Queen Elizabeth (says Mr. Cambden) ‘was a Lady that never Chose amiss in the Preferment of an Officer, when she was left to her own Judgment. She made him her Solicitor, Attorney-General, Master of the Rolls, and Lord-Keeper. She tried him in every Place of Trust, the former meriting the latter, till he pos­sess'd the highest. King James did more, not because he gave him the splendid Name of Lord-Chancellor, or enobled him with the Titles of a Baron and a Viscount, but because in the open Court of Star-Chamber he bless'd him with his Prayers, (and the Speech wherein he made the Prayer is Printed with his Works) That as he had long held that Place, so God would continue him longer in it.’ To know him altogether, I will borrow the Character of Aemilianus, and engrave it into the green Saphir of his Memory, which will ever keep green: Qui nihil in vitâ nisi laudandum aut fecit, aut dixit, aut sensit.

38. While the Obsequies for the Entertainment of this deceased Lord were prepa­ring at London, the Successor unto the Office of the great Seal was Sir Francis Bacon, very Learned in the judgment of all European Scholars, especially best known at home, that his Soul was a Cabinet replenish'd with the greatest Jewels of Wit, and in all our Kingdom none did ever set them forth with purer Language. He hearing that Mr. Williams had chested up his Books, and had furnish'd himself every way for an House-keeper to remove to his Cure of Walgrave, he made him an offer of great Civility, to continue with him in that place, wherein he had serv'd the Lord Egerton, which he declined; but with so graceful a compliment, that they parted great Friends; and Sir Francis, willing to mark him with some cognizance of his Love, of his own accord made him Justice of Peace, and of the Quorum in the County of Northampton, an Office fitter for none than a Scho­lar and a Gentleman. Yet he could hot leave London, so God had provided, without a calling into a new Service, but it was in Caesars houshold. His faith­ful and fast Friend Dr. James Montagu, now Bishop of Winton, sent for him, and brought him to the King, who received him with consolatory Words, and extraordinary Grace, and commanded he should be Sworn his Chaplain forthwith, (whereupon he Attended at the Court yearly in the Month of February) ap­pointed him also to wait on him in his great Northern progress into Scotland, now hard at hand to begin in April ensuing; and pleasantly bad him expect the Labourers peny as soon as they that had serv'd him longer. But the Bishop of Winchester made a proposition before his Majesty for another employment, and both could not consist together; that whereas the Arch-Bishop of Spalato, a Pro­selyte much welcom'd at that time, was design'd to be present at Cambridge commencement in the next July, that he might behold the University in the fairest Trim, and hear the disputation, the best being ever provided for that ap­pearance, that Mr. Williams might be reserv'd unto that time for a double Service, to answer publickly in Divinity for the Degree of Doctor, the fittest to be the Days-man before that Learned Prelate, and likewise give him Hospitality, such as a great Guest deserv'd; so it was order'd, and so it was perform'd. Some men are right Learned, yet with all that worth steal out of the World unknown, because it was their ill hap never to be brought upon a Theatre of manifestation. And some are as Valiant as the best, and yet are never praised for it, because they were never invited into the Field to shew it. So Velleius speaks for Seianus, that he never Triumph'd, nou merito, sed materiâ adipiscendi triumphalia defectus est, he deserv'd it, but the matter of a Triumph never fell in his way. There are others, whom not only deliberate Advice, but every casualty and contingence puts forward to be Aspectabiles, it conducts them likely where they may best be viewed, and their full Stature seen upon the advantage of a Rising. I fall into this contemplation, because an Object is before me, wherein I may aptly Exem­plify. [Page 32]Dr. Williams (his Title for which he stood in the Act, an. 1617.) cull'd not out gaudy Seasons for vain Glory; that cannot be suspected, because he took all his Academical degrees in their just year: But he above, that disposeth all things, provided those Co-incidencies of great Resort and Celebrity, such as Arch-Bishop Spalato's Presence at this Commencement, to make his Worthiness be known the further. The Theses which he defended in the Vespers, and were imposed upon him by the over-ruling Power of the Vice-Chancellor and Heads of the Consistory, (it is their Right and Custom) were these: 1. Supremus Ma­gistratus nou est Excommunicabilis. 2. Subductio calicis est mutilatio Sacramenti & Sacerdotii. It was well for the Doctor that he was a right Stag, well breath'd, and had a fair Head with all his Rights; for I never heard a Respondent better hunted in all my time that I was a Commorant in Cambridge. The Opponents were the Princes of their Tribes, Men of Renown in their Generation; Dr. Richardson the first, Dr. Branthwait, Dr. Ward, Dr. Collins, Dr. Alabaster, Dr. Goad, [...], who did Honour the University that day, to the admiration of Mr. An­tonie de Dominis, with the utmost of their Learning. Every Argument they pres­sed, was a Ramm to throw down the Bulwarks of the Cause, and yet it totter'd not, neither did the Answerer give ground. Such a Disputation was worthy to be heard, which was carried with equal Praise of the Assailants, and Defendants. As Plutarch, lib. [...], says of Moral Precepts, that they require a good Speaker and a good Hearer with mutual Diligence, as a Game at Tennis is well play'd, [...]; When the Stroke is serv'd well, and the Service taken well.

39. That I may mix some Profit to the Reader in this Relation, I will let him know upon what Rules and Reasons the Respondent proceeded in the first Cause for the Conviction of all Gainsayers, both of the Pontifician part, and of the heady Consistories of some Reformed Churches. The Pontifician Rubbish he removed away, as a Dunghil of unsavoury Filth fit to be cast out of the Lord's Vine-yard either because the Popes medled so far beyond their own Bounds, at­tempting to send out Effulminations against Christian Kings in all Countries, upon Arrogation of an Universal bishoprick, which hath the Plenitude of all Jurisdi­ction in it self alone, to which they have exalted themselves without Christ's War­rant and Seal; or, because by the Declaratory Sentence of their Excommunica­tions, they inflict the highest Temporal Indignities upon Kings that can be ima­gin'd: As inhibiting their Courts of Justice to proceed any further, till he that sits in the Throne shall receive Absolution from their Grace: Absolving their Sub­jects from obligation of all Service and Fidelity: Deposing them from their Go­vernment, and exposing their Lives to Assassinate. For though they do not say, that such Effects should necessarily go along with Excommunication, yet they maintain, That if the Pope see cause, such Tragical Punishments may be annex'd unto it. Far wide from the Truth. For it is evident, that an Excommunicated Person can be deprived of nothing by the Church, but that which is enjoyed through the Ministry of the Church, and its Priviledges; but how can he be dis­possess'd of that which he holds by Civil and Natural Right, which are not de­pendant upon Spiritual Relations? And as it is expedient to chip away these hard Crusts of Error, so neither is the Crum to be digested, which likes the Palates of some who are devoted to the Presbyterian Discipline. A King is not obnoxious to be interdicted, or deprived of the Sacraments by their Aldermen, who can shew no more for the Proof of such Officers, with whom they Organize a Church, then the Pope can for his unlimited Jurisdiction. Nor is it to be suffered, that they should deny a Christian King to be a Church-Officer properly, and by right of his Crown over Christian Subjects as Christians; whose Causes can never be separated by their Metaphysical Abstractions before distinct supreme Rulers that are co-ordinate; but that there will be endless Jarrs in their several Entrenchments, and God is not the God of Confusion. Should he that is next under God in all Causes be subject to the Courts of his Liege-People and Homagers? He is their common Parent; and the only Mandat how to bear our selves to our Father, is to Honour him: But what can make him more vile before the People, then to thrust him out of the Communion of Saints? Moreover the greater Excommunication includes in it the Horror of Anathematizing, or a Curse; but, Curse not the King, no not in thy thought, Eccles. 10.20. Neither would God give a constant Power to any which were in vain, and could not sting. Vanum est quod fine suo destuuitur. But it is vain to interdict a King, over whom there is no external Power appointed to bring him into order by Violence and Coercion, if he will not be Interdicted. [Page 33]In every Policy there must be a Supreme, that can be Judged of none, for else the Process between Party and Party would be Circular, or rather Infinite. These Aphorisms, and abundance more, flowed from the Doctor Respondent in the warmth of Disputation. Above all, his Answer was highly applauded, which he gave to Dr. Richardson's Argument, taken from the Excommunication or Ab­stension, which St. Ambrose exercised by his Episcopal Power over the Emperor Theodosius, for commanding a great Slaughter to be made upon the People of Thes­salonica in an hasty distemper of Anger, before their Cause was heard. To which Dr. Williams said, ‘That what St. Ambrose said, was neither Juridical Abstension, nor Excommunication: It was a private Act of St. Ambrose's, directed by the motion of his proper Piety, and not a Censure issuing from a Court or Autho­rity Ecclesiastical. And if at the same time another bishop, is of Rome, Aquileia, or Ravenna, had communicated with the Emperor, and received him to Prayers, and the Holy Sacrament, he might have done it, without the violation of any Canon. A particular Presbyter may do the like at this day, and with a good Conscience, withdraw himself from doing Sacred Offices, if a King, after often and humble Admonition continue Impenitent in great Sins, which the Day light hath detected. Therefore this was no Precedent for the Excommunication of the Supreme Magistrate, which was but a particular forbearance of St. Ambrose's in Sacred Duties, not to impact them for his share to so great an Offender, whom he left at liberty to all the World beside to partake with him. But he that is justly Excommunicated from one Congregation in [...]rict Discipline, is exclu­ded from all.’ This Answer was it which afforded most Matter of Discourse, and spread far, even to King James's Ear, who heard of it, and approved it. Much was not said to the Second Question, a Bush that had been often beaten. Yet there was some grappling about the new Clause, That the Subduction or De­nial of the Cup to the People, maimed the very Priesthood. But the Doctor maintain'd it thus: ‘That the Order of Priesthood is a Sacrament in the Roman Church; the Matter of which Sacrament, by a wretched shift, some of their Controversial Writers say, is the Bible laid upon the Neck of the Ordain'd, to furnish him to teach Christ's Mystical Body, together with the Paten and the Chalice put into his hand to authorize him to make Christ's Natural Body. If a Priest so Ordain'd were consin'd to Pray, and not to Preach to the People, it were a Mutilation of his Office. So if he be stinted to distribute the Consecra­ted Bread, and not the Cup, it is a cutting of one half of his Priesthood.’ This was the God-speed and the Good-speed of his Disputation. It were no Sin to forget the Feasts he made at this Solemnity. They were bounteous, nay exces­sive, after the usual Trespass of the superfluity of our Nation: Such as Plutarch says Lucullus made in his Dining-Room, which he calls Apollo. One thing de­serves a Smile, That the Doctor was at no little Cost to send to the Italian Ordi­naries at London, and to ransack the Merchants Stores for such Viands as might please Arch-Bishop Spalato out of his own Country. To which accates he was observ'd, that he never put his Hand towards them, but lik'd our Venison and English Dishes a great deal better, he Thank'd him. But enough of this; for many do not love the smell of a Kitchin.

40. Presently after he had shewn himself such a Man in this Field of Honour, Veianius armis Herculis ad postem fixis latet abditus agro: Horat. Ep. 1. He never went more chearful to any place then to his private Home, the Rectory of Wal­grave, as if then he had been call'd from the Custom-house of the World to fol­low Christ; or as if he had been one of David's Mariners landed at a quiet Shore: Psal. 107.30. Then they are glad because they be at rest, so he bringeth to the Haven of their desire. His Cost was over before he came thither; For there he had built, and garden'd, and planted, and made it a Dwelling sit for all the changeable Seasons of the Year, as much when Warmth, as when Pleasure was intended. Here he became his own Master for a while; here he could solace himself in pri­vate Retirements; here he was attended by Mutes like the Monarchs of the East, by so many Volumes of a well replenish'd Library. As Vatia said in Seneca, when he went out of Rome to live in his little Villa three Year before he died, Fuit Vatia multos annos, vixit tantùra tres; So this Doctor might have written, that in three Years, or not fully four, that he kept for the most part in this Bower of Tran­quility, he lived the Comforts of twenty. The harmless Country Cottages bred more Saints, who are only seen unto the Eyes of God, then would fill a thousand Calenders. Why may not the Speech of Christ to his Church look this way, Cant. 7.11. Come my Beloved, let us go forth into the Field, let us lodge in the Village [...] [Page 34]To track him a little in this shady Life; He hazarded to lose his Health by exces­sive Study at all the Hours of the Clock, but preserv'd it by Temperance. For though he were greatly Hospital, the Cloth that cover'd his Table being always cover'd with Dishes, yet with Carving and Discoursing he gave his own Appetite but a short Bait. Velleius says, that great Caesar discern'd, that none but a tem­perate Man could do mighty things, Qui somno & cibo in vitam, non in voluptatem uteretur: Through Temperance he had strength to be Industrious, and gave a good Example to the Divines his Neighbours, who had need to have such prick'd in here and there among them. For a Country Minister hath master'd a great Tentation, that hath overcome Sloth, a Mischief that will fear upon the Soul with too much craft and sweetness. Idleness is commonly the English Gentleman's Disease, and the Rural Curate's Scandal. Let the first learn from as good a Gentle­man, as the best of them, Marc. Antoninus the Emperor, lib. 9. who writes thus: ‘Rise early; leave the Bed of Sluggishness to them that are sick in Body or Mind. And being up, it were as good you were laid down again, as not to be guilty of so much Reason to know, you rose to do the Work of a Man, (which is, not to waste all the day in sporting with Beasts:) [...]:’ That is, ‘Why should I be loth to be put to the Employment of some Work, for I was made for that use; and I came for that end into the World.’ Let others learn from a greater then Antoni­nus, that Labour and Watching, Pureness and Knowledge, are the Gifts that commend them to be the Ministers of God, 2 Cor. 6.4. They are Master-Builders, and must not loiter, who should set all to work. Or, to pass a sharper Sentence, It is cer­tain, that the worst of Superstition is an Idol, and the worst of Idols is an Idle Shepheard, (that is, Who hath a Mouth, and speaks not?) Zech. 11.17. This Doctor, that walk'd as a burning Light before his Brethren, did the whole Office that belong'd unto him, as Reading the Liturgy of Divine Service Wednnesdays and Fridays before such as would attend Prayer, Expounding the Catechism to the simple Ones in Lent, and upon all Holy-Days, Preaching constantly twice every Lords-Day at Walgrave, or at Grafton, and performing his Turn at Kettering, a Market-Town not much remote, in a Lecture supplied by a Combination of the Learned'st Divines of the Vicinage. Who hath not heard him say that knew him, it was so often in his mouth, that the way to get the Credit from the Non-Confor­mitants was to out-preach them? Who in great part were Covetous, Cross-grain'd, Half-witted, and Distractious, and had nothing but much Preaching to make them plausible and popular. No marvel if such had crept into the good Opinion of weak Judges, who resided much, and taught their Charge themselves; and that others suffered hard Construction, who seldom spake to their Congregation, but through the hollow Trunk of their Curates and Hirelings. It was a witty Scorn which Dicaerchus put upon the Husband-men of Tanagra, a Town in Baeotia, [...]; That they all liv'd upon Farms, yet they Plowed not themselves, but their Drudges for them. If this were unthriftily done in Humane Tillage, how much worse is it in God's Husbandry, which is a Culture of Souls? No Man will be so gross to endite himself, that he loves to hide his Talent in a Napkin, and to do nothing. I will prae-occupate what he will rather say, That other Affairs of Weight do take him up. But Conscientious Gerson will not allow him that Excuse, as I find it in him, Lib. de Vit. Spirit. Sanctius est Ecclesiasticum per sese Deo servire, ac mundo per Vicarium, quàm ordine inverso, imò perverso. If an Ecclesiastic have other Irons in the Fire, beside his Pastoral Charge, let him serve the World by his Deputy, and God in his own Person.

41. But this Diligence of often Preaching were but sorrily commended in the Doctor, unless the Weight go along with the Measure. If any man speak, let him speak as the Oracles of God, says St. Peter, [...] Ep. c. 4. v. 11. This was the Canon by which he did adorn his Pulpit, he deliver'd that which was Oraculous, wel [...] Studied, premeditated with Care, able to draw the Consciences of his Hearers into his Drag-Net, yet not with the enticing words of Man's Wisdom, but in the demonstration of the Spirit, and of Power, 1 Cor. 2.4. [...] mean, that always he laid his Principles out of the Doctrine of Christ, yet he burnish'd them brighter with all sort of comely Literature, as well what the Doctors of the Church afforded, as those that are without. For Human Literature is made Sacred, when it is well inoculated into Divinity; which is willing to entertain the Assistance of every Art, not as a Corri­val, but as an Handmaid. It was his Judgment, That rude unordain'd Dunces would in the Licentiousness of some Tumults thrust into our Pulpits, (and is it not come to pass to the very pricking of our Hearts?) if the true Possessors did teach [Page 35]them by their Negligence, to fill up the Time with Babling and vacuity of Matter, like them that jangle the Bells to no Tune, and are never out, because they were never in. Therefore for his part he never set Husks or Orts, but his Dainties be­fore the People. Which Expectation likewise did promote, for his Church was throng'd every Sunday, with the Gentry especially, of all the Neighbouring Parishes. We have extant but one touch and no more of his Skill, according to the elevation of his Learning in those days, a Sermon preached before K. James at Theobalds, Febr. 22. 1619. upon this Text, Matth. 11.8. What went you out for to see? A man clothed in soft Raiment? Behold they that wear soft Clothing are in Kings houses. A Sermon like one of Ph [...]cion's Orations, which Plut [...]rch compares to the Cretick Wine, which was, [...], an Aromatick Liquor, which was sweet, and yet had a quick austerity upon the Palate. So this Piece of his is very sweet in the Composure, and yet very tart against the sinfulness of vain Attire; wherein wanton Quaedams in those days came to that excess, that they delighted altogether in the Garb, and Habit, and roisterly Fashions of Men: This Sermon the King did greatly approve, as a fit Antidote against such corrupt Manners, and commanded it to be Printed. For the Doctor himself never wrote any thing, with intention to let the World see it in the Press, unless necessity constrain'd him.

42. The next thing of Laudable Account in his Deportment at Walgrave, but in a long Interval after the former, was his liberal House-keeping: For he liv'd like a Magnifico at home. His Brethren the Clergy, both of the better and of the lower Fortune, visited him much; whose Love he repaid with Courtesie, Confe­rence, and Hospitality. He had mightily won the Friendship of all the Gentry in the whole District about him, and had such favour and countenance from the Nobility likewise, that they vouchsafed their Presence at his Feasts, but chiefly for his Musick-sake, which was the Banquet they came for; and he was furnish'd very well both for Voices and Instruments in his own Family. It was Sump­tuous, I confess, for one of his Level in those days. But allow him this for the Recreation of his Spirit, the rather because I never knew him so much as dip his Senses in any other Pleasure. I pass by these Grandees, the Flower of the Coun­ty, whose Hearts he stole with these Obligements. But they were the Poor and Needy, for whom he brake his Bread especially, and replenish'd their hungry Souls with Goodness. Give a Portion to seven, and also to eight, says Salomon, Eccles. 11.2. So he never murmur'd that their Number was too great that came to his Door for Charity. It follows in the same Scripture, If the Clouds be full of Rain, they empty themselves upon the Earth: So out of his fulness he drop'd fatness upon the Indigent without making distinction, because the same Earth is the Pa­rent unto all. The Town of Walgrave indeed, where he abode, had some right to share in his Beneficence above others: And so it did. The Labourer, that was so near a Neighbour, knew often where to fill his empty Stomach, and the Thirsty where to drink that which would cherish him. The Decrepit, the Widow, and the Fatherless, resorted when they pleased to the common Refectory of them all. The Sick, who of the Comfortless are most to be compassionated, he came to them to their [...] Bed to pray for them, and to bless them, gave them largely from his Purse to succour them, not seldom paid the Fees of their Physicians, and always cherish'd them from his own Kitchin with Broths and Cordial Decoctions. These were the Issues of a plentiful Estate, a single Life, and a merciful Heart. This was the Oyl of a wise Virgin's Lamp. I follow St. Chrysostom, who was my Leader in that Exposition of our Saviour's Parable, Mat. 25. on this wise: You that are unmarried, and live chastly, you have conquer'd the Love of the Flesh; but if you will be wise Virgins, you must conquer Covetousness, and the Love of the World. Will you know the way to it? Fill your Vessels with Oyl: That's your Wisdom. [...]. And what Vessels are so fit to receive your Oyl, as the Bellies of the Poor? Many of these dry Lamps he succour'd; and the Lord anointed him again with fresh Oyl, and made his Olive-yard encrease. He that hath pity on the Poor lendeth unto God, and what he hath given he will pay him again, Prov. 19.17. For at this time one rich Sheaf was added to his Store by a valuable Legacy bequeathed to him, a great Wind-fall (as we commonly say) from his Kinsman Mr. John Panton, Servant with him to the Lord Chancellor Egerton, who by his Last Will appointed him to be Guardian to his Children, and with due discharge of that great Trust he bred them virtuously, and bestow'd them happily. No sooner had he gather'd up this Income, but ano­ther Dole of Fortune fell into his Lap, and much more unlook'd for then the [Page 36]other. While the King was in his Summer-Progress in the West, the Deanery of Salisbury became void by the Death of Dr. Gordon; straightway many Eagles were about that Carcass, and the Marquess of Buckingham struck in for one of the Com­petitors, a deserving Scholar: But the King gave him a Denial, and sent for Dr. Williams, a Man that could not be heard of in a fortnight, as it fell out, till he was found at Lincoln, most remote from the Court, upon the Duty of his Residency. This was the first Step of his Dignity, to which no Hand help'd to raise him but the King's. He was bereft of his dear Friend Dr. James Mou­tagu Bishop of Winton, who died on the 19th of July in the same Summer, if my Notes do not err. Beside him, he had dependance on none about His Majesty. Yet God moved the King's Heart to confer this Favour upon him, when he did not so much as stand in His Gracious Sight: But it was better that he was in His Heart. The old Romans were churlish, or rather unjust, in bestowing their Ho­nours, because none in their Republic might be advanced to an Office, but such as courted the People, and fauned on them for their Suffrages. Their Decree runs thus: In honoribus conferendis nullius absentis habeatur ratio. Alex. ab Alexandro, lib. 8. c. 3. Whereas Baseness and Ambition are better prevented, when Places of Pre-eminence are cast upon them, that stir not in the Suit, neither aspire to Pro­motion. Being so suddenly admitted into this Deanery, which is as rich as any in the Land, except four, yet he lived not much in that Place. His Predecessor Dr. Gordon, a Stranger, and unacquainted with our Customs, remitted the Care of the Church wholly to the management of the Residentiaries, grave Men, but subtle and attentive to their own Emolument, who contended to keep up the Power they had long enjoyed, when one more knowing and active came into Dr. Gordon's room. Though their Claim were wrong, yet the new Dean, to step out of the way of Contention, appear'd but seldom in their Chapter, but reposed himself in the Tranquility of Northamptonshire, till a better Advancement within the space of two Years released him from those Wranglers.

43. As yet then he made his Abode most commonly at Walgrave: The place was healthful; for no Air is so wholsom to a Man, as where he is generally belo­ved. Of which Love, his share was the greater, by his Place which he held among them of a Justice of the Peace. He was as expert in weilding that Office as any that sate upon the Bench, not excepting those that wore the Coif. For vouching of Statutes, he needed no Man to prompt him, or to compare Old and New, or to interpret them to their fair meaning. He loved his Country, and was the forwardest of any Patriot to defend the public against private Engros­ments. He was stout, and never turn'd his back to opposition, chiefly when the Oppressions of the poor Clergy did modestly call upon him to maintain them in their just Rights. It is their hard hap in every place to be trampled upon, not only by such as Gallio, that care not for the Things of Christ, but by such whose Zeal is compounded of contrary Elements, they love the Harvest of the Gospel, if you will believe them, and hate the Labourers. But in that County, while Dean Williams was present, they did eluctate out of their Injuries with credit to themselves, and damage to their Adversaries: So much did his Countenance con­duce to their Profit, and their Peace. If private Wranglings were brought before him, he seldom granted to those Parties his Warrant to proceed, but counsel'd them, and preach'd them out of their Litigious Humours, saying, ‘That it was for Christ's Servant to Suffer twice, before he Complain'd once; that Religion was unspirited without Love; and that Love was a blank without Forgiveness; that Variances, when all Charges are cast up, make the Purse light, and the Soul heavy.’ With these, and such words, some did melt into meekness, and shook hands, the rather being Reconciled in his Buttry, or his Cellar. But if they did not Edifie with such Homilies, many times he took another, and a surer course, to pay the Damages all, or in part, which one Neighbour alledged for the matter of his Quarrel against the other; till after Experience dear bought, he perceived he was cheated, and that some would seem to be Foes, because he used to be at cost to make them friends.

44. I would he had done himself no greater wrong as a Justiciary: But there was a Miscarriage, which I cannot pass over; a great deal of it was Error, but somewhat in it hath the wilfulness of a Fault. I am not wanton, like the Ladies that lodge about the Piazza in Covent-Garden, to lay a black Patch upon a fair Cheek, where it need not. No; my scope is to make his Over-sight a caution to others. For I intend in all that I write, (I appeal to God; who knows it) ra­ther to Profit many, then to Praise him. Plainly thus it was: Mr. Lamb, whom [Page 37]succeeding times knew to be Dean of the Arches, came, by holding fast to For­tune's middle Finger, from a School-master that taught Petties, to a Proctor in Christian Courts, and so to an Official. An Official, as Petrus Blasensis says of such another, not from the Noun Ossicium, but from Officio the Verb. The Dean of Salisbury had occasion to employ him thrice, or oftner, in those Spiritual Courts, to untangle some distressed Ministers that sought unto him, who were catch'd by the Horns in those Thickets. The Official did his work trustily, and pleas'd the Dean with as great obsequiousness as could be express'd, knowing that he had many long Feathers in his Wing, and was like to fly high. I do not accuse the Dean, that this Instrument was not yet detected to him. For read him what he was indeed out of the Description, which Tacitus gives, lib. 16. Annal. circa finem, to P. Egnatius, Client to Soranus the famous Senator; Cliens hic Sorani autoritatem Stoicae sectae praeferebat, habitu & ore ad exprimendam imaginem honesti exercitus, cae­terùm animo perfidiosus, & subdolus. Yet this Stoical Gravity did not long con­ceal him, but that his needless Vexations of harmless People, his cutting Fees, his Briberies, and other Muck of the same Dunghil made an out-cry, and put the King's good People to seek a Remedy, by preferring Articles against him at the Assizes, where he was charg'd home with an Alphabet of Misdemeanors. He pleaded to the general, that he was so much despited, because he had look'd more nar­rowly into the Disobedience of the Paritans, then formerly had been used. My Opinion is, that such Physicians of no value, Job 13.4. may cast the Water of such sick Distempers, but will never heal them: Infamous Judges may correct them, they will never rectifie them. For he that is fallen into a Moral Turpitude, is soon convinc'd in his own Mind; but he that is misguided by darkness of Un­derstanding, thinks that he doth right to his own Conscience by going wrong, and is never so well reclaim'd, as when he is mildly rebuk'd by them, whose open In­tegrity and Pity justifie them, that they walk as Children of the Light. But for the Particulars, which laid down so many Oppressions at the Official's door, they were not Dust which would be brush'd away with the Fox Tail, but Dirt that stuck to him, till the Dean, his Mediator, obtain'd from the Judges a Reference to him­self, and some others, for further Examination. By which sly Diversion, some of his Charges were laid aside by Composition, all of them by delay, and delusion. After this, (what should be the End of it I know not, without it were to make him look big, and superciliously, upon his Prosecutors) the Dean engaged his Friends at Cambridge, my self was one that was solicited from him, to sublimate the Official with the Degree of a Doctor, wherein he had one Repulse in the Re­gent-House, such an ill relish his Name had; but he was carried out in a second day's Scrutiny. But for all his Doctorship he was not out of the Brakes, he was but Tapisht, as Hunters call it. The stirring Spirits of the the subtle Air of Nor­thamptonshire prefer'd their Articles afresh against him to the House of Commons assembled in Parliament, an. 1620. Wedges enough to cleave a bigger Log then Dr. Lamb, and yet he was no little one, but Saginati corporis bellua, as Curtius says of Dioxippus the Pugil. Well, (nay indeed ill) his Friend that was too sure to such a branded Man, now become the Dean of a College near to the Parliament, finds the Articles in the hand of the Chair-man of the Committee, appointed to sift the Complaints, (it was Sir Edward Sackvil, afterward the brave-spoken Earl of Dorset) with whom he wrought to abortive the Bill before it came to the Birth, and so he set Dagon upon his Feet again, who was fallen with his face upon the ground, 1 Sam. 5.4. but the palms of his Hands were never cut off, for so long as he lived he could take a Bribe. I blush to remember, that the Dean did not only set him up again as well as ever he stood before, but raised him higher: For he wrote to a great Lord in Court (the Letter is among my Papers) to procure him the Ho­nour of Knighthood, which was obtained: And when his Enemies laboured to cut his Comb, he got the Spurs. 'Twas pleasantly spoken by Sir Ed. Montagu, (since that Pious and Loyal Lord Montagu of Boughton) when a cluster came about him to ask Counsel and Assistance for a third Petition against Sir John Lamb, says Sir Edward, If we tamper the third time, his great Friend that hath already made him a Doctor and a Knight, I fear will make him a Baron. I have thus much to say for the Dean his friend, whose very Entrails I knew, that he was strongly espou­sed to love where he had loved, and 'twas hard to remove his Affections when good Pretences had gained them. Chiefly he was of a most compassionate Ten­derness, and could not endure to see any Man's Ruine, if he could help it. And though Offences were as legible as a Dominical Letter, he would excuse any thing that was capable of an Excuse, as far as Wit and Mercy could contrive it. But [Page 38]if a little Confession were wrung out, it cut down many Faults to make him see as it were a Glade of Repentance in a Grove of Sins; and did ever hope for better Fruits upon easie and formal Promises. Let Quintilian help me out a little more in his sixth Declam. Si angustus saltem detur accessus, per quem intrare huma­nit as possit, vera clementia occasione contenta est. Yet David's Rule is better then all this, Be not merciful to them that offend of malicious wickedness, Psal. 59.5. And our God is so merciful, that whosoever adds a dram beyond his Pattern, it must be reckoned for foolish and hurtful Lenity. Certainly God was not pleased, that the Dean would save a Man whom He meant to destroy, 1 King, 20.42. And though it slept Unpunished about 12 Years, yet in the end the Lord awaken'd it with a Mischief, through the treachery of that Man, whom himself had pro­tected.

45. That which I have hitherto pass'd over, was but his low and shrubbish For­tune, compared with that Access, which the Providence of God in short time after did cast upon him. Which Providence is Religiously appeal'd to in all things; yet without any check to Reason and Experience, to trace it in its Manifestations. The Omni-regency of Divine Providence is the Tree of Life in the midst of the Garden of the World; the Strings of whose Root are secretly interwoven with all Works and Motions. But the Sons of Adam are not content, unless they taste of the Tree of Knowledge, and have a Lust, as far as Curiosity can pry, to learn how God doth put the Issue of his Wisdom into outward, and Instrumental Causes. I am ready therefore to shew what Men will seek, the Occasions which were in the way, and who was Lord of the Ascendant, when God did raise up this his Servant, that he might set him with Princes, even with the Princes of his People, Psal. 113.8. His Abilities were worthy of a great Place; none so Emulous, or so Envious that denied it. Neither was there any Church-man in his time so likely to purchase a great Place with those Abilities. He that will will read Budaeus his Epistle to his Notations upon the Pandects, shall find this Character of Mons. Pe­ganay Chancellor of France, Cujus ea vis fuisse ingenii at que animi cernitur, ut quocun­que loco natus esset, in quodcunque tempus incidisset, fortunam ipse sibi facturus videretur. A Word as fit for him that kept the Seal of England, as for him that kept the Seal of France: In what Kingdom soever he had been born, in what Age soever he had lived, he would have shared with them, that had a considerable part of Honour and Dignity. Certainly he was embued with that Wit, and Spirit, that he need not lag after the Train of Preferment, unless he would. And I dare not say, he would. For they that are sanguine, and of a stirring temper, which was his Com­plexion, love to take the right hand. I must be thus far bold, because I write not of an Angel, or a Soul among the Beati, but of a Man, consisting of Humane Desires and Passions. And he that describes an ingenious active Man, without some addition to Honour and Greatness, makes him not Laudable, but Prodi­gious. And I will as soon believe it, as I will the Alcoran, that the Angel Gabriel took out all the black Core of Original Frailty from the Heart of Mahomet. Expe­rience teacheth us more then strict Rules, that Virtue, which is forward to thrust it self into practise, nay into danger, for the public Good, will never discharge it chearfully without a Ticket from hope of some Amplification. Salust, in the Oration De republicâ ordinandâ, spake pleasingly and truly to Caesar; Ubi gloriam dempseris, ipsa per se virtus amara atque aspera est.

46. Now he, whom I insist upon, being a Subject thus fit for Impression, his good Master King James was as ready to put the Stamp upon him. He never met with any before, no not the Lord Egerton, much less with any after, that loved him like King James at the full rate of his worth. That King's Table was a trial of Wits. The reading of some Books before him was very frequent, while he was at his Re­past. Otherwise he collected Knowledge by variety of Questions, which he car­ved out to the capacity of his understanding Writers. Methought his hunting Humour was not off so long as his Courtiers, I mean the Learned, stood about him at his Board. He was ever in chase after some disputable Doubts; which he would wind and turn about with the most stabbing Objections that ever I heard. And was as pleasant, and fellow-like in all those Discourses, as with his Huntsmen in the Field. They that in many such genial and convival Conferences were ripe and weighty in their Answers, were indubiously designed to some Place of Credit and Profit. Wherein he followed the Emperor Adrian, as Spartianus remembers it; Omnes professores & honoravit, & divites fecit, licet eos quaestionibus semper agita­verit. But among them all, with whom King James communed, was found none like Daniel, c. 1. v. 19. His Majesty gave his Ear more Graciously to this Chap­lain, [Page 39]and directed his Speech to him, when he was at hand, oftner then to any, that crowded near to harken to the Wisdom of that Salomon. He had all those Endowments mightily at command, which are behoved in a Scholar, [...], as Aristotle, 3 o Top. terms them, unto Extemporary Colloquies. Ingenium in numerato habuit, as Quintil. l. 6. said of a ready Man, he had all his Learning in ready Money, and could spend it at an hour, as well as at a day's warning. There was not a greater Master of Perspicuity, and elucidate Distinctions; which look'd the better in his English, that ran sweet upon his Tongue, especially being set out with a graceful Facetiousness, that hit the joint of the Matter: For his Wit, and his Judgment, never parted. If the King lead him quite out of the rode of Verbal Learning, and talk'd to him of real and gobernative Wisdom, he pleas'd his Majesty most of all, because his Answers discover'd, that he loved to see through the present to the future. Chiefly since he would be bold, not only to argue, but to quarrel against Innovations. For though he was never addicted to his own Opinions, no not among his Inferiors, with that pertinacious Obliga­tion, for better for worse; yet neither his best Friends, nor the higher Powers, could ever get him pleas'd with new Crotchets, either in Church or State. His constant Rule was, That old Imperfections were safer then new Experiments. To which purpose, a Saying of his was famous in Court. The manner how it came in, was thus: A great Servant to the King press'd for a change of that, which was well enough already, and commended his Design by this Note, That it would be an easier way for the People. Sir, (says Dr. Williams) a Bed is an easie Repose, but it is not wholsom to lie upon a new Tick, and new-driven Feathers. All these Passages the King consider'd from time to time; Multa viri virtus animo, &c. And was glad he had a Servant to be raised up, of whom He thought as Cicero did of De­metrius Valerius, lib. 3. de Leg. Et doctrinae studus & regendà civitate Princeps; That he was a full Scholar fit for the Sacred, and for the Civil Gown: In a word, one of the stronger Cattle, Gen. 30.41. and designed for a Bell-weather in Jacob's Flock.

47. The King was the Fountain of Honour indeed, but there was a pre-emi­nent Pipe, through which all Graces flowing from him were derived. I pray the Reader to consider the sweetness of this King's Nature, (for I ascribe it to that cause) that from the time he was 14 Years old and no more, that is, when the Lord Aubigny came into Scotland out of France to visit him, even then he began, and with that Noble Personage, to clasp some one Gratioso in the Embraces of his great Love, above all others, who was unto him as a Parelius; that is, when the Sun finds a Cloud so fit to be illustrated by his Beams, that it looks almost like ano­ther Sun. At this time, upon which my Pen drops, the Marquess of Buckingham was the Parelius. He could open the Sluce of Honour to whom, and shut it against whom he pleased. This Lord was our English Alcibtades for Beauty, Civi­lity, Bounty, and for Fortitude wanted nothing of Man enough, says Art. Wils. p. 223. who favours all Republicans, and never speaks well of Regians, (it is his own distinctions) if he can possibly avoid it. The Marquess by Sweetness as much as by Greatness, by Courtesie as well as by Power, pluck'd a world of Sui­tors to him, especially by his generous and franc Usage: For he did as many Fa­vours to the King's Servants and Subjects freely and nobly, that is, without the sordid Fee of Gifts and Presents, as ever any did that ruled the King's Affections. Some of the most honoured Ladies of his Blood have told me, That there was a Chopping-taker in his Family, that was least suspected; but his Lordship's Hands were clean, and his Eyes could not look into every dark corner. Dr. William, was aware, that this was the Man, by whom the King delighted to impart his Bounties. Aemilio dabitur quicquid petit: Juv. Sat. 7. The Doctor had crept far, as I may say, for Ground-Ivy, he had a plentiful Fortune. But he must clasp upon this Tree, or none, to trail and climb: Yet hitherto he had not come for­ward one step to gain him. One time he made a Repetition of his former Life unto me, being under a great Sickness at Buckden, when he taught me two Reasons, why he moved so slowly to the Protection of that great Lord, with this solid and ingenious Confession. First, To whom a Man is obliged for his Rai­sing, it is expected he should run the same hazard with him: Which is so far from Slavery or Weakness, that it may well be called, The height of Magnanimity; no Virtue being more truly Heroical then Thankfulness, by which the Spirit of a Man advances it self with confidence of Acceptation to the Love of God and Man. This Consideration seriously taken, he was afraid of that Lord's continuance, the Title of a Favourite being so Inauspicious in almost all Examples. For what is [Page 40]more likely, but that a Sail will break, when it is too much stretch'd with the sore Wind? And whosoever builds unto a lofty height upon a new Foundation, Envy will pull him down by insensible Demolishments. For new Men, when they become Plenipotentiaries, all Suits at Court passing by their Assistance, they please few, (who are the Gratified) in comparison of the Swarms that must be repulsed; so that if an Eddie and Mutation fall heavy, they are lost without much Pity; not because they were bad, but because they were great. And take all others into this Moral Compass, who were unconcerned; who is so upright in his Candor, that gapes not for the removal of the greatest Actors in Promo­tion, upon a Dream of better days to follow the Alteration? And commonly they that are born to waft over the Sea of this Life in a Cock-boat, are glad to see their Shipwreck that sail in the Argosie.

48. Though he that did run this Descant was sick, as I said, when he uttered it; yet certainly there was no Sickness in his judgment when he first conceived it. I will produce a pair of the best Scholars that revived Learning in our Grand­father's days, who foretel, that Court-Minions are like to have no Favour, but the King's. Thus Erasmus in his Epistle, Ante scriptores Angustae historiae, published by him. An parum est suam quamque regionem habere Dominum, nisi singulae rursus alium haberent Dominum conduplicatâ servitute? As if he thought it no better then a doubling of Servitude, to have a Privado, like a Lord-Lieutenant, under the se­preme Lord, to ride upon the Backs of the People. Budaeus is more churlish upon the Pandects, p. 61. Howsoever (says he) the King gives Honours, patient Spi­rits will accept it; but when they are confer'd by one, Qui majoribus fatis sub-princeps est, they will be ill look'd upon. And all, whom he prefers, are esteemed no better then Janizaries, to be his Guard to protect him in violent Courses, or rather suspected to de­base Virtue under the power of Fortune. He proceeds further, That whosoever over­sways in Favour with his Sovereign, in effect doth all, and yet is like to give no account of his Actions, which is the worst mortifying of Justice. [...], says Plato: Let no Man be a Judge, unless he may be judged for his Ju­dicature. Let no Man bear an Office, that grows too formidable to them that call his Behaviour to a Tryal. These Fleeces pluck'd from the Judgments of such great Clerks assure us, that not only Ahasuerus his Haman, Tiberius his Seianus, Edward the Second his Gaveston, and such corrupt ones, must needs decline faster then they got up, but the most circumspect that possess such a Room, as they did, will prove to be May-Lords in Fortune's Enterlude: For though their Honour be not swelled with Pride, yet their Balast will certainly be Envy. It would be a won­der therefore, if a great Favourite could act his part to come off the Stage with Applause, in whom this double Misery concurs, the Favour that he takes from his Chief is odious, the Favour that he gives to his Confidents is dangerous. Here­upon some that had the estimation of discreet Men, conceived of the Crimes and Clamours objected to the Lord of Buckingham, that his Place was more guilty of them, then his Person.

49. Now the second Reason said this wise Man, which kept him suspensive, whe­ther he should seek a Lift higher in the World by the courtesie of that Lord's Power, was, That he saw his Lordship was bred in a great Error, he was so ready to cast a Cloud suddenly upon his Creatures, and with much inconstancy to root up that which he had planted. A fault too patent against all Apology. He had chang'd the White Staves of the King's Houshold, the Secretaries, the Masters of the Court of Wards, the Chancellors of the Exchequer, and many others. Partly it happen'd, because fresh Undertakers came with Proffers and Forecasts, which had not been made before. Presently some must be discarded, to make room for those, who albeit in their Discharge they did less then their Pre­decessors, yet they outbid them in Promises. And partly, which goes together, his Lordship was of very desultorious Affections, quickly weary of those whom he had gratified, and apt to resume his Favours to make Trial upon others, if they would obey his Commands upon undiscoursed Obedience. A Prognosticator might have guess'd upon every Day of the Year, while he was glorified in his Greatness, somewhat variable Weather. From whence it came to pass, that his Lordship was often served by bad Instruments; for they made too much haste to Rich, because they knew their Turn was quickly coming to be shifted. And it is a weak part to blast the good Turns which a Man hath done, to lose his Thanks, and the Fidelity of his Clients. Mark what Sylla said to Bacchus, In Salust, amico­rum ne [...]ue nobis, neque cuiquam hominum satis fuit. Bel. Jugur. No Man can have too many Friends; but he that loses his Friends, will have too many Enemies. [Page 41]Such inconstant Revocations are prettily called, Praefloratae Liberalitates, Mildew'd Liberalities: Or like a Tree that hath a cankerous Malignity, to dry up, and cast its own Blossoms. And it is a weak part to think it a gawdy thing, to be cringed unto with new Acquaintance. Green Heads know not the Utility of old Friend­ships. But none are so unestimable, be they never so Potent, as those sickle-fancy'd Men, whose Friendships will hold no longer then Pliny's Peaches, after they are gathered, Longissima decerpto bidui mora est; After they have been pluck'd, and laid by two days, they are rotten.

50. These two, so related to me, were his intimate Consultations with himself; A great Fruit of Philosophy, says Antisthenes in Laertius, [...], to confer much with a Man's own Mind. From both those Reasons he concluded, to give way to others to seek the Lord Marquess, who were bolder then himself. For why should he render himself as an Hostage to Fortune, when he needed not? Or what could mend his present Condition but a contented Mind? Pol si est animus aequus tibi, satis habes qui vitam colas. Plaut. Aul. He that hath much, and wants nothing, hath yet as little as comes to nothing, if he wants Equani­mity. It was generously spoken of Esau, Gen. 33.9. I have enough my Brother. And they that lose a good Portion which they had before, because their Appetite did over-drive them, let them look upon Children playing at a petty Game, they will not stand, but ask for another Card, which puts them out. Though these things were so maturely considered, an Occasion came about, which did lead him quite aside; yet it was in the King's High-way. He was at Royston in Attendance on the King, and in the Marquess his Absence. The King abruptly, without de­pendance upon the Discourse on foot, asked him, When he was with Buckingham? Sir, (says the Doctor) I have had no business to resort to his Lordship. But where­soe'er he is, you must presently go to him upon my Message, says the King. So he did that Errand, and was welcom'd with the Countenance and Compliments of the Marquess, and invited with all sweetness to come freely to him upon his own Addresses. Who mark'd rather from whom he came, then to whom he was sent: And gather'd from the King's Dispatch, That His Majesty intended that he should seek the Marquess, and deserve him with Observance. From henceforth he re­solved it; yet not to contaminate his Lordship with Bribery, or base Obsequious­ness, but to shew himself in some Act of Trust and Moment, that he was as sufficient to bring his Lordship's good Ends to pass, as any whom he employed, both with readiness to do, and with judgment to do well. Which thus succeeded to his great Commendation. My Lord Marquess was a Batchelor, and ripe for a gallant Wedlock His Youth, his comely Person, his Fortunes plentiful and en­creasing, his Favour he held with the King, being as much, or more, then the Cardinal-Nephews in the Pope's Conclave: What Graces could be sweeter in the Girdle of Venus that the Poets speak of, Cestum de Veneris sinu calentem? Martial. He could not seek long to be entertained, who was so furnished for a Suitor. The Lady with whom he desired to match, was Lady Katherine Manners, Daugh­ter, and only Child surviving, to Francis Earl of Rutland. Hereby he should marry with a Person of Honour, her Family being very anciently Noble, and draw to his Line an access of Wealth and Revenue, as the like not to be expe­cted from the Daughter of any Subject in this Realm. The Motion was set on foot in the beginning of the Year 1520, which stuck at two Objections. The Earl of Rutland was slow, or rather fullen, in giving way to this lusty Woer; who came on the faster, directed it seems by Proverbial Wisdom, That faint Heart never won fair Lady. Certain it is, that he kept not such distance in his Visits, as was required. Which put the Earl into so strong a Passion, that he could not be mitigated, though great Ones had attempted the Pacification. In this distraction Dr. Williams took the opportunity to go between the great Men, and to Umpire the Controversie. He had often in former times made Journeys from Lincoln to visit the Earl at his Castle of Belvoir, who was Lord-Lieutenant of the County of Lincoln, and held some Leases of that Church, whereof the Doctor was a Resi­dentiary, and Precentor. The Earl had found him so true and fortunate in many Offices of Service, which he had manag'd for his Lordship's sake, that he prefer'd him before all his Neighbours for Wisdom and Fidelity. Therefore he gave him very patient Hearing to his Propositions about the Lord Marquess his Amours, and took down the heat of Inflammation with cool Advice. All youthful Dalliances were clear'd from sinister Jealousie, and had Allowance to be inoffensively conti­nued. To speak all together: The Doctor brought the Earl about so dextrously with his Art and pleasant Wit, that his Lordship put it into his hands to draw up [Page 42]all Contracts and Conditions for Portion and Joynture; which he did to the fair satisfaction of both sides, the noble Earl being so glad of a good Understanding between him and the Lord Marquess, that the Counsellor at his Elbow induced him to settle more upon the Marriage, then the Marquess and his Mother had demanded. The first Door that was shut against the young Lord in Cupid's Court was thus opened to him. Nothing is so good to soften that which is hard, as the Language of a discreet Man. Therefore the old Gauls did carve the God of Elo­quence, not after the shape of Mercury, but of Hercules, says Lucian, carrying his Club in one hand, his Bow and Shafts in the other: But innumerous small Rings were drawn through his Tongue, to which a multitude of Chains were fasten'd, that reach'd to the Ears of Men and Women, to which they were tied; meaning by this Picture, that he performed all his hard Labours by his Tongue, and not by his Club: [...]. And that which the Doctor brought to pass in the preceding Matter, is fit for the Application of the Apo­logue. Of whose Performance, the Mother-Countess, her Noble Son, with the Ladies of the Kindred, gave the best Account to the King that Thankfulness could make.

51. The King commended it; and was right glad that they were well out of the Mire, where they all stuck before. And now the Progress of the Suit seemed so easie, as if a pair of Doves might draw the Chariot of Love; when His Ma­jesty put a strong Spoke into the Wheel, which I may call The Second Obstruction. For the Lady Katherine, though she and her Family were not rigid forbearers of our Church, yet she was bred a Papist. This was no Straw at which the King stumbled: For he knew it would sad the Spirit of some good People, most ten­der of the Religion established, when they should hear, that the Noble-man in whom His Majesty did most delight, was wedded to a Lady of that disaffected Superstition. Therefore he liked not that the Marquess should proceed in that Marriage, till the Lady were tried with sweet Perswasions to serve God, together with her Husband, constantly, and without Hypocrisie, after the Confession of the Reformed Church of England. So His Majesty called for Dr. Williams, and laid his strict and highest Commands upon him, to use his best Skill upon the Con­science of that tender Lady, misled by Education, to make her a true Proselyte: Before that was done, He would be loth to give his Blessing to the Nuptials. This He required of him, before all his other Chaplains, as well because he had the Ear of the Family more then any Man of his Coat, whereof Proof was made in his late Actions; as because he knew he had the Gift of Wisdom, mixed with Learning, to cure a Corruption in Opinion. Sir, (says the Doctor) I obey Your Commands with all my heart, and with belief of some Success. But in case upon the first or second Conference I bring the young Madam to some Access towards the Church of Eng­land, without a total Recess from the Church of Rome, will Your Majeshy discomsit a good Beginning, and stay the Marriage, whose Consummation is every day desired, because the Party is not brought to the perfection of an absolute Convert? To which the King answered, I know that commonly Grace proceeds by degrees in conception, and building up its Features, as well as Nature; but though you walk slow, walk sure. I cannot abide to be cozen'd with a Church-Papist. So the Doctor received his Commission chear­fully from His Majesty; the rather, because though he cunningly concealed how far he had entred, yet he had assayed before, to bring the Lady Katherine into a good liking of our Church with many strong and plausible Arguments, and found her Tractable and Attentive. She easily perceived, that Conjugal Love would be firmest and sweetest, when Man and Wife served God with one Heart, and in one way, and were like the two Trumpets of Silver made of an whole Piece, Num. 10.12. And quickly she was confirmed by divers and solid Representations, to confess that our Cathechism was a plain Model of Saving Truth; and the Form of Ma­trimony in our Liturgy pleased her abundantly, being as pious and forcible as any Church could make, to bind up a sanctified and indissoluble Union. And after some Prayers made to God for his secret Breathings into her, such easie Demon­strations were spread before her, that she confess'd our Ministers were fit Dispen­sers of the Ordinances of God, and all Gospel-Blessings from Christ Jesus. So the second Obstruction was master'd by the good Spirit of God, and this Do­ctor's Industry. The Remotion of two such Impediments is not commonly ac­compass'd by one Head-piece. Sometimes it is seen, as Macrobius says, yet very seldom, Ut idem pectus & agendi, & disputandi facultate sublime sit. Lib. 2. de Som-Scrip. c. 17. Now all things being made smooth for Love and Concord, on the 16th day of May, 1620. the Nuptials were celebrated between the Lord Marquess [Page 43]and his Bride, the Lady Katherine Manners, at Lumly-House on Tower-Hill, where the Earl of Rutland lay, Dr. Williams joyned them together with the Office of our Liturgy; all Things being transacted more like to Privacy, then Solemnity, to avoid the Envy of Pomp and Magnificence. I have been no larger then there was cause in this Report; for the Negotiation in this Marriage, said the Negotia­tor often unto me, was the last Key-Stone that made the Arch in his Prefer­ment.

52. It behoved him therefore to spare no Pains, nor Study, to season the new Marchioness with such a measure of Knowledge, as might keep her found in the Integrity of Truth. He needed not a Remembrancer to keep his Diligence waking. Yet the King was so intent, that the Lady should become an upright and sincere Protestant, that he proposed to his Chaplain, now her Ghostly Fa­ther, to draw up a pretty Manual of the Elements of the Orthodox Religion, with which she might every day consult in her Closet-Retirements, for her better con­firmation. A Book was Compiled accordingly, but [...], put forth, and not put forth. Twenty Copies were printed and no more, and with­out the Author's Name, (in a Notion common to many) By an old Prebendary of the Church of Lincoln. The Copies were sent to the Lord Marquess, and being no more, are no more to be found; for I have searched for one, but with lost La­bour. I can truly say I have seen one, and read it about 30 Years since, which being in a negligent Custody, is miscarried. It contents me better, that I have a written Copy, out of which it was printed; by which the Author could set it in order for the Press, surer then I can now. If I should miss to digest the Expun­ctions, Interlinings, and Marginal References, as they were intended, I should make the Work differ from it self, though quite against my will. But because it is a Golden Medal, and sit to be worn like an Amulet against Seducers, when this Web is spun and woven, which I have in hand, I will try my best Skill, though a weak Aristarchus, to fashion it into Native Contexture. And if I can truly affirm it to be the very Mantle which fell from Elijah, it shall be forth-coming in a Wardrode in the end of the Book. If I fail in that, (I do not despair) let this Letter, sent with the 20 Copies to the Lord Marquess, discover what sappy Ker­nels were in that Pomegranate.

My most Noble Lord,

MY most humble Duty, and all due Respects, remembred. I have at the last according to His Majesties Intimation, and your Lordship's, made up for my Ladies private Use a little Stock, as it were, in Divinity, and divided the same into three small Treatises. The first, to furnish her how to speak unto God by Invocation. The second, how to speak unto her self by Meditation. And the third, how to speak unto those Romanists, that shall oppose her, by way of Answer and Satisfaction. Prayers are the most necessary for the obtaining, Principles for the augmenting, and Resolu­tions (in these days) for the defending of her Faith and Profession. I held these three, (in some sort) and more I held not, to have been necessary. The Prayers I have Translated from ancient Writers, that her Ladyship may see, we have not coyned a new Worship, or Service of God. Of the rest, I recei­ved my best Grounds from His Majesty, and such as, I protest faithfully I never could read the like in any Author for mine own satisfaction. If I be out in my Descant upon them, I hope your Lordship will the rather pardon it, because the Book is but private, whereof 20 Copies only are imprinted, and as many of them to be suppressed, as your Honour shall not command and use. I make bold to send these Books to your Lordship, because I hope they will be more welcom and acceptable to both the great Ladies, coming immediately from your Ho­nour. I humbly thank your Honour for affording me this occasion, to do your Lordship any little Service, who am in all affectionate Prayers, and best Devo­tion,

Your Honour's true Creature and Beadsman, JOHN WILLIAMS.

53. I perceive by the Date of this Letter, that the Book was printed six months after it was bespoken, which could not be help'd, because the Author was taken up almost all that Summer in making a progress to survey the Lands of the College of Westminster, whereof he was become Dean by the Lord Marquess's Favour, [Page 44]and Installed July 12. 1620. Dr. Tolson, who preceded, a man of singular Piety, Eloquence, and Humility, in the March before had the Approbation of the King, and the Congratulation of good Men for the Bishoprick of Salisbury. The Deanery to be vacated, had many that longed for it; a fortunate Seat, and near the Court: Like the Office over the King of Persia's Garden at Babylon, which was stored with his most delicious Fruits; Hortus ille nunquam nisi dominantis in Aulâ fuit, says Pliny, lib. 1 [...]. c. 4. He that was trusted with that Garden, was the Lord of the Palace. This Preferment had ever been confer'd by the nomination of him that was Steward of the College and City of Westminster. The Lord Treasurer Burleigh, the Earl of Salisbury his Son, the Earl of Somerset, and the Lord Mar­quess, bearing the Office at the present, had been the constant Patrons of it. Therefore it was requisite, it being now to be confer'd, to take it from his Lord­ship's hand. Whom the Doctor solicited with no more then this short Letter, Dated March 12. 1619.

My most Noble Lord,

I Am an humble Suitor, first, to be acknowledged your Servant; and then that I may be nearer and better able to perform my Desires, to be by your happy Hand transplanted from Salisbury to Westminster, if that Deanery shall prove vacant. I trouble not your Honour for Profit, but only for Conveniency; for being Unmarried, and inclining so to continue, I do find that Westminster is fitter by much for that disposition. And mine own, nothing inferior in value, will be at His Majesties Collation. If your Honour be not bent upon an ancienter Servant, I beseech you think upon me. I am true, and so repu­ted by my former, and by the grace of God will prove no otherwise to my second Master. God in Heaven bless you, as he hath began. He prays it, who is,

Your Honour's poor Beadsman already ever bound, J. W.

I observe, out of these Lines, a Precedent for Suitors and Candidates of Eccle­siastical Promotions, that he neither extorted his Place by Importunity, nor inva­ded it by Impudency, nor lick'd it out of the Dust by Flattery, nor bargain'd for it by Simony, or the mollifying Term of Gratuity; in a word, he did not dishonest himself for it with any Indignity. He carried it as he wish'd, not being griple of Profit, as he confessed, but fond of Convenience. He was Vir palma­vius: And Pliny says of the Palm-Trees, Gaudent mutatione sedis, they take Liking to be removed from Soil to Soil. The Righteous carry branches of Palm before the Lamb, Rev. 7.9. And their good Works do follow them, Rev. 14.13. I trust, and do verily believe, that he is among those Palmers now in the Church Triumphant, who did so many worthy Things for that Religious Foundation precious in the Eyes of the Lord. For my own part, I take no little Joy to recount, that this College was so happy in such a Man, and the Liberty of that City in such a Go­vernor. It was the Soil of my Birth, and my Breeding. There I serv'd this good Master, when I came out of the University first into the World, there he paid me my Wages, my Livelihood, which, with God's Blessing, I owe to him alone. A lucky spot of Ground to me. I crave leave to set up this little Pillar in the place, where God appeared so Gracious to me, and to pour Oyl of Benedi­ction on the top of it, as Jacob did at Rethel, Gen. 28.18. I do not aim at all to crowd in a Legend of my self, as Phidias did insert his own Picture in the Shield which he made for the Statue of Minerva. But I will speak of him, whose Me­mory deserves to be refresh'd, for the imprints of his Goodness in all sorts, and for the Braveries of his Mind, which he left behind him in that Orb.

54. His Predecessors (whose Names and Actions are not forgotten) were Men of good Report. Two above all, because none were comparable to them, he cast in his Head to imitate, Abbat Islip, and Dr. Andrews Dr. Andrews for advancing Learning in the School, Abbat Islip for his Cost expended upon the Fabric of the Minster, and the Dean's place. I dispose it so, to mention first what a Foster-Father he was to the Scholars, because himself proceeded to greater Designments by that Order. He had heard much what Pains Dr. Andrews did take both day and night to train up the Youth bred in the public School, chiefly the Alumni of the College so called. For more certain Information, he called me from Cam­bridge in the May before he was Installed, to the House of his dear Cousin Mr. Elwis Winn in Chancery-Lane, a Clerk of the Petty-Bag, a Man of the most [Page 45]general and gracious Acquaintance with all the great Ones of the Land that ever I knew. There he moved his Questions to me about the Discipline of Dr. An­drews. I told him how strict that excellent Man was, to charge our Masters, that they should give us Lessons out of none but the most Classical Authors; that he did often supply the Place both of Head School-master and Usher for the space of an whole week together, and gave us not an hour of Loitering time from mor­ning to night. How he caused our Exercises in Prose and Verse to be brought to him, to examine our Style and Proficiency. That he never walk'd to Cheswick for his Recreation, without a brace of this young Fry; and in that way-faring Leisure, had a singular dexterity to fill those narrow Vessels with a Funnel. And, which was the greatest burden of his Toil, sometimes thrice in a week, some­times oftner, he sent for the uppermost Scholars to his Lodgings at night, and kept them with him from eight till eleven, unfolding to them the best Rudiments of the Greek Tongue, and the Elements of the Hebrew Grammar, and all this he did to Boys without any compulsion of Correction; nay, I never heard him utter so much as a word of Austerity among us. Alas! this is but an Ivy-Leaf crept into the Laurel of his Immortal Garland. This is that Andrews, the Ointment of whose Name is sweeter then all Spices, Cam. 4.10. This is that celebrated Bishop of Winton, whose Learning King James admired above all his Chaplains; and that King, being of most excellent Parts himself, could the better discover what was Eminent in another. Indeed he was the most Apostolical and Primitive-like Divine, in my Opinion, that wore a Rochet in his Age; of a most venerable Gravity, and yet most sweet in all Commerce; the most Devout that ever I saw, when he appeared before God; of such a Growth in all kind of Learning, that very able Clerks were of a low Stature to him: Colossus inter icunculas; full of Alms and Charity; of which none knew but his Father in secret: A certain Pa­tron to Scholars of Fame and Ability, and chiefly to those that never expected it. In the Pulpit an Homer among Preachers, and may fitly be set forth in Quin­tilian's Judgment of Homer; Nonne humani ingenii modum excessit? Ut magni sit viri virtutes ejus non aemulaticne (quod fieri non potest) sed intellectu sequi. I am transpor­ted even as in a Rapture to make this Digression: For who could come near the Shrine of such a Saint, and not offer up a few Grains of Glory upon it? Or how durst I omit it? For he was the first that planted me in my tender Studies, and water'd them continually with his Bounty. The Occasion that brings in this, was the new Dean's addition to his Pattern, that looking into such a Mirror, he might keep up the Learning of that happy Plantation, that it might never hear worse, then as Mr. Camden testifies for it, Felix eruditorum in Ecclesiam & Rempublicam pro­ventus. Eliz. p. 61. Fol. In his Zeal to this Work, as soon as he was possess'd of the Deanery, he was assiduous in the School, and miss'd not sometimes every week, if he were resident in the College, both to dictate Lectures to the several Classes, and to take account of them. The choicest Wits had never such Encou­ragement for Praise, and Reward. He was very Bountiful in both, and they went always together, scattering Money, as if it had been but Dung to manure their Industry. And seldom he did fail, no not when he kept the Great-Seal, to call forth some of them to stand before him at his Table, that in those intervals of best Opportunity he might have account of their Towardliness; which ripen'd them so fast, made them so Prompt and Ingenuous, that the number of the Promoted to the Universities, which swarm'd out of that Stock, was double for the most part to those that were Transplanted in the foregoing Elections.

55. These were the first Fruits of his Care. In tenut labor, at tenuts non glo­via: Virg. Georg. 4. The Buildings of Abbat Islip, Monuments of a great worth, were the next Object of his Emulation. That wife and holy Man was the Lord Abbat over the Benedictine Monks, who profess'd their Vows within those Cloy­sfers in the Glorious Reign of King Henry the Seventh. The Abbat was a Privy-Counsellor, and, for his Fidelity and Prudence, was one of the Executors to the King his Master by his Last Will and Testament. The Structure of the Abby was left imperfect from the Reign of King Henry the Third, who had been very Sumptuous in advancing the Workmanship from the Altar to the lower-end of the Quire: From his Death, that stately Pile of Building had look'd for some to help, and there was none that pitied it. This Abbat, a devout Servant of Christ, and of a wakeful Conscience, considered the Office he bore, how he was the Chief who had that House of God in possession. Therefore he enlarged the length of the Church at his own Cost, from the entring in of the Quire, or thereabout, to the West-Gate that looks towards Tuttle-street; and contrived the Lodgings with [Page 46]strength and handsomness at the South-end, which, after the Change made in King Henry the Eighth's Reign, received the Dean and his Retinue. But Eternal Fame doth best shine upon his Memory in the Rising-Sun, or upon the Eastern part. There this Abbat, and John Fisher Bishop of Rochester, (the Executor to King Henry the Seventh joyned with him) laid out such Sums of Money, as that King had appointed for the Noble Enterring of his own Body and his Queens, with the Stems of their Royal Line, and none other. These two, like men of faithful and large Minds, built the Chappel, next behind the Chappel of Edward the Confessor, called by King Henry the Seventh's Name, which nothing can surmount for Cost and Curiosity. There they set up his Monument in a Brazen Impalement, which looks like the Work, not of our Moderns, but of Bezaleel. Now, though not the Soul, yet the Piety and Liberality of the Abbat to this Domo, came into Dr. Williams by Transmigration; who, in his entrance to that place, found the Church in such decay, that all that passed by, and loved the Honour of God's House, shook their Heads at the Stones that drop'd down from the Pina­cles. Therefore that the Ruines of it might be no more a Reproach, this Godly Jehoiada took care for the Temple of the Lord to repair it, to set it in his state, and to strengthen it, a Chren. 4.3. He began at the South-east part, which looked the more deformed with decay, because it coupled with a latter Building. I mean the Chappel of King Henry the Seventh, which was tight and fresh. The North-west part also, which looks to the great Sanctuary, was far gone in Dila­pidations: The great Buttresses were almost crumbled to Dust with the Injuries of the Weather; which he re-edified with durable Materials, and beautified with elegant Statues, (among whom Abbat Islip had a place) so that 4500 Pounds were spent in a trice upon the Workmanship. All this was his own Cost. Neither would he Impatronize his Name to the Credit of that Work, which should be raised up by other men's collatitious Liberality, like Laonicus in Castilio his Cou­rier, Lib. 4. Vide quàm liberalis sit, qui non sua solùm sed etiam aliena largiatur. I do not expect that the Sacrilegious of our Times should commend him for disbursing so much upon a Building of Sacred Use; who either make no difference between Holy and Prophane, or Tender Prophane, and Common Things before the Holy. Never in the days of old was so much spent in private Buildings: Enough is Erected upon new Foundations in the Skirts of London, to make two large and beautiful Cities: Yet we suffer all our Cathedrals of egregious Piety, and stupen­dious Bravery, to run to a general Decay, which is all one as to put hands to their Demolishment. What Christians would not tremble to see their Rubbish rise up in Judgment against them? I appeal to found Judgment, whether in an Heathenish, but a Civil Republic, the Aedils of Rome would not have saved such Structures from Ruine at the public Charge? But I am indifferent to appeal to any man, sound or corrupt against Art. Will. in his History, p. 191. who nibbles at the good Name of the magnificent Dean upon his magnificent Church-works, because he could not bite it. For this is his Censure: These Works were Arguments of a great Mind, but how far from Ostentation in this frail body of Flesh, cannot be de­termined. Such suspicious and ungrounded Glances discover more Rancor then direct Contumelies; for which, Macrobius hath a pretty Simile, Lib. 7. c. 3. Hami angulosi, quam directi mucrones tenacius infiguntur. Ill-favoured Suspicion is like a crooked Hook, where it enters it will stick in the Flesh, though it make but a little wound. But thus he serves King James and all his Courtiers, of both Sexes, of all Professions, pelts them all along with rotten Surmises, or palpable Untruths. I will fit him with Spalatensis his Judgment upon Baronius the great Annalist, who was Squint-eyed, Omnia regum facta non rectis sed contortis oculis intuetur, Lib. 7. c. 9. In all his Volumes he squinted at the famous Actions of Kings and Princes.

56. For their further satisfaction, who will judge of good Works by Visions, and not by Dreams, I will cast up in a true Audite other Deeds of no small reckoning, conducing greatly to the Welfare of that College, Church, and Liberty, wherein Piety and Beneficence were Relucent in despight of Jealousies. First, that God might be praised with a chearful Noise in his Sanctuary, he procured the sweetest Music, both for the Organ, and for the Voices of all Parts, [...] was heard in an English Quire. In those days that Abby, and Jerusalem-Chamber where he gave Entertainment to his Friends, were the Volaries of the choicest Singers that the Land had bred. The greatest Masters of that delightful Faculty frequen­ted him above all others, and were never nice to serve him: And some of the most Famous yet living will confess, he was never nice to reward them; a Lover could not court his Mistress with more prodigal effusion of Gifts. With the same [Page 47]Generosity and strong propension of mind to enlarge the Boundaries of Learn­ing, he converted a wast Room, scituate in the East side of the Cloysters into Plato's Portico, into a goodly Librarary, model'd it into decent Shape, furnished it with Desks and Chains, accoutred it with all Utensils, and slored it with a vast Number of Learned Volumes: For which use he lighted most fortunately upon the Study of that Learned Gentleman Mr. Baker of Highgate, who in a long and industrious Life had Collected into his own possession the best Authors in all Sciences, in their best Editions, which being bought at 500 l. (a cheap Pe­ny worth for such precious War) were removed into this Store-House. When he received Thanks from all the professors of Learning in and about London far beyond his expectation, because they had free admirtance to such Hony from the Flowers of such a Garden, as they wanted before, it compell'd him to unlock his Cabinet of Jewels, and bring forth his choicest Manuscripts. A Right Noble Gift in all the Books he gave to this Serapaeum, but especially the Parchments. Some good Authors were confer'd by other Benefactors, but the richest Fruit was shaken from the Boughs of this one Tree, which will keep Green in an un­fading Memory in despite of the Tempest of Iniquity. As Pliny the younger wrote in an Epistle upon the Death of his Son, quatenus nobis denegatur diu vivere, relinquamus aliquid quo nos vixisse testemur; so this Work will bear Witness to Po­sterity, that he liv'd, and that he liv'd beneficently. I borrow that assurance from honour'd Mr. Selden in his Epistle before the History of Eadmerus Dedicated to the Founder of this Library, to whom he writes in these Words; Egregius peri­tissimus (que) literarum censor, & fautor indulgentissimus & audis, & verè es. Quippe qui Doctrinam suo merito indies cupientissimus honestas: Et sumptuosam in struendis publico usui Bibliothecis operam impendis. Praemium ita studiosis & armarium etiam sine ex­emplo solicitus parandi. Yet what an ill requital did these unthankful times make him, when they removed that worthy Scholar, the Bibliothecary whom he had placed, Mr. Richard Gouland? whom he pick'd out above all men for that Office, being inferiour to none in the knowledg of good Authors, Superiour to any for Fidelity and Diligence of so mortified a Life, that he could scandalize none but with Innocency and Piety; nor offend any but by Meekness, and Inoffensiveness. Such times, such Fruits; for as Antoninus the Emperor says, lib. 12. [...], He is mad that looks for Figgs upon the Tree in Winter. I cannot end with the Erection of this Library. I have but almost done. For this Dean gratified the College with many other Benefits. When he came to look into the State of the House, he found it in a Debt of 300 l. by the Hospitality of the Table. It had then a Brotherhood of most worthy Prebendaries, Moumford, Sutton, Laud, Cae­sar, Robinson, Dorrel, Fox, King, Newel and the rest; but ancient frugal Diet was laid aside in all places; and the prizes of Provisions in less than fifteen years were doubled in all Markets: By which enhancements the Debt was contracted, and by him discharg'd. Not long after, to the Number of the forty Scholars, the Alumni of Queen Elizabeth's Foundation anno 1560. he added four more, distin­guish'd from the rest in their Habit of Violet Colour'd Gowns, for whose main­tenance he purchased Lands. These were Adopted Children, and in this divers from the Natural Children, that the place to which they are removed, when they deserve it by their Learning, is St. John's College in Cambridge, of whom more hereafter. And in those days, when good Turns were received with the Right Hand, Cabal. pag. 69. it was Esteemed among the praises of a Stout and Vigilant Dean, that whereas a great Limb of the Liberties of the City was threatned to be cut off by the Encroachments of the higher Power of the Lord Steward of the Kings Houshold, and the Knight Marshal with his Tip-Staves, he stood up against them with a wife and a confident Spirit, and would take no composition to let them share in those Priviledges, which by right they never had, but preserv'd the Char­ter of his place in its entire Jurisdiction, and laudable Immunities.

57 As the place was most Fortunate in him, so it come now to be shewn that he was most Fortunate in that place. That which was the Lodging of a Dean, be­came in the current of one year, the House of the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and the [...]lace of the Bishop of Lincoln. Ab eo Magistratu alium post alium sibi peperit; semper (que) in potestatibus eo modo agitabat, ut amplioris quàm gerebat dignns haberetur; Words as fit for this Man, as Salust made them for C. Marius. The Occasion of his sudden Rising was wondred at, because known to few. And they that were busie in the search did not find it; albeit it had done him Credit, that received the Honour. Works that deserve well, deserve the better, when they are wrapt up in Silence, till Prudence chooseth the best time to disclose [Page 48]them. When the Apostles had seen the Glory of our Lord Transfigur'd in the Mount. they were commanded Secrecy to Tell the Vision to no Man, till the Son of Man was Risen from the Dead, Math. 17.9. Let discretion then be my Warrant to give some State-Occurrencies liberty to go abroad, which were confined upon good Reason to the Kings Cabinet in their Minority; Nam [...] ille tempus est ipsum temporis. Jul. Seal. On Jan. 30. 1620. the King met with the Lords and Commons in the High Court of Parliament: The like Assembly convened anno 1613. had given unkindness to the King, so that Parliaments had been disused for seven years. The unkindness so deeply taken was chiefly from hence, that the greatest part of the House of Commons gave willing Audience to those Zealots, who would admit no business into Treaty, till they had made their passionate Complaints, That Popery was suffered to increase without Care and Controle­ment, His Majesty knowing it to be a scandalous Untruth, which blemished him in the good Opinion of his People, and the contrary so well known at home and abroad, that himself with his own Pen had cut the Head of that Supersti­tion, to the admiration of all the World. Yet the Clamour being more stoutly than wisely maintain'd by the Undertakers, it reached to this prejudice, or ra­ther mischief, that the King bethought him that all their Grievances (and they were many) were as groundless as this, and that the Proponents were not to be consulted with for the Publick Weal, and so Dissolv'd them. Generally the Grave and Moderate Gentry throughout the Realm dislike those hot Distempers, which wrought so high in the House of Commons: Yet were not satisfied with their abrupt Recess. Such Physick is too Violent for the Body, and naught for the Head. For the Unruly shall less offend in their House, than when they go home, and exaggerate Reports of Misgovernment among their Neighbours. And that Monarch sooths himself in Error, that thinks he will close up the Wound of such a Breach with a Lip-Salve of a Protestation; or by some Declaration that he will Redress Grievances by himself and by his Judges, without troubling his Lord and Commons. For it is ingrafted into the people, not to account any thing for Reformation, unless the Workmen, whom themselves have chosen, do mend the decays of the great Building.

58 It is much that a King of great Experience, and so full a Soul did discern this no sooner; at last he came to it: And after seven years Pause, he was desi­rous to try the good Temper of another Parliament. It was high time for ma­ny Respects. Let not two among many be forgotten. First he lacked Mony, and being so profuse in Gifts, he had lacked sooner, it the Custom-House had not supported the Exchequer. In ten years he had not he Received one Sub­sidy, a very long time to live like a Shell-Fish upon his own Moisture, with­out any publick Supply; which truly he deserv'd as much, or above his Prede­cessors. For the Kingdom, since his Reign began, was Luxuriant in Gold and Silver far above the scant of our Fathers that liv'd before us. Only the King wanted, who bred all the Plenty: It was dry upon the Fleece only, and there was Dew on all the ground; Jud. 6.40. Besides, those Princes should be chearfully supplied, whose Wisdom procures us safety and quiet by Treaties, rather than by Effusion of Blood. For as Or sins says well lib. 5. Hist. Tributum pretium pacis est, What is Tribute? but a Debt duly paid to Princes for enjoyment of Peace. Se­condly, and far above Mony, the King desired to close with his people in such a strein of mutual good liking, as might give him high Reputation in all Countries, wherein he did negotiate by his Ministers. A course that hath a long Span of forecast in it. For a good Correspondence with all the Heads of the people, is a Sign of the general Love of the Realm. And a King that is beloved at home, will be dreaded abroad. The House of Austria, to whom he had sent often for the Restitution of the Palatinat, which they had invaded, was so great in its own Opinion, that where they Treated, nothing came from them, but that which was fastidious and insolent. As at this time the King of Spain would deign to grant Peace to the States of the United Provinces, not unless upon conditions unsupportable; which were these four. First to acknowledge him for their Patron and Protector. Secondly, To recal their Fleets and Merchants out of the East and West Indies, surrendring what they had in either unto him, and to Trade in those Parts no more. Thirdly, To permit the Roman Catholics free use of Religion in all their Provinces, with Churches and maintenance. Fourthly, To open the Channel of free Navigation between Zealand and Antworp. They that would demand no less for their Friendship, where they had not one Foot of pos­session, were like to vex them with more lofty Bravadoes and Grandiloquence, [Page 49]in whose Territories their Armies had been most prosperous, through breach of Promises. Therefore our King was provident to fill himself with his just dimen­sions, like the Praepotent Monarch of Great Britain, fortified with the Concord and Affections of his Parliament, that by his Ambassadors employ'd to prevent the Fears, the Miseries and Oppressions of War, he might not beg but demand: He might not crave but postulate his Childrens Inheritance.

59. I could not spare these Premises for the Illustration of the sequel. The Parliament began to sit, whose bearing was dutiful to the King, but quick and minatory against some vile persons, who had spoil'd the people by illegal oppres­sions. These were Canker-worms, Harpies, Projectors, who between the easi­ness of the Lord Marquess to procure, and the readiness of the Lord Chancellor Bacon to comply, had obtain'd Patent Commissions for latent Knaveries; which Exorbitancies, being countenanc'd in the Court, were grown too strong for any Justice but the Parliaments to root them up. There the Appeals of the vexed Subject were heard, more like to Out-cries than Complaints; which fell thick up­on Sir Gyles Mompesson, and Sir Francis Michel, for Fines and Levies raised upon Inns and Ale-houses, Arbitrary impositions, and a President dangerous to spread even to Shops and Ware-houses. Others remonstrated against a pack of Chea­ters, who procured the Monopoly of Gold-thread, which with their spinning was palpably corrupted and embased. These Gilt Flies were the bolder, because Sir Edward Villers, half Brother to the Lord Marquess, was in their Indenture of As­sociation, though not Named in their Patent. A Gentleman both Religious and true hearted to good ways, who was ensnared by crafty Merchants; and so far excus'd, that after strict enquiry, when this Adulterate Ware came to the Test, it appear'd that he knew not of the Juggling of the Patentees, who drew on grie­vances with Threads of Vanity, and Scandal upon the Chief Government with Cords of Iniquity. Together with these Vermin (and much more than these) the Lord Chancellor was question'd, and without pity to his Excellent Parts) the Castle of Munera (as I borrow it from Mr. Spenser's Divine Wit) must be quite defaced. Monopolies and Briberies were beaten upon the Anvile every Day, almost every Hour. The obnoxious that were brought to the Bar of Ju­stice, with a multitude that feared to be in as ill condition, saw no way for safety, but to Poyson the King with an ill Opinion of the Parliament, that it might eva­porate into a Nullity. They terrifie the Lord Marquess, that the Grants of these things, which are now Bastardized by the Knights and Burgesses; nay, by the Lords that envy him, were begotten by his Favour and Credit. That the Ar­row of Vengeance is grazed near to himself, which is shot at his Brother. That it was time to look about him; for at the opening of that Session it was much Noted, that the King had said before all the Members, Spare none where you find just Cause to punish. And if the two Houses should sit a year, what good could be expected from them, but two or three Subsidies? That it were less danger for the King to gather such a Sum, or greater, by his Prerogative, though it be out of the way; than to wait for the exhibition of a little Mony, which will cost Dishonour, and the Ruin of his most Loyal and Faithful Servants.

60. O what a Tempting Fiend is self-preservation? These Mormo's, and ill shap'd Jealousies hatch'd in Hell, and prompted by the Father of mischief, dis­quieted the King, but Rob'd my Lord of Buckingham of all peace of Mind; till the Dean of Westminster his good Genius, conjur'd them down; whose Wis­dom luckily consulted gave him this Advice, as I find it in a Breviate of his own hand Writing. ‘That the Parliament in all that it had hitherto undertaken, had deserv'd praise, as well for their dutiful demeanor to the King, as for their Ju­stice to his people. His Majesties just and gracious Prerogative was untouch'd: The Grievances of all that were Wronged with indifferency were Received, which they must sift, or betray the Trust of their Country which sent them. The former Parliament was very Tart, if not undutiful; what then? Shall we be fearful to put our hands into cold Water, because we have been Scalded with hot? There's no Colour to quarrel at this general Assembly of the Kingdom for Tracing delinquents to their Form: For it is their proper Work. And the King hath very Nobly encourag'd them to it in his Speech that in the first day he made before them, nay even proffering to have the blemishes of his Government Re­formed by them; for his own Words must literally bear that meaning, as you well remember them; if I may know my Errors I will Reform them. But your Lordship is Jealous, if the Parliament continue Embodied in this Vigour of your own safety, or at least of your Reputation, least your Name should be used, and he brought to the Bandy, Follow this Parliament in their undertakings, and you [Page 50]may prevent it; Swim with the Tide, and you cannot be Drown'd. They will seek your favour, (if you do not start from them) to help them to settle the pub­lic Frame, as they are contriving it. Trust me and your other Servants, that have some Credit with the most Active Members, to keep you clear from the strife of Tongues. But if you assist to break up this Parliament, being now in pursuit of Justice, only to save some Cormorants, who have devoured that, which must be regorged, you will pluck up a Sluce which will over-whelm your self. The King will find it a great disservice before one year expire. The Storm will gather, and burst out into a greater Tempest, in all insequent Meetings. For succeeding Parliaments will never be Friends with those, with whom the former fell out. This is Negative Counsel. I will now spread Affirmative Proposals be­fore your Honour, which I have studied and consider'd. Delay not one day, before you give your Brother Sir Edward a Commission for an Embassage to some of the Princes of Germany, or the North-Lands, and dispatch him over the Seas before he be mist. Those empty Fellows, Sir G. Mompesson and Sir Fr. Michel, let them be made Victims to the publick Wrath. It strikes even with that Advice, which was given to Caesar in Salust, when the people expected that some should be Examples of impartial Justice, Lucius Posthumins, Marcus Fauonius mihi viden­tur qu [...]si magnae navis supervacua onera esse; Si quid adversi coort [...]m est, de illis pstis­sumon sactura sit, quia pretii minimi sunt. Let Lord Posthumius and M. Fauonius be thrown over board in the Storm; for there are no Wares in the Ship that may better be spared. Nay, my Sentence is, cast all Monopolies and Patents of gri­ping projections into the Dead Sea after them. I have search'd the Signet Office, and have Collected almost forty, which I have hung in one Bracelet, and are fit for Revocation; Damn all these by one Proclamation, that the World may see, that the King, who is the Pilot that sits at the Helm, is ready to play the pump, to eject such Filth as grew Noysom in the Nostrils of his people. And your Lordship must needs partake in the Applause; for though it is known that these Vermin haunted your Chamber, and is much Whisper'd, that they set up Trade with some little Licence from your Honour, yet when none shall appear more forward than your self to crush them, the Discourse will come about, that these Devices, which take ill, were stoln from you by Mis-representation, when you were but New blossom'd in Court, whose Deformities being Discover'd, you love not your own Mistakings, but are the most forward to re-call them.’

61. ‘Before I proceed, though Anger be an Enemy to Counsel, I confess I can­not refrain to be angry; O hearken not to Rhehoboams Ear-Wigs, drive them a­way to the Gibbet, which they deserve, that would incite the King to Collecti­ons of Aid, without concurrence of his Parliament. God bless us from those Scorpions, which certainly would beget a popular Rage. An English mans Tri­bute comes not from the King's Exaction, but by the peoples free Oblation, out of the Mouth of their Representatives. Indeed our Ancient Kings from the be­ginning did not receive, but impose Subsidies. When the Saxon Monarchs want­ed Relief for repairing Castles, Bridges, or Military Expeditions, they Levied it at their will upon the Shires, as we may learn by some Names, the only Remain­der of those Old times, Burg-boot, Brig-boot, Hen-fan, Here-geld, Horn-geld, Dane­geld, Terms that meet us every where in our Ancient Chronicles. The Normans, you may Swear, lost nothing that came in by wonted Signory, but exacted as they saw Cause, as William the Conqueror, de Unaquâ (que) hidâ sex solidos cepit, im­posed Six Shillings on every plowed Land, saith Mathew Paris. And William Ru­sus had his Auxilium non lege statutum, an Aid without an Act of Parliament, as Hoveden in the Life of Henry the Second. And in this manner the Norman Race supplied themselves, as they needed until King John's Reign; who in his great Charter bound himself, and his Successors to Collect no Aid, nisi per commune concilium regni, as it is in Matthew Paris. With this agrees the Old Sta­tute of 51 Henry the Third, de tallagio non concedendo, that Subsidies should not be Levied without the consent of Parliament. Which being confirmed also in the 25 of Edward the First, hath been inviolably observ'd by all the good and peace­able Kings of England to this very day. And God forbid that any other Course should be Attempted. For this Liberty was settled on the Subject, with such Imprecations upon the Infringers, that if they should remove these great Land-Marks, they must look for Vengeance, as if Entail'd by publick Vows on them and their Posterity.’ These were the Deans Instructions, which the Lord Mar­quess received with as much Thankfulness as he could express, and requited his Adviser with this Complement, that he would use no other Counsellor hereafter [Page 51]to pluck him out of his plunges, for he had delivered him from Fear and Folly; and had Restor'd him both to a light Heart, and a safe Conscience. To the King they go together forthwith with these Notes of honest Settlement, whom they found accompanied in his Chamber with the Prince, and in serious Discourse together upon the same perplexities. Buckingham craves leave, That the Dean might be heard upon those particulars, which he had brought in Writing; which the King Mark'd with Patience and Pleasure. And whatsoever seem'd contenti­ous or doubtful to the King's piercing Wit, the Dean improved it to the greater liking by the Solidity of his Answers. Whereupon the King resolv'd to keep close to every Syllable of those Directions. Sir Edward Villiars was sent abroad, and return'd not till September following. Michel and Mompesson received their censure, with a Salvo, that Mompesson's Lady, not guilty of his Crimes, should be preserv'd in her Honour. And, before the Month of March expir'd, Thirty seven Monopolies, with other sharking Prouleries, were decry'd in one Procla­mation, which return'd a Thousand praises, and Ten Thousand good prayers upon the Sovereign. Out of this Bud the Deans Advancement very shortly spread out into a blown Flower. For the King, upon this Tryal of his Wisdom, either call'd him to him, or call'd for his Judgment in Writing, in all that he delibera­ted to Act, or permit, in this Session of Parliament in his most private and clo­sest consultations. The more he founded his Judgment, the deeper it appear'd; so that his Worth was Valued at no less, than to be taken nearer to be a Coun­sellor upon all Occasions. The Parliament wearied with long sittings, and great pains, was content against the Feast of Easter to take Relaxation, and was Pro­rogued from the 27 of March, to the 18 of April. The Marquess had an Eye in it upon the Lord Chancellor, to try if time would mitigate the displeasure, which in both Houses was strong against him. But the leisure of three Weeks multi­plied a pile of New Suggestions against him, and nothing was presaged more certain than his downfal; which came to Ripeness on the third of May. On that day the Patent of his Office, with the Great Seal, was taken from him; which Seal was deliver'd to Four Commissioners, the Lord Treasurer Mountagu, Duke of Lenox Lord Steward of the King's Houshold, William Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain to the King, and Thomas Earl of Arundel and Surry; with whom it rested till the 10th of July following. In the mean time Sir James Leigh, Lord Chief Justice of the King's-Bench was Commissioned to be Speaker in the Up­per House; and Sir Julius Caesar, Master of the Rolls, was Authorized, with certain Judges in equal power with him, to hear, dispatch, and decree all Cau­ses in the Court of Chancery.

62 The Competitors for the Office of the Great Seal were many; Sir James Leigh before mention'd, a Widower, and upon Marriage with a Lady of the Buckingham Family; Sir Henry Hobart Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Chancellor to the Prince, a Step to the Higher Chancellorship, and as fit as any man for his Learning and Integrity; which of these it was uncertain, but one of these was expected. And verily a fitter Choice could not be made, than out of the pre-eminent Professors of the Common Laws, but that all Kings affect to do somewhat which is extraordinary, to shew the liberty of their power. The Earl of Arundel was thought upon, a Master of Reason, and of a great Fortune. For it was remembred upon the Death of Lord Chancellor Bromly anno 1587, That Queen Elizabeth designed a Peer of the Realm for his Successor; Edward Earl of Rutland, whose Merit for such a place is favour'd by Mr. Cambden, be­cause he was Juris scientiâ, & omni politiori literaturâ ornatissimus; and if his Death much bewailed, had not prevented, the Great Seal had been born before him. But the likeliest to get up (and I may say he had his Foot in the Stirrup) was Sir Lionel Cranfield, Married in the kindred that brought Dignity to their Husbands; a man of no vulgar head-piece, yet scarce sprinkled with the Latin Tongue. He was then Master of the Court of Wards, and did speak to the Causes that were brought before him quaintly and evenly. There seemed to be no Let to put him in Possession of the great vacant Office, but that the Lord Marquess, set on by the King, was upon enquiry, how profitable in a just way it might be to the Dignitary, and whether certain Branches of Emolument were natural to it, which by the endeavour of no small ones were near to Lopping: Sir Lionel besought the Marquess to be sudden, and to Advise upon those things with the Dean of Westminster, a found man and a ready, who did not wont to clap the Shackles of delay upon a business. He being spoken to, to draw up in Writing what he thought of those Cases, return'd an Answer speedily on the [Page 52]Tenth of May, with the best advantage he could foresee to the promotion of the Master of the Wards: Yet it fell out cross unto him, that the Dean woing for another, utterly beyond expectation sped for himself. The Paper which he sent to the Marquess hath his own Words, as they follow.

My most Noble Lord,

‘ALthó the more I Examine my self, the more unable I am made to my own Judgment, to wade through any part of that great Employment, which your Honour vouchsafed to confer with me about, yet because I was bred under the place, and that I am credibly inform'd my True and Noble Friend the Master of the Wards is willing to accept it (and if it be so, I hope your Lordship will incline that way) I do crave leave to acquaint your Honour, by way of preven­tion, with secret underminings, which will utterly overthrow all that Office, and make it beggerly and contemptible. The lawful Revenue of that Office stands thus or not much above at any time. In Fines certain 1300 l. per annum, or there­about. In Fines Casual 1250 l. or thereabout. In greater Writs 140 l. for impost of Wine 100 l. in all 2790. and these are all the true means of that great Office.’

Now I am credibly inform'd, that the Lord Treasurer begins to Entitle the King to to the casual Fines, and the greater Writs; which is a full Moiety of the profits of the place; not so much to Enrich the King, as to draw Grist to his own Mill; and to wind from the Chancellor the donation of the Cursi­tors places. The preventing the Lord Treasurers in these Cases, made Queen E­lizabeth ever Resolve suddenly upon the disposing of the Great Seal. Likewise they are very busie in the House of Commons (and I saw a Bill which is put up to that Effect) to settle the Custodes Rotulorum, and the Clerks of the Peace for Term of Life upon the Persons, who now possess them; which as it is inconvenient, so it is very prejudicial, and derogating from the next Lord Chancellor. Finally the Under-Officers do also Petition unto the Lords, not without Encouragement, to have some Collops out of the Lord Chancellors Fees; and New Devices will daily spring up, if the disposing be delayed any longer. Now I hope when your Lord­ship shall use this Information, to let the King see it, that you will excuse me for the boldness that I am put upon by your great Commands. The Lord Marquess being not a little Ambitious to present the King with Works of the Brain strong­ly wrought, and well carded, offered this Paper to his Majesty from the Dean of Westminster, when the Ink was scarce dry, which caused this unlook'd for say­ing from the King, You Name divers to me to be my Chancellor. Queen Elizabeth after the Death of Sir Christopher Hatton was inclined in her own Judgment, that the good man Arch-Bishop Whitgift should take the place, who modestly refus'd it, because of his great Age, and the whole multitude of Ecclesiastical Affairs lying upon his Shoulders. Yet Whitgift knew not the half that this Man doth in Reference to this Office. The Lord Marquess the less he look'd for those Words, the more he lik'd them, and Replied extempore; Sir I am a Suitor for none, but for him that is so capable of the Place in your great judgment. Be you satisfied then, says the King, I think I shall seek no further. The Lord Marquess, impotent to contain his Gladness, sent a blind Message to the Dean immediately, That the King had a Preferment in the Deck for him. He nothing aware of what the King had spoken in design to the Dignity of keeping the Great-Seal, mistook the Message to be meant of the Bishopric of London, now wanting a sit Prelate, by the Death of him that was most fit while he lived, Dr. King, whose Soul Heaven received Mar. 30. In prospect whereof, the Dean was a Suitor before. But it hapned to him as Velleius said of Scipio AEmilianus, AEdilitatem petens, Consul creatus est; He sued for the Edileship, and because that was too little, he was made a Consul. This is the very manner, as faithfully digested as any History can be contexed, how this Pre­eminency dropt upon him, that never dreamt of it. It is not like to some mistaken Report that then went about, and may yet be believed by some. But thus much is copiously disclosed for their sakes, that had rather be Disciples of Truth, then Masters of Error.

63. Such a Reader is invited to a further Collation; engaging upon peril of offending God, not to clam his Taste with the smallest Collection of Flattery. The Chancellorship, or a Title equivalent to that Office, is a Supreme Dignity in the Empire of Germany, and in all Christian Kingdoms and States, and further then Christendom, executed by the Grand Visier of the Port at Constantinople. [Page 53]Only the Chief Pontiff of the See of Rome styles the Prelate of his Palace, who presides in that Employment, his Vice-Chancellor, and no more. And why? Because, says Gomesius in his Proem to the Rules of that Court, Vices agit Cancel­larii Dei, quia Papa est Dei Cancellarius: He can be but a Vice, for the Pope him­self is God's Chancellor. Let him be as Liberal as he will to himself by his own Assumption, I am certain he is not such by God's Nomination. Leaving the Pon­tifical Court to its own Platform, elsewhere the Chancellor is the Chief Magi­strate, under the Supreme Power of the King that sets him up. To which pur­pose, Budaeus in his Notes upon the Pandects, p. 325. Cancellariatus summum est hodie honorum fastigium, & quasi quoddam summa quaeque ambientis animi solstitium. This was it then which was marvel'd, and look'd upon as a Rarity, that the King should prefer the Dean of Westminster, though very richly qualified in a Church­man's condition, to the Estival Solstice of Honour, as Budaeus calls it, at one step, who had never pass'd through the lower Ascendant Signs of the Zodiac of the Law. But that great Master of Wisdom did never repent him, that He had trusted such a Servant so far; never gave the least sign of Displeasure to the day of his Death, that He would Remove him; never tax'd him, that he had gone awry in any thing either as a public or private Person. Which good Opinion he kept so constantly, that after two years Probation in his Office, I find these Lines in a Letter which he send to the Lord of Buckingham to Madrid, May 11. 1623. The King's Grace to me is such, that I profess before God I never re­ceived ill Word, or clouded Aspect from him, since the first day I served him in this great Place. His Majesty would many times speak of him, that He never met with a better States-man for a clear, and far-reaching Judgment. His Knowledge was a Political Circle, that comprehended all things in it. Bring any Matter unto him, his Reason was never shallow, nor at Low-Water. He studied Foreign Courts, as much as this at home; and cared not what he paid to expert Ministers, Stran­gers or Native, to be acquainted with the Secrets of their Masters. The best, to whom he may be similized herein, is Frier Paul the Servite, of whom it is written, When any News were bruited, he seldom was mistaken in his Opinion, whether they were true or false; and nothing could be propounded to him, to which he did not suddenly give an Answer, and with that Solidity, as if he had meditated much upon those Answers, which were conceived presently under the Question. Such an Eminency of Intellectual Parts opened the broad Gate for this Dean to enter into the Royal Favour. As among Plants, it is the property of the Palm-Tree, says Philo, lib. 1. de Vit. Mos. that the Vital Virtue thereof is not in the Root, which is under the Earth, but in the top of the Trunk, as in the Head which is next to Heaven: And Pliny, lib. 13. c. 4. accords well unto it, Dulci; me­dulla earum in cacumine, quod cerebrum vocant: The sweet and succulent Marrow in the top, is the Brain and Life of the Palm. So to them that enquire how Dean Williams shot up so soon to this Palm of Honour, I will point to the top of the Tree, even to the Marrow of his Brain; Dulcis medulla in cacumine, quod cerebrum vocant.

64. Withal he was most Industrious; and that not by fits, but every day did conclude its Work, as if he were not to live till to morrow. No Cammel did bear more burden then he did, when he first entred to sit in the Seat of Lord-Keeper, or travel'd further with so little Food, and less rest; which he suffer'd the better, because he was weary of Ease, and loved Labour. For confirmation of it I will anticipate, how he was breath'd (till he was almost out of breath with a violent, but short Sickness) upon the end of the first Term that he appeared in Chancery. It was the Term of Michaelmas, and in the November of it the Parlia­ment sate again, in which he attended in the Office of Speaker in the Lords House. With these, concur'd a spiny and difficult Treaty between our Mer­chants, and the Agents of the United-Provinces, for the most savage Insolencies committed at Amboyna, a Treaty wherein he was the Chief Commissioner, and the sharpest against those Thieves and Murderers: Which Treaty took up three Afternoons constantly in every week, while it continued to hear that Cause. In the Court of Chancery, beside the ordinary Work, several Causes, and of a reach­ing number, were referred in the preceding Session of Parliament to the succeed­ing Lord Keeper, to review the Orders of the Predecessor displaced. Into this vast Sea of Business he launch'd forth all at once. Hereupon my self, and half an hundred more, have seen his Industry, that he was compel'd to sit by Candle­light in the Court two hours before day, and there to remain till between eight and nine, that the Prince being come to the Lords House, sent for him to take [Page 54]his Place, there to Propound and Report the Questions of that Honourable House, till past twelve every day, not seldom till past one. After a short Repast at home, he returned to hear the Causes in Chancery, which he could not dispatch in the morning. Or if he did attend at Council in Whitehall, he came back to­ward evening, and followed his Employment in Chancery till eight at night, and later. Then, on the neck of this, when he came home, he perused such Papers as were brought to him by his Secretaries And after that, though far in the night, prepared himself for so much as concerned him to have in readiness for the Lords House in the morning. In this overwhelming hurry of Troubles, of such divers sorts and compositions, what time come could he borrow for necessary Refreshment, or the Repose of his wearied Body night or day? And as the good King pick'd him out for this Task, because He foresaw that none would outdo him in Diligence, so He prefer'd him to be Great in Place, because He knew he was great in Courage. The Supporters on the Steps of Salomon's Throne were not Sheep, but Lions. The way to be Just, is to be Inflexible; the way to be Inflexi­ble, is to be Stout; casting all thoughts of Fears and Favours under feet. No man by natural complexion could be better engrained for it. I will take it up from one that had no mind to say the best of him; Mr. Art. Wil. p. 196. He was of a comely and stately Presence, and that, animated with a great Mind, made him appear very proud to the vulgar Eye. Quaedam videntur, & non sunt: So far was his Heart from Pride, that he never thought himself the finer for the Trappings of Fortune. Yet so far from baseness, that he knew the Bench he sate upon, and would not be made despicable in the Eyes of the World, much less be brought about to serve great Men's turns, and stretch the Causes of the Court, according to the Contents of their Letters and Messages; which were no better, in a rude Phrase, then to be a Pandar to their Lust, to let them deflower Justice. There­fore in the same Leaf, says Ar. Wil. again, The height of his Spirit made him odi­ous to them that raised him, happily because they could not attain to those Ends by him, which they required of him. The height of his Spirit made him speak freely, and counsel faithfully, and decree justly, though that Lord, to whom he had espoused his greatest Devotion, were concerned in the Opposition. Which was rectitude and magnitude of Mind, as Tully in his Brutus makes Atticus decipher Caesar, Splendidam miniméque veteratoriam dicendi rationem tenet; voce, motu formâ etiam magnifieâ & generosâ quodammodò. His Person, his Gesture, his Eloquence, were magnificent and generous; whose wont it was to reduce his chief Friends to Reason, not craftily and timidly, but with a noble and sublime Sincerity.

65. Among the Qualities of a good Judge, there is one remaining, and fit to bring up the Rear, which the King look'd upon as verily to be presaged in his new Officer, an Hand clean from corruption and taking Gifts, which blind the Eyes of the Wise, and pervert the Words of the Righteous, Deut. 16.19. 'Twas loudly ex­claimed, (and the King was ashamed to have so far mistaken the Persons) that there were sucking Horse-Leeches in great places. Things not to be valued at Money were saleable; and what could not Gold procure? As Meander writes, [...]: That is, Friends, and Judges, and Witnesses, you may have them for a Price; nay, such as sit in the place of God, will serve you for such Wages. The wise King having little prevailed by Monitions and Menaces against this fordid Filthiness, cast his Liking upon a Man whom He might least suspect for Gripleness and Bribery. The likeliest indeed of all others to shake this Viper from his hand, and to be armed with a Breast-plate of Integrity against the Mammon of Iniquity; for he was far more ready to give, then to take; to oblige, then to be beholding: Magis illud laborare ut illi quamplurimi debeant, as Salust of Jugurtha. He was well descended, of a fortunate and ancient Lineage, and had made his progress to Advancements by Steps of Credit; a good Bridle against base Deviations. What then made an an unsavoury Historian call him Country Pedant? A Reproach with which H. L. doth flirt at him in his History of King Charles; a scornful Untruth. So I shake off this Bar, and return to the Reverend Dean, who was in a Function of Holy Calling next to God. Among them I know all have not been incorrupt; the Sons of Samuel turned aside after Lucre, and took Bribes, and perverted Judgment, 1 Sam. 8.3. But commonly I trust they do not forget what a Scandal it is, if God's Stewards turn the Devils Rent-Gatherers. He was also unmarried, and so unconcerned in the natural Impulsion of Avarice to provide for Wife and Children. Our old moral Men touched often upon this String, that Justice is a Virgin, [...], says Hesiod; and therefore fit to be committed to the trust of a Virgin Ma­gistrate. [Page 55]He was never fullied with Suspicion that he loved Presents, no not so much as Gratuidad di Guantes, as the Spaniards Phrase is; but to go higher, they are living that know, what Sums of Value have been brought to his Secretaries, such as might have swayed a man that was not Impregnable; and with how much Solicitousness they have been requested to throw them at his Feet for Favours al­ready received; which no man durst undertake, as knowing assuredly it would displace the Broker, and be his Ruine. And it was happy for him, when, five years after, Lime-Hounds were laid close to his foot-steps to hunt him, and every corner searched to find a little of that Dust behind his door: Eut it proved a dry scent to the Inquisitors; for, to his Glory and the Shame of his Enemies, it could never appear that the least Bird-lime of Corruption did stick to his Fingers. And now I have shewn what was the rich Portion, which he brought when he was wedded to the Office of the Great-Seal, these are convictive, and day-light Evi­dences. To one or two Writers of late, that have gone another way, I have no­thing to answer, because in those things wherein they calumniate, they address not themselves to prove any thing Enough to give them up to the censure of that Infamy which they merit, Qui notitiam viri non ex bonis gestis, dictisque, sed ex mi­nus probabilibus fieri volunt; quo quid nequius? says the Author called Zeno of Verona. When such candid Authors, as Sir T. Moore, Sir J. Hayward, S. Daniel, and Re­nowned Camden, wrote the Lives of Princes, they drew the Characters of Men by their Actions, and Speeches; not out of Obloquies and Suspicions, the Brats of rotten Fame, that have no Father. But in Sick, or rather Pestilentious Times, when no Wares are set forth so much as Untruths and Malice, too many are not more bold to Lie, then confident to be Believed. Never, with no People under the Sun, did Veracity suffer so much as by the Pen of Sir A. Wel. whose Pamphlet is Perpetuus Rhotacismus, one snarling Dogs-Letter all over; which I condemn therefore, as Philoxenus the Poet censured Dionysius the Syracusan's Tragedy, A fronte ad calcem unâ liturâ circumduxit, Correct it with one Scratch or Score from the beginning to the end.

66. Such as he are not in my way; why then should I loiter one Line to jostle them out? Yet since discreet Persons, and they that extol'd the Dean, and confess'd that his Soul carried a great freight of Worth, did think their Exceptions weighty against his undergoing that great Office, I will not dissemble as if I were a Stran­ger to them. The Words of the Wise are as Nails, fastned by the Masters of Assem­blies, Eccles. 12.11. Yet some Nails are not so fast in, but they may be wrench'd out. Many alledged, that he had Dedicated himself to the Church in an holy Calling: Why should he take his hand from his own Plow, to preside in Secular Affairs? Indeed when the Harvest was great, and the Labourers few, it was the Summum bonum of a Labourer to ply that Harvest; for nothing could be better, then to Plant the Gospel among those that had not believed. But where an whole Na­tion is gained so far as to believe in Christ, and the Message of Salvation known to all; that Church is preserved unto Christ by other means beside Preaching. They that attend their Charge in Prayer, Exhortation, and dispensing the Sacra­ments in all Quarters of the Land, had need to have some of their own Coat in Places of Power and Dignity, to preserve their Maintenance from Sacrilege, and their Persons from being trodden down with dirty Feet. Such as God hath bless'd to go in Rank with the Chiefest to help their Brethren, whether in public Office, or in Attendance on their Sovereign, in his Chappel, Closet, Eleemosy­nary Trust, or the like, they are as much in the Harvest, as they that labour in the Pulpit. St. Ambrose in his sundry Embassages for his Lord the Emperor; the Father of Gr. Nazianzen a Bishop, of whom his Son says in his Epitaph, that he was [...], employed in Pre-eminency, and Ho­nour, and Government. Euseb. de vit. Constanti. l. 4. c. 27. Sozom. l. 1. c. 9. mention the Rescript of Constantine to Ablavius the Praetorian Praefect, Ut pro Sanctis semper & venerabilibus habeatur, quicquid Episcoporum fuerit sententiâ terminatum: idque in cansis omnibus, quae vel Praetorio, vel civili jure tractantur. Which large Conces­sion of Constanstine was restrained indeed by Gratian and Valentiman, an. 376, Ad causas quae ad Religionis observantiam pertinebant. All the Prelates to whom the Emp. Constan­tine the Great referred the Hearing of Causes by Appeals, which they discharged to the gaining of great Love and Praise; these were not out of their Sphere, but served the Church, when they did that which ingratiated the Church, and made the Christian Name to be venerable. Some never speak of Secular Policy, but as of a Prophane thing; whereas a worthy Man may manage a Civil Tribunal with that maintenance of Virtue, with that galling of Vice and evil Manners, so [Page 56]as many good Pulpit-Orators put together might give God thanks, if their Success were equal. Councils, it is true, may be produced, as, to be brief, the Quin-Sext in Trullo, can. 11, which forbids Priests and Deacons, (it names not Bishops) [...], to handle worldly Principalities. I am struck with Re­verence to the Council, but not Convicted by its Reason, which is fetch'd out of one Scripture, that no Man can serve two Masters. Tell this to the Ecclesiastics of Rome, who are wholly buried in Things, not only different, but contrary to the Ministry Instituted by Christ. Opposite Masters cannot be served by one faithful Servant, subordinate may; for we may love both, and hate neither. The King's Service in a Righteous way is not opposite to Christ's Evangelical Administra­tions, but co-incident. And a Supreme Governor doth not lose his Right in a Subject, that is made a Priest or Bishop; but may employ him under him as he pleaseth, since the compacture of the whole Commonwealth together is but one Christian Oeconomy. ABP. Spots­wood, p. 299. In the Articles proponed to the Parliament at Sterling by Mr. Andrew Melvin, an. 1578. this is the 17th of the 11th Cap. ‘We deny not that Ministers may, and should assist their Princes, when they are required, in all things agreeable to the Word of God, whether it be in Council, or Parliament, or out of Council; providing always that they neither neglect their own Charges, nor through flattery of Princes hurt the public State of the Church.’ A Caution that their own Charges be not neglected, is most Pious; otherwise the Indulgence is very indefinite. Many Zealots are as kind to themselves in England to serve their own turn. I never saw any of our Ministry more abstracted from their Studies, continually progging at the Parliament-Door, and in Westminster-Hall for many years together, having no Calling, but that of an Evil Spirit to raise Sedi­tion, then those that were most offended at a Bishop, for bestowing some part of his Time in a Secular Place: And yet a considerate Judge will not say, that the Lord-Keepership is an Employment merely Secular. To mitigate the strict Cases of the Law with the Conscience of the King, in whose Place he sits, is it not as fully Ecclesiastical, as a Consistory of teaching and ruling Elders? Ulpian did not stick to say of all the grave Senators, that sate upon the Bench to decide Right from Wrong, Nos meritò juris sacerdotes à quòdam dicti sumus, siquidem sanctissima res est civilis sapientia. This Heathen was pleased to have them styled, Priests of the Law, because the Wisdom of Civil Judicature was an holy Thing. Much more it agrees in a Chancellor, who directs that part which is [...], as Ari­stotle says, Eth. 5. the mitigating of public Justice, when it breaths Intemperate Rigour. Happy are the People who are governed by full and exact Laws, which make them liable, as little as may be, to the Errors and Passions of Arbitrary Mo­deration: Yet because a Law is a General Rule, and that it is not possible that a General Rule should provide sufficiently to satisfie all particular Cases, therefore as the same Philosopher said again, Polit. 3. Let the Laws have the chief Power, yet sometimes let one or more Judges have the Power of the Laws; which in effect is the merciful Voice of God, to mollifie the Strictness and Inconveniencies of the Voice of Man. And we living in a Christian State, how can that be incongruous, nay any way unseemly in his Person, that is an Ambassador of Christ?

67. It was said also, that he was illiterate in the knowledge of the Laws, being bred up in other Studies, and very unprepared to discharge this Function. But it was quickly unsaid as soon as the Court had trial of his Abilities. There have been others besides Peter Gallaudes, that have been capacious of all Sciences and Learning, of whom Turnebus Advers. l. 2. c. 1. Omnium rerum capax natura, quam it a facile regebat, & versabat, ut quicquid ageret, unum illud curae habere, tractaréque putaretur. So this man had a mind of such a Glebe by the felicity of Nature, and so manured, that it could bring forth a plentiful Crop, whatsoever Seed or Grain was cast into it; and whatsoever he addicted himself to convey into the Store-house of his Brain, he was never long at suck, but had it with much more speed then other men. Though he was never a Practitioner in the course of the Law, yet he had been an hard Student in the Tenures, Reports, and other Compilements of that Profession. But no marvel if others were diffident of him, for he was very diffident of himself. Therefore he humbly besought the King, he might be a Tem­porary Lord-Keeper, nay a Probationer and no more, as it is divulged in the Cabal, p. 56. and of the rest of that in a sitter place. Nay, he besought that His Majesties free and unlook'd-for Election might bear the blame of his Infirmities; as Gregory the Great wrote to Mauritius the Emperor, when he did in a manner en­force Gregory to be Bishop of Rome, Lib. 1. Ep. 5. Necesse est ut omnes culpas meas & negligentias non mihi, sed tuae pietati populus deputet, qui virtutis Ministerium infirmo [Page 57]commisit. The Chancellorship of England is not a Chariot for every Scholar to get up and ride in it. Saving this one, perhaps it would take a long day to find another. Our Laws are the Wisdom of many Ages, consisting of a world of Customs, Maxims, intricate Decisions, which are Responsa prudentum. Tully could never have boasted, if he had lived among us; Si mihi vehementer occupato stoma­chum moverint, triduo me jurisconsultum profitebor. Orat. pro Mar. If the Advocates of Rome anger'd him, though he were full of business, he would pass for a Lawyer in 3 days. He is altogether deceived, that thinks he is fit for the Exercise of our Judicature, because he is a great Rabbi in some Academical Authors; for this hath little or no Copulation with our Encyclopaidy of Arts and Sciences. Quin­tilian might judge right upon the Branches of Oratory and Philosophy, Omnes Disciplinas inter se conjunctionem rerum, & communionem habere. But our Law is a Plant that grows alone, and is not entwined into the Hedge of other Professions; yet the small insight that some have into deep Matters, cause them to think, that it is no insuperable Task for an unexpert man, to be the chief Arbiter in a Court of Equity: Bring Reason and Conscience with you, the good stock of Nature, and the thing is done. Aequitas optimo cuique notissima est, is a trivial Saying, A very good man cannot be ignorant of Equity: And who knows not that extreme Right is extream Injury? But they that look no further then so, are short-sighted: For there is no strein of Wisdom more sublime, then upon all Complaints to measure the just distance between Law and Equity; because in this high Place, it is not Equity at Lust and Pleasure that is moved for, but Equity according to Decrees and Precedents foregoing, as the Dew-beaters have trod the way for those that come after them. What was more Absolute then the Power of the Pretorian Courts in Rome? Yet they were confined by the Cornelian Law to give Sentence Ex edictis perpetuis; to come as near as might be to the Perpetual Edicts of former Pretors: And wherefore? Of that Budaeus informs us: Ne juris dicendi ratio arburaria praetoribus esset, & pro eorum libidine subinde mutabilis. In Pandec. p. 205. To keep Justice to cert [...]in and stable Rules; for every man will more readily know how to find his own, when he trusts to that Light, which burns constantly in one Socket. This is to keep the Keeper from Extravagancies of his own Fancies and Affections, and to hold him really to Conscience; and Conscience, as it is in Queen Elizabeth's Motto, is Semper ead [...]m, It is ever the same. No all this doth adorn and am­plisie the great Wisdom of the Dean, that being made the Pilot in the chief Ship of the Political Navy, a Pilot that had never been a Mariner in any Service of that Vessel before; yet in all Causes that ever he heard, he never made an im­prosperous Voyage. For from his first setting forth to his last Expedition, the most Envious did never upbraid him with Weakness, or scantiness of Know­ledge. Neither King James, King Charles, nor any Parliament, which gave due Hearing to the frowardness of some Complaints, did ever appoint that any of his Orders should be retexed: Which is not a Pillar of Honour, but a Pyramid. Fulgentius hath Recorded the like upon the Wonder of his Age, Father Paul of Venice, that being Provincial of his Order, and hearing many Causes, none of the Judgments that he gave (which were innumerable) were ever Repealed upon Instance made to higher Judgment. Neither do I find that any of his Fraternity did maunder, that the Frier was a Strippling but 28 years old, and therefore but a Novice to make a Provincial, who is a Judge and a Ruler over his Fellows. He had better Luck in that then our Dean, who was 39 years old when he atchieved this great Honour, yet some (it is presumed they were nettled with Emulation) utterly disliked his Age, that it was not wrinkled with Gravity. They were but Yonkers themselves that made such Cavils; For he that is stepping into the For­tieth Year of his Life, if he have spent his Time as he ought, is come to adult ma­turity. Many, as soon as their Spring is over, are in their Autumn. So Nazian­zen calls Basil, then but a young man, [...]; One whose Mind was gray with Senility, before his Head was enrich'd with Silver Hairs. And how prevailing was Cato in the Senate at the time of the Catilinarian Con­spiracy? And yet, in my Collection, at that time he had scarce seen 30 years in the World. I will cite out of many Examples but one more, and that's Lasthenes in Aeschylus his Tragedy, [...]; He car­ried an aged Soul in a youthful Body. We learn out of the Typical Lessons of the Old Law, Levit. 2.14. That green Ears of Corn were accepted for an holy Oblation, if Oyl and Frankincense were put upon them. Which will bear this Note: That the Gifts of our young and flourishing Age are very sweet, when they are Balsam'd with Discretion.

[Page 58] 68. At last I come slowly to a Stone of Offence, that cannot quite be remo­ved; yet I come to it. It were not Ingenuous to deal like Fl. Josephus, that in all his History never mentioned the Trespass of his Fore-fathers in Worshiping the Golden Calf at Horeb. But why should that be covered which the Penitent him­self did not conceal? That Eruptions of Anger flash'd from him too often, which he confess'd in his Letter to the Lord of Buckingham, printed in the Cabal, p. 78. Heat and Earnestness, I know by looking into my self, are Symptoms of good Nature. It is in a manner a National Cognizance among his Country-men the Welsh, to be quickly stirred, and of an hot Blood; and when they have been very loud in Choler for a trice, after a short fray to be as good Friends as ever. I con­fess this was a Bird of that Feather. He that will trouble himself with me, to look upon the Disease, and the Sympton's in a moral Landchape, shall not altoge­ther be weary of it. The composition of Fire is great in some men; there is some of it in all men. So says he that wrote the Book of Wisdom, c. 2. v. 2. [...]; There is a little Spark in the m [...]ving of our Heart. Some are so still, so happy in Tranquility, that they are little provoked to Hasti­ness and Heat: The Spark glows not, but lies as if it were cover'd under the Ashes. Some have more Brimstone in their Complexion, and if they take disrelish, their Spirits are hurried to their Heart swifter then Lightning, which blow the Spark, and the Spark kindling in the Blood makes it boil over, before Reason can be con­sulted how to cool it. Now as there is no Good in us, but hath much Infirmity; so there is no Infirmity in us out of which God cannot bring much Good: For, in the memory of all Times, those that were of Cholerical Complexions have been the most active, and the most fortunate in bringing great Exploits about. No better Witness can be quoted, then the meekest Writer that the Greek Church enjoyed: Nazian. Orat. 26. [...]. (He writes it for the Defence of St. Peter, of an hasty Nature, and a prompt Speaker.) Do not utterly condemn all angry Heat, without which nothing that is Brave can be brought to pass towards Piety and Virtue. Again, though it be an unruly Passion, it wants not this Apology, That it chafes away Malice, as it were, by imperceptible Perspiration. Usually such as are quickly instigated to Displeasure, and seem to be Foes, of all that we converse with, soonest become Friends. When I instance in Theodosius the Elder, it is to let him stand for the Figure of Ten thousand; of whom says Aurelius Victor, Irasci rebus indignis, sed flecli cito, unde modicâ dilatione emolliebatur: He was quickly angry, and quickly entreated, mollified after his Fit in the turning of an hand. A Weakness that deserves much Indulgence, when it draws such a Virtue after it: Which in the knowledge of all men, that were willing to see the Truth, was the Dispraise and the Praise of our Prelate, who came to such sudden Greatness. He was quickly stirred and provoked, but the Sun never went down upon his Wrath. There did not live that Christian that would put up greater Wrongs, or pass them over with a more slight Contempt. He forgat Injuries as if they had been Dreams; neither could be endure to be told that he had been injured, when fawning Sycophants came to whisper such things in secret. He liked the Infor­mer far worse then the Offender: The first was sure to have no Reward; the other was certain to have no more then a mild Rebuke for his Punishment. Re­venge is a kind of Savage Justice, though Wolvish Natures affect it, which he ab­horred, first out of Evangelical Charity, next out of the greatness of his Spirit: Wherein, if he had his match, I think upon Earth he had not his Superior, being most exorable to Offenders, facile in taking Satisfaction, faithful after Reconciliation; using his Power too much to Protect some, but never to Ruine any; towards Male-contents that sometimes forgat good Manners, his Heat was so far abated, that he was too cord in Repressing them: As Theophylact said of Joseph his Pacifica­tory Thoughts toward the Blessed Virgin, That he was willing, [...], so he was ever inclined to overshadow a Fault with a gentle Interpretation. Take his Picture in his own words, as he wrote them to the L. Buckingham in be­half of the wise and valiant Earl of Southampton, Cabal, p. 59. Of all Actions, forget not those of Mercy and Goodness, wherein Men draw nighest to God himself; Nor of all Persons, Prisoners, and afflicted Josephs. Celerity doth redouble an Act of Mercy; therefore it is no Flattery to contest, that such a proneness to Ebullition of Anger, is much better then a sullen Saturnine Temper, which betrays not it self outwardly in flame, but burns inwardly with implacable Rancour; which Cato of Veica had learnt out of the School of the Stoics: He was not easily incensed, but if he were, [...], says Plutarch, being once warmed, he was never cool again. To [Page 59]whom this man was so contrary, that if he had been Transported to Transgress against Civility towards any Man, who in the distraction of much business had rush'd upon him unseasonably, and follow'd him with Insolency, able to discom­pose a most Resolved Patience, I would have undertaken, in less than two hours, to present that man's business to him with hope of good success, if the Justice of his Cause would bear it, when I durst not have moved him for another Man.

69. To stoop this Vinacre to the very Lees; some will say, that Eruptions of Anger in a Person of Honour, chiesly if they be fierce, will seem to be com­pounded with Pride and Haughtiness; the Answer without struggling shall be with yielding, and distinguishing. It is granted that Anger and Pride are seldom parted; Eccles. 7.10. The patient in Spirit, is better than the Proud in Spirit; which infers, that there is some Pride, where there is not patience, there is a Connexion between Evil Works; every Offence against God is a Lump of Spawn; a Row that will yield a Fry of Sins; especially by the incubation of Custom and Impenitency. In this knot and coherence of Sins a severe Casuist will tell you, that there is no Sin committed without Pride in the Stomach of the Disobedient. Questionless it putrifies somewhat in every Man's Heart by Origi­nal fomentation. But there are Mountains of Pride, and there are Hillocks; no Fragment of so great a Sin is so little as a Mole Hill. There is a proud Man who is a great Oppressor, who would cast down all that are in his way, and Trample upon them to ascend higher and higher upon their Subjection. Paca­tus says neatly in his Panegyric to Theod sius, that the people could find no worse Name for Tarquinius the Tyrant, than Tarquinius the Proud. And upon Davids prayer to God to deliver him from the Horns of the Unicorn, it is St. Austin's Note, In Unicornibus superbi intelliguntur, qui soli cupiunt eminere. He is the single Horn of the Unicorn, that in singularity of Pride would excell in Power, and push all others down; from whom, let us all say with David, Good Lord deliver us. Herein he that I write of, is nothing concern'd; that Crime hath no similitude with his Mercy and Modesty. There is a proud Man that Values his own Worth, or rather no Worth, in an high Estimation, and above the common Level of Men like Julian, the Renouncer of Christ, that put scorn upon all Worthies, Heathenish as well as Christian, and this Great Idolater Worship'd nothing but himself. This Arrow shoots wide from our present Mark, Gods Grace be Thanked; this Pride, which hath the true Taste of Lucifer, is ra­ther begotten by Melancholy, than by Anger. It was not possible that one should be more liberal than Dean Williams was, in Attributing due and down-Weight to every Man's Gifts, his Candor made him praise every one promiscuously, per­haps beside his Judgment; and I have heard him prefer divers, and very seri­ously, before himself, who came short a Mile and a way-bit. This, as it ought, let it stand for a Flower of Humility; for his erected Spirit, so free from base­ness, would never stoop to Hypocrisie. In fine, there is a Pride, when we Love our own Desires, our own Delight and Satisfaction; not only our Will, but our Starts and Fancies so much in every thing, that without open Offence taken we wil be cross'd in nothing. It spurns at every Rub in the way; it frets a­gainst Beasts, nay against things insensible: Now he that is disturb'd, if he be not humor'd at every Turn, must take this Rebuke with Patience, that he is a proud Man. This frailty was his blemish: This last kind of Pride and Anger compounded together: Yet I believe he might have been Tempted to be prou­der in another kind, if he had not been familiar with this infirmity. But his in­sight into this defect, begat in him a loathing of himself, and a lowly mind. Nei­ther was he ignorant that some went beyond him in the cunning of getting Af­fections with a formal patience, who were not his Paragons in Innocency and Cordial Humility. Now let an Upright Moralist be the Judge of this Great Judge; it is not for the satisfaction of a wrangling Mome; for what can be expe­cted from Crabs but Verjuice?

70. The Abilities of the designed Lord Keeper were such, and (be it deliver'd impartially) greater than are set forth, as in time he made it good. But when it came to be divulged, that this preferment hovered over him, it was much, and dividedly spoken of as a Paradox of Honour. Some could not believe it; some said it was no New way, but an Old one Renewed, and God give him Joy of it. Some did stomach it, I must not say Envy it; for Envy is so low and base a Sin, that every Man, though the most guilty of it, will scorn to confess it. The best Professors of our Laws took it sadly without doubt, that one who did never Run in their Race, had got their Garland. Many others there were, and ever will [Page 60]be, that, like Joseph's Brethren, hate the very Dream of a Sheaf, to which they must do Obeysance. Therefore it requir'd the Art of a Wise Man to set up the Frame with that skill, that it might be no Eye-sore to the Judicious beholder; which was thus Effected. Though the Grant of the Place was fixed upon this Man, without any likelihood of Revocation; yet he besought the King and ob­tain'd, that Ten Weeks should run out before the Seal should be remanded from the Commissioners, and put into his Custody. A Benefit of sundry Advantages. The least was, that popular Discourse, inclining much to descant upon this mat­ter, would spend it self away in two or three Months, and as it were boyl from a Pint to a Spoonful. It was further look'd into, that he might have respite to study the Weight and Trust of the Office, whereby to supply it with that skill, as might in Candor be expected from a Beginner; which he improved as far as could be done in so short a time; having the assistance of Sir Harry Finch, a most profound Lawyer, whom he kept in his Lodgings from May to October fol­lowing, for all sorts of Advice, The best Heifer he could have Plowed with, to find out Riddles, Jud. 14.18. What could not his quick capacity draw from such a Master? Or what could not Industry reach to with that Capacity? being of all Men, perhaps above all men, most Laborious; and far from the sheepishness of Sloth, the greatest blemish in our English Nation. He had day enough also to look about him, to enquire for able and honest Servants, to be prefer'd into the Chief places of Fidelity under him, which succeeded with that praise of Judg­ment, and Blessing of Success, that certainly God was at his Right hand in it; some of his Followers were as Learned Gentlemen as our Kingdom had. No man that knew them will deny that to be due to Sir William Boswel, and Mr. Edward Palmer. All of them were of Vertuous Conversation, Grave Deport­ment, greatly experienced in the World, Sober, Civil, Uncorrupt; in a Word it was a Ship of Argonautes; so that I have heard of our Honourable Peerage, and of the worthy Judges then Living not a sew affirm, that an Houshold so Ex­cellently model'd, was one of the most evident things that discover'd the great Wisdom of the Master. Other things likewise in the Interlunium, as I may call it, of that Great Office were spread abroad by Fame, and very justly, which serv'd exceedingly to sweeten the general Opinion. They that could dive fur­thest into Court secrets had found, that it was a preferment that came to hand of it self, neither lured to, nor whistled to; never sued for, never sought for; but as Mamertinus said of the Consulship which Julian bestowed upon him of his own Grace, and proper Motion, non modo nullum popularium deprecatus sum, sed ne te quidem Imperator, quem orare praeclarum, cui preces adbibere plenissimum dignita­tis est. 'Tis humane to wonder at such a Fortune, 'twere divellish to Envy it. It qualified also, that no detection could be made then, or thereafter, that he bought this Greatness, unless in Claudian's sense, Emitur solâ virtute potestas. But this Place was pointed out by the King, not for him that would give, but to him that would not take; to one that pretended to make no more requital, than to serve God in his Calling, to be True to the King, and no Exactor upon his people. If a Jearer shall cast in, that no marvel if he paid nothing down to his up-lifter, for he was low in Coffers and Credit, and not worth a Bribe; such a one says the same Truth that I do to the main, but he Collects it falsely. For the Dean was never Richer in present Coin in his Life, than he was at that time, which came to appear upon this Account, that as soon as he was warm in this New Honour, e'en within two Months after, William Earl of Pembroke his No­ble Friend, made the Bargain with him to purchase his Grand-Fathers Lands in Wales, which were slipt aside by ill Husbandry, for which he disbursedten Thousand pounds, not much more being to be added to the Seller, which he borrowed; wherein he Explained two things to the World by this one Act, that such Monies as lay by him he gave not for his Office; and those that he laid out, he got not by his Office. This was not his Forecast, but the Lords above; who takes care for every Sparrow. He little thought to live upon that pittance in his Old Age. But God provided it, that when the wide Throat of Sacrilege had swallowed down more than ever was devoured at one Gulp, when the pleasant Vine of the Church of England, with all the Fruitful Branches were cut down with the Pru­ning Hook of an Ordinance, than this little Gourd in Wales should shadow over the head of our Jonah. It was well said of Plato, That a Prudent Man would lay by somewhat in Store to supply him; neither was it superfluous though it did survive him; for, says he, I had rather leave somewhat, though to mine Enemy, when I Die; than stand in need of my Friends, who may prove no Friends, while I live.

[Page 61] 71. I am yet in the lingring Season of the Parasceve, or induction prepara­tive, before the Candidate carried the Palm in his hand, wherein he proceeded, as far as the Line of a good Wit would let him run, to gain public Equanimi­ty to the Kings intentions. For he besought His Majesty to clog the Grandeur of that place with such Terms and Conditions in his person, as might comprize it in a less Size, than it was ever before Received by any. All which were his own Invention, and his own seeking, as it is somewhat detected in the Cabal. pag. 56. but more largely drawn out in his own Papers, and offered only to be Engross'd in an Act of Council. First, That the King would continue no Chan­cellor in that place above three years thenceforth; which should first be put in practice in this Mans person. Secondly, That he should be admitted in the Na­ture of a Probationer for one year and half; and if it appear'd the Charge of the Office to be above his Abilities, yet doing Justice equally to his best power, he should be Rewarded with an Arch-Bishopric, or one of the best Bishoprics at the End of that Term. Thirdly, If upon the expiring of one year and half, it were found that he discharged the Trust to His Majesties contentment, the Royal Pleasure should be signified to continue him to the Triennial Period. Fourthly, When three years were finish'd, to have no further expectance to hold that Of­fice, but to give it over with a peremptory Resignation; so I may say, like Sala­dine the Great, He carried the Winding Sheet of his Honour before him as a Banner. Fifthly, He moved earnestly that the Court of Chancery might have a Master of the Rolls of exact knowledge and judgment to sit with him, Naming Sir Robert Heath the King's Solicitor; but it was hindred by some, that would try how he could Walk on such slippery Ground, without a Staff to lean upon. Sixthly, He Petitioned for some of the principal Judges of the several Benches, whom he Named, that two at least should always assist him, submitting himself humbly as a young Tree to be kept steady with such supporters A Prudent way, to have many Sage Heads concur to produce one Act of Wisdom. To say in the contrary, it is best to leave the entire matter to one, if he be of sound Intelligence, is as gross a Flattery as that of the Orator in the Panegyric to Maximianus, quid opus erat multitudine, cum ipse pugnares? What needed an Army in the Field, when Maxi­mian himself did Fight? Now so many of the Orders forecited as concern'd the Mortality of that Office, and set the period of his duration in it, were Mortal Laws, and utterly forgotten; for he continued as he began without interpellation above four years, till he was annihilated by his frown, whose favour had Created him. The Complication of those Restrictions served only for a Method of dis­cretion in a due Season, to keep that Dignity low shorn in appearance, that it might not be blasted with the Lightnings of Envy. Yet these things so dispread were more confirm'd in Vogue and Opinion, by a Speech which he made to the King in the Audience of all the Lords of the Council, when the Great Seal was actuall delivered to him at Whitehall, July 10. which followeth Verbatim.

72. ‘Most Dread and Mighty Sovereign, if I should think my self any way wor­thy or sufficient for this Great Place, wherein Your Majesty is pleas'd to make Probation of me, I were the most unworthy and insufficient Wretch in all the World. But in good Faith I do not: But as Conscious of mine own Weak­ness, as I am quite astonish'd at Your Favour and Goodness. I do not therefore trouble my Head to find out the Reasons of this Advancement, because I take it for no Ordinary Effect, but an extraordinary Miracle. Deus, & qui Deo proxi­mus, tacito munera dispertit aribtrario, & beneficiorum suorum indignatus per homines stare judicium, mavult de subditis dedisse Miraculum. I must only lift up mine Eyes unto Heaven, and beseech that God, who some Ten Years since brought me like Elisha to be Servant only unto that Elias, who under God and Your Ma­jesty was the Chariot and Horsemen of our Israel, that now he would be pleased to double the Spirit of Elias upon his Servant Elisha, whom Your Majesty hath thus invested with his Robe and Mantle. And for my especial direction, I will take up that Counsel which Pliny gave his Friend Maximus, Newly Elected Prae­tor for Achaia, Meminisse oportet Officii Titulum; I will never forget my Office and Title, I am design'd to be a Probationer in this Place, and as a Probatio­ner by God's Grace I will demeane my self; I will take up together with this Seal that Industry, Integrity and Modesty, Non ut me Consulem, sed ut consula­tus candidatum putem. That is, I will not Esteem my self a Keeper, but a Suitor only for the Great Seal. And if I feel the burden too heavy (which I mightily fear and suspect) I will choose rather desinere quàm deficere, to slip it off willing­ly to some stronger Shoulder, than to be crush'd in pieces with the poise of the [Page 62]same. And I humbly beseech your Majesty also to Remember, I am no more than a meer Probationer. If I prove Raw at the first, I must have my time to Learn. The best of them all have craved no less, and I will desire no more. For if after the full weighing of my Strength I shall still find my self unable for this Service, I will say unto Your Majesty, as Jacob said unto Pharaoh, Pastor ovium est servus tuus; whatsoever You are pleas'd Sir to make me, I am but a Keeper of Sheep; in that Calling Your Majesty found me, and to that Calling I shall ever be ready to appropriate my self again. In the mean time I beseech Your Majesty to protect this Court of Justice wherein You have plac'd me, that the Strength and Power of that body be nothing impaired through the weakness of the Head. Nemo Adolescentiam meam contemnat. Let not my Fel­lows of an other Profession cry out with him in the Psalm. There, there, so would we have it, neither let them say, We have Devoured him. And so I end with my Prayer unto God, That Your Majesty may Live long, and my self no longer, than I may be serviceable to Your Majesty.’

73. The King heard him very Graciously to the end, and used no more then these few Words in Answer, ‘That he was pleas'd in his Settlement, as in any whom he had prefer'd, and was perswaded he would not deceive his Judgment.’ Neither did the good liking of the most stick at any thing, but that the Worthies of the Lay, and chiefly of the Law were pretermitted. But his Majesty rather regarded the fitness of a Man, then the Custom of a Tribe: As he that takes a Lodging in the City, never Examines which are the best Rooms by Squares of Archite­cture, but likes that for the best Chamber, which hath [...]the best Furniture. At the same time the Lord Keeper, by super-impregnation of favour, was made a Bishop, and Reap'd no less than two Harvests in one Month. It was K. James his wont to give like a King; for the most part to keep one Act of Liberality warm with the covering of another. A meaner Man then a King could say (it is Pliny lib. 2. Epist.) beneficia mea tueri nullo modo melius possum, quam ut augeam. He that hath plac'd a benefit well, let him imitate himself, and do another; that's the sure way of obliging. The Bishopric of Lincoln was bestowed on him by the Royal Congè d'Elire, the Largest Diocess in the Land, because this New Elect had the Largest Wisdom to super-intend so great a Circuit. Yet in as much as the Revenue of it was not great, it was well piec'd out with a Grant to hold the Deanery of Westminster, into which he shut himself fast, with as strong Bars and Bolts, as the Law could make: Else when the Changes began to Ring in the Fifth year after, he had been sure to be thrust out of Doors in a storm, when he had most need of a Covering. Yet some Suitors were so importunate to compass this Deanery, upon his expected leaving, that he was put to it to plead hard for that Commenda, before he carried it. The King was in his Progress, and the Lord Marquess with him, to whom he writes to present his Reasons to the King, which were, that the Port of the Lord Keeper's Place, though he would strike Sail more than any that preceded him, must be maintain'd in some convenient manner. Here he was handsomly housed, which if he quitted, he must trust to the King to provide one for him, as His Majesty, and his Predecessors have ever done to their Chancellors. Here he had some Supplies to his House-keeping from the Colledge in Bread and Beer, Corn and Fuel; of which if he should be depriv'd, he must be forc'd to call for a Diet, which would cost the King 1600 l. per an­num, or crave for some addition in lieu thereof, out of the King's own means, as all his Foregoers in that Office had done. In that Colledge he needed to enter­tain no Under-Servants, or Petty-Officers, who were already provided to his Hand. Beside the Very Name and Countenance thereof would take away all expectation of extraordinary Entertainments. And it was but a step from thence into Westminsterhall, where his business lay; and 'twas a Lodging which afforded him marvelous quietness to turn over his Papers, and to serve the King. He might have added (for it was in the bottom of his Breast) he was loath to stir from that Seat, where he had the Command of such exquisite Music. A Re­quest laid out in such Remonstrance was not, nay could not be refus'd by so Gracious a Prince; who granted twenty Suits to one that he denied, Magnarum largitor opum, largitor honorum pronus, which singularly fits King James, though Claudian made it for Honorius. Likewise by the Indulgence of his Commenda he reserv'd the Rectory of Walgrave to himself, a Trifle not worthy to be Remem­bred, but his Reason is not unworthy to be detected. Take it as he Read this Lecture to me upon it. That in the instability of humane things, every man must look for a Dissolution of his Fortunes, as well as for the Dissolution of his [Page 63]Body; the latter, of sure Things is most sure; the former, of usual Things is most usual. Common Men are in doubtful Places; great Men in slippery Pla­ces; but Sacrilege, being a Raven that continually croaks over the Church-Patri­mony, Clergy-men were in most obnoxious Places. Many have paid dear for this Experience, That Fortune will fly quite away, when she is well fledge. Then let such as are upon the highest Stairs of those Preferments, have this Forecast, To keep a little Room behind their Back-door, to which they may retreat. When there was no place for Elijah in Jezreel, he took his Commons in an obscure Vil­lage, to which God sent him, with the Widow of Zarephath. Anselm Arch-Bishop of Canterbury kept his Right to a poor Cell which he had in a Monastery called Becc in Normandy, and that Hospitality kept him, when he fled out of England, and all the Revenues of his Mitre failed him. Stephen Gardner Bishop of Winton, and Lord-Chancellor, held the Mastership of Trinity-hall to his Dying-day; and though he gave forty better Preferments to others, he would never leave his Inte­rest in it; and did not conceal the Cause, but said often, If all his Palaces were blown down by Iniquity, he would creep honestly into that Shell. They that will not be wise by these Examples, Ia Te [...] I will send them to School to a Fable in Plautus, Cogitato mus pusillus quàm sit sapiens bestia, AEtatem qui uni cubili nunquam committit suam, Qui si unum ostium obsideatur aliud perfagium quaerit: So in the upshot he said, Walgrave was but a Mouse-hole, yet it would be a pretty Fortification to Entertain him, if he had no other Home to resort to.’ He was not the only Prophet of that which is fallen out in these dismal Days; many such Divinations flash'd from others, who saw the Hills of the Robbers afar off, who have now de­voured the Heritage of Jacob, and say, they are not Guilty; and they that have sold us, and bought us, say, Blessed be the Lord, for we are rich, Zech. 11.5.

74. Whom I leave to a Day of Account, having an Account to give my self, how Prosperous the Lord-Keeper was in the King's Affections at this time, to whom His Majesty measured out his accumulated Gifts, not by the Bushel, or by the Coome, but by the Barn-full. It was much he had compacted his own Por­tion to such advantage, but it was not all, for, being warm in Favour, he got the Royal Grant for the Advancement of four more, who are worthy to be named. He spake and sped for Dr. Davenant to be made Bishop of Salisbury, who had plowed (that I may allude to Elisha, 1 King. 19.19.) with twelve yoke of Oxen, and was now with the twelfth, when this Mantle was cast upon him. Twelve years he had been Public Reader in Divinity in Cambridge, and had adorn'd the Place with much Learning, as no Professor in Europe did better deserve to receive the Labourer's Peny at the twelfth Hour of the Day. Beside, what a Pillar he was in the Synod of Dort, is to be read in the Judgment of the Britain Divines, in­serted among the public Acts, his Part being the best in that Work, and that Work being far the best in the Compilements of that Synod. The Bishopric of Exon being also then void, it came into the Lord-Keeper's head to gratifie a brace of worthy Divines, if he could attain it, his old Friends, who had been both bred in the House of Wisdom, with the Lord-Chancellor Egerton, Dr. Carew who had been his Chaplain, a man of great Reason and polish'd Eloquence, and Dr. Dunn who had been his Secretary, a Laureat Wit; neither was it possible that a vulgar Soul should dwell in such promising Features. The Success was quickly decided, for these two prevailed by the Lord-Keeper's Commendation against all Preten­ders; the Bishopric of Exeter was conferred upon Dr. Carew, and Dr. Dunn suc­ceeded him in his Deanery of St. Paul's. The See of St. David's did then want a Bishop, but not Competitors: The Principal was Dr. Laud, a Learned Man, and a Lover of Learning. He had fasten'd on the Lord Marquess to be his Me­diator, whom he had made sure by great Observances. But the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had so opposed him, and represented him with suspicion (in my judg­ment improbably grounded) of Unsoundness in Religion, that the Lord Marquess was at a stand, and could not get the Royal Assent to that Promotion. His Lordship, as his Intimates know, was not wont to let a Suit fall, which he had undertaken; in this he was the stiffer, because the Arch-Bishop's Contest in the King's Presence was sour and supercilious. Therefore he resolved to play his Game in another hand; and conjures the Lord-Keeper to commend Dr. Laud strenuously and importunately to the King's good Opinion, to fear no Offence, neither to desist for a little Storm. Accordingly he watch'd when the King's Assections were most still and pacisicous; and besought His Majesty to think considerately of his Chaplain the Doctor, who had deserved well when he was a young Man in his Zeal against the Millenary Petition: And for his incorruption [Page 64]in Religion, let his Sermons plead for him in the Royal Hearing, of which no Man could judge better then so great a Scholar as His Majesty.

75. Well, (says the King) I perceive whose Attorney you are, Stenny hath set you on. You have pleaded the Man a good Protestant, and I believe it: Neither did that stick in my Breast, when I stopt his Promotion. But was there not a certain Lady, that forsook her Husband and married a Lord, that was her Paramour? Who knit that Knot? Shall I make a man a Prelate, one of the Angels of my Church, who hath a flagrant Crime upon him. ‘Sir,’ ( says the Lord-Keeper very boldly) ‘you are a good Master, but who dare serve you, if you will not pardon one Fault, though of a scandalous Size, to him that is heartily Penitent for it? I pawn my Faith to you, that he is heartily Penitent; and there is no other Blot that hath fullied his good Name. Vellcius said enough to justifie Murena that had committed but one Fault, Sine hòc facinore potuit videri probus. You press well, (says the King) and I hear you with patience; neither will I revive a Trespass any more, which Repentance hath mortified and buried. And because I see I shall not be rid of you, unless I tell you my unpublish'd Cogitations; the plain Truth is, that I keep Laud back from all Place of Rule and Authority, because I find he hath a restless Spirit, and cannot see when Matters are well, but loves to toss and change, and to bring Things to a pitch of Reformation stoating in his own Brain, which may endanger the steadfastness of that which is in a good pass, God be praised. I speak not at random; he hath made himself known to me to be such a one: For when three years since I had obtained of the Assembly of Perth to consent to Five Articles of Order and Decency in correspondence with this Church of England, I gave them Promise by Attestation of Faith made, that I would try their Obedience no further anent Ecclesiastic Affairs, nor put them cut of their own way, which Custom had made pleasing unto them, with any new Encroachments. Spotswood, p. 543. Marquess Ha­milton the King's Commissioner, in the last Parliament that ever he kept in Scotland, having Ratified the Five Articles of Perth by A [...] of Parliament, assured the People, that His Majesty in his days should not press any more Change on Alterations in matters of that kind without their Consent.]’ Yet this man h [...]th pressed me to invite them to a nearer conjunction with the Liturgy and Canons of this [...]tion; but I sent him back again with the friv [...]lous Draught he had drawn. It seems I remembred St. Austin' s Rule bet­ter then he, Ipsa mutatio consuetudinis, ctiam quae adjuvat utilitate, novitate pertur­bat: Ep. 118. For all this he feared not mine Anger, but assaulted me again with another ill­fangled Platform, to make that slubborn Kirk stoop more to the English Pattern: But I durst not play fast and loose with my Word. He knows not the Stomach of that People, but I ken the Story of my Grandmother the Queen Regent, That after she was inveigled to break her Promise made to some Mutineers at a Perth Meeting, she never saw good day, but [...] thence, being much beloved before, was despised of all the People. And now your [...] hath compel'd me to shrive my self thus unto you, I think you are at your fur­thest, and have no more to say for your Client. ‘May it please you Sir,’ (says the Lord­Keeper) ‘I will speak but this once: You have indeed convicted your Chaplain of an Attempt very Audacious, and very Unbeseeming; my Judgment goes quite against his. C. Grac [...]hus mended nothing, but lost himself in his Tribuneship, Qui nihil [...], nihil tranquillum, nihil quietum, nihil denique in côdom staturelinquebat. I am assured, he that makes new work in a Church, begets new Quarrels for Scriblers, and new Jealousies in tender Consciences. Yet I submit this to Your Sacred Judgment, That Dr Laud is of a great and a tractable Wit. He did not well see how he came into this Error; but he will presently see the way how to come out of it.’ Some Diseases, which are very acute, are quickly cured. And is there no whee, but you musl carry it (says the King)? Then take him to you, but on my Soul you will repent it: And so went away in Anger, using other fierce and ominous Words, which were divulged in the Court, and are too tart to be repeated. So the Lord-Keeper procured to Dr. Laud his first Rochet, and retained him in his Prebend of [...]. a Kindness which then he mightily valued; and gave him about a year after a Living of about 120 l. per annum in the Diocese of St. David's, to help his Revenue: Which being unsought, and brought to him at Durham-House by Mr. William Winn, his Expression was, ‘Mr. Winn, my Life will be too short to require your Lord's Goodness.’ But how those Scores were paid, is known at home and abroad: Which he that will excuse, hath no way but to shift it upon an Adagie, Unum arbustum nen capit erithecos duos: He that would be Great alone, cares not whom he depresseth, that would be as Great as himself.

[Page 65] 76. More cannot be required, to shew how great the Lord-Keeper's Credit was with the King, then that four Bishopricks were bestowed at once to three others with himself, for which he interposed. All three did then observe him with Congratulation as their Raiser. Salisbury and Exeter were Men of faithful Ac­knowledgment in all their Life. Est tanti ut gratum invenias experiri vel ingratos, says Seneca: He that finds two faithful Men among three, is well requited. Our Saviour found but one among Ten, Luke 17.15. This Quaternion making ready for their Consecration, a Calamity fell out, which put them all to their Studies, that they knew not which way to turn. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, making a Summer Journey into Hampshire, was welcom'd by the Lord Ze [...]nch, and invited to some Hunting-Sports in Bramshill-Park about St. James-tide. The Arch-Bishop, pretending to be a Wood-man, took a Cross-bow to make a shot at a Buck. One of the Keepers did his Office to wind-less up the Deer to his stand, who too sud­denly shot at a fair-headed Buck in the Herd. But his Arrow meeting with a small Bought in the way, was cast a little from the mark, and by an unhappy Glance, wounded the Keeper in the Arm. It was but a Flesh-wound, and a slight one; yet being under the Cure of an heedless Surgeon, the Fellow died of it the next day. The like had never happen'd in our Church, nor in any other in the Person of a Bishop and a Metropolitan, which made work for Learned Men to turn over their Books. Councils, and Canon-Laws, and Proviso's of Casuists, were ransack'd, whose Resolutions were unfavourable, and greatly to the preju­dice of the Fact. It was clear in our Common-Law, that his Personal Estate was forfeited to the King, though it were Homicidium involuntarium. But he was quickly comforted, that he should not Suffer in that: For, upon the first Tidings, His Majesty, who had the Bowels of a Lamb, censured the Mischance with these words of melting Clemency, That an Angel might have miscarried in that sort. The Arch-Bishop was an happy man in this Unhappiness, that many Hearts con­doled with him; and many precious Stones were in the Breast-Plate which he wore, that Pleaded for him. He was Painful, Stout, Severe against bad Man­ners, of a Grave and a Voluble Eloquence, very Hospital, Fervent against the Roman Church, and no less against the Arminians, (which in those days was very Popular) he had built and endowed a beautiful Eleemosynary Mansion at Guilford, where he was born; he sent all the Succors he could spare to the Queen of Bohe­mia the King's only Daughter; was a most stirring Counsellor for the Defence of the Palatinate; was very acceptable to the Nobility, and to the People both of this Realm, and of Scotland, where he had preach'd often 14 years before, when he was in the Train of the Earl of Dunbar. All those Flowers in his Garland were considered severally and mixtly, when this gloomy day of Misfortune bedarken'd him. And you may be sure our Sovereign Lord thought it the more Pardonable, because it was an Hunting Casualty, and was very Humane to those Harms beyond prevention, which fell out in that Sport wherein he greatly delighted. There­fore His Majesty Resolved, and gave it him in a Consolatory Letter under his Hand, That He would not add Affliction to his Sorrow, nor take one Farthing from his Chattels and Moveables, which were Confiscated by our Civil Penalties.

77. But it cost more Labour to get out of the Ecclesiastical Brias; for many of our best advised Churchmen took it sore to heart, and lamented for it, not with­out bitter Tears, for the Scandal which was fallen upon our Church in his Person, who in the Eye of General Councils and Canon-Laws was wonderfully Tainted, and made Uncapable to all Sacred Functions performing. Therefore, to come home to the case, they said, God forbid those Hands should Consecrate Biships, and Ordain Priests, or Administer the Sacraments of Christ, which God, out of his secret Judgments, had thus permitted to be embrued in Human Blood. And some of the Prelacy profess'd, If they had fallen into the like mischance, they would never have de­spaired of God's Mercy for the other Life, but from this World they would have retired, and besoughts His Majesty for a Pension to support them in their sequestred Sadness, where they might spend their Days in Fasting and Prayer. It was vehemently considered, that our Hierarchy was much quarrel'd with and opposed by our own Fugitives to the Church of Rome, who would fasten upon this Scandal, and upon it pretend, against our constant Succession, (hitherto undemolish'd) with all the Malice that Wit could excogitate. And indeed they began already: For the Fact was much discoursed of in Foreign Universities, who were nothing concerned; especially our Neighbours the Sorbonists at Paris, ' [...], 1 Pet. 4.15. over-busie to have an Oar in our Boat, Disputing it three several times in their Schools, and con­cluded the Accident to amount to a full Irregularity, which is an Incapacity to [Page 66]exercise any Ecclesiastical Act of Order, or Jurisdiction. His Majesty, upon the eruption of these Scruples, was called up to think seriously, that his Sweetness and Compassion did not leave a Slur upon this Church, which himself, under Christ, had made so Glorious. It belonged to the four Bishops Elect to be most Circum­spect in this matter, expecting their Consecration shortly, and to be informed, whether they should acknowledge that the Power of an Arch-Bishop was Integral and Unblemish'd in a casual Homicide, and submit to have his Hands laid upon their Heads. Dr. Davenant shewed Reason, That it behoved him not to be seen in the Opposition, because the Arch-Bishop had Presented him to the rich Parsonage of Cotnam, not far from Cambridge. It was well taken, for among honest Pagans a Benesi­ciary would not contend against his Patron. Howsoever such as knew not the wherefore, were the more benevolous to the Arch-Bishop's misfortune, because so great a Clerk stood off, and meddled not. The Rhodian's Answer in Plutarch was not forgotten, who was baited by his Accusers all the while that the Judge said nothing: ‘I am not the worse for their Clamours,’ (says the Defendant) ‘but my Cause is the better that the Judge holds his peace; Non refert quid illi loquantur, sed quid ille taceat. The other three, without Davenant, stirred in it the most they could, to decline this Metropolitan's Consecreation; not out of Enmity, or Superstition, but to be wary, that they might not be attainted with the Contagion of his Scandal, and Uncanonical Condition. The Lord-Keeper appearing for the rest, writes thus to the Lord Marquess, as it is extant, Cabal, p. 55.

MY Lord's Grace, upon this Accident, is by the Common-Law of England to for­feit all his Estate to His Majesty, and by the Canon-Law, which is in force with us, irregular Ipso facto, and so suspended from all Ecclesiastical Function, until he be again restored by his Superior, which, I take it, is the King's Majesty in this Rank, and Order of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. I wish with all my heart His Majesty would be as Merciful as ever He was in all his Life. But yet I hold it my Duty to let His Majesty know by your Lordship, that His Majesty is fallen upon a Matter of great Advice and Deliberation. To add Affliction to the Afflicted, as no doubt he is in Mind, is against the King's Nature. To leave a Man of Blood Primate and Patriarch of all his Churches, is a thing that sounds very harsh in the old Councils, and Canons of the Church. The Pa­pists will not spare to descent upon the one and the other. Heave the Knot to His Majesties deep Wisdom to Advise and Resolve upon.

A gentler Hand could not touch a Sore; yet I think of his Judgment in this Point, as Sealiger did of the sine Poet Fracostorius, Ab suâ ipse magnitudine descen­disse credi potest aliquando; He flew lower at this Game, then the pitch of his wonted Wisdom. For the Question did hang yet upon this Pin, Whether there were a Sore to be cured? His Lordship had look'd attentively into the Canonists, whom he could cite by rote with his happy Memory. Their Decretals and Ex­travagants Un-bishop a Man that kill'd a Man, and meant a Beast; nay further, if the Bishop's Horse did cast the Groom that water'd him into a Pond, and drown'd him. But if we Appeal from them to higher and better Learning, their Rigour will prove Ridiculous. The Fact is here confess'd: But is Sin in the Fact, or in the Mind of the Facient? Omne peccatum in tantum est peccatum, in quantum est voluntarium. This is the Maxim of the Schools upon actual Sins, and a true one; A guilty Mind makes a guilty Action: An unfortunate Hand concurs often with an innocent Heart. Quis nomen unquam sccleris errori indidit? Put the Case that these Writers are very inclinable to have Absolution granted incontinently to such Contingencies; but to keep a bustle, whether Absolution is to be given or not, when there is no fault, is to abuse the Power of the Keys. Irregularities in that Superstitious Latin Church are above Number; what have we to do with them? That we did cut them off, we did not name it indeed in our Reformation under Edward the Sixth, &c. for they were thrown out with Scorn, as not to be mention'd, among ejected Rubbish. For we perceived they were never meant to bind, but to open, I mean the Purse. He that is Suspended, may entangle him­self from the Censure with a Bribe. The Canonists are good Bone-letters for a Bone that was never broken; their Rubrics are filled with Punctilio's, not for Con­sciences, but for Consciuncles; Haberdashers of small Faults, and palpable Bro­kers for Fees and Mercinary Dispensations. Therefore those plain-dealing, and blunt People among the Helvetians, otherwise Clients of the Roman Party, serv'd them very well, as Simler hath Page 64. of his History, Cum Papa Rom, acceptà pecuniâ Matrimonium contra canones concesserat, populus recognitâ statuit, Si divitious [Page 67]pecunià numeratâ hoc licitum sit, etiam pauperibus absque pecunid fas essc. And a little before, Pag. 135. when those poor Cantoners could not enjoy their own in quiet, for the Rent-gatherers of the Court of Rome, they bid them keep off at their own peril, with this popular Edict; Si pergant nundinatores bullarum jus urgere, in vincula conjici­ontur; & ni huic renuntient aquis submorgantur, scilicet ut ita bullae bullis eluantur. Such resolute Men as these were too rude to be cozen'd. So Irregularities should be used, which are invented for the Prosit of Dispensative Graces; having no­thing in them to Unsanctisie the Order of a Bishop by Divine Law, or the Law of Nature, because they can be wiped away with a Feather, if it be a Silver Wing, and the Feathers of Gold. But because these double Doctors of Canon and Ci­vil Laws, will pretend to some Reason in their greatest Folly, it is not amiss to repeat the best Objection, with which they stiffen their Opinion. Thus they di­vide the Hoof: That if one by chance-medly kills a Man, being then employed in nothing that is evil, or improper to him and his Calling, he is to be Acquitted by a formal Pardan as an Innocent; but if he were acting in Indebitâ materia, when he did it, then it is to be ga­thered, that God did give him up to that mischance, that he might be disciplined for his Extra­vagancy by the Censure of the Church. Now take the Illation, That the Arch-Bishop fell into this Misfortune being unduly employed, many Synods having prohobited Hun­ting to all Species of the Ministry. Maldonatus, lib. 2. de Sacr. p. 254. Quod nonnulli dicum irregularom esse Saccrdotom, qui d [...]ns operam [...]nationi, juod illi non licebat, homi­mm intersecit, putans se feram intersicere, falsum esi. Sir H. Martin answered, ‘That Employment in undue matter is to be understood of Evil simply in it self, Non de malo quia prohibitum; not in a thing clearly lawful, if it were not prohibited. Are Clerks restrained from Hunting? No wonder. So they are by some Synodi­cal Rules from playing at Tennis. What mean such austere Coercions? Nothing but to keep them from excess of Pleasure and Idieness, which turn to be Avoca­tions of their Studies, and Attendance on the Church of Christ. That in parti­cular Hunting is no Unpriestly Sport by the Laws of England, may thus be pro­ved: For every Peer in the higher House of Parliament, as well Lords Spiritual as Temporal, hath Permission by the Charta de Forcstà, when after Sunmons he is in his Journey to the Parliament, and not else, to cause an Horn to be sounded, when he travels through any of the King's Forests, and to kill a brace of Bucks, signification being given of his Intent to the Verdurers.

78. The King had persect knowledge how these Things were discuss'd. He saw that whether the Person of the Arch-Bishop were tainted by this Fact or not, yet his Metropolitical Function was unsettled in many men's Opinions; he heard, that the Acts of Spiritual Courts were unsped, and came to no end, till Sentence were pronounced one way or other by the Supreme Authority. Therefore a Commission was directed from His Majesty to ten Persons, to meet together for this purpose about the beginning of October. These were the Lord-Keeper; the Bishops of London, Winton, and Rochester; the Elects of Exeter, and St. Davids; Sir Harry H [...]bart, Lord-Chief-Justice of the Common-Pleas; Sir John Dodderidge, one of the Justices of the Kings-Bench; Sir H. Martin, Dean of the Arches; and Dr. Steward, esteemed the Papinian of Doctors-Commons. These began to lay their Heads together upon the Third of October, and then Conser'd upon the manner of their Proceeding: The Lord Hobart, and Sir H. Martin affecting, that his Grace should send Counsel to Plead before them; from which, the rest dissented: First, Because no such Privilege was allowed him in the King's Letters directed to the Commissioners. Secondly, Because the Honour of the King, and the Sean­dal of the Church, which as yet made the adverse Party have no Counsel on their side. Thirdly, Because His Majesty required Information from those ten upon the nature of this Fact, relying upon their Knowledge, Learning, and Judgments, but not referring the Matter to their final Decision and Determination. Indeed their Work, to prevent Excursions, was laid out in three Questions, which they were commanded to Resolve, and to Act no further. And those were Debated till the 27th of that Month, and in the end Decided with great Disagreement of Opinions. The first Question, Whether the Arch-Bishop were Irregular by the Fact of Involuntary Homicide? The two Judges, and the two Civilians did agree, That he was not Irregular; and the Bishop of Winton, who was a strong Upholder of In­contaminate Antiquity, coming to the same sense, said, He could not conclude him so: The other five held, He was Irregular. The second Question, Whether that Act might tend to a Scandal in a Church-man? The Bishop of Winton, the Lord Hobart, and Dr. Steward, doubted: All the rest Subscribed, That there might arise from such an Accident, Scandalum acceptum, non datum; a Scandal taken, but not [Page 68]given. The third Question, How my Lord's Grace should be restored, in case the King should follow the Decision of those Commissioners, who had found him Irregular? All agreed it could no otherwise be done, then by a Restitution from the King: In the manner they varied. The Bishop of Wi [...]ch [...]s [...]er, Lord Hobart, Dr. Steward, were of one mind to have it done immediately from the King, and from him alone in the same Patent with the Pardon. The Lord-Keeper, Bishops of Lon­don, Rochester, Exon, and St. Davids, to be directed to some Bishops by a Com­mission from the King, to be transacted in a fo [...]mal Absolution Church-wise, Manu Clericali. Judge Dodderidge, and Sir Harry Ma [...]in, were willing to have it done both ways for abundant Caution. The whole Business was submitted to His Ma­jesty to determine it, who took the shortest course to shew Mercy: Sprevit caele­stis animus humana consilia, as Velleius said of C. Cae [...]ar. So by his Broad-Seal He assoiled the Arch-Bishop from all Irregularity, Scandal, or Infamation, pronoun­cing him to be capable to use all Metropolitical Authority, as if that sinistrous Contigency in spilling Blood had never been done. A Princely Clemency, and the more to be Extoll'd, because that Arch-Bishop was wont to dissent from the King as often as any man at the Council-Board. It seems he loved him the bet­ter for his Courage and Sincerity: For it was he that said to Jo. Spotswood Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, telling His Majesty, ‘That if he wrote an History of the Church of Scotland, to which Labour he was appointed, he could not approve of his Mother in all things that she did.’ Well, (says the King) speak the Truth, and spare not Words, after Salomon's Praise, which are Apples of Gold in Pictures of Silver.

79. But because when our Arch-Bishop's Unfortunateness was recent, it ap­peared far worse to some scrupulous Ecclesiastics, then it did in process of time; therefore the Lord-Keeper, with the two other Elects, cast themselves at His Ma­jesties Feet, and besought Him, ‘That since they had declared before God, and the World, what they thought in that dubious Case, they might not be com­pel'd, by wounding their Consciences, to be Consecrated by him, but be permit­ted to receive that Solemnity from some other Bishops, which was warrantable by His Majesties Laws.’ This was easily granted, and the Lord-Keeper was Consecrated in the Chappel of King Henry the Seventh at Westminster on the 11th day of November following, by the Bishops of London, Worcester, Ely, Ox­ford, Landaff: And the Elects of Sarum, Exeter, St. Davids, in the Chappel of the Bishop of London's Palace Nov. 18. by the same Reverend Fathers. From hencesorth the suspicion of the Irregularity was brought asleep, and never wa­ken'd more. Mr. H. L. is quite mistaken, pag. 71. of his History: 'It is true, the Arch-Bishop, an. 1627. was Commanded from his Palaces of Lambeth and Croy­don, and sent to a Moorish House in Kent called Foord, but not, as he conceives it, that the Impulsive of it was the supposed Irregularity, which was then reviv'd, but because he would not Licence a Sermon of Dr. Sibthorp's, which the King sent to him by Mr. W. Murry of the Bed-chamber, for his Hand to the Printing, which he denied, saying, There was some Doctrine in the Sermon which was contrary to his Judgment. I write (I confess) by hear-say; but I heard it from his own mouth, and have it in a Manuscript under his own Hand. It had been a wild thing to rake up the Irregularity again out of the Embers, since in the interim he had Consecrated many Prelates; nay since he had Consecrated the Elements of Christ's Supper at the King's Coronation, and set the Crown upon His Majesties Head. And not long after he returned from Foord to a Parliament Summon'd to begin March 17. 1627. he Consecrated that Learned Divine Mr. Richard Montagu, Promoted to the See of Chichester, at Croydon, Aug. 24. 1628. Yet that great Scho­lar had Presented his studied Papers for the Irregularity to the Lord-Keeper more then any man. But now he was satisfied to be Consecrated by the whilom Irre­gular supposed. And at the same time Dr. Laud, then Bishop of London, was Assistant with the Arch-Bishop to impose Hands. Such Changes there are in Hu­man Judgments.

80. Perhaps I may be thought Irregular my self, that I have knit the Election and Consecration of the Bishop of Lincoln to the long Series, and Discussion of this famous Case I crave Pardon, if I want one. Now I step back to the Lord-Keeper, who before the end of June was a Keeper of more then he desired, the Earl of Southampton, one of his dearest Friends on Earth, being committed a Prisoner to his Custody. A worthy Lord, and of a gallant Freedom, yet such as less then Kings do not like. In the Session of Parliament, which was then newly ended, he was interpreted to exceed in some words against the Royal Prerogative, [Page 69]a Stone of Offence that lay in many men's ways. Beside he had Rebuk'd the Lord Marquess of Buckingham with some Passion and Acrimony for speaking of­ten to the same thing in the House, and out of Order. Therefore he was Con­fined; but with as much Gentleness as could be devised, rather to a Nurse, then a Jaylor. But the Lord-Keeper, though he lik'd his Guest, yet he preferred his Liberty before that Liking, and never gave over till he had got his Enlargement, discharged him from the Attendance of Sir William Parkhust, (who, as a Spy, was sent to wait upon him at Tichfield) that he might be lest only to the Custody of his own good Angel, as he writes, Cabal, p. 59. Likewise, in Tenderness to the Earl's Wealth and Honour, he kept him from an Information in Star-chamber, which was threatned; and buoy'd him up at last to the King's Favour, so as he might rather expect new Additions, then suspect the least Diminution from his Gracious Majesty. Though all this came purely from his Love and Industry; yet of all that was obtained, he would take nothing to himself, but directed the Earl to cast his Eye upon my Lord of Buckingham, Of whose extraordinary Good­ness, (says he) your Lordship and my self are remarkabe Reflections, the one of his Sweet­ness in forgetting Wrongs, the other of his Forwardness in conserring Court sies. These Passages occur in the Printed Bundle. But there is a Letter, the Publisher of the former did not meet with it, dated two days before, Jul. 19. written to the Lord Marquess, in behalf of that Honourable Earl, and likewise of Mr. J. Selden, (my great Friend while he lived) who was clap'd up at the same time, because being a Member of the House of Commons in that Parliament, he had preferred the danger of telling Truth, before the safety of Silence. Thus for them both toge­ther he Solicites.

My most Noble Lord,

WHat true Applause and Admiration the King and your Honour have gained for that gracious, and most Christian-like Remorse shewed the E. of Southampton, a Delinquent by his own Confession, I refer to the Relation of others, lest I might be suspe­cted to amplifie any thing, which my self had propounded. The Earl, if he be a Christian, or a moral honest Man, will endeavour to regain His Majesty's further Favour by more ob­servance, and to requite your unexpressible Goodness towards him by all true and hearty Friendship, both which he deeply Vows and Protests. Now poor Mr. Selden flies to the same Altar of Mercy, and humbly Petitioneth your Lordship's Mediation and Furtherance. He, and the World, take knowledge of that Favour your Lordship hath ever offorded my motions, and my self without the motion of any, and so draweth me along to Entreat for him. The which I do the more boldly, because by his Letter inclosed he hath utterly de­nied, that ever he gave the least Approbation of that Power of Judicature lately usurped by the House of Commons. My Lord, The man hath excellent Parts, which may be di­verted from an Affectation of Applause of idle People to do some good and useful Service to His Majesty. He is but young, and this is the first Offence that ever he commit­ted against the King. I presume therefore to leave him to your Lordship's Mercy and Charity.

These soft words mollified Anger, and Mr. Selden was Released by the next Pacquet that came from the Court in progress. If the Stoics had been wise men, truly the Lord-Keeper had been none, for they pronounced with their Master Zeno in Laertius, [...], That wise Men are not Pitiful. But in­sooth there was never a greater Stickler then he to bring Afflicted Ones out of Durance and Misery, when he could effect it by Power and Favour; none that lent their hand more readily to raise up those that were cast down. But if a Gen­tleman of Mr. Selden's merit were under the peril of Vindicative Justice, he would stretch his whole Interest, and cast his own Robe, as it were, to save him. When he had brought him to Liberty, he stay'd not there. He perceived his Fortune in those days was not equal to his Learning; therefore he conferred the Register­ship of the College of Westminster upon him, not meaning to hinder his Growth with a Garment that was too little for him; but he procured a Chapman that gave him 400 l. for his Right in the Place: A Courtesie which Mr. Selden did ne­ver expect from the Giver, and was repaid with more Duty and Love, then the Giver could ever have expected from Mr. Selden. And although that singular good Scholar Mr. Montagu did never agree with Mr. Selden, as their Adverse and Polemical Writings about the Right of Tithes do evidence; yet the Lord-Keeper made them both agree in his Favour and Patronage: Which Mr. Montagu hath proclaimed abroad in his Treatise of Invocation of Saints, Licensed for the Press [Page 70]with his Lordship's own Hand, in Right as he was his Visitor in the Colleges of Windsor and Eaton. His Words may be found in the Epistle Dedicatory to that Treatise, as follow: Let the World take notice, if it may concern any, your Honour is be, unto whom, next unto His most Sacred Majesty, my most Gracious Sovereign and Ma­ster, I owe more then to all the World beside: Professing unseignedly in the word of a Priest, F [...]cisti ut vivam & moriar ingratus.

81. The Lord-Keeper being so great a Dealer in the Golden Trade of Mercy, and so successful, he followed his Fortune, and tried the King and the Lord Mar­quess further in the behalf of some, whom their dear Friends had given over in Despair to the Destiny of Restraint. And those were of the Nobles: For he car­ried a great regard to their Birth and Honour; and knew it was good for his own safety to deserve well of those high-born Families. The East of Nerthumberland had been a Prisoner in the Tewer above 15 years. His Confidents had not Consi­dence and a good Heart, I say not to Petition, but to dispute with the King, how ripe the Earl was for Clemency and Liberty. [...] Majesty was very merci­ful, but must be rubb'd with a Fomentation of hi [...] [...] Oyl, to make him more supple. This dextrous Statesman infuseth into [...] how to compass the Design, with what Insinuations and Argum [...] [...] were improved with the Earl's demulcing, and well-languag'd Phrases. And when it came to strong Debate, the Lord-Keeper got the better of the King in Reason. So the Physic wrought as well as could be wish'd, and on the 18th of July the Earl of Northum­berland came out of the Tower, the Great Ordnance going off to give him a joy­ful Valediction: Who turned his Thoughts to consider the Work of God, that a Stranger had wrought [...], Comfort for him in his old Age, whose Face he had ne­ [...] never purchased by any Benefit, nor courted so much as by the me [...]age of a Salutation: Which his Lordship compared to St. Peter's Deli­verance by the Angel of God, Acts 12. when Peter knew not who it was that came to help him. Though not in order of Time, yet in likeness of Condition the Earl of Oxford's Case is to be ranked in the same File. It was in April in the year following that he was sent to the Tower, betrayed by a false Brother for rash Words, which heat of Wine cast up at a merry meeting. His Lordship's Enemies were great and many, whom he had provoked; yet after he had acquainted the Lord-Keeper with the long Sadness of his Restraint in a large Letter, (which is preserved) he wrought the Earl's Peace and Releasment, conducted him to the King's Chamber to spend an hour in Conference with His Majesty, from whence a good Liking was begot on both sides. Whom thereupon that Earl took for his trusty, and wisest Friend, using his Counsel principally how to Husband his Estate, and how to employ his Person in some Honourable Service at Sea, that the Dissoluteness of his Hangers-on in the City might not sink him at Land. The Lord-Keeper did as much for the Earl of Somerset in Christmas-time before, bring­ing him by his mediation out of the House of Sorrow, wherein he had continued above five years, that he might take fresh Air, and enjoy the comfort of a free Life; which was affected by him to gratisie the splendid and spreading Family of the Howards. And they were all well pleased with him, as were the greatest part of the Grandees, except the Earl of Arundel, for a Distast taken, of which the Lord-Keeper need not be ashamed.

82. Within Six Weeks after he was settled in that Office, the Earls Secretary brought two Patents to be Sealed, the one to bestow a Pension of 2000 l. per an­num upon his Lord out of the Exchequer, which was low mow'n, and not sit to bear such a Crop; beside the Parliament, which was to meet again in the Winter, could not choose but take Notice, what over-bountiful Issues were made out of the Royal Revenue to a Lord, that was the best Landed of all his Peers. Yet the Seal was put to, with a dry assent, because there was no stopping of a Free River. With this Patent came another, to confer the Honour of the Great Mar­shal of England upon the same Noble Personage. The Contents of it had scarce any Limits of Power, much exceeding the streit Boundaries of Law and Custom. The Lord Keeper searching into the Precedents of former Patents, when the same Honour was conser'd, found a great inequality, and doubted for good Cause, that this was a device to lay his unfitness for his great place Naked to the World, if he swallowed this Pill. But nothing tended more to the praise of his great Judgment with His Majesty. He writes to my Lord of Buckingham to acquaint the King, that he thought His Majesty intended to give to greater Power, than the Lords Commissioners had, who dispatch'd Affairs belonging to that Office joyntly before him; and that all Patents refer to the Copy of the immediate [Page 71]Predecessors, who were the Earls of Essex, Shrewsbury, and Duke of Somerset; but my Lord leap'd them over, and claim'd as much as the Howards and Mow­bries, Dukes of Norfolk, did hold, which will enlarge his Authority beyond the former by many Dimensions. There is much more than this in the Cabal of Letters p. 63. And much more than I meet there in his own private Papers. The King was much satisfied with the Prudence and Courage of the Man, that he had ra­ther display these Errors, than commit them for fear of a mighty Frown; so the Earls Counsel were appointed to attend the Lord Keeper, who joyning their hands together examin'd the Obliquities of the Patent, and alter'd them. What would have follow'd if it had pass'd entire in the first Draught? For being so much corrected and Castrated, yet the proceedings of the Court of Honour were a Grievance to the People not to be supported: The Decrees of it were most uncertain, most Arbitrary, most Imperious: Nor was there any Seat of Judgment in the Land wherein Justice was brought a bed with such hard Labour: Now I invite the Reader, if he please to turn to the 139 pag. of Sir An. Wel. Pamphlet, and let him score a Mark for his Remembrance at these Lines, That Williams was brought in for this Design to clap the Great Seal, through his Ignorance in the Laws, to such things, that none that understood the danger, by knowing the Laws, would venter upon. This Knight when he is in a Course of Malice is never out of his Way; but like an egregious Bugiard here he is quite out of the Truth. For the New Lord Keeper walk'd so Circumspectly, that he seem'd to fear an Ambush from every Grant that was to pass for the use of encroaching Courtiers; if any thing were Ambiguous or Dangerous he was not asham'd to call for Counsel: If any thing were prest against Rule he was inexorable. [...]. Eth. He kept constant to Justice in its Flat Square. I could be Luxuriant in in­stances; nothing is easier then to observe two which are in Print already. But Twelve days after he was sworn Lord Keeper Mr. Secretary Calvert wrote to him, and used the King's Name, and to make all the stronger, the Spanish Am­bassadors Mediation was not wanting, to deliver one Rockweed a Papist out of the Fleet. Not a jot the sooner for all this; but he excuseth his Rigor to the Lord Marquess Cabal. p. 62. That he would not insame himself in the beginning to break his Rules so foully; which he was Resolv'd to keep straight against ah Men whatsoever. Another of the same Stamp, pag. 65. One Beeston had been com­mitted from the Power of the High Court of Chancery, loathing this Captivity he besought this New Officer to be Releas'd, and was denied; he Cries out for Mercy to the King, Roars out that the Parliament might hear him, follows the Lord Bucking. with his Clamors, who advised the Keeper to consider upon it. It is a Maxim indeed in Old Colwnella, lib. 6. c. 2. pervicax contumacia plerum (que) saevi­entem fatigat, &c. Boisterous Importunity thinks to fare better then modest Inno­cency; but he gave the Lord Marquess this Answer. My Noble Lord. Decrees once made must be put in Execution; Else I will confess this Court to be the greatest Imposture and Grievance in the Kingdom. The Damned in Hell do never cease repining at the Ju­stice of God; Nor the Prisoners in the Fleet at the Decrees in Chancery. In the which Hell of Prisoners this one for Amiquity and Obstinacy may pass for a Lucifer. I nei­ther know him, nor his Cause, but as long as he stands in Contempt, he is not like to have any more Liberty. A Lion may be judg'd by these two Claws of his Pounce.

83. And now I have past over these exordial Marks of his Demeanour and sufficiency before the Term began. Upon the first day of it, when he was to take his Place in Court, he declined the Attendance of his great Friends, who offered, as the manner was, to bring him to his first settling with the Pomp of an nauguration. But he set out Early in the Morning with the Company of the Judges, and some few more, and passing through the Cloysters into the Abby, he carried them with him into the Chappel of Henry the Seventh, where he Prayed on his Knees (silently, but very Devoutly, as might be seen by his Gesture) al­most a quarter of an hour, then Rising up chearfully, he was Conducted with no other Train, to a Mighty Confluence that expected him in the Hall, whom from the Bench of the Court of Chancery, he Greeted with this Speech.

MY Lords and Gentlemen all. I would to God my former Course of life, had so qua­lified me for this Great Place (wherein by the Will of God, and the special Fa­vour of the King I am for a time to bestow my self) that I might have fallen to my Business, without any farther Preface or Salutation. Especially considering, that, as the Orator observes, Id ipsum dicere nunquam sit non ineptum, nisi cum est necessarium. This kind of Orationing hath ever a Tincture of levity, if it be not occasion'd by some [Page 72]urgent Necessity. For my own part, I am as far from Affecting this Speech, as I was from the Ambition of this Place. But having found by private Experience, that sudden and unexpected Eruptions put all the World into a Gaze and Wonderment, I thought it most convenient to break the Ice with this short Deliberation, which I will limit to these two Heads, my Calling, and my Carriage in this Place of Judicature.

84. For my Calling unto this Office, it was (as most here present cannot but know) not the Cause, but the Effect of a Resolution in the State, to Change or Reduce the Go­vernour of this Court from a Professor of our municipal Laws to some one of the Nobility, Gentry, or Clergy of this Kingdom. Of such a Conclusion of State (quae aliquando incognita, semper justa) as I dare not take upon me to discover the Cause, so I hope I shall not endure the Envy. Peradventure the managing of this Court of Equity doth Re­cipere magis, & minus, and is as soon diverted with too much, as too little Law. Sure­ly those Worthy Lords, which to their Eternal Fame, for the most part of an hundred years Govern'd and Honour'd this Noble Court, as they Equall'd many of their own Profession in the knowledge of the Laws; so did they excel the most of all other Professions in Learn­ing, Wisdom, Gravity, and mature Experience. In such a Case, it were but Poor Phi­losophy to restrain those Effects to the former, which were produced and brought forth by those latter Endowments. Examine them all, and you shall find them in their several A­ges to have the Commendation of the Compleatest Men, but not of the deepest Lawyers. I except only that mirror of our Age and Glory of his Profession my Reverend Master, who was as Eminent in the Universal, as any other one of them all in his choicest particular. Sparguntur in omnes, Uno hoc mista fluunt, & quae divisa beatos efficiunt, con­juncta tenet. Again, it may be the continual Practise of the strict Law, without a spe­cial mixture of other knowledge, makes a Man unapt, and undisposed for a Court of E­quity. Juris Consultus ipse per se nihil nisi leguleius quidam cautus & acutus, as M. Crassus was wont to define him. They are (and that cannot be otherwise) of the same Profession with the Rhetories at Rome, as much used to defend the Wrong, as to Protect and Maintain the most upright Cause. And if any of them should prove corrupt he carries about him, armatam nequitiam, that skill and Cunning to palliate the same, that that mis-sentence, which pronounced by a plain and understanding Man, would appear most Gross and Palpable; by their Colours, Quotations and Wrenches of the Law, would be made to pass for Current and Specious. Some will add hereunto the Boldness and Confi­dence, which their former Clients will take upon them, when, as St. Austin speaks in another Case, They find, That Man to be their Judg, who but the other day was their hired Ad­vocate. Marie that depraedandi Memoria, as St. Jerom calls it, That promness to take Mony, as accustom'd to Fees, is but a Base and Scandalous Aspersion, and as inci­dent to the Divine, if he want the Fear of God, as to the common Lawyer, or most Sor­did Artizan. But that that former Breeding and Education in the strictness of Law, might (without good Care and Integrity) somewhat indispose a Practiser thereof, for the Rule and Government of a Court of Equity; I Learned long ago from Plinius Secun­dus, a most Excellent Lawyer in his time, and a Man of singular Rank in the Roman Estate; for in his 2, 3, and 6 Epist. Making Comparison between the Scholastici, as he calls them, which were Gentlemen of the better sort, bred up privately in feigned plead­ings, and Schools of Eloquence, for the qualifying of themselves for Civil Employments; And another sort of Gentlemen termed Forenses, who were Pleaders at the Bar, and Trained up in real Causes, he makes the former more Innocent and Harmless a great deal then the latter, and yields hereof the principal Reason. Nos enim qui in foro veris (que) litibus terimur, multum malitiae, quamvis nolimus, addiscimus. For we, saith he, That are bred in Real Quirkes, and personal Contentions, cannot but Reserve some Tang thereof, whether we will, or no. These Reasons, though they please some Men, yet, God be Praised, if we do but Right to this Noble Profession, they are in our Common-Wealth no way concluding or Demonstrative. For I make no question, but there are many Scores, which profess our Laws, who, beside their Skill and Practice in this kind, are so Richly enabled in all Moral and Intellectual Endowments, Ut omnia tanquam singula persici­ant, that there is no Court of Equity in the World, but might be most safely committed unto them: I leave therefore the Reason of this Alteration as a Reason of State not to be Fathom'd by any Reason of mine, and will say no more of my Calling in the General.

85. Now when I reflect upon myself in particular, Quis sum ego? aut quis Filius Ishai? What am I, or what can there be in me in Regard of Knowledg, Gravity, or Experience, that should afford me the least Qualification in the world, for so weighty a Place? Surely if a Sincere, Upright, and well-meaning Heart doth not cover Thousands of other Imperfections, I am the unfittest Man in the Kingdom to supply the Place. And therefore must say of my Creation, as the Poet said of the Creation of the World, Mate­riam noli quaerere, nulla fuit. Trouble not your Heads to find out the Cause, I confess [Page 73]there was none at all. It was (without the least Inclination or thought of mine own) the immediate work of God and the King: And their A [...]ions are no ordinary Effects, but extraordinary Miracles. What then? Should I beyond the Limits and Duty of Obe­dience despond, and refuse to make some few years Tryal in this place? Nor, - Tu [...]s, O Jacobe, quod optas Explorare labor, mihi jussa capessere fas est. I will therefore conclude this Point with the Excuse of that Poet, whom the Emperor Gratian would needs enforce to set out his Poem, whether he would or no. Non habeo ingenium, Cae­far sed jussit, habebo. Cur me posse negem, posse quod ille putet? I am no way fit for this great Place, but because God and the King will have it so, I will endeavour, as much as I can, to make my self fit, and put my whole confidence in his Grace and Mercy, Qui neminem dignum Eligit, sed eligendo dignum facit, as St. Austin speaks. And so much of my Calling, now I come unto my Carriage in this Place.

86 It is an Observation which Tully makes, In causis dicendis effugere solebat Anto­nius, ne succederet Crasso, Antonius was ever afraid to come after Crassus, a most E­loquent and Powerful Orator. And the greatest discouragement I find in this Place is, that I am to come after (after indeed, nec passibus aequis) my two immediate Prede­cessors, the one of [...] Excellent in most things, the other in all things. But both of them so bred in this Course of Life, Ut illis plurimarum reruni agitatio frequens, nihil esse ignotum patiobatur; as Pliny speaks of the Pleaders of his time. It were too much to expect at my bands, a Man bred in other Studies, that readiness or quickness of dispatch, which was effected by them Lords, both of them brought up in the King's Courts, and not in the King's Chappel. My Comfort is this, That Arriving here as a Stranger, I may say as Archimedes did, when he found these Geometrical Lines and Angles, drawn every where in the Sands of AEgypt, Video vestigia humana, I see in this Court the Footsteps of Wise Men, many Excellent Rules and Orders for the managing the same, the which, though I might want Learning and Knowledg to invent, (if they were not thus offer'd to my hands) yet I hope I shall not want the Honesty to Act and put in Execution. These Rules I will precisely follow, without the least deslexion at all, until Experience shall Teach me better. Every thing by the Course of Nature hath a certain and regular mo­tion. The Air and Fire move still upward, the Earth and Water fall downward: The Celestial Bodies whirl about in one and the self same Course and Circularity, and so should every Court of Justice. Otherwise it grows presently to be had in Jealousie and Suspi­cion. For as Vel. Paterculus Observes very well, In iis homines extraordinaria refor­midant, qui modum in voluntate habent. Men ever suspect the worst of those Rules, which vary; with the Judges Will and Pleasure. I will descend to some few parti­culars.

87. First, I will never make any Decree, That shall Cross the Grounds of the Com­mon or Statute Laws, for I hold by my Place the Custody not of mine own, but of the King's Conscience; and it were most absurd to let the King's Conscience be at Enmity and Opposition with his Laws and Statutes. This Court (as I conceive it) may be often occa­sion'd to open and confirm, but never to thwart, and oppose the Grounds of the Laws. I will therefore omit no Pains of mine own, nor Conference with the Learned Judges, to furnish my self with competency of Knowledg, to keep my Resolution in this Point Firm and Inviolable. Secondly, I shall never give a willing Ear to any Motion made at this Bar, which shall not apparently tend to further and hasten the bearing of the Cause. The very word Motion, derived a movendo to move, doth teach us that the hearing is, Finis perfectio, & terminus ad quem, the End, Perfection, and proper Home as it were of the matter propounded. If a Counsellor therefore will needs endea­vour, as Velleius Writes of the Gracchi, Optimo ingenio pessime uti, to make that bad Use of a good Wit, as to justle a Cause out of the King's High-way, which I hold in this Court to be Bill, Answer, Replication, Rejoynder, Examination and Hearing, I will ever Regard it as a Wild Goose Chase, and not a Learned Motion. The further a Man Runs out of his Way, the further he is from home, the End of his Journy, as Sene­ca speaks; so the more a Man Tattles beside these Points, the further it is from the Na­ture of a Motion: Such a Motion is a Motion Per Antiphrasin, ut mons a non mo­vendo. It tends to nothing but certamen ingenii, a Combat of Wit, which is Infi­nite and Endless. For when it once comes to that pass, some will sooner a great deal, loose the Cause then the last Word. Thirdly, I would have no Man to conceive that I come to this Place to overthrow, without special Motives, the Orders and Decrees of my Predecessors. I would be loth to succeed any man, as Metellus did Caius Verres, Cuius omnia erant ejusmodi ut totam Verris Praeturam retexere videretur. Whose Carriage, saith Tully, was a meer Penclopes Web, and untwisting of all the Acts of Verres' s Pretorship. Upon New matter, I cannot avoid the re-viewing of a Cause, but I will ever expect the forbearing of Persons, so as the Ashes of the Dead may [Page 74]be hereafter spared, and the Dust of the Living no further Raked. Fourthly, I will be as cautelous as I can, in referring of Causes, which I hold of the same Nature of a By­way Motion. For one Reference that Spurs on a Cause, there are ten that bridle it in, and hold it from hearing. This is that which Bias calls the backward forwarding of a Cause; for as the Historian speaks, Quod procedere non potest recedit. Fifthly, I profess before hand, this Court shall be no Sanctuary for Undiscreet and Desperate Sureties. It is a Ground of the Common Law, That a man shall make no Advantage of his own Follies and Laches. When the Mony is to be borrowed, the Surety is the first in the Intention, and therefore, if it be not paid, let him a God's Name be the first in Execution. Lastly, I will follow the Rules of this Court in all Circumstances, as near as I can. And considering that, as Pliny speaks, Stultissimum est adimitandum non optima quae (que) proponere, It were a great Folly to make Choice of any other then the very best for Imitation, I will propound my Old Master for my Pattern, and Precedent in all things. Beseeching Almighty God so to direct me, That while I hold this place I may follow him by a True, and Constant imitation. And if I prove Unfit and Unable for the same, That I may not play the Mountebank so in this Place, as to Abuse the King and the State, but follow the same most Worthy Lord in his Chearful and Voluntary Re­signation: Sic mihi contingat vivere, sic (que) mori.

88. This he deliver'd, thus much; and I took Councel with my self not to Abbreviate it. For it is so Compact and Pithy, That he that likes a little must like it all. Plutarch gives a Rule for Sanity to him that Eats a Tortoise, [...], Eat it up all, or not a whit, for a Modicum will Gripe the Belly: He that fills himself with a great deal shall procure a Cleansing Evacuation. So the Speech of a Great Orator is Instructive, when it is entire: Pinch it in with an Epitome, you mangle the meaning, and avile the Eloquence. From Words he fell to Practise; Industry, I think was his Recreation; for certain he had not a drop of Lazy Blood in his Veins. He fill'd up every hour of the Day and a good part of the Night, with the dispatch of some public and necessary business. And though as a Counsellor of State, and both as a Peer and Speaker in Parlia­ment he had many diversions, yet none of the work in Chancery was diminish'd; which Attendance grew so light and familiar to him, that in a little while it seem'd to be no more a burthen to him, then the Water is to the Fishes, under which they Swim. He would not excuse himself a day, for any the most lawful pretence; he would not impart himself to the Star-Chamber or Parliament, when it sate, before he had spent two hours, or more, among the Pleaders. Two or three Afternoons he Allotted every Week to hear Peremptories. By which un­equall'd diligence, commonly he dispatch'd five or six Causes in a morning, ac­cording to the quality, or measure of the Points that came to be debated. He did not only labour Six Days, but as it follows in the Commandment, He did all that he had to do. For of all the Causes that were usually set down for hearing, he never left any of them unheard at the End of the Term; which was both an especial Ease and Comfort to the Subject; and a full Testimony of his labour and ability, to expedite so many Knotty and Spacious Causes, that came before him, in as little time as the Clients could expect. The Survey of an whole year will give better satisfaction, then every Term a part by it self. Whereupon he Writes thus to the Lord Marquess July 10. 1622. In this Place I have now serv'd His Majesty one whole Year diligently and honestly: But to my Hearts Grief, by Rea­son of my Rawness and Inexperience very unprofitably. Yet if his Majesty will Examine the Reg [...]ers, there will be found more Causes finally Ended this one Year, then in all the Seven Years preceding. How well ended I confess ingeniously I know not. His Majesty and your Lordship (who no doubt have Received some Complaints, though in your Love [...] from me) are in that the most competent Judges. A Testimony of Great Labour; and not more Copious then Clear: For the Registry could not I ye. Thus Joseph in his faithful Service under King Pharaoh, gather'd in as much in one Year, as was wont to be Reap'd in Seven. And truly it becomes him that he was not confident, but mistrustful of himself, least some Waspish and Vexatious men had attempted to lay open some Errors to his Superiors, which should es­cape him in fixing so many Planetary Causes. But there was I had almost said none. Yet then I had forgotten Sir John Bourcher, who complain'd to both Houses of Parliament; that his matters in debate were for ever shut up in a De­cree, before his Counsel was ready, having some Allegations which expected more time to be Ripen'd; still more time? The business of this Knight was Ar­bitrated with consent by the Chief Baron Jac. 7. That Arbitration he would not [Page 75]stand to. It was Decreed in full hearing by the Lord Elsmore, Jac. 10. This did not please him. Yet it was Order'd to the same Effect by the Lord Bacon, Jac. 17. And after this the same Decree was confirm'd by the Lord William's, Jac. 19. Having the consent of Justice Hutton, Justice Chamberlain, and the Master of the Rolls, with an hundred Pounds advantage more, then was given him before. And was not this Suit come to Adultage for Tryal after Seventeen Years Vexa­tion in it first and last? If a Suitor shall have Power to define when his Cause is sufficiently heard, a Fidler would not undertake the Office of a Judge; Sir John durst not have presum'd to this Boldness, but that he was encourag'd by his Fa­ther-in-Law the Lord Sheffeild, who was a Scholar, a Judicious Lord, and of great Experience, that knew well enough the Futility of this Appeal (for it was discharg'd with a general Rebuke.) But the Spirits usually beat with an un even Pulse, when they stirr too much in pity to our own Relations.

89. Some others there were; I yet remember it, of the coarsest Retainers to Court, who liv'd by picking up Crumbs that fell from Stale Bread, these Whisper'd their Discontents, that Causes were cut off too soon, that delay would bring them to a more considerate Ripeness. Sic vero dificiente crimine laidem ip­sam in vituperium vertit invidia, says Tully; but he is sufficiently prais'd, who is disprais'd for nothing but his Vertues. Dispatch was a Vertue in him. And all his Sails were fill'd with a good Wind, to make riddance in his Voyage. He was no Lingerer by Nature; and kindly warmth is quick in digestion: Our time is but a Span long, but he that doth much in a short Life products his Mortality. To this he had such a Velocity of mind, that out of a few Words discreetly spo­ken, he could apprehend the Strength and Sirrup of that which would follow. This is that Ingeny which is so much commended 4. Tuseul. Multarum rerum brevi tempore percussio; such a Wit is ever upon an Hill, and fees the Champain round about him. And it was most contrary to his incorruptness to prolong an hearing as Felix did, Act. 24.26. Till Mony purchas'd a convenient Season. He never was Accus'd of it. Quod nemo novit, poene non fit, as Apuleius says 10. Metam. 'Twas never known, therefore 'twas never done, is a Moral and a Cha­ritable inference. Guess his great Spirit from this Essay, and how he Coveted no Man's Silver or Gold, that when he was in his lowest Want and Misery in the Tower, Sequestred of all he had, yet he Refus'd the offers of his Friends with this Reason, that he knew not how to take from any but a King. There is an­other Rub in the way sometimes, Court Messages, and Potentates Letters; for, alass, in many Causes there are great Betters that are no Gamesters. But he had a Spell against that Inchantment; an invincible Courage against Enmity and Envy. I will truly Translate Mamertinus his Qualities upon him, of which he boasted in the Panegyric for his Consulship, Animi magm adversus pecuniam, li­beri adversus offensas, constantis adversus invidiam. Those Magnificoes, that were Undertakers for perdue Causes, gave him over quickly for a stubborn Man, that would go his own Pace, and make no Halt for their sakes, that sate in the Galle­ry of great ones above him. As Cicarella says of Sixtus Quintus, in his Addition to Platina, In ore omnium erat, nunc tempus Sixti est, it is not as it was, these are Pope Sixtus's days: No Man now can work a Reprieve for a Malefactor. So this Magistrate was passive to many Solicitations, but strenuously Resolv'd to be A­ctive for none; for whatsoever Cause was brought before him, he could instantly discern the true Face from the Vizard, and whether the Counsel did not endea­vour rather to shut it up, then to open it. It askt him a little time to Learn, as it were, the use of the Compass, how to Sail into the Vast Ocean ef Pleadings, and not to creep always by the Shore: To follow the Pleaders in their own method, and to speak to them in their own Dialect, nay to reduce them from starting out, and to Rectifie every Sprain and Dislocation. See what a Globe of Light there is in natural Reason, which is the same in every Man; but when it takes well, and riseth to perfection, it is call'd Wisdom in a few.

90. The Terms of the Common Law, as in all other Professions and Sciences, seem Barbarous to the Vulgar Ear, and had need to be familiariz'd with pre-ac­quaintance; which, being the Primar of that Rational Learning, he had inur'd himself to it long before, and was nothing to seek in it. Yet one of the Bar thought to put a Trick upon his Fresh-man-ship, and trouled out a Motion cram­med like a Granada with obsolete Words, Coins of far fetch'd Antiquity; which had been long disus'd, worse then Sir Thomas Mores Averia de Wethernham among the Masters of Paris. In these misty and recondit Phrases, he thought to leave the New Judge feeling after him in the Dark, and to make him blush, that he [Page 76]could not Answer to such mystical Terms, as he had Conjur'd up. But he dealt with a Wit that was never entangl'd in a Bramble Bush; for with a serious Face he Answer'd him in a cluster of most crabbed Notions, pick'd up out of Meta­physics and Logic, as Categorematical, and Syncategorematical, and a deal of such drumming stuff, that the Motioner being Foil'd at his own Weapon, and well Laugh'd at in the Court, went home with this New Lesson, That he that Tempts a Wise man in Jest, shall make himself a Fool in Earnest. Among many Gown-men at the Bar this was but one, and that one proved a solid Pleader; and sound at the hands of a more reconcileable man, more than common Favour, who procur'd him Knighthood, and did send him his help in another Capacity Ten Years after, to advance his Fortunes. To proceed; his Judgment could not be dazzled with Dark and Exotic Words; they were proper to the matters in Hand. The difficulty that he did most contend with, was against Intrigues, and immethodical Pleadings; so that he had much to do to force the Councel to ga­ther up their Discourses more closely, and to hold them to the Point in Hand, checking Excursions and impertinent Ramblings with the Rebuke of Authority, though it seem'd a little Brackish to some Palates. With a little Experience he gather'd up such Ripeness of Judgment, and so sharp-sighted a knowledg, that upon the opening of a Bill, he could readily direct the Pleaders, to that which was the Issue between the Plaintiff, and Defendant, and constrein them to speak to nothing, but the very Weight of the Cause, from the Resolution whereof the whole business did attend it's dispatch: So true it is which Nepos delivers in the Life of Atticus, Facile existimari potest Prudentiam esse quandam Divinati nem. Prudence is a kind of Divination; let it Tast a little, and it can guess at all. It needs not to have all the Windows opened, when it can see Light enough through a Chink. On the Judges part it is not Patience but Weakness, not to abridge Prolixity of Words, that he may come the sooner to the Truth. And on the Advocates part 'tis Affectation, to seem more careful of his cause then he is, when he speaks more then he needs. Thus the Lord Keeper behav'd himself constantly and in­differently towards every Bill and Answer, using the same method, the same di­ligence, the same Application of his great Gifts to all Causes, following the Coun­cil which Q. Cicero gave to his Brother, de Petiti. Consul. It a paratus ad dicendum venito, quasi in singulis caulis Judicium de omni ingenio futurum sit; so he carried him­self, as if he his whole sufficiency were to be Tried, upon every Decree he made. I shall say much, I think enough, to his Approbation, that in the Tryal of two Terms, the Councei at the Bar were greatly contented with him. The Primi­pili or Vantguard of them, were such as fil'd up their place with great Glory in their Generation. Sir J. Davies. Sir Ron. Cr [...]w. Sir T. Coventry. Sir R. H [...]ath. Sir J. Walter. Serjeant F [...]nch. Serjeant Richardson. Serjeant Astly. Sir H [...]n. Finch. Mr. T. Crew. Mr. W. N [...]. Mr. A. P [...]n [...]. Mr. J. Glanvil. Mr. J. Finch. Mr. E. Littleton. Mr. D. Jenkyn. Mr. J. Ba [...]kes. Mr. E. H [...]rb [...]rt. Mr. T. Gardner. Mr. T. H [...]dly. Mr. Egr. Thin. Mr. R. Mason. The Chief among them, that did deserve to Fight next the Standard my Memory perhaps is not Trusty enough after the space of 30 years to remember all those Worthies) are fill'd in the Mar­gent, like a Row of Cedars, and are set down in those Titles which they carried then, which most of them by their Deserts did far out-grow. But these contributed all they could to his Credit, with as much Obser­vance, with as great Reverence, with as full Applause and Praise, as could be required from ingenious Gentlemen, towards one that was a Stranger to their Studies; whose acceptance, no doubt, was a Whet­stone to his Industry.

In the first Term that he came abroad into Westminster-Hall, a Parlia­ment sate in it's second Session; wherein by Command from the King, he spake to both Houses. Of which Speech thus my Lord of Buckingham in a Letter to him dated Novemb. 24. ‘I know not how the Upper House of Parliament approve your Lordships Speech. But I am sure he that call d them together, and, as I think, can best judge of it, is so taken with it, that he saith it is the best that ever he heard in Parlia­ment and the nearest to his Majesties meaning; which beside the con­tentment it hath given to his Majesty, hath much comforted me in his choice of your Lordship; who in all things doth so well Answer his ex­pectation.’ This is laid aside by some negligence, the more is the pity, that it cannot he found. But here are two credible Witnesses, how well he could open the great Affairs of the Kingdom; for the best of Orators gave this Rule to Brutus, N [...]m disertus esse potest in eo quod nesciat, no man can speak well to that, which he doth not understand. At this time I find in safe Records, how advisedly he car­ried himself in the House of Peers, upon the starting of two particulars. The Pri­viledg of the Nobility was discuss'd, and ready to be determin'd finally by the [Page 77]more Active part, that they should take no Oath, save only by their Honour; which through his Intercession was laid aside for these Reasons. That the Word of God allows of no Swearing for the finding out of Truths and deciding of Controversies, but by an Invocation of the Name of God: Quod confirmatur, per cortius confirmatur; and it is God's Glory that his Name, and no other, should be accounted more certain then any thing in the World. In all Controversies, the last Appeal is to him, and to none beside, because there is none above him. The last Appeal is ever to the highest; therefore we make no further Inquisition for Truth; after our furthest provocation to the Lord in Heaven. In Assertory Oaths we Swear, That thereby we may put an End to contentious Causes: And it is not Man's, but God's Honour to end them, who is the God of Peace, and that maketh men to be of one mind. Moreover our best consulting Divines col­lect, that the Ground of an Oath builds upon his holy Name, because He is most True, and cannot Deceive; likewise because he is Omniscient, and cannot be ignorant; and therefore to be the only due Witness for all contentious matters, where there is no other Witness. The Honour of the Peerage is a very Estima­ble Prerogative; but a Creature to Swear, is to put our Soul upon a Religious A­ction: And shall a Creature be the Object of Religious Worship? God forbid: shall a Creature be brought in as the Witness of all Truth? Or shall it be Raised up as the Judge which avengeth all falsehood? There is none but God that is pri­vy to all Truth: And Vengeance belongs to none but him, that can cast both Body and Soul into Everlasting Fire. He added, that singularities are ever to be suspected; and challeng'd any man to shew the contrary, that no other Oath, but In the Name of God was used in Solemn Tryals, at that day, in any part of Christendom. And he bad them look to themselves at home, how prejudicial it would prove to all Courts of Justice; and how unwillingly the Gentry and lower condition'd people of the Land would be brought unto it: How loth they would be to refer their Free-hold, their Meum and Tuum to the protestation of Honour; [...]. If it be stood upon, that in the high­est Criminal Causes of Life and Death, their Lordships vouched their Honour only to Guilty or not Guilty, it might receive this Satisfaction. If a Peer be produced as a Witness against another Peer before the Lord High Steward, he lays his hand upon the Book, and takes his Oath. No man can be cast by the deposition of a Witness that is not Sworn. But when the Peers bring their Ver­dict into the same Court against a Peer, they lay not their Hand upon the Book, but upon their Breast; which is a Sign that their vouchment by their Honour in that Tryal is not an Oath. Indeed it is not. For their Lordships utter it not Via juramenti, but Via Comparationis That is, they do not Swear by their Ho­nour, but pronounce comparatively that as sure as they are Honourable, they find the Prisoner Guilty or not Guilty. Like to that frequent expression in Scripture, As thy Soul Liveth, it is thus and thus. The living Soul comes not in as an Oath, but as a Comparison. As who should say, As sure as your Soul lives, or as sure as Pharaoh lives, I affirm the Truth. Thus far he contended, and to general Satis­faction. It was much that in his Novitiatship in that house, he durst contradict such mighty ones in so tender a Cause. But a Wise man commends the Wisest of Heathen men, Socrates for that Gallant Freedom; 1 Tus [...]ul, adhibuit liberam contu­maciam à magnitudine animi inductam, non à Superbiâ 'Tis Pride that makes men obstinate in their Errors: But magnanimity makes them confident in the Truth.

91. In the same morning while this Debate continued very long, he had an­other Pass with a Master-Fencer. For the question being canvas'd throughly con­cerning Oaths, an Aged Bishop, very infirm in health excus'd himself, if he could not stay so long; whereupon some Lords, who bore a grudge to that Apostoli­cal Order, cried out, they might all go home if they would; and not contented with that Vilipendency, grew higher in their demand, and would have this con­tempt against the Prelates inserted in their Journal Book. The Earl of Essex press'd it more passionately then the rest; who wanted Theological Advice about the strict Obligation of Oaths, as much as any Christian, which appear'd by his At­tempts and Practice about twenty years after. But nothing would now quiet his eager Spirit, but to put it to the question, whether the Lordships were not con­tent to open their Doors wide, and to let all the Bishops out, if they would. The Lord Keeper Replied with a prudent Animosity, ‘That, if he were Com­manded, he would put it to the Question, but to the King, and not to the House of Peers. For their Lordships, as well Spiritual as Temporal, were call'd by the King's Writ to sit and abide there, till the same Power dissolv'd them, [Page 78]And for my Lords Temporal, they had no Power to License themselves, much less to Authorize others to depart from the Parliament.’ With which Words of irrefragable Wisdom, that Spirit was conjur'd down, as soon as it was rais'd. But when the House was swept, and made clean, it returned again in our dismal Days, with seven other Spirits worse than it self. The Motion was then in the Infancy, and we heard no more of it, till it was grown to be a Giant, and dispossessed our Reverend Fathers of their ancient Possession, and Primigenious Right by Club-Law. Let my Apostrophe plead with our Nobles in no Man's Words but Cicero's to Cataline, In vastitate omnium, tuas possessiones sacrosanctas futuras putas? Could your Lordships imagine to limit Gun-Powder and Wild-Fire to blow up one half of the Foundation, and to spair the other half? When the Pillars of the Church were pluckt down, could the Pillars of the State be strong enough to support the Roof of their own Dignity? They should have thought upon it, when they pill'd the Bark off the Tree, that the Tree would flourish no more; but quickly come to that Sentence, Cut it down: Why cumbereth it the Ground?

92. Our Forefathers, when they met in Parliament, were wont to auspicate their great Counsels with some remarkable Favour of Priviledge or Liberality conferr'd upon the Church. And because the Prelates and their Clergy were more concern'd than any in the Benefit of the Statutes made; before the Art of Prin­ting was found out, they were committed to the Custody of their Religious Man­sions. The Reward of those Patriots was like their Work; and God did shew he was in the midst of them: They began in Piety, they proceeded in Prudence, they acted marvelously to the Maintainance of the Publick Weal; and they Con­cluded in Joy and Concord. But since Parliaments, of latter Editions, have gone quite another way, to hearken to Tribunitial Orators that defamed the Ministry, to encourage Projectors, that would disseize them of their Patrimony, when the Nobles (from whom better was expected) wax'd weary of them, who were Twins born in the same Political Administration: Samnium in Samnio: We may look for England in England, and find nothing but New England. How are we fallen from our ancient Happiness? How Diseased are we grown with the Running Gout of Factions? How often have those great Assemblies been cut off (unkindly on both sides) before their Consultations were mellow, and fit for Digestion? We look for much, and it came to little: Was it not because the Lord did blow it away? Hag. 1.9. It is not good to be busie in the Search of Uncertainties that are not pleasing; yet they that will not trouble themselves to consider this Reason, may find divers Irritations to Jars in the Causes below; but I believe they will not re­duce them better to the Cause of Causes from above. From hence came Fierceness and Trouble upon this Session, and God sent evil Angels among them, Psal. 78.49. For the House of Commons seem'd to the King to step out of their Way, from the Bills they were preparing, into the Closet of his Majesty's Counsels: which put him to make Answer to them in a Stile that became his Soveraignty. The King's Son-in-Law taking upon him the Title of King of Bohemia, sore a­gainst the Father-in Law's Mind, the Emperor being in lawful Possession of that Kingdom, over-run the greatest part of the Palatinate with some Regiments of Old Soldiers, whereof the most were Spanish, under the Conduct of Marquess Spinola. Our King received the Injury no less than as a deep Wound gash'd into his own Body: And all true English Hearts, which did not smell of the Roman Wash, were greatly provoked with the Indignity. Prince and People were alike affected to maintain the Palsgrave in his Inheritance, but several Ways. They that are of one Mind, are not always of one Passion. The King assay'd to stop the Fury of the Imperialists by Treaty. The Votes of the bigger Number of the House of Commons propounds nothing but War with Spain; and this they could not do, but in Civility they must first break off the Treaty of Marriage, then in Proposition between the King's dearest Son, and the Infanta Maria. Neither of which pleased his Majesty in the Matter, and but little in the Form, that his Subjects should meddle in those high Points, which he esteemed no less than the Jewels of his Crown, before he had commended them to be malleated upon their Anvil. The Matter, that the Match with the Spanish Princess should be intend­ed no more, was dis-relishable, because he esteemed her Nation, above any o­ther, to be full of Honour in their Friendship, and their Friendship very profita­ble for the enriching of Trade. The Lady her self was highly famed for Virtue, Wisdom, and Beauty. The Noble House, of which she came, had ever afford­ed fortunate Wives to the Kings of this Land, and gracious with the People. Her [Page 79]Retinue of her own Natives should be small, and her Portion greater than ever was given with a Daughter of Spain. And in the League, that should run along with it, the Redintegration of the Prince Elector in the Emperors Favor, whom he had offended, should be included. Therefore his Majesty wrote thus to the Parliament: We are so far engaged in the Match, that we cannot, in Honour, go back, except the King of Spain perform not such things as we expect at his Hands. Some were not satisfied (of which more in a larger Process) that our Prince should mar­ry a Wise of the Pontifician Religion. For as Man's Soul contracts Sin, as soon as it toucheth the Body, so their severe and suspicious Thoughts were as consident, as if they had been the Lustre of Prophetick Light, that a Protestant could not but be corrupted with a Popish Wedlock. Therefore the King took in hand to cure that Melancholy Fit of Superstitious Fear, with this Passage that he sent in his Message at the same time: If the Match shall not prove a Furtherance to Religi­on, I am not worthy to be your King. A well-spirited Clause, and agreeable to Holy Assurance, that Truth is more like to win, than lose. Could the Light of such a Gospel as we profess, be eclips'd with the Interposition of a single Mar­riage? A faint hearted Soldier coming near in his March, to an Ambush una­wares, Plut vit. Pelop. Cry'd out to his Leader Pelopidas, Incidimus in hostes, We are fallen among the Enemy. No, Man, (says his Captain) Hostes inciderunt in n [...], the Enemy is fallen among us, and into our Power. So to such as talk timorously, We shall fall into the Mis-perswasions of a Catholick Lady, and her Houshold; It may well be answered, Be not distrustful of a good Cause, they are fallen among us, and, if God love them, they will joyn with us.

93. The other thing in debate seem'd very harsh and boisterous to his Maje­sty, that sundry Leaders in the House of Commons would provoke him to pro­claim open War with Spain. To which he replied, in a long Letter to the Speaker, That he had sent some Forces to keep the strong Towns of his Son-in-Law from the Imperialists. That he had sent 30000 l. to those Princes of Ger­many that promised to assist him, in Jealousie of their own Territories; and had they done their Part, that handful of Men which he sent, had sufficiently done theirs. He told them, that he treated sedulously, at that time, for Peace; but it would be a very Contradiction, at the same Instant, to be a Party in an open War. And he gravely minded them, that he rather expected Thanks for a long Peace, the great Blessing of God, than to stir him up to one of the greatest Plagues, which the Lord threatens to a sinful Kingdom. That many of his Sub­jects, wanton with Ease and Plenty, and pamper'd with Rest, desired a Change, though they knew not what they would have. But did these Words, so wise and melting, compose the Humors of the Passionate? No, The Stoicks said well, that from all Words and Actions, there were two Handles to be catch'd hold of, a Good and a Bad. The Virtuous interpret all to the best, and lay hold on the Good: The Quarrelsome apply all to the worst, and lay hold of the Bad. Some that were Christianly Principled, and were desirous to contrive every way how to spare the Effusion of so much Humane Blood, admir'd the Lenity and Moderati­on of the King, and look'd up to God, that he would bring this Work to pass by other Means, than unruly and unsatiate Armies. But some cry'd out in Ar. W. Language, That the King's Heart was not advanc'd to glorious Atchievements, P. 172. Or as another of the same Tribe, That howsoever the World did believe, that he was unwilling to fight it out, from a Religious Ground, yet it was no other but a cowardly Disposition, that durst not adventure. Others would find a Knot in a Rush, and laid the Blame upon his Learning, that did intenerate his Heart too much, and make him a Dastard. These, belike, were not acquainted with the Exploits of the Graecian Xenophon, the Roman Caesar, the English Sidney, Montjoy and Ra­leigh, Gentlemen that were renowned both in Arms and Letters. Yet such as were transported with Warmth to be a sighting, prevail'd in Number, before the Pacificous. Well hath Pliny noted, Epist. Lib. 2. In publico concilio nihil est tam in­aequale quàm aequali as ipsa: nam cum sit impar prudentia, par omnium jus est. 'Tis the Inequality of that equal Right which all have in publick Councils, that every Puny hath a decisive Voice as much as Nestor. But for all the Sword-men were so forward, the King's Head was in Travel with Hopes of Peace. He consider­ed that even just Wars could not be prosperous, unless they were begun with Un­willingness; for they are the first Felicity of bad Men, and the last Necessity of good Men. Macrobius observes in Bacchus, the great Invader of India, That he carried his Spear with a Trail of Ivy twin'd about it, Lib. 1 [...]. 17 Quod vinculo patientiae obli­gandi sunt impetui Belle: Because the Fierceness of Fighting should be rained in [Page 80]with the Bridle of Patience. Lofty Spirits, more Heathenish than Evangelical, account one Victory worth ten thousand Lives. But he that looks for the true Life above, is sure, that Mercy and Tenderness of Heart are better than a thou­sand Victories. E [...]saws indeed was not the Soldiers Friend; but thus far he may be heard in this Cause, Epist. Aute. August. Hist. Idem omnes pariter adnitantur ne Bellum sit, po [...]iùs quàm ut bello vincant: 'Tis glorious before Men to fight well: 'tis blessed before God not to sight at all. Warlike Motions are a Tryal of Gal­lantry for a time; but all the Pages of Horror, Calamity, and Desolation attend them upon the Place, where the Camp continues. And why may not that con­tinue till an Infant come to gray Hairs? 'Tis easie to set the Day when Wars shall begin, but none can tell the Year, nor the Age when they will end. Me­tellus had been brought up in such Service, none could tell Bacchus better than himself, Salush. Jug. Bellum sumi facilè, ceterum aegerimè dirimi, non in ejusdem potestate initium ejus & sinem esse. And if War last long, Who can feed that Cormorant with so much as it will devour? What Millions and Millions of Coin have been exhaust­ed to maintain this great Curse of God in our Land? 'tis thrice as chargeable to transport an Army. If great Contributions be exacted Year by Year, What Out­cries will the People make? And if we be not shorn to the Quick, nay, if we be not flay'd to advance Payments, What Out-cries will the Soldiers make? 'Tis re­markable, that the Commons in this Parliament voted to give one entire Subsidie to the King, to begin the War. They were not ignorant that five times that Money was not enough to Rig a Navy, and to receive a good Army in it at the Sea-Side. What a poor Stock was this to set up such a Trade? a Sign they were neither able nor willing to maintain a War, but at the Tongues end. Finally, The King having deliberated upon this Hurry to Battle, opened the very Oracle of his Heart in this manner to some that were near him: That a King of England had no reason, but to seek always to decline a War, though he carried his Forces abroad; for the Array, or Sword was in his Hand, and the Purse in the Peoples. His Sword could not fight without their Purse to maintain it. Suppose a Supply were levied to begin the Fray; What Certainty could He have, that He should not want enough to make an honorable End? If he call'd for Subsidies, and did not obtain, he must retreat ingloriously, to the Wounding of his own Honour, and the Nations. If he were instant to have Suc­cour, and were resolved never to give over till he had it, after he had craved it, as if he had beg'd an Alms, he must take it with such Conditions, as would break the Heart of Majesty, through Capitulations that some Members would make, who desire to improve the Reputation of their Wisdom, by retrenching the Dignity of the Crown in Popular Declamations. For 'twas likely they would ask the Change of the Church, of the Laws, of the Court Royal, the Displacing of his Officers, the Casheiring of his Servants. Either at this Rate he must buy the Soldiers Pay, or be Scandaliz'd in the Army, to the endan­gering of a Mutiny, that he would yield nothing to save them from Starving, who had jeoparded their Lives for him and his Children. All this praemised, I cannot dive in­to his Nature as some do, that knew no more than I, to say he was no Man of Courage; but out of the Pith of his Arguments, I can collect, he was a Com­mander of Reason. Happy those that liv'd under his Scepter, who could say, Claudian. land. Stil. Hujus pacificis debemus moribus omnes—Quod cuncti gens una sumus. Plutarch compares Romulus and Numa, that the former did all he could to train the People to Fight, Numa did his best to suppress Wars: Non ob ignavia sed innocentiae causa: not out of Timorousness, but of Harmlesness. (This is he that they say had the Goddess Aegeria to his Dry-Nurse, whereas Romulus had a Wolf to his Wet-Nurse.) So I will define it in the Peroration, that it was Harmlesness and In­nocency that taught King James not to leave his Kingdom naked to the Storms of War, and disrobed of the Mantle of Peace.

94. Now to go on. If the Matter debated about breaking of the Match, and Proclaiming War with Spain had not disgusted, the Modus Procedendi, or Form how the Commons took in hand, would have given less Displeasure. But to keep them from hunting after such Royal Game, his Majesty confines them into their own Purlues: Not to meddle (says he) with any thing concerning our Government, or deep Matters of State; and namely, not to deal with our dearest Son's Match with the Daughter of Spain; nor to touch the Honour of that King, or any other our Friends and Confederates. And also not to meddle with any man's Particulars, which have their due Motion in any Our Courts of Justice. To which they Answer, That they acknow­ledge it belonged to his Majesty alone to resolve of Peace and War, and of the Marriage of the most Noble Prince, his Son. Nor did they assume to themselves any Power to determine of any Part thereof, but to demonstrate those things to his Majesty, [Page 81] which they were not assured could otherwise come so fully and clearly to his Knowledge (which are mannerly, but plain Shifts.) In the L'enocoy they rise higher, That his Majesty did seem to abridge them of the ancient Liberty of Parliament, for Freedom of Speech, an Inheritance received from their Ancestors. The Apple of Contention at last grew only upon the Stalk of those Words. The King rejoyns unto it thus: Although We cannot allow of the Stile, calling it your ancient and undoubted Inheritance; but could rather have wished that ye had said, that your Priviledges were derived from the Grace and Permission of our Ancestors and Us (for most of them grew from Prece­dents, which shews rather a Toleration than inheritance:) Yet We are pleas'd to give you Our Royal Assurance, that as long as you shall continue your selves within the Limits of your Duty, We shall be as careful to maintain and preserve your Lawful Liberties and Priviledges, as ever any of Our Predecessors were; nay, as to preserve Our own Royal Prerogative. Had Queen Elizabeth sent such Lines to any of the Parliaments call­ed in her Blessed Reign, her Name had been advanc'd for a gracious and a re­nowned Lady. It was this, if not alone, yet chiefly, that made her Govern­ment more Popular at Home, and Glorious Abroad, than the Kings her Succes­sors (for they wanted nothing of Piety, Wisdom and Justice;) that she never encountred with Harsh, Gainsaying, Tumultuous Parliaments. But what Requi­tal had King James sot his gentle Words, perfum'd with sweet Gums? Why, they begat another Remonstrance, full of strong Contestation, That the Liberties, Franchizes, Priviledges and Jurisdictions of Parliament are the ancient and un­doubted Birth-right and Inheritance of the Subjects of England, and so forth a­long with every Note above Ela. Yet that no Diversion might be made, nor Ces­sation of weightier Business for this, the Lord Keeper writes to the Lord Marquess, Decemb. Cabal. p. 65. 16. in these Words. ‘His Majesty infers, that the Priviledges of Parlia­ment are but Graces and Favours of former Kings. Most true, for where were the Commons before Harry the First gave them Authority to meet in Parliament? They claim those things to be their Inheritance and natural Birth-Right. Both these Assertions, if men were peaceably disposed and affected, the Dispatch of the common Business might easily be reconciled. Those Priviledges were ori­ginally the Favors of Princes, and are now inherent in their Persons, in their Politick Body. His Majesty may be pleased to qualifie that Passage with some mild and noble Exposition.’ This wise Letter cuts the Controversie by a Thred. And this Office, to mitigate that Passage, Sir Humphry May performed singularly to his Praise, yet nothing to Success. Hereupon, on the 21st of December, this Session was Prorogued till February the 8th, but utterly Dissolved by Proclamation Jan. 7. Surely every good man wish'd that the King and they had embrac'd at Parting. Plutarch, in the Life of Dion, tells of a small Error in Nature, which hapned in Syracusa, That a Sow Farrow'd, and her Pigs had no Ears. That the Sooth-Sayers portended to Dionysius the Governor, a great Mischief upon it, that the People would be Disobedient, and hear nothing that was Commanded. There cannot be a more ominous Presage of Evil to come, than when the Ma­gistrate hath lost the Happiness of a persuasive Tongue, and the People of a list­ning and obedient Ear.

95. An Evill befall that Archimago, that Fiend of Mischief, that set Vari­ance between the Head and the Body: The Lord Keeper, who saw about him, and before him, understood who would have the worst of it in the End. For the next Parliament is not weakned in its Power or Priviledges by the Dissolution of the Former; but a King grows-less than himself, if he depart asunder, from that publick Assembly in a Paroxism, or sharp Fit, as Paul and Barnabas went one from another, Acts 15.39. Therefore he read nothing so much to his Majesty, as to study it, next to his Faith in Christ, how to close with the Desires of that High Court, when it assembled again, that it might be like a Mixture of Roses and Wood-binds in a sweet Entwinement. And for his Part, he was willing to serve him in it, rather than in any thing, to be unto him as the Black Palmer was to the Fairy Knight in Mr. Spencer's Moral Poem, to guide his Adventure from all distemperate Eruptions: Which was put home: And let it rest a while, till time brought it on, that he was the Days-man of Success. For now I remove him into his Place in Star-Chamber; a Court, though buried now, yet not to be forgotten. Cambden, who kept the Nobleness of his Country from Oblivion, says of it, Curia cam [...]rae s [...]llatae, si vetustatem spectemus, est antiquiss [...]ma: Si dignitatem, honoratissima. For the Antiquity, the Lord Cook, in his Jurisdiction of Courts, looks no higher than 28. of Edw. 3. This Lord Keeper cites a Precedent out of his own Search of Records, of a Baron Fin'd and Imprison'd by it, in the 16th [Page 82]of Edw. 2. as it is quoted, Cabal. P. 58. Of what standing it was before (for the Evidence doth not run as if then it were newly born) to me is uncertain. For the Dignity, that famous Judge I mentioned, lifts up his Style, that it is the most honourable Court (our Parliament excepted) that is in the Christian World. Ju­risdic. P. 65. The Citations of it are to cause to appear Coram Rege & Concilio; for the King, in Judgment of Law, is always in the Court when it fits, and King James did twice in Person give Sentence in it. The Lords, and others of the Privy Council, with the two Chief Justices, or two other Justices, or Barons of the Exchequer in their Absence, are standing Judges of that Court. For in Matters of Right and Law, some of the Judges are always presum'd to be of the King's Counsel. The other Lords of Parliament, who are properly De mag­no Concilio Regis, are only in Proximâ poteentiâ, of this Council, and are actually Assessors, when they are specially called. These Grandees of the Realm (who cannot fit to hear a Cause under the Number of Eight at the least) ennoble this Court with their Presence and Wisdom, to the Admiration of Foreign Nations, and to the great Satisfaction of our selves; for none can think himself too great to be Try'd for his Misdemeanors, before a Convention of such Illustrious Senators. And, as Livy says, Nihil tam aequandae libertati prodest, quàm potentissimum quemque posse causam dicere. As touching the Benefit that the Star-Chamber did bring, thus that Atlas of the Law, the Lord Cook (Et cujus pars magna fuit) says in the same Place, That the right Institution, and ancient Orders thereof being observed, it keepeth all England in Quiet. Which he maintains by two Reasons. First, Seeing the Proceeding according to the Laws and Customs of this Realm, cannot, by one Rule of Law, suffice to punish, in every Case, the Enormity of some great and horrible Crimes; this Court dealeth with them, to the end the Medicine may be according to the Disease, and the Punishment according to the Offence. Se­condly, To curb Oppression and Exorbitancies of great Men; whom inferior Judges and Jurors (though they should not) would, in respect of their Greatness, be afraid to offend. Indeed in every Society of Men, there will be some Ba­shawes, who presume that there are many Rules of Law, from which they should be exempted. Aristotle writes it as it were by Feeling, not by Guess; Polit. 4. c. 11. [...]. They that were at the Top among the Greeks, nor would be rul'd, nor would be taught to be rul'd. There­fore this Court profest the right Art of Justice, to teach the Greatest, as well as the Meanest, the due Construction of Good Behaviour. I may justly say, that it was a Sea most proper for Whale-Fishing; little Busses might cast out Nets for Smelts and Herring. So says the great Lawyer, Ordinary Offences, which may sufficiently be punished by the Proceeding of the Common Laws, this Court leaveth to the ordinary Courts of Justice; Ne dignitas hujus Curiae vilesceret.

96. Accordingly the Lord Keeper Williams having Ascended by his Office to be the first Star in the Constellation, to illuminate that Court, he was very Nice, I might say prudent, to measure the Size of Complaints that were preferred to it, whether they were knots, fit for such Axes. A number of contentious Squab­bles he made the Attorney's Pocket up again, which might better be compound­ed at home by Country Justices. It was not meet that the Flower of the Nobi­lity should be call'd together to determine upon Trifles. Such long Wing'd Hawks were not to be cast off, to fly after Field-Fares. The Causes which he designed to hear, were Grave and Weighty, wherein it concern'd some to be made Examples for Grievous Defamations, Perjuries, Riots, Extortions, and the like. Upon which Occasions his Speeches were much heeded, and taken by di­vers in Ciphers, which are extent to this day in their Paper Cabinets. To which I Appeal, that they were neither long nor Virulent. For though he had Scope on those Ocasions to give his Auditors more then a Tast of his Eloquence, which was clear, sententious, fraught with Sacred and Moral Allusions, yet he detested nothing more, then to insult upon the Offendor with girds of Wit. He fore­saw that Insolencies and Oppressions are publick provocations to bury a Court in it's own Shame. And what could exasperate more, then when an unfortunate man hath run into a Fault, to shew him no humane Respect? Nay, to make him pass through the two malignant Signs of the Zodiaque, Sagitary and Scorpio? That is, to wound him first with Arrows of sharp-pointed Words, and then to Sting him with a Scorpiack censure. Indeed, if there be an extreme in shewing too much mercy, I cannot Absolve the Lord Keeper. For many, I confess, censur'd him for want of deeper censures; said he was a Friend to Publicans and [Page 83]Sinners, to all delinquents, and rather their Patron then their Judge. [...] was so oftentimes, when he scented Malice in the Prosecution. It was so sometimes, when he laid his Finger upon the Pulse of humane Frailty. Brethren, if a Man be overtaken in a Fault, we which are Spiritual Restore such a one in the Spirit of meekness, considering thy self, least thou also be Tempted, Galat. 6.1. Pliny the young­er had been faulted, that he had excus'd some, more then they deserv'd: Where­upon he Writes to Septitius lib. 7. Ep. Quid mihi invident felicissimum Errorem? Ut enim non sint tales quales à me praedicantur, ego tamen Beatus, quod mihi videntur; Which is to this meaning; Why do you grudg me this Error? they are not so good as I accounted them; but I am happy in my Candor, that I account them better then they are. But first he never condemn'd an Offender to be Branded, to be Scourg'd, to have his Ears cut. Though that Court hath proceeded to such censure, in time old enough to make Prescription, yet my Lörd Cook advi­seth it should be done sparingly upon this Reason, Quod Arbitrio judicis relin­quitur, non facile trahit ad effusionem Sanguinis. They that judge by the light of Ar­bitrary Wisdom should seldom give their sentence to spill Blood. He would ne­ver do it; and declin'd it with this plausible avoidance, as the Arch-Bishop Whit­gift and Bancroft, and the Bishop of Winton, the Learned Andrews, had done before him, that the Canons of Councils had forbidden Bishops to Act any thing, to the drawing of blood in a judicial Form. Once, I call to mind, he dispens'd with himself; and the manner was pretty. One Floud a Railing Libelling Varlet, bred in the Seminaries beyond Seas, had vented Contumelies bitterer then Gall a­gainst many Excellent persons. Among other passages of his Reviling Throat, it was proved against him, that he had said, that our Bishops were no Bishops, but were Lay-men, and Usurpers of that Title. Floud, says the Lord Keeper, Since I am no Bishop in your Opinion, I will be no Bishop to you. I concur with my Lords (the like I never did before) in your Corporal punishment. Secondly in inflict­ing pecuniary Mulcts upon him that was found Guilty, he was almost never heard but to concur with the smallest Sum. I would this had been imitated, chiefly by them of the Hierarchy, who managed the judgments of that Court after he retir'd, I would that favour, which was wont never to be denied to any, had not been forgotten, to take away such a part of an Offenders Estate by Fine, that still he might have Honestum Continementum, an Honest Provision to live upon ac­cording to his Place and Dignity. It was never intended to prune away the Loppings, and to cut down the Trunk too. Nothing could be more harsh to tender Ears and Hearts, then such a Torrent of censure as came from Q. Furius against Dolabella 11. Philip. of Tully, he had loaded him with all the severity he could think of, Dixit tamen, si quis eorum qui post se rogati essent graviorem sententiam dix­isset, in eam se iturum. But he may get a fall himself, that in the undoing of a Man Gallops to Ride as fast as the Fore-Horse. Thirdly the Lord Keeper's In­dulgence was not satisfied to set the lowest Fine, but labour'd for as much miti­gation, as could be granted, at the end of the Term. The Officers that are yet alive will say as much, and make me a true Man, that the Fines of the Court were never shorn down so near before: And after the Period of his Presidency, it is too well known how far the Enhancements were stretch'd. But the wring­ing of the Nose hringeth forth Blood, Prov. 30.33. The Lord Treasurer Cranfeild, a good Husband for the Entrates of the Exchequer, complain'd against him to the King, how Delinquents by his Abatements were so slightly punish'd in their Purse, that the Fees, that came to His Majesties Enrichment, would not give the Lords a Dinner once a Week, as the Custom had been, nay, hardly once a Term. Behold now a Man that was Lenissimus sine dispendio Disciplinae, as Au­sonius says of Gratian, as full of Lenity as could be, saving the Correction of evil Manners. But it will be said, he was liberal to spare men out of the King's Stock. And no whit less, as I will shew it, out of his own. Sir Francis Inglefeild, a pri­soner in the Fleet, upon a contempt of a Decree in Chancery, was much overseen, not once nor twice, in bitter Words against the Lord Keeper, which he vented so rashly, that they were certified home. Well says the Lord Keeper, Let him Bark on, but he shall never bite his Chain asunder, till he submit to mine Order. But there came a Complaint, by the Information of Sir J. Bennet, that Sir Francis had not spared to say, before sufficient Witness That he could prove this Holy Bishop Judge had been Bribed by some that far'd well in their Causes. As the Old Adagy goes, he might as easily have proved that Hercules was a Coward. But this contumely could not be pass'd over: There was a necessity to purge it, or to fall under it in a public hearing. After time given to Sir Francis to make good his Words in [Page 84]Star-Chamber (the Lord Keeper withdrawing himself for that day) he could prove nothing of Corruption against him, no not to the Value of a Doit. So a Large Fine of many thousand pounds was inflicted on Sir Francis to be paid to the King, and to his Minister, whom he had Slander'd. The Lord Keeper in a few days following, sent for the woful Gentleman, and told him, he would refute his soul Aspersions, and prove upon him, that he scorn'd the Pelf of the World, or to exact, or make lucre of any man. For, for his own part he forgave him eve­ry peny of his Fine, and would crave the same Mercy towards him from the King. Sir Francis bless'd himself, to find such Mercy from one, whom he had so grievously provok'd, acknowledg'd the Crime of his Defamation; and was re­ceived afterward into some Degree of Acquaintance and Friendship. Many have been undone by those, whom they took to be their Friends: But it is a rare chance to be seen, as in this instance, for a man to be preserv'd by him, whom he had made his Enemy: Let this suffice to declare, that the Star-Chamber by this Lord's Prudence was the Court of Astraea.

97. Being to take his Picture from Head to Foot, it is pertinent to consider him in the Office of a Privy-Councellor. It was his first Honour, wherein the King call'd him to serve the Crown, being Sworn to sit at that Board, Three Weeks before he was entrusted with the Great Seal. Many things, and the best of his Abilities in that place, I believe, are un-publishable; for the most of that Work is secret, and done behind the Curtain. He that sits in that Employment, had need to have the whole Common-Wealth in his Head. So says an exact Se­nator, 2 De Orato: Ad Consilum de Repub. dandum caput est nosse Rempublicam. Many may spit Sentences upon such great matters, and speak little, as worthy Doctor Gauden says, like sealed Pigeons, The less they see, the higher they Fly. But blessed be his Name that gives all good Gifts, he was furnish'd with strong intel­lectuals to discern into the means, that concern the Honour, Safety, Defence and Profit of the Realm. Yet it is not enough to have a piercing Eye, unless there be an Heart to affect the public good. Tully began well, but Pontanus makes up the rest in Extolling the Venetian Government. Senatoribus mira in consentiendo integritas, at (que) erga patriam amor incredibilis. And his Lordship was as true an En­glishman, as ever gave Counsel in the Royal Palace. Therefore he was more employ'd by his Majesty then all the rest, to negotiate with Embassadors; be­ing most Circumspect and tender to yield to nothing, that was not advantagious to our own common Welfare. Neither did the Courts of France and Spain, and the States of Holland, with whom we Acted most, upon Tryal how he sisted their Leagues, expect any other from him, He had the most sudden Representation of Reason, to confirm that which he defended of any Man alive. None could abound above him in that Faculty, which made his great Master value him at that weight, that the thrice Noble Lodwick, Duke of Richmond, told him in my hearing, That the King listned to his Judgment, rather than to any Minister of State. Which took the oftner, because if his Majesty were moody, and not in­clin'd to his Propositions, he would fetch him out of that Sullen with a pleasant Je [...]t, and turn him about with a Trick of Facetiousness.

I find by his own Confession remaining in some Schedules, that he was be­holding to Lord Egerton's Directions, to fill up the Worth of that Place; which were these. First, To open his sincere and intimate Mind in all Advice; which is indeed to give Counsel, and not Words. For he that speaks against his Con­science, to please the King, gives him a dry Flower to smell to. Secondly, What­soever was propos'd, to examine primarily, if it were just: For he that dare make bold with God for Reasons of State, is not to be trusted by Man. There can be no Reason against Right: Velleius says, that Cato the Heathen was of that Opinion; Cui id solum visum est rationem habere, quod haberet justitiam. 2. If it were for the Honour of the King, for Crown-wisdom must not be soil'd with the Dust of Baseness, but aim at Glory. 3. If it were profitable, as well for the Ages to come, as for the present Use; for present Occasions are mortal, but a Kingdom is immortal. If it hit not every Joynt of Just, Honourable, and Profi­table, he voted to lay it aside. He kept other Rules at the Table, but more dis­pensable. As to mature great Matters, with slow Deliberation, at least to give them a second Hearing, after himself and his Colleagues had laid their Heads up­on their Pillows. Next he called upon the King, to follow the beaten Tract of former Precedents: For new ways are visibly the Reproach of ancient Wisdom, and run the Hazard of Repentance. New Stars have appeard and vanish'd; the ancient Asterisms remain, there's not an old Star missing. Likewise it was [Page 85]his modest, but frequent Motion, that Counsels should not be whispered by one or two in a Corner but delivered openly at the Board by the sworn Ministers. For what avails it, when a Globe of Senators have press'd sound Judgment, if some, for their own Ends, shall overthrow it, who have made Blastus their Friend in Agrippa's Chamber? Act. 12. The Lord Cooke's Jurisdiction of Courts, Pag. 57. gives it for a special Note of his own Observation, when he was a Privy Counsel­sellor, that when a thing upon Debate and Deliberation is well resolv'd at the Council-Table, the Change thereof, upon some private Information, is neither safe nor honourable. As Seneca says, Lib. 2. de Benif. Vota homines parciùs faccrent, si palam facienda essint. If all Prayers were made in the Hearing of a publick As­sembly, many that are mumbled in Private, wou'd be omitted for Shame. So if all Counsels, offer'd to Princes, were spread out before many Witnesses. Ear-Wiggs that buzz what they think fit in the retir'd Closet, durst not infect the Royal Audience with pernicious Glozing, for fear of Scandal or Punishment. Well did the Best of our Poets, of this Century, decipher a Corrupt Court, in his Under-woods, Pag. 227,

When scarce we hear a publick Voice alive;
But whisper'd Counsels, and these only thrive.

Lastly, He deprecated continually, and obtained that private Causes should be distinguished from Publick; that Actions of Meum and Tuum should be repulsed from the Council-Board, and kept within the Channel of the Common-Law. But to run along with the Complacemia of the Multitude, with that which was most cry'd up in the Town by our Gallants at Taverns and Ordinaries, he defy'd it utterly. Populo super [...]canea est calliditas, says Salust. The Peoples Heads are not lin'd with the Knowledge of the Kingdoms Government, 'tis above their Perime­ter. When they obey, they are in their Wits; when they prescribe, they are mad. Excellently, King James, in one of his Speeches, Who can have Wisdom to judge of things of that Nature (arcana imperii) but such as are daily acquainted with the Particulars of Treaties, and the variable and fixed Connexion of Affairs of State; together with the Knowledge of the secret Ways, Ends, and Intention of Princes in their several Negotiations? Otherwise small Mistakings, in Matters of this Nature, may pro­duce worse Effects than can be imagined. He gave this Warning very sagely to his People: what Warning he received from his faithful Servant, the Lord Keeper, shall be the Close of this Subject. His Majesty being careful to set his House within himself in good Order, against he came to the Holy Communion, on the Eve before, he sent for this Bishop as his Chaplain, to confer with him about Sa­cred Preparation for that Heavenly Feast; who took Opportunity, when the King's Conscience was most tender and humble, to shew him the way of a good King, as well as of a good Christian, in these Points. First, To call Parlia­ments often, to affect them, to accord with them. To which Proposal he fully won his Majesty's Heart. Secondly, To allow his Subjects the Liberty and Right of the Laws, without entrenching by his Prerogative; which he attended to with much Patience, and repented he had not lookt into that Counsel sooner. Thirdly, To contract his great Expences,, and to give with that Moderation, that the Prince his Son, and his succeeding Posterity, might give as well as He. In short, to contrive how to live upon his own Revenue, or very near it, that he might ask but little by way of Subsidy, and he should be sure to have the more given him. But of all the three Motions, there was the least Hope to make him hear of that Ear. For though he would talk of Parsimony as much as any, yet he was lavish, and could keep no Bounds in Spending. As Paterculus observes of an Emperor that wrote to the Senate, Triumphum appararent quàm minimo sumtu, sed quantus alias nunquam fuisset. To be a great Saver, and a great Spender, is hard to be reconciled, for it toucheth the Hem of a Contradiction. But since the Benefit of that Counsel would not rest upon the Head of the King, the Honesty of it returned again to him that gave it,

98. Who had the Abilities of two Men in one Breast, and filled up the In­dustry of two Persons in one Body. He satisfied the King's Affairs in the Civil Theatre, and performed the Bishops Part in the Church of Christ: As [...] and Jehojada were great Judges in the Land, and ministred before the Lord to their Linnen Ephods. The Custody of the Great Seal would not admit him, so long as he kept it, to visit his Diocess himself; but though he was not upon the Soil of the Vineyard, he was in the Tower of it, to over-look the Vine-Dressors. [Page 86]Though he was absent in his Body, he was present in the Care and Watchfulness of his Spirit, and as our Saviour said of the Woman that poured her precious Spikenard upon him, Quod potuit, fecit, Marc. 14.8. So I doubt not but God did accept it from him, that he did what he could. He heard often from those whom he had surrogated, and appointed in Office to give him Information; and was so assiduous to enquire after all Occurrences in those many Parochial Towns, that were under his Pastoral Power, that he would be very angry at the least Slackness of his Ministers, and was us'd to say, They might provoke him with Negligence, but never molest him with double Diligence; for he could read as much in an Hour, as they would write to him in a Week. Mr. W. Boswel his Se­cretary, and Custos of his Spirituality, and chief Servant under him in this Work, was all in all sufficient for it, eximious in Religion, Wisdom, Integrity, Learning, (as the Netherlands know, where he was long time Agent and Embassador for King Charles.) Through Mr. Boswell's Collection, and narrow Search, the Dio­cesan of so large a Precinct, together with the Names of every Parson and Vicar, was able to speak of their Abilities, and manner of Life, which I think no Memo­ry could carry away; but that it is credible he had some Notes affixed to every one of their Persons. For he could decipher the Learning of each Incumbent, his Attendance on his Cure, his Conformity, his Behaviour, as well as most men knew them in their respective Proximities. I do not say he had a passive Infalli­bility, but that he might be abused with untrue Relations. But for the most part a good Head-piece will discover a counterfeit Suggestion, and crush the Truth out of Circumstances. The Sum is, He did as much as a Bishop could do, while, for the space of four Years and a half, Necessity would not suffer him to reside with his Clergy: whom they knew not that they mist him, till he remov­ed from London to live among them, and made a large Amends for his Absence, when he setled at Bugden. In the mean time his Apocrisarii, they, to whom he had committed his Trust and Authority, were among them, to hear their Com­plaints, and to Judge Right. Now it is a good Rule in St. Cyprian, to a lauda­ble Purpose, though the Father applies it for once to a Bad, Epist. 61. Non po­test videri certasse qui vicarios substituit; & qui pro se uno plures succidaneos suggerit. He that fills his Office with a good Co-adjutor, his Absence may be dispenc'd with for a time upon reasonable Cause: For a good Substitute is not a Shadow, but a Substance. Howsoever, whether his Abode were within his Diocess, or without it, he knew that the Calling of a Bishop went along with him in every Place. And whatsoever the standing Weight of his Business was that lay upon him, he re­membred to stir up the Gift of God that was in him, by the Putting on of Hands. He Preached constantly in the Abby of Westminster, at the great Festivals of our Sa­viour's Nativity, Resurrection, and Whit-Sunday: On which high Days, he sung the Common Prayers, Consecrated and Administred the Sacrament, the Great Seal of the Righteousness of Faith; besides the Sermon which he Preach'd every Lent in the King's Royal Chappel: Which was Work indeed, being so learned­ly performed. For when he put his Hand to that Plough, no man cut up a deeper Furrow, that came into the Pulpit.

99. Such Examples of Preaching were necessary for this time; but very ill fol­low'd. For there were Divines more Satyrical than Gospel-spirited, chiefly some among the Lecturers in populous Auditories, that were much overseen. Banding their Discourses either under the Line, or above the Line, against the quiet Settle­ment of present Government. Some carried their Fire in Dark-Lanthorns, and deplor'd the Dangers that hung over us. Some rail'd out-right, and carried the Brands end openly in their Mouth to kindle Combustion. Both did marvellously precipitate slippery Dispositions into Discontents and Murmurings. The Treatise about the Spanish Match was the Breize that bit them, and made them wild. That was such a Bugbear, that at the Motion of it, some that were conscientious, and some that seem'd so, thought that the true Worship of God was a Ship-board, and Sailing out of the Realm. True Religion is the Soul of our Soul, and ought to be more tender to us than the Apple of our Eye. But we all know what will grow out of that Religion, when it is marked with Charity. It is not easily provok'd, thinketh no evil, beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, 1 Cor. 13. It is not distrustful of it own fastness, as if so good a Fortress could be push'd down with a bruised Reed. It will not raise Tumults and Tragedies from Misapprehensions, that float upon the idle Lake of Suspicion. That the Orthodox Church of England should totter upon this Occasion, God be thanked it was not in proof, nor could be made evident. Sometimes Jealousie is too watchful; sometimes it is fast asleep. [Page 87]When the French Marriage was in Treaty, when it was concluded, when the Navy was under Sail to Land the Royal Bride, the Preachers were modest, and made no stir, not one Zealot complain'd of for jerking at it with unadvis'd pas­sion. And yet the Daughter of France was a Daughter of the Roman Chair, no less then Donna Maria. She never had Commerce, nor ever like to have, with the Hugonots. The Swarms of her own Train, all Papists by Profession, were ready to abound in our Land far more than from the Spanish Coast. Because of the short and easie passage from Calis to Dover, their Shavelings would fly over as thick as Wasps about a Honey-Pot. This was mightily dreaded, when the Mari­age was in some forwardness between Queen Elizabeth, and the Duke of Anjoy, and opposed strongly by some that were hot in the Mouth to their cost. But now no Leprosie was suspected, but from Spanish Popery. Which was aggrava­ted with such Insolencies by some Ecclesiastical Fencers against the King's Honor; and the Sincerity of his Oath which he had taken, to maintain true Religion, that they were at the height of Rage to profess, Come, and let us smite him with the Tongue, Jerem. 18. Vers. 18. So that his Majesty rouzed up like a Lyon silenc'd some of the Offenders, imprison'd some, threatned to arraign some for their Lives. Yet after he was come to more Serenity of Passion, the Lord Keeper, who thought as hardly of their Indiscretion as the King himself did, was Advocate for them all, undertook to settle their Brains, and procur'd them their Liberty and their Livings. Among the rest, he invented a merry Contrivance in the behalf of a very learned and misguided Scholar, a Prisoner upon that score. He told the King that he had heard, that some idle Gossips complain'd of him grievously, and did not stick to curse him. Why? What Evil have I done to them? says the King. Sir, says the Lord-Keeper, Such a Man's Wife, upon Tidings of her Husband's Imprisonment, fell presently in Labour, and the Midwifes can do her no good to deliver her, but say it will not be ef­fected till she be comforted to see her Husband again: For which the Women that assist her revile you, that her Pains should stick at such a Difficulty. Now Weal away, says the King, send a Warrant presently to release him, lest the Woman perish. There was none that was worse to be tamed than the Lecturer of St. Martins in the Fields, a great Opiniator, who was committed to the Gate-House; and having scarce kiss'd the Jayl, was restored to go abroad, and to Preach again at the Lord Keeper's humble Suit. Who gave him grave Advice, to take some other Theme to treat of before his Auditors, than the King's Counsels and Intentions. And what doth your Lordship prescribe me to Preach upon? says this Frampul Man. What else? (and that you know your self, says he,) But Jesus Christ, and him Crucified. The next Sunday the Lecturer restor'd to his Place, takes for his Text 1 Cor. 2. V. 2. I determined not to know any thing among you, save Jesus Christ, and him Crucified. And withal told the People, That a Bishop and a great Statesman, had restrain'd him to Preach of that only, and no other Scripture. Of which Indignity when Sir George Calvert, the Prin­cipal Secretary, had brought him News, he laugh'd heartily, and said no more, But let him alone, Sir George, he hath vented his Crotchet: His Notes will not let him continue long on that Subject. He delights in Quarrels, but he shall never be question'd for my sake, if he will not trouble the King. So he dealt with him as Leo says he us'd Anatasius, Ep. 57. Benigniores circa ipsum, quam justiores esse volumus. A Magistrate is in a great strait, that deals with such a Head-strong Piece. Whether he be sum­mon'd to answer before Authority, or pass'd over in Connivence, his Heart is as fat as Brawn, and hath no feeling of the Publick Peace: Dicere si tentes aliquid, tacitus ve recedas, Tantundem est, feriunt pariter, Juven. Sat. 3. Yet perhaps when they are left to themselves, they will be soonest weary of themselves. And every Dunghil smells ill, but worst when it is stirr'd.

100. A few things more, subjunctive to the former, were thought meet to be Castigated in Preachers at that time. It jarr'd in the Ears of the Discreet to hear some, that exercis'd in the Church, battle out they knew not what about Regal Authority, and limit which were the Enclosures of Subjection, and which were not. To Be subject to the Higher Powers, is a constant and a general Rule; and Reason can discern, that the Supreme Majesty, which unquestionably is in our King, is inviolable. For omnis motus est super quietem. That all Penalties against them that offend may move orderly, there must be a Power Quiescent, and ex­empted from that Motion, not subject to Penalty by Man. He that maintains not this Principle, leaps wilfully into Confusion, and will never get out of it. But for Active Obedience to Laws and Edicts, 'tis local, and therefore various. Every Nation know their own way best, to what they are tied, as we know ours. He is a Busie-body that trasheth this in a Pulpit. A Minister is pur-blind of that side; [Page 88]and cannot tell how far the Eagle may fly: For it comes not under the Divine's Cap, but under the Judges Coif. A Scholar of Broad-Gates in Oxford, Mr. Knight, that had newly taken Orders, broke a Sermon against this Rock, in April 1022. out of Paraeus his Aphorisms on the 13th Chap. ad Rom. (how far forth he under­stood him I contend not,) he deliver'd that which derogated much from the safety of Regal Majesty. Dr. Pierce the Vicechancellor, a Learned Governor, found the Crime too great for the Cognizance of his Consistory: But inform'd Bishop Laud of all Passages, and the Bishop the King. Presently the Floods lift up their Voice: Ruine is thundred against Knight, who had set such a Beacon on Fire in the Face of the University. To the Gate-House he was committed a close Prisoner, till a Charge were drawn up against him, to Impeach him of Treasonable Doctrine. All other Passages I pretermit: And how the Charge came not in, shall be told by and by. But this weak Predicant, that run blindfold into Error and Destru­ction, lay in Limbo a great while macerated with fear, and want, and hard Lodg­ing. Dr. White, he who purchas'd Sion-College for the Clergy of London, and con­ferr'd other Beneficence on the place, had like to have kept Knight Company. He Preach'd a Sermon at St. Paul's Church London, in his Residentiaries Course, though very Aged, and was better able to discharge it Forty Years before. There were among those that heard him some that wrested his Words to a bad meaning, as if he had prick'd the Court in the Basilick, or Liver-Vein. Though his Doctrine was harmless in good Construction, yet a Tale was told to the King to the con­trary, for he was very Rich. That was the Carrion after which the Crows caw­ed. Though he was Orthodox, his Money was Heterodox; and the Informers look'd to part it among them. To avoid this Peril, Dr. White fled to the Lord Keeper's Sweetness and Civility, who assured him he would do him the best Of­fice he could. He thought upon the Doctor, and forgot not Mr. Knight, but rubb'd his Fore-head to find a Stratagem how to hunt two Hares at one Course. The next time he came into the King's Presence he fell upon it, how to amaze his Majesty with a Paradox. Some Instructions were appointed to be drawn up by his Discretion and Stile for the Performance of useful and Orderly Preaching. Which being under his Hand to dispatch, he besought his Majesty that one Proviso might pass among the rest, that none of Holy Calling might Preach before the Age of thirty years compleat, nor after threescore. On my Soul, says the King, the Devil, or some Fit of Madness is in the Motion; For I have many great Wits, and of clear Distillation, that have Preach'd before me at Royston and New-Market to my great Liking, that are under Thirty. And my Prelates and Chap­lains, that are far stricken in Age, are the best Masters, in that Faculty that Europe af­fords. I agree to all this, says the Lord Keeper, and since Your Majesty will allow both Young and Old to go up into the Pulpit, it is but Justice that you shew Indulgence to the Young Ones, if they run into Errors before their Wits be settled (for every Apprentice is allow'd to mar some Work, before he be cunning in the Mystery of his Trade); and Pi­ty to the Old Ones, if some of them fall into Dotage, when their Brains grow dry. Will Your Majesty conceive Displeasure, and not lay it down; if the former set your Teeth on edge sometimes, before they are mellow-wise; and if the Doctrine of the latter be touch'd with a Blemish, when they begin to be rotten, and to drop from the Tree? This is not un­fit for Consideration, says the King, But what do you drive at? Sir, says he, First, to beg your Pardon for mine own Boldness: Then to remember you that Knight is a Beard­less Boy, from whom Exactness of Judgment could not be expected. And that White is a decrepit spent Man, who had not a Fee-Simple, but a Lease of Reason, and it is ex­pir'd. Both these, that have been foolish in their several Extreams of Years, I prostrate at the Feet of your Princely Clemency. Which was granted, as soon as the Paradox was unridled to pitch upon them. Another Gust, that blew from the same Cape, I mean from the Pulpit, began to be so boisterous, that it came very cross to his Majesty's Content. Our Unity among our selves was troubled in Point of Doctrine; which was not wont. The Synod of Dort in the Netherlands having lately determined some great Controversies, awakned the Opposition of divers Scholars in our Kingdom, who lay still before. Learned and Unlearned did be­gin to conflict every Sunday about God's Eternal Election, Efficacy of Grace in our Conversion, and Perseverance in it, with much Noise, and little Profit to the People. The King, who lov'd not to have these Dogmatizers at Variance, us'd all speed to take up the Quarrel early, that our Variances might not reproach us to them that were without. For there was that in him, which Pope Leo applaud­ed in Marcian the Emperor, Ep. 70. In Christianissimo Principe sacerdotalis affectus. He was a mixt Person indeed, a King in Civil Power, a Bishop in Ecclesiastical [Page 89]Affections. After he had struggled with the Contentious Parties a while, and in­terposed like Moses, Sirs, ye are Brethren, Acts 7.26. and that this re­bated not the keen Edge of Discord, he commanded Silence to both Sides, or such a Moderation as was next to Silence. First, Because of the Sublimity of the Points. The most of Men and Women are but Children in Knowledge; and strong Meat belongs to them only that are of full Age, Hebr. 5.14. St. Austin sub­scribed to that Prudence, Lib. 2. de porsev. c. 16. Unile est ut taceatur aliquod verum propter incapaces. Secondly, Because the ticklish Doctrine of Predestination is fre­quently marr'd in the handling; either by such as press the naked Decree of E­lection standing alone by it self, and do not couple the Means unto it, without which, Salvation can never be attained; or by those that hold out God's peremp­tory Decrees concerning those, whom especially he hath given to Christ, and do not as much, or more, enforce the Truth of Evangelical Promises made to all, and to every Man, that whosoever believeth in the Son of God, shall not be con­founded. Now let the Reader consider all the Premises, and he shall find how the Instructions that follow, depend upon them: Which in Form and Stile were the Lord Keepers, in the Matter his Majesty's Command, and were called Di­rections concerning Preachers

101. Forasmuch as the Abuses and Extravagancies of Preachers in the Pulpit have been in all Ages repressed in this Realm by some Act of Council or State, with the Advice and Resolution of Grave and Learned Prelates; insomuch as the very Licencing of Preachers had his Beginning by an Order of the Star-Chamber, [...] July [...] Hen. 8. And that at this present. young Students, by Reading of late Writers, and ungrounded Divines, do broach Doctrines many times unprofitable, unfound, Seditious and Dangerous, to the Scandal of this Church, and Disquieting of the State and present Government. His Majesty hath been humbly entreated to settle for the present, either by Proclamation. Act of Council, or Command, the several Diocesans of the Kingdom, these Limitations, and Cautions following, untill by a general Convocation, or otherwise, some more mature Injunctions might be prepared and enacted in that behalf. First, That no Preacher (under the Degree and Calling of a Bishop, or Dean of a Ca­thedral or Collegiate Church) do take occasion, by the Expounding of any Text of Scripture whatsoever, to fall into any Discourse or common Place (o­therwise than by opening the Coherence and Division of his Text) which shall not be comprehended and warranted in Essence, Substance, Effect, or natural Inference, within some one of the Articles of Religion set forth 1562; or in some one of the Homilies set forth by Authority in the Church of England, not only for a Help to the Non-preaching, but withal, for a Pattern, and a Bounda­ry (as it were) for the Preaching Ministers. And for their further Instruction for the Performance hereof, that they forthwith read over and peruse diligently the said Book of Articles, and the two Books of Homilies. Secondly, That no Par­son, Vicar, Curate or Lecturer, shall Preach any Sermon or Collation upon Sun­days and Holy Days hereafter in the Afternoon, in any Cathedral or Parish Church throughout the Kingdom, but upon some Part of the Catechism, or some Text taken out of the Ten Commandments, or the Lords Prayer (Funeral Ser­mons only excepted.) And that those Preachers be most encouraged and ap­proved of, who spend this Afternoon's Exercise in the Examining of the Children in their Catechisms, and in the Expounding the several Heads and Substance of the same, which is the most ancient, and laudable Custom of Teaching in the Church of England. Thirdly, That no Preacher, of what Title soever, under the Degree of a Batchelor of Divinity, at the least, do henceforth presume to Preach in any Popular Auditory, the deep Points of Predestination, Election, Re­probation, or of the Universality, Efficacy, Resistibility, or Irresistibility of Gods Grace, but leave those Themes to be handled by Learned Men, and that mode­rately and modestly, by way of Use and Application, rather than by way of po­sitive Docttine, as being Points fitter for the Schools and Universitles, than for simple Auditories. Fourthly, That no Preacher, of what Title or Denominati­on soever, under the Degree and Calling of a Bishop, shall presume from hence­forth, in any Auditory within this Kingdom, to Declare, Limit, or bound out, by way of positive Doctrine, in any Sermon or Lecture, the Power, Preroga­tive, Jurisdiction, Authority, or Duty of Sovereign Princes, or to meddle with Matters of State, and the References between Princes and the People, otherwise than as they are Instructed and Precedented in the Homily of Obedience, and in the rest of the Homilies and Articles of Religion, set forth (as before is mention­ed) [Page 90]by Publick Authority; but rather confine themselves wholly to those two Heads of Faith and good Life, which are all the Subject of the ancient Sermons and Homilies. Fifthly, That no Preacher, of what Title or Denomination soever, shall causelesly, and without any Invitation from the Text, fall into any bitter Invectives, and undecent raising Speeches or Scoslings against the Persons of either Papists or Puritans; but modestly, and gravely, when they are occasi­on'd thereunto by the Texts of Scripture, free both the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England from the Aspersions of either Adversary; especially where the Auditory is suspected to be tainted with the one or the other Infecti­on. Lastly, That the Arch-Bishops, and Bishops of the Kingdom (whom his Majesty hath just Cause to blame for former Remisness) be more wary and choice in Licensing of Preachers, and revoke all Grants made to any Chancel­lor, Official, or Commissary to pass Licenses in this kind. And that all the Lecturers throughout the Kingdom (a new Body severed from the ancient Cler­gy of England, as being neither Parsons, Vicars, nor Curates) be Licenced henceforward in the Court of Faculties only, with a Fiat from the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and a Confirmation under the Great Seal of England. And that such as transgress any one of these Directions, be suspended by the Lord Bi­shop of the Diocess (or in his Default, by the Lord Arch-Bishop of the Province:) Ab officio, & beneficio; for a Year and a Day, untill his Majesty, by the Advice of the next Convocation, shall prescribe some further Punishment.

102. These Orders were well brought fourth, but Success was the Step-Mother. Destinata salubriter omni ratione potentior fortuna discussit. Curtius lib. 5 o. Crossness and Sturdiness took best with the Vulgar, and he was counted but a Cockney that stood in awe of his Rulers. No marvel if some were brought to no State of Health, or toward any Temper of Convalesence with these Mandates. ‘Nothing is so hardly bridled as the Tongue,’ saith St. James, ‘especially of a mis-guided Conscience; when their Bladder if full of Wind, the least Prick of a Thorn will give it eruption. A Fool traveleth with a Word, as a Woman in Labour of a Child. Ecclus. 19.11.’ Restraint is not a Medicine to cure epidemical Diseases; for Sin becomes more sinful by the Occasion of the Law. Diliguntur immodice sola quae non licent, says one of the Exteriors, Quintil. decl. 1 a. The less we should, the more we would. Curb Cholerical Humours, and you press out Bitterness; as it is incident to those that are strait-lac'd, to have sower Breaths. The Scottish Brethren were acquainted by common Intercourse with these Directions, that had netled the aggrieved Pulpitarians: And they, says Reverend Spotswood, P. 543. accuse them to be a Discharge of Preaching, at least a Confining of Preachers to cer­tain Points of Doctrine, which they call Limiting of the Spirit of God. But the Wiser Sort judged them both necessary and profitable, considering the Indiscretion of divers of that sort, who to make Ostentation of their Learning, or to gain the Applause of the Popular, would be medling with Controversies they scarce under­stood, and with Matters exceeding the Capacity of the People. But what a Pud­der does some make for not stinting the Spirit, or Liberty of Prophecying, as o­thers call it? They know not what they ask. Such an indefinite Licence is like the Philosopher's Materia Prima, a monstrous Passive Subject without Form: A Quid libet, which is next to nothing. Indeed it is a large Charter to pluck down, and never to build up. Every Man may sling a Stone where he will, and let it light as Luck carries it. But how can the House of God be built, unless the Builders be appointed to set up the Frame with Order and Agreement among themselves, according to the Pattern which was shewn in the Mount? Try it first in Humane Affairs, and see how it will sadge with them, before we pro­ceed to Heavenly. Dissolve the publick Mint, let every Man Coin what Money he will, and observe if ever we can make a Marchandable Payment. Their Confusion is as like to this, as a Cherry to a Cherry. Give their Spirit as much Scope as they ask: Let them Coin what Doctrine they will with the Minting-Irons of their own Brain. They may pay themselves with their own Money; but will it pass with others for Starling? Will it go for current Divinity? To meet them home. Suppose this Priviledge were allow'd; yet every good Spirit will limit it self to lawful Subjection. Yet these would not: Then what Reme­dy? in earnest none was try'd. It is the height of Infelicity to be incurable. As Pliny in his Natural History, said of Laws made against Luxury in Rome, which would not be kept down, therefore the Senators left to make Laws against it. Frustra interdicta quae vetucrant cernentes, nullas potiùs quam irritas esse Leges maluerunt.

103. Neither were uncharitable Suspicions like to mend. For the Unsatisfied, that sung so far out of Tune, had another Ditty for their Prick-Song. The King's Letters were directed to the Lord Keeper to be Copy'd out, and sent forth to the Judges and Justices to afford some Relaxation of our Penal Laws to some, but not all Popish Recusants. Which made sundry Ministers interpose very harshly, and in the Prophet Malachy's Stile, Chap. 2. Ver. 13. To cover the Altar of God with Tears, and Weeping, and Crying; but the Lord regarded not the Offering, neither re­ceived it with Good-will at their Hands. What could this mean, as they conjectur­ed, but the highest Umbrage to the Reformed Religion, and [...]at Toer [...]ion of Popery? Leave it at that cross way, that they knew not whither this Project will turn. Nay, Should they not hope for the best Event of the Meaning? A King is like to have an ill Audit, when every one that walks in the Streets will reck­on upon his Councels with their own casting Counters. It is fit in sundry Oc­currences, for a Prince to disguise his Actions, and not to discover the way in which he treads. But many times the Wisdom of our Rulers betrays them to more Hatred than their Follies, because Idiots presume that their own Follies are Wisdom. Plaurus displays these impertinent Inquisitors very well in Trinummo. Quod quisque habet in animo, aut habiturus est, sciunt. Quod in aurem Rex Reginae dix­erit, sciunt. Quae neque futura neque facta sunt, illi sciunt. Yet these Fault-sinders were not jear'd out of their Melancholly, though they deserv'd no better, but were gravely admonished by his Majesty Vivâ voce, in these Words. I understand that I am blamed for not executing the Laws made against the Papists: But ye should know, that a King and his Laws are not unfuly compared to a Rider and his Horse: The Spur is sometime to be used, but not always. The Bridle is sometime to be held in, at other times to be let loose, as the Rider finds Cause. Just so a King is not at all times to put in Execution the Rigor of his Laws; but he must for a time, and upon just Grounds, dis­pense with the same: As I protest to have done in the present Case, and to have conniv'd only for a time, upon just Cause, howbeit not known to [...]. If a Man, for the Favour shew'd to a Priest or Papist, will judge me to be inclining that way, he wrongs me ex­ceedingly. My Words, and Writings, and Actions have sufficiently [...] what my Resolution is in all Matters of Religion. That Cause not known to [...] in part unfolded by that grave Father, Spotswood, where I quoted him [...]. Says he, The Better and Wiser Sort (of his Country-men) who considered [...] Estate of things, gave a far other Judgment thereof (than the Discontented:) [...] then our King was treating with the French King for Peace to the Protestants of France; and with the King of Spain, for withdrawing his Forces from the Palatinate. At which time it was no way fitting that he should be Executing the Riger of his Laws against Papists at Home, while he did labour for Peace to them of the Religion Abroad. The most likely way to obtain what he did seek of those Princes, being a Moderation of the Severity of Laws against Priests and Papists, at least for a time. Thus far that wise man; but the Reason was stronger than he enforc'd it. For in sundry Places be­yond our Seas, the Churches of the most disconsolate Reformed were never so near, if not to an Extirpation, yet to an utter Dispersion. Those in Bohemia and Moravia were hunted from Hole to Hole by the Emperor's Men of War. The King of Spain was Victorious over the persecuted Servants of Christ in the Val-Teline. The King of France prepared to lay Siege to Rochel, and to all his fenced Cities that were in the Hands of the Protestants. The Duke of Savoy was sus­pected that he would watch this time to surround Geneva with an Army, while Cuspis Martis shin'd so sinistrously upon their Brethren every where. Now what Remedy was more ready to pacifie these destroying Angels, for their Sakes, with whom we walk'd in the House of God as Friends, then to begin in Clemency, to those among us, that carry their Mark? Can a Kingdom be governed with­out such Correspondencies? Salmasius in his Notes upon Simplicius, introduceth Aristides, Sirnamed the Just, that he was compell'd to unpeg his Rigor, and to make it go to a softer Tune in rugged Times, [...], as he translates it, Quod rationibus patrae se accommodaret, quae multâ injustitiâ opus habert. Necessity is so great a Part of Reason, that that is Ju­stice, which looks like Injustice, because of Necessity. Our good People, forsooth, would have the Protestants suffer no Ill Abroad, under the Dominions of the Pontificians, and yet mitigate no Severity to Pontisicians under the Dominion of Protestants. Hand stulte sapis, siquidem id est sapere, velle id quod non potest contin­gore, says the Comaedian. This is wisely laid, if a thing may be wisely laid, which can never be effected. I am not able to express this so well as the Lord Keeper hath done in his Sermon preached at King James's Funeral, P. 49. ‘This [Page 92] Blessed King, in all the time I serv'd him, did never, out of deep and just rea­son of State, and the bitter Necessity of Christendom, in these latter Times, give way to any the least Connivance in the World towards the Person of a Papist (for to his Doctrine he never did, he never would do, nor was there any Consideration under Heaven would have forc'd him thereunto;) but he strictly guided himself in the same by some notable Precedent of Queen Elizabeth (the Load-Star of all his greatest Actions) and that in the very Point; and bath'd his Favours in Showers of Tears (I speak it in the Presence of Almighty God) least those Intendments of his for the apparent Good of the State, might scandalize, for all that, in an oblique Line his weak, but well-meaning Subjects in their Reli­gion and Doctrine.’ This was a Testimony of the Integrity of these Proceed­ings almost three years after: But for present, and full Satisfaction, here follow­eth a long Letter, anticipated in the Cabal, but here inserted in its proper Place, which was written to the Lord Viscount Anan by the same Hand, Sept. 17. 1622; declaring the Nature and Reason of the Clemency, at that time, extended to the Lay-Recusants of England.

Right Honourable,

104. I Owe more Service to that true Love and former Acquaintance, which your Lordship hath been pleased to afford me, now these full ten years, then to be sparing or reserved in satisfying your Lordship about any doubt whatsoever: The Resolu­tion whereof shall lie in my Power. Concerning that Offence, taken by many people, both this side the Borders, and in Scotland, from that Clemency, which his Majesty was pleased to extend to the Imprisoned Lay-Recusants of this Kingdom. And my Letter Written to the Justices for the Reigling of the same (which your Lordship did intimate unto me yesterday, at Mr. Henry Gibb his House, out of some News received from a Peer of Scotland) This is the plainest return I can make unto your Lordship. In the general, as the Sun in the Firmament appears unto us no bigger then a Platter, and the Stars but as so many Nails in the Pomel of a Saddle, because of that Esloinment and Disproportion between our Eyes and the Object: So there is such an un-measurable di­stance betwixt the deep Resolution of a Prince, and the shallow Apprehension of Common and Ordinary people; that as they will be ever Judging and Censuring, so they must be Obnoxious to Error and Mistaking. Particularly, for as much as concerns my self, I must leave my former Life, my Profession, my continual Preaching, my Writing (which is extant in the Hands of many) my private Endeavours about some great Persons, and the whole bent of my Actions (which in the place I live in cannot be conceal'd) to Te­stifie unto the World, what favour I am like to importune for the Papists in point of Re­ligion. For the King my Master, I will tell you a Story out of Velleius Paterculus. A Surveyor bragging to M. Livius Drusus, that he would so contrive his House, Ut libera à conspectu, immunis ab omnibus Arbitris esset; That it should stand Re­moved out of sight, and be past all danger of Peeping, or Eaves-dropping, was answer'd again by Drusus, Tu vero, si quid in te artis est, ita compone domum meam, ut quicquid agam ab omnibus conspici possit. Nay my good Friend, if you have any devices in your head, contrive my House after such a manner, that all the World may see what I do therein. So if I should endeavour to flourish up some Artificial Vault to hide, and conceal the intentions of his Majesty, I know I should receive the same Thanks that the Surveyor did from M. Drusus. I was not called to Counsel by his Royal Majesty, when the Resolution of this Clemency to the Lay-Recusants was first con­cluded: But if I had been asked my Opinion, I should have advised it without the least Hesitation. His Majesty was so Popishly addicted at this time, that (to the incredible ex­haustments of his Treasury) he was a most Zealous Interceder for some Ease and Refre­shment to all the Protestants in Europe (his own Dominions, and Denmark only ex­cepted) Those of Swethland, having lately provoked the Pole, had no other hope of Peace: Those of France of the Exercise of their Religion: Those of the Palatinate and ad­joyning Countries of the least connivency to say their Prayers, then by the earnest Media­tion of our Gracious Master. And advised by the late Assembly of Parliament to in­sist a while longer in this milky way of Intercession and Treaty, what a preposterous Ar­gument would this have been to desire these mighty Princes (Armed and Victorious) to grant some Liberty and Clemency to the Protestants, because himself did now Imprison, and Execute the Rigour of his Laws against the Roman Catholics. I must deal plain­ly with your Lordship, our Viperious Country-men the English Jesuits in France, to fru­strate those pious endeavours of his Majesty, had many Months before this Favour grant­ed, retorted that Argument upon us, by Writing a most malicious Book (which I have seen, and read over) to the French King: Inciting him, and the three Estates, to put [Page 93]all those Statutes in Execution against the Protestants in those parts, which are here Ena­cted, and (as they falsly inform'd) severely Executed upon the Papists. I would there­fore see the most subtle State-monger in the World, chalk out away for [...] Majesty, to mediate for Grace and Favour for the Protestants, by Executing (at this [...]) the Se­verity of his Laws upon the Papists. And that this Favour should [...] Tolera­tion is a most dull, and yet a most devilish, misconstruction. A Toleration looks forward to the time to come: This favour backward to the Offences past. If any Papist now set at Liberty shall offend the Laws again, the Justices may, Nay, must recomm [...] him, and leave Favour and Mercy to the King, to whom they properly belong. Nay, let those two Writs directed to the Judges, be as diligently perused by these rash Censurers, as they were by those Grave and Learned Men, to whom his Majesty referred the Penning of the same; and they shall find that these Papists are not otherwise out of Prison, then with their Shackles about their Heels, sufficient sureties, and good recognizances to present themselves again at the next Assizes. As therefore that Lacedaemonian opposed the O­racle of Apollo, by asking his Opinion of the Bird which he grasp'd in his hand, whe­ther it were alive or dead: So it is a matter yet controverted and undecided, whether these Papists (clos'd up and grasp'd in the Bands of the Law) be still in Prison, or at Li­berty. Their own demeanour, and the success of his Majesties Negotiations are the Ora­cles that must decide the same. If the Lay-Papists do wax insolent with this Mercy, insulting upon the Protestants, and Translating this favour from the Person to the cause, I am verily of Opinion, that his Majesty will remand them to their former State and Condition, and renew his Writ no more. But if they shall use these Graces modestly, by admitting conference with Learned Preachers, demeaning of themselves Neighbourly and Peaceably, praying for his Majesty, and the prosperous success of his Pious Endeavours, and Relieving him bountifully (which they are as well able to do as any other of his Sub­jects) if he shall be forced and constrained to take his Sword in Hand: Then it can­not be denied, but our Master is a Prince, that hath, as one said, plus humanitatis poe­ne quam hominis: And will at that time leave to be merciful, when he leaves to be himself. In the the mean while this Argument fetch'd from the Devils Topics, which concludes a concreto ad abstractum, from a favour done to the English Papists, that the King favoureth the Popish Religion, is such a Composition of Folly and Malice, as is little deserved by that Gracious Prince, who by Word, Writing, Exercise of Religion, Acts of Parliament, late Directions for Catechising and Preaching, and all Professions and Endeavours in the World hath demonstrated himself so Resolved a Protestant. God by his Holy Spirit open the Eyes of the People, that these Airy Representations of un­grounded Fancies set aside, they may clearly discern and see, how by the Goodness of God, and the Wisdom of their King, this Island, of all the Countries in Europe, is the sole Nest of Peace and True Religion. And the Inhabitants thereof, unhappy only in this one thing, that they never look up up to Heaven to give God Thanks for so great an Happiness. Lastly for mine own Letter to the Judges (which did only declare, not operate the Fa­vour) it was either mispenned, or much mis-construed. It recited four kinds of Recu­sants only capable of his Majesties Clemency: Not so much to include these, as to exclude many other Crimes, bearing among the Papists the Name of Recusanties, as using the Function of a Romish Priest, seducing the King's Liege people from the Religion establish­ed, Scandalizing and Aspersing our King, Church, State, or present Government. All which Offences (being outward practises, and no secret Motions of the Conscience) are adjudged by the Laws of England to be meerly Civil and Political, and excluded by my Letter from the benefit of those Writs, which the bearer was imployed to deliver unto my Lords the Judges. And thus I have given your Lordship a plain Accompt of the Carriage of this business; and that the more suddenly, that your Lordship might perceive it is no Aurea Fabula, or prepared Fable, but a bare Narration, which I have sent unto your Lordship: I beseech your Lordship to let his Majesty know that the Letters to the Ju­stices of the Peace, concerning those four Heads, recommended by his Majesty, shall be sent away as fast as they can be exscribed. I will not trouble your Lordship more at this time, &c.

Your Lordships I. L. C. S.

105. The Letter as it exceeds in length, so it excells in Judgment. Yet thru­sting into the midst of the Throng to part the Fray, he got a knock himself. For because he was principally employ'd by his Office to distribute the King's Favours to some of the adverse Sect, he was Traduc'd for a Well-willer to the Church of Rome, nay so far by a ranting fellow about the Town, that he was near to receive a chief promotion from that Court, no less than a Cardinals Hat. At [Page 94]the first Bruit of this Rumor the Scandal was told him, and one Sadler the Au­thor discover'd, which he despis'd to prosecute, and pass'd it by with this mode­ration, 'That the Reporters saw the Oar under Water, and thought it was 'Crooked; but he that had it in his hand knew that it was whole and streight. An admirable Similitude to reconcile contraries to a good meaning; for the Eye were not right if the Oar under Water did not seem broken to it: And the Judgment were not right, if it had not a contrary Opinion. So the people that are upon the Shore judge one way; for they look upon things beneath the Wa­ter: But States-men judge another, who work at the Oar, or guide the Bark. The Error of the former is tolerable; the Sense of the other is Magisterial, and unquestionable. So great were this Lord's disaffections to that corrupt and un­found Church, that he watch'd their Ministers more narrowly then any Coun­sellor, when they shot beyond the Mark of his Majesties late indulgences. It was ever the unlucky diligence of those, that were Proctors to agitate the Recusants Cause, to importune his Majesty for those things, which they did not hope to obtain, but the very offer of them with their Arts and Graceless Carriage, would make the Council Table odious, contribute much to embitter the Subjects, and to raise divisions. So they dealt now. For they put a Paper into my Lord of Buckingham's hands to assist them for the Erection of Titulary Popish Praelates in this Kingdom. A most Natural superfaetation; with the motion whereof the Lord Marquess being amuzed, he sent to the Lord Keeper for advice, who dam­ned the Project with these Reasons ensuing, ‘First it will set all the Kingdom on Fire, and make his Majesty unable to continue those Favours and Conni­vencies to peaceable Recusants, which he now most Graciously affords them. Secondly, It takes away from his Majesty an Hereditary Branch of the Crown, which the Kings of this Land have ever enjoy'd, even before the Conquest, and hath never, since the days of King John, been so much as Challeng'd by any Pope, to Wit, the Investitures of Bishops. Thirdly, It is a far greater mischief in a State (I mean in regard of the Temporal, but not of the Spiri­tual good thereof) then an absolute Toleration. For a Toleration, as we see in France, doth so divide and distinguish Towns and Parishes, that no place makes above one payment to their Church-men. But this invisible Consistory shall be confusedly diffused over all the Kingdom, that many of the Subjects shall to the intolerable exhausting of the Wealth of the Realm, pay double Tithes, double, Offerings, and double Fees, in regard of their double Consistory. And if Ireland be so poor, as it is suggested, I hold, under Correction, that this invisible Consistory is the principal cause of the exhausting thereof. Fourthly, If the Princes Match should go on, this New Erected Consistory will put the the ensuing Parliament into such a Jealousie and Suspition, that it is to be feared that they will shew themselves very untractable upon all propositions. Fifthly, For the Pope to place a Bishop in this Kingdom is against the Fundamental Law of the Land, and the King will be held unjust and injurious to his Succes­sors, if to his utmost power he should not resist and punish.’ This Draught was brought to the King, who was glad such Pills were prepared to purge away the redundancy of the Catholic Encroachments. And his Majesty gave Order to him, who had confected them so well, to Administer them with his best skill to the Spanish Embassador. That they might work gently with him, the Lord Keeper at his Visit made shew, that he was startled at a heady motion that came from Savoy, as he thought, taking no notice of any Spanish Agent that had his Finger in it: And besought his Excellency to send for the Savoyan, and to wish him to throw aside his Advice for Titulary Bishops, least it should hinder the King of Spain's desire, in accomodating the Catholics with those Courtesies, which had been granted; which took so well with the Spanish Embassador, his own indiscretion being not Taxt, but the Folly laid at another Door, that the motion sunk in the Mud, and was seen no more. I will add but one thing, how distastful it was to him, that the Papists should have so much as the shadow of a governing Church in this Realm taken out of a Letter ( Cabal. pag. 81.) Written to my Lord of Buckingham, being then at Madrid, dated Aug. 30. 1623. ‘Doctor Bishop, the New Bishop of Chalcedon, is come to London privately, and I am much troubled at it, not knowing what to Advise his Majesty, as things stand at this present. If you were Shipped with the Infanta, the only Counsel were to let the Judges pro­ceed with him presently; Hang him out of the way, and the King to blame my Lord of Caterbury, or my self for it.’ Surely this doth not favour of addicti­on to the Purple-Hat, or the Purple-Harlot. Ovid. Nunquid ei hoe fallax Creta [Page 95]negare potes? Nay, it was a Pang, rather then a Passion, to the welfare of this Church, which forc'd sentence of Blood out of his sweet and mi'ky Nature.

106. Yet well fare those good Fellows that did not defame him for a Papist: Much otherwise they charg'd him with a loud Slander, and a long Breach for it continued in his days of Sorrow) that he was a Puritan; of what Colour Si [...]s? Blew, or Black; Both these might he false (so they were) both could not be True. David says of God's Servants, whom he Tried as Silver is Tried in the Fire, that they went through Fire, and through Water, Mise [...]ies of Repugnant Natures. So Sometimes they pass through Defamations inconsistent, and as con­trary one to another as Fire and Water. The Old Non conformists were call'd by the Nick Name of Puritans in Queen Elizabeth's days. I know not who im­pos'd it first, whether Parsons the Jesuit, or some such Franion: I know it grew not up like Wild Oats without Sowing. But some Supercilious Divines, a few years before the End of K. James his Reign, began to Survey the Narrow way of the Church of England with no Eyes but their own, and measuring a Right Protestant with their streight line, discriminated, as they thought fit, sound from unsound, so that scarce ten among a Thousand, but were Noted to carry some Disguise of a Puritan. The very Prelates were not free from it, but, Tantum non ni [...]piscopatu Puritani became an Obloquy. At the Session which these Arislar­chusses held near to the Court in the Strand, the Lord Keeper, the most Cir­cumspect of any Man alive to provide for Uniformity, and to countenance it, was scratch'd with their Obeliske, that he favour'd Puritans, and that sund [...]y of them had Protection through his Connivency or Clemency. All the Quarrel in good Sooth was that their Eye was Evil, because his was Good. Such whom the Aemulous repin'd at, as he cast it out himself, were of two Ranks. Some were of a very strict Life, and a great deal more laborious in their Cure, then their Obtrectators. Far be it from him to love these the worse, because they were Stigmatiz'd, to the Offence of Religious and Just-men, with a by word of Con­tumely. Pacatus the Orator inveighed against it for a Rank impiety in his Pan [...]g. Quod Clarevati Matrorae objicicbatur, at (que) [...] exprobrabatur mulieri vi luae nimia Re­ligio, & diligentius culta Divinitas. I will lay it open in one particular. The Lord Bishop of Norwich Dr. Harsnet, a learned Prelate, and a Wise Governour (bate him perhaps a little roughness) began to proceed in his Consistory, against Mr. Samuel Ward a Famous Preacher in Ipswich; who Appealed from the Bishop to the King. And the King committed the Articles exhibited against him to be Examined by the Lord Keeper, and by him to be Reported to his Majesty. The Lord Keeper found Mr. Ward to be not altogether blameless, but a Man to be won easily with fair dealing. So he perswaded Bishop Harsnet to take his Sub­mission, and to continue him in his Lecture at Ipswich. The Truth is, he found so much Candor in Mr. Ward, so much readiness to serve the Church of England in its present Establishment, and made it so clearly appear that he had gained di­vers Beneficed Men to conform (who had stumbled at that Straw) that the Lord Keeper could do no less then compound the Troubles of so Learned and Indu­strious a Divine. And I aver it upon the Faith of a good Witness, that after this, Bishop Harsnet acknowledged, that he was as useful a man to assist him in his Go­vernment, as was in all his Diocese. Another Rank for whose sake the Lord Keeper suffer'd, were scarce an handful, not above three or four in all the wide Bishoprick of Lincoln, who did not oppose, but by ill Education seldom used the appointed Ceremonies. Of whom when he was certified by his Commissa­ries and Officials, he sent for them, and confer'd with them with much Meek­ness; sometime remitted them to argue with his Chaplain. If all this stirred them not, he commended them to his Old Collegiate Dr. Sibbs, or Dr. Gouch: Who knew the scruples of these mens Hearts, and how to bring them about, the best of any about the City of London. If all these labour'd in vain, he protracted the hearing of their Causes de die in diem, that time might mollisie their refractory Apprehensions But had it not been better said some [...]; to stop the mouth of the unruly, Tit. 1.11. I Answer, Their mouth was slept in St. Paul's meaning. Estius hath begun the distinction, and it is easily made up, Alind est silontium indicere, quod est imperamis: Alind ad metas saciturnitatis reduccre, quod est docte redarguentis. They were not imperiously commanded to be silent, but enough was spoken wifely to their Face, to put their Folly to silence. Men that are found in their Morals, and in Minutes imperfect in their Intellectuals, are best reclaimed when they are mignarized, and strok'd gently. Seldom any thing but severity will make them Anti-practise: For then they grow desperate Facundus [Page 96]Dominus quosdam a [...]fugam cogit, quosdam ad mortem, says Seneca. And they are like to convert more with their sufferings, then with their Doctrine. He that is openly punish'd, whatsoever he hath done, he shall find Condolement. But I will spend no more Words to wipe away this stur of Puritanism, it needs not a laborious Apology; [...], as the Proverb is in Athenaeus; ‘Let Lubbars Talk of it over a Winter Fire, when they Droll out Tales.’

107. Yet I want not matter how to wash out this spot of Jealousie by great Actions: In this year 1622, he began to expend a great Sum upon St. John's College, the Nurse of his hopeful breeding. A right stampt Puritan is not a Founder, but a Demolisher of good Works. He laid the platform of his Benefi­cence on this Wife. Four Scholars he Added to the 40 Alumni in the College of Westminster. For their Advancement he provided and endowed four Scho­larships in St. John's College, upon their Maturity and Vacancy of those places to be Translated to them. Two Fellowships he Newly Erected in that House, into which only out of those four the best were to be chosen. Withal he pur­chas'd the Patronage of four Rich Benefices to receive those Scholars and Fellows of his Foundation upon the Death, or other Cessation of the Incumbents. But the Chief Minerval which he bestowed upon that Society was the Structure of a most goodly Library, the best in that kind in all Cambridge. And as he had pick'd up the best Authors in all Learning, and in all plenty, for his own use, so he bequeathed them all to this fair Repository. This was Episcopal indeed, to issue out his Wealth, as the Lord brought it in, in such ways. This is the Purse that Mr. H. L. says he Ran away withal, after he had departed with the Great Seal; wherein we see how far the Portion of over-flowing wast, which [...] from Great Ones, and is spilt, if it were sav'd, and well bestow'd, would [...] the Land with all sort of Monumental Bravery. What a good Steward he was for his Master Christ Jesus's Houshold and how provident to put none into part of the Care, but such as were Obedient to Civil and Sacred Rulers, appears most in his happy choice of those, upon whom he confer'd the livings that fell into his Patronage. They were ever pick'd out of the best Learned, the best Qualified, the most Cordially affected to our most Godly Liturgy, and to the Government of the Prelates. Within these Apostatizing times, wherein so many have departed from them without Cause, I cannot remember any of his prefer­ring, but kept their Traces, and to their best Power, never run out of the Ring. I have a short Story to tell, and then I leave this Subject. Among the poor di­stressed Protestants in Bohemia, many of them were Braziers by their Occupati­on These sent sent some messengers from them with a Petition to his Majesty, that they might Transplant a Colony into England, ( London especially) Men, Wives, Children, and their full Families. Signifying that they would bring with them to the Value of two hundred Thousand Pounds in Coin, and Materials of their Trade. That their Substance and Labour should be subject to all Customs and Taxes for the King's profit. They desired to live in a Body of their own Nation, and to serve Christ Jesus in that Church Discipline which they brought with them from Bohemia. Though they had inclin'd his Majesty to admit them, being a great Swarm of People, and bringing Wax and Honey along; yet the Lord Keeper diverted it, from the Example of the Dutch and French that were setled among us. These brought commodious Manufacture into the Realm; but they brought a Discipline with it, according to the Allowance of their Patent, which was a Suffocation to the Temperate Crisis of our own Church Govern­ment. Which Peril of Distemper would be increased by the Access of the Bo­hemick Congregation. A great Forecast to keep our Hierarchy found from the Contagion of Foreigners; and he was more Religious to keep the Church of England in its Sabbath, and Holy Rest, than to help out the Neighbours Ox, that was fallen into the Pit. Yet I have somewhat to alledge in the Behalf of the Bo­hemians. I have in my little Library, a Book printed 1633 (eleven years after the Lord Keeper appear'd against their Petition) called Ratio Disciplinae, ordinis­que Ecclesiastici in unitate sratrum Bohemorum. Their Platform in that Piece comes so near to the old Protestant Church of England, above all the Reformed, that for my part, I wish we had had their Company. This is sufficient, I am sure, a­gainst those Opposite, and Self-overthrowing Aspersions. Let them do their worst, there is one Metal that will never be the worse for them, of whose Pro­perty, this Lord partak'd. It is Gold, of which Pliny writes, Lib. 33. N. H. c. 3. that nothing makes it more precious, Quam contra salis & aceti, succos domitores [Page 97]rerum, constantia. The Spirits of Salt and Vinegar (the most biting and sowrest Reproaches) cannot hurt it with their Tartness. That which corrodes all other Bodies, cannot dissolve the Constancy of Gold.

108. How faithfully, and with what Courage, like himself, he adventur'd to maintain Orthodox Religion against old Corruptions, and new Fanglements, will be a Labour to unfold hereafter. One thing remains that is purely of Episcopal Discharge, which I will salute, and so go by it, before I look again upon his Fo­rensive, or Political Transactions. When he was Dean of Westminster he had a Voice in the High Commission Court, and so forth when he was in higher De­grees. For as Nazianzen commends Athanasius, pag. 24. Encom. he was [...], skiiful in all the various Arts of Government. He appear'd but once at Lambeth, when that Court sat, while he was Dean. A sign that he had no Maw to it. For he would say, that the Institution of the Court was good without all Exception; That is, to Impower the Kings of England and their Successors by Statute to issue out that Authority under the Great Seal, which was annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm, to assign some, as often, and to so long time as the King should think fit, to be Judges for the Reformation of great Abuses and Enor­mities. But that this Power should be committed from the Kings and Queens of this Realm to any Person or Persons, being Natural born Subjects to their Maje­sties, to overlook all Ecclesiastical Causes, correct, punish, deprive, whether one or more, whether Lay or Clergy, whether of the vilest as well as the noblest, nay whether Papist as well as Protestant, as no harm was to be feared from good Prin­ces, albeit they have this Liberty by the Tenure of the Act 1 Eliz. Cap. 1. So if God should give us a King in his Anger, who would oppress us, till our cry went up like the Smoke out of a Furnace, this Statute would enable them to enact Wick­edness by a Law. This was a Flaw (to his seeming) in the Corps of the Statute, which gave Vigour to the High Commission. But in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, and her two blessed Successors, God be praised, we were never the worse for it. Better Commissioners than were appointed in their Days, need not be wish'd. What ail'd this wise Church-man then to be so reserv'd, and to give so little At­tendance in that Court? He was not satisfied in two things: Neither in the Multiplicity of Causes, that were pluck'd into it, nor in the Severity of Cen­sures. It is incident to Supream Courts, chiefly when Appeals fly unto them; to be sick of this Timpany, to swell with Causes. They defraud the lower Audi­ences of their Work and Profit, which comes home to them with Hatred. What a Clamor doth Spalat. make, Lib. 5. Eccl. Reip. c. 2. ar. 28. That the Judicatories at Rome lurch'd all the Bishops under that Supremacy, of all Complaints that were promoted to their Consistories. Eò lites omnes, cò dispensationes trahuntur. Flu­viorum omnium tractus ad suam derivat molam, nobis quod sugamus, nihil relinquitur. The Affairs of all Ecclesiastical Tribunes were little enough to drive that Mill: So the Consistories of all the Suffragans in the Province of Canterbury became in a manner Despicable, because the Matters belonging to every Diocess were fol­lowed before the High Commission. That it might be said to the neglected Prae­lates at Home, Are ye unworthy to Judge the smallest Matters, 1 Cor. c. 2. It seems ill Manners increas'd apace: For I heard it from one that liv'd by the Practice of that High Court, An. 1635: That whereas in the last Year of Arch-Bishop Whit­gift, eight Causes were left to be discuss'd in Easter-Term, there were no less than a Thousand depending at that time. This was one of his Exceptions, That the High Court drew too much into its Cognizance. The other Reason, which made him stand a loof from it, was, That it punish'd too much. Arch-Bishop Abbot was rigorously Just, which made him shew less Pity to Delinquents. Sentences of great Correction, or rather of Destruction, have their Epocha from his Pre­dominancy in that Court. (And after him it mended like sowre Ale in Summer.) It was not so in his Predecessor Bancroft's Days, who would Chide stoutly, but Censure mildly. He considered that he sate there rather as a Father, than a Judge. Et pro peccato magno paululum supplicii satis est patris. He knew that a Pastoral Staff was made to reduce a wandering Sheep, not to knock it down. He look'd upon St. Peter, in whom the Power of the Keys was given to the U­nity of all the Officers of the Church, who incurr'd a great Offence in the Hall of the High Priest (let the Place be somewhat consider'd, but his Action most.) Ut mitior esset delinquentibus grandis delinquens, Saith St. Austin. It being the most indubitate Course of that Commission, to deprive a Minister of his Spiritual En­dowments; that is, of all he had, if Drunkenness, or Incontinency were prov'd against him. I have heard the Lord Keeper (who was no Advocate for Sin, but [Page 98]for Grace and Compassion to Offenders) dis-relish that way, for this Reason. That a Rector, or Vicar, had not only an Office in the Church, but a Free-hold for Life by the Common Law, in his Benefice. If a Gentleman, or Citizen had been Convicted upon an Article of Scandal in his Life, was it ever heard that he did Confiscate a Mannor, or a Tenement? Nay, What Officer in the Rolls, in the Pipe, in the Custom-house, was ever displac'd for the like? Under St Cypri­an's Discipline, and the Rigor of the Eliberitan Canons, the Lay were obnoxious to Censures as much as the Clergy. But above all (said he) there is nothing of Brotherhood, nor of Humanity in this, when we have cast a Presbyter cut of Doors, and left him no Shelter to cover his Head; that we make no Provision for him out of his own for Term of Life, to keep him from the Extremities of Starving or Begging, those De­formed Miseries.

109. These Reasons prevailing with him, to be no ordinary Frequenter of that Court; yet an Occasion was offered, which required his Presence, Mart. 30. 1622, which will draw on a Story large and memorable. M. Amonius de Demi­nis, Arch Bishop of Spalato, made an Escape out of Dalmatia, an English Gen­tleman being his Conductor, he posted through Germany, and came safe into England in the end of the Year 1616. The King gave him Princely Welcome: Many of the Religious Peers, and Chief Bishops, furnished him with Gold, that he lack'd for nothing. He seem'd then, for all this Plenty brought in, to be co­vetous of none of these things; but was heard to say, That the Provision of an or­dinary Minister of our Church would suffice him. For in the end of June, as he was brought on his Way to the Commencement at Cambridge, a Worthy and a Bountiful Divine, Dr. John Mountfort receiv'd him for a Night in his Parsonage-House of Ansty. Where Spalat. noting that Dr. Mountfort had all things about him orderly and handsome, like a genteel Scholar; he protested to all that were in presence, that if he could obtain such a House to dwell in, and no more than the Profits of such a Parish to maintain him, he would go no further in the De­sire of the Things of this Life. But King James, no Niggard in Liberality, per­swaded him to take more than he ask'd; as Naaman urged Gehazi, who was as willing to receive, as Naaman to give, 2 King. 5.23. He was installed Dean of Windsor, and admitted Master of the Savoy-Hospital in the Strand. These toge­ther were worth to him 800 l. per Annum. They brought in no less, and he would not loose a Peny of his Due; but studied to exact more, than ever by Custom had been received by any of those Dignitaries. Of which Sharking, his Majesty once admonished him: Yet his Veins were not full, but he got himself presented by the Church of Windsor, to a good Benefice, says Mr. Ri. Montagu, West Ilsly in Barkshire, where he made a shift to read the Articles of 1562 in En­glish, pro more Clericali, and subscribed to them. But Jesurum waxed fat, and kicked, Deut. 28.15. For toward the end of January 1621, he came to Theo­balds to be brought to the King, and with as bold a Fore-head, as ever any Face was drest in, he became an humble Suppliant to his Majesty, that he might have his Leave to return for Italy. The Courtiers that stood by look'd up to Heaven in wonder: For no Man dreamt of this Inconstancy, and certainly no Man less than the King. He that is not ready to do Evil, is ever flow to suspect Evil of others. But his Majesty carried it with high Wisdom: For, as if this Recoiler had told him no News, he spake but this little, and dismist him. If you have a mind to be gone, I will not stay you; and at my first Leisure, I will appoint those that shall confer with you about your Dismission. A brave Contempt, and well bestow'd upon a Proud Man, that did not expect to be valued at a Trisle, which was not worth the keeping. Many have written before me the reason of this Arch-Bi­shop's retrograde Motion, and likewise what it was that bore him up so stifly, to be very confident, or to seem to be, to present himself before the Roman Con­clave. I shall not lose my Thanks, I hope, If I add my Observations, with a little more than hath already been discovered. First, About the middle of Autumn, Ann. 1621, Ant. de Dominis besought the King to confer the Arch-Bi­shoprick of York upon him. A hasty Suitor, for the Place was not void. The Error came about thus: The Arch-Bishop then in being (called familiarly Toby Matthew) was ever pleasant, and full of becoming Merriment; and knowing that his Death had been long expected, was wont every year, once, or oftner, to cause Rumours to be raised that he was deceased. And when he had put this Dodgery strongly upon those at London, that gap'd for the Vacancy to succeed him, it was a Feast of Laughter to him, to hear what Running and Riding there was to fill up his Room, who jear'd them behind the Lattuce. No wonder if [Page 101] Spalat. a Stranger, were catcht in this Trap; but he had worse Luck than to be derided for his Forwardness, for the King bade him sit quiet, and seek no further. It was not now as in Lanfranke and Anselm's Days, to make a Stranger a Metro­politan of England. The Man, impatient that his Request had so large a Denial, offers his Departure, as 'tis said before, not distrusting, but that the King would bid for such Ware, as much as the Man thought himself to be worth. But being over-shot, and laid aside with Scorn, he would have eat his Words, and east out Speeches in oblique before some of the Council, that whatsoever he had uttered, he was dispos'd more to please the King, than to please himself. But he found no Place for Repentance. And of all this the Lord Keeper is my Author.

110. But what can be so quick sighted as the Devil? that spies the first Spark of attentation, and blows it into a Flame. The vigilant Men at Rome knew better than we in England, that the Jade had a mind to slip his Halter, and to run a­way, because we did not fill his Rack, and plump him up with Provender. There­fore in the beginning of January, (Hui! tam cito?) a Packet came to his Hands from Cardinal Mellino, whose Contents were, That Paul the Fifth was dead, from whose Anger he had made haste to be gone, because he had provok'd him in defending the Venetian Quarrel against him; but Gregory the Fifteenth, of the Ludovisian Family, was then in the Papal Throne, as propense unto him of old as any Friend, and as true to him as his own Brother. That he had sent him an Apostolical Brief to Brussels ( for such Missives were not welcomed in England) to give him Assurance of good Speed at Rome, with a plenary Indulgence for all the Provocations of his Writings. And Mellino added (for that must not be left out) That a great Dignity lay in Lavender for him, Eaque valde opima. So Dr. Crakanthorp cites it from Spalato 's own Mouth, Pretium octuplicis stipendii, eight times more in value than his english Preferments, Defen. Eccl. Angl. c. 8. art. 5. But a Man not half so wise as Spalat. might discern, that if he did conside in this Ludovisian Pope alone, the Security was very rotten. Every Child presaged his Life was not long. Death was ready to arrest him every day upon two Suits, great Age, and great Infirmity. This Renego sailed from our Ports in the end of April, arrived at Rome in June, and this Pope, the Hope of his Life and Fortunes, expired July 8, Stilo Novo, 1623. Neither was he igno­rant of this Gregory's approaching Mortality, his own Physicians confest he was of short Continuunce. Be that very probable, said they that undermined him, and plied him with Packets from beyond Seas, all the better. For who is the Rising-Sun? Who is the Prelate upon whom all Eyes are cast for the certain Successor, but Cardinal Mellino, his other Self, the Undertaker for his Indemnity, and Ad­vancement? Certainly he was bewitch'd with that Imposture, yet an Imposture that had Truth in it, as well as Cunning. The Conclave how Urban the Eighth was chosen Pope, Aug. 6. 1623, was Printed at London by License, An. 1642. Therein is discoursed, how Cardinal Burgesi, the leading Prelate of the Conclave, labour'd so stifly for Mellino, that July 22, he had fifteen Voices in the Scrutiny, and eleven in the Access, Which filled his Friends with Hopes to get ten Voices more to consummate the Election. Again, July 27, he had most Voices both in the Scrutiny and Access: Whereupon Cardinal Sforza was so transported in his own Imagination to advance him, that if Mellino might have been created Pope by Adoration (as formerly the Custom would have done it, but was crost by a new Bull) it had been effected. Mellino had a good Course for it, though Car­dinal Barberino catcht the Hare, and was as near to the Papacy, and as publickly cry'd up, as Cardinal Sachetti in the late Contestation of the tedious Conclave, wherein the now inthroned Alexander the VII. had much ado to step before him. But Mellino lost the Day and thereupon Am. de Dominis his Cake was Dough; who set his Rest upon a Card before it was drawn. Yet that was the least part of his Folly; he remains for an Example of the most besotted Cast-away that e­ver I read. Ita se res habet, ut plerumque cui fortunam mutaturus est Deus, consilia corrumpat, says Paterculus. The Judgment of Blindness fell upon Sodom, before the Vengeance of Fire. How durst this bold Bayard look the Court of Rome in the Face upon any Terms, whose Writings were more copious against the Ampli­tude of the Papacy, than ever came out of the Press? An Italian never forgives an Injury. But Indignities written, and with the Pen of a Diamond, against the Sublimity Pontifical, are more unpardonable with them, than Blasphemies against Christ. Had Cardinal Mellino, his Confident, been elected Pope, the Pope would have forgotten all that the Cardinal had promised him. What had Fulgentio the Servite done, to be compared with his Scopuli, and such jerking Books? He had maintained the Venetian just Laws against Paul the Fifth's Abrogations; yet ever [Page 102]abode in the Bosom of the Roman Church. He had wrote the Life of Frier Paul, whom they hated, to the full pitch of his Praise. But what were these Toys to the Ecclesiastical Republick of Antonius de Dominis? Yet after twelve years that Fulgentio had provok'd them, he having obtained safe Conduct to go to Rome, un­der the Fisher's Ring, and Berlingerius Gessius, the Apostolical Nuntio at Venice, pawn'd his Faith to the poor Man for his Incolumity; yet he was cited before the Inquisition, Condemn'd, and Burnt in Campo di Flora: And his Ashes were scarce cold, when this daring Wretch came wittingly into the Den of the Lion.

111. I forbear a while to tell his Disaster, for a third Reason remains of the retrocession of this Crab, whose Brains were fallen into his Belly. He protested he came hither, and returned to the Place from whence he came for the same end, to finish the Work which G. Cassander began, to compose a Method of Con­cord for the Eastern and Western Churches, Greeks and Latins; for the Uniting of the Northern and Southern Distractions of the Reformed Evangelical Divines, and the Papalins. That this had been his Design within his own Breast for twen­ty years; and that his Studies were now come to that Maturity, that he saw no Unlikelihood to prevail. But what if the Arch-Bishopric of York had fallen into his Mouth, which he gap'd for? Certainly he would have forgot his Trade of Composing Churches, and cast Anchor upon this Shoar for ever; for his Religion was a Coat that had all Colours, but wanted Argent and Ore. Yet if a Moun­tain of some such Promotion had stopt his way, I do not dis-believe him, but that he was traversing in and out to attone the Differences of the most principal Christian Sects. So Mr. Camden understood him, under whose Hand I find this Note among his Diary Records. Accingit se aditer Romam Versus, nescio quâ spe convocandi generalis concilii, & rem religionis componendi. He was packing for Rome, in hopes to see a General Council call'd to cure the Distractions of Religion. I appeal also to the Writer of the best Appeal, Bishop Morton, our Holy Polycar­pus, who told me that he dehorted Spulat. from his Vagary into Italy, to accom­modate Truth and Peace, for the Italians would never be perswaded to retract an Error. Spalat. takes him up for it churlishly, An putas Papam & Cardinales diabo­los esse, quod non possunt converti? Says our Bishop again, Neque puto Spalatensem Deum esse, ut possit eos convertere. Further, When he was convented before the High Commissioners, Mart. 30, he requested their Lordships to think charitably of him, that his Departure hence was not that he took any Dislike at the Church of England, which he held to be sound and Orthodox, and that he would avouch before the Pope, Grackan. c. 85. to whom he was going: Etiamsi hoc fiat cum discrimine vitae meae, though it cost him his Life. And it will not cost you less, says the Lord Keeper, for you may propound to the Pope the Conciliation you drive at; but you will never be suffered to live to prosecute it. God's Will be done, says the other, I do not fear it; yet I suspect it the more, that so wise a Man presageth it. The same had dropt from his Pen, Lib. 7. Eccl. Reip. c. 7. ar. 133. Conciliation and Union to reduce Christ's Flock to feed together without Schism, is so brave a Work: Ut pro hôc negotio si contin­geret nobis vitam cum sanguine fundere, praeclari martyrii laudem apud Deum & Ecclesiam mereremur. For all this, sew believ'd him that he was in earnest. He that is untrue in many things, is justly presum'd to be bad in all. But I am brought over, by palpable Evidences, to suspect him of so much Honesty, that he followed that good Work, with all the Might of Wit and Labour, to bring the Churches of Christ together, which were withdrawn from one another in Hatred and Hostility. And it was an easie thing to him to surmise it feasible, be­cause he was of so loose a Religion. Nay, He thought it was so near to be ef­fected, that it was already as good as done, if both sides would take prudent no­tice that it was done. For he builds upon this Bottom, 7 de Rep. Eccl. c. 12. a. 13. Nihil sive in dogmatibus, sive in ritibus in alterutrd parte adeo intolerabile esse invenw, ut propterea separatio facienda sit, aut schisma fovendum. On all sides, all Opinions were so tolerable in his Presumption, that the White and the Black Church were both of a Colour. For Example, these Instances which follow, and many others, may be found in that 12 Chap. rashly slubber'd over. We may communicate with them that hold Transubstantiation, for it destroys Nature rather than Grace: it is an Error of a good Mind, not out of Dishonour to Christ, but out of Devo­tion. For Image-worship, it is the least thing of an hundred to be past over; for as when the Bible lyes before us, and we Pray out of the Psalms, we do not adore the Bible, no more do they the Crucifix that is plac'd before them. The Supremacy of the Pope is no necessary Cause of Divorcement; for John and [Page 103] Cyriacus of Constantinople took to themselves the Title of Universal Bishop; yet Gregory the Great, who highly inveighed against their Error, kept Unity with that Church: And so should we do upon like Provocation, Art. 117. Thus he patch­eth up the Rents, but it was beyond his Skill to draw up the Pieces. Another of his Reconciliatory Devices, is in Art. 119. That the most of Reformation consists in the right Direction of our mental Intention, which God only sees: Et Ecclesia non judicat de occultis. As a Protestant may be present at Mass, and do his Duty at it; kneel down with the rest, and pray to God, but not adore the visible Host. Chiefly, as Lib. 12. c. 6. He relies much upon this Distinction, Alia est ecclesia man­ca, alia monstrosa. That the Church of Rome is not mutilated for want of any inte­gral Part of Faith, but monstrous and luxuriant in too much which is superadded. Which Deformity, they that are strong may bear with, since they are enlivened with all the saving Faith that we profess, and we need not partake with their Re­dundancies. Therefore he perswades, Art. 21, that without any Offence to Conscience, you may abide in either Church, keeping a good Purpose of Mind and Heart. But he speaks with the wide Mouth of a compleat Libertine, Lib. 7. c. 17. Art. 120. Rideo illos ego, qui ingenti incommodo & periculo, ab unâ ad aliam par­tem, solus conscientiae causâ trasfugiunt What then? Make it his own Case. Was it not Conscience that remov'd him hither? Not a jot, for it follows in the same Sentence, Illi soli prudenter id faciunt, qui de abusibus alterutrius partis liberi dis­serere, & scribere ibi volunt, ubi nullum impedimentum inveniant. We thank him for his Company. It seems he took Refuge in England, not out of Conscience to leave the Roman Church, but out of Prudence to write safely against their Er­rors, and to draw up the great Schism to an Overture of Concord among mer­ciful Men, that would not persecute him for his Good Will. I will represent him in a Line or two, that he was as indifferent, or rather dissolute in Practice, as in Opinion. For in the same Cap. Ar. 35. this is his Nicolaitan Doctrine, A plura­litate uxorum natura humana non abhorret; imò fortasse neque ab earum communitate. Thus leaving all Differences of Religion indeterminat, & in vago, he thought it would be his great Honour to be the Conciliator of Christendom. All's made ready to shake Hands: For you need not lick any Point into the Shape of a di­stinct Conclusion, but involve all in the Lump of an indigested Concord. There­fore, though he was posted up for a Shittle-cock in all Universities, and even Bal­laded by Boys for his Inconstancy, they were mistaken: For both Churches to him were one, and when he was in one, he was in both. In his Passage hither and thither, he made no Salt from one Religion to another, but he was still walking in his long Gallery, sometimes with his Face to the East, sometimes to the West.

112. There is such a fag end, which remains to piece this out, after I have brought the unhappy Man to his Friends at Rome, that sent for him, that the Ju­dicious will find upon it, that he juggled with himself, rather than with us. He would have bless'd God if he had been us'd with that Lenity there, which he found in England. For our High Commissioners made this end with him, Mart. 30. 1622. That since he had ungratefully reproach'd his Majesties Liberality, prosessing that he was hired to depart for a better Stipend: Since he held Correspondence with some of the Popes great Council, by Name with Cardinal Mellino, who are presumed Ill­willers, if not Enemies to the King, and this State: Since he profess'd open Ad­herence to the Romish Church, and did not renounce the Missatical Corruption of their Priesthood, against whom our Laws have Decreed the utmost Punish­ment, therefore Sentence was given to Deprive him of all the Spiritual Preferments which he held in this Realm, with a strict Command to depart out of the said Realm within Twenty Days, and never to return again into any his Majesties Dominions, upon pain of undergoing the Penalty of the Statute against Priests and Jesuites. 'Twas too late for him to Reply. So on the 18th Day of April, Count Suartzenburg, Ambassador Extraordinary from the Emperor Ferdinand, af­ter he had been very splendidly entertain'd for the space of 16 Days, return'd homewards, and took Shipping at Gravesend, in whose Company, but in another Vessel, Spalat. cross'd the Seas, and coming to Brussels, after a little stay, the Eagle flew away with the Buzzard, and dropt him at Rome. After he was setled there, the first News we heard from him was his Book call'd Consilium reditus. How wonderfully doth he appear in that Book to be a chang'd Man? He defies the Church of England, backbites, picks new Quarrels; nothing in it that favour'd of Cassander, the Moderator of Contentious Disputes, but of Eudaemon, or some such Jesuite. His other Works being prohibited so strictly and minatorily, that Bishops [Page 104]might not read them; this last abortive piece, born out of due time, was thought to be his Doctrine by the Ultra-montans, and nothing else. I do not say it was not his Pen: to my Sense the Style bewrays him; but to be his Mind and Judgment, I oppose it to this hour. He wrote it in a noisom Prison, despairing of Liberty for ever, unless he could release himself by impudent Forgeries, and Contradictions. Ultimum malorum est ex vivorum numero antequam morier [...]s, exire, says Senec. de Tran. c. 3. 'Tis an unexpressible torment to be shut up close in a stinking Hole, and to be buried quick. He was kept in continual fear to be burnt, as if he were torn with an Harrow of Iron, and made to pass through the Brick-kiln, 2 Sam. 12.31. What would he not do to escape that Death, who was better prepar'd to spend an Ounce of Ink in the Devils Cause, than a Spoonful of Blood for Christ? There­fore I reckon that Book to be the Issue not of this Man, but of his carnal fear. A Subscription to Articles in time of Duress, and strict Custody, what is it worth in Law? I am sure one of the best Sconces in Europe, Sir Nic. Throgmorton, ascer­tein'd Mary Queen of Scotland, Cessionem in carcere extortam, qui justus est metus, planè irritam esse, Camd. Elizab. An. 1567. Take it likewise from the Judgment of the great Athanasius, Ep. ad solit. vit. agen. p. 839. The Pope Liberius stood to Athanasius, [...], when he was free to do what he would. But being thrown out into Banishment, and hunted to be destroy'd as a Partridge in the Mountain, he subscrib'd against his own Hand, which yet did not prejudice Athanasius his Innocency. [...]. Those things which Liberius acted against his first Judgment, were not his doing, that was awed with fear; but the results of those that compell'd them with Tyranny. And that our M. Antony was cudgel'd into a Recantation with the impendent fear of an hor­rid Death, will be made clear, because after he had dazled the World with that false Light, he never pleas'd his Judges, that had secretly tried the Constitution of his Conscience. Sir Edward Sackvile, (who shortly succeeded his Brother Richard in the Earldom of Dorset) was at Rome Ann. 1624. and had Welcom given him with much Civility in the English College, so far that he presum'd to ask, rather out of Curiosity than Love, to see this Prisoner de Dominis. Mr. T. Fitz-herbert the Rector did him the Observance to go with him to the Jayl. He found him shut up in a Ground-Chamber, narrow and dark; for it look'd upon a great Wall, which was as near unto it as the breadth of three spaces. Some slight forms being pass'd over, which use to be in all Visits, says Sir Edward, My Lord of Spalato, you have a dark Lodging: It was not so with you in England. There you had at Wind­sor as good a Prospect by Land, as was in all the Country: And at the Savoy you had the best Prospect upon the Water, that was in all the City. I have forgot those things, says the Bishop; here I can best Contemplate the Kingdom of Heav'n. Sir Edward ta­king Mr. Fitz-Herbert aside into the next Room; Sir, says he, tell me honestly, Do you think this Man is employ'd in the Contemplation of Heav'n? Says the Father Re­ctor, I think nothing less; for he was a Male-content Knave when he fled from us, a Railing Knave while he liv'd with you, and a Motley parti-colour'd Knave now he is come again. This is the Relation which that Honourable Person made Ann. 1625. which I heard him utter in the hearing of no mean Ones.

113. But by this time Spalat. was dead, either by his fair Death, or by private strangling. Gallo-Belgicus, that first sent the News abroad, knew not whither. But he knew what became of his Body, that it was burnt at the same place in Rome, where Hereticks do end their Pain. It is a Process of Justice which is usual with their Inquisition, to shew such abhorrence to Hereticks, (that were so in their sense) to call them to account, though they be dead and rotten. First, They are so Hi­strionical in their Ceremonies, as if they made a Sport of Barbarousness, that they cite the dead Men three several Days to appear, or any that will answer for them, (but happy they if they do not appear) then their Carkasses, or Bones, are brought forth, and burnt in the common Market with a Ban of Execration. The latest that were used so among us were Reverend Bucer and Fagius at Cambridge, Anno 1556. And Dr. Scot, Bishop of Chester, one of Cardinal Pole's Visitors, defended it before the University, Haud mirum videri debeat, si in mortem quoque ista inquisi­tis extendatur, Bucer, Scrip. Angl. p. 925. Sic postulare sacros Canones, p. 923. This is their Soverity, from which the Dead are not free. Now by the Blaze of that Bonfire in which De Dominis his Trunk was consum'd, we may read an Heretick in Fiery Characters: I mean, as he was entred into the black Book of the Roman Slaughter-House. He lived and died with General Councils in his Pate, with Wind-Mills of Union to concord Rome and England, England and Rome, Germany [Page 103]with them both, and all other Sister-Churches with the rest, without asking leave of the Tridentine Council. This was his Piaculary Heresie. For as A [...]orius writes Tom. 1. Moral. Lib. 8. Cap. 9. Not only he that denies an Article of the Roman Creed, but he that doubts of any such Article is an Heretick, and so to be pre­sented to Criminal Judgment. Si quem in foro exteriori l gitime allegata & pro [...]ata probaverint in rebus Fidci scienter & voluntarie dubitasse, arbitrer cum ut v re & propriè haereti [...]um puniendum. Therefore if Spalat. had return'd a Penitent in their Con­struction, and imbodied himself into that Church as only true and Apostolical, he could not have suffered in his Offals and Carkass as an Heretick. So the same Azo­rius confesseth, Lib. 8. Cap. 14. And Alphonsus à Castro is angry with Bernard of Lutzenburg for holding the contrary, Lib. 1. Cap. 9. Quis unquam docuit eum esse di­cendum haereticum, qui errorem sic tenuit, ut monitus & conviclus non crubuerit palinodiam cantare? This was the success of the variable Behaviour of M. Antonius de Dominis. De Domims in the plural, says Dr. Crakanthorp, for he could serve two Masters or twenty, if they would all pay him Wages. He had an Hearing, as it is mention'd before, in our High Commission: To countenance the Audience of so great a Cause, the Lord Keeper gave attendance at it. I began at that end of his Trou­bles, and, having footed all the Maze, am come out at the other.

114. Johosaphat distinguisheth between the Lord's Matters, and the King's Af­fairs, 2 Chron. 19.12. So do I in the Subject before me. I have given some Says of his Church-Wisdom in the former Paragraph: I go on to set the Sublimity of his State-Wisdom in the latter. I must look back to a small Service which he did perform in Michaelmas-Term 1621. for as much as the Conjunction of some things, which rais'd a Dust in the Year following, are sit to go together. Upon the so­lemn Day, when the Lord Cranfield (then Master of the Wards, and immediately created Earl of Middlesex) took his Place as Lord Treasurer in the Exchequer-Chamber, the Lord Keeper gave him his Oath, and saluted his Admission with a short Speech following:

My Lord, You are called to serve his Majesty in the Place of a Lord Treasurer, by the most Honourable and most Ancient Call in this Realm, the delivery of a Staff, to let you know, that you are now become one of the surest Staffs or Stays that our great Master relies upon in all this Kingdom. And these Staffs Princes must lean upon, being such Gods as die like Mon; and such Masters as are neither omni-sufficient, nor independent. For St. Austin writing upon that place of the Psalm, I have said unto the Lord, Thou art my God, my Go [...]ds are nothing unto thee; observes that God only is the Master that needs no reference to his Servant. All other Masters and Servants are proper Relatives, and have a mutual Reciprocation and Dependence. Eges tu Domino tuo, ut det panem: Eget te Dominus tuus ut adjuves labore. As the Servant wants a Master to maintain him, so the Master wants a Servant to assist him. For the present supplying of this want in his Majesty, I will say as the Historian did of the Election of Tiberius, Non quaerendus quem eligeret, sed eligendus qui emineret: The King was not now to think of one whom he should choose, but to choose one who was most eminent. For as Claudian said of Ruffinus,
—Taciti suffragia vulgi,
Vel jam contulerant, quicquid mox addidit Aula.
You were stated in this Place by the Votes of the People, before you un­derstood the Pleasure of the King. Now for your own private, I make no question but I may say of you, my Lord, as one said of Coccius Nerva, Foeli­cior longè quàm cum foelicissimus; That you were greater a great deal in your own Contentment, than now that you have worthily attained to all this Great­ness. But as in this World of Things every Element forsakes his Natural Dispo­sition; so as we many times see the Earth and Water evaporating upward, and the Fire and Air darting downward, ad conservationem universi, as Philosophy speaks, to preserve and maintain the common course: So in this World of Men, private Must give way to publick Respects. Now if it be expected that I should say any thing for your Lordships Direction in this Great Office, your Lordships Wisdom, and my Ignorance will plead pardon, though I omit it. I will only say one word, and that shall be the same which Pliny said to one Maximus ap­pointed Questor, that is, Treasurer for Achaia, Memenisse oportet Ossicii titulum; Remember but your Name, and you shall do well enough. Your Lordship is appointed Lord Treasurer: Take such Order in his Majesties Exchequer, that your Lordship do not bear this Denomination and Title in vain; and your Lord­ship [Page 104]shall be worthily honour'd for the happiest Subject in this Kingdom. And surely as your Lordship hath the Prayers, so you have the Hopes of all good Men, that Si Pergama dextrâ defendi poterant: If any Man living can improve the Kings Revenue with Skill and Diligence, you are that good Husband. And so I wish your Lordship as much Joy of your Place, as the King and the State do con­ceive of your Lordship. This was the Perfume which was cast upon the new Treasurer in his Robes of Instalment.

The King was pleased much in his Ad­vancement: For his Majesty had proved him with Questions, and found that he was well studied in his Lands, Customs, in all the Profits of the Crown, in Sta­ting of Accompts And in the general Opinion the White-Staff was as fit for his Hand, as if it been made for it. The most that could be objected was, that he was true to the King, but gripple for himself: A good Steward for the Exchequer, but sower and unrelishing in Dispatch: A better Treasurer than a Courtier. There was nothing in appearance but Sun-shine and warm Affections between him and the Lord Keeper. The Lord Treasurer, I know well, had cross'd the other in one or two Suits which had been beneficial to him, and not drawn a Denier out of the Kings Purse. He dealt so with every Man; therefore the Sufferer gave lit­tle sign of Grievance: It was not his Case alone. Another Pick in which they agreed not, (I cannot say disagreed) was about a Brood of Pullein, which were never hatcht. The last Parliament being dissolv'd, it was well thought of by some of the Lords of the Council-Board, to sweeten the ill relish, which it had in some Palats, with a Pardon of Grace, that might extend to a fair Latitude, for the ease of those that were question'd for old Debts and Duties to the Crown, for concealed Wardships and not suing out Liveries, and such charges of the like kind, which put those that were secure in their Improvidence to a great deal of trouble, and disanimated their best Friends, for fear of such blind Claps, to be their Executors. When the Lord Keeper had brought this Pardon so near to his Birth, that the Atturney-General was sent for to draw it up, the Lord Treasurer mov'd, That such as took out this Pardon should pay their Fees, which are accustomed in that kind, to such Officers as he should appoint, that the Advantage might enrich the King, and that himself might have that share, which the Lord Chancellour us'd to have, who put the Seal to those Pardons This was heard with a dry laughter, and denied him. But from thenceforth he struggled to correct the lusty Wine of the Pardon with so much Water, that there was no comfort in it; and falling short of that Grace which was expected, was debated no more. The Lord Keeper ha­ving obtein'd a good Report for the Conception of the Pardon, and the Lord Treasurer a great deal of Envy for the Abortion, it curdled in his Stomach into Choler and Mischief. And wherefore was he angry with his Brother Abel? Look what St. John answers, 1 Epist. Chap. 3. Vers. 12. He endeavoured first to make a Faction in Court against the Lord Keeper, and it would not hit, because he had no Credit with the Great Ones. Then he falls to Pen and Paper, and spatters a little Foam, draws up Ten What-do-you-call-Um's, (some of them are neither Charges of Misdemeanour nor Objections) which were meant for Accusations, but are most pitiful failings, entramell'd with Fictions and Ignorance. They are ex­tant in the Cabal, Pag. 72. which the Lord Keeper puts away as quietly, as the Wind blows off the Thistle-Down: Pusheth his Adversary down with his little Finger, yet insults not upon his Weakness. As Pliny writes to Sabin, Lib. 9. Ep. Tunc praecipua mansuetudinis laus, cum irae causa justissima est. It was very laudable to be so mild, when there was just cause given to be more angry. Yet he com­plain'd by Letters to the Lord Marquiss, as if he were sensible of the despite, and unto him was very loud in his own Justification. From whom he got no more remedy, but that his Adversary was not believ'd: And was will'd to consider that he dealt with one, whose ill Manners would not pay him Satisfaction for an Inju­ry. Unto which the Lord Keeper rejoyn'd to the Lord Marquiss, His Majesties Justice and your Lordships Love are Anchors strong enough for a Mind more tost than mine is, to ride at. Yet pardon me, my Noble Lord, upon this Consideration, if I exceed a little in Passion, the Natural Effect of Honesty and Innocency. A Church-man and a Woman have no greater Idol under Heav'n than their Good Name: And they cannot Fight, nor with Credit Scold, and least of all Recriminate to Protect and Defend the same: The only Revenge left them is to grieve and complain. Then he concludes, Whom I will either Challenge before his Majesty to make good his Suggestions, or else (which I hold the greater Valour, and which I wanted I confess before this Check of your Lordships) go on in my course, and scorn all these base and unworthy Scandals, as your Lordship shall direct me. What need more be said? In the space of a Month they wrangled them­selves [Page 105]into very good Friends, and the Lord Keeper was Gossip to the next Child that was born to the Treasurer. As Nazianzen says of Athanasius, Encom. p. 21. [...], There was the Condition of two kinds of Stones in his Nature, that are much commended: He was an Adamant to them that smote him, found and firm, and would never break: But a Loadstone to draw them to him that discorded with him, though they were as hard as Iron.

115. Among the Exceptions with which the Lord Cranfeild did exagitate him, one may require a larger Answer, than he thought him worthy of in that Humour. He replies to him very briefly in the Laconcick Form, because such brittle Ware would break with a Touch. The Treasurer was misinform'd, or coin'd it out of his own Head, That the Keeper dispatch'd great Numbers of Causes by hearing Petitions in his Chamber, and that he did usually reverse Decrees upon Petitions That Forty Thousand Pounds had been taken in one Year among his Servants by such spurious and illegitimate Justice. Yet Sir An. IV. all whose Ink makes blots, could not imagine how such a Man should be raised out of that Practise, but that it was Calculated to be worth to him and his Servants Three Thousand Pounds per Annum. A great fall, and the less charge. I do not say that either of them did learn to suspect by their own practise: Let God judge it. But I knew this Man so well, that he would as soon have taken a share out of Courtesans Sins, as the Pope doth, as out of his Servants Purses. But state the Case thus, That he did much Work by Petitions, and trebble as much in the first Year, as in those that succeeded, 'tis confest. First, The Hindrances had been so great which the Court sustein'd, be­fore he began to rectifie them, that unless he had allow'd poor Men some Furthe­rance by Motions in Petitions, they had been undone for want of timely Favour. Even Absalom won the Hearts of those, whom he seem'd to pity, that were in that condition, 2 Sam. 13.3. A Plaintiff makes great moan for redress of Wrongs; but a delaying Judge is his greatest Oppressor. Secondly, All high Potentates, and Magistrates under them, have ever employ'd some at their Hand to give An­swers to Supplicants, that made Requests unto them. Papinian serv'd in that Of­fice under Severus Pertinax: So did Ulpian under Alexander Mammaeus. Many more may be produc'd, who were greatly honour'd for that Imployment. All the Praefecti Libellorum, and Magistri Scriniorum, who are mention'd of old, were of this Constitution. Every Proconful ca [...]ried such a Scribe with him into his Pro­vince, and heard the Oppressions of the People by Petition, and redress'd them. Not that main Causes were not pleaded in the open Face of the Praetorian Court, as it is in the Pandects, Ubi decretum necessarium est per Libellum, id expedire Proconsul non potest. But an Exception strengthens a Rule, as Cicero says pro Corn. Balbo. Quod si exceptio facit, ne liceat: Ibi necesse est licere ubi non est exceptum. And where De­crees were not necessary, a Subscription to a Supplication was a common way, to relieve those, who needed not the Ceremony to be undone with longer Ob­struction. Thirdly, What if I should grant, without Derogation to the Lord Keeper's admired Sufficiency, that when he took that litigious Work of Chancery first in hand, if some crabbed Difficulties were mine'd small into a Petition, he could the better swallow them. Every man may judge better of that which he reads, than that which he hears; chiefly, he that is initiated into a Profession. Allow him Cork that learns to Swim, to keep him from Sinking, he saves himself, and hurts no man. Therefore it was a most certain way to overcome some part of the Tediousness of Business by Petitions; and it was no less incorrupt, innocent, legal, expedite to do good to the People. Some that practis'd at the Bar, repin'd that they might not have a Glut of Motions: Of whose covetous Discontents, this Lord was aware; as Pliny says of Apelles, Lib. 31. Post tabulam latens vitia quae notarentur auscultabat. He was at the back of the Frame which he set forth, and heard what Errors the Passengers noted in his Picture. So this Man's Ears were open, and his Eyes waking, groundless Repining never took him winking. Therefore to straiten his Course against all Presumption of Er­rors, he directed two Remonstrances, the first to the Lord Marquess, September the 8th; the other to his Majesty, October the 5th, 1622, which follow as he penn'd them.

My most noble Lord,

116. I Am half asham'd of my self, that any Man durst be so shameless, as to lay upon me the least Suspicion of Corruption, in that Frugality of Life, Poverty of E­state, and Retiredness from all Acquaintance, or Dependencies wherein I live. But I have learnt one Rule in the Law, that Knaves ever complain of Generalities. And I long to be Charg'd with any Particular. Petitions are things that never brought to any Man, in my Place, either Profit or Honour, but infinite Trouble and Molestation. Three Parts of four of them are poor Mens, and bring not a Peny to my Secretaries. The last part are so slighted and dis-respected by my Orders, that they cannot be to my Secretaries (whom I take to be honest men, and well provided for) worth their Trouble, or Atten­dance. All Petitions that I answer, are of these Kinds. 1. For ordinary Writs to be sign'd with my Hand. 2. For Motions to be made in Court. 3. For to be plac'd in the Paper of Peremptories. 4. For License to beg. 5. For referring of insufficient Answers. 6. For a day to dispatch References recommended from the King. 7. For Reigling Com­missions to be dispatch'd in the Country. 8. For my Letter to the next Justices to com­pound Brables. 9. For Commissions of Bankrupts, Certiorari especial. Stay off an Extent till Counsel be heard, &c.Let any Man, that understands himself, be question'd by your Lordship, whether any of these poor things can raise a Bribe, or a Fee, worth the speaking of. I protest I am fain to allow twenty Pounds a year to a Youth in my Cham­ber, to take care of the poor Mens Petitions, the Secretaries do so neglect them.

In a while after, Thus to the King.

May it please Your most Excellent Majesty,

TO pardon the first Boldness of this kind of interrupting Your Majesty. Although I do find by search those particular Charges of Chamber-Orders shew'd unto me by my most Noble Lord, the Lord Admiral, to be falsly laid, and wilfully mistaken, as being either binding Decrees, or solemn Orders pronounced in open Court, and pursued only to Processes of Execution by these private Directions. Yet do I find withal, that I have advisedly, and with mature Deliberation, upon my entring into this Office, made many Dispatches upon the Petitions of the Subjects, to mine own exceeding great Trouble, and to the Ease of their Purses many thousand Pounds in the Compass of this Year. For that Motion, which upon a Petition will cost the Party nothing, if it be deny'd, nor above Five Shil­lings to the Secretaries (unless the Party play the Fool, and wilfully exceed that expected Fee) when it is granted, being put into the Mouth of a Lawyer, will cost the Client, whether granted or deny'd, one Piece at the least, and for the most part, Five, Ten or Twenty Pieces, as is notoriously known to all the World. Yet have I most willingly ob­served in all Orders upon Petitions, these Cautions following, which I received from Your Majesty. First, To order nothing in this kind, without Notice given to the adverse Part, and Oath made thereof. Secondly, To reverse, correct, or alter no one Syllable of any Decree or Order pronounced in Court, upon Counsel heard on both Sides. Thirdly, To alter no Possession, unless it be in pursuance to a former Decree, or Order pronunced in open Court; or to save (by a Sequestration to indifferent Hands) some Bona peritura, which commonly be a Tithe, or a Crop of Hay or Corn, which are ready to be carried away by force, by unresponsal Men, and will not stay for a Decree in Court. Now I humbly crave Your Majesty's Opinion, whither I may go on this way, as ancient as the Court, for easing Your Majesty's Subjects with these Cautions and Limitations, the Clamor of the Lawyers, and Ignorance of some Men, Qui me per ornamenta feriunt, notwithstanding. For although no Party grieved doth, or indeed can complain against these Dispatches, and that in the corruptest Times it was never heard, that any Bribes have been taken for An­swers upon Petitions: Yet what Reason have I to over-toil my self in easing the Purse of the Subjects, if it be objected as a Crime against me, and be not a Service acceptable to Your Majesty and the Realms? I have eased my self there three days in this kind, but am so oppressed with the Clamor of poor People, who come for ordinary Dispatches, that I am enforced to prevent their Complaint by this humble Repraesentation unto Your Majesty. I most humbly therefore crave Your Majesty's Directions, deny'd to none of Your Ser­vants that desire them, to be signified unto me by the Lord Admiral, at his Lordship's best Conveniency.

117. Thus much perhaps is too much, but that as Alexander said in Curtius, Sa­tius est purgatos esse quàm suspectos. 'Tis better to clear an Error imputed, than to [Page 107]be suspected. The King stood to him, as he did always, and sent him a graci­ous Message. It was his Conscience he dispenced in that Court, and he had his Approbation in all he had heard of. Truly, I believe his Majesty's Love wrought that Ableness in him, to make him more than else he would have been. Neither did the Lord Marquess see any Reason, but to justifie his Integrity and Diligence, Yet before Michaelmas Term was spent, An. 1622, that great Lord dropt some Words, that he was not altogether pleas'd with the Lord Keeper's Observance, and look'd upon him with a stranger Countenance than before; so as from that time the Lord Keeper failed but with an half Wind in that mighty Lord's Favour; which he hid most prudently, and shew'd not the least appearance that he was faln into that dislike. As Macrobius commends Pisistratus, Lib. 7. c. 1. whose Chil­dren secretly made Head against him. Yet Pisistratus dissembled strangely that all was well between them, that the City of Athens might not practise upon their Enmity. So it was covered as artificially from Court and City, that these two Luminaries were near to Opposition. The first Man that was like to know it from the Lord Marquess, was the Bishop of St. Davids; for about this time he stiles himself Confessor to his Lordship, in Mr. Prinn's Publications. And within the compass of this Time, he says, he dreamt that the Lord Keeper was dead, that he went by, and saw his Grave a making. And how doth he expound this Visi­on, which he saw in his Sleep, but that he was dead in my Lord of Buckingham's Affections? Some are like to ask, what it was that did the ill Office to shake the Stedfastness of their Friendship? That will break out hereafter. But the Quar­rel began, that some Decrees had been made in Chancery, for whose better Speed, my Lord Marquess had undertaken. An Undertaker he was, without Confinement of Importunity, There was not a Cause of moment, but as soon as it came to Publication, one of the Parties brought Letters from this mighty Peer, and the Lord Keeper's Patron. For the Lord Marquess was of a kind Mature, in Courtesie more luxuriant, than was fit in his Place; not willing to deny a Suit, but prone to gratifie all Strangers, chiefly if any of his Kindred brought them in their Hand; and was far more apt to believe them that askt him a Favour, than those that would perswade him it was not to be granted. These that haunted him without shame, to have their Suits recommended to great Officers, made him quickly weary of his faithful Ministers, that could not justly satisfie him. I had mentioned none, but that I am beholding to the Cabal to fall upon one, the worst of twenty, Sir John Michel, P. 84. of whose Unreasonableness the Lord Keeper writes thus, God is my Wuness, I have never deny'd cither Justice or Favour (which was to be justified) to this man, or any other, that had the least Relation to your good, and most Noble Mother. And I hope your Lordship is perswaded thereof. Budaeus, P. 67. Upon the Pandects, writes offensively upon the medling of such Lady Advocates, Why may not Women be our Magistrates, and govern us, if they think to govern them, that are our Magistrates? But he complains with more Impatience against the Courtiers of Paris, P. 188. Quotusquisque est qui modo in aulâ interiore sit alicujus no­minis, qui non se dignum censeat, propter quem leges & constitutiones, quamvis gravi sanctione munitae, violari debeant? which makes the Place of a Judge a Burthen that cannot be supported. For as no Artist can make the Year run even by the Course of Sun and Moon, so no Justice can run even between the imperious Directions of a Favourite, and the Conscience of a just Man. The Lord Mar­quess had used his Power to assist the Lord Keeper in his Lifting up; but good Turns are not to be counted a Servile Bond, to impose as much as shall be ob­truded to be done, with a Blind-fold Readiness: For no man in Earth is all in all a Servant, but to God. Gratitude may exact much, but Innocency is free from paying a Tribute. And 'tis pity they should ever have the Ability to do Benefits, who over-lay their good Turns, and would not have those, to whom they have been gracious, persevere in Integrity. Yet many do so far value their own Kind­ness, that they think, for their good Works Sake, they have bought God's Part in us; which, if it be substracted, none are so ready to dismount a Man, as they that did promote him. It is observ'd before me, by Aurelius Victor, in the Lite of Nerva, Qui cum se merreri omnia praesumant, si quicquam non extorserint atrociores sunt ipsis hostibus. Therefore let a private Man be content, and take sweet Sleeps. He holds his Conscience in no Tenure but of God. He that is out of great Place, is out of great Tentation. Tuta me mediâ vehat vita decurrens viâ, Sence. in Ad.

118. I have touch'd upon the very Thread, where the Lord Marques [...]s Friend­ship began to unravel. I have shewn how blameless the Lord Keeper was, and that the Offence on his Part was undeclinable. Yet I will not smother with par­tiality, [Page 108]what I have heard the Countess Mother say upon it: That the Lord Keeper had great Cause sometimes to recede from those Courses which her Son propounded; that she never heard him different but that his Counsels were wise and well-grounded, ever tending to the Marquess's Honour, Safety and Prosperity; but that he stirr'd her Son to Offence with Reprehensions that were too bold and vehement. I heed this the more, because it was usual with the Lord Keeper to be very angry with his best Friends, when they would not hearken to their own Good. Pardon him that Fault, and it will be hard to find another in him; as Onuphrius says of P. Pius the Fifth, for his Cholerick Moods, Hoc uno excepto vitio, non erat in illo quod quisquam possit reprehendere. And if the Testimony of that Lady be true, (it is but one, and a most domestick Witness) I do not shuffle it over as if his Meanor to the Lord Marquess were not a little culpable. It was not enough to have Justice of his Side, without Discretion. Good Counsel is Friendly, but it must be mannerly. St. Ch [...]ysostom though a Free, and a very hot man himself, preach'd thus at Antioch, Hom. 27. That some Inflammation will not be touch'd, no, not with a soft Finger: [...]. Words as soft as Lint must be us'd to some Ears, who disdain to be dealt withal as Equals. Let me joyn Ric. Victor to him, enforcing the like from Da­vid's Playing on the Harp when Saul was moved: When stubborn Opposition will vex some great Men into Fury, Dignum est ut elocutionis nostrae tranquilitate, quasi citharae dulcedine, ad salutem revocentur. Use them tenderly, and play, as it were, a Lesson upon the Harp, to flatter them into Attention and Tranquility. This is enough to reprehend a few stout Words; but the Lord Keeper, for all the Frown of the Lord Marquess staid upon him, carry'd as true a Heart toward him, and all his Allies, as exuberant in Gratitude, as ever liv'd in F [...]esh. He ne­ver wrote to him, no not when he was quite forsaken; but he refresh'd the Be­nefits he had receiv'd from him in his Memory. He never commanded him, but he obeyed in all, which was to be justified. No Danger impending over his Lordship, but he was ready to run an honest Hazard with him, even to the lay­ing down of his Life. In his Absence, when a Friend is best tried, when his Lordship was in Spain, far from the King, and giving no little Distast there by his Bearing, then he smooth'd his Errors to his Majesty, and kept him from Preci­pitation, knowing that he had threatned to bring about his own Ruine. Yet in strict Justice, a Founder loseth his Right of Interest, that would destroy, or de­bauch his Foundation As Amber and Pearl are turned to mean Druggs and Dust, when the Chymists hath drawn their Elixir out of them. At this stop I can resolve one Question, which many have ask'd me, whence the Occasion sprung, which transformed Bishop Laud from a Person so much obliged Eighteen Months before to the Lord Keeper, to the sharpest Enemy. As soon as ever the Bishop saw his Advancer was under the Anger of the Lord Marquess, he would never acknowledge him more, but shunn'd him, as the old Romans in their Su­perstition walk'd a loof from that Soil, which was blasted with Thunder. It was an Opportunity snatch'd to pluck him back, that was got so far before him. Hold him down, that he might not rise, and then he promised himself the best Pre­eminence in the Church; for he saw no other Rival. As Velleius says of Pompey, That he was very quiet, till he suspected some Senator that thrust up to be his Equal. Civis in tagá, nisi ubi 'vereretur ne quem haberet parem modestissimus. But, will a good Christian say, did so much Hatred grow up from no other Seed? From no other that ever appear'd; and look upon the World, and marvel not at it, for it is frequently seen, that those Enemies which are most causless, are most implacable; which our Divines draw out of this, that no Reason is express'd by Moses, why the Devil tempted our first Parents, and sought their Fall. The like was noted by the gravest Counsellor of our Kingdom, the Lord Burleigh, who condoled when he heard the Condemnation of Sir John Perrot, with these Words, Odium quo injustius, eò acrius. Ill Will is most vehement, when it is most unjust, Cambden, Eliz. An. 1592. But when himself was not harm'd a jot, would he be so unkind to his Benefactor? Phoed. Act. 1. Se. 3. What says a long Tongu'd Fellow? In Plau­tus mortuus est qui suit, qui vivus, est. He that was, was lost. He dreamt his Benefactor was defunct, there was Life in my Lord of Buckingham; and it was good Cunning to jog along with his Motions. I am confident to give this Sa­tisfaction to the Question above. For the Lord Keeper did often pro­test upon his Hope in Christ, that he knew no other Reason of their Parting. Reader, say nothing to it, but hear what Solomon says, Proverbs 18. ver. [...]. according to the Septuagint, and the Vulgar Latin. [...] [Page 109] [...]. Occasiones querit, qui vult recedere ab amico; omni tempore erit exprobrabilis.

119. These Enmies were blowing at the Forge three years well nigh, be­fore the Ingeneers could frame a Bar to lift him off the Hinges of his Dignity; for he was fast lock'd and bolted into the Royal Favour. He bore up with that Authority, that he could not be check'd with Violence; and Occasions grew fast upon his Majesty to use his Sufficiency and Fidelity. For though he was a King of profound Art, yet he was not so fortunate in that Advice which he took, to send his dear Son the Prince with the Lord Marquess into Spain Feb. 17, 1022. So soon as those Travellers had left the King with his little Court at New-Market, the King found himself at more Leisure and Freedom, in the Absence of the Lord Mar­quess, to study the Calling of a Comfortable and Concordious Parliament, where­in the Subject might reap Justice, and the Crown Honour. And Occasion con­cluded for it, that since the Prince like a Resolute and Noble Wooer, had trust­ed himself to the King of Spain's Faith in the Court of Madrid, whether his Ad­venture sped or not sped, he must be welcomed Home with a Parliament. The King prepared for the Conception of that Publick Meeting, that it might fall to its proper Work without Diversions. He conceiv'd there was no Error more fatal to good Dispatch, than that some Members took up the greatest part of the Time, in speaking to the Redress of petty Grievances, like Spaniels that rett after Larks and Sparrows in the Field, and pass over the best Game. Therefore his Majesty, to loose no time, drew up a Proclamation with his own Pen, Feb. 20, to this end, that certain of the Lords of the Privy Council, should have Power and special Commission to receive the Complaints of all the good People of this Land, which should be brought before them concerning any Exorbitances, Vex­ations, Oppressions, and Illegalities, and either by their own Authority, if it would reach to it, to see them corrected, or to give Orders to cut them off by the keenest Edge of the Laws. That Complainants should be encouraged to present their Grievances, as well by the Invitement of the Proclamation, as by the Signification of the Judges to the Country and Grand Juries, in their respective Circuits. The Draught of this, the Features of his Majesty's own Brain, came by Post to pass the Great Seal. Yet for all that Hast, the Lord Keeper took time to scan it, and sent it back with Advice, that the Project would be sweeter, if it were double refined; presuming therefore, that his Majesty would not be un­willing to stop a little at the Bar of good Counsel, he wrote this ensuing Letter to the Court, Feb. 22.

May it please Your most Excellent Majesty,

120. I Do humbly crave Your Majesties Pardon, that I forbear for two or three days to seal Your Proclamation for Grievances, until I have presented to Your Majesty this little Remonstrance, which would come too late after the Sealing, and Divulging the Pro­clamation. First, As it is now coming forth, it is generally misconstrued, and a little sad­ly look'd upon by all men, as somewhat restreining, rather than enlarging Your Majesties former Care and Providence over Your Subjects. For whereas before they had a standing Committee of all the Council-Table to repair unto, they are now streitned to four or five only: Most of which number are not likely to have any leisure to attend the Service. Secondly, I did conceive Your Majesty, upon Your first Royal Expression of Your Grace in this kind, in a Resolution to have mingled with some few Lords of Your Privy-Council, some other Barons of Your Kingdom, Homines (as Pliny said of Virginius Rufus) in­noxiè Populares. Whose Ears had been so opened to the like Grievances in the time of Parliament, as their Tongues notwithstanding kept themselves within the compass of Duty, and due Respect to Your Majesty, as the Earls of Dorset, and Warwick; the Lord Hough­ton, Dr. Mor­ton. the Lord Dennie, the Lord Russel, the Lord North. And among the Lords Spiri­tual, the Bishops of Lichfield, Rochester, and Ely; and especially, unless Tour Majesty in Your deep Wisdom have some Reasons of the Omission, Dr. Bucke­ridge. the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canter­bury. This mixture would produce the these Effects ensuing. First, An Intimation of Your Majesties Sincerity and Reality in this Proclamation. Dr. Felton. Secondly, A more free and general Intimation to Parties Aggrieved, who will repair soonear to these private Peers, then to the great Lords of Your Majesties Council. Thirdly, The making of these Lords, and the like, Witnesses of Your Majesties Justice, and good Government against the next ensuing Parliament, and the stopping of their Ears against such supposed Grievances at that time, as shall never be heard of in their Sitting upon this Commission. Fourthly, and Lastly, The gaining of these Temporal Lords to side with the State, being formerly much wrought upon by the Factious, and Discontented. If Your Majesty shall approve of these Reasons, [Page 110]it is but to Command Your Secretary to interline these, or some of these Names in the Com­mission, which in all other respects is already wisely and exceeding well penn'd, with two short Clauses only: First, That these Lords shall attend very carefully and constantly in Term-time, when they are occasion'd to be at London. Secondly, That they be instructed to receive all Complaints with much Civility and Encouragement, giving them full Con­tent and Redress according to the merit of their Grievances: For nothing will sooner break the Heart of a People, or make them lose their Patience, than when hopes of Justice are frustrated, after the Royal Word is engaged. But if Your Majesty in Your high Wisdom will overpass these Particulars, which I have dutifully presented, upon the return of the Proclamation as it is, it shall be sealed, and divulged with all expedition.

But these Reasons were not overpass'd: Both the Proclamation, and private Orders to the Lords Commissioners were reformed by the Contents of that weighty Letter; His Majesty greatly inclining to the Lord-Keeper's Readiness and espying Judgment in all Consultations. For as Laertius in Zeno's Life said of a famous Musician, [...]: That Ismenias could play well upon all Instruments. So this was another Ismenias, who had the Felicity to make all Deliberations pleasing and tuneable; especially he had that way, above all that I knew, to make sweet Descant upon any plain Song that was prick'd before him. It will be to the Profit of the Reader, if I rub his memory with one Pas­sage of the Letter (for it is but one, though it come in twice,) which presseth the King to Sincerity and Reality; to fix his Word like the Center of Justice, that cannot be moved. Righteous Lips are the delight of Kings, Prov. 16.23. And a King of Righteous Lips is most delightful. Since the coercitive part of the Law doth not reach him, upon what Nail shall those Millions that stand before his Throne hang their Hopes, if his Word do not bind him? A People that cannot give Faith to their Sovereign, will never pay him Love. It seems that the ancient Latin Kings did profess to use Crookedness, and Windings of Dissimulation in their Polity; therefore their Scepter was called Lituus, because it bent in toward the upper end. But the Scepter of thy Kingdom (says David of GOD) is a right Scepter. A right one indeed: For Contracts and Promises bind God to Man, much more must they oblige the King to his People. An Author of our own, Dr. Duck, in his very Learned Treatise, De usu Juris Civilis, p. 44. hath well delivered this Morality; Princeps ad contractum tenetur uti privatus; nec po­test contractum suum rescindere ex plenitudine potestatis cum maximè in eo requiratur bena sides: Falshood is Shop-keepers Language, or worse; but 'tis beneath Ma­jesty.

121. A Parliament being not far of, either in the King's Purpose, or in Prospect of Likelihood, Serj Crooke. Cvew. Finch. Damport. Bramston. Bridgman. Crawly. Headly. Thin. [...]. Authurst. Blng. D [...]y. the Lord Keeper was provident, that the Wor­thies of the Law should be well entreated. Their Learning being most comprehensive of Civil Causes and Affairs, they had ever a great Stroke in that Honorable Council. Therefore he wrought with his Majesty, to sign a Writ for the Advancement of some of the Gravest and Greatest Pleaders, who were ripe for Dignity. And a Call of Serjeants was splendidly solem­nized, for Number Thirteen, for Quality of the best Reputation, May 6, 1623: Who on that Day made their Appearance before Lord Keeper, sit­ting in the High Court of Chancery, who congratulated their Adoption unto that Title of Serjeancy with this Oration.

‘AS upon many other Occasions, so likewise upon this present in hand, I could wish there sate in this Place, a man of more Gravity and Experience, than can be expected from me, to deliver unto you those Counsels and Directions, which all your Predecessors have successively received at this Bar. Yet among many Wants, I find one singular Comfort, that as I am of the least Ability to give, so you are of the least Need to receive Instructions, of all the Calls of Serjeants, that any Man now alive can bring to his Remembrance. You are ei­ther all, or the far greater Number of you, most Learned, most Honest, and well accomplish'd Gentlemen. Lest therefore my Modesty, or your Integrity might suffer therein, I will not be tedious in this kind of Exhortation; but like those Mercuries, or High-way-Statues in Greece, I will only point out those fair Ways, which my self, I confess, have never trodden. In the beginning, for my Preface, be assured, that your Thankfulness shall be recommended to his Majesty, who hath honoured you with this high Degree, making your Learning only, and your Integrity, His Praevenient, and all other Respects whatsoever; [Page 111]but subsequent and following Causes of his Gracious Pleasure towards you. Turn­ing my Speech next to your selves, I will observe mine own common Exordium, which hitherto I have used to all those, whom I have saluted with a few words, when they were Installed in their Dignities; and I have it from the manner of the old Romans, Meminisse oportet Ossicii T [...]lum, Remember the Title of your De­gree, and it will afford you sufficient Matter of Admonition. You are call'd Servientes ad Legem, Sergeants at the Law; Verba bractrata, Words very malleable and extensive, and such as contein more Lessons than they do Syllables.’

122. ‘The word Sergeant, no doubt, is Originally a Stranger born, though now for many Years denizon'd among us. It came over at the first from France, and is handled as a French word by Stephen Pasquier, in his Eighth Book of Re­cherches, and the Nineteenth Chapter. They that are too luxuriant in Etymolo­gies, are sometimes barren in Judgment, as I will shew upon the Conjectures of this Name. For they are not call'd Sergeants, quasi Caesariens, some of Caesars Officers, as the great Guiacius thinks. Nor Sergents, qu isi Serregens, because they laid hold on Men, as inferiour Ministers. But Sergiens in the old French is as much as Serviens, saith Pasquier, a Servant, or an Attendant: As Sergens de Dicu, the Ser­vants of God, in the old History of St. Dennis: Sergens & Disciples de la Sanchitè, Servants or Disciples of his Holiness the Pope, in the Life of St. Begue: And Ser­gens d'Amour, Servants of Love in the Romance of the Rose, a Book well known in our Country, because of the Translator thereof Geoffry Chaucer. And therefore as Pasquier thinks, that those inferiour Officers are called Sergeans, that is Servants, because at the first Bailiffs or Stewards employ'd their own Servants in such Sum­mons: So this more honourable Appellation of Sergeant at Law, hath received it; Denomination, because at the first, when the Laws were no more than a few plain Customs; When as the Year-Books had not yet swelled; When the Cases were not so diversified; When so many Distinctions were not Coined and Minted; When the Volumes of the Laws through our Misdeeds and Wiliness were not so multi­plied, Men employ'd their own Servants to tender their Complaints unto the Judges, and to bring them home again a plain and present Remedy. But after­ward Multitude of Shifts begetting Multitudes of Laws, and Multitudes of Laws Difficulties of Interpretations, especially where the Sword had engraven them in strange Languages, as those induced by the Saxons, Danes and Normans into this Island, the State was enforced to design and select some learned Men to prepare the Causes of the Client for the Sentence of the Judge, and the Sentence of the Judge for the Causes of the Client; who though never so Enobled by their Birth and Education, yet because they succeeded in those places of Servants, were also call'd Servientes, Sergeants, or Servants. Great Titles have grown up from small Ori­ginals, as Dux, Comes, Baro, and others, and so hath this, which is Enobled by the affix unto it, a Sergeant at Law.

123. ‘Though you are not the Rulers of Causes, and Masters upon the Bench, yet it is your Pre-eminence that you are the chief Servants at the Bar: In the Houshold of our Dread Sovereign, the Chief in every Office, who Commands the lower Ministers, is advanced to be called the Sergeant of his Place, as Ser­geants of the Counting-House, Carriages, Wine-Cellar, Larder, with many others. In like manner your Name is a Name of Reverence, though you are styled Servants: For you are the Principal of all that practise in the Courts of Law; Servants, that is, Officers preferr'd above all Ranks of Pleaders. For every thing must be Ruled by a Gradual Subordination. You are next in the Train to my Lords the Judges: And some of your File not seldom employ'd to be Judges Itinerant. But you are all constantly promoted to be Contubernales & Commen­sales: You have your Lodgings in the same Houses, and keep your Table and Diet with those Pillars of the Law, who therefore call you, and love you as their Brethren. Fortescue in his sixth Book De laudibus Legum Angliae, Cap. 50. com­pares your Dignities with the chief Degrees of the Academies: And there is no Argument that proves the Nobleness of the one, but it is as strong and militant for the other. I will touch upon the Reasons, as they are set down in Junius his Book De Academiâ, and apply them in order to this purpose. First, This De­gree is as a Caveat to the whole State and Commonwealth, that by it they may know whom to employ, and whom not to employ in their weighty Causes and Consultations. And so doth Fortescue appropriate Omnia Realia Placiata, all the Real Actions and Pleadings of his time to the Sergeants only. Secondly, As St. Paul saith to the Corinthians, Epistola nostra vos estis; You are our Letter, or Epi­stle; So may we the Judges in our several Places say unto the Sergeants, Epistela [Page 112]nostra vos estis; You are, by reason of your Degrees, our Letters of Recommen­dation unto the Kings Majesty, for his Choice and Election for the Judges of the Kingdom. Because, as Fortescue also truly observes, no Man, though never so Learned, can be chosen into that eminent Place, Nisi statu & gradu Servientis ad Legem fuerit insignitus. Thirdly and lastly, This Degree of Honour is [...], a kind of Spur and Incentive to all the Students of the Law, that they might more easily concoct those otherwise insupportable Difficulties, and Harshness of their Studies, in hope one Day to attein unto those Honours, wherewith all of you by his Majesties Favour, and your own Merits, are now to be Invested. Those outward Decorums of Magnificence which set forth your Exaltation this Day, are very specious, and sparkle so much in the Eyes of the young Fry, that swim up after you, that they cannot but make very sensible Impression in their Minds, to follow your Industry, that they may attein to your Dignity. That Gold which you give away, secundum Consuetudinem regni in hoc casu, implies that by your faithful Labour and Gods Providence, you have attein'd to the Wealth of a fair Estate. And Wisdom is good with an Inheritance, Eccles. 7.11. Nay, I wish hear­tily that all wise Men had plentiful Inheritances; and that the Silly and Sottish were not so fortunate in gathering Treasure: For a Rich ignorant Man is but a Sheep with a Golden Fleece. Then your great and sumptuous Feast is like that at a Kings Coronation. At which you entertain the Ambassadors of Foreign Kings now Resident about the City, and the prime Officers and Nobility of this Realm. But to ascend higher, King Henry the Seventh in his own Person did Grace the Sergeants Feast held then at Ely-Palace in Holborn: So estimable was your Order in those Days to that Mighty Monarch. I should be too long if I should speak of the Ornament of your Head, your pure Linen Coif, which evi­dences that you are Candidates of higher Honour. So likewise your Librata Magna, your abundance of Cloth and Liveries, your Purple Habits, belonging antiently to great Senators, yea to Emperors; all these, and more, are but as so many Flags, and Ensigns to call up those young Students, that fight in the Valleys, to those Hills and Mountains of Honour, which you by your Merits have now atchieved.’

—Neque enim virtutem amplectimur ipsam
Praemia si tollas.

124. Gentlemen, I have told you from the Explanation of your Title, what you are by Denomination. You must be dutiful, and respect my Lords the Judges, because you are but Servientes, Servants. And you must be Reverenced by all of your Robe, but the Judges, because you are Servientes ad Legem, Journey-Men of the Law; whereas the rest, though call'd to the Bar, are no more than Dis­cipuli in Justinian's Phrase; or, as your own Books term, Apprenticii, mere Ap­prentices. You serve in that Law which is of excellent Composure for the Re­lief of them that seek Redress in this Nation through all Cases: And of rare Pri­vilege it is, above the Tryals of all other Kingdoms and States, for the Tryal of those that are under Criminal Attainder, by a Jury of their own Peers. Which I find as one to have used in antient Polities, but Cato major in his own Family. Supplicium de Servo non sumsit, nisi postquam damnatus est conservorum judicio. He punish'd none of his Bondmen, unless they were cast by the Verdict of their fel­low Bondmen. To be elected the prime Servants of our most wise, and most equal Laws, supposeth in you great Reading, great Reason, great Experience; which deservedly casts Honour upon your Persons. Emulous, I may say Envi­ous Censurers, speak scornfully of your Learning and Knowledge, that it is gain­ful to your at Home in your own Country; but of no use or value abroad. For what is a Sergeant or Counsellor of these Laws, if he get Dover Cliffs at his back? So I remember Tully in his Oration pro Murenâ, being more angry than he had cause with S [...]lpitius, who was Vir juris consultissimus, disdains his Skill with this Taunt, Sapiens existimari nemo potest in eâ prudentiâ, quae extra Romam nequicquam valet: That was a wise Art indeed, which was wise no further than the Praetors Courts in R [...]e. Let Sulpitius answer for himself. But in your behalf I have this to answer, That beside your Judicious Insight into the Responsa Prudintum, and the laudable Customs of this Kingdom, which are proper, with our Statute-Laws, to our own People; I say, beside these, the Marrow of the whole Wisdom of the Caesarcan Transmarine Law, is digested into our Common and Statute-Laws, as wi [...] easily appear to him that examines the Book of Entries, or Original Writs: [Page 113]Which makes you sufficient to know the Substance and Pith of the Civil Law in all Courts through Europe: So that you would be to seek in their Text, not in their Reason; and in their Traverses and Formalities of Pleadings, which are no pre­judice to the Worthiness of your Function. Now I have told you as a judge, that you are Servants, but Honourable Servants of the Law; before I con [...], let me admonish you as a Bishop, that you are in your highest Title the Servants of God. Therefore keep a good Conscience in all things. Serve that holy Law, which bids you Not to pervert the Right and Cause of the Innoc [...]. I know it is very hard to discern the Right from the Wrong in many Suits, till they come to be throughly sisted and examin'd. So truly did Quimilian say, Lib. 2. Cap. 8. Potest accidere ut ex utráque parte vir bonus dicat. An honest Man in many Plea [...] may be entertain'd on either side. Therefore it is no discredit to your Profession, that as the Aetolians in Greece of old, and the Suitzers in the Cant [...]ns at this Day are often Auxiliaries of both sides in a pitcht Battail; so you should be Feed to try your Skill either for Plaintiff or Defendant. But when you discern a Clients Cause is rotten, then to imploy your Cunning to give it Victory against Justice, is intolerable. The more vulgar that Iniquity is, the more it is odious. As Pliny said, Lib. 8. Episto. ad Russiuum, Decipere pro meribus temporum prudentia est; It was the great Blindness and Corruption of the Times, when Cheating past for Wisdom. He that labours by Witty Distortions to overthrow the Truth, he serves Lucre, and not God; he serves Mammon, and not the Law. You know you cannot serve those two Masters; for they are utterly opposite But, to conclude, three Masters you may, nay, you ought to serve, which are subordi­nate; Serve God; Serve the King; Serve the Law. Ite alacres, tantaeque precor confidite Causae. I have ended. The Fear of God go with you; and his Bles­sing be upon you.’

125. All things upon this Festival Day of the new Sergeants were answerable to this Eloquent Speech. Yet every Day look'd clowdy; and the People were ge­nerally indisposed to Gawdy Solemnities, because the Prince was in a far Country. Others may undertake to write a just History of that Journey into Spain, (and a just History gives Eternity to Knowledge) I fall upon no more, than came under the dispatch of one Person, upon whom I insist. Yet some Passages upon the whole Matter will require their mention; the parts of the Narration needing as it were Sinews and Tendons, without which they cannot grow together. Two Years and little more were run out after the Death of Prince H [...]nry, so much miss'd, so much bewailed, when the principal Statesman then in Spain under King Philip the Third, the Duke of Lerma, opened the Motion first to Sir J. Digby, our King's Embassador Resiant in the Court of Madrid, for a Match between our Prince, (who was by this time every where renown'd for the Diligence he shew'd to that brave Education which was given him) and the Infanta Maria, the much praised Daughter of his Master, the Mightiest Christian Potentate in Europe. Our King was passing well pleas'd, when his Servant Digby sent him word of it, and encou­raged him to bring it to as much ripeness as he could. The Treatise went on ve­ry chearfully with the great Ones on both sides, who were only, or chiefly con­cern'd in it. But no People meddle more, or more impertinently, with the dis­course of great things which are above them, than the paultriest of the English, I mean Shop-keepers, and Handycrafts-men. These had some vain Fears which made them deaf to Reason, and swift to murmur. But the King was too wise to put his Honour, and his greatest Actions under the Hazard of their Interpretation. That some of our Nobles sided with the common Mans Opinion, it weighed as little. For they were such as loved it like their Life to be commended by open Fame, and could not dissemble, that their coldness to the Match was not without a Fever of Popularity. No discreet Person thought that the Success would be the worse, because a few gay Coats forbid the Bands, with the Tryes and Dewces of Sedentary and Loitering Men. Pliny says of Miscellen Pulses, sowed together in Italy in his time, Nihil ocymo faecundius, quod maledictis & probris serendum praecipiunt, ut laetius proveniat, Lib. 19. N.H. C. 7. The Husbandmen had a Superstition to curse it, or to give it all ill words, when it was sown, and thought it would grow the better. With more Reason I may affirm it were Superstition to imagine, that a good Design would the sooner go back, because it was rashly malign'd by them that walk'd in Pauls, or throng'd together in the Markets. There was nothing like a halt in the Treaty of this Marriage between the two Kings, till the Prince Elector, our Kings Son-in-Law, made his Excursion into Bohemia, and left his [Page 114]own Country naked and undefensible behind him, and lost it. Though in fair dealing now the Nuptials should have hastned faster to a Conclusion, than before, because the young Parties were grown up to a mature Age for Marriage: Yet the Spaniard could be brought on to no dispatch, but took respite of time about three Years, to resolve how the Bridal-Joy should be doubled with the Settlement of the Palsgrave in his own Principality. For till that was done, Peace between the two Kingdoms was but in a doubtful, and a catching Condition.

126. The Castilian Court is ever slow; but, to make it worse, it was suspected, as I incline to think, uncharitably, that in this great Business it would not be sure. It is incident when one State offends another, to impute the fault not to that one Errour, but to a general and National Vice. So the Spaniards were set out to the Prince in some busie Pamphlets, and other Draughts put into his Hand, for such as the Parthians are describ'd in Justin. Lib. 41. Parthi Naturâ taciti, ad faci­endum quam ad dicendum promptiores, sides diclis promissisque nuila, nisi quatenus expedit. Such as were given to suppress and conceal their Counsels: Such as would sooner bite, than bark: Such as would keep no Faith, but when it serv'd their turn. The Prince both discountenanc'd and discarded those, that, in Zeal to his Affairs, presum'd to write contumeliously of that Prepotent, Wise and Grave Nation He had cast the Anchor of great Hopes and Joys upon that Shore. Every Tongue gave loud Commendation to the Infanta his Mistress. He loved the report of her Vertues and Beauty; and he that is sick of Love, will be more sick of Pro­crastination. Thereupon, as he did publickly before the ensuing Parliament take it upon himself, [...] Heroick Thought started out of his own Brain, to visit the Court of [...], as well to shew what Confidence he had in the Justice and Ho­nour of that King, committing the safety of his Person to him in a strange Land, as to bring his Comforts to a sudden Consummation, if his Catholick Majesty meant seriously [...] bellow his Sister upon him. But if he had plaid an ignoble part by counte [...]ing Pro [...]tions, then resolutely to give King Philip no leisure to abuse him any longer. And set the Discredi [...]e at his Door, that had done the wrong; for it is more honourable to suffer an injury, than to do it. The Lord Marquess of Buckingham, then a great Gra [...]o, was put on by the Prince to ask the Kings liking to this Amour [...] [...] [...]enure: Of whom he obtein'd both his Con­sent, and his Secresie, [...] [...]ere over the Seas. For this was the Pirithous, that went with [...] his Love. They left New Market on the 17th of [...] on the 18th; from thence posted to Dover, and were in France before they were miss'd. But then upon the Bruit of the Prince's sudden departure, so thinly Guarded for so long a Journey, even the Wisest were troubled. The Courtiers, chiefly those that wanted their Master, talk'd out their Discontents boldly. The Lords of the Counsel look'd dejectedly, that they were pretermitted in a Consultation of so great Importance; but prayed heartily, That since his Majesty was pleas'd to walk softly that he might not be heard, his chance were not to tread away. Among them all, the Lord Keeper was the only Counsellor suspected to be of the Plot. Yet he knew as little as the rest; and sa­tisfied their Lordships, that Ignorance was often a happy thing; as in this in­stance. For if the Prince had gone out of the Kingdom privily with their Lord­ships Knowledge and Counsel, and some misfortune (which God avert) should prevent his safe return, their Heads would be forfeited to Justice, and their Names expos'd to perpetual Infamy. Indeed this was but the second time that King James had baulk'd his whose Counsel upon a like Occasion: Not out of Confidence that he knew enough without them; but out of tenderness to their safety, that they might not undergo the Anger exacted upon ill Events, if God should cause them. In the Year 1589. he caused some Ships to be Rigg'd, that the Admiral of Scotland might fetch Queen Ann out of Denmark: But when the Fleet was ready, he went Aboard himself, hoisted Sails, and took his leave of no Man. For which sudden Voyage, not imparted to the Lords that fate close at Edinburgh, he gives this Sa­tisfaction to them in a Letter, (see it in worthy Spotswood, pag. 377.) I took this Resolution, none of [...] unsel being present, keeping my Intention from my Chancellor himself, from whom I never kept any of my weightiest Business: Because if I had made him of my Counsel in that purpose, he had been blamed for putting the same into my Head; which had not been his Duty. For it becometh no Subject to give his Prince Advice in such Matters. In this Story it appears, that the Father-King trod the way to his Son to undergo such an Audacious Journey in the pursuance of his Love. Quid non effraeno captus amore Audeat. Ovid. [Page 115]Then that he Persisted in his Principles of Secrecy for a generous End, that he might not draw his Chief and Best Servants, whom he loved most, into a Snare of Guiltiness.

127. Let Provision be made to the most that could be for the safety of all others, yet Sir Ant. W. in his Court and Character of K. James, hath one Exception. That the King set this Wheel on Running to destroy Buckingham, for the hatred which he had long bore him, and would not think it ill to loose his Son, so Buck­ingham might be lost also, Pag. 149. O Horrid! But the best is the Foundation is Rotten: For Buckingham as all Men about the King would Testifie, was in as high Favour at that time, as any Subject was ever with his Sovereign. But when Sir A. to make out the Proof, he lays it upon Sir H. Yelverton, displaced from the Office of Attorney General to the King, and committed to the Tower; 'twas he that assured the Marquess that the King hated him more than any man Living, pag. 159. Sir Harry was Unfortunate, but too honest a Man to sow Discord be­tween the King, and his principal Peer and Attendant. Now mark upon what Bottom the Contriver of this Tale doth wind his Forgery. Sir W. Balfore, at the time of his Lieutenancy of the Tower, brought the Marquess at Midnight to Sir H. Yelverton's Chamber, being then his close Prisoner: Where Sir William heard those Passages, and a great deal more between them. And by one or other, who came to the knowledge of it, but this Sir Anthony? O Wicked Servant to thy good Master! O fowl Bird that defilest the Nest, wherein th [...]u wert hatch'd, and well fledg'd! Thou art catch'd in thine own Lime; for thou never couldst have Conserence with Sir W. Balfore, or Sir H. Yelverton about such a matter. For Learned Yelverton was ne­ver Prisoner to Valiant Balfore, Sir Allen Apsley was Lieutenant all the time of that worthy man's restraint. And Sir W. Balfore was not preferr'd to that Office of great Trust, in more than four years after Sir Harry had obtain'd his Liberty; when Knaves will turn Fools, it is not amiss to be merry with them. And I will fit Sir Anthony with a Jest out of Illustrius the Pythagorean, p. 23. ‘One Daphidas came to the Pythian Deity, to beseech his Oracleship to tell him when he should find a Gelding of his that was gone astray. You shall find him very shortly, says Apollo's Minister. I thank you for your good News, says Daphidas, but I have neither lost a Horse, nor have a Horse to loose.’ So I turn Sir Anthony over to the Committee of Oracles and proceed. After the Princes Out Leap, the King lingred at New-market, till the time was nigh, that every day Tidings were expe­cted of his safe Arrival in Spain, that he might shew himself to the Lords at White-hall with better Confidence, which he did March 30. being the first day that the Lord Keeper spake with the King about his dear Sons Planetary Absence. No sooner had he made most humble sign of his Majesties Welcome by Kissing his Hand, but the King Laugh'd out this Question to him; ‘Whether he thought this Knight-Errant Pilgrimage would be lucky to win the Spanish Lady, and to convey her shortly into England. Sir says the Lord Keeper, If my Lord Marquess will give Honour to Conde Duke Olivares, and Remember he is the Favourite of Spain: Or if Olivares will shew Honourable Civility to my Lord Marquess, Remembring he is a Favourite of England, the Woing may be Prosperous. But if my Lord Marquess should forget where he is, and not stoop to Olivares, or if Olivares, forgetting what Guest he hath Received with the Prince, bear himself haughtily, and like a Castilian Grandee to my Lord Marquess, the Provocation may be Dangerous to Cross your Maje­sties good Intentions. And I pray God that either one or both of them do not run into that Errour. The King drew a Smile at the Answer, but bit his Lip at the pre­sage Discourse, being Enlarg'd between them, the King perceiv'd that his Coun­sellor had other Fears, and that his Brain teemed with Jealousies of very hard Encounters, which he knock'd upon softly, that his Majesty might discern them, and not seem to apprehend them. Only thus far the King proceeded, to ask him, If he had wrote to his Son and to the Lord Marquess clearly, and upon what Guard they should stand. Yes Sir, says he for that purpose I have dispatch'd some Packets. Then continue, says the King, to help me and themin those difficulties with your best Powers and Abilities, and serve me faithfully in this motion, which, like the highest Orbe, carries all my Raccolta's, my Counsels at the present, and my prospects upon the Future, with it, and I will never part with you. The Cause which made His Majesty so solicitous, made the Lord Keeper need no Provocation to diligence. He was before hand. And upon the 25 of February, by a Currier that was at Madrid almost as soon as the Prince, he wrote two Letters following to his Highness and to the Lord Marquess

A Let­ter to the Prince.

May it please your Highness,

128 ALthough Prayer is all the Service, That at this time either I the most obliged, or any other, the wisest of your Servants, can perform unto you, yet I Hum­bly beseech your Higness to pardon true Affections, that cannot stay there, but will be ex­pressing of it self, though peradventure neither wisely nor discreetly. The Comick Wri­ter held these two scarce competent, Amare & sapere. And to exclude all shew of dis­cretion, I presume to write this First Letter of mine to your Highness, without so much as excribing, or taking a Copy of the same, this opportunity admitting no leisure at all to do the one or the other. Your Journey is generally reputed the depth of your danger, which in my Fears and Representations your Arrival should be. You are in a strange State, for ought we know uninvited, business being scarce prepared, subject to be staid upon many and contrary pretenses, made a Plot for all the Wisdom of Spain and Rome, for all the contemplations of that State, and that Religion to work upon. And perad­venture the detaining of Your Highness his Person may serve their turn, as amply as their Marriage; at least wise for this time, and the Exploits of the ensuing Summer: I write not this to fright you, who have Testified to all the World your incapability of that Passion. But to give Your Highness to understand, that I hope, if you discover a­ny [...]ndment to detein your Princely Person under any fair Colour, or Pretence whatso­ever, You will endeavour by all means possible to make your departure as secret as your Arrival was. I pray God this may prove but my Folly and Jealousie. And I thank God heartily that you have in Your Company the Earl of Bristow, who for Advice and Counsel upon the Place, is, in my poor Opinion, inferior to none in His Majesties Do­minions. Here is no Course omitted to still the Noise, and to take away the Affright­ments, caused by your sudden departure. I am a little afraid, that the person of the Earl of Car [...], whom His Majesty hath posted after you, will not prove so acceptable in the Spanish Court, which I wish might have no Provocation at all, while your person is there. If it prove so, he is a most willing Lord to please Your Highness, and you may [...] so of [...]im the sooner back again. I have endeavour'd to smooth, and sweeten all things at home, in the best accommodation that lay in me. I have stayed a Collection which went on for the Grisons, though I bear them good will, least the King of Spain might take Offence thereat. I have restored the Priests and Jesuits, that were restrain­ed in the New Prison, to their former Liberty. I have given special Order to the Judges for Sweetness, and Doulcure to the English Catholicks. I have twice Visited the the Spanish Ambassador, and do now deny him no Suit he makes. And all this with a Reflection upon that inestimable Pearl of curs, which God hath now put into their Hands. On the other side, if things prosper according to your Highness's desire, you will not fail to write to some person, that will Publish it, that nothing hath been represented to you there, adverse or contrary to your Profession, and Religion. And that you were much Of­fended, when you heard of those Surmises of this people, that you took this Journey out of an Yielding and Recklesness in the Constancy and Sincerity of the same. This Course will quiet the sond Jealousies at home. Your Highness will now give me leave to Re­member mine own Calling, and to call upon you to do that, which you have never failed to do, to call upon God Morning and Evening for his Gracious Assistance and continual Protection, to whose preventing, accompanying, and pursuing Grace, I do most humbly and Devoutly now upon my bended Knees recommend your Highness. Dominus Custo­diat introitum tuum, & exitum tuum, ex Lòc nunc & us (que) in seculum. Ps. 121.8.

A Let­ter to the L. Buck­ingham.

My most Noble Lord,

129 ALthough the Service I can now only perform to your Lordship, is praying and not writing, yet my Affection will not suffer me to conceal my Folly in this kind. I have no time to recollect my Thoughts, this Gentleman, who steals away after you, is in such haste. I have utter'd most of my Dreams unto his Highness, who, I know, will impart them to your Lordship, unless they shall prove so wide, as, out of re­spect to my Credit, he shall be pleas'd to burn them. If things prove so ill (which God forbid) as that his Princely Person should under Colour of Friendship, larger Treaty, or any Device, be then detained, longer then his liking, be you, my sweet Lord drawn by no Means, Counsel, or Importunity, to leave his Person, and to return without him. If you should do so (as I know you will not) beside the disgrace thereof, it would prove your certain Ruin. If things prove well, you need no Counsel, your Adventure will be Ap­plauded, and great Note cast upon your Wisdom and Resolution. But if the Health, Entertainment, and the principal business of His Highness, nay if any one of the Three should miscarry, You cannot in your Wisdom and great Experience in this Court, but cer­tainly knew, that the blame will be laid upon you. And therefore for Gods sake prepare [Page 117]your self accordingly by Mature Deliberation to Encounter it. My Lord; for fear others will not, I will tell you the Truth. If I Offend you with my Trusty Care; I am sure your good Nature will blow it over before we meet again. But in sooth all the Court, and the Rabble of people lay this Voyage upon your Lordship. The King would seem some­times, as I hear, to take it to himself (and we have Advis'd him so to do by Proclama­tion) yet he sticks at it, and many times casts it upon you both. Thus Sir J. Epsley told me within this hour, whom I sent to the Court of purpose to learn it. Nay Faces are more sowred, and Rumors of Dangers more Encreased, because you have defeated some great Lords, who expected to be imployed, for the Conduct of the Infant a hither. And though things speed never so well, this Quarrel will remain. But I would that might prove the greatest Danger. If Your Lordship will Command me what to do in Your Absence, I hope you believe you have a faithful Servant, and wise enough to follow Directions. I will be as Vigilant in your Affairs, as my distance from the Court will give me Leave, Your Lady is well, but unapproachable and invisible. Your little Daugh­ter is very Pleasant, and as it seems, bids us hope the best in her Infantile Presage­ments. My Lady Your Mother is well, and chides me that I could not Divine, and Prophesie of your Journey. I will make bold to remember me to your Host, as we con­ceive it, the Earl of Bristow, and his good Lady, my loving Country-woman. My Noble Lord, my Humble Suit unto you, and my best Advice is, that as all the Lords in England sought your Lordship with all Observance in this Court, so you will seek and gain the great Lords of Spain, with as much Observance in the Court of Spain. I ended His Highness Letter with a Text of Scripture, and I have another for your Lordship, Genes. 24. ver. 48, 49. And I bowed my Head, and Worshipped the Lord, and Blessed the Lord God of my Master Abraham, who hath led me in the Right-way to take my Masters Brothers Daughter to his Son. And now if you will deal kindly and truly with my Master, tell me, that I may turn to the Right Hand, or to the Left. I Leave your Lordship in this Meditation, and in Gods Gracious Protection for ever.

130. These, in the Levitical Phrase, were but the Green Ears of the First Fruits. The Sheaves of his Wisdom will follow after. For more is to be look'd for how he proceeded, then how he began. All things went well, and unanimously on the part of our English Counsellors in those Foreign Juntoes, from hence, and so forth at least to the beginning of May. Thus far 'twas easie to please them all. But there is one skill requir'd in a Calm at Sea, another in a Tempest: Though the Pilots good Will and Fidelity be constantly the same. Trust to him for this, and he shall not fail. After he had parted from the King, so deeply Charm'd to bestir his Wits in this Negotiation, he was as Active as one could be that had little to work upon. The Prince and his Paranymphus the Marquess had wrote some Letters upon the way, how far they had proceeded in their Journey. But the Buen Message, that they were come to the Cape of Good-Hope in the City of Madrid, was not yet brought to the City of London; where the con­flux at this time was very populous; their Errand being to hearken after News. And the particulars they long'd to hear of were these; ‘Whether His Highness were Arrived at the Court in Spain? When he would return again? (their Honest Affections ran too fast to look for that so soon) Whether he were not Tamper'd withal to alter his Religion? And some were so reasonable, and well pleas'd, (some were not) to ask, Whether he were Married, and would bring his Bride with him for hope of Future Issue?’ As much Satisfaction was given to these Scruples from the Lord Marquess, by the First Post that Arrived here, as could be expected in so short a time, as he had spent abroad. Of which more in due time. But before his Lordship's came, the Lord Keeper wrote again, and again unto him to Assist the main business, and to pour in such Counsels into his Lordship's Breast, as keeping close unto them, he might promise himself more Grace with the King, and Commendation with the Subject. Philosophers, who wrote the Pra­ctices of a Good life, agree, That unfeigned Love doth Justifie it self in three Probations, or in either of them; when it is Faithful to a dead Friend, who shall never know it; or to a Friend undone in misery, who cannot requite it, or to an Absent Friend, who doth not perceive it. As none that have Faith and Can­dor will wish to declare their sincerity in the two former Experiments, so nei­ther will they fail in the opportunity of the latter. [...], says Antient Thales in Laertius. Remember your Friends as well far of, as near you. And in Rome, says Lil. Giraldus; These two Adverbs were Written under the Image of Friendship, Longe & Prope. Be as Officious (nay more) to [Page 118]your Friend remote from you, as when you are hand in hand together. I have drawn out the Lord Keeper's Observance to his Raiser, my Lord of Buckingham, with this Pensil of Morality. It would be tedious to fill up Leaves with those copious and punctual Relations which he wrote to his Lordship of all Agitations in the Court, of Suits preferred to the King, and how far he went about to stop them all, till his Pleasure was signified in the next Return. That which comes to the Institute I handle, was thus Endicted, bearing Date Marth 31.

My most Noble Lord,

I Do humbly thank your Lordship for your Letter, and all other your loving Remem­brances of me by the last Packet. It hath much revived me to hear of your Lord­ship's good Speed so far. I was Yesterday with His Majesty (the first time I saw his Face since your Lordship's Departure) to know his Opinion of this Letter to the Count Gonda­mar (which I send enclosed) to stir him up to consummate the Marriage. His Majesty lik'd it exceeding well; yet I have sent it opened, that if your Lordship, and my Lord of Bristow, who are upon the Place, shall not allow thereof, it may be suppressed. Truly the Reasons are no Colours, but very real; that if new and tart Propositions, sent from Rome, occasioned by the Possession they have of his Highness's Person, should protract this Marriage, the Prince is in great danger to suffer exceedingly in the Hearts and Affections of the People here at Home, and your Lordship sure enough to share in the Obloquies. Better Service I cannot do the Prince and your Lordship, than to thrust on the Ministers of the King of Spain, with the best Enforcements of my Judgment; who, if they dead this Business with a Calm, it is almost as bad as a cross Gale. But, my Lord, I will not fail to continue as faithful to your Lordship, as to mine own Soul. Which to do at this time, is not thanks-worthy, his Majesty being so constant, or rather so augmented in his Affections towards you, as all your Servants are extraordinarily comforted therewith, and the rest struck dumb, and silenced. But if any Storm (which God will keep off) had ap­peared, your Lordship should have found a Difference between a Church-man and others, who hath nothing to regard in this World, but to serve God, and to be constant to his Friend; all the rest being but Trash to him, who can confine his utmost Desires to a Book, and a little Chamber. But God Almighty never imparted unto you a greater Share of his Majesty's Affections, that at this Time.

131. This went by Sir J. Epsley: After whom, within three days, Sir George Go­ring followed, who was stay'd till April the 3d; the next day after, the joyful Packet came, that his Highness saw Madrid by the 7th of March in our Stile, and came thither in Health and good Plight, after so much Travel by Day and Night, so much hard Lodging, such slender Fare in base Village-Osteria's. Away went Sir George, I said, with Alacrity, the next Day, and carried these Lines to my Lord of Buckingham, from the Lord Keeper.

My most Noble Lord,

IN Obedience to your Commands (which I humbly thank your Lordship for) I do write by this Bearer, yet no more than what I have have written lately by Sir John Epsley. All things stand here very firmly and well, which may concern your Lordship; only the Great Seal walks somewhat faster than usual, which is an Argument that it was not my Lord of Buckingham only, that set it a going. We hear the Affairs proceed well, where your Lordship is. And here is conceived generally Great Joy and Acclamation for the brave Entertainment that the Prince hath received; which the People did yester-night very chearfully express by Bon-fires and Bells; only the Consummation of the Matrimony is wanting to consummate our Joys. Yet the People spread it abroad, upon sight of the Bon­fires, that all is perfected. As they do also speak of your Lordship's Dukedom, a Title, which will well become both your Person and Employment. The Patent whereof, I believe, the King will shortly send to you, to testifie his Joy, and to gratifie your Service. But, my Lord, I am still (against the Opinion of many wiser Men) averse to your Lordship's Return hither (as desirous as I am to enjoy your Lordships Presence) untill you either see the Prince ready for his Return, or that you may bring him along with you. I have sent another Letter to my Lord Gondamar, to be delivered or suppressed as your Lordship shall please; to let him know, by my Expostulations falling so thick upon him, what is be­hoveful to be done. If they make us stay their leisure, they will loose much of their Thanks. If they cloy us with new Articles, upon Advantage that they have the Prince among them, they have lost their Wits, or Honesty, and will loose their Purpose. Of which, yet I have but half a Doubt, and his Majesty none at all. I have also taken li­berty [Page 119]in that Letter, to speak of your Lordship, I hope without Offence. I leave the rest to Sir George Goring's Relation, and your Lordship to God's Protection.

Now was the time, now, when my Lord of Buckingham was in this eminent Imployment, that he did most need a Wife, and a trusty Counsellor: For an Er­ror in so great a Eusiness, would be worse interpreted than the wilful Comission of a Fault in a smaller thing. As Tully says, Lib. 4. de fin. If a Ship be wreckt by Negligence, Majus est peccatum in auro quam in palcâ. Hereof the Lord Keeper was more sensible than any of his Lordship's Creatures; and quite contrary to those that had private Ends to make use of the Lord Marquess at Home, and called importunately for his Return, he alone was bold to give him his sage Opi­nion, not to stir from his Charge; withal, enheartning him with the Comfort of the King's constant Favour, that it was kept for him against his Return, in as great, or higher measure, as he enjoy'd it when he took his Leave. And to Count Gondamar, he gave a Character of his Lordship, which he desired the Count would make known to the greatest Counsellors of King Philip, that none did exceed him in Generosity and Sweetness of Nature; that he deserved extra­ordinary Civilities for his own Worth, and according to the Favour with which his Master tendered him, and that he would pawn his Life upon it, that no Man should go before him in Honorable Acknowledgments for Noble Usage. These good Offices were part of the Lord Keeper's Retribution to his Advancer, which he deposited as fast as he could lay them out: For perfect Thankfulness never leaves bearing, never thinks it hath paid its utmost Debt.

132. Now to follow the Chase: As Counsel and Forecast were very busie at the Loom here, so Tidings from Spain did promise that there was a good Thread spun there. All Expresses related, that the Entertainment was very pompous and Kingly. [...], says Alexander in Plutarch, I have said all, when I said it was done like a King, chiefly, like a King of Spain. But two Ne­gatives were better than this Affirmative. First, That his Highness should not be attempted to recede from the Religion, in which he was grounded. Secondly, That he should not be [...]ned with unwelcome Prorogations. Nay, That a short time should [...] the Nuptials. Truly. In defiance to Emulation or Detract [...] [...] be granted that the first Stone was well laid. His Highness's Welcome [...] full of Cost and Honour, which was Decorum; for no Tree will bear Fruit in Autumn, unless it blossom kindly in the Spring. The Entertainment was compleat in all Points of Ceremony, and Ceremony is a great part of Maje­sty. It will suffice to set down a little that is published herein, and never contra­dicted. Cabal. P. 14. The King of Spain and the State studied to do the Prince all the Honour that might be. The first Decree that the Council of State made, was, That at all Occasions of Meeting, he should have the Precedency of the King. That he should make Entry into the Palace with that Solemnity, which the Kings of Spain do on the first day of their Coronation. That he should have one of the chief Quarters of the King's House for his Lodgings. One hun­dred of the Guard to attend him. All the Council to obey him as the King's own Person. And upon all these Particulars, Mr. W. Sanderson is exactly copious in the Reign of King James, P. 545, in laying the Relation with other high Ci­vilities, which were very true. That a general Pardon was proclaimed of all Of­fences, and all prisoners within the Continent of Spain released; and all English Slaves in the Gallies for Piracy, or other Crimes, set at Liberty; and this mani­fested to be done in Contemplation of the Prince's Welcome. The Windows of the Streets were glorified with Torches three Nights together by Proclamation Most costly Presents, and of diverse Garnishing, brought to him, were Testi­monies of Heroick Hospitality, such as were wont to be bestowed in Homer's Age, yet far beyond them, and whose like none could give, but he that was Master of the West-Indies Abroad, and of the best Artificers at Home. That which weigh­ed most of all, was, That infinite Debt of Love and Honour, which the King profest to be due unto him, with this long-wing'd Complement, which flew high­est, That he had won his Sister with this brave Adventure, and deserved to have her thrown into his Arms. This was the Cork and Quill above, and I know of no Hook beneath the Water. Some imagine it; but, turning over all Dispatches that came to my Hand, I know of none; and that which outgoes my Know­ledge, shall never undergo my Censure. To speak out the Truth, where could the Spanish Monarch have done better for his Sister, or for himself; that is, for Love, or Policy? since it was a Business mixt of both. There was not a Deturdig­niori [Page 120]among the Sons of Kings in Europe, to whom he could give the Golden Aple. And, in Conjunction with the Prince, the next Planet under him, the Lord Marquess had a Lustre of much Grace and Observance darted upon him. At first he was much esteemed, says the Intelligencer, Cabal, P. 16. and remem­bred with Presents from the bravest of both Sexes. Says another, He was a Per­son, whose Like was not to be seen among the swarthy and low-growth'd Castilians. For, as Ammianus describes a well-shap'd Emperor, Ab ipso capite usque ad unguium sum­mitates reétâ erat lineamentorum compage. From the Nails of his Fingers, nay, from the Sole of his Foot to the Crown of his Head, there was no Blemish in him. And yet his Carriage, and every Stoop of his Deportment, more than his excel­lent Form, were the Beauty of his Beauty. Another Sisinnius, as Socrates the Ec­clesiastick shews him out, [...]. The Setting of his Looks, every Motion, every Bending of his Body was admirable. No marvel if such a Gallant drew Affections to him at Home and Abroad, espe­cially at Madrid, which was a Court of Princes. But can that Nation pass over such a Triumph as this Entertainment, without Pumpian Words, and ruffling Grandiloquence? 'tis impossible. Therefore one Andres de Mendoza wrote a Re­lation of all these Passages, which he dedicated to Don Juan de Castilià, wherein he pities us poor English, that we had seen nothing but Country Wakes, or Po­pit-Plays, compared with these Rarities, which were the seven Wonders of Bra­very. And that King Philip did vouchsafe to make King James happy with his Alliance; as C. Caesar honoured Amiclas the Water-man (called Pauper Amyclas, Lucan. Lib. 5.) to be wasted over into Italy in his Bark. Thus he went on with other flatuous Disparagements. One Copy of this, and no more, came to the Leiger Embassador of the Catholick King, of which the Lord Keeper had the Use, and would never deliver it again; but wrote to my Lord Marquess, April 20th, to bid the Earl of Bristow to take care, either to stifle it, if it were not di­vulg'd, or to cause it to be called in, if it were published. Such Scriblers should be informed against in the Ragguaglia's of Pernassus, and amerced to pay for the the Loss of our Time.

133. Aste the gaudy Days of the Royal Welcome were past over, my Lord of Buckingham obliged the Lord Keeper greatly unto him, with a Letter (Dated March 26, and came about the Declining of April) for the Comfort of the Con­tents, which were these.

My good Lord,

HOwsoever I wrote so lately unto you, that I have not since received any Letter from your Lordship; yet because you shall see that I let slip no Opportunity, I do it again by this Conveyance, and must again tell you the good News of his Highness's being in per­fect Health. I cannot doubt but many idle and false Rumors will daily be there spread, during the Absence of his Highness; which I know your Lordship, and the wiser sort will easily contemn, and believe only that which you shall find avowedly advertised from hence. And here let me thus far prevent with your Lordship, any sinister Report that shall be made in the main Point, which is the Prince's Religion; assuring you, that he is no way pressed, nor shall be perswaded to change it, for so is it clearly and freely professed unto him. I hope I shall shortly be able to advertise your Lordship of the Arrival of the Dispensation, which will be the Conclusion of our Business. And thus wishing your Lord­ship all Honour and Happiness, &c.

The Pearl, which came in this Letter, is that Satisfaction, purchased of God with the Prayers of all devout Men, that the Prince should not be inveigled in Conferences, or unquieted with Disputes, to strip himself of the Wedding-Gar­ment of that incorrupt Faith in Christ, which he had professed from a Child, for that Wedding sake which he came to conclude. How impudently have some Trash-Writers out-faced this Truth, as if the Prince had been beset on all sides, to make Shipwrack of his Religion in the Gulph of Rome? Ar. Wilson, of all others, is the most forward Accuser, and therefore the Falfest. Tast him in these Parcels, P. 230, that the Earl of Bristow insinuated it with this crafty Essay to his Highness, That none of the King's of England could do great things, that were not of that Religion. Yet he interfears in that same Page, That Gondamar prest the Earl of Bristow not to hinder so pious a Work, assuring him that they had Bucking­ham's Assistance in it. Then belike Gondamar was jealous of Bristow, that he was contrary to that, which he called a pious Work, the Prince's Perversion. Cer­tainly he knew Bristow as far as a Friend could know a Friend: And as many [Page 121]Bow-shots wide is he from my Lord of Buckingham's Sincority in that Action as a Ly­ar is from Heaven. Is not his Lordship's Hand-writing, so solemn'y mention'd, an uncontroulable Testimony? The same Author slanders Conde d'Olivares, and makes him utter that which never came from him. That if the Prince would devote himself to their Church, it would make him [...]th way to the Infanta's Afflictions; and if he sear­ed the English would rebel, he should be assisted with an Army to reduce them. The Con [...]e Duke carried no such threatning Fire in one Hand, nor at that time, any of his Holy Water in the other: For he committed nothing to offend his Highness's Ears in that [...]ind, till his Passions made him forget himself about three Months af­ter. Not contented with this, he makes the Prince say that which he never thought, as that when the Conde Duke propounded, That if his Highness would not admit of a sudden Alteration, and that publickly, yet he would be so indul­gent to litten to the Infanta in Matters of Religion, when they both came into England: Which the Prince promised to do. But what says true hearted Spots­wood? P. 544. That the Prince was stedfast, and would not change his Religion for any worldly Respect, nor enter into Conference with any Divines for that purpose. Utri cre­detis? Is there any Choice which of these two should rather be believed? I am careful to praemonish conscientious Readers against Serpentine Pens, least their nib­ling should ranckle. A Serpent, you know, from the beginning was a Lodging for the Devil, Gen. 3. and so is a Slanderer. The Manual of Romish Exorcisms, says Instruct. 2. that it is presumed for a sign, that he is possest with a Devil, Qui linguam extorquet miris modis, & eandem exerit ingenti oris hiatu. I translate that to the Manners of the Mind, which is meant there of the Body. And let the Liv­ing learn (the dead Man, whom I speak of, can take no Warning) it is a divelish thing to loll out the Tongue of Contumely. These being fore Times to out-face the Truth, and willing to listen to Defamations, no marvel if some take the Liberty to Lye, and have the Confidence to be believed. But that Sectaries, that have quite overthrown the Church of England, a right and pleasant Vineyard of Jesus Christ, that these should be the Men, who, for the most part, have challenged the Prince, and the chief Ministers that laboured to effect the Spanish Match, for being luke-warm at the best, and unfastned from the Religion then profest, is very audacious. The Accused were Innocent, and never gave ground to any pernicious Alteration; but themselves, the Accusers, have trodden down that Religion, of which, in their deep Hypocrisy, they would seem to be Champions. The Prince and Buckingham were ever Protestants; those their Opposites, you know not what to term them, unless Detestants of the Romish Idolatry. As if all were well, so they be not Popified, though they have departed from the Church in which they were Baptized, and a Church, I will not say as sound as it was in its Cradle in the Apostles Times; but as pure and Orthodox in Do­ctrine and Government (as far as they were maintained to be of Divine Right and Constitution) as it was in its Childhood, in the time of their Disciples, even that next succeeded them. And are these the Declamers for Religion, and the Temple of the Lord? Ex isto ore Religionis verbum excidere, ant clabi potest? as Tully said of Clodius, Orat. pro domo suâ ad Pontif. and so I give them no better Respect at parting.

134. But what will be said, when one that is greatly affected to our poor de­molish'd Church, doth concur with those Snarling Sectaries of his own accord? That in the flagrant expectation of that Match, some for hope of Favour began to Favour the Catholick Cause. It is the Author of the Observations upon H. L. his History of the Reign of King Charles, pag. 137. He hath not bestowed his Name upon his Reader; but he hath a Name; [...],’ says Homer. Odyss. [...].’ I ought not to put him to the first Question of our Catechism, Quo nomine vocaris? For good Writers, nay Sacred Pen-Men, do not always Inscribe their Names upon their Books Scholars do invariably Father the Work (and some of them say they have it from the Printer) upon one that hath Wrote and Publish'd much, favoring of Indu­stry and Learning. And they give Reasons (which will come into the Sequel, though a great while deferr'd) why he blotts the good Name of King James; Why he grates so often upon the mild Nature and matchless Patience of King Charles. And if Fame have taken the right Sow by the Ear, it is one that had provok'd the then Bishop of Lincoln in Print with great Acrimony Twenty years ago, and that Anger flames out in him now as hot as ever. Panthera, domari nescia, non semper saeuit. [Page 122]Yet when that Bishop came out of the Tower, and this Adversary sought him for Peace and Love, because the Bishop was then able to do him a Displeasure, he found him easie to be Reconciled. What should move this Man to forget that Pacification so truly observ'd on the Bishops part, who was the greater, and the offended Party? Naturale est odisse quem laeseris. And Malice is like one of the Tour Things, Prov. 30.15. That never say it is enough. 'Tis Degenerous for the Living to Trample upon the Dead; but very Impious, that he that was once a Christian, nay a Christian Priest, should never cease to be an Enemy. The Words with which he wounds the Spanish Match through his side, (though otherwise he is one that witheth it had succeeded) are these: That that Bishop being in Power and Place at C [...] the time of King James, made himself the Head of the Popish Faction: because he thought the Match with Spain, which was then in Treaty, would bring not only a Connivance to that Religion, but a Toleration of it. And who more like to be in Favour if that Match went on, than such as were most zealous in doing Good Offices to the Catholick Cause? Here's a Knot of Catter-Pillars wrapt in a thin Cobweb, so easie it will be to sweep them of. The accused Person was always free of Conference; Let any now living say that heard him often Discourse of the adverse Church, if he did not constantly open himself, not for a Gainsayer only, but for a Stiff Defier of their Corrupt Doctrines; (although he was ever pitiful for Relaxation of their Penalties) And would that Party cleave unto him for their greatest Encourager? Encouragement was the least their Head could give them: Beside the Thing is a Chimaera. I never knew any Head of the Popish Faction in this Kingdom. Others, and Bishops in Rank above him, have been traduced in that Name; but who durst own that Office? especially in the end of King James his Reign; when every year almost was begirt with a Parliament; and every Parliament procreated an inquisitive Committee for Matters of Reli­gion. What Mist did he walk in, that neither Parliament. nor Committees, did detect him for Head, or Patron, or Undertaker, call it what you will of the Pseudo-Catholick Cause; could nothing but the goggle Eye of Malice discover him?

135. Perhaps the Contemplation of the Spanish Match might embolden him, so this Author would have us think. It could not, it did not, take a little in the highest Topicks to both. It could not: For as the Anteceding Parliament was much taken with King James's Words, That if the Match should not prove a farther­ance to our Religion, he were not Worthy to be our King; so this his Majesties near Counsellor knew his meaning, (of which he often discours'd) that when the Holy-Days of the Great Wedding were over, his Majesty would deceive the Jealousies of his Subjects, and be a more vigorous Defender of the Cause of the True Faith than ever. And Judge the Bishop by his own Words, in his Sermon Preach'd at the Funerals of that Good King, that his Majesty charg'd his Son, though he Mar­ried the Person of that Kings Sister, never to Marry her Religion. I said likewise he did not: Look back to the first Letters he dispatch'd into Spain; but much more, let every Reader enjoy the Feature of his own Piety and Wisdom, which he put into the Kings Hand, to have his liking, while his Majesties Dear Son was in Spain, to Cure popular Discontents, and sickly Suspicions, which had come forth with Authority in October following, if the long Treaty had not Set in a Cloud. The Original Draught of his Contrivances yet remaining, is thus Ver­bation.

That when the Marriage was Consummated, and the Royal Bride received in England, His Majesty should Publish his Gracious Declaration as followeth.

First, To assure his Subjects throughout his three Kingdoms, that there is not one word in all the Treaty of the Marriage in prejudice of our own Religion.

Secondly, To Engage himself upon his Kingly Word, to do no more for the Roman-Catholics upon the Marriage, than already he did sometime voluntarily Grant out of Mercy and Goodness, and uncontroulably may do in disposing of his own Mulcts and Pe­nalties.

Thirdly, That our Religion will be much Honoured in the Opinion of the World, that the Catholic King is content to match with us; nor can he Persecute with Fire and Sword such as profess no other Religion, than his Brother-in-Law doth.

Fourthly, That His Majesty shall forthwith advance strict Rules for the Confirmation of our Religion, both in Heart, and in the outward Profession.

1. Common-Prayer to be duly performed in all Churches and Chappels Wednesdays and Fridays, and two of every Family required to be present.

[Page 123] 2. Every Saturday, after Common-Prayer, Catechising of Children to be constantly observed.

3. Confirmation (called Bishopping) to be carefully executed by the Bishop, both in the General Visitations of his Diocese, and every Six months in his own House, or Pa­lace.

4. That Private Prayers shall no Day be omitted in the Family of him that is of the Degree of an Esquire; else not to be so named, or reputed.

5. All Ladies; and all Women in general, to be Exhorted to bestow two hours at the least every Day in Prayer and Devotion.

6. All our Churches to be Repaired, and outwardly well Adorned, and comely Plate to be bought for the Communion-Table.

7. Dispensations for Pluralities of Livings to be granted to none, upon any Qualifica­tion, but Doctors, and Batchelors in Divinity at the least, and of them to such as are very Learned Men.

8. Bishops to encourage Public Lectures in Market-Towns, of such Neighbouring Mi­nisters as be Learned and Conformable.

9. A Library of Divinity-Books to be Erected in every Shire-Town, for the help of the poorer Ministers; and Leave shall be Granted from His Majesty to make public Collections from such as are willing to set forward the same: Towards every one whereof, His Majesty will bestow Ten Pounds.

10. The Lord-Keeper to be required to provide for every Convert Priest, of good Parts, and honest Life, that shall Renounce the Romish Church, and Embrace our Religion, a Benefice of the first that shall fall in His Majesties Gift. And every Bishop, upon his coming to his See, shall lay aside two Benefices for that use, to be Nominated by the Metro­politan of the Province, or whom else His Majesty shall trust therewith.

Now 'tis an even Lay, whether the Observator will call him The Head of a Popish, or a Puritan Faction, for providing such Bride-Laces for the Marriage. He may call him what he will, (for his Tongue is his own) unless his Conscience be sub­ject to the Law of Charity. But these were the Directions provided for their ho­nest Satisfaction, who perhaps would be troubled to see some Connivance granted to Recusants, and could not spy into the necessity of State-Practice, while the Prince was in the Power of the most rigid Adherents to the Papacy. As for a Toleration, it will be shewn by me in its due Place, it never had an hour's Ap­probation with the King, with this Prelate, so much struck at by the Anonymus, or by any of the grave Council. Seditious Male-contents spread open such a Jealousie at first, and this Author brings it to Light again; not that he believes it, I presume, but to dishonour him whom he hath Persecuted, both Living and Dead, with a most unsanctified Disaffection. Or if he believed it, bitterness of Mind put his Judgment out of Taste: And as Nazianzen says, De Laud. Athan. [...]: He that is not ready to do Ill, will not be ready to suspect Ill. Perhaps I might have spared the labour of this Apology; for if the Accuser be no more believed than he is beloved, his Pen will do no hurt. Yet he hath wrote Things worthy of Praise; but is not the World wide enough for one man's Praise, unless he mount himself upon the Dispraise of a man, that incomparably surpassed him? Of such a strange mixture was C. Gracchus, a know­ing man, industrious, well meaning to his Country, as this is to our Church; but withal, Proud, Rough, and Turbulent. Ut dolerent boni omnes illa tanta orna­menta ad meliorem mentem voluntatemque non esse conversa: Says Cicero de Arusp. Respon.

136. This Quarrel hath not put me out of my way; my Lord of Buckingham's Letter is still in my Hand. His Lordship gave the Lord-Keeper further Joy in the close of his News, That the Dispensation from Rome was suddenly expected at Madrid, which would be the conclusion of the Business. A Dispensation came indeed, yet not very fast, but before April ended, for the Copy of it was exhi­bited to King James in the beginning of May. The Discourtesie was, That when it put forth a Hand out for the Womb, it drew it back again, like Zarah, Gen. 38.29. For the Dispensation would not suffice to conclude the Consent of the Conclave to the Nuptials, till upon submission to Articles interchangeable be­tween both Parties, a Ratification followed from the same Power. This Ratifica­tion, a frivolous Interloper to cross a Lover's Suit, that went roundly on before, though it came limping to Madrid at the end of June, it was by Accident the Extermination of the Match. Delay is a fretful thing in all Courts, especially in Cupid's. And two months Vacation to them, that thought two days too long, and [Page 124]looked homeward with many a long look, found them nothing to do, but to take Exceptions and Brabble. Morae dispendia tantae: Aen. 1.3. This is it which our King, full of Stomach, called the Spaniards dull Diligence, first to depend upon Dispensations, then upon returns of Queries and Objections. And the more the Papalins frequented the Vatican Oracle, to steer by that alone, the further His Ma­jesty recoiled from them; professing, He would hearken to his Brother the King of Spain, if he did balance his Offers with as good from thence; but He would do nothing upon dependance of the Pope's Authority, or Advice: Of whose Overtures and Postils, as he calls them, he was bid to beware by one of the Pope's Creatures. It was the Spaniards Error, of which they repented, That no impending Danger to overthrow the whole Body of the Transaction, would quicken their motion. It is a Policy that grows to their State, as the Bark to the Tree, That they will ever dress their Counsels at a slow Fire: For they are always gaping after those Bene­fits, which Alterations may produce to their Advantage. Therefore the English and they were not well matched in this business. [...]; says Plut. lib. cont. Stoic. Adrastus was got upon a speedy Horse, but was never the better, because he must keep pace with a Tortoise. And as a hun­gry Stomach grumbles, that the shadow of the Sun creeps slowly to the Meridian Line of high Noon: Odi illud tardigradum animal horologium. So the Lord Mar­quess chid sometimes with the great Dons, that he could pluck on the Treaty no faster, and plied Opportunity while it was green, suspecting wisely that else it would never be ripe. Therefore the Lord-Keeper wrote on the 20th of April, both in the King's, and in his own Name, thus unto him.

My Noble Lord,

I Am much revived with this last night's News by Mr. Killigrew,That your Assu­rance from Rome is more quickned; although I shall not be satisfied in that Point, un­til I hear his Highness is married. His Majesty doth upon all Occasions magnifie your Lordships noble, wise, and vigorous Enforcement of this great Business: And bad me write to your Lordship, That if it be dispatched, (which is my If, and not His Majesties,) he will ascribe the Activity thereof very much to your Lordship.

It is observable, that many times the comfort of Assurance is strangely sup­pressed in our Heart towards a matter which we greatly desire, when God hath ordained not to bring it to pass. Some such Instinct, that came from above, pos­sessed the Lord-Keeper's mind, that in all his Employments for this match, where­in he was most hearty and serious, he never raised his Style higher when he wrote, than with Ifs, and suppositive Unconfidence. The Lord Marquess was of a more sanguine and better coloured Hope, as in that which is related before out of his Letters, March 26. So in another to the Lord-Keeper from Madrid, Styl. Angl. April 17.

My noble Lord,

BE not angry with me that I write no oftner; I confess you deserve all Trust of a Friend. I understand more of your Actions, than from your self. Others have let me know exceeding much. And as I owe you much, I'll pay you as much as I can: I know you will desire no more; And you shall have no less. Our Business will end well, and soon. It lies not in my power to advertise you of all Particulars, though it would be very useful to me. I end, &c.

If one should say to this, That young Heads hope for the best upon all Expectations, be­cause Experience hath not taught them to Distrust. I take it up, and Answer, That there was nothing then in appearance to be distrusted; no, not the Remora of the Pontifi­cal Dispensation, when it should come, with all its Trinkets about it. The Prince had excellently prevented it: For, as it was Reported before the Lords and Commons in our ensuing Parliament, 1624. his Highness did utterly refuse to Treat with the King of Spain, or his Council, until he was assured he might go on with the Marriage, if he satisfied them, to his Power and Conscience, in all Particulars to be Debated, without respect to any orders that should come from Rome. This was granted to his Highness, before he would sit in Consultation, which caused the Lord Marquess unto that time to bear up with chearfulness.

137. The month of May coming in with its Verdue, his Lordship had a Gar­land sent him, the most eminent Title of a Duke; to shew, (says the Lord-Keeper, in his Dispatch May 2. That His Majesty is most constant, and in some degrees more en­slamed [Page 125]in his Affections to your Grace, than formerly, and (which is better than all) un­affectedly, to remunerate your Diligence in the great Negotiation; and that being the Princes right hand by the Trust you are in, your Honour might be no less than the Conde Duke Olivares the Great Privado of King Philip. It may be ('tis so small a Circum­stance, that I have not searched about it) that the Patent came with the Ships, that carried the Prince's Servants into Spain to attend his Highness, who went with the King's Order, and their own great Desire, a most specious Train of them, to visit their dear Master, and to serve him in all Offices of his Family. Among these two were his Highness's Chaplains, who were sent over to Officiate to him and his Court in the Worship of God. These were Dr. Maw, and Dr. Wrenn, both of prime Note for Learning and Discretion; very Learned to defend their own Religion; and very Discreet to give no wilful Offence to the opposite part in a Foreign Dominion. The Spanish liked not their company; yet they took it not so ill, (for they could not but expect them) as that there was not one Romish Catholic declared for such a one, among all his Highness's Attendants, Cabal, p. 15. Tully states the Proverb in the Feminine Sex, Lib. 5. ad Att. Ep. 11. [...]: As you would say, Such as Diana her self, such are her Nymphs about her. But it is better paralell'd in King David's Person, He that walketh with a perfect heart, he shall serve me, Psal. 101.6. These were the Cho­rus of the Scene, that sung in Tune with the chief Actor, and seconded his Part with their Symplasma, (as it is called by ancient Musicians) in their adherence to sincere Religion: Yet some of these brought Instructions with them to the Duke of Buckingham from his secret Intelligencers, which not only disturbed all poste­riour Treaties, but made the Prince return for England with the Willow Wreath: Because the King, and they that were faithful to his meaning, knew not of it till July next after; let it squat till then, and it that order be started up. In this place it sufficeth to glance at it, that the Duke was cunningly dealt with, and under­hand, by some whom he had lest behind, to be as it were the Life-Guard of his Safety, who were to send him notice of common Talk, or secret Whispers that might concern him. These perswaded him to set the Match back by degrees, and in the end to overturn it. That this was the desire of most Voices in England. And his Grace must look to stand by the love of the People, as well as of the King. Or if he could not prevail in that, let him be sure to joyn the Restitution of the Palatinate, with the Marriage in the Capitulations; or the Unsatisfaction, which all would take, that pitied the King's Daughter and her Children, would undo him. Upon these, and their subtile Arts, Sir W. Ashton Reflects in this Passage, Cabal. p. 32. I believe that your Grace hath represented to you many Reasons, shewing how much it concerns you to break the Match, with all the force you have. This was the Junto at London that had done his Grace this Office, and had guilded their Councils over with flourishing Reasons, That these would procure him a stable continuance in Power and Sublimity with everlasting Applause. Well, every thing that is sweet, is not wholsom. Cael. Rhodoginus says, lib. 23. c. 25. That at Trevisond in Pontus, the Honey that Bees make in Box-Trees breeds Madness, if it be eaten. So I mean, that the Urgencies of those Undertakes, who pretended so far to the Duke's Pro­sperity, were no better than Rhodoginus his Box-Tree Honey-Combs. Yet after they had given the Qu, now began the Duke to irritate the Spaniard, to shut out, or to slight the Earl of Bristow in all Councels, to pour Vinegar into every Point of Debate; to fling away abruptly, and to threaten the Prince's Depar­ture. These boistrous Moods were not the way to succour the Prince's Cause: for Favour cannot be forc'd from great Spirits by offering Indignities. And the Temper of the Business in hand was utterly mistaken. For they were not met at a Diet to make Articles of Peace and War; but to Woo a fair Lady, whose Consent is to be sought with no Language, but that which runs sweet upon the Tongue. As Q. Cicero wrote to his Brother de Peti. Consul. Opus est magnopere Blanditiâ. Quae etiamsi vitiosa, & turpis sit in caeterâ vitá, tam in Petitione est necessaria. All Suitors are ty'd to be fair spoken, but chiefly Lovers.

138. No doubt but at this time, in the Prime of May, the Duke, with such such others as the Prince did take into his Council, sate close, to consider upon the Overtures that came with the Dispensation: For all thought that was the Fur­nace to make or to mar the Wedding-Ring, and it asked Skill and Diligence to cast it well. It is a Gibe which an Heathen puts upon an Amorose, that wasts his whole time in Dalliance upon his Mistress, [...], that Love is an idle Man's Business. But there was Business enough, beside Courtship and Visits, which came thick, to keep this Love from being idle. The Dispatches [Page 126]that were sent from Spain to employ those, that were in Commission here to di­rect the great Negotiation, were many. First, The Dispensation came to the King from the Prince his Son, May 2. But it came to scanning a good while af­ter, as will appear by this Letter of the Lord Keepers to the Duke, dated May 9.

May it please your Grace,

IT is my Fortune, and I thank God for it, to be ever rendring, and ever owing Thanks to your Grace. The Dispensation is come, and with it good Tidings, that your Car­riage hitherto hath been so discreet, and the Event so fortunate, that our Master is won­derfully pleas'd. But we were formerly never so desirous to see that Box, that carries this Dispensation, than we are now to open it, and to know, by reading the same, what God hath sent us. We all wonder at his Majesties Reservedness, for it came hither on Satur­day last, this Day sevennight But his Majesty hath enjoyned Mr. Secretary Calvert silence therein. And I believe, for my part at the least, that Mr. Secretary hath perform'd his Commandment. We all think, and the Town speak and talk of the worst, and of very difficult Conditions. My dear Lord, You have so lock'd up all things in your own Breast, and sealed up his Majesties, that now our very Conjectures (for more they were not) are altogether prevented. If things succeed well, this course is best; if otherwise, I conceive it very dangerous. But it were a great Folly to offer any Advice unto you, who only know what you transact in your own Cabinet. How then shall I fill up this Letter? To certifie this only, that all Discontents are well appeased, and will so remain without doubt, as long as Businesses continue successful. But if they should decline, I am afraid the former Disgusts of your appropriating this Service will soon be resumed. And then how dange­rous it is to leave your Friends ignorant of your Affairs, and disabled to serve you, I refer to your Graces Wisdom and Consideration. I do believe none of us all would keep your Coun­sel without a Charge to do so, (this keeping Counsel is a thing so out of fashion) nor re­veal it, if it be otherwise required, &c.

The Lord Keeper in this Letter miss'd the true Cause, why his Majesty did not yet impart a sight of the Dispensation to any of his Counsellors. The reason was, because it came to him in a private Packet. And he expected it to be deliver'd to him, as it ought, by Publick Ministers, the Ambassadors of the King of Spain, who kept it dormant about a Fortnight in their Hands, whether it proceeded from their Native Gravida, to retein that long in their Stomach, which needed no Concocti­on; or to listen what the many-headed Multitude would say in London; or out of some other State-juggling. As I have laid forth in this, what was mistaken by the L. Keeper, out of his own Memorials preserv'd: So in another Line he hazarded his Love to be ill taken, representing to the Duke the Truth, That the King did somewhat disgust his appropriating the whole Service to himself, that is, repulsing the Earl of Bristol, or restreining him to silence, where their Counsels were held I know not, whether the Duke did so soon regret at this; for it is the first time; and 'tis well plaister'd over with mild Counsel. So Statuaries, says Plutarch, do not only hew, and peck the Alabaster upon which they work, but smooth it likewise, which is the neatest part of their Cunning. By another Letter from the same Hand, dated near to the former, May 11. I perceive that the Duke, our Lord Admiral, demanded the Navy Royal to be made ready, and to be sent to the Coast of Spain to conduct the Prince and his Followers Home. Which the King gave order to be done. But the Lord Keeper wrote to his Grace, if it were not with the soon­est, the main Matter not grown yet to any colour of ripeness: That the Charge would be very heavy to the Exchequer: Such a Fleet must be costly to be set forth, but far more costly to be kept long abroad. As for Cost, it was the least thing that was thought upon: It was no time for Frugality. The Stratagem was to have the Navy lie ready at Anchor, in some safe distance from the Spanish Havens; That if the Prince could recover no Satisfaction to reasonable Demands from stiff Olivarez▪ and other Grandees: Or if they persisted to burden the Match with insupportable Conditions, his Highness after a short Complement might take his leave, and have all things prepar'd at a Days warning, if the Wind serv'd, for his Reduction into England. With this Fleet some precious Ware, never seen, no nor heard of in Spain before, at least among the Laicks, was transported thither; the Liturgy of our Church, translated into the Spanish Tongue, and fair­ly printed, by the Procurement and Cost of the Lord Keeper. The Translator was John Taxeda, the Author of the Treatise call'd Hispanus Conversus, a good Scholar, once a Dominican, whom his Patron that set him on work secured to our Church with a Benefice, and good Prebend. He studied this Translation Day [Page 127]and Night till it was ended. He that writes this was often at his Elbow to com­municate with him, when he put Questions how to proceed. But the Lord Keeper himself, with other Overseers, that had perfectly learn'd the Castilian Language, perus'd it faithfully, and, if there were not aptness in any phrase, corrected it. With his Majesties Privity, and great Approbation, two Copies of it were carried, Religious Tokens, the one to his Highness, the other to my Lord Duke, as the best and most undeniable Certificate that a particular Church can shew, to vindi­cate the right Profession of their Faith from all Scandals, and to declare their Pie­ty in all Christ's Ordinances squared, and practis'd by a publick Rule after the Beauty of Holiness. A Book of Common-Prayer (which all call a Liturgie) is suitable to the Form of good Churches in all Ages; reduceth us to good Notions from wandring Extravagancies; preserves Harmonious Conformity between all the Daughter-Churches, that are called from one Mother in one Realm, or State: It is our Witness to assoil us, when we are spitefully charg'd with Errours; so Cha­mieras, Gerardus, Camero, Spanhemius, Amyraldus, and divers more the best of Modern Writers in defence of the Reformed way, draw their second Rank of Arguments, next to the Sacred Scriptures, out of their Liturgies to justifie their Tenents. Finally, with this Office of Divine Worship, he that celebrates Gods Service, is ready at all times to offer up to God the Sacrifice of Prayer, when some perhaps at some times are affected with Languor of Health, and then not so sit to speak suddenly to God in the behalf of the People; and when the most have Infirmity of Judgment, and are unsit at all times. Beshrew the Tettar of Pride that runs over many Wits, and makes them care for nothing that's made ready to their Hand; and puts them in love with nothing but their own Conceptions. What have we lost? Nay, What hath God lost in the Honour due unto him? How is his Truth? How is his Name? How is his Glory dis-reverenced over all this Land, since our Liturgie hath been Mortgag'd to the Directory?

139. It would be remembred, that this comes in upon the mention of the Fleet, call'd for and hastned to weigh Anchor at Chattam, and to ride near to St. Anderos, to bring the Prince for England, if there were a rupture in the Treaty. But if they should suddenly strike Hands, and make a Bargain, my Lord Duke had his Thoughts upon a Question, which if it should be ask'd, he would not be surpriz'd as if he were ignorant what to answer, that is, What Dowry should be granted to the Princely Bride? Therefore he consulted the Lord Keeper, and required Satisfacti­on to be brought by a Courier, that must not spare Horse-Flesh; who was hied away as fast as he could be with this Answer.

My Illustrious Lord,

THe Dowry about which your Grace requires the speediest Direction, must consist in some of the Kings fair Mansion Houses, and in Revenue. For both which, the Mannor-Houses, and the just Sum of the Joynture, I must refer to you, and can do no other­wise to my Lord of Bristol's former Conclusions with that Council. But whether it should be allotted in Land, or other Revenue, I cannot yet convince mine own Judgment fully which were better. Sometimes I consider it were good that a great part were named out of Customs, and such other Incomes, lest our Poverty in Crown-Lands be discovered. Sometimes I find it for certain more advantageous to his Highness, to have all the Joyn­ture in Land, and that the choicest of our Kingdom, because being once in the Joynture it is sure to be preserv'd in the Crown, and no longer subject to be begg'd, or begger'd by Fee-Farms, and unconscionable Leases. And I believe your Lordship will so advise it. Or, if you please, the Sum being agreed upon, you may suspend the rest till you return, that Counsel in the Law on all sides may put their Cases upon it. Your Grace will give me leave to observe, that now is the first time that any Daughter-in-Law of this Crown, had any other set Maintenante than was granted to her voluntarily by her Husband. But your Grace may reply, That this is the first Portion of so great a Bulk: And it is no way in­convenient for his Highness, that she have a Copious Maintenance confirm'd to her in pre­sent, as I could tell your Grace at large, if I were present with you. All is right here to your Lordship's Good, and I will be vigilant to keep it so. Nor will I serve his Majesty in that place, wherein I shall not be so heedful as to be able to yield an account of any Dis­service, or Offer that way, which may concern your Grace, &c.

By the same Messenger, at the same time, another Dispatch was posted to the Prince, in answer to his Highness, who had signified his Pleasure was, That the Recusants should be gratified for his sake warily, and not by broad Day-light, to [Page 128]shew that he was sensible of those Hospital Civilities, which he then received from some Cards of their Suit. Whereupon the Lord Keeper writes;

May it please your Highness,

I Would I had any Abil [...] to serve your Highness in this place, wherein you have set me, and (what far more Grace and Favour) Countenanced and Encouraged me. To ob­serve your Highnesses Commands, I am sure the Spanish Ambassador resiant must testifie, that since your Highnesses Departure, he hath been denied no one Request for Expedition of Justice, or ease of Catholicks, although I usually hear from him twice or thrice a Week; which I observe the more Superstiticusly, that he might take knowledge how sensible we are of any Honour done to your Highness: And yet in the Relaxation of the Roman Catholicks Penalties, I keep off the King from appearing in it, as much as I can, and take all upon my self, as I believe every Servant of his ought to do in such Negotiations, the Events where­of be hazardous and uncertain. God Bless your Highness, as in all other, so especially in this present Business of so main Importance, &c.

These are the Negotiations which the Lord Keeper for his Share, at this Season, brooded under the Wings of Fidelity and Prudence. How well let the Wise and Unbiassed be Judges: Such will not be Cajol'd into a wrong Belief by Corrup­tors of History, as Heraclides serv'd his Scholars: Quos duplo reddidu sluitiores quam acceperat: ubi nihil poterant discere nisi Ignorantiam. Cicer. Orat. pro Flacco.

140. It is enough declared how the great Matters about the Match went here. The Dispensation of Pope Gregory the XV. turn'd them round in Spain, till they were giddy with the Motion. It was expected it should come in the common Church Style, an absolute and Canonical Dispensation, and no more; only for her Sake that was in Submission to his Laws: But it was Compounded with so many Reservations, and ill-visag'd Provisoes, that it swell'd like a Tympany. The Pope knew with home he had to deal: For there are none in the Earth more Superstitious to do him Honour then the King of Spain and his People. That King would make the Pope too big for a Priest, that the Pope might make him too great for a King. Nor is there any other intent, to make that Patriarch of the West the sole capacious Fountain, from which all Pipes of Grace and Indul­gence Ecclesiastical should be fill'd, and run abroad, but principally to Water his own Garden. What between the Nuncio Resiant at Madrid, who was Comman­ded to stop all Proceedings, till safety were granted; nay, and put in Execution, both for English and Irish Catholicks as much as they ask'd: What with the Charge given to the Inquisitor General, to use all possible diligence to draw the Prince to his Holiness's Obedience; What with Olivarez's frowardness, of whom the Duke could not obtain to put a Postscript in his Letter to the Pope, that to add these new and un-relish'd Conditions, with which the Dispensation was Clogg'd, would be interpreted the worst of Unkindness; what with all these together, his High­ness might say, Fat Bulls of Basan have compassed me in on every side. A little Honey, (God wot, a little) was allowed to to the Lip of the Cup, if he would Taste of that Potion; that was, that from thenceforth his Highness might have access to his Dearly Affected Mistress; not as formerly, a bare Visitant, but now as a Lover; so some of their chief States were in presence to hear all their Conference, a Rule which they say is never Infring'd in the grave way of the Castilian Wooing. The old Man Gregory the XV. gave light himself to his Friends and Servants in Spain, what they should do by the Flame of his own Zeal. For he sent a Letter to the Prince, Signed with the Signet-Ring of St. Peter, to exhort his Highness with many words, to reduce himself, and the Kingdoms of which he was the Heir, to the Subjection of the Roman See. Hereupon, some of our Hot-Heads in England made it a Quarrel and a Calumny, that the Prince sent an Answer of Civility to the Popes Epistle. Civility, though it is a thing unknown among the Plebeians and Clowns, is a Virtue among Gentlemen; And will they make a Vir­tue Criminal? But where lies the Offence? Perhaps that his Highness shewed no disrelish in his Answer to the PopesMotion; Neither did he shew Encouragement, so far the Terms are even. Fair Language in that Case would cost the Prince nothing, it would save him much: For the more Hurt the Pope could do, the less he was to be displeas'd with Provocation. To go further, He that will Censure an Action, must not Judge upon it Naked, but with all its Copartments. Many Things that were well done, if you will peel away the Bark of their Circumstances, will seem Reproachfull. The Behaviours of Abraham and Isaac, Gen. 20.26. in the [Page 129]Courts of the Kings of the Philistins, with the excuse of Fear are fall of Prudence; without that Plea they are full of Frailty. No Deed was ever rigidly expended, into which a Man was thrust by Necessity, unless it wanted a Wise Historian to scan it. The Phocensians, when their Chief Men were in no better Condition in Asia, then if they had been Hostages, did appear for the Persian Monarch, when he led an Army to Invade Greece; but says Herodotus [...] [...], they did Medize, or Temporize with the Persians, not with a good will, but out of a Compulsion. And Tully, with me, one of the Wisest of the Heathen. Orat pro Quintio. Omnes qu [...]rum in alterius manu vita [...]sica est, sae­piùs cogitant, quid possit is, cujus in potestate ac ditione sum, quàm quid debont sacere. He that is fallen into the Power of others, and is demanded, not a wicked thing, which must not be yielded, but an inconvenient, considers not what is absolutely expedient, but what is expedient in that Case. And a sharp witted Christian, it is Grotius writes upon that Passage, Deut. 22.25. If a Man sind a Betrothed Damosel in the Field, and the Man force her, and lie with her, then the Man only that lay with her shall Die, but unto the Damosel that shalt do nothing; Thus he says, Docet hoc ex­emplo Lex parcendam iis, qui vi ad cli aliquid peceaverint. He means, they are not to be perisht who are compelled to suffer a Sin, and are forc'd into it. There­fore, if the Prince, (being at Madrid, not at London) wrote things honest to the Pope, but as Meekly and Pleasingly as Paul spake before Festus and Agrippa, when he was in Bonds, Who can accuse him? For by Law of Nature, no Man must deliver himself up to a danger, which he can innocently avoid: The harmles [...] Dove is not bound to forget the Wisdom of the Serpent. But the strongest hold, which his Highness's Justification will maintain for ever against all Assaults, is, That the whole Contents of his Letter were unblameable, and yet very unpleasing to the High Priest, to whom he wrote. Take the express Words, and only Con­troverted. ‘The Exploits of my Noble Predecessors have not been more, than the Care which I have, that the Peace of the Church might be bounded in true Concord, and as the Glory of God requires our Endeavours to unite it I do not Esteem it greater Honour to be Descended from such Princes, than to imi­tate them in true Zeal of Piety. In which it assures me much, to have known the Mind and Will of our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father, to give concurrence to so laudable a Design. For it doth not grieve him a little to see that great evil grows from Division of Christian Princes; whose peaceable Settlement, if this Marriage between the Infanta of Spain and my self may procure, I shall the rather conclude my Happiness therein: For, as I have been far from encouraging Novelties, or to be a Partisan in any Factions against the Catholick Religion, so shall I seek occasion to take away Suspicions, that I desire but one Religian, and one Faith, seeing we all believe in one Jesus Christ; having resolved in my self to spare nothing that I have in the World, my Estate and Life, for a thing so pleasing unto God, whom I implore to give your Holiness Health and Happiness.’ A Synod, or an Assembly of Divines, Togati vel Palliati, could not have handled the Pope with greater Wit and Dexterity. Who is pincht to the quick in the Letter, and yet could not justly complain of Uncivility, or Exasperation. The Prince promiseth to follow the Footsteps of his Father; as Spartianus said of Geta, Son to Emperor Severus, Paternarum sententiarum memor, he could not dress him­self better than by his Fathers Glass. And how doth he promise to follow him in that which he had begun? To accord the Variances of all Christian Churches, that their Peace might be bounded in true Concord: Which is as much as to bring the Pope to be Sub-Canonical; to Conform him to the Decrees of a free Council, called by Christian Monarchs. This was the Helena for which King James con­tended; And this was the Europia, or new sound Paradise, in the Phansie of Arch-Bishop Spalato, as is handled before, for which Revenge was taken by Fire upon his Dead Carkass. I believe this Letter fretted his Crazy Holiness, and did his Hectick no good, of which he died not long after. I am sure, after his Nuncio had gotten a Copy of it, he could never endure the Prince more. From hence the Embraces of Truth may see, how staringly false, and daringly impudent that Report is, That the Prince had not come out of Spain, but that he lest his Faith, as well as his Proxy behind him; and got thence with the very same Trick that Sir Francis Mitchel said he got out of the Inquisition at Rome; which is a Welde­nism, p. 162. a familiar Trope in the Rhetorick of the blatant Beast.

141. Proceeding now to the Proceedings of June, There were many suspiti­ons here, how the Capitulations went ill in Spain, because Letters Arrived not till after Five Weeks silence, as the Lord Keeper observes the exact time in the [Page 130]next he Wrote. The most furmised things were at a standing Water, and did neither Ebb, nor How; whereas indeed they were come to the High-Water Mark, but the Wind and Tide went as contrary as could be imagined.—Carina, Vim geminam sentit, paret (que) incerta d [...]obus. Nothing was dispatch'd; for every Oar-man struck unevenly to the rest, that sate in the Transomes of the Galley. All the Agents were Ruin'd together; for they complain'd both of the Resisting Council, and of the assisting Council by their own part. How far they are to be believed in Angry Reports they made of each other, and very unfriendly Re­lations, I cannot decide. Therefore I pre-monish, Though I am not in a Laby­rinth, yet it is not such a [...]n way, that all way-faring M [...]n, though no F [...]ols, shall not err in it, Isa. 35.8. The Humors which bred the Distemper, were the Popes Dispensation; Con. Olivarez Insolent and Inconstant struggling: The Duke of Buckingham disliking all things, and dislik'd of all: The Earl of Bristow favour'd too much by K. Philips Servants, and too little by the Servants of his own Ma­ster: Finally our English and Irish Papists, who fill'd the Courts of Rome and Spain with Narratives of their grievous Persecutions (which they did only fear) and Petitions to conditionate the Match with their mitigation. These were the main Sticklers to do a real mischief, only to satisfie a Fantastical Jealousie. The Tears of their Lamentation dropt upon the Popes tender heart, so that, to comply with them, many a bitter Kernel was in the Core of the dispensation. And I have Reason to suspect they were some Grains the worse, that the French, employ'd at Rome at that time, did the worst Offices they could, as the Lord Herbert, our Kings Embassador in France wrote hither, Cabal. pag. 301. ‘Those of the King of France's Councel at Rome will use all the means they can to the Pope (in whom they pretend to have very particular Interest) not only to in­terrupt, but to break Your Majesties Alliance with Spain. Many Rattle-Heads, as well as they, did bestir them to gain-stand this Match. But as Pliny said in his Age, Nat. Hist. l. 29. So may I in our time, Ingenicrum Italiae slata impellimur, the Italian Wits are they, that will take it in scorn, if they bear not all before them. For Example in this Dispensation, How acute they thought themselves in their Policy? and how Imperious, I am sure, they were in their Arrogancy? It came to the Nuncio Residing at Madrid in April, who was com­manded to observe this Form in the Delivery; That it should not be Open'd and Communicated, before the King of Spain did take an Oath to be a Surely; That the King of England should really perform all things required therein; or if he fail'd in such performance, or in any of them, then the King of Spain with all his might and Power to take Arms against him, What? Though the Italians are so Witty for their own part, do they suppose all people beside are fallen into a strong Delirium? Had they cast our Water so ill, to think us so Weak, that before one Article was Publish'd or known, we would be beholding to Sureties to undertake for us? Or that we would submit to all with indefinite and undiscoursed Obedience? It hapned fortunately, that the Lord Keeper had dealt before with Mr. George Gage, a full Romanist in Religion, but a Faithful Subject to his King, to be diligent in the Court of Rome, and to spare no Cost upon his Purse, to get a Copy of the Articles, as soon as the Dispensation was Bulled, and to send them under hand by the greatest speed to the Prince. In which Mr. Gage did not fail. [...] A Golden Key will open the strongest Lock in the Gates of Hell. By this Providence his Highness knew what it was the Nuncio held so close in his Fist, as soon as himself. Yet took no Notice, as if he had seen particulars; but as if at adventure bad him suspend the Delivery of the Powers, as long as he would, for he knew that his Father would fly from that Offer, That the King of Spain should Engage for him, because his Majesties Conscience, and his Writings (divulg'd as far as Learning reach'd) would not permit him to Sub­ject himself to the Popes Propositions, which he had no Authority to obtrude upon Free Princes, no nor upon any Man [...]ut of the Verge of his Suburbicary Jurisdiction. So much G [...]ndamar could have told them, one that fate in the Spanish Junto, out of the Lord Keepers Letter (for it is his, though his Name is omitted Cab. p, 236.) in these Remarkable Words. ‘His Majesty hopes that you are not Ignorant, that the Treaty is between Him and your Master. He hath no Treaty with Rome, neither lies it in his way to dispute with them upon this Question.’ It troubled the Nuncio that the Peremptory Clause, which the Dispensation brought with it, was thus slighted; and it would keep stale no longer, business was in such Haste. Therefore they come to those, who were our Princes employ'd Coun­cellors, to require of them to give their best help to rowl away this Stone, which [Page 131]was the main Obstruction. On our Part therefore we ask'd two Questions; First, Whether King Philip could take such an Oath for another King? Guardians may take Oaths in the behalf of Minors, whom they Govern'd; for it was in their Power, and it lay upon their Charge, to perform that which they swore for Minors, till they came to Age. We had heard of some, who were wont in some places, that procured the Causes of their Clients in Civil Courts, to take an Oath in A­nimam Domini sui, vel in Animam constituentis; but such as Weighed Religion more by Conscience, then by Custom, detested it. For who can Swear before God to oblige the Soul of another? Since an Oath must be taken in Judgment, as well as in Truth; Jerem. 4.2. The Spaniards were be-gruntled with these Scruples. And their Recourse was to a Convention of their soundest Divines, to deliver their sentence upon it; who walk'd as slowly and gingerly, as if they had been foun­der'd. They toss'd over Books; they search into the Code, the Casuists, and Ca­nonists; Read tedious Lectures, and cast up a Trench of a hundred Scruples to Besiege this little Question. The Prince, whose Humanity and Wisely-Govern'd Temper was admir'd of all, took the wast of time, that these Divines made, in great Offence. Now was the first time that he spake that unkind Word to Oli­vares, That he was Wrong'd, and wish'd himself in his own Court again. Olivares Chased as fast; that their Fatherhoods, with their Mountains of Learning, sate so long to bring forth a Mouse, and blamed himself (as it was reported in our Parl. Anno 1624.) That the Devil put it into his mind to call that Assembly. For all this the Divines would be known in their Place, and would not break up their meeting, till they had Resolv'd after twenty days, what they determined to Con­clude from the first hour, That King Philip might take the Oath; wherein yet we gained thus much on our part, that a Point, which was Resolved by the Pope and his Conclave, subscribed by them all, Committed to the Nuncio to be Ad­vanced with St. Peters Authority; might be disputed twenty days by a Chapter of private Divines. Let them sit twenty days more to satisfie us, whether it were good Theology, or good manners, to serve him so, whose decisions, they say, are inerrable. When the Grave Doctors of Salamanca had acquitted themselves so learnedly, his Highness's Ministers moved another Question, Whether King Philip would take the Oath as Procurator for our King, who nor requir'd it, nor was privy to any thing that was stuff'd into the Procuration. To which a pre­sent Answer was given, and no bad one; it could not be Resolved, before the Spanish Counsel saw, how far our Prince and his Counsel would yield in points of Religion. And how can we tell you that, said they of our part, before you bring forth the whole Plump of your Articles? No Fence could thrust by this Question, but that it would stick fast in the Cause. So we gained again, that King Philip was restreined from making Faith for King James. And although the Froathy Formality of promulging the Dispensation was kept back, yet the Arti­cles came into Play, that the Commissioners on both sides might fall to a Ses­sion.

142. But from Strife of Tongues, from Fundamental Contradictions, from Clashings every day, what Fruit could be look'd for? Do Men gather Grapes of Thorns? If you will believe the Parties, what this Lord objected against that Lord, there was none that did Good, no, not one. If you will believe their re­spective Defences to those Objections, there was none that did amiss. I cannot take up all the Blots they made with my Pen, lest I make them bigger. None of those Peers hath Justified himself so well in his Letters, Apologies and Reports, but that strong Inferences may be drawn from some Parts, to disprove the rest. What was spoken at the Conference of the Junto was within the Veil, and under Co­vert; but what is published out of it, is most uncertain. For the Lord Keeper, after he had consulted with the Prince, and searched all Papers to pass his Judg­ment what Countenance the Business should put on, when the Parliament looked upon it; but ten days before, Feb. 2. 1623, He writes thus to the Duke, Cabal, P. 90. That all the Reckoning must not be cast up before the Parliament, for fear they should fall to particular Dispatches, wherein they cannot but find many Contradictions. After whom, I glean up this Handful, He that writes upon this Subject, what is reserved in the Memorials of those Days, writes after the Canon of Integrity; but when he is monished that there are Contradictions in those Memorials, he can never be secure, that he hath compiled an uncorrupt History. Upon this Staff he may rest, That when the Chief Counsellors fell out among themselves, like the Midianites, every Man's Hand against his Brother; as worthy Actors as I count them to be, yet every one was out in his Part. Nay, He that will adjust [Page 132]the Course of any one in this high Transaction in all things, will burn Truth in the Hand, and spare the Guilty. He that aspired to be Dioscorus, the most pre­eminent in the Company, let him be first considered. That is, Conde Olivarez, the Abner in the Service of his Master Ishbosheth, whose Humor would brook to be crost by no Man; ingrained in Nature to be Aristotle's [...], a great O­piniator, a costive Counsellor, that would hold the Ground where he stood, and move for no Perswasion. By the fortunate Gale of Court-Favour, he had lived in continual Custom to carry all before him, without being stopt. As Vellei [...]s says of M. Agrippa, Parendi sed uni, scientissimus, aliis sanè imperandi cupidus; so he was very servile to please King Philip, and look'd that all beside should be as ser­vile to please him. Such a Spirit is intolerable in Counsel, and not to be coapt with, that thinks it an indignity, unless he speak for all, and Vote for all. Such a States-man is like to bring nothing to a good End, but himself to an ill one. Our Princes Reports may be held of all other to be most Authentical; from whom take it thus. His Highness representing the Treatise of Spain to the Lords of the Privy-Councel at St. James's Octob. 30. 1623. Begins, that the first man that did give him great Profession of welcom into Spain was this Olivares, and in the interview in the Garden assured him, that all business should be dispatch'd as fast as his Highness wish'd: That the Temporal Articles should straightway be Concluded; and the Spiritual Articles about Religion should cause no delays, but be remitted to the Wisdom of the King his Father, and his Gracious Promi­ses. But, says his Highness, The longer I staid, the less I found him my Friend, and the oftner I spoke with him, the less he kept his Word. But our Duke of Buckingham, after a little acquaintance, found the Conde Duke a great deal worse to him. They came in no place but with shews of disdain at one anothers Persons; and like two great Caraques in a foul Sea, they never met in Counsel, but they stem­med one another. In every Proposal, if one said so, the other said no; if one lik'd it, the other slighted it. Could it be expected that the Counsels of the whole Table should not be at a Fault, when the two Presidents appear'd in Ho­stility of Opinions? When the Malady of disaffection lay not hid in the Veins, but broke out in the Body? When they never brought their Offers within com­pass of Probability? One Observes for their parts that run Races, Alex. lib. 2. c. 21. Quanto minor in corpore splen foret, tanto perniciores homines esse. He that hath the least Spleen will make the best Footman. So in all Negotiations, he that is most Calm will dispatch most work; but put Wise-Heads together, yet where there is much Spleen, there will be little done. There was no likelihood but the Northern and Southern Favourites, as the Lord Keeper foretold, would look proudly one upon another, when they met in the same Cock-Pit. Cour­tesie was quite out of fashion with them, that he that receiv'd it might not seem the greater; Emulation was all in Fashion, to dim each others Light by casting Shadows of Opposition. Only these Animosities between two high Spirits, so ill Match'd were the Seed of the Quarrel; which I press against a vulgar, and a scandalous Error, made Table Talk in all England, that our Duke had Attempted the Chastity of the Condessa Olivares, and was Cheated with a diseased Strumpet laid in his Bed, &c. This is grosly contumelious. The Lady was never solicited by Buckingham to defile her Honour with him, as Sir Wal. Aston will Testifie in a Postscript of a Letter to the Duke, Cabal. p. 33. The Condessa of Olivares bids me tell you, that she Kisseth your Grace's Hands, and does every Day Recommend you particularly by Name in her Prayers to God; which Salutation she durst not have sent to his Lordship, no not for her Life, if the Duke had offer'd toward that Indignity to make her a Strumpet. And for the Rest of this Obscene Tale, the worthiest Gentlemen that waited upon his Person in that Journey have assur'd me, that as well in Spain, as when he came from thence into England, his Body was Untainted from that Loathsomness not to be Named, the just Recompence of Rotten Lust. Yet perhaps more will Read these Reasons, then believe them, though they cannot Answer them. Few have been so happy to be Redeemed from the Rumor of a common Slander. For as the most Eloquent of Men says, Orat. pro Plancio. Nihil est tam volucre quàm Maledictum; nihil facilius emittitur; nihil citius excipitur; nihil latius dissipatur. Especially a contumely cleaves the fa­ster, when he that is clean from the Defamation in one Person, hath deserv'd it in others; for as Octa. Minutius says, Oftentimes there is some likelihood in a Lye, and not unseldom some unlikelihood in a Truth.

143. Other Errors, and many were charg'd upon the Duke, and a broad back will not bear them all. Yet casting not an Eye upon the Earl of Bristol's Papers, [Page 133]which he produced in Parliament, a Lap full of them, and no less. Their chief purpose was to cast an Odium upon him, that he heightned the Spaniards at first to ask worse Conditions in Religion, then were formerly Treated on. These were Recriminations, wherein no man, no not the Wise Earl of Bristol is like to keep a Charitable Moderation. Because his Miscarriages had been ript up by the Duke before, what followed but that wawardness which St Austin confess'd to be sometime in himself; Si deprehensus Arguerer, saevire magis quàm caedere li­bebat. Cofess. lib. 1. c. ult. But such as were no parties in Contestation with my Lord of Buckingham, blame him that he was very rash in managing business, turn­ing about Councils in all haste upon the Wheel of Fancy, but keeping no Mo­tion of Order or Measure; which none could endure worse then that Nation, with whom he Treated, who are the most Superstitious under Heaven to keep that Politick Rule, Bona Consilia morâ valescere. Tacit. Hist. l. 4. They said also, That he was Offensive to the Crown of Spain in taunting Comparisons, and an open derider of their Magniloquent Phrases, and Garb of stateliness; which must be an intended provocation; for he was as well studied in blandishments, and the Art of Behaviour, as any Courtier in Europe. They repined that he thrust himself into such a Room at their Masks, and Interludes, as were proper to their King, our Prince, and the Train Royal; and was not contented with that Honour which was given to the Major Domo, or prime Subject of Spain; as if he were not satisfied to be Received as a less Star, but as a Parelius with his Highness. And whatsoever the grudge was they vented it craftily in that Quar­rel, that he did many things against the Honour and Reverence due to the Prince, as one hath pick'd up, and offered it to King James Cab. p. 221. That he was over Familiar in Talk, and in Terms with his Highness. Yet David, so near the Crown, call'd himself a dead Dog, or a Flea in respect of Saul. Nor is it omitted that he was sometime cover'd when the Prince was bare, sometime sitting when the Prince stood, capering a lost in sudden Fits, and Chirping the Ends of Sonnets; which was not Unmannerliness, he was better bred; but in­considerateness, which will creep upon him, who was too much dandled upon the Lap of Fortune. Or as Budaeus better Expresseth it Sap. Pand. p. 331. Mirablan­dimenta genuit Aulici victus ratio, quibus praestantissima virtus saepè consopita connive­re visa est. And truly his Breeding in Budaeus his own Country did him some prejudice in that kind. For the French Mode is bold, Light and Airy. That which we call rudeness, with them is freedom, good Metal, brave assurance. And that which we, and the Castilians call Gravity or Modesty, with them is repu­ted Sneaking, want of Spirit, Sheepishness. But between frets of Spight, and Fits of Levity, the Duke put the Treaty so far out of Tune, that the Lovers were disappointed of their expected Epithalamium. So that the Spaniards made it one of their Refranes or Proverbs: If the Prince had come alone (without the Duke) he had never return'd alone (without the brave Castilian Virgin) they might say so freely; for I heard himself say no less in the Banqueting House at a Confe­rence with the Lords and Commons anno 1624. When he endear'd himself to the Hearers, ‘That the Stout and Resolute way wherein he went had overturn'd the Marriage, and did Arrogate the Thanks of all things to himself, that were ac­ceptable and popular:’ So be it; yet that which Canoniz'd him with the peo­ple then, was afterward made an Evidence against him, Cab. p. 227. To lay a Dram of Excuse against a Pound of Error, this is to be Alledged, that Olivares and Count Montes-claros were ill Advis'd to spurn a young Lion, as if he had been a Puppy-Whelp. For as soon as they saw the Duke soare so high in his Opinions, and when Bristol spake to mitigate him, disaccount of him contemptibly, as if he had nothing to do, this Brace of Grandees call'd it in Question, what Creature could have more Power in that Action, then an Embassador, that laid the first Stone of it, that had ample Letters of Credence under the King's Broad-Seal, with the Confirmation of the Privy-Council of England, which was more then my Lord of Buckingham brought with him. The Headship of the Treaty was in the Prince, and they bended to it, Extolling his Wisdom as Capitolinus doth Gordianus the El­der, Moribus it a moderatus, ut nihil possis dicere quod nimiè fecit. The next place they deemed to the Earl of Bristol, upon the Reason premised, though he declin'd it. And should Buckingham be degraded to be the third in Place, who held the Highest Place in Honour, and the Supremacy both in the King's, and the Prin­ces Favour: Ausonius in Paneg. ad Gratian. tells a Story, That Alexander the Great Reading those Verses in Homer, that Agamemnon was Nam'd by the Com­mon Souldiers to Fight the Duel with Hector after Aiax and Diomedes, clapt out [Page 134]an Oath saying, Occiderem eum qui me tertium nominasset, I would have cut his Throat, that should have Named two before me. Truly Buckingham had so much Bravery in him, that he would take the third Place in as great Dudgeon as Alexander.

144. The grave Earl of Bristol was passive in this Quarrel, and sunk it in Si­lence with his best Dexterity. So he did allay all other Heats, which the Duke's Passion raised against him, if his Letter to the Lord Keeper be of Canonical Faith, Cab. P. 21. knowing how undecent and scandalous a thing it is, for the Ministers of Princes to run different ways in a strange Court. But the Envy of all Mis­carriages was cast upon his Lordship by that mighty Adversary, and by a greater than he. That he was wholly Spaniolized, which could not be, unless he were a Pensioner to that State. That he sided with Olivarez in all Consults. That he professed a Neutrality, and more, in all Propositions for the Advancement of the Popish Religion. That he never Pleaded for the Restitution of the Palatinate, but only pitied it with the Spanish Shrug. That he did not so timely unmask the Spanish Councils to the Kings Advantage, as he might, and ought to have done. That he entangled the Prince in Delays, to keep him from returning Home. For these, and other the like, which will follow in the great Report made in the next Parliament, a Noise was made, that his Lordship should be offered up to Justice, as a publick Sacrifice. But they that contest for his Innocency, observe, that he was let loose to depart in Quiet, when he should have been brought to the Horns of the Altar. And when the Bill drawn up against him, was put into Sir Robert Philip's Hand, an active, and a gracious Member of the House to ma­nage it to his Ruine, Sir Robert writes to the Duke, Cab. P. 265. If Bristol frame a probable satisfactory Answer to any Charge, will it not rather serve to declare his In­nocency, than to prepare his Condemnation? Your Grace may consult with your self, whither you may not desist with Honour, upon having him further questioned. After­ward, when his Master King James was dead, and when he was at the Stake, I may say, like to be worried in Parliament, by his Accusers, he writes thus confi­dently to the Lord Conway: Cab. P. 20. As for the Pardon, Jacob. 21. I should re­nounce it, but that I know the justest, and most cautious Man living, may, through Ig­norance or Omission, offend the Laws. So that as a Subject, I shall not disclaim any Benefit which cometh in general, as it doth usually to all other Subjects in the Kingdom. But as for any Crime in particular, that may entrench upon my Employments in point of Loyalty and Fidelity, I know my Innocency to be such, that I am confident I shall not need that Pardon. A. Gallius, li. 12. c. 7. Take the Earl's Case Pro and Con, it is very dubious; therefore I will deal with it, as the manner of the Areopagites was in such Perplexities, adjourn it to be heard an hundred Years hence. I say, not He, but They were the Pro­prophets of Baal, that troubled our Israel. Our Corner-miching Priests, with the Bloomesberry-Birds their Disciples, and other hot spirited Recusants cut out the Way with the Complaints of their (no-grievous) Sufferings, which involved us in Distractions. Rome and Madrid were full of them, and they conjured Pope Gre­gory, and the Catholick King, to wind in their Safety and Immunity in the Arti­cles of the Match, as behoved a Father and a Friend. If they had sate still, and let the Business go adrist with the Tide, it had been better for them. They that force their Fruits to be Ripe, do but hast them to be rotten. Qui spretis quae tarda cum securitate, prematura vel cum exitio properant, Tacit. Annal. lib. 3. The Word of the King and Prince would not serve them, that they would be gracious to all of their Sect, that lived modestly and inoffensively to deserve their Clemency. But they must have publick Instruments for it (and Acts of Parliament, if they could be gotten) to debauch his Majesty in the Love of his People. For as the Lord Keeper writes very prudently to the Duke, Cab. P. 105. The Bent of the English Ca­tholicks is, not to procure Ease and Quietness to themselves, but Scandals against their neighbouring Protestants, and Discontents against the King and State. Rhetorical Cam­pian avows it in an Oration made at Doway. Note this Apostrophe of his to our Kingdom. As far as it concerns our Society, we, all dispersed in great Numbers through the World, have made a League, and Holy Solemn Oath, that as long as any of us are alive, all our Care and Industry, all our Deliberations and Councils shall never cease to trou­ble your Calm and Safety. Yet when our pragmatical Bosom-Enemies had weari­ed themselves with Solicitations, the Earl of Nitsdale, a main Prop of their Cause, confest, It may be Assurance sufficient to all Catholicks, who have the Sense to consider, that it must be our Master's, and the Prince's gracious Disposition, that must be our Safety, more than either Word, or Writ: Thus he to the Duke, Cab. P. 250. But while the Recusant Petitioners had caused all Affairs with us, and [Page 135]Abroad, to be obnoxious to Inflammation, the Lord Keeper, like a right Lapida­ry, cuts a Diamond with a Diamond, and useth Sir Tob [...] M [...] (is it not a Pa­radox?) the busiest Agent in that Cause, to Manifest, both in the Palace at Rome, and in the Court at Madrid, that the Petitioners grasp at more Favours than they could hold, either with the Peace of this Kingdom, or with the Laws of it, which would endanger them to forfeit all that Connivance which they had gained be­fore. Give him his Due, he rode with great Celerity to those remote Places, and did his Work to the Proof, and to his great Praise. S [...]stus est, at mihi infi­delis non est. As Plautus in Trinummo. The Lord Keeper failed not to put Gold in his Pocket, but he paid him chiefly out of his Father's Purse. That most Re­verend Arch-Bishop of York, his Father, being highly distasted with Sir Toby's Revolt from the Protestant Religion, made a Vow to Dis-inherit him, and to leave him nothing. The Lord Keeper plied the Arch-Bishop with sweet and pleasant Letters, which he loved, and with some Mediators in Yorkshire, not to infringe his Vow, for he did not ask him so much as to name him in his last Wi [...]l and Testament; but to furnish him with Three thousand Pounds while he lived, and the Sum was paid to his Son to a Peny. How Sir Toby be [...] himself in the wisest Counsel, which, I think, was given to the King of Spain, may be read, Cab. P. 25 [...]. importuning his Majesty not to entangle the Prince with the Vo [...]o of the Theologos, to which he could not submit himself with Honour, but to accept of those large Conditions for Catholicks, which my Lord the King, and the Prince have condescended to, that so the Prince may have some foot of Ground, upon which he may stand without Breach of Honour, to comply with the incomparable Affection which he beareth to the Infanta. This is sure, that Sir Toby's Industry was well taken, because he did what he could. And he that employed him, held him ever after to be a Person of Trust, in any thing which he promised to do.

145. Very consonant to the grand Particulars of the Praemises, are the Contents of two Letters, both dispatcht in June from the Lord Keeper to the Duke's Grace. That which bears the former Date, June 15, and yet unpublished, lays out Errors advised­ly and mannerly, under the Heads of trivial Reports, and furnisheth the Duke with Counsel for all Exigencies of Advantage, especially diseloseth the King's Opini­on, if the Worst should come. It is long, but I could not pare it, and not mar it. Thus it is.

May it please your Grace,

IF ever I had (as God knoweth I never had) any extraordinary Contentment in the Fortunes of this World, I have now good Cause offered me to redouble the same, by that exceeding Love and Affection, which every Man (in his private Letter to others) doth take Notice that your Grace doth bear, and continually express to your poor Servant. Nor is your Love incentred to me only in your own Breast, but full of Operation, having procured to me a good Opinion with his Highness, and now a very fair and favourable Aspect from my Royal Master. May I never enjoy the one, or the other any longer, than I shall return them both to their first Orignal, and employ them to the last Drap in your Grace's Service. Having not yet spoken with Sir Francis Cottington, I shall not de­liver my Opinion of the State of your Negotiation, but go on with my Baeds, and pray still unto God to bless and prosper it. Only we have here many odd Relations of the same, agreeing in this, That the grand Business is much short of the Forwardness we expected, and at this time in part dis-joynted. First, Some Distasts between your Lordship and Count d'Olivarez, are reported to be of late in some sort skinned over, rather than heal­ed. 2. Your casting of the Earl of Bristol from all Employment, before suspected only, is now freely discoursed. 3. That Porter drew on your Grace, and that your Grace drew on the Prince, and pressed the King's Assent unto this secret Voyage; and all upon a Foundation, either imagined, or mis-apprehended by Porter the first Mover. Upon these Suspitions, and five Weeks Silence, taking a little Advice with my Lord Hamilton, whom I observed most faithfully constant unto your Grace: I touched upon his Majesty this Day Seven-night, to feel how his Majesty stood affected, in case you should return without your Errand. And taking occasion to recommend that vigorous and active Course your Lordship was reported to run, in pressing and forcing some speedy Resolution; and aver­ring, that however it sped, it was the only true Service an Agent could now do unto his Majesty. His Majesty replied instantly, That he did so interpret it, and that none bat Fools or Knaves could otherwise censure it. Which, I profess before God, I was glad at the Heart to hear fall from his Majesty: And your Grace may do well to keep this Intelli­gence by you. If I have offended in being thus bold, I crave your Pardon, it was the fer­vency [Page 136]of my Love and Affection: And if I offend in the other Extream, which is in o­mitting to say or do what I ought to do in your Service, impute it to your own Silence and Reservedness; your Grace being defective to your self, and injurious to my Lord Ha­milton and me, if you shall not impart unto us freely and timely any ill Success (which Good keep off) that shall befall in this Negotiation. For the good News, I am content to take it upon Retail from Pauls; but the worst I shall expect to hear at the first from your Grace, I beseech your Lordship to take some Occasion to salute, in a Letter to my Lord President, the Lords of the Council, who have ever been very observant in publick of you and yours; and are much dejected with notice of some Letters, wherein your Grace should intimate the contrary. In good Faith, your Grace hath found all Respect with the Body of the Council, in all this time of your Absence. And I hambly beseech you to take heed what Words you let fall concerning the Lord Treasurer. All that are about you stand in need of his Favour, as the World now goeth. And in good Faith, I never observ'd him, since his coming to this Office, more respectful to your Lordship, and your Friends, than he is at this Instant, &c.

Truly no Proceeding could be more genteel, to win the Hearts of all the Great Ones to his Grace, and to keep them sure unto him, than to perswade him that he had no Enemy.

146. The Latter of the two Letters is come abroad in Cab. P. 78. whose Date should be June 28, whereof, because it is in many Hands, some Jaggs will suf­fice to be recited.

MY Love makes me sometimes write, and many times fear fondly and foolishly, for the which, I hope your Grace will pardon me. I have been srighted more three Weeks since, about Quarrels and Jars (which now Dick Greyham hath related in part to the King) than at this present I am. For God's-sake be not offended with me, if I exhort you to do that, which I know you do; to observe his Highness with all Lowli­ness, Humility, and dutiful Obedience, and to piece up the least Seam rent; which Heat and Earnestness may peradventure seem to produce—If the great Negotiation be well concluded, let all private Disagreements be wrapped up in the same, and never accompa­ny your Lordship into England— I beseech you, in your Letter to the Marquess Ha­milton, intimate unto him your Considence and Reliance upon his Watchfulness and Fide­lity in all Turns, which may concern your Grace. I have often said unto his Lordship, that your Grace hath in many of my Letters expressed as much, and so have pacified him for the time—I have had an hours Discourse with his Majesty yesterday Morning, and do find so disposed to yourdship, as my Heart desireth, yet hath been informed of the Discontentments, both with the Conde d'Olivarez, and the Earl of Bristol, &c.

'Tis confest that these Advertisements, so dutifully presented, were sullenly taken. It offended, that the Lord Keeper look'd through his Grace's Infirmities with a quick Eye, though with a noble Sadness. He might have wrote some­what else, if he had been less Wise, or less Honest. Yet still he wrote, for the Valuation of the Duke's Goodness to him was so great, that the Sowerness of present Unkindness must be dipt in the sweet Sawce of former Benefits. It is intoninus the Emp. Similitude, cast Dirt into a pure Fountain, [...], it will purge it out, and supply clear and wholesome Water. Imme­miately before, that is, while the former of these Letters was upon the Way, the Duke entrusted the Prince's greatest Secret, and his own to the Lord Keeper, with a Charge to carry it with him to the King, being cautious that no Foot-step of it should remain under his own Hand, or any other. Therefore thus he sa­lutes the Lord Keeper, June 17.

My Dear Lord,

THIS inclosed is a Letter from his Highness to His Majesty, I pray you deliver it with your own Hands, and read it likewise to him; but when you are alone with him. If you show him this Letter, he will, I am sure, give you leave. When it is read, the Prince bids you either burn it, or keep it for him. I beseech you excuse me for not writing oftner; I shall now every day be so busie, that I shall have less Leisure than before. Yet I pray you let me hear sometimes from you, and how his Majesty uses you in my Absence, for I am sure he knows you my Friend, which I shall strive, while I live, to continue, &c.

[Page 137] That which was sit to be kept in tenebris for that time, may now come to light without Injury, by his Gloss upon it, who, the King excepted only knew it. Our Prince either was weary, or was perswaded to be so, with Articles upon Arti­cles, and Additions upon Additions in that Spanish Junto. Therefore he desired Leave from his Father, that he might assay to depart from Madrid, as secretly as he came thither.

—Quando optima Dido
Nesciat, & tantos rumpi non speret amores.
Aeneid. 4.

The Lord Keeper indeed had emboldned the Prince in February before, to that Course; but the King thought the Motion was not so seasonable at that time. For his Highness was attended in Spain with a great Houshold of Followers, and God knows whither the Sheep would be scattered, or into what Pin-sold they should be thrust, if the shepherd were gone. And his Majesty still dreamt of of winning the Game, and profest he saw no such Difficulties, but that Patience. after a while, would overcome Perversness. Howsoever, it would be inglorious for the Prince of Wales to run away from the Frown of the Spaniards. But least the Safety of so dear a Person should seem to be slighted, or his Welcome Home retarded, the Lord Keeper besought the King upon his Knees, that his Majesty would write his Fatherly and Affectionate Letters, to require his Son's Return, giving them no Date, but leaving that to be inserted, when Business was crown'd with Opportunity. This Counsel hit the Pin right, and was followed; and by God's Will, who hath the Hearts of Kings and Princes in his Hand, it pleased on this side, and beyound the Seas.

147. Great was the Expectation what the Month of July would bring forth, as well in England as in Spain. My Lord Duke had thrust himself into the greatest Employ­ment that was in Europe, when at first he had no Ground, now no Mind to accomplish it. A sorry Apprehension, taken from Mr. Endi. Porter, carried him forth in all hast to make up the Match; but there were others, who desired his Grace to gratifie them with Concealment for their Good-will, that sent Instructions into Spain, to adjure him to do his utmost to prevent the Espousals. Their Reasons were the two principal Places of Divine and Humane Wisdom, God's Glory, and his own Safety. For God's Sake, to keep our Orthodox Religion from the Admixture of that Superstition, which threatned against the Soundness of it. And no Corro­sive so good to eat out the Corruption of Romish Rottenness creeping on, as to give the Spaniard the Dodg, and to leave the Daughter of Spain behind. To his own Safety this Counsel was contributed. These, who made it their Study, and were appointed to it, to maintain the Grandeur of his Lordship, met frequently at Wallingford-house, to promote the Work. Who had observed, that some Impressi­ons were gotten into the King's Mind, and they knew by whom, that his Maje­sty was resolved to be a Lover of Parliaments, that he would close very graciously with the next that was called; nor was there Likelihood that any private Man's Incolumity, though it were his Grace himself, should cause an unkind Breach between him and his People. Therefore the Cabinet-men at Wallingford-House, set upon it to consider, what Exploit this Lord should commence, to be the Darling of the Commons, and as it were to re-publicate his Lordship, and to be precious to those, who had the Vogue to be the chief Lovers of their Country. Between the Flint and the Steel, this Spark was struck out; that all other At­tempts would be in vain, unless the Treaty for the great Marriage were quasht, and that the Breach of it should fall notoriously upon the Lord Buckingham's Industry. For it was not to the Tast of the English (if you will number them, and not weigh them) fearing some Incommodation to the Protestant Religion These Jona­dabs, 2 Sam. 13.3. the Subtle Friends of beauteous Absalom, drew the Duke out of the King's High-way into the By-path of Popularity. The Spaniards also stir'd up his Fire to struggle and appear against them—For as the Earl of Bristol writes, Cab. P. 20. He was very little beholding to them for their good Opinion. Withal, he was so head-strong, that all the Ministers of our King, that were joyned with him, could not hold him in. He had too much Superiority, to think them his Fellow Servants, that were so indeed. And having nothing in his Tast but the Pickle of those new Counsels, which his Governing Friends in England insus'd into him, he pluckt down in a few Weeks, which the other Part had been rais­ing up in eight Years. Centum doctúm hominum concilia sola devincit Dea Fortuna, Plaut. Pseud. Act. 2. This unfortunate Accident did both contravene, and over­match the Counsels of a hundred wise Men. A fatal thing it hath been always to [Page 138]Monarchs, to be most deceived, where they have trusted most. Nay, If they had all the Eyes of Argos, their chiefest Confidents are able to abuse them on the blind Side. Therefore the Observator is most injurious, that puts a low Esteem upon King James's Wisdom. P. 14. That he was over-witted, and made use of to other Mens ends, by almost all that undertook him. So he may put the Fool upon Solomon, who was cousen'd in Jeroboam, whom he made Ruler over all the Charge of the House of Joseph, 1 King. 11.28. A Solomon may be mistaken in a Jeroboam, and like his seeming Faithfulness and Sufficiency to the Undoing of his Posterity. Little did the old King expect, that the Man of his Right-hand, whom he had made so strong for his own Service upon all Occasions, would forget the Trust of his Gracious Master, and listen to the Voice of Hirelings. Which of the Members of my Partition will make the Duke excusable in point of Honour and Conscience? Did he do it for the best to the King? Did he think the Spanish Alliance would be fruitful in nothing but Miseries, and that it would be a thank­ful Office to lurch the King in his Expectation of it? Evil befall such double Dili­gence. Perhaps it may be shifted off with the Name of a good Intent, when it tampers with a Branch, or Circumstance of an Injoyment; but when it raiseth up the very Body of Instructions, 'tis no more competent with Obedience, than Light with Darkness. The Heathen would not brook it, that had a grain of Philosophy in their Disposition, that a Minister should alter the Mandates of his Superior, upon Supposes to the better: Ne benè consulta, Religione mandati soluta, corrumperentur, Gell. lib. 1. c. 13. They thought that those Services, which want­ed the Religion of Obedience, let their Aim be never so honest, would prove improsperous. Or did this great Lord do it for the best to himself? I believe it. If the Hope of the Match died away, he lookt to get the Love of the most in England; but if it were made up, he lookt for many Enemies, for he had lost the Love of the best in Spain. Sir Wal. Aston foresaw wisely, that there was no fear, but that the Princely Lovers might joyn Hands in Sacred Wedlock, if that Fear of the Duke could be removed. So he writes, Cab. P. 32. Would your Grace would commit it to my Charge, to inform the Infanta what you have merited, and to accommo­date all other Mistakes here concerning that Proceeding. If your Grace would reconcile your Heart, I would not doubt, but, with the Conclusion of the Match, to compose all things to your good Satisfaction, and to bring them to a true Understanding of you, and of their Obligation unto you. But his Lordship knew what he had deserved, and that it was not possible to look for good Quarter from them: So he cut off the Thread of the Match with these Scissors. The Love of the English must not be lost; the Love of the Spaniard could not be gain'd. But it was passing ill done of him to deal so with his dear Master, to whom he owed more than ever he could pay; for whom he should not have been nice to hazard his Preservation. He knew the bottom of the King's Bosom, that his Majesty accounted this great Alliance to be the Pillar of his present Honour, and the Hope of his future Pro­sperity: That all his Counsels with foreign States turned upon that Hinge: That he looked for golden Days with it, which would fill our People with rich Traf­fick, and spread Peace over all the Borders of Europe. He knew his Lord the King desired to live but to see it finished, and car'd not to live after he saw it vanished. Crediderim tunc ipsam fidem humanam negotia speculantem, maestum vul­tum gessisse, Valer. lib. 6. Let the Duke have his deserved Praises in other things great and many; but let Fidelity, Loyalty and Thankfulness hide their Face, and not look upon this Action. Let his Friends that did drive him to it, and wrought upon his flexible Disposition, bear much of the Obloquy. For it is not [...], but [...], not Man, but God that made the Law: He that kindled the Fire, let him make Restitution, Ex. 22.6.

148. He that hateth the Light, loves not to come to the Light, lest his Deeds should be reproved, Joh. 3.20. The Politici, that carried the Duke athwart with their excentrick Motion, were very impatient to be discovered. They thought they had beat their Plot upon a quilted Anvil, and that their Hammer could not be heard. But time is a Blab, which will tell all Secrets, and spared not this. The Lord Keeper was much maligned, as the Author of the Detection: Yet he de­served not the Glory, for it was the King himself by this Occasion. The Em­bassadors of the Catholick King, pressed that the Articles, assented to by the Prince, and those about him, should be ratified. And Preparation was made to give them Satisfaction. So the Lord Keeper assures the Duke, Cab. P. 78. The King is resolved to take certain Oaths you have sent hither, and I pray God afterwards no further Difficulty be objected. These Oaths being brought to discussion at the Council-Table, [Page 139]there were among the Lords, that supprest their Consent, till better know­ledge did warrant them, and some Aspect of Necessity did make them resolute to Agreement. While these few of the Lords were suspensive in their Judgment, it was brought to the King, that some, profest Servants and Creatures of the Duke's, cavilled at certain Articles in the matter of the Oath, and were very busie to puzzle those, who had not yet compleatly deliberated upon them. The King laid this to other things he had heard (and he was able to put much together in a Glance of Imagi­nation) and called one of them, that was employed in this unacceptable Office, to a private Conference, whom his Majesty handled with such searching Questions, conjured with such Wisdom, wound into him with that Sweetness, that he fetcht out the Mystery; yet giving him his Royal Word to conceal his Person. Sic suo indicio periit sorex. So the Rat was catcht by his own Squeaking. This his Majesty imparted to the Lord Keeper and Marquiss Hamilton, and was not a lit­tle discomforted upon it; for here was a Danger found out, but not a Remedy. Yet he went on (chearfully to all seeming) to that which was come to a ripe Head, and gave Command to the Lord Keeper to prepare all things for the so­lemn Confirmation of the Covenants, that were brought from Spain. He went went about it, and had about him those three Qualities which run together in St. Paul, Rom. 12.11. Not slothful in Business, fervent in Spirit, serving the Lord: That is, Diligence, Courage, Conscience. Zealots, who are favourable to them­selves, that they think they have among them the Monopoly of Conscience, had been able to discourage another, who in common Discourse, laid no less Crime than Atheism, no Religion upon him that should give Furtherance to a Popish Marriage; much more, if for Reasons of State-Compliance, he should refresh the Party adherent to Rome with any Mercy or Favour. But this man regarded not Rumors before Reason; God had given him a Spirit above Fear, which, he would often say, had the greatest Influence in the Corruption of two brave things, Justice, and good Counsel. So he was resolved, as Illustrius says of Theod [...] the Philosopher, [...], to spend, or cast away some Wisdom, not only for the Intelligent, but for their Sakes that were ignorant, and knew not how to use it. The Precedent for this Work, he conceived would be to turn over the Paper Stories of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, when the first and second Dukes of Anjou were propounded for Husbands to that glorious Lady, of whom the latter came so near to speed, that wise Burleigh, with others that had gray Hairs, and grave Heads, drew up a Book for the Consummation of the Marri­age. Lay that Treaty with the French Monsieur, and this of Spain together, and there needs no striving to bring them to great Resemblance in the Comparison. There was as much Disparity in Religion between the one Pair, as the other. The Duke of Anjou came as unexpectedly to the Queen at Greenwich, as the Prince came unlooked for to Madrid. The Duke brought but two or three in Train, Camb. Eliz. Fol. P. Ann. 1579. no more did the Prince. The French Treaties continued eight years to obtain the Queen; the same Term of time had been spent in the Prince's Behalf, to enjoy the Infanta. Eight years past, and nothing past beside, for both the Lovers were non-suited in the end. The Duke of An­jou courted the Queen, when her People regretted, that he besieged the Prote­stants in Rochel at the same time, Gladio ejus eorum cruore intincto, qui eandem quam Angli profitentur Religionem, Camb. An. 1573. Our Prince solicited for his Mistress in Spain, when the Palatinate was wasted with Fire and Sword by Spinola, which was dearer to us by far than Rochel. Finally, Take three things more in a Twist together. Did some of our good People fear a Prejudice to Religion, by the Prince's intended Match? even so, Religionis mutationem ab Andino Angli nonnulli timuerunt. Did a Bride from Spain go against the vulgar Content? So did a Bridegroom from France: In Anglià optimi cujusque animum ab Andini nuptiis esse aversum. In the behalf of the Spanish Consulto, did some of our Counsellors be­come odious, as if they betray'd both Church and Kingdom; so all that wished the Queen to the French Gallant, Quasi ingrati in patriam & principem sugillantur, Camb. An. 1581. All as like as may be. Mercury is as like Sosia, as Sosia is like himself. And the People are like themselves in all Ages, who commonly suspect some Evil from their Governours, when they will be wiser than they: So that it is very rare to look to the Publick, as it ought, and to be in Possession of most Hearts; but as Tul. Orat. pro Flacco, said of a mutinous Concourse of the Trallians, Patiamini me delicta vulgi à publicâ causà separare: So I think not the worse of any Place, if the Herd of the People break further than good Manners and Obedi­ence. They know not how to Rule, nor is it fit they should know how they [Page 140]are Rul'd. For they have Noses and smell not. The Wisdom of a Kingdom is to be valued, after it is calcinated from the Opinion of the multitude.

149. Which presently is to be Tried, For the Articles gain-said by a great Out-cry came to the Touch-Stone, July 20. being Sunday, and were presented before to His Majesty to Swear unto, and to the Lords of the Council to subscribe their Approbation; which were of two sorts. Some belong'd to the Infanta, and her Train of Houshold, and no further: Some belong'd to all the English, that had taken the Mark of the Church of Rome in their Hand. Of the former, three, and no more, did seem to be Litigious.

First, That the Princessa and her Servants should enjoy the Use of their own Religion, without Trouble or Molestation, and a Chappel to be built, adjoyning to her Court, for the more full and decent Exercise of it; which held little dis­pute, for the provident Councel of Q. Eliz. made no scruple to consent to the like in express Words. Dux, & sui, modo non sint Nativi Angliae Subjecti, suam li­beri Religionem exerceant in constituto aliquo loco in suis aedibus, sine impedimento; so the Foundation was laid of the Chappel, adjoyning to St. James's place.

Secondly, That the Princessa should be trusted with the Education of the Children lawfully begotten between them, till they came to Ten Years of Age. A string that grated harshly; yet heard by Wise-men with more Laughter, then Fear. For Childhood is not apt to take any perilous impression in intellectual Points; and they would be often with the Father, and those about him, and unlearn corrupt Principles. Chiefly it was foreseen, that it was a Gratification, that would die out of it self, and expire in process of so long a time. And in all Councils much must be ascrib'd to the Foresight of Prudence; as Nepos says in the Life of Atti­cus, Facile intelligi potest prudentiam esse quandam Divinationom. Prudence sees so far before it, that it comes not short of a kind of Divination. Much more was al­low'd to the Duke of Anjoy in the page Appealed to before Camb. anno 1558. p. 320. Si Dux supervixeru Roginae, habebit tutelam liberorum, si masculi non excesserint decimum Octavum Annum, & feminae decimum quintum. I think those Counsellors ran too far into Temptation. I am sure we were far more Cautelous and Restri­ctive.

Thirdly, That the Clergy waiting upon the Princessa should be subject to no Laws, or Statutes of England already made, or that should be made hereafter.

Methinks no Honest man, that lives in Humane Society, should ask such an Immunity, though it were possible to be Granted. Yet their Clerks do not ask it, but Arrogate it. So Bellar. lib. 1. de Cler. c. 18. Clericks are not under the Laws of secular Princes by Obligation compulsory, but directory. That is, they do well to conform to the Establish'd Laws of any Nation, where they live, for the maintenance of Peace, and usual Commerce: But if it seems better to them to avoid those Laws, and not observe them, they cannot be punish'd by, no nor cited to the Courts of Secular Magistrates. This Article K. James eraced out, not only by his own, but by St. Paul's Authority, Rom. 13. Let every Soul be Subject to the Higher Powers; to those Higher Powers that Receive Tribute, and bear not the Sword in vain, if any do Evil. Herein I commend the States of the Ne­therlands, for that which I find in a Book, call'd, The Revolutions of the United Provinces p. 175. A Peace but few years since being brought to Conclusion be­tween them and the King of Spain, they agree that the Subjects of the King of Spain may Converse and Negotiate in all their Territories, but with an express Prohibition of all Ecclesiastical Persons; for the Plenipotentiary of the King of Spain maintain'd in a great Diet held at Munster, that they were none of the K. of Spains Subjects, or Subject to any Secular Power, but only to the Pope of Rome. A good work to thrust them out for Wranglers, as our King thrust out this Article. All Concessions that were thought Honourable and needful for the Infanta being pass'd over, a contract steps forth in the behalf of all those in these Dominions, that were of her Highness's Religion, meaning so much and no more, as was to be presently put in use. It is almost not credible what strange Rumors ignorant Fear, or perhaps malicious, had buzz'd abroad. That some of our fair­est Churches Parochical, nay Cathedral, must be devoted to Assemblies of Pa­pists for their Publick Use. That Cloysters for Votaries, Male and Female, should be Erected, &c.

—Mensura (que) Ficti,
Crescit, & audit is aliquid novus adjicit autor.
Ovid.

[Page 141]The Demands were bad enough, yet much under that presumption. As they came from the Embassadors they were comprized under two Heads. The First, That a general Pardon should pass under the Great-Seal for the benefit of all Pa­pists in this Land, to acquit them from the Penalties of such Statutes, as might take hold of them for the time past, in case of Religion. To which good words were given, and after many Rubs and Reservations (as shall be shewn) the Seal was put to an Instrument for that purpose, but kept in Lavender. The other was the Gorgon's Head, which Frighted the Lookers on, that a Patent should be drawn up copiously with the same Seal to it, to save the Recusants Ecclesiastical and Lay, from the Penalties of all Statutes made against them, for the time to come. This is the Star call'd Wormwood that fell into the Waters of Debate, Revel. 8.11. Where­in the Spanish Agents were put off with many Delays and Wise Representations; till in the End the Lord Keeper reduced it to this Issue. That all Magistrates should be warned by Letters sent to them severally, not to molest the Roman Ca­tholicks upon any Statute, till His Majesty had signified his further pleasure, and that when the Princessa had been Six Months in England, this Favour should be confirmed to her further Content. The like was not yielded in the business Agi­tated with the Duke of Anjoy, but a strict Exception was put in, Ut nulla Occasio Anglis ad leges constitut as violandas praeberetur. It was an ill time for the Embassa­dors to ask such things; when not only seditious Spirits, but the best of Prote­stants, who had nothing in them of the peevish and refractory, were sick of an ill Digestion of Jealousies. It was a hard seeming work to overcome, for the Ra­vens Croak'd, and the Doves mourned at it. Yet it was a worse time to deny them, when the Pledge of our Future Happiness stuck fast in a Foreign King­dom, and nothing could Conduct him home with such Celerity and Safety, as some drops of Grace Distilling from the Prerogative Royal, to stay the longing of the Pontifician Faction. They are beguiled that think Marquess Inoihosa, or [...] Carlos de Colonna pluck'd us over our Line, to get a Wife for the Prince; it was to get him home.

Jam non de Gloriâ, sed de Salate pugnandum est. Curt. lib. 4.

Let his Highness look to it in Spain to come home with a Glorious Bride; but all Loyal Hearts look earnestly for him, whether single or double was not the Chief Point. And the Anxiety of his Majesty was, What shall I do for my Son! 1 Sam. 10.2. This was the Compass that guided the Lords of the Councel in their con­descension, to bring their young Master out of Peril, though it were with the Ransom of too much Mercy to them, who were not the best that deserv'd it. But who it was that set the Edge of the Razor upon the Hoane; who it was that surpass'd himself in this Negotiation; that cut off difficulties smoothly, leaving no Raggedness to be seen in the Clest of his distinctions, will appear in the ensuing dispatch of the Lord Keepers to the Prince; whose goodness will satisfie for the Prolixity.

May it please your Highness,

150. IF I shall touch upon any Service, which I may seem to have performed towards Your Higness, I humbly beseech your Highness to conceive, I do it not to pick Thanks, and much less to put any acknowledgment upon your Highness; but only to dis­charge my self of that part of Duty, which all the World knoweth I do, above all Men in the World, owe unto your Highness. Before I did imagine, that his Majesty would take any Opinion of mine in the Signing and Swearing of this Treaty, Sir Fr. Cotting­ton, your most worthy Servant, had acquainted me with all the dispatch, and permitted me to Read the Papers over. Upon Saturday last the 12 of July, the Council formerly warned to attend his Majesty the next day at Wansted, were discharged, and some hour after my self commanded to attend. Suspecting thereupon I might be questioned, to that Effect I sent for your Highness Secretary, and heard from him it would be so indeed, and that His Majesty was much troubled and perplex'd about his Oaths. Presently Town-Reports were Raised of great Opposition among the Lords against this Swearing. In so much as the shameless people had made two Orations, the one to be of mine for the Oaths, and the other of my Lord of Canterbury's against the same (which they supposed pre­vailed with the King, and the whole Councel) when neither of us had heard or spoken one word in that Theme. I spent in a manner all that Night in debating with my self the Streights that your Highness was unto; and at the last fell upon this Resolution con­tained in this Letter, which I deliver'd upon Sunday Morning in private to his Maje­sty, [Page 142]with an excuse for my Boldness therein. His Majesty accepted thereof very well, and Read it over three or four times that day, and seemed to me at that time to approve thereof in all Points, and put off further Discourse till the Afternoon. I was so far em­boldned therewith, that after Dinner (because I found some whispring among the Lords present) I stept again to His Majesty, and deliver'd him an Opinion, that for the Oath of the Lords, his Majesty should not leave it to their Disputation, but command them to take [...], there being no matter of scruple or moment in the same; as indeed there is not. This his Majesty well approved of, and put in practise afterward, with good success. The Council being met, whereof some were there by Reason of their Attendance, as my Lord Chamberlain, Earl of Carlisle, Lord Fenton, and Mr. Treasurer, others warned, as the Duke, Lord Treasurer, Lord Marshal, my self, Sir R. Weston,and the two Secreta­ries, his Majesty made a Speech unto us full of perplexity, because of your Highness's Streits, and his own Remorse of Conscience. Chiefly he insisted, it would be frivolous to be put upon it, to move the next Parliament to abrogate the Laws already Establish'd a­gainst Recusants, which would not be Heard, much less Granted; and that in point of Conscience and Religion, he could not promise, that no Laws hereafter should be made a­gainst them. This his Majesty, having utter'd with much Passion and earnestness, left us to hear all the Papers Read, and having Commanded us very passionately to give him our best Advice, retired into his Chamber, and left us together for two hours. After the End of the Reading, many odd and extravagant Propositions were made of Advice, to be given to his Majesty, how to get your Person home again; wherein I durst not say one word, finding none of my Opinion (unless it were Secretary Calvert) nor my self to con­cur with any of theirs. At the last, pressed thereunto, I said, that I conceiv'd upon the Discourse of his Majesty, we could not deliver any Advice, or Opinion at all. For if his Majesty made a Conscience of taking the Oaths, and had already Framed unto himself this Conclusion, the immoveable Rule in this Case is, Quod dubitas ne feceris, nor there was no more in Policy, or Divinity to be said therein. On the other side, if His Majesty would otherwise declare himself, that he was not moved in Conscience, or Reli­gion, but only in Honour and Safety to Refuse those Oaths, I did hope no Lord in this Company would Advise his Majesty to desert his only Son, and to desert him in this manner in the Face of all Christiandom. For to pretend an excuse to fetch him home, to b [...]lp [...]his Majesty to facilitate these Affairs, would never repair his Credit, who had sub­scribed that which his Father would not make good, nor was he himself any way able to accomplish. Beside that I made it a Question, Whether the King of Spain, after all this wooing, would so easily be deceived in Licensing him to depart. At the last his Majesty Returning, and calling upon us for our Advice, all the Lords Assented to this last Opinion, and told his Majesty, they durst not Advise him any thing, until he express'd himself more fully in the point of Conscience. His Majesty turning to me (whom he said he had made for this time his Counsellor and Confessor) affirmed his Conscience to stand, as he had said before, but that he was willing to hear any thing that might move him to al­ter the same. To the which, as far as I can remember, I spake in this manner.

SIR,

151. IT is not for me upon a sudden to offer my Reasons unto your Majesty, to alter a Conclusion of Conscience, once Resolved on by your Majesty, considering how Guilty I am both of mine own Greenness and Interruptions in these Studies, and of your Ma­jesties deep Learning, in that part of Divinity especially. But because I do conceive that your Majesties doubting in this kind is an absolute Condemnation of the Prince, who hath already Subscribed, and Presented these Oaths in their Perfection and Formalities to be taken by your Majesty, and yet continueth (my Soul for his) as Zealous a Protestant as any Lives in the World (which his Majesty by a short Interruption did with Tears ac­knowledge) I would presume to say somewhat in defence of his Highness in this Case, tho I dare not be so bold as to apply or refer it to your Majesty. Two things appear unto me considerable in this Case, the advancing of the True Religion, and the suppressing of the Adverse within this Kingdom. The former is a matter directly of Conscience, and your Majesty is bound in Conscience to take care of the same to the uttermost of your Pow­er. And if your Son had suffered (as he hath not) one Syllable to be inserted into the Oaths or Articles derogating from the Religion Established, he was worthily therein to be deserted, and God to be by your Majesty preferred before him. The suppressing of the Adverse within this Kingdom, is to be consider'd in two degrees; First, Ita ut non praesit.Secondly, Ita ut non sit. For the first I think his Highness doth make it a matter of Religion and Conscience, that Popery do not praeesse, prove so predominant in your Kingdoms, as that the Religion Establish'd be thereby disgraced, or dejected. For certain he makes it a Conscience not to Erect Altare, contra altare. For as for the [Page 143]Leave he promiseth for Strangers to be present at Divine Offices with the Family of the Infanta, it is per conniventiam, and as his Highness shall approve thereof. For the second Degree, Ita ut non sit, that the Popish Religion should be quite extirpated, or the Penal Statutes for the suppressing the same, be strictly Executed; His Highness dares not make this a matter of Conscience and Religion, but a matter of State only. If the Prince should make this a matter of Conscience, he should not only conclude the French King to be a false Catholic, for not suppressing the Protestants; and the Estates of the Low-Countries to be false Protestants for not suppressing the Papists at Amsterdam, Rotter­dam, and Utricht especially, but should conclude your Sacred Majesty to have often of­fended against your Conscience (an horrible thought from such a Son to such a Father) because your Papists are not suppressed, and your Penal Statutes have been so often intend­ed and remitted. These things you may well do, this Point continuing but a matter of State; but you may not do it, without committing a vash Sin, if now you should strein it up to a matter of Conscience and Religion, against the Opinion of all moderate Divines, and the Practice of most States in Christiandom, I conclude therefore, that his Highness ha­ving admitted nothing in these Oaths or Articles, either to the prejudice of the true, or the Equalizing, or Authorizing of the other Religion, but contained himself wholly with­in the Limits of Penal Statutes, and connivences, wherein the Estate hath ever Challen­ged and Usurped a directing Power, hath Subscribed no one Paper of all these against his own, nor (I profess it openly) against the Dictamen of my Conscience. As soon as I had ended, the King spake Largely and Chearfully, That in Conscience he was satis­fied. To which the Lords likewise as generally, gave their Applause. So the rest of the Counsel were Summon'd against the next Sunday, the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, Marquess Hamilton, the Earl of Worcester, the Bishop of Winton, Viscount Gran­dison, the Lord Cary, the Lord Belfast, with others whom I may have forgot. And all was dispatch'd before the Embassadors, as I need not to relate; because Sir Fr. Cot­tington can best do it. And if this Service may conduce to bring your Highness with Speed and Safety to all faithful ones, that desire it with their earnest Prayers; I shall be the Happiest among

Your Highness's Most Humble Servants, &c.

152. So powerful and perspicuous was the Lord Keeper's Theology, that all the Worthies of David, his Majesties Secret Counsel, concurr'd in the Confirma­tion. Among whom was Bishop Andrews, the Torturer of the best Roman Cham­pion with his mighty Learning. Another was Archbishop Abbots, about whom Mr. Sanderson is most negligently mistaken, to write thus, Pag. 550. That he was then suspended from his Function, and from coming to the Council-Table. He sat that Day with the Lords, and was the first that subscribed in the Catalogue, as himself observes. It may be Mr. Sanderson could not reconcile, (nor I neither) how he should sign to the Ratification, and undertake a long Letter to King James to dis­prove it with many Flourishes, Cab. p. 13. The same Fountain cannot send forth salt Water and fresh, Jam. 3.12. Therefore I deny the Letter, (I believe justly) to have been written by him. Such Frauds are committed daily, to set Credit to spu­rious Writings under a borrowed Name. A. Gell. picks out a fit Merchant for such Ware, Sertorius, a brave Commander, but a great Impostor. Literas Compositas pro veris legebat, Lib. 15. Cap. 22. But I will prove my Conjecture strongly. First, So wise a Man would not shame himself with Inconstancy; Act one thing to Day with his Sovereign Lord, and pluck it down to Morrow. Secondly, The Letter crept out of Darkness Thirty Years after the Prince came out of Spain, and Twenty Years after the supposed Authors Death. A large time to hatch a Fable. Thirdly, The Lord Keeper, (vide supra) certified the Prince, that before the Lords came together to consult about the ease of the Oaths, two Speeches were in many Hands rise in London; The one for the Negative, under the Archbishop's Name; The other for the Affirmative, under the Lord Keepers Name, when no Colloquy had been begun about it. Was it not as easie for the same Author, or such another, to forge a Letter, as well as a Speech? Fourthly, The Archbishop was so stout in the Pulpit at Whitehal, as to deplore the Prince's absence, and his departure out of the Kingdom. The ill relish of that passage, (I know it by the Papers under my Hand) was sent abroad as far as Spain by Sir Edw. Villiers. And I dare say the Tydings of that Letter, had followed the News of the Sermon, if it had been a Chicken of the same Brood. Finally, There was nothing done that [Page 144]needed a Recantation. Yet Opinions were so various, that some spread it for a Fame, That the Prince himself gave the Lord Keeper no Thanks for his Labour. But that which follows will encounter it, to break the Chaw-bone of the Lye; as it is to be found in a Postscript of his to the Duke, Cab. p. 85.

May it please your Grace,

I Troubled his Highness with a long Relation of the Consulto we had about his Majesties taking the Oaths. About which I was affrighted by Great Men, that I had done his Highness a Displeasure, to press his Majesty to assent to the same. And I protest I was so poorly accompanied in my Opinion, that I was truly afraid I had not done well. And therefore I took occasion to write my Reasons at large to the Prince; which I heard by Sir John Hipsley from your Grace was well taken. I humbly thank your Grace, who I know forwarded the same. And so I perceive by a Letter from his Highness, so full of sweetness, as I am overwhelmed.

That sweet Letter is preserved, written every Syllable with his Highness's own Hand, which will shew the sufficiency of his Pen at those young Years, but much more the Pleasure he took in those, that did him faithful Service.

My Lord,

THere are three Circumstances which double any Good Turn that one Friend does to ano­ther; To be done in absence, being undesired, and in time of Necessity. You have not only done me a Friendly Office, but in a time when my Reputation lay at the Stake, I being absent (upon an Occasion that few are fully satisfied with) and in a thing that I did not particularly ask your help in: And lastly, With that which Crowns every Action, Good Success. I will not say how much I am bound to you for this: For it were too much a Complementary way, which I neither love, nor am good at; but only that I desire to have an Occasion to requite, though not to put me out of this Debt. How things stand here, you have known before this time. And I have nothing as yet to desire you to facilitate with you. If you desire to know how soon I shall begin my Journey homeward, I think certainly that it will be about the 27th of the next Month. But I fear that the Infanta shall not go with me. So I end,

Your loving and constant Friend, Charles P.

This was sent away in 17 Days after the Agreement was struck up at Wansted. Happy are they, who, being put to drudge at the Plough of State-Affairs, do reap the Harvest of such Gracious Acceptance. And a Prince will find it true, that he gets as many Hearts, when he receives the Devoirs of his Subjects comfortably and smilingly, as when he rewards them bountifully. So Pliny in the Paneg. to Trajan, Non minùs regium summaeque humanitatis parva lubenti facilique suscipere ani­mo, quàm magna largiri: A King cannot always reward, but he may always com­mend the well-deserving of his Vassals. Which is good Interest, though it be not the Principal. For an Ingenuous Servant, that is not yet gratified, is solaced with Hope: But he that is not stroak'd with good Words, is discourag'd for ever.

153. Enough is contein'd in this little touch, that his Highness in his Letter of surpassing Love was just to himself, as well as gracious to his trusty Minister. One Man's Wit wrought Miracles here to soder up all the broken pieces of the business. Though the Prince had skilful Men about him, yet there wanted such another Head-piece at his Elbow in Spain. I cannot but think of him, when I remember what Cuiacius said of his great Master in the Caesarean Law, Nemo unus erit unquam Papinianus. Neither let his Praise fall lower, because he was not a Nestor in Years: For he was elder at this time, than Papinian was when he died. He followed the Cares of the Prince in Madrid, when his Imployment was call'd for, but being far off, not altogether with the like success. It was hot Weather now in that Tor­rid Climate, the Bocca Difurno, as they call it; and the Treaty of the Match was not a little scorch'd. The Duke wrote to the Lord Keeper, July 8. That he did not altogether distrust a good End: His Highness in his, July 30. seems to presage That he hop'd for a desired End. The Words are sufficiently chearful; but some Art was in them. For perusing the very Reports of those gallant Persons, when they came into England, I find all things about this time look very sickly, and with a Face of Consumption. The Earl of Bristol, an understanding Author in these Af­fairs, writes, That the Match was so really intended, that it was past all danger of miscarrying, if the fault were not on our side; yet together he confesseth, That the Spaniards have committed many Errours in their proceeding with the Prince, [Page 145] Cab. P. 23. Right: For 'tis easie to tumble forth an huddle of them at this time. The Ratification of the Articles was ready to be publish'd by the Nuncio after much ado: But the Pope dies July 8. Benè fecit Regulus quod mortuus est, melius si ante, says Pliny, Lib. 6. Ep. ad Arn. But well had it been, if old Gregory had lived lon­ger, or died sooner. The Life of his Dispensation and Confirmations expired with him. All the Ground we had trod must be trod over again; and we are carried back to the beginning of the Race, from whence we started: And no coming for­ward, no not a foot, till St. Peter's Chair was fill'd again. Whose Successor was not chosen till August the 6th. Nor he at leisure to mind this Matter in his new Pontificality till September. Nor a second Impression of a Dispensation to be got­ten, till November even spent. Who would not have consider'd the Disdain that a generous Love, and a more generous Mind, must conceive, to have the Cherry bob at his Lip, and to be snatcht from him? Quo propiùs accesseris ad spem fruendi, hòc impatientius careas, says the same Pliny, Lib. 6. Ep. 1. But let a free born Spirit see what it is to wait upon the Papal Pleasure, so lingring, so imperious, I know not which is worst. Christianity bids us submit to them which watch over our Souls, Heb. 13. but it doth not make us Religious Slaves. Therefore the Prince declar'd it for his resolute Mind, That he would not abide the delay of the next Missive from Rome, nor stay for the Birth of another Elephant: Neither should all the Syrens in Spain stop his departure. Which made them whisper, That his Highness would rob them of his Company, and take no leave; and set some, though not openly, to keep Centinel to prevent him. Which surmise he confronted with a Message, equal to the best of the ancient Apophthegms, That though he came thither pri­vily out of Love, he scorn'd to steal away privily out of Fear. But when he heard that some were set in ambush to interrupt his Return, he bore it Heroically, and without strife of Passion, because he knew no Remedy to help it, and wrote to the King his Father to be couragious in the sufferance with these Lines: ‘That if his Majesty should receive any Intelligence, that he was deteined in that State as a Prisoner, he would be pleased, for his sake, never to think of him more as a Son, but to reflect with all Royal Thoughts upon the good of his Sister, and the safety of his own Kingdoms.’ That Family, and those Children, with whom King Philip held less Amity than with the English, secur'd us afterwards from those fears. But for other things, the Grandees of the Consulto (till their heat had vapoured out) stood upon such Terms, as had no Equity or Moderation. For when Sir Fr. Cottington return'd with our Kings Oath, plighted to the annexed Conditions for the ease of the Roman Catholicks, the Spaniards made no Remon­strance of Joy, (says the Prince in his Report) or of an ordinary liking to it. Therefore the Lord Keeper observing that they had an insatiate and hydropical Malady, that the more they gulpt down the more they thirsted, he tried if they would take this Julip as he prepared it in his Letter to the Duke of Bucking­ham.

May it please your Grace,

I Have Received yours of the 8 of Julyby the Lord Andover, and heartily thank your Grace for the News, though not so compleatly good, as we desir'd; yet better then for many days together I expected; beside the hope I retain it may still be better; His Ma­jesty and the Lords have taken the Oaths, and the Laws against the Roman Catholicks are actually suspended (as upon my Credit and Honesty they were a good while before;) Now July, August, September,and a piece of October are left for a further Probation. This being so, what good will it do that Wise and Great Estate, to Publish to all Christi­andom their diffidence of so just a Prince, especially being Sworn, and Deposed. Your Grace knoweth very well (I would the State of Spain knew as much) that all our Proceed­ings against Recusants is at our Assises, which are holden at this instant, and do not re­turn again till after the first of March: So as all the probate of the suspension of the Laws against them, betwixt this and the first of March, will be seen and discerned by the last of our August. For between that and the first of March, there can be no Trial at all. I know if this were understood in that place, it were unanswerable. For the Pro­ceedings in the King's-Bench, which only can be objected, are altogether depending upon Indictments at the Assises; so that the Spring once stopt (as now it is) these Rivers grow Dry, and run no more. This will mollifie all Stubborness, which is Resolv'd to stoop to Reason, &c.

Here's a Remonstrance then which nothing could be more placid, or more so­lid; upon which I look, as upon Thaboren in Parthia, as Justin describes it lib. 41. Cuius loci ea conditio est, ut ne (que) munitius quicquam, ne (que) amoenius esse possit. [Page 146]Just at this time the Days of Trouble look'd darker and darker in Spain. The Prince, disgusted to Treat with a People that ask'd much and granted little; and Wire-drew Counsels into Vexatious length, resolv'd to take his leave: and shew'd the King of Spain his Fathers Royal and Indispensable Pleasure, that no Proffer should in­terpose, but that he should hasten him, for which his Navy did attend him upon the Coast of Biscay. That it was no fault of his that he must depart when the Treaty was so imperfect, but in them that made it a Justitium, or Intermission of all Proceedings, because upon the Death of the Pope, the Court of Rome was not open. Olivarez to divert his Highness, made Two Propositions; First, That the Prince would come in to the Conditions as they came formerly from Rome, or to stay till new ones might be agreed upon, and Ratified at Rome; Hoc illud cornu­copiae est, ubi in est quicquid volo, says Pseudolus in Plautus. Grant the Conde to make his Reference to Rome, and you grant him all. That's the Goats-Horn, or Jug­glers Box, out of which he can fetch any thing with a sleight. The Prince an­swer'd him very gravely for one so young, (as he made the Report at St. James's) The first motion he had declin'd before, neither had he chang'd his Judgment; nor should they find him a Shechem, to pass over into a New Religion for a Wife, Gen. 34. The other Motion he accepted this way, He would go for England to per­fect the Articles there, and let them do the like at Rome. Olivarez admired at his Reply, but took it up with this Answer, That to be gone so soon, and nothing Model'd to the Content of any side, would be a Breach; therefore he humbly besought his Highness to stay but Twenty Days, and he swore by all the Saints of Heaven, then he was sure it would be a Marriage. The Duke of Buckingham standing by, said, It is well, but it might have been as well Seven years ago: Which put the Conde to a great Anger, and in his Anger made him Fome out a Secret, That there was no Match intended Seven Months ago; and says he, I will fetch that out of my Desk that shall assure you of it. So he produced a Let­ter, written to one Don Baltasar, with King Philip III. his own Hand, as he Vowed. The Prince was allowed to Read it then as much as he would, but not to take a Copy, (all this was declared to the next Parliament in the Banquetting-House:) His Highness, with Sir Wal. Aston, better Skill'd in the Castilian Language, Tran­slated the Letter, as their Memories would bear it away, and kept it for a Monu­ment. This is the Letter which I think Mr. Prinn was the first that divulged, out of the Lord Cottington's Papers, which he had Ransack'd. Whether it were a true Letter of King Philip's lies upon Olivarez Credit, (it never came out of his Custody) or whether the Prince and Sir W. Aston mist nothing of the right Sense of it, through Frailty of Memory, when they came to Recollect the Sum of it in private, is not yet decided. Salomon alluding to the Contradictions that are in some Mens Para­bles, says, They are like the Legs of the Lame, that are not equal, Prov. 26.7. Let the best Bone-setter in the Hundred set these Legs even if he can. An Au­thentical Notary in Spain, Conde Olivarez shews it under Black and White, that Philip, the Father of the Infanta, who died Anno 1621, held our King in Hopes, but never intended to give his Daughter to the Prince of Wales. Hear the Evi­dence of the other side: His Highness Remembred the Parliament, That Sir Wal. Aston was struck Mute at the Reading of the Letter; for upon the Death of the late King of Spain, being sent from his Master our Soveraign to the King of Spain that now is, to understand his Mind upon the Treaty of Marriage; he receiv'd this Chearful Answer, That he was sorry he had not the Honour to begin it, but now he would pursue it with all Alacrity. The Earl of Bristol is another Witness, Cab. p. 27. I insisted that Two Millions for the Portion were by the last King settled, and agreed with me. That this King had undertaken to pursue the Business as it was left by his Father, and to make Good whatsoever he had promised; There­upon I desired that the Original Papers and Consultoes of the last King might be seen; which very honestly by the Secretary Cirica were produced; and appeared to be such, that I dare say there was not any Man that saw them, that doubteth of the last Kings real Intention of making the Match: So I leave these Contradi­ctions to blush at the sight of one another: But to me, Olivarez his Fidelity is the Leg that halts. For as Tully said of Roscius, the Comoedians Adversary, Quod sibi probare non possit, id persuadere alteri conatur, he could never persuade that vigorously to another which he disbelieved himself. It is a tedious thing to be tied to Treat with one that cares not for his own Honour, nor regards his Modesty with whom he Treats. I mean that same Person, that Bashaw of King Philip, the Conde Duke, who entramel'd as many Devices as his Pate could bring together, to raise a Dust; and made Demands meerly to satisfie his own Pride, that he might boast he had [Page 147]ask'd them, though his discretion taught him that he could never obtain them. When Sir Fr. Cottington return'd to Madrid with the great Article, procur'd to suspend the Penal Statutes of England in favour of Recusants, he presented it to the Conde, and expected, as the Casttlian Phrase is, Las Albricias, a reward for bringing of good News; the Conde stoop'd not so low as to give Thanks; but, having perused the Paper, told Sir Francis, it would be expected the Prince should Negotiate a plain Toleration; for the Protestants that endured that which was in his Hand, would patiently endure more. Sir Francis Answered him with the Old Simile, That his Lordship was no good Musician, for he would peg the Minikin so high, till it crack'd. Concerning his Attemptings upon the Prince, my supply is out of private Letters that came from Friend to Friend. The Conde had Oblig'd his Honour to his Highness, when he came First to the Court of Spain, never to meddle with him about his Religion. He kept not his promise; but solicited his Highness, that as he lov'd his Soul, he would return to England a Catholic in his Sense. Well my Lord, says the Prince, You have broken your Word with me, but I will not break my Faith with God. Another time he besought his Highness to af­ford his Company at a Solemn Mass; No Sir, says the Prince, I will do no ill, nor the suspicion of it. Once more this Idern told his Highness, that he would accom­plish all that he could desire from the Crown of Spain, if he would profess him­self a Son of the Roman Church; he should not only carry home the bravest Lady for Beauty, Birth, and Vertue that was; but be made as great a King in Riches and Power as was in Europe. But as the Prophet says, Isa. 63.5. Excan­discentia mea fulcivit me, my Fury it upheld me; so the Prince was heated at the Offer, and gave this provocation to him that had provok'd him, that it was such a another Rhadomontade, as the Devil made to Christ, All these things will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and Worship me. Next to matters of Religion, the stiff­est thing that was tugg'd for in this Month, was about the Restitution of the Pa­latinate. The Secretary of the Elector came to Madrid with Letters to the Duke about it, which were not first imparted to the King his Father-in-Law. But all that shall be drawn up into one Process in the Transactions of August.

155. But in all Disputes for Sacred or secular Matters, the Ministers of our King were the more Naked and Unarm'd, when they came to the push of the Spa­nish Subtleties, because they kept not the correspondence with themselves. If my Lord of Buckingham could have fashion'd his mind to draw the same yoke with the Earl of Bristol, who was most conversant upon the place, and best knew the Arts of that Nation, success had been more Fortunate. But those Civil Discords were the Cause of many disorders and incivilities. Therefore the King imposed on the Lord Keeper, to use his Pen once more to reconcile them, which he did not fail to do the very next day, which was his Majesties Remove to begin the Western Progress.

July 22.

May it please your Grace,

I would not be troublesom with this Second Letter, but chiefly to let your Grace know, that you never stood in your Life more uprightly in his Majesties Favour, then at this instant; and that I shall need to pour out no other Prayers unto God, but for the continua­tion of the same. For Gods sake Write to my Lord Hamilton, and acquaint his Lord­ship with some Passages of your Affairs. For my self I shall be content to Rove, and guess at them. And I hope your Grace will be pleased to pardon this Excursion, that is my running this second or third time into business, which I am told (but cannot by any means believe it) hath already drawn your Grace's Offence against me. It is a most Humble, Zealous, and earnest Petition to your Grace, to Seal up, and really confirm that agree­ment and reconciliation, which to the great Contentment of all your Friends (but the Re­gret of some among us) you have made with the Earl of Bristol. What I wrote for­merly might be ill placed, and offend your Grace; but all proceeded from as true and sin­cere a Heart unto your Grace, as you left behind you in all this Kingdom. But the renew­ing of it now again hath a Root from a higher Power, who hath observ'd your Grace his Favour so abounding towards me; and my acknowledgments, so far as my poor ability permitteth, so returned to your Grace, that he was pleased to say unto me this Morning, upon this Theme, That he knew you would regard any Representation that I should recom­mend unto you. In good Faith his Majesty is more then Zealous, not only of fair Terms of Friendship, but of a near Alliance, formerly spoken of, between your Grace, and that Earl. Of whose Sufficiencies and Abilities I perceive His Majesty to retein an extraor­dinary good Opinion; which in all Humility I thus leave to your Lordships Wisdom and Consideration.

[Page 148] The Earl of Bristol had heard how the Lord Keeper had ventur'd to make this Pacification, and writes to him, Cab. p. 20. That the Friendship of the Duke was a thing he did infinitely desire, that he did much Esteem the good Offices his Lordship bad done therein, but that he conceived that any motion he had made in that kind, had been despis'd, rather then received with Thankfulness.

156. He might have said more then despised; for they were received with that sad Interpretation, that upon it the Duke removed his Affections from the Lord Keeper for ever; quite contrary to Solon's Rule, neither to choose a Friend sud­denly, nor to loose him suddenly. But after all the Lord Keepers Faithfulness, and that he watch'd the good of the Dukes Affairs in his absence, with as much tenderness, as a Nurse doth a sucking Child at her Breast, his Grace resolv'd to pluck down the highest Roof of his Dignity, as soon as he could. Nor was he the surer to escape that Anger for fair Words. Tacitae magis & occultae inimicitiae timendae sunt, quàm indictae & apertae. Cic. 7. Verrin. Yet the threatning broke out by one man, who was glad to cherish it. For Sir John Michel did not hide it, that my Lord Mandevile, Lord President of the Councel, shew'd him a Let­ter from Spain, assuring that the first Action the Duke would Embark himself in when he came home, should be to remove him out of his Place, Cab. p. 89. With which the threatned party was not much daunted, knowing what a Master he ser­ved; that King, whose Speech utter'd at Sterling at fourteen years of Age, hath Wisdom becoming one of fourty, Spotwoods p. 288. ‘I will study to be indifferent and to bestow my Favours impartially, and never repose my self upon any one so much, as to deny others the regard that is due unto them.’ The Duke was a generous, and incorrupt Patron; an exactor of great Duty from those he pre­fer'd, or a great Enemy. Let him allow himself what he could ask for all his Fa­vours, this Man was ready to pay him. If he would be deceiv'd by crafty Un­derminers into the distrust of his truest Friend, when he could not serve him in unfit ways, the fault is in the want of his Grace's insight, or inconstancy. But as I find it in the Posthumous Meditation of the most Noble Lord Capel, p. 21. Fa­vour is a fine Thred, which will scarce hold one tug of a crafty Tale-bearer. The Observator on H. L. lights upon this Quarrel (I do not pursue the Lord Keepers Enemies: But if I meet them I will not shun them) Thus, He being Drunk with Wormwood; Lam. 3.15. That he had done many ill Offices to the Duke, when he was in Spain p. 36. Many? and yet Name none? If he will pick his Ears clean from the filth of Hatred, I will tell him what my Lord Duke took to be ill Offices. The First Displeasure (and never laid down) was, That the knowledge came to the King by his means, who those Gentlemen were, that importun'd his Grace by their Expresses sent into Spain, to rend the Treaty of the Match in sunder, or to Act against it with all Wit and Power. The accused Lord protested upon his Salvation he was not the Discoverer. The acclearment is fair, and the Proof nothing; who is able to make Answer to Jealousie, that grows out of the Mud of a man's Brain, like a Bull-rush? I will Relate what the Earl of Rutland, the Duke's Father-in-Law, return'd again, when he had gone between them often to dismount this Objection; that the Duke said, Whensoever I Disagree with him, he will prove himself to be in the Right; and though I could never detect him hitherto to be Dishonest, I am afraid of his Wit. The Second Offence taken was, That he would have perswaded the Duke into a good Opinion of the Earl of Bristol; and Rea­son for it; because he would have kept his Lordship in a good Opinion with the King. To which all his Allies, all that Studied him, all that Honour'd him, did not contribute so much, nor had the King's Ear so much as he had to effect it. To sit Heraclides his Adagy to him, Nemo benè merito bovem immolavit, praeter Phari­am. He was another Pharias, that offered the best Sacrifice to that Lord, that had deserved the best of him. When I find the King had his part in that which was so ill taken anent the Earl of Bristol, I can find no blame in it. But if it had been an Error, it was a sanctified one, to labour to convert Enmities unto Love unfeigned. And should a Talent of Anger be weighed against a Grain of Offence? There was no Error; there was no Offence, but that Infelicity which the Wise Man Bias observ'd to be in such Cases. ‘That it is better to be Judg in a Cause between two Enemies, then two Friends; for of two Friends I shall make one mine Enemy; but of two Enemies it is likely I shall make one my Friend; Laert in vità. The Third Scandal was, That he set forward the Trea­ty of the Marriage with Oars, and Sails of Ingeny and Industry. A new Crime Caius Caesar, and never heard before. He was a Servant in it. He was Con­jur'd [Page 149]unto the Care of it by the King; and he was as Trusty to it, as the Soul of his Majesty could wish. The best Head-piece of our Councel in Spain look'd upon him as the chief Adjutant, Cab. p. 23. Thus the Earl of Bristol: ‘If there should be any doubt, I am sure that your Lordship would put to a helping hand, to keep the business from being overthrown, since you have done so much for the overcoming of former difficulties, and the bringing it to the pass it is now in.’ The Duke was fallen, by the wyliness of others, and by his own wil­fulness, into a contrary Motion; when the Lord Keeper saw the Councils of his greatest Friend esloigned from those of his dread Sovereign, he had been a Beast if he had not given the Right Hand to Loyalty. Patrem primum, postea Patronum proximum nomen habere, says Cato in A. Gel. lib. 5. A King is a common Father; Observance is due to thy Father first, and afterward to thy Patron.

157. Yet why should things subordinate be at odds, as if they were contraries? The lesser Circle is not opposite, but within the greater. Moses, and his Mini­ster Josuah, the King and his Choicest Servants, are not Represented as two, but as one person to Allegiance. The Lord Keeper held fast to them both, that both might hold fast to themselves; nor would he leave the Duke to his own [...] ­king, as far as the King dislik'd him; but persisted to displease him into the good Opinion of his Majesty. Vera amicitia est idem velle, & idem nolle, says [...]elius. If this young unforeseeing Lord should persist to hate that which the King lov'd, his vigilant Counsellor knew, that the King would use him no longer a Friend, but would remove him from that privacy wherein he had bred him. This, and much more, was prosecuted in August.

Sancta Patres Augusta vocant, Ovid. Fast. lib. 1.

In the Language of Old Latium, August, and Sacred signified the same. 'Twere good if it would prove so now. But it began with discontent on every side, and never mended. Our Wise King no longer smother'd his Passion, but confess'd at sundry times a great fault in himself, that he had been so improvident, to send the Duke on this Errand with the Prince, whose bearing in Spain was ill Report­ed by all that were not partial. He put the bafful so affectedly upon the Earl of Bristol at every turn, that those Propositions which his Majesty had long be­fore approved with deep Wisdom, and setled with the Word of Honour, were struck out by my Lord of Buckingham, only because Bristol had presented them. Nay, if the Prince began to qualifie the unreasonableness, he would take the Tale out of his Highness's Mouth, and over-rule it; and with such youthful and capri­cious Gestures, as became not the lowly Subjection due to so great a Person, but least of all before Strangers. It was an Eye-sore to the Spaniards above any peo­ple, who speak not to their King, and the Royal Stems of the Crown, without the Complement of Reverence; nor approach unto them without a kind of A­doration. The more the Prince endur'd it, the more was their judgment against it. For every Mouth was fill'd with his Highness's Praise, and nothing thought wanting in him to be absolutely good and Noble, but to know his own Birth and Majesty better, and to keep more distance from a Subject. So the Earl of Bristol Writes Cab. p. 20. ‘I protest as a Christian, I never heard in all the time of his being here, nor since, any one Exception against him, unless it were for being supposed to be too much guided by my Lord of Buckingham; which was no Ve­nial Sin in their censure.’ For how much their gall Super-abounded against that Lord, the same Earl could not hold to write it to the Lord Keeper, bearing Date August 20. ‘I know not how things may be Reconciled here before my Lord Duke's departure, but at present they are in all Extremity ill, betwixt this King, his Ministers, and the Duke. And they stick not to profess, that they will rather put the Infanta head-long into a Well, then into his Hands.’ One thing that fill'd up the Character of my Lord Duke before in this Work was, that he had much of the brave Alcibiades in him: In this they differ; that Plu­tarch's Alcibiades suited himself so well, to the Manners and Customs of all Courts, where he came, that he gave satisfaction to all Princes; and they were best plea­sed with him, that most enjoy'd him. The great Lord Villiers was not so Fortu­nate; for he thrived not in the Air of Madrid; and he brook'd the Air of Paris as ill, about two years after upon the like Occasion. And no marvel. For as Ca­tulus said of Pompey in Paterculus, Praeclarus vir Cn. Pompeius, sed reipub. liberae ni­mius. So this Lord was a worthy Gentleman, but too big to be one in a Free Treaty with other Ministers. The Lord Keeper, who was the Socrates to this [Page 150] Alcibiades, had Noted his Lordships Errors, and unbeseeming Pranks before. For which he look'd for no better, then he that rubs a Horse that is gaul'd. Yet he resolv'd to shoot another Arrow the same way, that the former went; though the Duke had threatned to break his Bow as soon as he came Home. But he was too prudent to be scared from doing Duty to so great a Friend. [...], says Aristotle. He is neither Wise nor Faithful, but a Flatterer, that denies his Spirit ingenious Freedom. And it is a Speech worthy of Sir Ph. Sid­ney, which the Lord Brooke ascribes to him, Pag. 42. of his Life: That he never found Wisdom, where he found not Courage. Therefore the Lord Keeper writes to the Duke, Aug. 3. of which this is the Moral, to him that reads it intelligently. That no Man living can keep Favour, who keeps not Conditions that merit to perpetuate Favour.

May it please your Grace,

I Have no more to trouble your Grace at this time withal, than the Expression of that Service, and those Prayers, which, as I do truly owe, so shall I ever as faithfully perform to your Grace. New Comers may make more large and ample Promises, but will in the end be found to fall short of your old Servants in Reality and Performances. If your Grace hath by this time thought, that I have been too bold, and too near your Secrets, in those Counsels I presumed upon in my last Letters; I beseech you to remember how easie it was for me to have held my Peace; how little Thanks I am like to receive from any o­ther, beside your Grace, for the same; how far I am in these Courses from any end of mine own, beside your Prosperity and Security. If your Grace would give me leave to de­liver my Opinion upon the main, though no Hunter after Court-News, it is this. Your Grace stands this Day in as great Favour with his Majesty, as your Heart can desire. And (if I have any Judgment) in far more Security of Continuance, than ever you did, if you remain (as for ought I can perceive you do) in the same State with the Prince, in the same Terms (as your Pains have deserved) with the Princess; and out of Quarrels and Recriminations (which will but weaken both Parties, and make way for a third) with the rest of his Majesties Agents in this Negotiation. I cannot but presume once more to put your Grace in mind, that the nearer you are drawn to his Highness in Title, the more you are, with all Care and Observance, to humble your self unto him, in Speech, Gesture, Behaviour, and all other Circumstances, yea, although his Highness should seem to require the Contrary. This cannot be any way offensive to your own, and is expected to the utmost Punto by that other Nation. I do presume of Pardon for all my Follies in this kind, and that whatsoever is wanting in my Discretion, your Grace will be pleased to make up out of my Sincerity and Affection—However your Grace and the Earl of Bristol shall conclude, I hope your Grace will pardon my Zeal (though peradventure not according to Knowledge) aiming only at your Grace's Service, the Amplitude, and Conti­nuance of your Greatness. For whatsoever your Grace shall determine and conclude, I do, and shall implicitly yield unto the same. Yet am still of Opinion, the way of Peace to be the broad way to enlarge and perpetuate your Grace's Greatness and Favour with his Majesty, &c.

This was bold, but faithful and ingenious Dealing: The Duke's last Messenger, whom he sent into England, before he arrived, Sir J. Hipsley, gave him a touch of the same, Cab. P. 316. For God's-sake carry the Business with Patience betwixt my Lord of Bristol and you. And again in the same— For God's-sake make what hast you may Home, for fear of the worst: For the King's Face began to gather Clouds upon the Quarrel between his Ministers in Spain, which did so much disturb the Match. Sir John Hipsley, and such as he, the Duke could pass them over for rash Wri­ters, but he would never forgive it to the Lord Keeper, who invited him to see his Errors. But like old Galesus in Virgil, Aen. 7. who was knocked down while he went betwen the Latins and Trojans to reconcile them.

Dum paci medium se offert, justissimus unus,
Qui fuit.—

So it hapned to him that pleaded in this Mediation, to be offered upon the Sa­crifice, and Service of making Love.

159. Nevertheless, to draw out the Thread of Favour to more length, which the Duke had with the King, and that the Destinies might not cut it off, the Lord Keeper wrote to his Majesty upon Sir John Hipsley's Arrival in the midst of August, That he had heard more of the Duke's most laudable Diligence in Spain, [Page 151]from Sir John, than ever he could learn before; that Malice it self could not but commend his Zeal, and that Humanity could not but pity the Toil he had, to reduce that intricate and untoward Business of the Palatinate to some good Success. He might well call them intricate and untoward, for the Spanish Motions were circular Nothings, much about, and nothing to the Point. Most true it is, that the Articles anent the Marriage were drawn up, and restricted to some Heads and Numbers (though not perfected) three years before the Emperor had entred into the Palz with any Hostility. Therefore the Spaniards disputed thus; Bring not the motion of it into this Treaty, as a thing born out of due time. What were it else, but, as the Proverb says, Extra chorum saltare, to Dance well, but quite out of the measure of the Mascarata? We answered, if things had been, as they are now, at the beginning, this had then been a principal Capitulation. Nor had we honerated the Articles with a new Proposition, unless themselves, that is, the House of Austria, had cast us into the Gulph of a new Extremity. Reduce the King and his Posterity to the same Peace they were in, when we be­gan to treat, and we ask no more. But as Seneca says, Lib. 4. de ben. c. 35. Omnia esse debent eadem quae fuerant cum promitterem, ut promittentis fidem teneas. But up­on so great a Change, there is neither Inconstancy, nor Encroachment, to fall into new Consultations. For all this, though nothing but Pertinacy durst stand the Breath of so much Truth, the others came no nearer to us, but kept further off, affirming (as it is in the Report made at St. James's) that they conceived our King expected no Restitution at all for his Son and Daughter, and that they sup­posed his Majesty had already digested that bitter Potion. We told them, they must not dissemble before us, as if they knew not the Contrary. For his Majesty never intermitted to rouse up their Embassadors to give him a fair Answer about it; and had stopt the Treaty of the Match, if they had not opened the Way by Protestation made in the Faith of their King, that the Palatinate should be ren­dred up with Peaceable Possession. What Shape could Olivarez put on now? none but his own: a stately Impudency. For he told us in the broad Day-light, that all former Promises, spoken before the Prince's Coming, whether by Embas­sadors to our King, or by Count Gondamar, to my Lord of Bristol and others, were but Palabras de cumplimiento, Gratifications of fine Words, but no more to be taken hold of, than the Fables and Fictions of Greece before the Wars of These­us. The Prince came over him at this with a blunt Anger, that if there were no more Assurance in their Word, it was past the Wit of Man to know what they meant; but he would tell them really his Father's, and his own Meaning, That without his Sister's, and her Husband's Inheritance restored, they neither intend­ed Marriage nor Friendship. When King Philip had heard with what Courage and Determination his Highness had spoken, like Caesar in Velleius, Se virtute suâ, non magnitudine hostium metiens, it put that King and his Counsel to a middle-way, as they called it, To treat upon the old Articles, and no other, as falling perpen­dicularly on the Marriage, but to take into a concurrent Deliberation, the Resti­tution of the Prince Elector's Country. Let Metaphysical States-men scratch their Heads, and find a real Distinction, if they can, between these Formalities. Yet Sir Walter Aston followed them in that Way, and paid them in the same Coin with this Distinction, Cab. P. 38. That the King his Master prest for the Restitution of the Palatinate, and Electoral Dignity to the Prince, his Son-in-Law, not as a Condi­tion of the Marriage, but to be setled together with the Marriage—And again, Not as a Condition, but as a Fruit and Blessing of the Alliance—And to make the Coming of the Excellent Princess, the Infanta, of more Esteem to his Subjects, bringing with her (beside the Glory of her own Virtue and Worth) the Security of a perpetual Peace and A­mity. These were Punctilio's in Honour, but just Nothings in Wisdom; the Cause of the Palatinate must not be tempered at the same Forge, but apart, not a Rush was gotten by it, and time wasted; for our Ministers were resolved to conclude neither, unless they perfected both.

160. The Sennor Duca Olivarez made such Work upon this Theme, and turn'd it into so many Forms, that it makes him ridiculous in the History, Vertumnis, quotquot sunt, natus iniquis. Horat. And so disastrous a Counsellor, through his Variableness, that it was his Fault that caused a Distrust in the main, as wise Spotswood says, Pag. 544. The Prince con­ceived there was nothing really intended on the King of Spain's Part, but that the Treaty was entertained only till he (and the House of Austria) had reduced [Page 152] Germany into their Power, which might be suspected without Injury, by looking upon this Vertumnus in all his Changings. Seven Months before the Prince took his Journey, and came to cast the Die upon the whole Stake, to win or loose all, Mr. End. Porter was sent to Spain, and spake with the great Conde, who snapt him up, and gave him this unkind Welcome in a Chase, That they neither meant the Match, nor the Restitution of the Palatinate. Presently the Earl of Bristol gave him a Visit, and a Discourse about it: In a trice he winds himself out of his former Fury, and vows he would do his best to further both. The next Disco­very breaks out by Mr. Sanderson's Diligence, Pag. 540. in a Letter of the Conde's to King Philip, Novemb. 8. 1622. That the King of Great Brittain affected the Mar­riage of his Son with the Infanta, and was more engaged for the Palatinate— And as a Maxim, I hold these two Engagements in him to be inseparable—For us, though we make the Marriage, we must fail in the other—Then you will be forced to a War with England, with which, all Convenencies, that were formerly thought upon, will cease. The Remedy which he propounds, to fail without all these Shelves, I never did light upon out of this Letter. 'Tis thus— The Emperor, as your Majesty knows by his Embassador, desires to Marry his Daughter with the King of England' s Son; and I doubt not but he will be glad to Marry his Second Daughter to the Palatine's Son—So all the Conventencies of Alliance will be as full in this—For it accommodates the Mat­ter of the Palatinate, and the Succession of his Grand-Children without Blood or Trea­sure. Here is a new Bride appointed for his Highness, the eldest Daughter of the Emperor, which is unlikely to be intended, because it comes from none but such an Author as Olivarez, and in as much as when Count Suartzenburg came about eighteen Months before Embassador to our King from Caesar, this was not mov­ed at that Oportunity, and when the Prince came to Spain, no shadow of it re­mained, but it was vanished like a Morning-mist before the Sun. Now follow their Whimsies and their In and Outs at the Consulto, when the Prince was a­mong them. The first Onset that Olivarez gave, was, ‘That they were ready to follow all the Demands of the King of Great Brittain, concerning the Match for his Son; to the Demands for his Son-in-Law, he said, they were not in their Power to effect, his Country was extended upon by the Emperor, his Electoral Dignity invested in the Duke of Bavaria. And within this Charm they kept us long, till we were weary with their Obstinacy, and sate down a while, as when Boys Scourge a great Top till they make it sleep. At last, the Prince's Highness, offended that he could gain nothing by this Alliance for his dear Sister's Good, offered to give King Philip a Farewel, that he might look timely at Home for the Relief of her Misery. On this, no man courts his Highness to stay, so much as Olivarez; and to slacken his Return, revives the Consult of the Restitution, pro­miseth the strongest Mediation that the King his Master could make with the Im­perialists and Bavarians; which if it were rejected (but they hoped better) he would be forward, for his Part, to stir up his Catholick Majesty to give his Bro­ther, the King of England, Assistance by Arms, to procure him his Satisfaction. Yet, whatsoever he said, his Heart lay a thought farther, and he had a Trick to redeem himself out of this Promise; for he told his Highness, in a Weeks space after, that he found their Nation so linked to the Love of the House of Austria, that they would never march chearfully into the Field against it. For all this the Weather-cock turn'd, and he was affrighted in a moment into a good Mind a­gain. So did his Highness report at St. James's, that a false Alarum being brought to Madrid, that Count Tilly, with his whole Body of Foot and Horse, was routed in Germany, instantly the Conde Duke came, with as much Fear as Hast, unto the Prince, and with as much Lowliness as his Knee upon the Ground, vowed he would give him a Blank for the Restitution of the Palsgrave's Interest; but when the Second (that is, the worst) News came, that the Duke of Brunswick was quite defeated, the Mood was changed with the Man, and he spake as loftily from that Matter, as if the great Armada had been failing again upon our Brittish Ocean. In­to how many Paces did Hipocrisie put him? Sincerity would have got him Ho­nour, dispatch the Work, and saved him all this Trouble; for with the same Study, nay, with far less, men may attain to be such as they ought to be, which they mis-spend, in seeking to be such as they are not, Quibus id persuasum est, ut nihil mallent se esse quàm bonos viros, iis reliquam facilem esse doctrinam Cic. de orat. lib. 3. After that great Don Jasper had put himself to the Expence of all this Folly, he riveted in two Straws more like than Wedges, to cleave the Knot. First, Let the Marriage be Consummated, and then despair not but the Princess Infanta would beg the Palatinate with her earnest Prayers, that she might be re­ceived [Page 153]with Honour and Applause among her Husband's People. That is, Seal their Patent, and we shall have an empty Box to play with. Or else marry the Lady, and leave her behind, till the Business for the Palsgrave's Patrimony were accommodated, which is like Velez's Trick in Gusman of Alfarach, to [...] away both the Bride, and the Bride-Cake. The great Projector held close to one Proposition at the last, that since Prince Frederick the Elector, had highly offend­ed Caesar, in the Attempt, and Continuance of it, in the Matter of Boh [...]mia no Account should be had of his Person, but Restitution should be made to his El­dest Son, by Marrying the Second Daughter of the Emperor; in which Clause the Prince concurred. But the Sting in the Tail was, that he should be bred up in the Emperor's Court, to mold him into a Roman Catholick. Upon which his Highness broke off, the Earl of Bristol (as a sharp Letter chargeth him, writ­ten by the Prince, Cab. Pag. 17.) swallowing down that Difficulty at a Gulp, be­cause without some such great Action, neither Marriage nor Peace could be had. But Sir Wal. Aston flew back, saying, He durst not give his Consent for fear of his Head. Now we have the Duke Olivarez in all his Party-colours, who knew that the Breach of Alliance with England would be transcendently ill for Spain, yet he would hazard a Mischief, unless he might tear a Princely Limb from the Prote­stant Religion not unlike to the Paeotlans in Justin, lib. 8. Tanto edio Pho [...]sunn ardentes, ut obliti cladium [...], perire ipsi, q [...]àm non perdere eos praeaptarent. How the Duke Olivarez smoothed it, a Letter of his, which would make a Pamphlet for the length, will manifest, which to this day hath lain in Obscurity, but is worthy to come abroad. It follows—

161. HIS Majesty being in the Escurial, I desired these, my Lords the Em­bassadors, that they wou'd repair hither, to the end that we might treat of perfecting those things which concern the Palatine; forasmuch as might be done from hence, wherein we procure, as you know, to give Satisfaction to the King of Great Britain, through whose Intercession, together with that of the most Excellent Prince his Highness, we have procured to dispose things in Germany, and have used those Diligences which you know. The Means which hath ever seemed most easie, and apt for the well addressing of this Business, is to Marry the Eldest Son of the Palatine to the second Daughter of the Empe­ror, bringing him up in the Court of his Caesareal Majesty, whereby the Re­stitution, both of the States and Electorate to the said Son might be the better, and more satisfactorily disposed. And in this Conformity, we have ever un­derstood and treated, and propounded it here. But now coming close to per­fect the Business, as I said before, those my Lords the Embassadors say, that the thing which on their Part hath been desired and that which the most Excellent Prince, and the Lord Duke of Buckingham did carry away in their Understand­ing; and that which the Embassadors themselves have written to the King of Great Britain, was, That we must procure that the Restitution of these States may be to the Palatine himself. This Point carrieth so great Difficulty with it to be conveyed to the Emperor's Ears, that it may be feared, yea, and held for certain, that the Persons who are interested in this Business, wou'd procure to over-turn the World, to make Complaints to the Pope, and to have recourse al­so to others exaggerating that which they have done, for the Restitution of that to the House of Austria, which had been taken from it. And they wou'd also ponder that which concerneth Religion, whereby they might disquiet the Mind of Man, and say, that they having acquired it by their Arms, or given Assistance towards it, it is now taken from them, and given to one, who hath been a Re­bel (for this is the Language they will hold) and is still an Enemy of the Catho­lick Religion. And this being exaggerated (as they well know how to do) it may perhaps breed such Difficulty in the Business, as that the Restitution even of the Son will not be obtain'd; a thing which would be ill for us all, and worse perhaps for the Palatine himself, and his Children. But this other may be dis­posed with more Sweetness, and good Liking of all Parties: Since the Marri­age being once made, they who might now contradict, wou'd be wholly in Dis­pair to have any Pa [...]t in this Business, when they should see the Emperor inter­essed in the Affairs of the Palatine, whereby they would grow not to oppose a­ny of those things, which his Imperial Majesty would think [...]t to do concerning him. And thus we shou'd come to facilitate the Addressing o [...] that which is now desired concerning the Palatine in his Person, wherein my Lord the King will use all the possible Endeavor by doing Offices to the Emperor to obtain it [Page 154]and so to settle things with satisfaction, which the Pope, and other Princes and Potentates may receive by this way, and which cannot be by that other to which my Lords the Ambassadors do point. For as long as Men will speak of the Indi­vidual Person of the Palatine, they have room to reprove his Actions, and to hide their own Interests by the pretext of the Justifiableness of his Punishment. And I conceive that although his Majesty will use all possible Endeavour, yet the Business will be as it were impossible, if we use not the Medium of depriving them of their Hopes, by placing all upon the Son. And I resolved to say all this to you, to the end you may represent it to his Majesty of Great Britain, assuring him that here is great desire to give him Satisfaction in all that is possible; and that we must help our selves to obtein this by not demanding things that are im­possible; and whereby (besides the difficulty which they would have) very great Inconveniencies, and greater Disquiet might result. And I hope that his Maje­sty, according to his great Prudence, will consider and understand it after the same manner; and you who understand the Business so, will give it so to be un­derstood. Yet use it with that Prudence, which you think convenient.

162. For by these means I hold the Emperor to be in a manner already re­duct; and by that other, although the thing be attempted, and though we for our parts do all that possibly we can, as we will do, and this shall be given in Writing to the Ambassador, if they press it: Yet I fear much, and I have much Ground to do so, that we shall not be able to obtein it, and that we shall scandalize and lose Reputation. And it will prove as ill-favour'd a piece of Work, as that which hapned in the Electorate of Bavaria, which we contradicted and France favoured. And if I may tell you freely what I think, that which is pressed is much less, than that which I offer. Since by that which I say, the Restitution of all the States is presently fix'd upon the Grand-Child of the King of Great Britain, and the Ele­ctorate after the Life of Bavaria; yea, and during that Life, all that may be done without affronting the said Duke. And in that other way which is offer'd, we are to walk all the Days of our Lives in the Question, Whether the Submission which the Palatine maketh be sufficient or no? And they who have Interests herein will be sure to except after a critical manner to any defect which may be suspected. And as long as the State shall be undeliver'd, the Business certainly will grow to nothing, and become subject to the Power, which some interested Persons have with the Emperor. All which would cease, if the Submission which the Palatine is to make were to be after the Estates, were to be order'd to the eldest Son by this Match, so that the Palatine would in fine make due Submissi­on, and give convenient Satisfaction and Security for true Friendship and Alli­ance with the Emperor, my Lord the King, and the Noble House of Austria. I confess that I am a young Minister of State, and I shew it by desiring to redress Businesses by way of Effecting, and not of Delays, which are ever used by old and prudent Ministers. And I know that without doubt, that the Proposition, which is made by me, is the better way. And so you may understand thus much for your self: And according to the dispatch which you shall receive of the Ambassador, you may go walking on. The thing which I conceive is the thing I relate unto you here, and that which I told you by Word of Mouth in Madrid, although the Ambassador, as I said before, affirm, that you, and they, yea and the Prince had mistaken this, by understanding that the delivery of the States should instantly be made to the Person of the Count Palatine, and not to his Son. And I would to God I might see this obteined of the Emperor, who doth so greatly desire the Peace of Germany, and the repose of the House of Au­stria. For I for my part would be sure to do all that possibly I could for the ef­fecting thereof. Besides this, I have seen by a Reply of the Earl of Bristol's, that he maketh instance for us to ponder the Engagement wherein the most Excellent King of Great Britain doth find himself, by his having obliged himself by publick Writings to restore all entirely, or else to put all that he hath in adventure. It is here to be understood, that when it is said that that King made this Writing, yet (in case he made it) the Palatine had not then committed those things, which he executed afterward against the Will and Counsel of the most Excellent King of Great Britain. Nor can any prudent Man oblige himself to all those Errours, which may be committed. And if the Count Palatine had followed the Coun­sel of the most Excellent King of Great Britain, many of those things which have succeeded had been prevented, and the Grace of the Emperor had been better dis­posed than now it is. Beside that much hath been spent, and that they have seen him so obstinate stirring up against the Emperor both the Turk, and Bethlem Gabor, [Page 155]and as many others as he hath been able. I say not this to the end that we should forbear to do whatsoever in this World we should be able to accommodate the Palatine, and to do in this behalf that which the King of Great Britain doth shew that he desireth. But to say that which is certain, his Majesty of Great Britain doth by no means find himself in this Business any other ways engaged, than he shall find that Engagement to be justifiable. God keep you as I desire.

Postscript. If my Lord the King did not mean to bring this Business to a final Conclusion with much Gust to the King of Great Britain, we might sufficiently, with that which my Lords the Ambassadors desire, by offering, and really interpo­sing our Intercession with his Cesareal Majesty. And we might also have excused the Writing of this long Letter, which is full of Good will, and of this I can as­sure you.

163. This long, riddling, non-concluding Letter, (such another as Tiberius the Emperor wrote from Capree to the Senate for the Tryal of Sejanus) is not endor­sed. I conceive it was sent to Mr. Edward Clerke, who was sent from the Prince on Shipboard to the Earl of Bristol, to stop the Powers he had for the dispatch of the expected Desposories, this was put into his Hand against he return'd for Eng­land. But what is it worth if it were to be sold? Scarce two of their Maravedies; and we requited them with that which came to as little as one of our Farthings. We had look'd after the Re-possession of the Palatinate till our Eyes aked; and to feed them with a taste of their own Provender, a long-breath'd Delay, we made their Ambassadors in London tarry for the Indulgences, which their Clients in Re­ligion hoped for, till their Hearts aked. It is opened sufficiently before, that his Majesties End in subscribing to the Articles in favour of the Papists his Subjects was, to second his Son in that which he had begun in Spain, to bring him out of the Briars from thence. The Ambassadors plied the Concession of the Articles very diligently, that their Party might enjoy the sweetness of the Benefit. For better is the sight of the Eyes, than the wandring of the Desire, Eccles. 6.9. It fell out well that the King, never intermitting a Summers Progress, was out of the way. So the Management of the Business fell upon the Lord Keeper, not by Usurpation, but by Merit, and by Necessity too. For, whatsoever his Majesty pretended, he gave the Keeper a secret Rule, to go no faster than needs, and to do no more prejudice than was unavoidable. A Regiment of Plots would hardly be enough to be drawn up together to win that Enterprise; though a good Sconce overcame all. Propertius. Mens bona, si qua Dea es, tua me in sacraria dona, says a Heathen. As all costly Oyntments have Oyl mixed with them, so Wisdom persumes all Undertakings, as this under the File will demonstrate. The Ambassador used their Counsel Learned in our Laws to draw up the effect, of that they had obtained, as near as could be to his Majesties Mind. Which was brought to the Lord Keeper; who told them, The Papers were unsatisfactory; they had proceeded indeed by the Articles signed in the private Lodgings at Whitehal; but the private Articles shew only the extent of his Majesties Grace and Favour in the substance; not at all the Manner and Form how they shall be conveyed; which must be chalked out by a new and immediate Warrant from his Majesty. This held dispute till the 10th of August, his Majesty being at Salisbury; where Directions past to li­quidate the Doubts, how the Kings Grants should be applied, call'd from that place the Articles of Salisbury. For which the Agents of the Ambassadors were to resort to the Earl of Carlile, and Mr. Secretary Conway, attending in the Progress, and the Patents to be filled up with them by the Discretion of the Lord Keeper, Lord Treasurer, Mr. Secretary Calvert, Sir Richard Weston Chancellor of the Ex­chequer, Mr. Atturney-General, Sir Th. Coventry attending, who were to sit at Whitehal for the more easie Expedition. Time is given to draw up Copies of new Draughts. Interea aliquid fiet spero, says the Comick. In these Intervals who could tell, but somewhat might fall out to cross all? On the 18th of August the Lord Keeper sends the Form of the Pardon drawn up to the King at Beawlie, to save the Recusants from all Advantages the Laws might take for the time past; and a Dispensation to keep them indemnified from the same for the time to come. But an Item was given, to bring the Dispensation lame back, that his Majesty should signifie his Royal Will, That the Pardon should go under the Great Seal, the Dis­pensation under the Privy Seal: This from Beawlie, Aug. 21. And there was a Co­lour for it out of the Agreements of Salisbury subtilly drawn up. For the second [Page 156]Article says, That a Legal Authentical Pardon shall be past under the Great Seal: And in the seventh Article, There shall be a present Suspension of his Majesties Laws under his Seal. The word Great was wilfully omitted to puzzle the Transaction. But after the Spanish part had debated with the Lord Keeper in Reason, he writes to Secretary Conway at Tichburn, Aug. 25. That he confest a Dispensation from the Poenal Statutes could not be pleaded, but under the Great Seal. The Business got off in that Point, but it hung upon another Tentar. He writes again to Mr. Secretary then at Broad-lands, Aug. 27. That it troubled him much he was enforced to such often Re­plies, but the Weight of the Business would excuse it. He says, He was not instructed from the Articles of Salisbury, from what Day the Dispensation was to begin, and how far it was to be limited in time to come; from what time those are to be excluded that do not lay hold of it. To which answer was given; but always the Dial stood. Once again he demurr'd upon the Dispensation, which says, That the Papists Convict shall not pay their Forfeiture for not coming to Church, nor be Indicted for not taking the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance; whether it was not fit to divide these in several Styles and Expressions. It was return'd, and dictated from the Kings Lips; The first Breach of the Laws should be signified to be absolutely pardoned; The latter should go in another Form, that it should not be questioned, and Mr. Atturney to provide accordingly for Legal Notions. When the Lord Keeper had done with the Living, he began with the Dead; and scrupled how their Dead should be Interr'd, so as to give no offence, nor be obnoxious to be offended. The Resolution was brought to him that sent it, That their Burials should be in their private Houses, as secret as might be, and with­out any sign of Manifestation; but Notice to be given to the Parish-Clerk of their de­parture.

164. Never was Man so entangled in an Els-lock all this while, that could not be unravell'd, as Marquiss Inoiosa, till he publish'd his Choler in all sorts of Impa­tiency. The Reader may take in so small a matter by the way, that the Writer of these Passages said to the Lord Keeper, That the Marquiss was the most surly, un­pleasing Man that ever came to his House. His Lordship answer'd, They were his Manners by Nature: But he had been so vain to profess, That he came an Enemy to us into England; and for this Dowty Cause: His Father was a Page to King Philip the Second, while he lived here with Queen Mary, and was discourteously used in our Court, perhaps by the Pages. Which was a Quarrel of Seventy Years old, and bearing date before the Marquiss was born. Which will cause a Passage of Dio­nysius the Tyrant of Sicily to be remembred, who had robb'd and spoil'd some of the Islands under the Protection of Athens; and when the Injury was expostulated, he told them, Their Countryman Ulysses had used the Sicilians worse 700 Years before, as he believ'd it to be very true in Homer. This Ambassador was a restless Man, and held the Lord Keeper so close to turn and plow up the fallow of this Business, that he would not give him the Jubilee of a Day to rest. Yet the time, do what he could, had run at waste from the 20th of July, to the end of August. Then, and no sooner, the Frames of the Pardon and Dispensation were contriv'd and dispatch'd. Yet the Mill would not go with this Water. The Ambassadors call'd for more: That two general Commands should be issued forth under the Great Seal, the first to all the Judges and Justices of Peace; the other to all Bishops, Chancellors, and Commissaries not to execute any Statute made against the Papists. Hereupon the Spanish Faction was suspected, that they had no hopes to bring some secret Drifts to pass, but by raising a general hatred against our Government. The Lord Keeper repulsed the Motion, and wrote to the King being at Aldershot, That what­soever Instance the Ambassador makes to the contrary, there was no reason why his Majesties Wisdom should give place to them. He propounded, That a private Warrant might be directed to himself, to will him to write to the respective Magi­strates fore-nam'd, to acquaint them with the Graces which his Majesty had past for Recusants in that Exigence, and to suspend their Proceeding till they heard further. For as the Civilians say, Cessant extraordinaria, ubi ordinariis est locus. Thus he contriv'd it, that the King, as much as might be, should escape the Of­fence, and let the Rumour light upon his private Letters. For which he never put the King to stand between the People, and his Errour; nor besought him to excuse it to the next Parliament: But as Mamertinus in Paneg. said of his own Consulship, Non modò nullum popularium deprecatus sum, sed ne te quidem Imperator, quem orare praeclarum, cui preces adhibere plenissimum dignitatis est. Yet lest the Am­bassador should complain of him to the Prince in Spain, he writes to the Duke, Cab. P. 8. Aug. 30.

[Page 157] THat he had prevailed with the Lords to stop that vast, and general Prohibition, and gave in three Days Conference such Reasons to the two Ambassadors, (although it is no easie matter to satisfie the Capriciousness of the latter of them) that they were both content it should rest, till the Infanta had been six Months in England. For to forbid Judges against their Oath, and Justices of Peace (sworn likewise) not to execute the Law of the Land, is a thing unprecedented in this Kingdom. Durus sermo, a harsh and bitter Pill to be digested upon a suddain, and without some Preparation. But to grant a Pardon even for a thing that is malum in se; and a Dispensation with Poenal Statutes, (in the profit whereof the King only is interested) is usual, full of Precedents, and Exam­ples. And yet this latter only serves to the Safety, the former but to the Glory and Inso­lency of the Papists, and the magnifying the service of the Ambassadors, too dearly pur­chas'd with the endangering of a Tumult in three Kingdoms. His Majesty useth to speak to his Judges and Justices of Peace by his Chancellor, or Keeper, as your Grace well know­eth. And I can signifie his Majesties Pleasure unto them with less Noise and Danger, which I mean to do hereafter, if the Ambassador shall press it to that effect, unless your Grace shall from his Highness, or your own Judgment direct otherwise. That whereas his Majesty being at this time to Mediate for Favour to many Protestants in Foreign Parts, with the Princes of another Religion, and to sweeten the Entertainment of the Princess in­to this Kingdom, who is yet a Roman Catholick, doth hold the Mitigation of the Rigour of those Laws made against Recusants, to be a necessary Inducement to both those Purposes, and hath therefore issued forth some Pardons of Grace and Favour to such Roman Catho­licks, of whose Fidelity to the State he rests assur'd. That therefore you the Lord Bishops, Judges and Justices, (each of those to be written to by themselves) do take Notice of his Majesties Pardon, and Dispensation, with all such Poenal Laws, and demean your selves accordingly.

This is the lively Character of him that wrote it, Policy mixt with Innocency. [...], says Nazianzen, Cunning enough, yet not divided from Conscience: For Wit, when it is not sheathed, as it were, in the fear of God, will cut like a sharp Razor.

165. All his Art would be requir'd to reconcile two things: That the Ambassador should be put off no longer, (for so the King had now commanded by Dispatches from both the Secretaries;) And that he would finish nothing, till he had heard either his Highness, or the Duke's Opinion upon the Proceeding. The general Pardon, and the Dispensation were both sealed: So he began. But kept them by him, and would not open the least Window to let either Dove or Raven fly abroad. The King being return'd to Windsor, signification was given, that none of the Lords should come to him, till he sent for them, and was ready for Matters of moment. No Superstructure could go on very fast, when that Stone was laid. From Windsor, Sept. 5. Sir G. Calvert writes to him, My very good Lord, His Majesty being resolv'd to extend his Gracious Favour to the Roman Catholicks, signifies his Plea­sure, That your Lordship should direct your Letter to the Bishops, Judges, &c. to forbear any Moleslation of his said Subjects in respect of their Religion. To send them forth with as much speed, as conveniently may be, that his Majesty may be freed from the Com­plaints of the Ambassadors. Thrice again he was charg'd with the same Command. To all which he answer'd, He could do nothing without a private Warrant for it, and that it was not possible to be agreed upon, till he spake with his Majesty. On the 6th of September, the same Secretary writes again, That an Exemplification of the Pardon should be deliver'd to the Ambassadors under the Great Seal. That's not hard to be done: But upon what Limits and Conditions? So the Lord Keeper rejoyns. Sir G. Calvert is troubled again to satisfie that Scruple, That no Copy of it should go out to any of the Roman Catholicks, nor any of them be permitted to sue out their Pardons, until his Majesties Pleasure be further known. This came Sept. 8. The Lord Keeper held back yet, till he knew what Assurance he should have from the Ambassadors to keep those Conditions: Which held a Contest till Sept. 19. When Mr. Secretary Conway writes from Theobalds, His Majesties Pleasure is, That you deliver unto the Marquiss Inoiosa an Exemplification of the Pardon, and Dispensation. And his Majesty would not that you should press him for a Note of his Hand for Secresie and Stanchness, for giving of Copies of the Pardon, or Dispensation, but only by Word to refresh his Memory of the faithful Promises he hath made in that Point to the King, upon which his Majesty will relie. Indeed it was order'd at Windsor, Sept. 7. as appears in a Letter of Secretary Conways, that when Marquiss Iniosa had the Exemplication, (all the Crast was in Catching) that he should communicate them to none, nor [Page 158]give Copies of them, till we had knowledge from Spain of the Marriage, or De­sponsories. There was nothing about these days that mitigated the Embassador more, than a Trick, that, in sine, did him least good. Properly, and without Levity, it may be called a Flop with a Fox-Tail. The Lord Keeper closed in with him not to be so hasty for Exemplifications, which the Clerks of the Crown must write over soft and fairly. A Matter of more weight should presently be set on foot, not of Words, but of real Benefit and Performance to his Party, and to the Choice of them, a Pardon for the Romish Priests that were imprisoned; about which there had been struggling, and yet nothing effected. As the Lord Keeper seemed forward, so (to see the ill Luck) it was cramp'd by a Letter from Sir Edward Conway, Sept. 6. Dat. Windsor.

Right Honorable,

HIS Majesty hath signed the Warrant that was sent for the enlarging of the Priests out of Prison, that he may shew the Reality of Performance on his Part, in all that is to be done. Yet his Majesty commits the Warrant to your Keeping, without fur­ther Use to be made, save only to pass the Great Seal (which you may be pleased to expe­dite) till important Considerations be provided for, and satisfied. As First, That his Majesty receive Advertisement of the Marriage, or Desposories. Secondly, That Pro­vision be taken for these Priests that have expressed their Duties to the King, either in Writing in his Defence, or in taking the Oaths; whose Protection his Majesty holds him­self bound to continue, and not to suffer them to incur any Danger for that their Confor­mity. Thirdly, That Order be taken, that such Priests enlarged, be not left at Li­berty to execute their Functions publickly, or at their Pleasure; but only under such Li­mitations and Restraints, as by the Pardon and Dispensations are provided.

166. Of these three Caveats, entred to modifie the Liberty which was Petiti­oned for, and promised to the Priests, the middlemost was a brave one, wherein the Lord Keeper revenged himself on Inoiosa, for all his Forwardness. It aimed at one man, Mr. — Preston, a Secular Priest, Honest, and rarely Learned: The Author of the Works under the Name of Roger Widrington, for the Oath of Allegiance. The Author of that solid Piece, called The last Rejoynder to T. Fitz­herbert, Bellarmine's Sculckenius, and Lessius his Singleton upon that Subject, Prin­ted An. 1619. This Man, for his own Preservation, lay quiet in the Marshalsea, his Death being threatned by the rigid Papalins. This was he that was set forth as the only Evidence of his Majesty's Royal Mercy toward those that were in Holy Orders of that Religion, the present Pattern of his keeping Promise ac­cording to the Articles. But such a Priest as that, if Marq. Inoiosa had been con­sulted for his Release, perhaps he would have cried out, Not him, but Barabbas. Preston had Leave that Summer twice or thrice to come to the Lord Keeper at Nonsuch, where I saw them together discoursing as long as Leisure and Business would permit. That Interview procured the Warrant for his Pardon from the King, as followeth.

James Rex.

TO the Reverend Father in God, Our Right Trusty, and Right Well-beloved Counsellor, Jo. Lord Bishop of Lincoln, Lord Keeper of Our Great Seal of England. Right Trusty, and Right Well-beloved Counsellor, We Greet you well.

These are to will and require, to pass one Pardon and Dispensation, according unto the Warrant directed unto you concerning the Roman Catholicks of this Kingdom in general, for the Use and Benefit of — Preston, a Secular Priest, now a Prisoner in our Prison of the Marshalsea. And delivering unto the Spanish Em­bassador an Exemplification of the same Pardon under the Great Seal, to keep the Original so Sealed, under your own Custody, untill you shall receive from Us some further Order.

The Releasment of Preston was accordingly dispatched, the first Fruits of the Common Grace expected by others, sent as a Present to Don Inoiosa; nay, a Precedent for consequent Releasments. So Secretary Conway to the Lord Keeper, Sep. 17. His Majesty's Order to your Lordship was, That the Pardon for this one Man should be exemplified, as the Limitation and Rule to the Form of all the rest. So as with­out Dispute or Controversie, that was a present Poss [...]ssion, an Act performed by the King, to be executed alike to each one, to whom it appertains, at the Time, and upon the Con­ditions before specified; the Sight whereof might give the Embassador Contentment. But it was far from that, Don John the Marquiss durst not say he was mocked, but he [Page 159]fum'd like Lime that is slack'd with Water, to see, of all the Priesthood, that man only enlarged, whom, above all, he most hated. Therefore his Violence aug­mented, press'd the King so far, that his Majesty caused the same Secretary to write again very roundly the next day to the Lord Keeper.

Right Honorable,

HIS Majest hath received from the Spanish Embassador, a large Declaration of his Grievance, by the great Delays he finds from your Lordship, in point of the Par­don and Dispensation; an Exemplification of which, your Lordship hath Order to deliver unto him. He complains further of want of Expedition in the Letters to be written by your Lordship to those principal Officers, to whom it pertains, for the Suspension of all Trouble and Molestation to the Roman Catholicks, his Majesty's Subjects, in matter of their Conscience. His Majesty marvails not a little, that the Pardon and Dispensation are so long delayed before they be delivered, and the Letters so long before they are written. His Majesty being troubled and offended, that Cause should be taken upon these Delays, by the Embassador, to call into Jealousie his Majesty's Roundness and Integrity in Proceed­ing. In all which Points, his Majesty now prays you to give all possible Expedition, that his Majesty may be no more soiled with the Jealousies and Suspitions of the Embassador, nor importuned with their Requests, for those things so entirely resolved on.

Albeit this Letter is so strict and mandatory, the Lord Keeper presumed on the King's Goodness to write a Remonstrance to Mr. Secretary Conway, flat against the Mandate; with sundry Reasons to shew the high Expedience, that the In­struments demanded should not yet be delivered. To the which, on the 9th of September, Mr. Secretary sends back word.

Right Honorable,

I Have represented yours of the 18th to his Majesty, who interprets your Intentions very well, and cannot but think it good Counsel, and a discreet Course, had the State of the Business been now entire. But as Promises have been past, the Truth of a King must be preferred before all other Circumstances, and within three Days you must not fail to deliver the Exemplification of the Pardon and Dispensation, with the Coppy of the Letters, &c.

Two Days after (see the Hand of God) September 21, a Post brought Intelli­gence, that the Prince was departed with fair Correspondencies from the Court of Spain, was certainly long before that time on Shipboard, and would weigh Anchor as soon as Wind and Weather served him. So in good Manners all So­licitations were hush'd, and attended his Highness's Pleasure, against he came into England. These are the Performances of the Lord Keeper upon the Immunities, which the Papists contended for to be derived to them, by the Prince's Marriage with the Daughter of Spain. Whither any States-man could have contrived them better, I leave it to be considered by the Senators of the Colledge of Wisdom, in my Lord Bacon's new Atlantis. If it be possible for any to disprove these excel­lent Excogitations of Prudence with his Censure, he will force me to say in this Lord's Behalf, what Tully did for the Pontiss of old Rome: Orat. pro resp. Aurus. Satis superque prudentes sunt, qui illorum prudentiam, non dicam ass [...]qui, sed quanta fuerit perspicere possint. The Collection of all the precedent Passages were gather­ed by that Lord himself, and stitched up into one Book, every Leaf being signed with the Hands of Sir George Calvert, and Sir Edward Conway, principal Secreta­ries to his Majesty. If it be asked to what end was that provided, it was to shew he had a Brest-Plate, as well as an Head-Piece. It was to defend his Integrity a­gainst any Storm, that dark Days might raise about the Spanish Matters. It was a gathering thick, when my Lord of Buckingham caused Mr. Packer his Secretary to write a Letter of Defiance to him, Cab. P. 87. wherein every Penful of Ink is stronger than a Drop of Vicriol: Take a Line of it, That in the Spanish Negotiati­on, he had been dangerous to his Country, prejudicious to the Cause of Religion, which he above all others, should have laboured to uphold. But rip up all his Actions, turn the Linings outward, shew any Stain-Spot in his Fidelity, in his Innocency, chiefly, in his Maintainance of the Reformed Religion. Therefore he met the Lord Duke couragiously, Pag. 89. I do not in the least beg or desire from your Grace, any Defence of me, if it shall appear I betray'd my King, or my Religion, in Favour of the Papist, or did them any real Respect at all, beside ordinary Complement. Therefore I ap­peal to all Posterity, who shall read this Memorial, how a Minister in his Office, and in­trusted [Page 160]with the whole weight of such a ticklish Negotiation, could come off better, with more Honour, with l [...]ss Prejudice? Photius, in his Biblioth. says of Saluslius the Cynick, that he was a worthy Man; but [...]. He had listed himself into that Sect of Philosophy, which was carved out, or exposed to Reproach and Contumi [...]y. So this noble Councellor was as Harmless as he was Wise, as Honest as he was Active. But the Business which he underwent for his great Master and the Prince, was Planet­struck with an ill Opinion of many, and could look for no Thanks, but from a few that were the Wisest.

167. Especially most circumspect and diligent Endeavours, if superior Provi­dence hath decreed to make them barren, shall not be pitied (as they deserve) but be insulted upon, because they cannot reach their End. The best Angler that is, we commonly think he fish'd ill, if he catch'd nothing. Inde plaerumque ead [...]m sacta modò diligentiae, modò vanitatis: modò libertatis, modò furor is nomen accipi­unt, Plin. lib. 6. Ep. Lucky Success makes a Fool seem wise; and a wise man that is unfortunate, shall be called a Fool. It is a hard Task to dig into the Mines of Po [...]icy, when Event shall be the Measure both of Reward and Praise. Yet all this must be endured, after his Highness took his Leave of Spain, the Donna H [...]rmesa left behind, the Stock of Love spent, and in a while the Credit of it pro­tested. Our King was not ill disposed to the News, that is Son made preparati­on to come Home. The People began to be churlish that he staid so long: And his Majesty look'd for no Good from that Part of the World, while our Duke was in it. He found, that so long as he was so remote from his Tutorship, he was heady, a Novice in carrying Business, and very offensive to the Crown of Spain. The Prince was desirous to make haste from them, that would make no better haste; and could no longer endure the Pace of a dull Spanish Mule. As a weary Traveiler's Inn seems still to go further from him, so his Highness had attended long for a sweet Repose in Wedlock, till it made him impatient, and think that every Consuito cast him further back from the Fruition of his Joys. The Junto of the Spanish States-men were very magisterial, and would not bate an Inch, but that every thing should be timed to a day, as they designed it. These were the Links of the Chain, by which they pluck all Power to themselves. First, A Disposorios, or Contract must go before the Marriage: For that's a Rule from which their Church doth never vary, unless good Order be broken by clan­destine Marriages. To the Contract they could not go on, in this Case, till the Dispensation from the new Pope gave Authority for it. That came to Madrid, Novemb. 12. says Sir Wal. Aston, whom I believe, though others say later. The tenth day, after the Dispensation made known in the Church, let the Betrothing be So­lemnized, and the tenth day after it the Marriage. Then the Prince may take his own Time to return when he will,; but the Lady could not make ready for the Seas, consider­ing her Train that must attend her, till March. The Prince did not like the Arith­metick of this Counting-Table. More time than the first Week of September he was resolved not to spend in that Land. The Coming of the Dispensation he would not await, which might be failing thither upon the idle Lake in the Fary Queen: [...]oth slow and swift alike did serve their turn. To stay and Consum­mate the Marriage in his own Person, he knew was unfit in two Respects. He must take a Blessing from one of their Bishops in the Face of their Church, and submit to their Trinckets and Ceremonies, which he had rather hear than see. Then if the Infanta had Conceived, they would keep her, it is likely, till she was delivered: The Child must stay till it was strong to endure the Seas, so it might come to pass to be bred up and Naturalized a Spaniard in Religion and Affection. When the Clock would not go right with those Plummets, the Junto cast the ime out ino another Figure, that his Highness would, out of Courtship, wherein he excelled, and out of great Love to his Mistress, which he professed, perfect the Desponsation in his own Person, and trust no other with it; the Marriage and the Lady should follow after, that is, upon the Certificate of their Embassador out of England, that Conditions were performed there, to which the King of Great Bri [...] ain had engaged. To this his Highness was short, That he would linger no longer, and play at Cards in King Philip's Palace till the Messenger with the Port-mantick came from Rome. Neither would he depend upon Embassadors and their Reports, when the Illustrious Damosel should begin her Journey towards England. Embassadors might certifie what they pleased, and inform no more than their great Master's Counsel inspired them. At last his Highness took upon him to deside the Wrangling, and cast out the sacred Anchor [Page 161]from the Stern, to keep their Counsels from further Floating, that he would be burdensom to the K. of Spain no longer; the magnetick Vertue of his own Country drew him to it. Yet to confirm that he lest his Heart behind with his Beauteous and high born Mistress, he would Sign a Proxy, and Assign it to K. Philip, or his Brother Don Carlo, or either of them, which should remain in the Custody of the Earl of Bristol, that the Espousals between him and the Infanta might be ratified, within ten days after the dispensation unstopt the way unto them; and he would leave it to the Princessa to shew her Cordial and Amorcuolous Affections how soon she would prepare to follow after him.

168. Which stood for a Decree; agreed, and obey'd. The King of Spain would have been glad, if the Prince might be perswaded to stay longer in his Court: But since after Six Months continuance there, his Highness de­fir'd to breath again in his Native Air, King Philip caused preparation to be made for it (for freedom is the Noblest part of Hospitality) and was dismiss'd with as much Honour, and Magnificence as he was Receiv'd. The Earl of Bri [...]ol, who certainly knew the day when he took his Leave, writes to the Lord Keeper Cab. p. 21. That he would begin his Journey for England the 9th of Sept. (others set it three days back) and adds, the day before, I Conceive the contract will be; which is false Printed; it should be, That the Day before, he would Sign and Seal his Procura­tion for the Contract; which Intelligence is Authentick being so Corrected. Now looking upon those that were the Magnificoes of Spain, when the Prince took his farewel of them, and how dear they held him, how they Voiced him beyond the Skies for the most express Image they had seen of Vertue and Generosity, me­thinks his Highness should have behold it with his Eyes open, and have inferred out of it, that he could not be more happy then to marry with that Blood, and to keep Friendship with that Nation. He was most Gracious in the Eyes of all, Great and under Great. Never Prince parted with such Universal Love of all, Cab. p. 16. and Bristol to the Lord Keeper, p. 21. ‘The Love which is here born generally to the Prince is such, as cannot be believ'd by those, that daily hear not what passeth from the King and his chief Ministers.’ The most con­cern'd was the rare Infanta, of whom says one out of the Spanish Reports Sander p 552. That she seem'd to deliver up her own Heart at parting, in as high Expressions as that Language, and her Learning could, with her Honour, set out. Let not this Es­say of her sweetness be forgotten, that when the Prince told her, His Heart would never be out of Anxiety, till she had pass'd the intended Voyage, and were safe on British Land, She Answered with a modest Blush, That if she were in danger upon the Ocean, or discompos'd in Health with the rowling brackish Waves, she would chear up herself, and remember all the way to whom she was going. For which, she deserves to be Honour'd with Theogena the Wife of Agathocles for that saying, Se nubendo ci non prosperae tantùm, sed omnis fortunae iniisse Societatem. Just. lib. 20. When it came to the King her Brothers turn to Act his part of Royal Civility, he carried the Prince with him to his most gorgeous and spacious Structure of the Escurial. There he began, ‘That his Highness had done him favour beyond all compass of requital, that he had Trusted the safe-guard of his Person with him, and given him such an occasion in it, to shew his Honour and Justice, to part with him with as much Fidelity, as his Highness desir'd or expected; that there he was ready to perfect the Alliance so long in Treaty, that he might call him Brother, whom, above all in the World, he loved as a Friend.’ The Prince Answe­red, ‘He had a better Heart to conceive, then a Tongue to signifie how much he owed to his Majesty. He hop'd the incomparable Infanta would thank him for the unparallel'd Courtesie shewn to him.’ And because a drop of true meaning was better then a River of Words, his Highness, being encircled with the Noblest Witnesses of that Kingdom, produced and Read his Proxy, inter­preted by the Earl of Bristol, and committed to his Charge, but first Attested to by the Hand of Secretary Cirica, as a Notary of the greatest Place. That this much pass'd it is certain. Much more is Reported; but it is contentious. This Obligation, intending to the Contract, was thus dispatch'd in the Escurial, of which let me say hereupon, as Valerius of the Senate House of Rome, lib. 6. Il­lam Curiam quis mortalium concilium, ac non fidei Templum dixerit? It was become, from the King's best Palace, the Temple of Faith. After this the Chase of a Stag, that was breath'd well, and fell luckily, brought his Highness on his way to the Sea-side. But he stopt a little while at a Magnificent Repast, provided in a Wood, where the Table was Canopied with green Boughs; when King Philip and the Prince had rose up from this Collation, and had walk'd a little further, [Page 162]a Marble Pillar was Erected, a Monument of Alliance and Friendship between the two Kingdoms. As when Laban said to Jacob, Come thou, let us make a Co­venant I and Thou, and let it be for a Witness between me and thee. And Jacob took a Stone, and set it up for a Pillar, Gen. 31.45. There the two Potentates laying their Hands first upon this Pillar, and then enfolding each other in Embraces, took Congee and Divided. Yet the Ceremony continued with the principal of the Nobles, and others of the Spanish Cavalry, who waited on his Highness to his Ship; and Don Mendoza de Alcarness was appointed to go aboard with him for England, to Congratulate before King James his Adventure to Spain, and his Happy Return to his Majesty. Upon the whole Carriage King Philip might say with his Honour, as Abimelech did to Isaac, We have done unto thee nothing but good, and have sent thee away in Peace: Thou art now the blessed of the Lord, Gen. 26.29.

169. Thus far the view of the Design was marvellously serene; not a Cloud to be seen about the Horizon. It smiled a little longer; for the Earl of Bristol Writes to the Lord Keeper, Cab. p. 21. ‘Since the departure of his Highness, there have every day passed Letters of extraordinary Affection between the King and the Prince, this is Sept. 24.’ The Grandees also, and others of the Castilian Bravery that conducted the Prince to the Seas, were Feasted in our Admiral, at a true English Table, Free, Pleasant, Luxuriously bountiful, with that Store which few Countries but this Fortunate Island could afford. A Health was Su­perstitiously began to the Glorious Princessa, and Proclaim'd to the Shore by the Thunder of the Great Ordnance; success fell short of the Premises. The fault may be laid upon the Spaniards, with some partiality, who suffered the Duke of Buckingham, to part with a sore grudge against the Conde Duke, and did not take the best Course to heal it. They doubted that Buckingham would do all he could to cross the Match, says Bristol in the same Letter; yet they were so Stately, that they would not seek to a suspected Enemy. Belike they thought they had made all fast, and that one man's Rash Defiance was inconsiderable. But it behoves Wise Men says Isocrat. Orat. de Pace. [...]; to Repose the hopes of well doing upon their own Strength and Judgment, not upon the Adversaries Weakness. The Duke Olivares was never the nearer, that Buckingham told him at their farewel, ‘That for his part, he had so disoblig'd him, that he would make no profession of Friendship to him at all; but he would be an everlasting Ser­vant to the King of Spain, the Queen, and the Infanta, and would do the best Offices he could, for the concluding the business, and strengthning Amity be­tween the two Kingdoms.’ Olivares was not certain of him upon these Words, since he was not certain at that time what himself would have. For when our Passi­ons are out of Order, it is a hard thing for a Man to speak Truth to himself. As soon as the Duke had the Prince at shrift, as it were, in his Cabinet, Mr. Edward Clerk under Colour to Attend the Spanish Nobles to Madrid, was sent with Let­ters to the Earl of Bristol to suspend the Procuration for the Contract, till further Order was given. One Scruple which must first be cleared was, ‘That a Mona­stery might not Rob the Prince of his Wife. For a Headless Fable (unless O­livares his Salt Tongue had given occasion to it) was in many Mouths, that af­ter the Desponsories, the Lady would enter into the strict Order of the Descalcas, or bare Foot Nuns.’ A Rumour that was Laugh'd out of countenance; for she was a spriteful Virgin, and had nothing of Monastical Austerity in her Complexi­on. Neither did she dissemble, but carried her Affections undisguised, that she was stricken in Love with the Prince. Yet, to prevent the worst, the Earl of Bristol was serious in Refuting that Folly, as it is extant in his to the Prince, Cab. p. 24. ‘I have set down to your Highness all sorts of security, that may be taken before the betrothing, for preventing a Woman Post vatum Matrimonium, non con­summatum, to betake her self into a Religious Life.’ The King of Spain, the In­fanta, all the Ministers, would refuse no kind of security that in Reason could be demanded in that behalf. This was a slight pretence, and soon over. There was another thing of greater Consequence Weaved into the mistrust I find it upon the Point wherein the Duke Expostulated with Sir W. Aston Cab. p. 35. You might have observed the Explanation the Prince made of himself to you by his Letters from St. Andreas, and have seen his Care and Resolution, not to engage himself into the Marriage, without good Conditions for the Palatinate, and Con­servation of his Honour every way. More light is opened to this in a Letter that an Ignote Wrote to K. James, Cab. p. 219.

The same day that Buckingham Re­ceived [Page 163] Letters from the Illustrious P. Palatine, he caused the Procuration to be Revoked. There needs no study upon it, how the Structure of the Marriage, so far advanc'd, was overthrown in an hour.
An quae per totam res est notissima Lesbon,
Nunc ignota tibi est?
Metamor. 1.2.
The Rude people of Madrid cried it about the Streets,

says Mr. Clerk, Piden el Palatinato, Cab. p. 307. ‘All the hope of that Alliance, and the comfort from it, was drowned in the Rhine.

170. God is Love, and delights in all the Bonds of Love. Marriage is the first of Humane, and the strictest. It is common with the Great ones that Rule the Earth, to Treat together to make such Links with their Children, Nay, with their Infants. They confirm them with Embassies, with Articles, it may be with their Oaths, and Holy Ceremonies. Yet when all this is done, if a greater Be­nesit to the State spring up by a New Offer, a Curtain is drawn before Consci­ence: The former Interest must give place to the later; and that shall be exclu­ded upon the like occasion for a fresh Emolument. One Reason, I believe, tho' I write it fearfully, ‘That often times they are but little blest in their Progenies. For can the most High forget it, Cui vincla jugalia curae. Virg.’ They that uncover Stories of Realms and Common Wealths, let them apply it. I go on to mine. At the Escurial of St. Lorenzo this was the last Speech and accord a­bout the Palatinate. The Prince making earnest obtestation for it, K. Philip En­gaged the Honour of a King upon it, ‘That he would intermit neither fair means, nor soul means with the Emperor, that it might be resigned into his Hand, and then should be bestowed as a Gift upon the Marriage.’ Hereupon his Highness seemed to depart well satisfied. Yet, having removed no further then from St. Lorenzo, to St. Andreas, Expostulates to have the Palatinate surendred to the Right owner, and the Espousals to be procrastinated till it was done; the King of Spain tells our Messenger, ‘He would do all he had promised upon the last Agreement, and for his Life he could do no more.’ So the Earl of Bristol remembers it to the Prince, Cab. p. 25. ‘They go on chearfully and confidently, and I conceive, will punctually perform all that they have Capitulated with you.’ The Prince knew well where he was now; when all their Capitulations were held to be Star-shootings, Flashes, and Meteors, without the Bird in the Hand. Plato hath a Crotchet lib. 8. de leg. to shew the Citizens of his imagin'd Common-Wealth, what they should do to escape all, or the most Suits in Law, that trouble men with Charge and Delays; Marry, says he, Trust no Man without ready Mony in Buying, and Bargaining, wherein, if you fail, you shall have no Action to recover your Debt. This Platonick dealing, with which the Spaniards Chal­leng'd us, was a New Erection of Justice, by which, the Marriage was consum'd into no Marriage, but into a Platonick Love. Whether the Prince were at Free­dom, having said and done so much at the Escurial, to break off upon his own Conditions, is such a Knot, as I cannot find the Ends of it. Therefore whether we came off clear, or were sullied with some Dishonour, is too intricate to be decided. In a Report made to the Parliament hereafter, the Lord Keeper, being called unto it, stretch'd his Learning to prove, That any Man might lawfully Revoke his Procuration; but he came not up to the Top of the Question, whe­ther it be Justifiable to Revoke the Obligation of Faith and Honour. Aliud est jura spectare, aliud justitiam. Cicer. pro Balbo. Conscience is a plain dealing Piece of Honesty, though the Laws have many quirks. Mr. Sander hath look'd commendably into this Treaty; in this matter he is brief, saying no more p. 552. ‘But e're our Prince departed from that King, Promises were made each to o­ther, to make Espousals ten days after the next Dispensation was brought.’ Pro­mises trasht in with Restrictions, are absolute Debts. Let your yea be yea, says our Saviour to his Disciples. And Learned Grotius says, That the most of the Dis­ciples Converted to him were of the Sect of the Essens, of whom Josephus Writes, [...], Negligent Men kept not their Oath so strict­ly, as they kept their Word. Ar. Wilson most spiteful against the Match, and as spiteful against the breaking it, flies high, p. 253. ‘That the Prince had not Power to re-call his Proxy, having tied up his Hands.—That he Sealed the Proxy at the Escurial, and Swore to perform the Marriage.’ The Earl of Bri­stol, who knew the most of any English man, goes far, Cab. P. 23. ‘That his Majesty and the Prince stand engaged for it, as far as Princes can be:’ But much [Page 164]more in his Letter dated Novem. 1. first Read by the Clerk of the Parliament at the Report which the Lord Keeper made to the House of Peers, ‘That the Prince had engaged his Faith and Power not to retract the Procuration.’ Yet after all these, hear one that was ever Honest, and understood himself. The Prince when he came to take his Fathers Blessing at Royston Octob. 6. protested (says the Lord Keeper in his Report) ‘That he came from Spain an absolute Free man; but with one Limitation, the Restitution of the Palatinate; then he was bound in Honour to go on with the Deposories.’ All which I believe to be most true: Yet the Scales still hanging upon the Beam of the Palatinate, this Question Re­solv'd will turn them, whether the Agreement between the other King and our Prince was, that K. Philip should precise restore the Palatinate, or to conditionate do his utmost to endeavour it?

171. Perhaps I am too Curious to hunt this Scent too far. Yet I find no re­morse in my self to have prest Conscience and Honour, the Urim and Thummim, with which the Noblest whom God hath made, should consult in all things. It was commonly said, That mis-understandings fomented by the Duke of Bucking­ham, which had a small Relation to the principal business, disturb'd all. Who was not skill'd in the Duty of a publick Minister; that is, to contemn all conside­rations concerning himself, that might hinder his Majesties Ends, as Sir W. Aston wrote to him. As Illustrius the Pythag. said of Stilpo, that he was [...] made up well for a private man, and no further. so the duke was a gal­lant lord to have the king's ear in private suits, but not to have the king's trust in foreign dispatches, being ever in custom to carry all with violence be­fore him. some may be great by chance, but never wise. it is admired to this day, that his lordship should have such a command over the princes affections, that he could so quickly make his highness forget such an incomparable beauty, with whom he was so passionately enamour'd, and she with him. so Bristol Cab. p. 26. ‘The World supposoth you infinitely Esteem her for her person; and que­stionless for her Vertue, and setled Affections to your Highness, deserves you bet­ter then all the Women in the World.’ Mr. Clarke likewise (a man whom the Duke had Raised up for his own Use) Writes to his Grace, cab. p. 307. ‘The Infanta's Preparation for the Disposoria was great, but greater her sorrow, good Lady, to see it deferr'd.’ She had Studied our Language, our Habit, our Beha­viour, every thing but our Religion, to make her self English. She talk'd conti­nually to her Attendants of the Prince, and of her Voyage in the Spring. What could the Duke say to blot the Image of such a person out of his Highness Heart? This is strange to those that knew not his Highness, who had a Quality to his Lives End (I will call it Humility, it is somewhat like it, but it is not it) to be easily perswaded out of his own Knowledg and Judgment, by some whom he permit­ted to have Power upon him, who had not the half of his intellectuals. But for this Trick the Wag was Merry with the Duke, who writes to K. James, Cab. p. 223. In this his Highness coming off from Spain, the Duke hath Advis'd him to no worse then he did himself. For how many hath he abus'd and cozen'd with Pro­mise of Marriage, by his Grace in Court, and Power with your Majesty? If af­terward things had been carried in a full Stream of Luck, perhaps this Breach would not have been call'd a Fault. Principally, because the Wedlock that came in place of it, was most Happy in a thrice Noble Progeny. All beside was Flat, and Unfortunate. Not an Inch of the Palatinate the better for us; and we the worse for our Wars in all Countries. I say no more, but as Q. Curtius doth, Op­time Miserias forunt qui abscondunt. They that hide their Miseries bear them best. The Observator upon H. L. I will abet him, writes no more, then many have Whisper'd, ‘That the Ruin of P. Charles by the Spanish Match might have been prevented; the Spaniard being for the most part a more steady Friend, then the wavering French.’ I am not skilful in them to make Comparisons; thus far I will adventure positively. The French are as brave a people as be under the Sun: Yet, for my part I think we might better want them, then the Spaniard. The Spanish Ladies Married to the Royal Seed among us, have been Vertuous, Mild, Thrifty, beloved of all. Not such a one as Harry the Sixth had from the other Nation, of whom Mr. Fuller says well in his Eccles. History, That the King's parts seemed the lower, being overtop'd by such a High Spirited Queen. The Spaniards are for the most generously bountiful, where Service hath deserv'd it; the best Neighbours in the World for Trades Increase: A Friend to his Friend with his Treasure, and with his Sword. But withal, Refractory in his own Religion, and a Hater of ours; and very False where he can take occasion to enlarge his Domi­nions, [Page 165]wherein we had no Cause to fear him. But if the Daughter of Spain had landed upon our Shore, I believe we should have had more Cause to love him.

172. Which was not to be look'd for, after the Prince put off from the Coast of Biscay: From whence he made such haste home as the Wind would suffer; and he had it in Poop till he came to the Islands of Silly, the remotest Ground of the British Dominion in the West: whether some Delinquents were deported of old by the Roman Emperors. Here the Navy was compelled to rest, because the Winds were contrary. From thence the Courtiers brought home a Discourse about an old Miller, who was, with long Experience, Weather-Wise to Admiration. For he told them exactly how long they should continue there, and named the Hour when, after one day and a half, the North-West would blow, and serve their turn. The Seamen, who had resorted thither before, knew him so well, and how his Prognosticks came to pass, that they prepared to Launch against that op­portunity, which fail'd not, and attain'd Portsmouth on the Fifth of October.

[...].
[...]
Odduss. [...].

Though our Noble Traveller left the Lady behind that should have been his Pene­lope, yet he came well home to his own Ithaca, and to the Wise Laertes his Father. His Highness left Portsmouth, and came to York-House at Charing-Cross, an Hour after Midnight early in the Morning, Octob. 6. Praises were given to God for him in divers Churches at Morning Prayer. The Lord Keeper composed an excellent Prayer for that Occasion, which was used in the Chappel of Henry the VII. and in the Collegiate Church at the accustomed Hours in that Place: Bells and Bonfires began early, and continued till Night: Alms, and all kind of Comfort were dispensed bountifully to the Poor; and many poor Prisoners, their Debts being discharg'd, were Released. But too often, as St. Austin complain'd, Publi­cum gaudium celebratur per publicum dedecus: So Bacchanals of Drunken Riot were kept too much in London and Westminster, which offended many, that the Thanks due only to God, should be paid to the Devil. The Prince, after a little rest, took Coach with the Duke for Royston, to attend the King his Father, where the Joy at the enterview was such, as surpasseth the Relation. His Majesty in a short while retir'd, and shut all out but his Son and the Duke; with whom he held Conference till it was four Hours in the Night: They that attended at the Door sometime heard a still Voice, and then a loud; sometime they Laught, and some­time they Chased, and noted such variety, as they could not guess what the close might prove: But it broke out at Supper, that the King appear'd to take all well, that no more was effected in the Voyage, because the Profters for the Restitution of his Son-in-Law were no better stated by the Spanish; And then that Sentence fell from him, which is in Memory to this Hour, That He lik'd not to Marry His Son with a Portion of His Daughters Tears. His Majesty saw there was no Remedy in this Case but to go Hand in Hand with the Prince, and his now prepotent Favo­rite.

Ducunt volentem fata, nolentem trabuns.
Sen. Trag.

It is easier to be led then drawn.

Presently it was obtain'd, that is Octob. 8. That his Majesty should send an Ex­press to the Earl of Bristol, with his High Command, to defer the Procuration entrusted with him, and to make no use of it till Christmas; whereas indeed the Power of it expired at Christmas; for so it was limited in the Instrument which his Highness Signed at St. Lorenzo. And by the next Post the Duke acquaints Sir W. Aston, That the King himself had dictated the Letter then wrote unto him, Cab. p. 36. which contain'd, ‘That His Majesty desir'd to be assur'd of the Resti­tution of the Palatinate, before the Deposorium was made, seeing he would be sorry to welcome home one Daughter with a Smiling Cheer, and have his own only Daughter at the same time Weeping and Disconsolate.’ My Lord of Buck­ingham had his Advisers about him (yet he need not now be set on) to prevent with all his Wit, that the Prince might never have a Wife out of Spain. [...]; As soon should a Wolf Wed a Lamb. Aristoph. Com. de pace.’ But the King had such Esteem of the Spanish Wisdom, that he did verily look that his Letters, I mean these last sent to his Ambassador Resident there, would quicken them to a short and real Satisfaction for the Prince Palatine's Distress, [Page 166]and that the Treaty would sprout again, which was wither'd with that ob­stacle.

173. Our Dispatches at Court went all together that way; so he that is diligent may Trace them to the end of January. Some of the Letters of Mr. Secretary Conway, at least somewhat out of them, are useful to be produced, which will al­so confirm the good course that the Lord Keeper took with the Spanish Ambas­sadors, that he reserv d the Pardon and Dispensation from them to the end, against all Contests of Importunity: Nor suffered the Letters to the Lord Bishops and Judges to go abroad for the Suspension of some Penal Statutes; whereupon the Fat of the Project of the Papists dript insensibly away at a slow Fire. After the Prince had rested at Roiston but one Night, his Majesty caused Directions to be sent to the Lord Keeper for the Enlargement of the Roman Priests, being Eleven of them in the Tower, Wisheech, Newgate, and no more. This Favour had ma­ny Reasons to speak for it: First, To let all those, who were inquisitive about the Event of his Highness Journey take notice, that there was yet life in the Treaty by the motion of this Pulse. Secondly, To gratifie the most obnoxious of that Religion, for requital of the Entertainment his Highness had among them. Thirdly, In Retaliation for the Prisoners that were set at Liberty in Spain to Congratulate the Princes welcom. Fourthly, That his Highness might keep his Word with those of that way, who had done him good Offices abroad, to whom he had said, Cab. p. 251. That though the Marriage were broken, his Catholick Subjects should not fare the worse for it. Therefore hear what Mr. Secretary Conway Writes to the Lord Keeper, October 7.

Right Honorable,

HIs Majesty calling to Mind His promise to the Spanish Ambassadors for giving Li­berty to the Priests, requires your Lordship to prepare the Ordinance for their Liberty, and to put it in Execution; the rest of the Pardons being suspended till the Solemnizing the Marriage. And His Majesty would, that you should signifie so much to the Ambassadors in your own Person, to acquaint them with His Mindfulness. And then that your Lord­ship will be pleased to move the Ambassadors, as giving them a good opportunity to do an acceptable Work, that they would move for the Releasement of Dr. Whiting from Im­prisonment, who for his Sermon Preach'd at Hampton-Court stands committed; but His Majesty will have him remain suspended from Preaching untill His further Pleasure be known.

Now for the Letters which his Majesty was made to believe were dispersed to the Magistrates Spiritual and Temporal, about the Suspension of the Laws, because his Majesty was disobeyed in it, the Lord Keeper, after he had seen the Inclina­tion of the Court in three or four days, wrote to the Secretary, who knew all the Passages, to put the Duke upon it to acquaint the King with the Naked Truth, and fore-speak Displeasure. Upon which Mr. Secretary Conway returns this, Octob. 11. from Royston.

Right Honorable,

SO soon as I received your Letter, with the like Observation that I will use in all your Command: I took the Duke of Buckingham just as he was going to the King, and had no more time with him, but to tell him that Point, touching your Wise and Moderate Retention of the Letters to the Bishops and Justices. The Duke prepared the King so well, as His Majesty gave me order to signifie to you, that those Letters should still be retained, unless some Complaints should make change of Counsels; or the Accomplishment on the other side equal that of ours, and occasion another step forward. That Wise and Moderate way of your Lordships will ever get you Estimation and Ease. I am glad to see how brave a Friend you have of the Duke. And I know your Lordship will give me leave to make you as glad as my self, that absence hath made no change towards my Lord Duke in the Kings Favour; but his return, if it be possible, hath multiplied it. And the Prince and He are for Communications of Counsels, Deliberations, and Resolutions, as if they were but One.

The King requir'd but one Thing more of the Lord Keeper, that as he had addulced all Things very well to his Mind, so the Ministers of the King of Spain might not Grudge, that their Teeth were set on Edge with sower Grapes; which he did effect most Artificially, albeit the Ambassadors by his means had lost many Suits, and more Labour; as the Secretary was willed to acknowledge from Hinchingbrooke, Octob. 25.

Right Honorable,

I Delivered to his Majesty the good Temper you left the Embassadors in, which gave his Majesty Contentment, and moved his Thanks to you. Your Humane and Noble Usage, you may be sure, will best beseem your Lordship, and please others. And when there is any Cause for you to take another Form on you, be confident you shall have season­able Knowledge: For my Lord Duke hath as well a Noble Care of you, as Confidence in you, and Affection to you, of which I am assured, though a mean Witness. So much was contrived; and a great deal more, to keep the Treaty from an utter dissociation, till the next Parliament sate. For the Coppy of the Memorials given January 19, by Sir Wal. Aston, to the King of Spain, professeth, That because the Faculty for the Use of the Procuration expired at Christmas, the King my Master, that you may know the sound Intentions of his Proceedings, with the good End to which it aims, hath renewed the Powers, and deferred the delivery of them, only to give time for the Accomplishment and setling that which hath been promised for the satisfying his Expectations, Cab. P. 39.

Neither did the Spaniards return the Jewels which the Prince had presented at the Shrine of Love, till the end of February; at which Surrendry, and not be­fore, the golden Cord was broken. Nothing is more sure, than that the Prince's Heart was removed from the Desire of that Marriage, after the Duke had brought him away from the Object of that Delightful and Ravishing Beauty. But all the while the King had his Head full of Thoughts, brooding upon two things (like the Twins that struggled in the Womb of Rebeckah) the Consummation of the Marriage, and the Patrimony of his Son-in-Law to be regained, with the Dignity Electoral. His Wisdom hovered between them both, like the Sun at his Noonday Height. Metâ distans aequalis utraque: He knew he should be dis­valued, to the wounding of all Good Opinion, if he did not engrast that Alliance into his Stem, which he had sought with so much Expence of Time and Cost, to strengthen and aggrandize his Posterity. And he knew he should loose Honour with all the Potentates of Europe, beside other Mischiefs, if nothing were done for re-possessing the Palatinate. Yet in sine, he sate down, and it cleast his Heart, that he affected neither. As a Canker eats quickly into soft and sappy Wood, so an Error was gotten into his gentle Nature, the same that Spartianus says had crept into Didius Julianus: Reprehensus in eo praecipue, quos regere authoritate sud debuit, regendae reipub. praesules sibi ipse fecit. He submitted himself to be ruled by some, whom he should have awed with Authority; but he wanted Courage to bow them to his own Bent. A Prince that preserves not the Rights of his Digni­ty, and the Majesty of his Throne, is a Servant to some, but therein a Friend to none, least of all to himself.

174. But he did so little bear up with an Imperatorian Resolution, against the Method of their Ways, who thrust his Counsels out of Doors, that the Flies suck'd him where he was gall'd, and he never rub'd them off. He continued at Newmarket as in an Infirmary, for he forgot his Recreations of Hunting and Hawking; yet could not be drawn to keep the Feasts of All-Saints, and the Fifth of November at White-Hall, being wont to shew his Presence at those Solemnities. Against Christmas he drew towards the City, and no sooner. Some better Of­fers were expected from Spain by that time, or more certain Discoveries be found out of Carriage on both sides, for hitherto all was received upon second hand Faith Therefore his Majesty was no sooner at White-Hall, but he commissioned a Se­lect Council to consider two things: Whither the King of Spain had not been real to the last, to satisfie the Desire of the Prince about the Marriage; and whi­ther in the Treaty for the Restitution of the Palatinate, he had violated the League between the two Kingdoms, as to deserve an open War to be proclaimed against him. The Lord Keeper was one of the Junto; but so far against his Mind, that he wished before a Friend or two in private, that a Fever in his Sick Bed might excuse him. The Duke of Buckingham was mortally Anti-Spanish, and his An­ger was headed with Steel. He assayed the Lord Keeper to hale him to his Judg­ment, as an Eddy doth a small Boat; and would have used him to the King, to incline his Majesty to renounce Amity with that Nation; but he found him as in­flexible as a dried Bough. He vowed to his Grace, as he should have God to be his Protector, that he would suffer all the Obliquy of the World, before he would be drawn to the least Ingratitude against his Lordship, Cab. P. 89. But when the King asked his Judgment, he must be true and faithful. Which was to say, to do [Page 168]the Duke a Pleasure, he cared not to deserve ill of himself, but he would not de­serve ill of the King: which gave no Satisfaction. Oh! How better is a poor Man's Liberty, than the golden Servitude of a great Officer? Must I lose my Patron, unless I lose my Judgment? Can there not be a true Heart, where there is not Sameness of Opinion? What a Structure is Advancement, which hangs in the Air, and consists upon no solid Foundation? That great Lord desied the Keeper to his Face, and in the hearing of many, threatned to sink him, because he could not board him. And as Fulbertus said of Queen Constantia, Cui satis cre­ditur, dum mala promittit; Baron. Annal. 12 28. com. 12. If he promised an ill turn, he would be sure to pay it, if he could. Once upon a time he could have done as much as that came to, with half a Word to the King. Now, as his Lordship conceived, his Strength lay among the Anakims, and the self-will'd man plotted to sacrifice his old Friend to the Parliament (the Intelligence came from the Ve­netian Embassador) to appease the Dislike of Immunities (which were none at all) exercised towards the Roman Catholicks. Yet there his Lordship faired, and found it as hard to suppress him, as to drown a Swan. There is an Electuary which Physicians give to comfort the Heart, called Pasta rogia; the Lord Keeper was fed Lusty with this Royal Paste. The King had wrought him so apt to his own Plight, that the Power of a mighty Favorite could not wrest him from the Sanctuary of his Love. Ye still his Danger was, that the Duke thought (out of Disdain more than Envy) that he wore too many Copies of his Majesty's Favour. He took nothing more Scornsully, than what the King spake to the Earl of Car­lisle in a Fit of Melancholly, That if he had sent Williams into Spain with his Son, he had kept Hearts-ease and Honour, both which he lack'd at that time. So it was thought to be next to an Affront, that the first time the Lord Keeper came into the King's Presence, after his Highness's Return into England (which was a little before Christmas) his Majesty looking intently upon him, said thus to the Prince: Charles, There's the Man that makes us keep a merry Christmas. His High­ness looking as if he understood not his Father; Why, 'tis he, says the King, that laboured more dextrously than all my Servants beside, to bring you safe hither to keep Christmas with me, and I hope you are sensible of it. Another Act of the King's Goodness drew a greater Frown upon him: That in those Holy-days, his Maje­sty, of his own Accord, no Solicitation preceding, caused an Act of Council to be entred into the Book of that Honorable Table, that an Arch-Bishoprick, and he named York, should be conserred upon him in the next Vacancy. For which, the Lord Keeper most humbly thanked his Majesty, that he was pleased to think of him, when his Majesty knew best, that he thought not of himself. Yet my Lord Duke resented it ill, as if he climbed without his Hand to lift him up. Arch-Bishop Mathew understanding how his Place was designed, took occasion to be pleasant upon it. It was a Felicity which Nature had given him, to make old Age comfortable with a light Heart.

—Non ille rigoris
Ingratas laudes, nec nubem srontis amabat,
Sil. lib. 8.

But that much beloved Prelate sending his Proxy to the Lord Keeper, against the following Parliament, wrote to this Purpose, ‘That he was not a little troubled in former times, to hear that the Bishop of London, Doctor Mountain, a decay'd Man, and certainly near to the Grave, should look to be his Successor. For either himself must die before three years expired, or that Bishop's Hopes would be all amort, who must come suddenly to the See, or not at all. But it pleas­ed and revived him, that his Lordship was most likely to take his Place after him: for he was young and healthful, and might stay the Term of twenty Years, and take his Turn time enough at the end of that Stage. Then he shuts up his Let­ter—As the Psalmist begins, so I end, Dixi Custodiam—I love you Lord­ship well, but I will keep you out of this Seat as long as I can.’

175. Now let the Collections of the last Antecedency be observed, and there is not to be found in them, why the Lord Keeper should forfeit a Dram in the Be­nevolence of his great Friend. They are the Party-coloured Coat, with which Jacob appare [...]ed him, and which himself put not out to making. But in the Se­lect Council, which met to resolve the two foregoing Questions, he was active as any man. If he come not off well in that, let him be condemned. To the first matter in proposal the Lords agreed, that the Prince came Home with great and happy Renown, because he had resisted so many, and so strong Temptations [Page 169]to pervert him in Religion, and that the Lord of Buckingham's Assistance was praise worthy in excess, who held him steady, and counter-work'd all Under­miners. They conceived that the Proceeding of the Spaniards to the most were generous; in some things rather subtle than ingenuous; as there is no Pomegra­nate but hath some rotten Kernels, and that in all they were so tedious, that it was able to provoke the Meekness of Moses, though he had not a Drachm of Choler in his Complexion. Yet that it could not appear, but that the Marriage on King Philip's part was very sincerely meant in all the Treaty; most clearly when his Highness took his Farewell, most openly since his Departure. Wherein the Earl of Bristol had much wronged that great Monarch, giving him a Bastle insuppor­table. For when the Power of Revocation, or rather Repression of the Proxy, was peremptorily in his Lordship's hand, he did not acquaint the King of Spain, to stop him from erecting a Gallery (turned by the Earl's Negligence into a Gul­lery) in the open Streets, covered with the richest Tapestry, and set forth with all other Circumstances of Wealth and State, to conduct the Infanta in open View, and with most magnificent Solemnity, to the Deposorios; when by the Instru­ments and Commissions the Earl had lately received, he knew these augustious Preparations would be ridiculously disappointed; which was a Despight that a Gentleman, not to say an Embassador, should have prevented. For the Disgrace was so far blown abroad with Derision, that it was the News of Gazette's over all Europe. The Intention of that Nation to give the Infanta in Marriage to the Prince being not controverted: Yet his Highness protesting on his part that he was free, unless the Palatinate were surrendred, they were all satisfy'd with it, his Word was Justice to them, and that which was in his own Breast, must alone direct him how to use his Freedom. This Question dispatched, was upon a blown Rose, the next was upon a Bramble. The Lord Duke was so zealous (say it was for the Palsgrave's Sake) that he voted the King of Spain to be desied with open War, till amends were made to the illustrious Prince Elector, for the Wrongs he sus­tained. The Lords appointed for the Conference, that apprehended it other­wise, were the Keeper, Treasurer, Duke of Richmond, Marquess Hamilton, Earl of Arund [...]l, Lord Carow, Lord Belfast, who could not say that the King of Spain had done the part of a Friend, for the Recovery of the Palatinate, as he had pro­fess'd; nor yet could they find, that he had acted the Part of an Enemy declar­edly, as was objected. Their Judgment was, the Girts of Peace were slack, but not broken. This is couched in the Admonitions of an Ignote unto King James, Cab. p. 278. The Conference or Treaty about the Palatinate was taken from the Council of State, a Society of most prudent Men, only for this Cause, that al­most every one of them, had with one Consent approved the Propositions of the most Catholick King, and did not find in it any Cause of dissolving the Trea­ty—And a little beneath, The Duke fled from the Council of State, and dis­claimed it for a Parliament, by way of an Appeal. Most true, that scarce any in all the Consulto did vote to my Lord Duke's Satissaction; which made him rise up, and chase against them from Room to Room, as a Hen that hath lost her Brood, and clucks up and down, when she hath none to follow her. The next time he saw the Lord Belfast, he asked him, with Disdain, Are you turned too? and so flung from him, Cab. p. 243. To which the Lord Belfast answered ho­nestly, in a short Letter, That he would conform himself in all things to the Will and good Pleasure of the King his Master. The greatest Grudge was against the Lord Keeper, who seldom spake, but all Opinions ran into his one, as they did at this time; and the Duke presumed that his Sentence should never vary from his own Mind. An hard Injunction, and all the Favour on Earth is too dear to be bought at such a Price. But he declared, that he saw no Expediency for War upon the Grounds communicated. ‘For upon whom should we fall? says he, either upon the Emperor, or the King of Spain. The Emperor had in a fort offered our King his Son-in-Law's Country again for a great Sum, in Recompence of Dis­bursments; but where was the Money to be had? Yet it might be cheaper bought than conquered, before a War were ended. For the King of Spain, he saw no Cause to assault him with Arms: He had held us indeed in a long Treaty to our Loss; but he held nothing from us; and was more likely to con­tinue the State of things in a possibility of Accommodation, because he disliked the Duke of Bavaria's Ambition, and had rather stop the Enlargement of his Territories.’ The King was glad that some maintained his Judgment, and would not consent wantonly to raise him from the Down Bed of his long admired Peace. Neither did he refrain to speak very hardly of that Servant whom he loved best, [Page 170]that agitated to compel him to draw the Sword, one of the great Plagues of God. His Censure upon him was bitter, Cab. P. 92. but fit to be cast over-board in si­lence.

176. A King of Peace is not only sittest to build Temples, but is the Temple of God. Such a one doth foresee how long, how far, how dangerously the Fire of War will burn, before he put a Torch to kindle it. And as every Bishop ought to have a care of the Universal Church; so every King ought to have a care of all Humane Society. It is not such a thing to raise War in these Days, as it was in Abraham's; Muster his Servants in one Day, and rescue Lot from his Enemies the next. Nor such as it was with the old Romans, make a Summers (La [...]rt. in Vit.) before he laid down his Office. The Charge in our Age, which usually for many Years doth oppress the People, will hardly countervail, if GOD should send it the Gladness of a Victory. Nor is all fear over, when a War is ended: But, as Solon says, (Lacrt. in Vit.) Great Commanders when they have done their Work abroad, and are return'd with Honour, [...], do more Mischief by their Factions to their Country, than they did against their Enemies. And whosever scape well, the poor Church is like to suffer two ways. First, as Camden says, Eliz. Ann. 1583. Schismatica pravitas semper bello ar­dente maxime luxuriat: Schismatical Pravity will grow up under the Licentiousness of War: Some profane Buff-Coats will Authorize such Incendiaries. Secondly, For some Hundreds of Years by-past in Christendom, I cannot find, but where Wars have been protracted, the Churchman's Revenue hath been in danger to pay the Soldiers. If this affect not those, that will not think that there is such a Sin as Sacrilege, yet all acknowledge that there is such a Virtue as Humane Compassion: Then they that would awake drouzy Peace, as they call it, with the Noise of the Drum, and the prancing of Horses in the Street, let them, before they design their War, describe before their Consciences the heaps of slaughter'd Carkasses, which will come after: That the Land which is before t [...]en sha [...]I look like the Garden of the Lord, and that which is behind them like Burning and Brimstone. For all this will they tempt God, and be the Foes of Humanity? Grotius, who best could do it, hath sweetly translated such a Contemplation out of Euripides, Lib. 2. de Bel. & Pa. Cap. 24. Co. 4. Quod si in Comitiis funera ante oculos forent, Furiata bello non p [...]risset Graecia. Some will adventure to say more; that every Sheba that sounded the first Trumpet to Battail, hath been unlucky in his own Person. So Sir W. Aston to the Duke, Cab. P. 37. The most prosperous War hath misfortune enough in it, to make the Author of it unhappy. Else Isocrates was mistaken, who lived to be an old, and a Prophetical Orator among the Athenians, Orat. de Pace; says he, Your Humour, Athenians, is well known, [...], you like them best that incite you to War. Yet I wonder if old Men do not remember, and young Men have not heard, [...], that we never receiv'd hurt by listning to them that ex­horted us to preserve our Peace; but the Counsels of others have brought Disho­nour, and put us to Shifts and Calamities.

177. I would these Notions might be read considerately, when any rash Spirit shall attempt to open Janus's Temple, after it hath been long shut Yet wo be to the Vicar that should have read this Homily to my Lord Duke. The Lord Keeper's Name was in his black Book of Remembrance for it, till his Lordship did not on­ly cross him, but blot him out. Revenge is the effect of smother'd Anger, as Flame is but lighted Smoak. The Scene wherein an Argument of a kind of Tra­gedy is couch'd upon it, is in the Lord Duke's Secretaries Letter, Cab. Pag. 86. challenging the Lord Keeper, That at the select Council he had run a course op­posite to his Lordship, and (by consequent to sill up the Crime) dangerous to the Kingdom, prejudicious to the cause of Religion. That the two last times they met in Council, the Duke found that he took his Kue (from the Kings Mind) just as other Men did, and joyn'd with them in their Opinions, whose aim was to tax his Proceedings in the managing of the Prince's Business. How imperious is this? And how all that follows it like the roaring of a Lyon? And for no more offence, but because he would not condemn the King of Spain out of the proof of his Grace's Mouth, and ammerce him with an implacable War, wherein an Hun­dred Thousand Lives might be spilt, for a Quarrel begun between himself and Oli­varez, which was not worth a bloody Nose. Certainly the Lord Keeper could not be afraid of the Duke being so much alienated, for any hurt that could come of it at the present. I was not in his Heart to espy, whether he look'd forward upon another Age in the next Reign. One thing I am conscious of, that he courted [Page 171]no Man but him with supple Submission, being unwilling to nothing more, than that the World should observe him dissever'd from his Promoter, though he were innocent as to making a breach, or the least thought of Opposition. The best part he could act, was to protest how much, and how unseignedly he was that Lords in a most Pathetical Vow, as it is to be found Cab. P. 89. Let this Paper bear Record against me at the great Parliament of all, if I be not in my Heart and Soul your Graces most faithful and most constant poor Friend and Servant. Somewhat also may be pick'd out of that Letter by a sharp Censure, as if he had sought the Duke with Phrases too low, and too Petitionary. And I am my self within a little of that Opinion. But this was ever a venial Fault at Court; where it was usual for Men in Place to drink down such hot Affronts, as would scald their Throats, that could not endure the Vassallage which was tied to Ambition. The best Apology is, That a Thankful Man looks for leave, (chuse you whether you will grant it, for he will take it) to lay himself under the Feet of his Benefactor, to be reconciled to him. I learn it from Tully, pleading for himself against Lateranensis, Orat, pro Plancio. Nimis magnum beneficium Plancii exaggero. Quare verò me tuo arbitratu, & non meo, gratum esse oportet. La­teranensis says, I do too much extol the Favours which I have received from Plancius. As if it were not Reason that I should be Grateful by my own Acknowledgment, and not by his Opinion. In short, that the Duke might be the better aslur'd of the reading of so able a Minister in the Parliament at Hand, the Prince, with his never-failing Sweetness, made up this Gap between them; but with a loose Pale. Yet leave should have been given, where leave was look'd for. The Lord Keeper did not give the Duke content in this select Junto; no more did the Duke give con­tent to the King. In the same Measure that he did mete, it was measured unto him.

178. Look back about a Twelve-month, and a story will drop in, where the Duke did hearken to the Party with more content. That which was acted a Year ago is in season to be produced now, because it was publish'd upon Consideration against the Parliament that sate now. Those dangerous and busie Flies, which the Roman Seminaries send abroad, had buzzed about the Countess of Buckingham, had blown upon, and infected her. She was Mother to the great Favourite; but in Religion become a Stepmother. She doated upon him extreamly, as the Glory of her Womb: Yet by turning her Coat so wantonly, when the Eyes of all the Kingdom were upon her Family, she could not have wrought him a worse turn, if she had studied a mischief against him. Many marvelled what rumbled in her Conscience at that time: For from a Maid to an Old Madam she had not every ones good Word for practice of Piety. And she suffered Censure to the last, that she lest the Company of Sir Tho. Compton her Husband. It hath been so with ma­ny others. But why should a Libertine, that cares not to live after the way of the Gospel, pretend to seek Satisfaction more than ordinary about the true Doctrine of The Gospel? They that have Beams in their own Eyes, unsanctified Manners be­yond the most, why should they cavil at Moats in the Eye of the Reformed Re­ligion? Let them answer it to Him alone, who hath Power to judge them. But divers that had sense of a Godly Fear, as they pitied the Revolt of this Lady, so they dreaded the Consequents, that did hang upon her Power and Opportunity. Ar. Wilson complains, P. 275. That the Countess of Buckingham was the Cynosura that all the Papists steered by. I believe it was above her Ability to bear the weight of that Metaphor. The common Jealousie was, that the Duke would be ring­streaked with spots of Popery, by resorting to his Mothers Trough. Nay, there was a trivial Gradation in Vulgar Mouths, which reach'd higher, That the Mo­ther had a great Influence upon her Son, the Son upon the King, and the King upon the People. The Lord Keeper did not unforesee how far this Cord might be drawn: And that those Discontents which were but Vapours in common talk, might thicken into a Thunder-Clap in an ensuing Parliament. Which though it assembled not in 14 Months after, yet this Prometheus had learn'd his Lesson, That Safety is easiest purchas'd by Prevention. An Instrument that is strung, may be us'd upon a little warning. Having thus studied the Welfare of the Duke, he spake to him to this effect:

My Lord,

YOur Mother is departed out of the Bosom of the Church of England, into whose Con­fession of Faith she was Baptiz'd; a strong Schism in any to go away from that So­ciety of Christians, among whom they cannot demonstrate but Salvation may be had. I would we could bring her Home so soon, that it might not be seen she had ever wandered. [Page 172]For it is a favourable Judgment among Divines, Hormisda in Epist. ad Anasta­sium Im­perato­rem. Propè ab Innocentiâ non recedit, qui ad eam sine tarditate revertit: He seems almost not to have faln from Innocency, that returns into it without delay. But my Care (I cannot dissemble it) is more for your self. Your Integrity, My Lord, is wounded through your Mothers Apostasie. Perhaps you hear not of it: For I believe it is late before any Truth meets you, that is offensive. It is one of the greatest Miseries of Greatness, which Pollio imputes to Gallienus, Nemo ei vera nec in bonis, nec in malis nuntiat. But it is time to let your Lordship know, That the Mouth of Clamour is opened, that now the Recusants have a Potent Advocate to plead for their Immunity, which will increase their Number. When this is banded in the High and Popular Court by Tribunitial Orators, what a Dust it will raise? I have touch'd a Sore with my Finger: I am furnish'd with an Emplaster to lay upon it; which I pre­sume will Lenifie: Only measure not the Size of Good Counsel by the Last of Success. My Lord, Your Mother must be invited, or provoked, to hear Debates between Learned Men, speaking to those Points of Controversie that have staggered her. Let her Ladiship bring her Champions with her. Entertain her with many of these Conferences. Let them be so­lemn as can be devised; the King himself being ever present at the Disputes; and the Conslux of great Persons as thick as the Place will permit. Let your Lordships Industry and Earnestness be Conspicuous, to catch at every Twig of Advantage, much more to give Applause to every solid Reason, which may bring your Mother home to a sound Mind again. If her Ladiship recover of her Unstableness by these Applications, you have won a Soul very precious to you, and will raise your self up into the Fame of a Sincere Protestant. But if the Light within her be Darkness, and that she frustrate all hopes of her Reparation, the Notice of your Lordships Pious Endeavours will fill the Kingdom with a good Report, and will smell to every good Nostril like a sweet Savour. My Lord, Courage. I set my rest upon't, that this Counsel will not deceive, because you will labour your Mothers Conversion, not as a Stratagem of Counterfeacance, but, upon my Knowledge, from the very Mind of your Heart.

The Conferences went presently to work. His Majesty singularly versed in Po­lemical Theology, was Superintendent. The Champion, in whose Sufficiency the Lady most affied, was Fisher the Jesuit: With whom Dr. Francis White, then Dean of Carlile, first encountred, and gave him Foil after Foil; as the Colloquy did let the World know, most impartially publish'd. But Female Weakness was not evinced by Manly Performance. The Logick of the Serpent had strong force upon Eve; and that Infirmity is descended upon her Daughters. Another Meet­ing was prepared, wherein the Lord Keeper entred the Lists with Fisher; because he had advised to those Disputes, he was willing to be Active, as well as Consulta­tive. As the old Rule would have Precept and Example to go Hand in Hand: Cum dixit quid faciendum sit, probat faciendo. He had observ'd when he was an Auditor at the former Conflict, that if divers of the Jesuits Postulata were yielded to him, ( datis, non concessis) that the Church of England, repurging it self from the super-injected Errors of the Church of Rome, would stand inculpable: So he la­bour'd to evidence, if unnecessary Strifes were discreetly waved, what little was wanting to a Conclusive Unity. Ut, quae non licuit per omnia, ex necessariis partibus allegentur, as the Emperor Justin wrote to Pope Hormisda. The King did greatly commend his Charitable and Pacificatory handling of Controversies; which gentle usage, though it put the Jesuit out of his ordinary trot, yet he fell into a shuffling pace, and carried away the Lady behind him. The Lord Keeper exposed not his part in Print; as Fulgentius says of Frier Paul, That he writ nothing with Inten­tion to publish it, unless Necessity constrein'd him. The third, [...], that contended with the Jesuit both for the Palm of Victory, and to bring Eye-Salve to the dim-sighted Lady, was Dr. Laud, then Bishop of St. David's, who galled Fisher with great Acuteness. Which the false Loiolite traduced, and made slight in his Reports Whereupon the Bishop, for his just Vindication, Corroborated all that he had delivered with very strong Enlargement, paying his Adversary both with the Principal and Interest; and divers Years after finish'd it with an Aucta­rium, which hath rendred it a Master-Piece in Divinity. But all this labour was spent in vain as to the Countess's part, and she left to be numbred among those, of whom Christ foretold, that they loved Darkness more than Light.

Qui scis an prudens huc se dejecerit,
Atque Servari nelit!
Horat. Art. Poet.

[Page 173] Yet on my Lord her Sons part, that which was desir'd was Atchieved. He had appeared in the Field an Antagonist to her Revolt, whom he Honour'd, and Observ'd with the most of Filial Duty. So she was less Valued ever after, and sent from the Court, for her Obstinacy. But he was Blazed abroad for the Red-Cross-Knight that was Unàs Champion against Archimago. Yet it was not Printed to be Read, and Judg'd of, till the Parliament Sate, which was now call'd.

179. And lest the precedents of the King's Writs should be lost, as his Houses and Revenues are embezel'd, here follows the Copy of the Summons directed to the Lord Keeper under the Signet.

James Rex.

TRusty, and well beloved Counsellor we Greet you well.

Whereas we are Resolv'd to hold a Parliament at our Palace of Westminster the Twelfth day of February next ensuing. These are to Will and require you forthwith, upon the Receipt hereof, to Issue forth Our Writs of Summons, to all the Peers of our Kingdom: And also all other usual Writs for the Electing of such Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, as are to serve therein. And withal to issue out all usual Writs for the Summoning of the Clergy of both Provinces in their Houses of Convocation And this shall be your Warrant so to do.

The Tenth of February was first appointed, being Tuesday; the day of the Week which K. James observ'd to auspicate his great Affairs; but proving to be Shrove-Tuesday, wherein the Younkers of the City us'd to exceed in horrid Liber­ty, that day was scratcht out of the Writ, and Thursday the Twelfth was chosen in the Room. But God scratcht out the Twelfth day, when the day was come, Nay, when the King and his Train were putting on their Robes, so far in readi­ness to begin their Solemnity. For the King look'd about him, and miss'd the L. Steward, Duke of Richmond and Lenox. He was absent indeed, absent from the Body, and present with God, 2 Cor. 5.8. He had Supp'd chearfully the Night before, complain'd of nothing when he went to Bed, slept soundly, Et iter con­fecit dormiendo, he finish'd this last Journey in his sleep. His Servant was com­manded to waken him, and hasten him to attend the King, but found that he had breathed out his Spirit; about an Hour before, said the Sons of Art, because his Corps was but inclining to be Cold. What a do was made to no purpose to sus­pect some foul means to rock him into this Everlasting Sleep? which would never have been question'd in a meaner Man. And cannot God prepare a Worm to smite the Gourd of our Body, that it shall wither in a moment? He was deplor'd generally. I am in with them; for he deserv'd it. French he was born and bred. You might have seen the Gallican Decency in his manners; of good Aspect, and well shap'd; Affable, Humble, Inoffensive, contented with so much Favour as was never Repin'd: One that never Wrestled with the King's Privado's, and was never near a fall: One whose Wit and Honesty kept him great, and much belov'd of all; which rarely meet: One that deserves the Elogy which Lampri­dias gives to Quintilius Marcellus Counsellor to Alexander Severus, Qs. Meliorem ne Historiae quidem continent. More was spoken to his never-dying Honour, by the Graceful Eloquence of the Lord Keeper upon a fit Text, taken out of the 1 King cap. 4. verse 5. Zabud the Son of Nathan was principal Officer, and the King's Friend, This was perform'd at his Funerals in Westminster Abby April 27. Which were the most costly, and set out with the most Princely Pomp for a Subject, that ever I saw: His Dutchess think­ing nothing too sumptuous in his Obsequies to do him the greatest Renown that could be. Which Love in her survived towards him to her last hour. But good Lady, what a penurious House-Wife, and scorn to the World, hath Ar. Wilson made her p. 259. ‘That her Tables in her Hall were spread, as if there had been Meat, and Men to furnish them; but before Eating time, the House being voided, the Linnen Return'd into their Folds again, and all her people Grased on some few Dishes.’ Out of what Rascal Fame he scrapt up this I know not. The Author liv'd not one day after he had Publish'd his Work to Answer it. But there are yet as many Living, that know this to be maliciously false, as there are Pages in his Book. For my own part I knew the Order, the Comli­ness, the Bounty of her House-keeping in Holborn, and at Exeter-House; whether I came often on Message from a Lady of a great understanding, and a great will, [Page 174]the Lady Elizabeth Hatton, to streiten an Account of 8000 l. between them. I have been kept upon my business until Meal-times very often, Noon and Night, and have staid with her Worthy Steward Mr. William Bolton at his Table, which I could not Civilly Refuse. I never saw but that every Board in the Hall was bountifully serv'd, the Stewards Table chiefly so costly in well Cook'd-Meats, so Rich in the Plate wherein it was serv'd, so well observ'd by the Attendants, as I preferr'd it before the like in any Noble Family that ever I was present at in the Kingdom. I am bound. I take it, to defend the Hospitality in Truth, where I have been a Guest. Neither doth it belong only to Knight Errands in Wild­witted, that is no Witted, Romances, to defend a Ladies Honour, but it is due from every man that professeth Justice, and Ingenuity. Principally, as Aristotle Writes Prob. 9. Sect. 30, Defunctis opitulari magis Justum est, quam vivis hominibus. The Exequies of the Dead are call'd Justa; and it is more Just to defend the Dead, then the Living. Let me Weave into the Fringe of this Paragraph a touch at as Wise, and Faithful a Letter, as ever the Lord Keeper wrote to the Duke of Buckingham. He that Reads it all, as it is Cab. p. 101. Shall find it no loss of time; mending the Fault of the Date (a mistake very common in that Rhapsody of Letters) it should bear the Style of Feb 13. 1623. instead of Mart. 2. 1624. ‘The Office of the Lord Steward of the King's House was become void by the Death of the Duke of Richmond. The next Morning he writes to my Lord of Buckingham, That it was a place sit to be accepted of by his Lordship.’ What, more Places? but peruse the Letter, and the Scope of it all along will appear, to instruct him upon the Assumption of this, to part with another place, the Ad­miralty, more beneficial to his Followers, then to himself, who therefore kept him from discarding. But how far had his Lordship been more Fortunate, if he had follow'd better Counsel? First he had made himself a less Object of their Malice, who look'd with Meager Countenance upon him, for holding so many Places of Publick Trust, Mastership of the Horse, Admiralty, Wardenship of the Cinque Ports: Justice in Eyer over all Chaces and Forrests on this side Trent. Whereas the Lord Steward serves the King only in his Houshold. Therefore the Lord Keeper omits not to remember him there, ‘Your Grace may leave any Office you please to avoid Envy.’ The plurality of the Dukes Offices were one and the first of the Grievances heard and Prosecuted in the Houses of the Lords and Commons throughout all his troubles, while his Life lasted. Secondly, but for the Name of Lord Admiral he had never withdrawn himself from Court, to head a Navy at the Sea, where never any Commander of the English Fleet made so improsperous a Voyage. As Renowned Camden, anno 1601. Eliz. says of Robert Earl of Essex, ‘That he was a Brave Warrier, but Fortune did much forsake him,’ and he would not say with Astrologers, ‘That Mars being Lord of his Nativity 'in the Eleventh Station, Afflictissimus nascenti affulserat: So this Lord Admiral was Valiant and feared not his Foes, but Mars was not a propitious Ascendant at his Nativity. He that feared it, and knew him to be both wilful and unskilful, ad­vis'd him to take a White Staff instead of an Anchor; but the Duke return'd him no Gra-mercy, being Resolute to out Face envy, and as secure as a former prosperous Life could make him, to suspect no Ignominy, or Infelicity.

180. The week that stayed the Parliament being over, it met as it were in the Temple of Concord. Common presagements seldom fail. It came so welcom to all Men, that they rejoyced for it according to the Joy of Harvest. The So­lemnity began with a Sermon in the Abby of Westminster, made by Dr. Carew Bishop of Exon. Even Idolaters did not omit to enter upon any great Work, without some Ceremony of Religion, Omnia levius casura rebus Divinis procuratis. Tull. l. 2. de divin. The Bishops Theme, upon which he raised his Exhortations very prudently, was out of the Words of dying Jacob to the Head of one of the Tribes, Gen. 49.13. Zabulon shall dwell at the Haven of the Sea, &c. From which he Preach'd and Pray'd earnestly it might be considered; Zabulon juxta mare positus aliorum videt. naufragia, sed ipse salvus est. How Zabulon might thank God that he saw Wars a­broad, and none at home; and that he saw many Shipwrack'd at Sea, while he was safe in his Haven. But the Stream of Opinion was then against his Doctrine. For we think every thing good, whose Evil we have not felt. Immediately from thence the Train removed to the Higher House, where the King being set under his State, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and other Assistants of the Court [Page 175]Attending his Royal person, and the Lower House being admitted to the Audi­ence of that which was to be said, his Majesty Feasted them with a Speech, then which nothing could be apter for the Subject, or more Eloquent for the matter. All the helps of that Faculty were extreamly perfect in him, abounding in Wit by Nature, in Art by Education, in Wisdom by Experience. Mr. George Herbert being Praelector in the Rhetorique School in Cambridg anno 1618. Pass'd by those fluent Orators, that Domineered in the Pulpits of Athens and Rome, and insisted to Read upon an Oration of King James, which he Analysed, shew'd the con­cinnity of the Parts, the propriety of the Phrase, the height and Power of it to move Affections, the Style utterly unknown to the Ancients, who could not con­ceive what Kingly Eloquence was, in respect of which, those noted Demagogi were but Hirelings, and Triobulary Rhetoricians. The Speech which was had at the opening of this Parliament; doth commend Mr. Herbet for his Censure: Which yet I Engross not here; for the Reader that is Conversant in Books will find it often Printed. The Sum of it was to ask Advice of the Lords and Com­mons, what was fittest to be done for Advancement of Religion, and the good of the Common Wealth, how the Treaty of the Princes Match would agree with these, and the good of the Children of the Palatine, for restoring them to that which they had lost. As the whole Contexture was a right Purple Robe that be­came Majesty, so there were three Golden Nails or Studs in it, which even daz­led the Eye with their Splendor. In the First he touchld modestly, that his Reign had not been unhappy to us, But, says he, You have found the Fruits of my Govern­ment, if you consider the Peace which my Kingdoms Enjoy, in the midst of the Miseries our Neighbours are afflicted with. And though I cannot say my Government hath been without Error, yet I can avouch before God and his Angels, never King Govern'd with a more pure sincerity, and Incorrupt Heart. In the Second, he Purgeth himself from the Detraction of a false Rumor. Jealousies, says He, Are of a strange Depth; but let them be far from you. It hath been Talked of my Remissness in maintenance of Re­ligion, and Suspicion of a Toleration. But, as God shall Judg me, I never thought or meant it, nor ever in Word Exprest any thing that Savour'd of it. It is true, That at times best known to my self, I did not so fully put those Laws in Execution, but did Wink and Connive at some things, which must have hindred more weighty Affairs. Yet I never in all my Treaties agreed to any thing, to the overthrow and disagreeing of these Laws—For as it is a good Horsman's Part, not always to use the Spur, ot keep strict the Reins, but sometimes to spare the Spur, and to hold the Reins more slackly, so it is the part of a wise King (and my Age and Experience have inform'd me) sometimes to quick­en the Laws with strict Execution, and at other times upon just occasion to be more Re­miss. Thirdly, The Shells of a Cockle could not lye closer and evener to one another, then these last last words clasp'd with the Parliament: God is my Judg, and I speak it as a Christian King, never any wayfaring men in the Burning, Dry, and Sandy De­serts more Thirsted for water to quench his Thirst, then I Thirst and Long for the Happy Success of this Parliament, that the good Issue of this may expiate and acquit the Fruitless Issue of the former. The King having spread this Banquet to the Tast of their Judgments, the Lord Keeper pro formâ set on the Grace Cup as followeth.

My Lords, and Gentlemen all,

YOU have heard his Majesties Speech, and find the extraordinary Confidence his Majesty reposeth in the Wisdom, and loving Affections of this present Parliament. You do hot expect, I am sure, any Repetition, or reiteration of the same. A Lacede­monian being invited to hear a Man that could counterfeit very well the Notes of a Nightingale, put him off with these words, [...], I have heard the Nightingale her self. And why should you now be troubled with the Croaking of a Chancellor, that have heard the loving Expressions of a most Eloquent King: And indeed for me to gloss upon his Majesties Speech, were nothing else, then as it is in the Satyr, Annulum aureum ferreis Stellis ferruminare, to Enamel a Ring of pure Gold with Stars of Iren. I know his Majesties Grave and weighty Sentences have left, as A [...]schines Orations were wont to do, [...], a kind of Prick or Sting in the Hearts and Minds of all the Hearers. It is not fit that with my Rude Fumbling I should unsettle, or discompose his Elegancies. For as Pliny Observes of Nerva, That when he had Adopted the Emperor Trajan, he was taken away forthwith, and never did any Publick Act after it, Ne post illud Di­vinum, & immortale factum, aliquid mortale faceret, Least after so Transcendent and Divine an Act, he should commit any thing might relish of Mortality: So is it fit that the Judicious Ears of these Noble Hearers be no further troubled this day, Ne quid post illud Divinum & immortale dictum m [...]rtale audirent. I will only put you in mind [Page 176]of your Ancient and laudable Custom, to Elect one to be your Common Mouth or Speaker. And whom his Majesty Assigns unto you for his Liking and Presentation Mr. Secretary will declare.

181. So the first Day shut up. And Saturday following, the 21st of that Month, was but a day of Formality to the Parliament; yet material to this History, be­cause the Lord Keeper had the greatest share about the Work of it, who is my Scope; and this Parliament; no further, then as he is concern'd in the Actions and Occurrencies of it. On that day the King Sitting under his State in the Lords House, incircled with the Senatorian Worthies of the higher and lower Order, the Commons Presented Sir Tho. Crew, Serjeant at Law, for their Speaker. As the Knights and Burgesses were Chosen for the publick Service out of the best of the Kingdom; so this Gentleman was Chosen for this Place out of the best of them: He was warm in the Care of Religion, and a Chief among them that were popular in the Defence of it; A great lover of the Laws of the Land, and the Liberties of the People; Of a stay'd Temper, sound in Judgment, ready in Language; And though every Man, it is suppos'd, hath some equals in his good Parts, he had few or no Superiors. This was the Character which the Lord Keeper gave of him to the King, whereupon he was pointed out to this Hono­rable Task. Yet with all this Furnishment, out of a Custom which Modesty had observ'd, Sir Thomas Deprecated the Burthen, as Moses did when the was to be sent to Pharoah, O my Lord, I am not Eloquent, send I pray thee by the hand of him whom thou wilt send, Exod. 4.13. And he humbly besought the Royal Favour to Command a new, and a better Choice for so weighty a Charge. Whereupon the Lord Keeper going from his Seat to His Majesty, and Conferring with Him upon his Knee, after a short time returned to his Place, and spake as followeth.

Mr. Speaker,

I Am Charg'd to deliver unto you, that no Man is to be excus'd from this Service, that can make so good an Excuse as you have done. His Majesty doth observe that in you, which Gorgias the Philosopher did in Plato, Quod in Oratoribus irridendis ipse esse Orator summus videbatur, That in Discoursing against Orators, he shewed himself the greatest Orator of them all: So fares it in this Appeal of yours unto the Throne of His Sacred Majesty, Descendis ut Ascendas, te ad sidera tollit humus: By falling down in your own Conceipt, you are mounted higher in the Opinion of all others: By your own excusing to be a Speaker, you shew what a Worthy Speaker you are like to be. The Truth is, His Majesty doth not only approve, but highly Commend the Judgment of the House of Commons in your Election. And, Quod felix faustumque sit, for an Omen and good luck to all the ensuing Proceedings of that Honorable Assembly, he doth Crown this first Action of theirs with that, Exivit verbum ex ore Regis, that old Parliamentary Approbation, Le Roy le Veult.

Then Sir Thomas Crew Bowing down to the Supream Pleasure, which could not be declin'd, offred up his first Fruits for about the time of half an Hour, in a way between Remonstrance and Petition, smoothly and submissively, yet with that Freedom and Fair-Dealing as became the Trust committed to him. He could not wish more Attention than he had from the King, who heard him favo­rably to the end. For the Dispatch of that Work, presently the Lord Keeper went to His Majesty, who Conferr'd together secretly that none else heard, and after a quarter of an hour or better, the L. Keeper return'd to his Place, and an­swer'd the Speakers Peroration in His Majesties Name: Which Answer will enough supply what was said by them both; for it contains all the solid parts of Mr. Speakers Harangues.

Mr. Speaker,

182. HIs Majesty hath heard your Speech with no more Patience then Approbation. You have not cast up the same to any General Heads, no more will I. And it were pity to pull down a Frame, that peradventure cannot be set up again in so fair a Symmetry and Proportion: Yet, as the Mathematicians teach, that in the most flowing and continued Line a Man may imagine continual Stops and Points; so in this round and voluble Body of your Speech, I may observe for Methods sake some distinct and articulated Members. Somewhat you have said concerning your self, somewhat concerning the King; somewhat concerning Acts of Parliament, whereof some are yet to be framed in the Womb, and others ready to drop into their Graves; somewhat of the Aberrations of former Assemblies; some­what [Page 177]of the Common Laws in general; somewhat of the ordinary supply of Princes; some­what (and very worthily) for the increase of True Religion: somewhat of the regaining of that of our Allies; somewhat of preserving our own Estate; and somewhat of the never sufficiently commended Reformation of Ireland.These I observed for your material Heads. The formal were those Four usual Petitions; For Privileges to come unto the House; For liberty of Speech when you are in the House; For Access to His Ma­jesty for the informing of the House; And for a fair Interpretation of your Pro­ceedings when you shall leave the House. I shall from His Majesty make Answer to these Things, [...], step by step, as they lie in order.

First, For your self, the King hath not only stretched out His Scepter, but lifted up his Voice with Ahasuerus, Quae est Petitiae tua dabitur tibi, He hath granted all that you have desired, and assureth you by me of His Special Grace and Favour from the begin­ning to the end of your present Employment.

Secondly, Concerning the King, it may not be doubted but Gods Blessing of us, and our Blessing of God for his Royal Generation, his quiet Coronation, his peaceable Admini­stration, his Miraculous Preservation in this very Place, and this our most comfortable Pledge of his future Succession, ibunt in saecula, shall flow unto Posterity, and be the Hymns and Anthems of Ages to come.

Thirdly, For those Statutes of Learning which were here framed, 32 Henr. 8. which you call, Parliamentum Doctum; And those Statutes of Charity, 39 of the late Queen, which you Term, Parliamentum Pium, The Devout Parliament; And those Statutes of Grace digested and prepared in the last Convention, which His Majesty would have had been, Gratiosum Parliamentum, The Gracious Parliament; And [...], That large Pardon you expect this time, which may make this Assembly, Munificum Parliamentum, The Bountiful Parliament; The King gives you full Assurance of His Princely Resolution to do what shall be fitting and convenient to keep Life in the one, and to bring Life to the other, so as you do, scitè obstetricari, play the Midwives in them both, as you ought to do.

Fourthly, For the Abortion of some late Parliaments, (from the which His Majesty is most free) a Parliament Nullity, as you T [...]rm it, is a strange Chimaera, a word of a Monstrous Compesition. I never heard of the like in all my Life, unless it be once in the new Creed, Credo Ecclesiam Romano-Catholicam. Parliaments naturally begat Entities, and the want of Parliaments produceth Nullities. Surely God and the King are must averse to such Parliaments. Mark Gods Parliament, the first Parliament in the World, wherein the Three Persons in Trinity are consulting together, Faciamus Hominem, and you shall find it was to beget Entities: Therefore God is scarce present in that Con­sultation that brings forth Nullities. [...], as the Philosopher begins his Ethicks, Every Consultation is for some Good, some End, some Entitie, and most opposite to an Abortion, or Nullity. And therefore you may applaud those former Laws of Learning, Piety, Grace, and Bounty, which you handled before: In my Opinion, Mr. Speaker, you have kept the good Wine, and the best Law of them all till now, which is Solon's Law, Lex Oblivionis, A Law of Forgetfulness, That by His Maje­sties Grace and Favour freely offer'd unto us the last day, all the Memory of these Unfor­tunate Abortions may be Buried in the River Lethe, and never be had in any further Re­membrance. I will put you in Mind of a Story, which Tully relates out of Thucydides, and leave the Application to this Honourable Auditory. When the Thebans,having g [...]t the better of the Lacedaemonians, Erected a Brazen Trophy for that Victory, they were complain'd of apud Amphictyonas, that is, before the common Council of Greece, Eo quod aeternum inimicitiarum Monumentum Graecos de Graecis Statuere non opor­tuit; Because it was most unfit that between Greek and Greek there should remain any Record of perpetual Enmity.

Fifthly, For the Common Law of England, if we regard the Meridian for which it is Erected, it is a Law, as was said of those of Lycurgus, Disciplinae Convenientis­simae, of a most apt and convenient Frame, and His Majesty hath ever so approved of it. Nay, He is so precisely affected, and disposed in this kind, that as Paterculus writes of Cato, Id solum ei visum est rationem habere, quod haberet Justitiam. He could never allow of any Devise or Project, how plausible soever, that was not justifiable at the Common Law.

183. Sixthly, For the Supply of Princes in this Kingdom, His Majesty makes no Question, but that by Parliament and Subsidy, is the most Comfortable to the King, and most Favo­rable to the Subject. It Comforts the King, as issuing from the Heart; and it Easeth the Subject, as brought by the Hands, not of one, or two, but of all the People. That which you call Benevolence, or Good Will, brings unto His Majesty, neither so much Good, nor so much Will as the other support. And therefore the Kings of this Land (though it hath [Page 178]been accepted by most of them) have made of Benevolence but Anchoram Sacram, a help at a dead lift, when Parliaments being great Bodies, and of slow Motions, could not soon be Assembled, nor Subsidies issuing from the Purses of Particulars, be so suddenly Collected. And it is very well known with what Reluctancy His Majesty was drawn to shoot out this Anchor, never Assenting thereunto, until he was in a manner forced by those intolerable Provocations from without, and those general Invitations from whithin the Kingdom. Remember therefore that good Lady, in whose Defence the Money was spent, that ini­mitable Pattern once of Majesty, but now of Patience to the Christian World, and you will say, no Man can be found of that Malevolence, as to find fault with this one Benevolence.

Seventhly, His Majesty Returns you most hearty Thanks for your Care and Zeal of the True Religion. And is much Rejoyced to hear, That this Lower House, as it is now Compos'd, is such another Place as Tully describes the Town of Enna, Non Do­mus sed fanum, ubi quot Cives, tot Sacerdotes. It is no vulgar House, but, as Ori­ginally, a Sacred Chappel, wherein are Assembled in regard of their Zeal and Devotion, look how many Men, so many Church-Men. And his Majesty gives you full assurance, that he nothing so much Regards the Airy State or Glory of this Life, as he doth that in­estimable Jewel of our Religion, which is to remain his only Ornament after this Life. If there be any Scandals to the contrary, not given but taken for want of due Informa­tion, his Majesty wisheth (as Aphonso the Wise King of Aragon did) Omnes popu­lares suos reges fuisse, That every one of his People had been a King, for then they might soon understand, and be as soon satisfied with the Reasons of Estate. His Majesty hath never spared the Execution of any Law, but for the Execution of a greater Law, to wit Salus Reip. the Good, the Peace, and Safety of the Church and Common Wealth. And you know that is the ultimus finis, all the rest are but fines sub fine. For as the Orator well Observes, Nemo Leges legum causâ salvas esse vult, sed Reipublicae, We do not desire the Observing of our Laws for the written Laws, but for the Common-Wealths sake. And for those Statutes made for the preservation of Religion, they are all (as you heard last day from that Oracle of Truth and Knowledg) in full force, and in Free Execution. Nor were ever intended to be connived with in the least Syllable, but for the further propagation of the same Religion. What knowest thou O Man, if thou shalt save thy Wife, was a Text that gave no Offence in St. Paul'stime. Remember the King's Simile, which indeed is God's Simile, Zach. 6. Kingdoms are like to Horses, Kings resemble the Riders, the Laws the Spurs and the Reins by which Horsemanship is managed: A good Rider carries always a sure, but not always a Stiff Hand. But if A­gar grow insolent by those Favours, then in Gods Name, out with the Bond-woman, and her Sons. For his Majesty is fully Resolv'd, That as long as Life remains in his Body, and the Crown upon his Head, the Sons of the Bond-woman shall never be Heirs in this Island, with the Sons of the Free-woman. And our Royal Master gives us his Chaplains free leave to put him in mind of that of Synesius, [...], God is still careful of the Good of Kings, and Kings cannot be too careful of the Good and Service of God.

In the Eighth place his Majesty exceedingly comforted with the just Feeling, and Re­sentment you express against the Usurpation of that invading Enemy, who hath expell'd our most sweet Princess from her Jointure, and her Olive Branches from their Rightful Inheritance. Exoriare aliquis nostris ex ossibus ultor. Surely if the Rule be true, Attollit vires in milite causa,That a good Cause makes good Souldiers, it is no such im­possibility to regain the Palatinate. You say, Sir, Cato was positively of Opinion, Car­thaginem evertendam, That, whatever became of other designs, Carthage must be overthrown: And you are of Opinion, and so are all good Men besides, Palatinatum re­glutinandum, That the Palatinate must be Glued again to the Right Owner, and pluck'd out of their Clutches, that by Arms, or cunning Treaties do Usurp it. But the way and Manner in Discovering the Couchant Enemy, in preserving that handful of our Friends, in laying down some Course of Diversion, and the like, you do most wisely and modestly refer to the proper Oracle, His Majesties Wisdom, and Deep Counsel. Yea, but I must tell you Mr. Speaker, Vinci in amore turpissimum, the King cannot endure to be outvyed by his People in Love and Courtesies. What you in Duty do refer to him, his Majesty in Confidence of your Wisdom and Loving Assections returns upon You. You say you would have the King betake him to sound Counsel. You are his Counsel, Con­silium magnum his Main and Principal Counsel. It is very true, That since the begin­ing of Harry the 8th, the Kings of England have reserved those Matters to their own Conisance, and Resolution. But it is as true, that from Harry the First, until that Harry the Last, our Kings have in every one of those Questions Repaired to, and re­ceived Advice of their Parliaments, Id verum quod primum. Our Master means to follow the former Precedents. His Majesty Commands me to yield unto you Hearty [Page 179]Thanks for your just Resentments of his Sufferings in this Cause; and to tell you withall, that because the main of the Expedition is to be born by the Persons, and Purses of the People, whom you do represent: He is pleased to accept of the Advice of the House of Commons concerning the finding out of this secret Enemy, the re-inforcing of our remain­ing Friends, and by what kind of Diversion we shall begin the Enterprize. And God the Holy Ghost be present with you in all your Consultations.

184. In the Ninth Place, That Well of Wood, our Navy Royal, wherewith you well ob­served this whole Island to be most strongly fortified, we must all attribute the well Rigging, and good Condition of it to the great Cost, Care, and Providence of his Sacred Majesty. Hic tot sustinuit, hic tanta negotia solus. And yet as that Carver that beautified the Temple of Diana, although he wrought upon other Mens Charges, was suffered notwithstanding to engrave his own Name in some eminent Places of the Building: So surely can it be denied by Envy it self, but that most Noble Lord, who is now a compleat Master in his Art, and hath spent his seven years Studies in the Beautifying of the Navy, should have a glorious Name enstamped thereupon, though in a sitting Distance from his Lord and Master, whose Princely Majesty., A longe sequitur, vestigia semper adorans.

Lastly, For the Reformation of Ireland, this I am bidden to deliver. Pliny com­mending the Emperor Trajan to the utmost reach of Eloquence, says, That the most laudable, and most remarkable Point in all his happy Government, was, That his Care was not consined to Italy alone, but Instar solis, like the Beams and In­fluence of the Sun, it shed it self to many other Countries. Surely his Majesty's Providence is of a large Extent; for where the Sun scarce darteth his Beams, his Maje­sty hath shined most gloriously by the Execution of wholsome Laws, engrafting Civility, and Planting true Religion. And let this be our Soveraign's Comfort, that though this poor Kingdom, though never so reformed, shall add very little to his Crown of Temporal Ma­jesty here on Earth, it will be an Occasion of an immense Access to his Crown of Glory hereafter in Heaven. And now for your four Petitions, Mr. Speaker, his Majesty grants them all in one Word. What Priviledge, Liberty, Access, or fair Interpretation was ever yielded to the Members of that House, his Majesty grants them to the Knights and Burgesses now assembled, fully and freely, without the least Jealousie, Qualification, or Suspicion. I will only add a Memorandum out of Valerius Maximus, to cut an even Thred between King and People, Quid Cato sine Libertate? Quid libertas sine Ca­tone? What is Wisdom without Liberty to shew it? And what is Liberty, without Wisdom to use it?

185. Hitherto the King spake to the People by the Lord Keeper's Mouth, and then the House rose: All rejoyced that such gracious Concessions were returned to Mr. Speaker's Motions, which were the Beam that held up the insequent Coun­sels, till the Roof was covered with Agreement. And it took the more, that it was inlaid with such Mosaick Work, not to the Eye, but to the Ear, by a per­fect Orator. It was the greatest, and the knowingest Auditory that this King­dom, or perhaps the World afforded; whose general Applause he carried away, to as much as Modesty could desire. Isocrates extolling the famous Acts of Eva­goras before the full Celebrity of the Athenians, exulted, that Evagoras was ap­proved by them, [...]: whose good Opinion was more honorable to him, than all the Earths beside. It was a hap­py sight at that time, to see the Patriots of both Houses depart, with Hands held up to God, and with Smiles in their Looks, that you might think they said one to another, as the Princes of the Congregation, and the Heads of the Thousands of Israel said to the Children of Reuben and Gad, &c. This day we perceive that the Lord is among us, Jos. 22.31. The Lord Keeper was summoned in three days af­ter to a fresh Business, and a larger Task than the former. So fine a Tongue was sure not to want Work. The Lords and Commons were brought into the Ban­queting-House at White-Hall, Feb. 24. where the Duke of Buckingham spake unto them, leading them into the Maeanders of the Spanish Treatise, and lead them out of them by the Clew of his own Diligence, as he spared not to give himself the Honour of it. For this time he was the Alcibiades that pleased the Common­wealth. His Zeal and unremovable Pertinacy, not to cope with the Spaniard in a­ny Proposition, unless the Prince Elector might be brought into his own Land a­gain [Page 180]with an honorable Post liminium, did enter inwardly, and into the Marrow of all pitiful Affections. But when he unfolded how strong the Prince was to the Principles of the right Faith, and how attendant and dutious himself was to see that no Emissaries should poyson his Highness's Heart, the general Suffrage was, that the Prince had march'd valiantly like a Captain of Holy Truth, and that the Duke deserved a great Name as a Lieutenant, that maintained the Cause of God under him. For it was ever easie to strike the good People of England half blind with the Dazling of Religion. So much did the Parliament thirst for the Report of this Narration, that it was imposed on the Lord Keeper to make it the next day. All that might be done, was, that he took him to his Memory, and to his Pen, and drew up three Sheets of Paper upon it in a fast, and scarce legible Hand. He must proceed by the Pattern. My Lord Duke's Oration was the on­ly part of Speech he must follow; and like a wise Man, whatsoever he thought, he must make good the time. So he spent four hours in Repetition without Halt, with such Assurance, such Gesture, such Carving and Gilding, that he might wonder at himself what Spirit was in him that day. All that took the height of his Report by a skilful Parallax concluded, that he had striven with his former Peices, and had outgone himself. Yet the fourth Part will suffice to be remem­bred, because the Flower of it is anticipated in the Spanish Transactions after a monthly Method. Beside, I cannot help the Reader to that which I never saw; the several Letters which were read to the stronger Confirmation of every Parti­cular Business; the Contents of them must be supplied by him that is Wise to make Conjecture, and not by my Pen. For though it be not according to Nature, yet it is agreeing to Honesty, Vacuum potius relinquere quàm verum; to leave a void Space, rather than to fill it up with a Fable: as Barrenness is incomparably to be less blamed than Adultery. So I go on to make such Room as is fit for the Heads of that long Report, which should not seem to be unsavory Coleworts, sod too often for their Tast, to whom they are well known already. Debet enim talibus in rebus excitare animos, non cognitio solum rerum, sed recordatio, as Tully speaks Philip 2.

186. The Lord Keeper plotted his Conceptions into that Order, wherein the Duke of Buckingham, the Discoverer, had gone before him, beginning from Mi­chaelmas 1622; when the King sitting close with his Council at Hampton-Court, the Dispatches of Sir Richard Weston, his Majesty's Ambassador at Brussels, were scanned before them. Sir Richard being a Man, in whose Election to that Place, the Spanish Ministers were greatly pleased, and commended the King's Wisdom, that he did light upon him. Yet Sir Richard sent Packet upon Packet, that he found nothing from the Arch-Dutchess, but inconstant and false Dealing. For though she acknowledged she had Power from the Emperor to cause Cessation of Arms in the Palatinate, and undertook to put that Power forth, yet with the same Breath she blew hot and cold. For at that Instant, when no Excuse could be made for the Cheat, Tilly fell to it spightfully, to besiege Heidelburg, when the War was now between the Emperor and our King, for they had no body to in­vade, but his Majesty's Subjects and Servants that kept it. And what spark of Pa­tience could be left us, when by every Post we received comfortable Words from Spain, and contrary Effects from Brussels? Hereupon Mr. Porter was sent to Ma­drid, and commanded to stay in that Court but ten Days for an Answer. The Letters that he carried with him, were to signifie, that this should be the last Sending, if no less would serve the Emperor's Revenge, but the utter Extermina­tion of his Majesty's Children, both in Honour and Inheritance. That the Neighbour Kings and States of Christendom did malign the Match between the Prince and the Insanta, and laboured to stop that Conjunction, which would make England and Spain formidable to them. But they should not need to con­trive a way to prevent it: This unsufferable Unkindness would bring it to pass to their hand. For what Comfort could the Prince have in such a Wife, the near­est of whose Blood had utterly ruined his Sister, and her Progeny? The Messen­ger carried this Arrand with him to the President of all Affairs in that Kingdom, Conde Olivarez, one that may justly be censured to have more of Will, than of Wit; one that play'd foul with us, and could not hide it. Sometimes he would run back from our Propositions, as if he would never come near us: sometimes he would run into our Arms, as if his Heart and all his Powers did grow unto us. Nec constans in side, nec constans in persidiâ. Mr. Porter came back from him with a half-sac'd Satisfaction; but withal, the King of Spain's Letters (which were there read) contained a Talent of Hope; but we found not a Grain of Reality. Up­on [Page 181]this Journey Porter did so well remember somewhat, that sell carelestly from the Conde Duke, wishing the Prince himself were there, to see how ready the King his Master was to fasten an indissoluble Knot of Amity, and embrace Alli­ance with him; that his Excellent Highness (I speak in his Presence what he knows) hearing it with more Attention than was imagined, put on that heroick and undauntable Boldness, craved Leave of his Father, that he might visit the great Ingeneers at their own Forge, to see what they were working, and how they would receive him, and as we use to say, Either win the Horse or loose the Saddle. Here again, says the Reporter, my Lord Duke acquainted us how acceptable, at the first, the Arrival of the Prince did seem to Olivarez, who in the Enterview in the Garden, assured with great Oaths, that all should be dispatched with sudden Re­solution, and that his Highness should be pressed to nothing that was not agreea­ble to Conscience and Honour, and stood not with the Love of the People of England. Then it was related, That King Philip seemed most sensible of the Courtesie, that such a Guest had visited him, and that he would permit all to his own Asking, as he did express it at their Meeting in the Prado. The Lord Duke was very copious upon all the Negotiations in Spain, from his Highness's Arrival, to his Parting, and the Lord Keeper mist not one Particular, but beautified all, and gave it Lustre; which may here be spared in Repetition, because nothing was added in Substance, to that which is methodized upon it in the Months of the former Summer. Much of the Day was spent to shew how deceitful Conde Olivarez was, who, like a crafty Marchant, he gave a Tast of one Wine, and upon the Bargain would sell of another. Swear us often into the Possession of the Palatinate, and yet embroiled us at the same Instant more and more with an Ar­my: Waved all Differences of Religion between us and them at the first, and presently turned the Wheel from the Top to the Bottom, and fell into insolent Propositions, that the Prince could not make a fit Husband for their Lady, unless he would become a Papist. Sometimes he would aggravate, how far we differed from the Catholick Confession of Faith, as if the Gulph reach'd from Heaven to Hell. Sometimes he colleagued as if we were near upon a Point, and but a little Stride between us.

Et Stoica dogmata, tantùm
A cynicis tunicâ distantia.
Juvenal.

Then the Articles for the Marriage were brought in play, and with what a num­ber of new ones his Highness's Commissioners were surcharged, and how irre­spectively they stuffed the Book with strange and undisputed Additions, and com­monly the last which they presented were the worst; Verres secum ipse certat, & id agit, ut semper superius suum facinus novo scelere vincat, Tul. Act. 7. in Verrem. But our Ministers rejected those bastard Slips, and all that Conscience, English Honour, and Safety could not approve.

187. After this, says the Reporter, my Lord Duke hath informed you of the Dispensation, the Whirly-Gig of the Dispensation, which run round from Pope to Pope, and never could be said to settle. And though an orbicular Motion is fittest for the Spheres of Heaven, yet a circular Motion, which is ever beginning, and never ending, is stark naught for dispatch of Affairs on Earth. Both the Dispensation, and the Labour of the Junto of Divines upon it, and their Fumbling Fingers were never fit to tye a Love-Knot. Nay, the Conde Duke brake out in­to such a Chase against their Theologues, that he said the Devil put it into his Head to commit the Matter to their Learning. So that it seems the Resolution of the Divines came quite contrary to the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost. The next thing (says he) reported out of his Grace's Digestions, was the Loathing that the Prince did take at the Length of the Treaty, as well as the Matter; but chiefly at that. In the Matter that he was offered the present Conducting of the Lady into England, so he would sell his Soul for the Favour, and be a Client to Saints and Images to beg a Blessing of them upon his Marriage. And whereas his High­ness had travelled into so far a Country, as well to relieve a Sister and her Poste­rity, as to fetch a Wife, he was at such a loss about the Loss of his Sister's Inheri­tance, that the Spanish Council would fasten upon nothing to content him. Here­upon his Highness declared himself plainly to the Conde in these Words, Look to it, Sir, for without this, you must not conclude of either Marriage or Friendship. For I must go to my Father, and acquaint him with your Resolution. Here the Lord Keeper grew warm, and besought their Lordships to observe, how constant his Highness remained to the principal Ground of all, the Restitution of the Palatinate, which [Page 182]was the Hinge upon which all his subsequent Actions did move: Look to it, for neither Marriage nor Friendship can be made without the Restitution of that Dominion. Which Protestation effecting little good, his Highness look'd homeward. But his Purposes and Preparations for his Return were often slackned. But because the King of Spain expected a Betrothing with his Sister before his going away, the Conde Duke revived the Treaty for the Restitution of the Paltz. And after Con­ference with the Emperors Ambassadors, there was projected a Restitution of the Country to the Son, upon a Condition of a Marriage with the Emperors second Daughter, which the Prince entertained: But then the stabbing Condition comes after, That for his Religion he must first be bred in the Emperors Court, at which his Highness stopt his Ears. But for the Electorate, it was a thing in Nubibus, out of their Power, and it seems out of their Affections, for they would not be drawn to meddle in it. And whereas they had once made a chearful Proffer, To assist us with the Arms, if the Emperor did not keep his Word to put the Prince Pala­tine into his own again: Now they slew back, and confest the Emperor had been inconstant, and did not deal well with them; but if he would beat and buffet them, they would not promise to employ a Leavy of Forces against the House of Austria.

188. Now, says the Voice of the Reporter, since his Highness could prevail for nothing to come on well, his wisest Project was to take care that himself might come off well. For which there is not one of your Lordships, I presume, but would have given much, and done much: And it cost you nothing, but the Per­turbation of some Suspicions and Fears. I say, Fear was the worst you susser'd. For Religion, God be thanked, suffer'd not at all, though it was greatly mistrust­ed. There the Lord Keeper delighted their Expectations in that which they list­ned after, how the Kings Ministers, and himself principally (for he shrunk not in his Head) did proceed from time to time in the last Summer, about the Pardon and Dispensation, about which the Spanish Ambassadors struggled for the Recu­sants sake: In Contemplation whereof the Prince had a free and friendly Dismis­sion, yet not a Joint of Religion sprained, nor a Law actually dislocated. But as a Wound that is cured by a Weapon Salve sine contactu, so the Law was never touch'd, only the Point and Edge of the Weapon a little anointed, and by the Operation of it our Noble Prince past the Pikes of Danger, and is come Home to his Fathers House from a far Land, without a Pater peccavi: GOD be thanked he neither sinned against Heaven, nor against his Father, nor against you, nor against the Laws or Religion, for which we have cause to offer up a great Thanks­giving to GOD, because there is not a spot in the Sacrifice. He goes on then, as the Tract of my Lord the Duke did lead him, and enters into a large Field to rip up that which had been told them before, how near the Prince and the Infanta were drawn together, where the Marriage staid, and upon what Conditions they parted. Which though it had been many Years in Destination, (as we were cre­dulous, and do not yet lay down our Faith) yet if Conde Olivarez may be trusted, until they had seen the Gallantry of the Prince and his Deservings, being daily now in their Eyes, they held us with fair Words before, but Performance till then was never meant. Which he made good, at least to his own Opinion, by two Letters; the first bears date, Nov. 5. 1622. it was the late King of Spain's, as the Conde said, read over six times by his Highness, and Sir Walter Aston, and present­ly out of their Memories, (for they were not permitted to excribe it) set down in Writing, and I hope, says the Lord Keeper, when you consider the Notary, you will hold it authentical. The second Letter is written with Olivarez his own Hand, Novemb. 8. 1623. Translated by the Prince himself very neatly and exactly. Let the Clerk read them both. These declare the Resolution of the Spanish Court, at least, in my Opinion, that the great Conde's Heart was not with us, till the Prince lodg'd in their Palace, and sate in Council with them himself the last Summer. But by that opportunity their Eyes were opened, and they perceiv'd that their Lady, whom they magnifie so much, could never make a more happy Wife, than with so brave a Husband. So that no doubt the Desposorios, and perhaps the Nuptials, had been past by this time with mutual liking, if the scandal of invading the Palatinate had been removed out of the way. This the Duke's Grace, says the Lord Reporter, hath impartially spread out, holding a just Balance in his Hand: And most prudently, knowing that he spake in the hearing of the wisest in the Kingdom; and most faithfully; for as Valerian said of Posthumius in the History of Pollio, if Posthumius deceive us, Sciatis nusquam gentium reperiri, qui possit penitus approbari.

[Page 183] 189. But the Unkindness of the Palatinate intervening, the Prince reserv'd him­self, till he were satisfied therein. And at his last Farewel engaged himself to leave a Proxy, and did deposite the same in my Lord of Bristol's Hand, who should keep it and use it as his Proctor, and by his Direction. His present Direction was, That if the Confirmation came from Rome clear and entire, (which it did not) then within so many Days he should deliver it to the King of Spain. A second Direction was sent unto him the 8th of October 1623. That for fear a Monastery should rob his Highness of his Wife, he should stay the delivery till that were clear'd, and that his Highness should send him further Direction. Your Lordships may hear the Letter if you please. Read it. Now because my Lord of Bristol in his Letter November 1. 1623. doth press so vehemently, that the Prince had engaged his Faith and Power not to retract the same: And that Cirica the Secretary had put it into an Instrument, sign'd and seal'd Authentically, I hold it most proper in this place to clear that Aspersion. First, His Highness told your Lordships plainly and directly, that he had never by Oath or Honour engaged himself, not to revoke the Powers, more than by that Clause, De non revocandá procuratione, included in the Instrument it self. Secondly, I must let your Lordships know, that it is law­ful by the Civil and Canon Law, (and I Appeal herein to those Learned of that Profession now Assistants to this Noble House) for any Man to revoke his Proxy, (and so likewise his Resignation) notwithstanding that it hath the Clause, De non revocandà Procuratione inserted within it. Further and thirdly, I affirm unto you, That though the Prince had sworn not to stay or revoke his Proxy, yet not­withstanding that Oath, the Revocation is good in Law. Jurans non rev [...]are pro­curatorem, si revocet, non obstante juramento valebit revocatio, Johan. de Seluá Tract. Doctri. Vol. 5. I have digressed thus far to let your Lordships see plainly, that my Lord of Bristol in this Charge upon the Prince hath forgotten himself very much; and that his Highness might justly, honourably, and legally, not only stay, as he did; but withal, if he had so pleas'd, absolutely revoke his own Proxy. And now by the Mercy of God, and his own wise and judicious Demeanor, his Highness is arrived at Royston, and hath made his Narration to the King how that he is re­turn'd an absolute Freeman, excepting only this one Condition and Limitation, That if his Majesty may receive sufficient assurance from the King of Spain, con­cerning the Restitution of the Palatinate, then indeed he is obliged in Honour to go on to the Esposorios. Otherwise free every way. Free, because of that which Olivarez had promised to his Highness before the return of Sir Francis Cottington. Free, because of what his Highness had said to Olivarez after the return of Sir Francis, being constant to the same Principle in his dear Sisters behalf. And free, because his Power was staid justly, legally, and honourably. His Majesty was glad (as he had just cause to be) of this wise and very circumspect Carriage in so great a Negotiation; and told his Highness that he had played his part very well. And now his Majesties part came upon the Stage: Which was to provide with all Fatherly Love, that his only Son should not be Married with a Portion of his on­ly Daughters Tears. And therefore his Majesty likewise presently requires the stay of the delivery of the Proxy, until he had sufficient assurance for the Restitu­tion of the Palatinate. Which your Lordships will remember to be no new or springing Condition, but the very same that is urged before, and offer'd once by Olivarez in a blank Paper to his Highness; which Paper was nobly returned by his Highness in his last answer to Olivarez. The Provision his Majesty took here­in, your Lordships shall hear out of the Dispatch from Royston, Octob. 8. 1623.

190. Your Lordships would conceive that upon this Dispatch the Earl of Bri­stol would take all Hints and Occasions to put off the Esposorios, unless the re­quired Assurance were first obteined. But the Truth is, (and I am heartily sorry to find it) he did not so.

First, The Confirmation came from Rome alter'd and mangled. And indeed of stopping the Power thereupon, he labours with all his strength of Wit to hide, and palliate the same.

Secondly, When they had alter'd the Portion from 600000 in ready Cash, to an Yearly Pension of 200000, and a few Jewels, in stead of staying for all upon this Impediment, he seems to approve, and applaud the same.

Thirdly, For the Assurance of the Restitution of the Palatinate, which is the Foundation of the Marriage and Friendship, he is so far from providing for it be­forehand, that he leaves it to be mediated by the Infanta after the Marriage.

[Page 184] Lastly, In stead of putting off the Contract; as any Man in the World would have done, he is come to prefix a precise Day for the Esposorios. These things your Lordships will soon observe out of the Letters that shall be read in the me­thod that I will direct.
E. of Bristol 's Letters, Octob. 24. 1623. and Novemb. 1. 1623.

Out of this rash fixing of the Day in Spain, which was controuled again by an Express from hence, issued an unnecessary Discourtesie put upon that King by the Earl of Bristol, and in a manner wantonly. From that Discourtesie thrown upon them, followed others cast upon us, which being omitted the last Day, his High­ness commands me to mention them in this place. As the taking away of the Title of La Princessa from the Lady; and the debarring of our Ambassadors from any further Access unto her Person. And with these the greatest Discourtesie of all, that when they return'd unto us a poor, meager, and carion Dispatch con­cerning the Palatinate, (not worthy the reading, and therefore wisely omitted the last Day) yet the Earl of Bristol sent it with this Item, That they were fain to an­tedate it for their Honour, or else it would have been ten times worse. Your Lord­ship may hear it, if you please. Madrid, Decemb. 6. 1623. Well, for all this big­blown nothing, they have taken their Pen in Hand again, and have sent unto his Majesty a Project of a Letter, that if his Majesty shall so desire it, shall be writ­ten unto him from the King of Spain; and this Letter is the Hercules Pillars, and the Nihil Ultra in the whole Negotiation of the Palatinate. Read it, Jan. 5. 1623. This Letter his Majesty hath scanned to a Syllable; and imagining there might be some hidden Virtue to be extracted out of that Phrase, Alzar la meno, that King Philip will not take his Hand off the Business, until our Master shall receive Satis­faction, his Majesty sent unto the Spanish Ambassador for a Comment on the same; and behold this all that they return to his Majesty. Not take off his Hand, id est, He will employ without intermission his best Offices to procure Satisfaction to his Majesty. And concerning Offices and Treatises, we have had too many of them already. Non tali auxilio, &c. But, together with this written Letter, I must acquaint your Lordships with an unwritten Tradition. Which was delivered to the Earl of Bristol, together with the Project of the Letter by Secretary Cirica, but ill conceal'd by his Lordship in that Dispatch, and sent afterward, probably by Mr. Cl [...]rke, to my Lord Duke's Grace. That whereas the King of Spain did find his Errour in going on with the Treaty of the Marriage, before he had cleared the Treaty of the Palatinate, he is now resolv'd to change his Method, and to per­fect this Treaty of the Restitution of the Palatinate, before he will proceed any further in the accomplishing of the Marriage. So that these Treatises, as they are carried in Spain, shall be quit one with another. As formerly the Treaty of the Marriage did justle out the Treaty of the Palatinate; so now the Treaty of the Palatinate hath quite excluded the Treaty of the Marriage. And indeed in stead of Wedding Garments, that King, as you heard, hath made a hasty Winter Jour­ney to Andaluzia to provide his Navy. But how they are to be employ'd, we shall hear shortly, (if we will still be credulous) by Padre Maestro, who is on his way for this Kingdom. My Lords, to conclude, As the Heathen say that the Golden Chain of Laws is tyed to the Chair of Jupiter; so the future Proceedings upon all this long Narration is tyed to your Consultation. Things past are exactly made known to you, that things to come may be more wisely considered. An Histo­rian says, Curtius. Male humanis ingeniis Natura consuluit, quod plaerumquè non futura, sed trans­acta perpendimus. Nature hath not well provided for Humane Wisdom, that com­monly we discuss upon things already done, rather than what may be done for the future. But my Lords, you are not put to that streit. But your Lordships speedy Advice is requir'd for that which is to follow, specially concerning this last Dispatch, that implieth the Education of the Prince Palatine's Son in the Empe­ror's Court, and that the King of Spain will promise no Assistance to draw off the Emperor's Army from his Country, much less Assistance by Arms to recover it. This is it which his Majesty expects from your Lordships mature Advice, Whe­ther this being the Product of all the Trouble, which I have opened to your Lord­ships, it be sufficient for his Majesty to rest upon, both for the Marriage of his only Son, and the relieving of his only Daughter.

[Page 185] This Report it was so grateful for the Theme, so gracefully handled for the manner, so Clear, so Elaborate, so Judiciously manag'd, that the Author had ne­ver more Praise in his Life for one days Work of that kind. So acceptable it was even to the Duke, though turn'd a Cold Friend, That he said, He knew not how to Thank him enough for it. Yet this was but as the White of an Egg, which gets some Tast with a little Salt of Eloquence, but nothing in Comparison of the Yolk of his Worth. But as Nazianzen said of St. Basil, Quae ab illo velm obiter si [...] ­bant, praestantiora crant quàm ea in quibus alii Elaborant. Such an Orator was sure to have the Custom of the Parliament upon all the like Occasions. Therefore when he had scarce taken Breath after the former Service, he was Commanded to add the Supplement as it follows in another Conference.

Gentlemen,

THat are the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the House of Commons. I am directed by my Lords to open this Conference, with acquainting the House of Commons (with whom their Lordships desire to hold all fair and sin­cere Correspondence) with a double Preface.

First, with a Supplement to that Narration made by his Highness and my Lord the Duke of Buckingham his Grace to both the Houses; and then with an Opinion of their Lordships super totam Materiam, upon the whole Proceed of the great business. Now because in this Consultation the Supplement did co-o­perate with the Narration for the producing of their Lordships Opinion, I hold it the best Method to begin with that. The Supplement is of a Threefold Na­ture;

The First Concerns the Treaty of the Marriage.

The Second, the Restitution of the Palatinate,

The Third a most Heroical Act and Resolution of the Princes Highness, which their Lordships held necessary to be imparted, first to you the Universa­lity, and Body Representative, and then by you to all the Kingdom.

That Supplement which concerns the Treaty of the Marriage is no more but this, That by a Letter of the Earl of Bristols writen Nine Years ago, 3 Novem. 1614. it appeared plainly unto their Lordships, that this Treaty of the Marri­age had the first beginning by a Motion from Spain, and not from England, even from the Duke of Lerma, who promised all sincerity in the Match, and as little pressing as might be in matters of Religion. Yet though the Proposal began so soon, and was follow'd so earnestly, it is now like an untimely Birth, for which the Mother endureth a painful Travail, and it enjoyeth not the Fruit of Life.

That Supplement which Concerns the Restitution of the Palatinate is this, That whereas in that Treaty a demand is pressed by his Majesty upon the King of Spain, to promise us assistance by Arms, in case Mediation should not pre­vail, it hath appeared to their Lordships by the Papers of the Earl of Bristol, preserved in the Councel-Chamber, that the King of Spain hath formerly pro­mised Assistance by Arms, upon such a supposition, which notwithstanding he now utterly refuseth, and offers but bare Mediation. But as Symmachus says in an Ep. to Ausonius, Pa. vis nutriment is quanquam à morte defendimur, nihil tamen ad Robustam valetudinem promovemur. We may keep Life, and scarce that, with a poor Diet, but we shall never grow strong with such a pittance. If the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of that Honourable House desire a Sight of these Dis­patches, they shall be Read unto them.

Thirdly, That Supplement which tends so much to the Honour of his High­ness is this. Sometime in July last, when his Highness was in Spain, a Rumor was scatter'd, that his Highness had provided to steal away secretly, insomuch that some of the King of Spain's Ministers were appointed as a Watch to detein him openly, and avowedly as a Prisoner. Hereupon my Lord's Grace was sent to the whole Committee with this Heroical Remonstrance, that though he stole thither out of Love, he scorn'd to steal away out of Fear, neither was his Heart guilty of taking so poor and unworthy a Course. A brave and magnanimous Resolution; yet short of that which followeth. For the Prince made a dispatch to his Father at that instant, and sent this Message unto him by Mr. Grimes, That if his Majesty should receive any intelligence, that he was deteined in that State as a Prisoner, he would be pleased for his sake never to think of him more as a Son, but to reflect with all his Royal Thoughts upon the good of his Sister, and upon the safety of his own Kingdoms; Sic omnes unus amores vicit amor pa­triae. [Page 186]And so far to the Supplements; I must now explicate their Lordships O­pinion; who having by the Command of his Majesty taken into their Mature Considerations the whole Narration made by the Prince his Highness, and my Lord Duke to both Houses in this place, and all the Letters and Dispatches read unto them to corroborate the same. And Lastly these Supplements and Addi­tions recited before, are of opinion upon the whole Bulk of the matter; that his Majesty cannot rely upon, or maintain any longer either of both these Treaties, concerning the Match with Spain, or the Restitution of the Palatinate, with the safety of his Religion, his Honour, his Estate, or the Weal and Estate of his Grand-Children. And his Highness together with their Lordships, are desirous to know, whether you Gentlemen, the Knights. Burgesses, and Citizens of the House of Commons do concur with their Lordships in this their Opinion, which they e­ver referred to this further Conference with your Honourable House.

192. As Plutarch said of the Laconick Apothegms, [...], they were Clean and Sound Timber, with the Bark taken off: So the Reader may observe in these Reports, that the Matter is Heart of Oak, the Style clear from Obscurity, and disbark'd quite from superduity. But regarding the Auditors, and their Affections at that Season, nothing could be more proper: for he spake to their Content as if he had been within them, with Sweet and Piercing Ex­pressions, resembled in the Harp, and the Quiver of Arrows, with which the Heathen Trimm'd up Apollo, their Deity of Graceful Speech. They that de­tract from such Worth, would be glad it were their own, as says our compleat Poet upon the like,

A good Man's Envied by such as would,
For all their Spight be like him if they could.

But this beginning presaged good Luck to the ensuing Counsels debated in that Session. This is called to this day the Blessed Parliament, and so Posterity will take it from us. Says Tully, very well 3. Philip. Magna vis est, magnum numen u­num & idem consentient is senatus. A full Senate, Head and Members consenting in one, carries a Majestick and Oraculous Authority with it. This is the Confir­mation of it, when the people brought before the King the Fruits of their Wis­dom, which they had Studied: And the King did ratifie him chearfully with the Wisdom of his Power. They opened their Purse to him; and, which was more beneficial to them, then if they had spared a little Mony, he let fall some Flowers off his Crown, that they might gather them up, which indeed was no more then desluvium pennarum, the Molting of some Feathers, after which the Eagle would Fly the better. He opened his Ear to them in all their Petitions, and they listned as much to him; and gave their Ear-Rings to Jacob, Gen. 35.4. So the King and the Subject became perfect Unisons. And as God doth knit his own Glory, and the Salvation of mankind together; so the King did imitate God, and Married his Honour with the welfare of the Kingdom. Who is it that reads the Statutes 21 Jacobi, and doth not admire them? The Peers took it to be their greatest No­bility to look well to the Publick: And the other House did light upon the True Companion of Wisdom, S [...]data Tranquillitas, a Calm Tranquility, as Rivers are deepest where they Foam least. And all the Land had cause of rejoycing, that the House of Commons was never better Replenish'd in Man's Memory, with Knights and Burgesses of rare Parts and Tempers, especially the Gown-men of the Inns of Courts, who were extoli'd for Knowledge and political Prudence, as no Age had afforded a better Pack. And I give the Lord Keeper his Right and no more, knowing his Traces perfectly at that time, that he labour'd as for Life to keep an Harmony between the King and this Parliament, to suck out his Maje­sties assent to all their Proceedings, that he might shew himself as good as he was great. Which I think was the greatest, certainly the happiest part of Honour, that ever the Lord Keeper Merited. How he mitigated Discontents and softned re­fractoriness, how he obliged the leading Voices with benefits, how he kept the Prerogative of the Supreme Power, and the Extravagancies of pretended Liber­ty on the other side from Encroachments, the Wise only knew (but they that knew it not were the better for it) and that he was chiefly us'd in Consultation for compiling those wholesom Laws, which had their double Resining and Clarify­ing from Lords and Commons. In all likelihood prosperous success might be ex­pected from this Parliament, because it was Pious; and Pious because it was a [Page 187]strict preserver of the Holy Patrimony Allotted to God. Quae [...] erunt, quam quibus Deus praestitit auxilium; says Ansonius to the Emperor [...] What Counsels are more compleat, then those that are help'd by God? Nay, What Councels can be more compleat, then theirs that defend the Right of God? As worser times would let the Clergy keep nothing; so those times by their good Will would let them part with nothing. Let the Trial be observ'd, as the Case follows.

193. The Duke of Buckingham lack'd a dwelling according to the Port of his Title, and to receive a very populous Family. It must be near to Whitehal, and it must be spacious. None could be found so fit as the Arch-Bishop of York his House: It was nigh to Charing-Cross, and he came little to it. The Duke us'd the Lord Keeper to move Arch-Bishop Mathew for his Consent, and to make the Bargain between them; causing him to make prosser of such Lands in the County of York as should be equivalent, or better, then the House, Garden, and Tenements belonging to the Arch-Bishop's Place. For nothing was intended but Exchange with considerable Advantage to him and his Successors. And that was sure as touch, because the House was to be past by Act of Parliament to the Kings Ma­jesty. So the Duke had made it his humble Request, and drew on the King hard­ly to make a Chop with those Demeasnes, to which the Name of God and his Christ were made the Feoffees in the first Donation, for the use of that Tribe, which peculiarly serves him in Sacred Offices. Yet with instance and much Suit the King was wrought to it for the Duke's sake. As M. Antony said to his Confi­dent Septimius, Quod Concupiscas tu videris, quod concupieris certè habebis. Tul. 5. Philip. So this Beloved Minion should be Wise to see what he ask'd, for his Master had no Power to say him nay. His Majesty was most Nice and Cautious to make the Composition profitable to the Church, and that there should be no Violation of Justice in the Grant; for which he cast his Eye religiously upon that Warrantable Rule, Levit. 26.19. He that will Redeem that which is Sanctified, must add a fifth Part to the Estimation. So this Godly King was superabundant in his Care, that the See of York should be Richer by parting with this House, as is manifest by the Lord Keeper's Letter sent to that Worthy Patriarch of the North, whose Age would not suffer him to come to London.

May it please your Grace,

I Have been as Careful, as lay in my Power, to further your Wise and Religious in­tent, which your Grace so really expresseth, in making an advantageous Exchange for your Successors, between York-House, with Warders tenement, and the Mannor of Brighton in the County of Ebor,together with the Woods; which Woods I am assured are out of Lease. And I conceive that part of the Exchange so well settled (if the particulars be true, as I probably presume, and your Grace may better find then I) that your Successors shall have good Cause to bless God for the same. Now His Majesty and the Duke are very willing to fetch in the rest of the Tenements unto the House, and to deal with you and your See Graciously, and bountifully in the Exchange. For when I kneeled before His Majesty in the presence of the Prince, and others, to crave Pardon that I stood so strictly upon Terms of Benefit and Good Accommodation to your Grace, who had Trusted me in this Exchange, the King gave me hearty Thanks for doing so, and desired me that for His sake and Buckingham's, to see that your Grace should convey nothing at all to his Majesty, but that your See should receive back again for the same, double Recom­pensation. Your Grace therefore shall receive by your Son Sir Tobie(whom His Majesty and the Duke would needs employ personally for the expediting of this Business with your Grace) two particulars more proposed for an Exchange with the Tenements belonging to York-House. The which particulars if they hold out in Value and Estates, as they be presented (which your Grace by the Industry of one of your Servants may in two days per­ceive, by Reason of their vicinity to the City of York) be of far more profit to your Grace and Successors then these Tenements can possibly be, their States and Demises con­sider'd. If those two particulars should dislike your Grace, instance upon any other thing lying in Charge to the King, and in more conveniency to your Grace, and I find his Ma­jesty so over good in this kind, that I presume he will deny nothing that can be demânded without blushing. Your Son, my very good and much respected Friend, hath been so in­dustrious for the good of your See, as though he were the Son of that Church as well as your Grace's, as I would he were, and I hope he may be; I rest ever—

[Page 188] 194. All things being agreed upon this Bargain on this side Trent, and beyond it, an Act is drawn up, and brought into the House of Commons. The Provisi­on for the Exchange is apparent without Fallacy, or Fear of Wrong, and better than the Redemption of a thing sanctify'd under the Levitical Prescriptions; yet it stuck in the House of Commons, and struggled with great Opposition. The King's Counsel pleaded well, that his Majesty's Lands were more profitable by a good Size, than that which the Arch-Bishop contributed in lieu; but it was answered by a worthy Knight, Let Caesar keep that which is Caesar's, and let God keep that which is God's. And that Scruple was held in dispute for many days (although the Duke did then appear to be a Person that deserved to be gratify'd) till evi­dent Reason, like a Condensation of Light, did shine more and more before them, that Love and Conscience, tender to preserve the Church her Rights, ought not to hinder her Augmentation. Or had it been no more than barely one for another, it would be no worse than with the Man in Famianus Strada, that sneezed once, and blew out his Candle, and sneezed a second time, and blew it in again. Therefore when the Commons had shewn their Good will not to vio­late Sacred things, as if the Spirit of thrice honoured Sir Harry Spelman had pos­sest them; when they had said much upon it, and received handsome Satisfacti­on; when they were at a wit-stand, and could reach no further, the Bill was carried by some Votes, and the Permutation concluded. A noble Affection to the Bishops, and to that Portion which our virtuous Progenitors had given them; and little followed within twenty years after, by such as the Prophet de­scribes, Isa. 50.11. That walk in the Light of their own Fire, and in the sparks which themselves have kindled. Those Prelates that not long ago had so many Friends to support their Demesns, are now like Abraham, when God sent him into a strange Land, where he had no Inheritance, no not so much as to set his Foot upon, Act. 7.5. Now those Mannors and Houses which were kept entirely for them, are sold to make Payment, 'tis well known to whom. But such Work, such Wages. Publick and Private, Civil and Sacred Lands, Civil Wars can gulp down all. And yet the Grecians, that knew not the true God, invited all to take Arms against the Pho­censes, in the Quarrel of Sacriledge, and called it the Sacred War. When the whole Estate of Pompey the Great was Confiscate, after Caesar had prevailed in the Pharsalian Battle, says Tully, Philip 2. Qui ad illud scelus sectionis auderet accedere, in­ventus est nomo praeter Antonium: None could be found so impudent to buy his Lands, but Antony. But enow are found in these Dominions that are ready to buy Gods Lands: Their Peny-worths are cheap, if there were no Account to be made to the Lord of the Vineyard hereafter. These Huxters cannot chuse but think of it; and if any of them should say he did not drive this Trade, at least with a doubting Conscience, in good Faith I would not believe him 'Tis the En­vy of the Devil, when he cannot hinder Reformation, to discredit it with Sacri­ledge. And he is cunning at that horrid Sin, ever since he mixt it in his first Temptation. For the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil, which was not to be eaten, had a Sacramental Signification in it, and stood in Paradice for an Holy Purpose, and was an holy Possession; in regard whereof, to eat of the forbidden Fruit, was Theft in the Act, and Sacriledge in the Circumstance. But suppose a Church be unsound, surfeited, and fit to be purged of Offences; What Physician that undertook to cure a sick Man, did ever plunder him of all that he had for his Fee? Who will think else that his Heart was set upon the Good of his Patient, and not upon filthy Lucre? He that reaps down Errors, and fills his Barns with golden Sheaves, he works for Mammon, and not in God's Harvest. The antient Christians, that desaced Idols of Silver and Gold, would Purse none of the Me­tal, for fear of giving Scandal to the Heathen. Stilico demolished some such Ima­ges, and he and his Wife were found to wear the Ornaments that had belonged to them; for which they were cry'd out upon, says Baronius, An. 389. c. 57. Quia apud antiquae probitatis Christianos nefas erat in Idola grassari, ut in usum privatum aliquid verteretur, ut appareat pietate nos ista destruere, non avaritiâ: A very wise, and a pious Course; for an avaricious Zeal is a poysoned Cordial. And few will captivate their Understanding to edifie by a Sacrilegious Reformer. I hope Loosers may have Leave to breath out their Sorrows, especially for Sion's sake. However, I beseech God to preserve his Ark among us, though the Pot of Man­na be lost, to bless the pure Doctrine, and the Sacraments of the Gospel to all, to whom they belong, that the Infant be not rob'd of the one, nor such as are of grown Age of the other. Then as the Earth is the Lords in all its Fulness, so the true Church is Christ's in all its Penury and Emptiness. And this is enough to let [Page 189]the Reader see what was intended to be made good before, that a most Church­loving, was a most happy Parliament.

195. Yet no feast was ever so bountiful, but some went away unsatisfied; and no Court was ever so Righteous upon Earth, but some Appellants thought they were prejudiced. If any man had Cause to complain of the Justice of this Parlia­ment, it was the Lord Treasurer Cranfield. About whose Tryal, if I should ask, as the Pharises did about Divorces, Is it lawful to censure a principal Officer for eve-Cause? I must say as Christ answered them, From the Beginning it was not so. A Parliament is a Judge among Gods; a Terror to Magistrates, that are a Terror to any, but to them that deserve Evil; the only, or the best Inquisitor into the Ways of them that Rule in high Places, that he that stands may take heed least he fall. But if it grow common, if every Session make it their Work, or their Recreation to hunt such Game down, and root up Cedars, that might have stood without Offence; Moderation will be desired, and the Prudent will think it is not fit, many a Week should be lost anent the providing of good Laws, when a Month or two pass over in bringing a white Staff, or some such Grandee, to the Stake, to be baited by Informers. The Lord Treasurer had some Petitions pre­ferred against him in March, which at first he laugh'd at, and thought to scorn them down with Unguiltiness. For who regards the first Grudgings of a Sickness? Yet none perish sooner than they that are not provident against the first begin­ning of an Evil. The Petitioners were countenanced, because he, whose Harm they sought, was one that was not beloved. 'Tis true, he was surly, and of hard Access. But be it remembred, he sate in his great Places, not to be popular, and get Affections, but to be Just, and to Husband the Revenue of the Crown with Prudence. But subtle Knavery is like to be longer unquestioned, than rough-cast Innocency. He was charged with Corruption, and sordid Bribery; all the while many Sages contended that the Proofs came not home to a full Discovery. One press'd it close, that he gave him Five hundred Pound to break well through a long Suit in the Court of Wards. To which the Treasurer answered, That the Money was paid him for a Place in the Custom-House, for which the Complainant had often moved him, which his Secretaries, and other Witnesses, made good, and that upon the Payment of that Sum, one of the Six and thirty Portions in the Custom-House was re­served for him. Albeit, the weight of this suspected Bribe (not a Bur hanging up­on his Gown beside) press'd him down in the Conclusion. This was not to turn Foxes into Fleas a Bed, as H. Grotius doth in his Notes upon the Canticles; but it is to turn Fleas into Foxes, or rather Flea-bites into the mortal Spots of the Pesti­lence. Whether the Treasurer had great Faults, it is uncertain, and waits Re­port; but 'tis sure he had great Adversaries. The Duke of Buckingham and all his Party appeared against him. Whereupon Sir A. Wel. the most virulent Defa­mer of the Lord Treasurer, writes, That a small Accusation, as his was, would serve to turn him out of his Honor, whom the Duke did then oppose. But why did his Grace heave at his Cousin by Marriage? 'tis very dark. It seems the Courtiers had no Mind to let us know it. For as Lampridius Notes in Vit. Alex. Sev. Secreta omnia in aulâ esse cupiunt, ut soli aliquid scire videantur. It is perhaps, that the Treasurer would have brought a Darling, Mr. Arthur Bret, his Countess's Brother, into the King's Favour, in the great Lord's Absence. Or that he grudg'd that the Trea­sury was exhausted in vast Issues by the late Journey into Spain, and denied some Supplies: Or that he dealt too plainly at the Council-Table, in giving no kind Ear to his Cousin's Relations of his Doings at Madrid, having not the Art to catch his Affections in the Springes of Flattery. But down the Duke cast him, as me­seems, being not aware, how every man hath so many Relations, that he that destroys one Enemy, makes himself ten more. Or as I heard another say long ago much better upon it, that my Lord of Buckingham did never undo any of his Enemies, but he ruin'd many of his Friends. And in this Lord's Overthrown, the Prince abetted him▪ was Privy to the Undertakings of his Adversaries, and ac­compassed Suffrages to Condemn him. The bitter Welden, P. 168. could not re­s [...]ain to Comment upon it. That the Prince discerned so much Juggling in the Parliament, in Cranfield's Case, that it was not much to be wondred at, being come to be King, that he did not affect them. King James being all that time of this Storm, not at Newmarket, as our late Mistakers say, but at Greenwich, was so sad, that a trusty Servant, and an able, should be thus handled, forced from him and quipt every day with ignominious Taunts that the kind Correspon­dencies between him and the Parliament began to have a Cloud over them. He courted many to take side with his Treasurer, and prevailed little, because the [Page 190]most did love to warm themselves in the Light of the Rising Sun. He tutored his Son, the Prince, that he should not take part with a Faction in either House, but so reserve himself, that both Sides might seek him; and chiefly to take heed, how he bandied to pluck down a Peer of the Realm by the Arm of the Lower House, for the Lords were the Hedge between himself and the People; and a Breach made in that Hedge, might in time perhaps lay himself open. But the Duke had thrust on the Prince so far, that he could not retreat, else the Treasurer had been rescued by the Power and Justice of his Royal Master. His Majesty perceived that the Actions of this unfortunate Man, rack'd with the strictest Enquiries, were not Sins going over the Head, scarce reaching to the Ankles, and why should he suffer him to sink under the Waves of Envy? Therefore he sent for the Lord Keeper to Greenwich, and gave him his Sense: That he would not make his Trea­surer a publick Sacrifice. Sir, says the Lord Keeper, I have attempted, among my surest Friends, to bring him off fairly. All shrink, and refuse me; only the stout and pru­dent Lord Hollis adventured upon the Frowns of the Prince and Duke, and gave his Reasons why Middlesex to him appeared an Innocent. I were mad, if, for my part, I should not wish him to escape this Tempest, and be safe under the Harbor of Your Majesty's Clemency. Suam quisque fortunam in consilio habet, quando de alienâ deliberat. Curt. lib. 5. When I deliberate upon him, I think of my self. 'Tis his Fortune to day, 'tis mine to morrow. The Arrow that hits him, is within an Handful of me. Yet Sir, I must deal faithfully: Your Son, the Prince, is the main Champion that encounters the Treasurer; whom, if you save, you foil your Son. For though Matters are carried by the whole Vote of Parliament, and are driven on by the Duke, yet they that walk in Westminster-Hall, call this the Prince's Undertaking, whom you will blast in his Bud, to the Opinion of all your Subjects, if you suffer not your old, and perhaps innocent Servant to be pluck'd from the Sanctuary of Your Mercy. Necessity must excuse you from Incon­stancy, or Cruelty.

In the Close of this Speech, the Kings Reason was convinced, that he must use this Counsel. [...]. Iliad. [...]. So the Treasurer suffered the Dishonour, or rather the Calamity of a Cen­sure. Himself was so comforted to his dying Hour; as the engraved Posie spake his Thoughts in his great Chamber at Copt-Hall in Essex. Quae venit immeritò paena dolenda venit. And I spake with few, when it was recent, that were contented with it, except the Members of the House, who would not dislike their own Action.

196. Popular Favor continued a while with the Duke, and now he was St. George on Horseback, let the Dragon take heed, that stood in his Way. The Earl of Middlesex was removed, and he that presided over the great Accounts, did now stand for a Cipher. The Lord Keeper perceived his turn was next; although he wanted not fair Words, and fair Semblance from the Contriver. But an Ambush is more dangerous than a pitch'd Battel, because it is hid, unless the Leader look about him in his March, and search every Hedge by Vant-curriers, as he did. A vigilant Man will not sleep with both Eyes, when he suspects Dan­ger. Cauto circumspectu vita quae variis casibus subjacet est munienda. Apul. instam. lib. 11. The Keeper knew he had deserved no ill; yet he trusted not to that, for he knew likewise how a Judge that hears many Causes, must condemn many, and offend many. And if Justice should shrink in, to decline Offences, what were it so like unto, as to one in the Fable, that would feed upon nothing but Spoon-meat, because he would not wear out his Teeth? He was not ignorant of the laudable, or at least the durable Custom of the Commons, to countenance all Prosecutors, and to file the Medly of all Complaints. Therefore this Prome­theus kept a careful Watch to repulse Embroilments as much as he could; for though he had a sound Bark, yet none but a phrantick Pilate would be willing to be toss'd in a Storm. And he had been an ill Keeper, if he had not been wary to keep himself; to which I may fitly apply the Orators Words, Philip 12. Qui mul [...]rum Custodem se profitetur, eum sapientes sui primum capitis aiunt Custodem esse oportere. He had made the Prince his fast Friend before; who was so ingenious, that when he had promised Fidelity, there was no fear that he would start; chief­ly because he sought to lay hold on his Highness upon no other Conditions, than [Page 191]to mortifie those spiteful accusations (if any such hapned) with his Frown, that durst not stand the Breath of Truth. Concerning the Duke, he was not so silly to look any longer upon himself, as growing on the former Root of his Favour; yet he was not so rude to expostulate with him, according to the Merit of his Unkindness, and provoke him further; but as it occurs, Cab. P. 80. He tells his Lordship, That Suspicions of his Displeasure, transported him not a Jot further, than to look about him, how to defend himself: that he begg'd Assurance of his Grace's former Love, yet not in the least desire to crave the Patronage of any corrupt, or unjust act of his, that should be objected against him in Parliament; nor to take Refuge to him in any Cause or Clamor, otherwise than according to Justice and fair Proceeding. A sufficient Number of other Friends were made al­ready to him by his Wisdom and Deservings, whom he never requested (as he had no need of it) to make a Side for him; but to be intentive to disclose such Wind­ing Insinuations, which are apt to twine about some weak Understandings. This Forecast made him stand unmoveable and unaffrighted, when Petitions and Re­monstrances of Perdue-Causes were entred against him. They came about him like Bees, and were extinct like Fire among the Thorns. And what were they that made a Noise with their Grievances? Itane nihil fortunam puduit, si minus ac­cusatae innocentiae, at accusantium wilitatis? Boeth. de consol. 'Tis a shame that Inno­cency should be accused; but what Remedy shall it have against base and beg­gerly Accusers? against the very Kennel of the Fleet, and other Goals? against such, whose Suits would admit of no good Order, and their Forwardness of no bad. I knew a Plaintif and Desendant, Morgan and Bouglar, that complained one as much as the other of the same Decree to the Parliament; and at the Hearing of the Cause, one of the Counsel protested, that Two hundred and twelve Com­missions, References, and Orders, had past upon it. After a while, a Bundle of those frivolous Objections being read and examined, were cast out of Doors, and the House, in the Afternoon, being put into a general Committee, Seven and thirty of those Paper-Kites slew away that same day, and were never heard of more. Some of the Members would have repaired the Lord Keeper, and asked him what he would have done to his Adversaries? Nothing, says he, for by this time they have all fretted themselves into Patience, and some of them, perhaps, into Re­pentance. Which proved even so: For many of them came privily to be admit­ted to his Favour, condemned their own scandalous Petitions, and laid it upon a great Name, that they were encouraged to bring them in, whom he cast off, as a Man would do a besmeered Dog, that desiles him with his Fawning. Some, I know, will say, Why did he not bring those Caitives to Submission, or to some open Disgrace? Because he had a stately Mind; and as Craterus said to A­lexander, Cito gloria obsolescit in sordidis hostibus, An Eagle will not stoop to such Quarry. The better Reason is, that he was un-revengeful, content to get the Better, and no longer displeased with those he overcame. Yes, but they would not have serv'd him so, very likely; but the Folly of brutish Men is not to be imitated, but contemned.

197. There are two that impleaded him for wand of Justice, who are more re­markable than others. There was one Morley, a Woodmonger, that kept a Warf in Fleet-Street, an Oppressor of the Court of Chancery, with Bills of all sorts, for many Years. If any ask how long he had been in Law, I answer, as the Fa­ther in the Gospel answered our Saviour, How long the evil Spirit had haunted his Son, [...], of a Child, Mark. 9.41. Morley observing that Seven and thirty Venturers had lost their Labour in the House of Commons, printed his Case, and preferred it to the Lords, wherein he did not spare to defame the Lord Keeper. The Grave and Learned Bishop of Oxon Doctor H. was busie in dispersing these Petitions. The Bishop had commenced a Suit against Sir H. Martin, for some De­mesus lying in Bray Parish, in the County of Berks, wherein he had not Satis­faction to his Desire, by this Man's Decree, which wrought upon his Anger to do this Office, not befitting one Bishop against another; but as Nazian. deplores it, Orat. ad 150 Episc. [...]. Prelates prove Anti-pre­lates one to another, sometimes upon small Occasions. But Morley was past Re­demption for his Impudency, and was Condemned by the upper House to an infamous Punishment. For whose Pardon the Lord Keeper sued, but with no Success; their Lordships telling him plainly, That they would not be entreated in such a Varlets Behalf. Crates, as Laertius relates it, was wounded in the Face by Nicodromus, a Fidler: To divulge the Injury, Crates clapt a Paper upon his own Forehead, like a Plaister, and wrote upon it in great Letters, haec fecit [Page 192] Nicodromus: Nicodromus had given him that Mark. A most hair-brain'd Revenge for a serious Philosopher to take. But the Keeper made slight of the scratch that Morley had given him, and interceded for the Delinquent, that his Forehead might not carry a White-Paper upon it in the Pillory. But he was one of a hard Desti­ny, and the Shame could not be shunned: Of which Grief Morley died within a Year after, and on his Death-bed protested to a Reverend Divine, by what mighty Authority he was set on. Which took with all Mens Belief that heard it; except this Lord, who was most concern'd.

198. All these Assays did more good than harm: For Innocency will stand its Ground the better when it hath wrestled with Antagonists. Linum Orchomenium semper injuriâ fit melius, says Pliny, l. 19. N. H. The Flax growing in some Fields of Baeotia, the worse you use it the better it thrives. So the Lord Keeper had as much Success in these Combats, as he could wish; for all gave him Honour by the Invalidity of their Opposition. There was one more that hunted him close, Sed tergo decut it hastas. Aen. li. 10. It was a Lady, but a Virago; And Abimelech would be loth to have it said, that he perisht by the Hand of a Woman, Jud. 9.54. It was the Lady Darcies Charge, which was the most dangerous that aemulous Power could raise against him. For it was upon the stopping of an Original Writ, which is every Mans Inheritance, and the only way by which the Subjects wrongs are to be redressed, and these of course are issued out of the Court of Chancery, which gives occasion to that Maxim in the Law, Nemo recedit à Cancellariâ sine remedio. The Case came to this Head. The Rectory of Sutton in the County of Surry was void by the Death of the Incumbent. The Right of Donation was in Mr. Ed. Darcy, but under Age, and the Kings Ward. The Lord Keeper presents to the Rectory in the Kings Title, Jure minoris Aetatis, and his Clerk had Institution and Induction before ever the Lady Darcy, Mother to Mr. Edward, and Mr. George Wilmore, Guardians for the Minor, brought their Claim. The Lady Mother, (for Mr. Wilmore stirr'd not) allegeth that she had compounded for the Wardship of her Son, and had procured in her Composition the Donation of that Living; which neither was so, nor ought to have been granted both to the prejudice of the Lord Keeper, and the Master of the Wards. She tries to enforce her Right by way of Quare impedit; which was the right way to Commence her Suit, and to try her Title. The Lord Keeper Commands the Officer not to issue forth the Writ, it being so appointed under the Kings Signet, as it followeth.

To Our Trusty and Well-Beloved Counsellor the Lord Keeper, &c.

WHereas Our Chaplain Dr. Grant is presented by Us to the Rectory of Sutton, by Reason of the Minority of E. Darcy our Ward, and is threatned to be Molested by a Suit at Law, by Reason of a Title derived also from Us, and Our Court of Wards by the same Right; These are to Will and Require you, that, to avoid all Causeless Mole­stations of Our said Chaplain, and all Clashing of Jurisdictions between these Our two Courts, you stay any Quare impedit that shall be Sued forth in this kind. And this shall be your Warrant so to do, &c.

When these Proceedings were Canvass'd in the House of Commons, the Lord Keeper makes Answer;

First, That the Lady Darcy had no Injury done to her in her Title.

Nor, Secondly, Any Injury by the Quare impedit.

And Thirdly, Though it bad a shew of Injury, the Court of Chancery was bound to proceed so, least it should do it self a greater Injury.

To the former he declares, That the Lady Darcy, and G. Wilmore Ex. Com­mittees of the Kings Ward, took a Lease from the King of the Wards Lands, un­der the Seal of the Court of Wards. And by other Indentures of the same date Covenanted with the King as followeth. ‘That if any Spiritual Promotion be­longing to the said Heir happen to be Void, before he come and be of his full Age of Twenty one years, that then the said Committees, or their Assigns, shall, within one Month next after Knowledge by them had of any such Discent or Vacation, give knowledge thereof to the said Master and Council of the Court of Wards, so as the Kings most Gracious Pleasure may be known for the just Order and Disposition of the same.’ And there is another Proviso in the Lease to the like Effect, with some Alteration, that the Allowance of the Master and Council of the Court of Wards be had, for a sit, and apt Clerk to be preferred [Page 193]to the same. Hence it plainly appears by the said Covenant, and Proviso, that the said Committees, as to the Advouson of the Church of Sutton, belonging to the said Ward, are but Lessees in Trust, to present such a Clerk to the same, as the King, or the Master and Council of the Court of Wards for the King, shall Name or Appoint. Then it is Pregnant, That the Clerk being refused, whom the Lady offered to the Rectory without the Kings Consent, &c. no Injustice is offered.

199. He rejoyns to the Second, That the said Church being become Void, the Lord Keeper by Virtue of his Place, as time out of mind hath been used, present­ed Dr. Grant the Kings Chaplain in his Majesties Name. The Master of the Wards presented likewise. Dr. Wilson, in the Kings Name, to the same Church: But Dr. Grant was first presented, admitted, and Dr. Wilson gave way. After both these, the Committees present their Clerk in their own Name, and pray a Quare Impedu to remove the Kings Clerk, and to have their own Clerk admitted in his room. This Quare Impedit, by the Kings Commandment to the Lord Keeper, was denied them. For which much is alledged. Lands in Question in Chancery were Decreed by the Lord Ellsmore to Peacock, in Equity against Revell, who had a good Title in Law. Revell would have had an Original Writ of Assise against Peacock, to have recover'd the Lands from him by Law. The Writ was denied him by the Lord Ellsmore. If Revell would have made a Lease, or a Feoffment to any Friend in trust, which Friend would have sued for an Original Writ, to have recover'd the Land, the Writ might as well be denied to him, as to Revell himself. So the Master of the Wards presented a Clerk to the Church of Sutton in the Kings Name, before the Lord Darcy presented: If that Clerk would have sued for a Quare Impedit in the Kings Name, the Lord Keeper by the Kings Appointment might have denied the Writ. And by the same Reason may he in like manner deny the Writ to the Lady Darcy, who as to the Advouson is but a Lessee in trust, to present such a Clerk, as the Master of the Wards for the King shall name: As by the Covenant and Proviso in the Lease doth appear. If Lands in Question in the Chancery be, by Order of the Court by both Parties conveyed to one of the Six Clerks in trust, that he shall convey the same, as the Court shall Order upon the hearing of the Cause, who refuseth to convey the Land according to the trust, and prayeth a Writ of Assise to recover the Land from him, to whom the Court hath order'd the same, (for the trust appears as plainly to the Court, as in the Case of a De­cree;) This Writ may be denied. So the Lady Darcy being a Lessee of the Ad­vouson in trust to present such a Clerk as the King, or the Court of Wards shall name or allow of, if she will present a Clerk of her own, contrary to the trust reposed in her, and sue for a Quare Impedit to remove the Clerk presented by the King, and to put in her own choice, this Writ by the Kings Appointment may be denied her; for the trust appears of Record. So if Bonds be taken of a Defen­dant in Chancery in the Name of a Master of the Chancery, with Condition to per­form the Order or Decree of the Court: The Court Decrees Money to be paid by the Defendant to the Plaintiff at a Day, who pays the same the next Day after, which the Plaintiff accepts, and the Court allows of. If the Master of Chancery will pray an Original Writ of Debt upon this Bond, to recover the Money to his own use, this Writ may be denied him. The Lord Ellsmore presented a Clerk in the Kings Name Ratione Minoris AEtatis; The Lady Mordant pretended Title to present, and having four Feoffees in trust of the Mannor or Lands, to which the Advouson did belong, as she pretended, would have had four Writs of Quare Impedit against the Kings Clerk, in the Names of her four Feoffees severally. The Lord Ellsmore denied them all. There are many more Precedents to be shewed in like Cases, where Original Writs have been denied.

200. Yet since it is to be done with great Tenderness and Discretion, and sel­dom or never, but when it appears that one Injury must be prevented necessarily with another, he declares, Thirdly, That the Lady Darcy's Proceedings thrust in so dangerously between two great Courts, that ordinary Justice could not but be denied her, for fear an extraordinary Difference should be raised between the said Courts, being thus laid open. When the Lord Ellsmore was Lord Chancellor, and Robert Earl of Salisbury Master of the Wards, there fell out a Contestation be­tween these two Potent Lords, whose Right it was to present to the Wards Livings, which were under Value of 20 l. in the First-Fruit-Office: And the Contention grew so insoluble, that King James, with all his Pacificous Wisdom, could not readily light upon a way to reconcile it. Yet at the last it was compounded thus, That which soever of those two Officers should first present to such a Benefice, his [Page 194]Presentation should be Valid for the Possession of the Living. If both Presentati­ons should come together to the Bishop, (which perhaps would not happen in an Age) then there was Casus pro amico on the Bishop's behalf, as the Canonists speak. This Agreement had continued amicably to that very Day, and was then in danger to be infring'd. For if a Suit had commenced, as the Lady desired, the Lord Keeper could not avoid to charge the Court of Wards with Fraudulency, in passing away the Donations of Livings in the Compositions for Wards, which was a pre-occupating, or rather plain deluding of the Patronage, which was in the Lord Keeper by the Agreement. Wherefore he waves the strong and full defence he had made upon the stopping of an Original Writ, and deprecates all offence by that Maxim of the Law, which admits of a mischief rather than an inconve­nience. Which was as much as to say, That he thought it a far less Evil, to do the Lady the probability of an Injury, (in her own sense) than to suffer those two Courts to clash together again, and fall into a new Dispute about their Jurisdi­ction, which might have produc'd a publick inconvenience, which is most care­fully to be avoided. This Plea satisfied the House and cleared him in the general Opinion; or as some Interpreted, excus'd him rather for his other good Parts, then absolutely cleared in this intricate Point, as Livie li. 1. says, Horatius escaped Sentence by the Voice of the people, because they loved his Person, rather then lik'd the Fact upon which he was question'd, Absolveruntque admiratione magis virtutis, quam jure Causae. Yet it goes strongly to justifie the Lord Keeper in the Fact, that all the Lawyers in the House did unanimously concur to propugn him. And in fine this great complaint produc'd but small Effect, towards that for which it was so vigorously follow'd. The close of all is the best part of the Sto­ry. The Lady Darcy, ever impotent in her Passions, and the more in this Case, because she could not endure the Calling, and hated the Honour of a Bishop, was even distracted with Anger, that she was cross'd in her will; whom the L. Keeper mitigated with such Sweetness and Generosity, that she came out of her froward Mood, and confess'd she had had no cause to be his Enemy. In the in­stance whilst the Cause was hot in Agitation, he sent to her Ladyship to let her know, ‘That if she would accept of the Living from him, and in his Right he would dispose of Dr. Grant in some other Place, and present her Clerk Mr. Glo­ver. But her Ladyship would not hearken; her thoughts were too high; for the cause was depending, she hop'd to obtain it with Dr. Grant's Ejection, and his Patrons Ruin. After all was cleared against her, and she found her self at a loss of her expectation, the Lord Keeper sent to her upon the Old Terms, ‘That if she would submit to have right done her in the right way, and take the presen­tation from him; let her send the Man to him for whom she had contended in vain, and it should be effected;’ which she accepted of very gladly, when ne­cessity had taught her Wisdom, and a milder Temper. In all this his Lordship shew'd that he had no particular Spleen against the Lady, not the least aim to op­press her with his Power, but his Scope was to preserve the Jurisdiction of his Court (in which he was ever stiff and unvanquishable) and when that was ac­knowledg'd, it was an Heroick Spirit in him to pass by a most violent prosecu­tion, as if it had never concern'd it. It was an Object sit to prove all the dimen­sions of Christian forgiveness. For what more true then that of Pliny to Sabinia­nus; as I have cited it before, Ep. lib. 9. Tune praecipua mansuetudinis laus, cum [...]rae causa justissima est; What more Charitable, then not only not to return Of­fence for Offence, but to make a beneficent Requital? For he found that Yoke of Christ easie to him, which is so heavy to others, Do good to them that despite­fully entreat you. Matth. 5.45.

201. Let all now be drawn up into a Word; no Garland could look more fresh upon a Magistrates Head then this, that being narrowly look'd into by the Eyes of all the Kngdom, nothing was amiss, nothing out of Frame in all his Carriage; which Credit stuck so close to him in the next Parliament, in which he still kept the Great Seal, That not so much as a Dog did open his Mouth against him, Judith 11.19. Nor was awak'd out of security with the least Whisper of a Grie­vance. Yet I am as ready to say it as another, that to be acquit from having done no ill, is a Testimony of harmless, not of fruitful Honesty. I admire Coriolanus for that Elogy in Halicarn: Vix inter virtutes numeravit innocentiam. He scarce reckon'd Innocency for a Virtue. Innocency is none of the Artillery of Virtue, with which it tries and shews it's strength, but only a privy Coat, to keep a Man from being Wounded. I bring him forth therefore from this shade into the light of Action, in an instance wherein he did so well, that it will break forth, that [Page 195]he had a Wit which was such a sudden Architect of Devises, so apt in a pleasant cunning, so full of Pit-falls to catch the Bird he would snare, yet not to hurt it, as never a Head-piece in this Nation could overtake him in that ingenuity. And the success suited with the Stratagem, Fortune favouring it to the help of his best Friends, the continuation of a Happy Parliament, and the enlightning of his Ma­jesty who was stricken far into Melancholly by a persidious contrivance, and il­legitimate, born in an ill day in the Spanish Embassadors House; which Family was vext to the Gall, because their Nation was curried in Parliament, and most of all, that the Match, the Treaty, and Friendship with them, were handled there, as the Prince and Duke had set them on, with sharp and declamatory disdeigns. Therefore they cast about to infect the King with an ill opinion of the Proceed­ings and the persons; and like desperate men, they look'd for Redress from Ma­lice, and safety from Confusion. Nothing did put them by their Piots so long, as that they had not the freedom to speak with his Majesty, and could never get an Audience in the Absence of Buckingham: So that Sir W. Aston writes, ‘That it was complain'd in Spain, that Marq. Inoiosa hath lately advertis'd hither, that he hath several times desir'd to have private Audience with his Majesty, and hath not been able to procure any, but what your Grace assists at, Cab. p. [...].’ But after this Parliament had fate seven Weeks, and toused their matters sufficiently, that Marquess, with Don Carlo de Colonna, came adventurously to White-Hall, and out­reach'd the Spies that watch'd them. For while Don Carlo held the Prince and Duke with earnest Discourse, Inoiosa put a Paper into the King's Hand, and made a sign with a Wink of his Eye, that his Majesty would thrust it into his Pocket, which was done, and not discern'd. Nothing can be more broken and imperfect; or more corrupt in time and other circumstances, then what is Entred into the Cabal. p. [...]7. and p. 90. out of this Paper. There was a worse Pad in the Straw then is there discover'd, or else Inoiosa, that juggled the Paper into the Kings Hand, had not been so roundly check'd by the Lords of the Privy Counsel. And if for his part he put no more into the Paper, then to procure his Secretary pri­vate Access to the King to tell Tales, it would not have been disputed whether he should be devested of the Privileges of an Embassador; or whether the Speak­ers of both Houses then sitting should call him to an Account. But he that is con­fest in the Cabal to be the Pioneer that blew up the Mine, and found out the Plot, hath lest a Note of the particulars in the Paper so Tragical and Scandalous, that certainly the Spanish Don would never have stufft it with them, Si unquam jub le­gum ac judiciorum potestatem se casurum putasset, as Tully said of Verres, Act. 7. If he had ever dreamt to be Confronted for them, and brought Face to Face.

First, He ter [...]isies the King, that he was not, nor could be acquainted with the Passages either of the Parliament, or of his own Court; for he was kept from all faithful Servants that would inform him, by the Ministers of the Prince and Duke; and that he was a Prisoner as much as King John of France in England, or King Francis and Madrid, and could not be spoken with, but before such as watch'd him.’

Secondly, That there was a strong and violent Machination in hand, which had turn'd the Prince, a most Obedient Son before, to a quite contrary Course to his Majesties Intentions.’

Thirdly, That the Counsel began last Summer at Madrid, but was lately ripen'd and resolv'd in England, to restrain his Majesty from the Exercise of the Go­vernment of his three Kingdoms; and that the Prince and the Duke had de­sign'd such Commissioners under themselves, as should intend great Affairs and the Publick Good.’

Fourthly, That this should be effected by beginning of a War, and keeping some Troops and Companies on Foot in this Land, whereby to constrein His Majesty to yield to any thing; chiefly being brought into Streits for want of Monies to pay Souldiers.’

Fifthly, That the Prince and Duke inclosing his Majesty from the said Embas­sador, and other of his own Loyal People, that they might not come near him in private, did Argue in them a fear and distrust of a good Conscience.’

Sixthly, That the Emissaries of the Duke had brought his Majesty into Con­tempt with the Potent Men of the Realm, traducing him for slothful and una­ctive, for addiction to an inglorious Peace, while the inheritance of his Daugh­ter and her Children are in the Hands of his Foes; and that this appear'd by a Letter which the Duke had writ into Holland, and they had intercepted.’

[Page 196] Seventhly, That his Majesties Honour, Nay, his Crown and Safety did de­pend upon a sudden Dissolution of the Parliament.’

Eighthly, They Loaded the Duke with sundry misdemeanors in Spain, and his violent Opposition of the Match.

Ninthly, That the Duke had divulged the King's Secrets, and the close Designs between his Majesty, and their Master K. Philip, about the States of Holland, and their Provinces; and labour'd to put his Majesty out of the good Opinion of the Hollanders.

Tenthly, That the Duke was guilty of most corrupt dealing with the Embas­sadors of divers Princes.’

Eleventhly, That all things were carried on in the Parliament; with a head­long Violence, and that the Duke was the Cause of it, who courted them only that were of troubled Humours.’

Twelfthly, That such Bitterness, and Ignominies were vented against the King of Spain in Parliament, as was utterly against all good Manners, and the Honour of the English Nation.’

Thirteenthly, Is a flat Contradiction to the Precedents, wherein they made the Prince privy to dangerous things; yet in this they say, That the Puritans, (of whom the Duke was Head) did wish they could bring it about, that the Succession of the Kingdom might come to the Prince Palatine, and his Children in Right of the Lady Elizabeth.

Thus lay the Notes of the Lord Keeper. This is the Dirt which the Swallows, or rather unclean Birds pickt up, and made their Nest of it. And this is not all. But that which remains shall be burnt in the Fire.

Latere semper patere quod latuit diu.
Saepè eruentis veritas patuit malo.
Senec. in Aedipo.

In a Postscript the Paper prayed the King, ‘That Don Francisco Carondelet, Se­cretary to Marquess Inoiosa, might be brought to the King, when the Prince and Duke were sitting in the Upper House, to satisfie such doubts as the King might Raise; which was perform'd by the Earl of Kelly, who watch'd a fit Season for Francisco at one time, and for Padre Maestro the Jesuit at another time; who told their Errand so spitefully, that the King was much troubled at their Relations.’

202. He that says ( U. Sanderson, P. 562.) that not a day past, but that he was present, and acquainted with all the Transaction (of these pernicious Delators) to the end, should have said, he knew it at the end, when the Monster was brought to light; then his History indeed will justifie it self, that it did not startle the King. But his Majesty's Sorrow increased, while it was smothered; and Fear set in apace, till a wise Remonstrance resisted it. And it was no Wonder that he was abused a while, and dim sighted with a Character of Jealousie: For the Parliament was about to land him in a new World, to begin and maintain a War, who thought that scarce any Mischief was so great, as was worth a War to mend it. Wherein the Prince did deviate from him, as likewise in Affection to the Spanish Alliance, but otherwise promised nothing but Sweetness and Obedience. He stuck at the Duke most of all, whom he defended in part to one of the Spanish Ministers; yet at the same time complained, that he had noted a turbulent Spirit in him of late, and knew not how to mitigate it. Thus casting up the Sum, he doubted it might come to his own Turn to pay the Reckoning. The Setters on expected that their Pill could not choose but have a most violent Operation. And it wrought so far, that his Majesty's Countenance fell suddenly, that he mused much in Silence, that he entertained the Prince and Duke with mystical and broken Speeches. From whence they gathered all was not right; and questing for Intelligence, they both heard that the Spanish Secretary, and the Jesuit Maestro had been with him, and understood that some in the Ambassador's House had vaunted, that they had net­led the Duke, and that a Train would take Fire shortly to blow up the Parlia­ment. While his Majesty was gnawn with this Perplexity, he prepared for Windsor, to shift Ground for some better Ease in this Unrest, and took Coach at St. James's-House-Gate in the end of April, being Saterday Afternoon. He re­ceived his Son into the Coach, and sound a slight Errand to leave Buckingham be­hind; as he was putting his Foot in the Boot, which brought Tears from him, and an humble Prayer, that his Majesty would let him know, what could be laid to his Charge, to offend so gracious a Master, and vowed it, by the Name of his Saviour, to purge it, or confess it. The King did not satisfie him in it; it seems [Page 197]the time of Detection in his deep Judgment was not come, and he had charged all that were privy to the Occasion to be very secret. Cab. P. 77. But he breath­ed out this Disgust, That he was the Unhappiest alive, to be forsaken of them that were dearest to him; which was uttered and received with Tears from his own Eyes, as well as the Prince's and Duke's, whom he left behind, and made hast with his Son for Windsor. The Lord Keeper spared not for Cost, to pur­chase the most certain Intelligence of those that were his feed Pensioners of every hours Occurrencies at Court; and was wont to say, That no man could be a States­man without a great deal of Money. Of this which had hapned, his Scout related presently what he could see, for he heard little. Which News were no sooner brought, but he sought out the Duke at Wallingford-House, and had much ado to be admitted to him in his sad Retirement: Whom he found laid upon a Couch, in that immoveable Posture, that he would neither rise up, nor speak, though he was in­vited to it twice or thrice by courteous Questions. The Lord Keeper gave his Grace the Faith of a deep Protestation, that he came purposely to prevent more Harm, and to bring him out of that Sorrow into the Light of the King's Favour. That he verily believed God's directing Hand was in it, to stir up his Grace to advance him to those Honours which he possess'd, to do him Service at this Pinch of Extremity. He besought his Grace to make haste for Windsor, and to shew himself to his Majesty before Supper was ended; to deport himself with all amia­ble Addresses, not to stir from his Person Night nor Day. For the Danger was, that some would thrust themselves in, to push on his Majesty to break utterly with the Parliament; and the next Degree of their Hope, was, upon that Dissolution, to see his Grace committed to the Tower, and then God knows what would follow. The Keeper adjured his Lordship to lock up this in his own Breast, which was imparted as charily to him, as under the Seal of Secrecy; but to be quick and Ju­dicious in the Prevention, more was not to be said, because loss of time might loose all. The Duke parted with many Thanks, and lingred not but came to Windsor, before he was look'd for. Though he suspected not so much Evil; yet he knew the Danger might be the worse for being contemned. Nihil tuto in hoste despicitur. Quem spreveris valentio rem negligent iâ facies. Curt. lib. 6.

903. No doubt but all this was disclos'd to the Prince. [...], says Eurip. in Oenomao; we conjecture at unevident things by that which is evident. The Duke stirr'd not from Windsor, but waited on his Majesty, and was inseparable as his shadow. The Prince was early at the Lords House, before their Lordships began to sit on Munday Morning. His business was with the Lord Keeper, whom he took aside into a Lobby, and protested how well it pleas'd him, that he had given Buckingham faithful warning for his safety; And you, says his Highness, that have gone thus far, may receive greater Thanks of us both, if you will spread open this black contrivance, which hath lost him the Good Opinion of my Fa­ther, and my self am in little better Condition. ‘Sir’ says the Lord Keeper, ‘Let my Soul suffer for falshood, if I know any more, than that some in the Spanish Em­bassador's House have been preparing mischief, and infused it about four days since into his Majesty. But the Curtain of Privacy is drawn before the Picture, that I cannot guess at the Colours.’ Well my Lord, says the Prince, I expected bet­ter Service from you; for if that be the Picture-Drawers shop, no Counselior in this King­dom is better acquainted then your self with the Works, and the Workmen. ‘I might have been,’ says the Keeper, ‘and I am pang'd like a Wom [...]n in Travail, till I know what mishapen Creature they are Drawing. But your Highness and my Lord Duke have made it a Crime to send unto that House, and they are afraid to do it, who are commanded from his Majesty. It is a Month since I have forbidden the Servants of that Family to come at me.’ But, says the Prince, I will make that Passage open to you again without Offence; and Enterprise any way to bring us out of this Wood, wherein we are lost. Only, before we part, keep not from me, how you came to know, or imagin that the Spanish Agents have Charged Bucking­ham to my Father, with High Misdemeanors, or perhaps Disloyalty. I would hear you to that Point, that I may compare it with other Parcels of my Intelligence. ‘Sir,’ says the Keeper, ‘I will go on directly with you. Another perhaps would Blush, when I tell you with what Heifer I Plow; but knowing mine Innocency, the worst that can happen is to expose my self to be Laugh'd at. Your Highness hath of­ten seen the Secretary Don Francisco Carondelet. He loves me, because he is a Scholar; for he is Arch-Deacon of Cambray. And sometimes we are pleasant together, for he is a Wallcon by Birth, and not a Castilian. I have discover'd him to be a Wanton, and a Servant to some of our English Beauties, but above all [Page 196] [...] [Page 197] [...] [Page 198]to one of that gentle Craft in Mark-Lane. A Wit she is, and one that must be Courted with News and Occurrences at home and abroad, as well as with Gifts. I have a Friend that hath brib'd her in my Name, to send me a faithful convey­ance of such Tidings as her Paramour Carondelet brings to her. All that I in­structed the Duke in, came out of her Chamber. And she hath well earn'd a piece of Plate or two from me, and shall not be unrecompenced for this Service, about which your Highness doth use me, if the Drab can help me in it. Truly, Sir, this is my Dark Lahthorn, and I am not asham'd to inquire of a Dalilah to Re­solve a Riddle; for in my Studies of Dlvinity I have glean'd up this Maxim, Licet uti alieno peccato; though the Devil make her a Sinner, I may make good use of her Sin. Yea, says the Prince Merrily, do you deal in such Ware? 'In good Faith Sir, says the Keeper, I never saw her Face. So this Conference Ended.’

204. The Lord Keeper took his Place in the Lords House to moderate Affairs as Speaker. But all the while his Fancy was Whistling to another Tune, how he might play his Game discreetly: He held the Prince his Cards, and would not for his Life that he should loose. He had well consider'd, and brought the Case to this Touch stone of Judgment, that he should never know how the whole Scene had been Acted but by Secretary Francisco He had requested him to refrain his house above the whole space of a Month. If he sent for him on even Terms, no­thing would run freely from him. Well fare a good Invention, or a good Geni­us that prompted him. For a knack came into his Head, to fetch Francisco to him without any invitation, as if a Conjurer had brought him in a Whirl-wind So he becken'd to a Servant, and bad him, that his Pursivant Captain Toothbie should wait him without fail, as soon as the House was up: The Pursivant at that hour took punctual Directions from him to seize upon an English Mass-Priest, lodg'd in Drury [...]me, Named and Describ'd exactly (for he had the Art to fetch such a Fowl or twain out of the Coope at an hours warning) to receive him without any Noise into his Custody; and upon Entreaty (as that, and proffer of Mony would not be wanting) to carry him to his own House, till further Order, and not to the common Goal. The Priest was apprehended and laid up: The Man that was dearer to Francisco (which the Lord Keeper know) then his own Confes­sor, or any of that Coat; which made him wild when he heard of the mischance; for he knew the Law, and how hard it would be to save his Life, if he came to be Tried at the Sessions, the Parliament then Sitting. He was in a fort banish'd from the Keepers House, and he a poor Stranger knew not to whom else to turn him, to implore Mercy in his Friends behalf. Howsoever he saw it was no time to observe the Niceness of Modesty, but sent his Request to the Lord Keeper to be admitted that day, though he should never see his Face again. With a seeming unwillingness it was allowed him, keeping a cautious limit, not to make his Visit till Eleven of the Clock that Night, and by the back door of the Gar­den, where a Servant should receive him. He came at his hour, and being brought into a Gallery, fell into an abrupt Exordium, ‘That nothing but a matter as dear unto him as his Life, should have forced him to break Rule to Offend his Lordship with his Presence. So he bewailed the disaster of his Confrere's At­tachment, and most passionately implor'd his Lordship to compass him Enlarg­ment.’ And would you have me, says the Keeper, run such a hazard, to set a Priest at Liberty, a Dead Man by our Statutes, when the Eye of the Parliament is so vigilant upon the breach of Justice, especially in this kind, to the sadding of our Godly Men, who detest them that creep hither out of Seminaries, above all Malefactors, because they come with an intent to pervert them, who have lived in the Bosom of our Church. ‘My Lord,’ says Francisco (and accented his Words with passionate Gesture) ‘let not the dread of this Parliament trouble you, I can tell you, if you have not heard it, that it is upon Expiration.’ By this hint the Keeper was got into the Out-Works of the Project, and play'd so Artificially with the Secretary, that he took the Main Fortress. Pick'd out of him at that time, the Heads of all the Articles in the Paper, with all Reasons, Circumstances, distorted Proofs, and Expositions to confirm them. The Copy of the main Paper, scratched in some places with Don Carlo Colonna's Hand (for the Keeper knew his Writing) was not brought him till four Nights after. He had enough of their Brewing at the first running; for he kept Don Carendelet till two of the Clock in the Morning, and let him not part, till he had squeez'd him dry. But to gratifie his Information, he call'd for the Pursivant, a Reserve at Hand, and bad him immediately Release the Priest, with Caution that he should cross the Seas that Day, or the next, that he might not [Page 199]be produced to Confront, if the matter should come to Light to be question'd. So the Lord Keeper and Don Francisco parted with much shew of Love, each ha­ving obtain'd that which they met for. Some that will make us believe, that they are very scrupulous and Conscientious, will snuff at somewhat related, as if it were not plain dealing; but it is as good; for it is harmless Policy; 'tis profitable and Pleasant. Et ista quidem sine noxâ decipiunt: Quo modo praestigiatorum acetabula & calculi; in quibus me fallacia ipsa delectat: They that do Feats with slight of hand, delude us, and please us with their cunning, says Seneca. So do men employ'd for the Publick; their Motions may be like the Suns, oblique but regular. Magi­stratus tentat, non decipit. A Magistrate may use by-ways and pretences, to prove others, not to deceive them. As Solomon did in the Case of the two Harlots and the Child, which both challeng'd to be their own.

205. The Story lacks yet the latter Part; the Lord Keeper after the Good Night given to Francisco, retired to his own Thoughts, and poured the whole Conse­rence out of his Memory into his Papers, as if Francisco had stood by to dictate every Line. He was so well gifted in a most happy Memory, that he forgat no­thing, but what he had a mind to forget. He digested the severals into a Me­thod, and confected an Antidote for every Poyson, Christal-clear Answers, well weighed in Judgment, to Gag the Spanish ill Framed Jealousies, and as demulcing as shortness of time would permit, to make all sweet with the Old King. He saw no Sleep that Night with his Eyes, nor stirr'd out of the Room till about seven in the Morning he had trimm'd up a fair Copy of all the Proceedings, which he presented to the Prince in St. James's, and told him he had the Viper and her Brood in a Box. His Highness Read the Charges, and admir'd at the virulency; with the Anti-scripts of the Keeper, which were much commended. So the Coach was called to be made ready for VVindsor. ‘Nay Sir,’ says the Lord Keeper, ‘let your Highness be pleas'd to take my Petition along with you; Where is it says the Prince? 'In my Mouth’ says He; ‘for I humbly beg, that you will conceal me in all that I have done in this Matter; and as you tender my Life, to keep the knowledge of my share in this from your Father. Vetus Disciplina re­gum silentium vitae periculo sanxerat, Curtius; is an Old Rule. I have committed two great Crimes in a Sworn Counsellor.’

First, To search into the King's Counsels, which he would not should be o­pen'd.’

Secondly, When I had found them out, to discover them, though to your Highness’

The Prince thought there could be no hurt in that, which was good for all per­ties, yet gave him assurance, he should not be drawn out of the Tiring House, to the open Stage. His Highness came very chearful to Windsor, and calling Buck­ingham aside, reach'd him the Papers, with the counterfeit Brats in one Column, and the Apology in the other Column which dasht them against the Wall. The Writing was a Servants, whose hand was not known at Court. But the Duke lik'd the whole Bulk extreamly, and most humbly thank'd the Prince, that his Case was enwoven with his Highness, and their double Vindication put into one Frame. And besought to know what Vitruvius had compacted a Piece of Ar­chitecture; of such concinnity, in so short a time; but could not obtein it. The Prince and Duke made no longer preparation, but forthwith desir'd a private hearing with the King, and with a modest and comfortable confidence gave up the Schedule to his Majesty's most Excellent Consideration. He Read all deli­berately, and at many stops said 'twas well, very well, and an enlivening Spirit Danced in his Eye. Then he drew his Son and Buckingham near to him, and Embraced them, protesting that it sorrowed him much, that he had aggrieved them with a Jealousie somented by no better then Traytors. Assur'd them the Ex­halations were dispers'd, and their Innocency shin'd as Bright as at Noon Day. And that you may know, says his Majesty, How little you shall pay me for Reconcilia­tion, I ask no more but to tell me, who is your Ingeneer, that struck these Sparks out of the Flint, and lighted the Candle to find the Groat that was lost. The Prince stood Mute: The Duke avowed he knew not the Author. Well says the King, I have a good Nostril, and will Answer mine own Question, my Keeper had the main Finger in it, I dare Swear it was he that bolted the Flower, and made it up into this Paist. ‘Sir’ says the Prince, ‘I was precluded by my Promise not to Reveal him, but I never promis'd to tell a Lye for him.’ Your Majesty hath hit the Man. And God do him good for it, says the King. I need not tell you both what you owe him for this Ser­vice; and he hath done himself this Right with me, that I discern his sufficiency more [Page 200]and more. All this the Prince Related at his next Meeting to the Lord Keeper. This passage so memorable hath pluck'd on a Prolix Narration for divers Reasons. It was a secret manag'd between few persons, (though the greatest) and likely to be buried for ever, unless it rise from the Dust, where it was smother'd, up­on this occasion. It will expound to inquisitive Men; why, after this time, the old King never retrieved the Spanish Match, as if suddenly it were sunk, and set beneath the Horizon of his Thoughts; it demonstrates, why in a year after, be­ing the First of King Charles, there was such Willingness in the young King, and such Readiness in the Duke, to Rigg a great Navy, and to send it with Defiance of Hostility to Cales; for though the Grandee Inoiosa received a sharp Rebuke here, to vex his Gorge, and suddenly pack'd up his portable Gods, and went to his own Country in a Fume, yet he received no Disfavour or Frown upon it from the Court of Spain. Nihil nefas est malitiae. It tells you what a Stone of Offence was laid before the King, able to make him to Dissolve the Parliament, just upon the Expectation of a happy Winding up, if the Lord Keeper had not removed the Jealousie away, which is one of the best Offices of a Christian; for it is God's own Attribute in the Prophets, to be a Repairer of Breaches. Lastly, His Wit was in Conjunction with the Safety of his great Friend the Duke, Et vincente Odenato, triumphavit Gallienus, says Pollio: The Keeper had Content enough, that the Duke triumphed over those Foes, whom he had vanquished for him.

206. Soon as those Hobgoblins, which haunted the King to fright him, were frighted away themselves, and the Magicians which conjured them up, were ren­dered odious, his Majesty was never in a better Mood to please his Subjects, and the Subjects in Parliament, never, from that day to this, in so dutiful a Frame to please their Soveraign. Fatebimur regem talibus ministris, & illos tanto rege fuisse dig­nissimos. Curt. l. 4. As Alexander deserved such brave Commanders under him; so they deserved to be commanded by so brave a Prince as Alexander. Their long Counsels, which had been weather bound, came to a quiet Road, and their Ves­sel was lighted of those Statutes, which are of immortal Memory. The wise Men of those times ask'd for good Laws with Moderation (for Moderation had not yet out-liv'd the Peoples Palate) and they were brought forth with Joy and Glad­ness. And that which was gotten with Peace and Joy, will out-last that, were it ten times more, which is extorted in a Hurly-burly. There were no Rents, no Divisions among the Members, much less did the Stronger Part spurn out the Weaker. The Voices went all one way, as a Field of Wheat is bended, that's blown with a gentle Gale, One and all. And God did not let a general Concur­rence pass without a general Blessing. Sic viritim laboraverunt, quasi summa res singulorum manibus teneretur. Nazar. Paneg. The Laws devised were confirmed in Clusters by the Royal Authority. And though one of them, about the strict Keep­ing of the Sabbath, was then stop'd, the Name of Sabbath being unsatisfactory to the King's Mind, yet Amends were made, that the Kingdom had a Sabbath granted it from many Suits and Unquietnesses. That which Crowned all, was the Pardon, the most general that ever was granted, which was the sooner got, because the Pillars of the Common-wealth had discharged their publick Trust without Offence. The next Session of this Parliament was appointed in April following; and this Session shut up with the End of June. The Lord Keeper was not a little joy'd with the sweet Close of it; for which he had gained a no­ble Report. —Praeter laudem nullius avarus, Horat. Ar. Poet. And after three years Experience, having now spent so much time in the High Court of Chancery, his Sufficiency was, not only competent, but as great as might be required in a compleat Judge. He was one of them, in whom Knowledge grew faster upon him, than his Years. As Tully praised Octavius Cesar, Ex quo judicari potest virtutis esse quàm aetatis cursum celeriorem, Philip 8. In eminent Per­sons, Virtue runs on swifter than Age. And it is a Slander (whereof late Writers are very rank in all Kinds) which one hath publish'd, that this Man's Successor, the Lord Coventry, reversed many of his Decrees, and corrected his Errors. I do not blame Lawyers, if they would have us believe, that none is fit for the Office of Chancellor, but one of their own Profession. But let them plead their own Learning, and able Parts, without traducing the Gifts of them, that are excel­lently seen in Theological Cases of Conscience, and singularly rare in natural So­lertiousness. Lord Coventry was a renowned Magistrate, and his Honour was the [Page 201]Honour of the Times, wherein he liv'd, the vast Compass of that Knowledge wherein he was always bred, and his strong Judgment in searching into those Causes, did transcend his Predecessor; yet not to obscure him, as if he were wanting in that, which was required to his Place. A good Carpenter knows how to frame a House, as well as the Geometer that surveyed the Escurial. Let me quote a couple of Witnesses, what they asserted herein, and they are rightly pro­duced, as God, the great Witness of all things, knows. The Duke of Bucking­ham, in the beginning of the next Term, at Michaelmas, perswaded the Lord Chief Justice Hobart, either to deliver it to the King with his own Mouth, or to set it under his Hand, that Lord Williams was not sit for the Keeper's Place, because of his Inabilities and Ignorance; and that he would undertake thereupon, to cast the Complained out, and himself should succeed him. My Lord, says Re­verend Hobart, somewhat might have been said at the first; but he should do the Lord Keeper great Wrong that said so now. After this Grave and Learned Lord, I bring forth Mr. G Evelin, one of the Six Clerks, and, in his time, the best Head-piece of the Office, who delighted to divulge it, as many yet living know, that Lord Keeper Williams had the most towring, sublime Wit that he ever heard speak; magnified his Decrees, as hitting the White in all Causes, and never missing. That Lord Coventry did seldom after any thing he had setled before him, but up­on new Presumptions, and spake of him always in Court with due Praise, and Justification of his Transactions. He that hath insinuated the contrary, aiming to do Honour to none, but to the Students of the Laws, hath run out of the Ring. And is it not honester to say nothing, than to go about to do good with a Mischief?

207. And that Man might see better to do Justice, who would never receive a Bribe to blind his Eyes, 1 Sam. 12.3. This was known, not only to me a Do­mestick, but to all that walked the Streets; who were informed, what Repulses they had, who tempted him with Gratifications. This I am sure of, as I know what is sweet by mine own Tast, and by the common Opinion. One thing I will remember, not because it is of great Moment, but because it is pleasant. His Lordship being retired to Nonsuch in the Summer, took the Air in the great Park; and viewing from one of the Hills, the little Village of Malden, he espied a Church new built, and asked at whose Charge it was done. Mr. George Mi­nors, that attended him, told him who was the greatest Benefactor. And hath he not a Suit now depending in Chancery? says the Keeper. The very same, says the other. And the very same, says the Keeper, shall not fare the worse for building of Churches. Which being related by Mr. Minors to his Neighbour, the Gentleman the next Morning sent a Tast of the Fruits of his Orchard, and of the Poultry in his Yard, to Nonsuch-House. Nay, carry them back George, says the Keeper, and tell your Friend, he shall not fare the better for sending of Presents. If any were so uncharitably suspitious, that this Lord sold Justice for Gold or Silver, though not for meaner things, and gathered where he should not, there could be no Ground to surmise it; but because he scattered much. For he was magnificent in great Works, profuse in Hospitality, very expensive in Liberality to poor Scholars, and decay'd Persons. To maintain all this, he had plenty coming in, which wanted not the Art of good Husbandry to lay it out. He was as Provident, as he was Bountiful. He never feasted the King, and very rarely exhausted himself upon Courtiers in lavish Entertainments. But according to the honest, and thrifty Rule of Cassiodor, Fundit potiùs qui mittit in plenum: & illud reconditur, quod vasis va­cuis congregatur. He spread not out his Compost upon rich Soil, but upon hungry Land. He gave so fast to Scholars, that it was not possible his Lest-hand should know what his Right-hand did. Quod momentum aut beneficio sterile? Aut vacuum laude? Plin. Paneg. If they were young, he did it to encourage them; if aged, to reward them. And Gentlemen that were brought low, not by their Vices, but by Misfortune, Poveri vergognesi, as the Tuscan calls them, Bashful, and could not Crave, though they perished, he prevented their Modesty, and would hearti­ly thank those that discovered their commiserable Condition to him. The Pri­soners of the Gate-House found the way to their Neighbour's Purse every Week. It were endless to take notice of his good Works, but in great Constellations. Fu­giunt sine nomine signa, Manil. lib. 1. Stars, that appear Small and dim, were ne­ver numbred. And though he was better at Liberality than Patience; yet when he had overgone three years in the Court of Chancery, he watched his Passions so well, that the Heat of his old Brittish Complexion was much abated, and carried all things with far more Lenity, than Choler: Would chide little, and bear [Page 202]much. Vehement he was often to recall Pleaders to the Point, and to press Or­der and Dispatch. Vehemency is mistaken, if it be called Anger: As Cicero de­fends himself to Fusius Calenus, Vehementer me agere fatcor, iracundè nego. Philip 8. But if his Passion break out too far beyond the Measure of Vehemency, he never rested till he had made some Amends to him, whom he had sadded or offended. which is the Apology that St. Ambrose makes for the good Emperor Theodosius the Elder in his Funeral Rites. Tunc proprior fuisset veniae, cum fuisset commotio major iracundiae—Optabatur in eo, quod in aliis timebatur, ut irasceretur. So the Cli­ents at the Bar had studied the good Nature of this Lord, and presaged, that after he had chased at their Mis-usance, they might promise to themselves a good Cast of his Office long before the Sun set, which never set before he was return­ed to Patience and loving Kindness.

208. Difficulties in Parliament, Labours in Chancery were well pass'd over; but to keep in long with the Duke of Buckingham was insuperable; unless the Lord Keeper would be stupid, and oppose him in nothing, though the Dukes, as well as his Ruine were upon Contrivance, and the notorious Hurt of them, that were better than them both. Since his Grace's Return from Spain, you shall find the Keeper in every of his Letters in the Cabal, few excepted, endeavouring to take off the Edge of some late started Quarrel. As P. 96. in a Date July 21, 1624, in this Submission. If ever I have offended your Grace, I take Almighty God to witness, it was for want of a perfect Understanding of those high Matters (let the Rea­der be informed it was about the Earl of Bristol's Recriminations) not out of any Corruption of Affections towards your Grace, or the least struggling in a continued Resolu­tion, to live and dye your Grace's most constant, and most faithful Servant. But whe­ther it would succeed to good Liking or no, he was resolved to divert him from some desperate Courses, into which his Grace was entring, to raise vast Summs of Money, the Nerves of a sudden War with Spain, which he meant to begin, as soon as he could be furnished with Coin. The Keeper was very sick of a Fevor and a Flux at this time; and, after Danger of Life, recovered by that great Se­cretary of Nature, Dr. William Harvey, being not able to go into the Air, he writes to my Lord Duke, what he conceived about his former Project, Octob. 21.

May it please your Grace.

I Hear a Whispering, rather than a Report, out of Westminster-Hall, that some great Alteration is presently to be made of the small Remainder of his Majesty's or rather the Crown Lands. Although I know not certainly, being unimployed and unprofitable, whether I ought to take notice hereof at all, or what to advise; yet presuming upon that Favour I have ever found, and of late, as much as ever with your Grace, I have sent you this Ticket to read and burn. If there be any Resolution taken for the general Alteration of the Crown Lands, yet this is not a convenient time to go about it.

First, Because there is not yet a Lord Treasurer, that it may be Christned to be his Act.

Secondly, Because it hath not been debated at the Council-Table; for want of whose Advice, it will be appropriated to be your Grace's Act.

Thirdly, It cannot be ripe for Execution, till the next Session of Parliament is dissolv­ed; for otherwise it will undoubtedly serve as an Excuse for not Granting Subsidies.

But setting those Considerations of Delay aside, I humbly desire your Grace, that no U­niversal Alteration may be made of the Tenure of the Crown Lands.

And First, Because the Money got thereby will not be much, and will instantly be gone.

Secondly, The Infamy in Chronicles will be eternal upon our most gracious Master.

Thirdly, The Prince cannot cordially assent thereunto; or if he do, it is impossible (his Wisdom considered) but that hereafter he should repent him, and much abhor the Au­thors, and Actors of this Counsel.

Lastly, If the Prince should be of the same Mind with his Father, yet their Successors will have good Pretences to prosecute everlastingly the Names and Posterities of all such Advisers.

In this It may be seen, that it is common with Projectors to Angle for Wit, and catch Folly; to spread their Nets for a Draught, and to drag up nothing but Weeds and Mud. What Brokerly Bargain was here about to be made? How unsuiting to the King of Great Britain? fitter for a poor Merchant that was sunk, to sell all he had, and fly his Country. What! depart with all, to make two or three merry Years of it? Is it not like the Man that burnt his House in a cold Winter, which should shelter his Head for ever, to warm his Hands? Would [Page 203]those Vermine, that did eat up the Wealth of the Court, expose their Master to that Tyranny, to have him live wholly upon the Common Spoils, when he had made away his own Substance, and was driven to that Necessity? And were they not worthy to be thought upon, that should live in the next Generation? Our Fore-Fathers were good Stewards, and treasured up for their Children; and shall we undo Posterity before they are born, and spend their Part as well as our own, as if we wish'd the World might die with us? One good Heathen was worthy twenty such Christians, in Zeal, to the eternal flourishing of a Common-wealth. Says Tully in the Mouth of his Laelius, Non minori mihi curae est, qualis post mortem Respub. futura sit, quàm qualis est hodie. Those that were not publick Spirits, but contrary to the succeeding Glory of this Monarchy, the Lord Keeper could not brook; but as he had got Honour by being Wise and Faithful, so he was resolved to be Wise and Faithful, though he lost his Honour.

209. The next Design made this sick Man hasten to come out of his Cham­ber, a Letter would not suffice to oppose it. There is no Script of it remaining in the Cabal, nor in any other Pamphlet, that I have read. It was a Mischief not better prevented, than concealed from the World that it was prevented. But the Relation of the Lord Keeper to him that heard it of him, when it was fresh and in motion, hath been preserved in the Desk, and comes forth now to publick Knowledge. Rem tibi auctorem dabo, as Plautus says; whereby the Men of these times may see, how the Sale of Church-Lands was plotted, before they were swept away with an Ordinance, and that Earnest was offered for them long ago. Dr. Preston, the Master of Emanuel Colledge, entred far into such a Proposition, a shrewd wise Man, a very Learned, and of esteemed Piety; but zealous for a new Discipline, and given to Change. When I see good Parts not always well used; or a worthy Scholar not well affected to the Church, that be­gat him in Christ, and nursed him up, I cannot but remember a Tale in Baroni­us, Ann. 513. com. 27. thoug I care not for believing it. That Theodorus Bishop of Seleucia, was much in love with the strict Life and Piety of a Monk, a Syrian by Nation, that cared not for the Communion of the Church; at which Theodo­rus was scandalized, that so vertuous a Man should incline to be a Schismatick, till God satisfied him in a Vision, for, says he, Vidi columbam super caput ejus stan­tem fuliginosam & squalidam; he saw the Holy Ghost come upon him, but in the Shape of a rusty sooty coloured Dove. But before the Artifice of Dr. Preston be display'd, Judgment must pass how the great Duke was prepared to be wrought upon. When all men talkt jocundly upon the next Session of Parliament, appointed for April, they that were watchful for the Duke's Safety, saw Cause to fear, least the Predestination of that Session might turn to be his Grace's Re­probation. The King his Master was too Politick to seem weary of him, now become the most affected of his Son; but half an Eye might discern he was not fond of him. The Earl of Bristol, who had seen much Abroad, and knew much at Home, was charged, in his Absence, from his Mouth, with great Errors, that he had deluded the King with Hopes of a Marriage from Spain, never intended; and with Crimes, that he had, if not Counselled the Prince to alter his Religion, yet to temporize, as if he held it in a slip Knot, and could pass it easily from him, if his Highness might win the Garland he came for. The Earl, in his Replicati­on defied the Duke, and vowed to charge upon his Head, that in his Expedition to Spain, he had done the worst Service, and the highest Wrongs, that a Subject could do to a Soveraign. His Majesty umpir'd between both with that fatal In­differency, that he would hear Buckingham against Bristol, and Bristol against Buck­ingham before the two houses in due time. And his manner of Justice was not un­known, that he would shelter no man against the General, and Concluded Sen­tence of a Parliament. Antoninus was a wise Emperor, that never stood out against the Common Vote of the Senate, and never varied from that Saying, says Capito­linus, Aequum est ut ego tot ac talium amicorum consilium sequar, quàm ut tot & tales amici mei unius voluntatem sequantur. And if the King should shrink from him, the Peers and Commons were like to receive him unkindly. His Greatness, though it wained with the Father, it increased with the Son, and was like to flourish ever by this latter Spring; but the more it grew, the worse it was lik'd. He was the Top-sail of the Nobility, and in Power and Trust of Offices far above all the No­bility. Whither the Lords maligned this, because they did not share, or whither they conceived it dangerous to the State, their own Hearts knew best. One thing is sure, that many of them did not palliate their Dis-relish, but girded at it upon all Occasions. It was come to pass, that he only turned the Key to all that were [Page 204]let in to the King or Prince: And his multiformous Places compell'd such a swarm of Suitors to hum about him, that the Train, that continually jogged after him, look'd like the Stream of a Blazing Star, fatal and ominous. Therefore it was studied by the wisest of those, that were upheld by his Grace, and resorted most unto him, that either his Lordship must hope in a War, and that speedily, and be flush of Money, to be prodigal among the Commanders: Or if he came to be tried in the Furnace of the next Session of Parliament, he had need to make the Refiners to be his Friends.

210. Here steps in Dr. Preston, a good Crow to smell Carion; and brought Conditions with him, to make his Grace malleable upon the great Anvil, and ne­ver break. This Politick Man, that he might feel the Pulse of the Court, had preferr'd himself to be Chaplain to the Prince, and wanted not the Intelligence of all dark Mysteries, through the Scotch especially of his Highness's Bedchamber. These gave him countenance more than others, because he prosecuted the Endea­vours of their Countrymen Knox. To the Duke he repairs. And be assured he had more Skill, than boisterously to propound to him the Extirpation of the Bi­shops, remembring what King James had said in the Conference at Hampton-Court, Anno 1. No Bishop, No King. Therefore he began to dig further off, and to heave at the Dissolution of Cathedral Churches, with their Deans and Chapters, the Se­minary from whence the ablest Scholars were removed to Bishopricks. At his Au­dience with the Duke he told him, He was sorry his Grace's Actions were not so well interpreted abroad, as Godly Men thought they deserved. That such Mur­murings, as were but Vapours in common Talk, might prove to be Tempests when a Parliament met. That his safest way was to Anchor himself upon the Love of the People. And let him perswade himself, he should not sail to be Master of that Atchievement, if he would profess himself, not among those that are Prote­stants at large, and never look inward to the Center of Religion, but become a warm and zealous Christian, that would employ his best help strenuously to lop off from this half-reformed Church, the superfluous Branches of Romish Supersti­tion, that much disfigured it. Then he named the Quire-Service of Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, with the Appennages, which were maintained with vast Wealth, and Lands of excessive Commodity, to feed fat, lazy, and unprofitable Drones. And yet all that Chanting and Pomp hindred the Heavenly Power, and Simplicity of Prayer: And furthered not the Preaching of the Gospel. And now, says he, let your Grace observe all the ensuing Emoluments, if you will lean to this Counsel, God's Glory shall be better set forth, (that's ever the Quail-Pipe to bring Worldings into the Snares of Sacrilege:) The Lands of those Chapters es­cheating to the Crown, by the Dissolution of their Foundations, will pay the King's Debts. Your Grace hath many Alliances of Kindred, all sucking from you, and the Milk of those Breasts will serve them all, and nourish them up to great Growth with the best Seats in the Nation. Lastly, Your Grace shall not only surmount Envy, but turn the Darling of the Commonwealth, and be reverenced by the best Operators in Parliament, as a Father of a Family. And if a Crum stick in the Throat of any considerable Man, that attempts to make a contrary part, it will be easie to wash it down with Mannors, Woods, Royalties, Tythes, &c. the large Provent of those Superstitious Plantations.

Thus far the Doctor, and to these Heads, as the Duke in a good Mind reveal'd it. The most crafty, and clawing Piece of all was, That the Destruction of these Sacred Foundations would make a Booty for a Number of Gentlemen: And as the Greeks say proverbially, [...], When a great Oak falls, every Neighbour may scuffle for a Faggot. You may be sure the Duke sent this Doctor away with great Thanks, and bad him watch the best times of leisure, and come to him often, who did not lose the Privilege of that Liberty, but thrust in­to his Bedchamber at least thrice a Week with a sly Audacity. The Lord Keeper heard of it, and wondred what occasion'd their private, and frequent Meetings; Nor could he knock off the Bar of the Secret with his Golden Hammer, till it was revealed to him by some of the nearest about his Majesty. For the Duke had cast forth the Project in a dark imperfect Form before the King; and the King, muf­fling his true Face that it could not be seen, heard him with a dissembled Patience, because he was pleas'd to have him nibble upon this Bait, that he might divert the Yonker as long as he could from forcing him to undertake a War, which was a violent Caustick that seared up the Comfort of his Majesties Heart. All this was conveyed to the Lord Keeper, and being feeble, and scarce upon his Legs again, it wrought upon his sick Spirits with great Anxiety. He was sure his Majesty had [Page 205]no Stomach to devour such an unsanctified Morsel: Yet against that assurance he objected to himself, That the Duke was wont to overturn all Obstacles that stood in his way: And that the Imperial Eagle of Necessity would stoop to any Prey. Then he took Chear again, that he had never Noted in the Lord Duke a Displi­cency against the Prosperity of the Church: Again, his Comfort was rebated, that Self-Preservation will make a Saint a Libertine, and that Nice Points of Reli­gion are not usually admitted to give Law against it. Howsoever, he resolv'd to hazard all to crush this Cockatrice in the Egg. Causa jubet superes m [...]lior sperare se­cundos. He that stickles for Gods Cause sails by the Cape of Good Hope.

211. At the first Onset he had small Encouragement: For he came to Walling­ford-House to break with the Duke upon this matter, who was then shut up with Dr. Preston in close Consultation, where the Great Seal, and the Keeper of it, waited two Hours in the Anti-Camera, and was sent Home without the Civility of Admission. Next Day he got Speech with Dr. Preston, by Friends employ'd to bring him to Westminster: And after much Pro and Con in their Discourse, suppo­sing the want of Preserment had disgusted the Doctor, he offer'd to him, if he would busie himself no more in contriving the Ruine of the Church, that he would the next Day resign the Deanery of Westminster to him. But the wily Doctor did not believe him: For he came to cheat, and not to be cheated: So they parted unkindly. The Lord Keeper saw now that this Nail was driven in far: Yet he did not despair to pluck it out with his Wit: And thus he went into the Adven­ture. He obtain'd an Opportune Conference with the Duke, and in the Defence of the Church he could never be taken unprovided. He pray'd his Grace to be­lieve, That no Man wish'd his Safety more cordially than himself, by whose Hand he was lifted up to that Place of Pre-eminence wherein he sate. Therefore it was his Duty to admonish him timely, that he was building that Safety upon hollow Ground. He had spoken with Preston, who had offer'd his Grace flitten Milk, out of which he should churn nothing. There were other ways to level Envy, than by offending God: And if he meant to gather Moneys for War, let him Wage it with the Prayers of the Clergy, and not with their Curses. That Genera­tion of male-contents, to whose Love an Evil Counsellor woed him, was ever false and untrusty; not suspected, but known, ever since the Faction was first rock'd in the Cradle, to be tied by no Benefits: Importunate Suitors, and ever craving: And having sped, think their Cause, and their Deservings have paid Thanks suf­ficient to their Patron. And look what Colours the King our Master hath laid upon them, (and they are in Oyl, which will not be got out) in his Instructions to his Prince Henry, where, upon bitter Experience, he tells him, That he was more faithfully served by the Highlanders. Then what a Merchant have you got of this spiteful Minister, who would have you to commit your Stock to their Managing, who would bring you Hatred for Love, and Infamy for Honour? But if your Grace conceive that I am hitherto rather upon the Invective than the Proof, I will step into another Point, and clear it against all Contradiction, That if your Grace appear in distracting the Church-Lands from their holy and rightful use, your Endeavours shall be cried down in Parliament, not to terrifie you, that your Adversaries will increase, and batter you with this great Shot, that you attempted to dissolve the Settlement of Church and Laws. You lose your self, says the Duke, in Generalities: Make it out to me in particular if you can, with all your Cunning, what should lead you to say, That the Motion you pick at should find re­pulse and baffle in the House of Commons. I know not how you Bishops may struggle, but I am much deluded if a great part of the Knights and Burgesses would not be glad to see this Alteration. The Lord Keeper had a List of their Names in readiness, a Scrowle which he always carried about with him, which he pluck'd out, and pray'd his Grace he might give him a Cypher of the Inclinations, either of the most, or of the Bell-weathers. And having entred a little into that tedious Work, the Duke snatch'd the Scrowle out of his Hand, and running it over with his Eye, said no more but, I find abundance of Lawyers among them. Yes, Sir, says the Keeper, most of them Men of Learning, and Renown in their Profession. I think by my continual Ne­gotiating with them, I know their Addictions in Religion, whether they stand right, or which way they bend. I will not prejudge the Speaker, and one or two more, God knows their Hearts. But for the rest, I know they will be strong for the supportance of the Ca­thedral Chapters. Is it so, said his Grace? And what do you think of Sir Edward Coke? Marry, says the Keeper, no Friend to an old Friend. In the 39 of Queen Elizabeth, when he was Atturney-General, he Damm'd a Patent, surreptitiously gotten before his time by those Lime-Hounds employ'd for Concealments, by which they went far to swallow up the greatest part of the Demeasns of the Bishop of Norwich, revived the [Page 206]Right of those Religious Possessions by his own Industry and Prosecution, and for the most part at his own Charge; and rested not, till for more Security, after the Patent was over­thrown, he had confirm'd those Lands to the Bishop by an Act of Parliament. Therefore I would we had no worse Strings to our Bow than Sir Edward Coke. But whom doth your Grace name next. Nay, says the Duke, you are come to me, my Lord, in a lucky Hour. I was never further than in an Equipoise about this Project; Now I have done with it. 'Tis still-born, and let it be interr'd without Christian Burial. My Good Lord, says the Lord Keeper, I thank God for it: And I would all the Kingdom knew as well as I do, how soon your good Nature is brought to a right Understanding.

212. Both did well: The one prest his Doctrine home, the other caught it up quickly like a good Disciple. The best refuge to come out of an Errour is unde­laying Repentance. And as Curtius speaks for Alexander, Lib. 10. Bona ejus Na­turae sunt, vitia temporum: So I am sure the times put the Duke upon these Shifts, and not his own Inclination. If he had not been cleansed from those pernicious Infusions, what a Sin had he drawn upon himself? What Folly? Worse then Ahab's, that would cut down a poor Neighbors Vineyard to set Pot-Herbs: But this were to root up God's Vineyard to succour a War, that is, to set Thorns and Thistles in the Room. They that care not to be good, will think how to be wife. Yet did they ever think of that, that make away the Inheritance of God's Holy Tribe in an Out-sale? 'Tis an unthrifty Sin: And in Twenty Years, or in half the time, the Sacrilegious themselves will find, that the common Purse of the State is the poorer by the Bargain. [...], says an Heathen, and to the purpose, Athenae. Lib. 6. Cap. 20. Prudent Men will continue the Oblations of their Forefathers Piety. They were ever readier to sup­ply the publick need in the Custody of the Church, than in the Maws of Cor­morants. But where was he that taught the Duke so well? VVhere was he, you will say, in the hour of darkness, when the Thief came in, and the Troop of Rob­bers spoiled without? Hos. Chap. 7. Vers. 8. VVhen all that had been given to God in a Thousand Years, by them that had the Godliest, and the largest Hearts, melted like Wax before the Fire of Hell. To the Friends of Sion, and to them that lament her waste places, I return thus to them, and to their Question: Every one that wore a Mitre and a Linnen Ephod before the Lord, was driven out of that place, where Wickedness was Enacted as a Law. He that was Couragious among the the Mighty, did flee away naked in that Day, Amos 2.16. But what if he had been in the Throng? He might as well have commended a Beauty to a Blind Man, or the smell of Nard to him that hath no Nostril, as to have contested with them not to divide the Prey, whose Ears God had not opened.

Multum refert in quae cujusque tempora Virtus inciderit.

Plin. N.H. Lib. 7. Cap. 28.

Virtue is beholding to Good Times to act its part in, as well as Good Times are beholding to Virtue. Our most Laureat Poet Spenser, Lib. 1. Cant. 3. tells of a sturdy Thief Kirkrapine,

Who all he got he did bestow,
To the Daughter of Corcea blind and slow;
And fed her fat with Feasts of Off'rings,
And Plenty which in all the Land did grow.

To meet with him, and give him his hire, Una had a fierce Servant for her Guard that attended her, a Lyon who tore the Church-robber to pieces. And what is meant by Una's Lyon? That's not hard to guess at. But rather what's be­come of Una's Lyon? The Poet says afterward that Sans-Loy, a Paynim-Knight had slain him. Belike none is left now to defie Kirkrapine.

213. Also some Care is to be taken against them that are unworthily promoted in the Church. Wherein the Lord Keeper interceded with the Duke to the in­curring a mighty Anger, as may be seen by the Letters of Decem. 24. and Jan. 4. Cab. p. 99. If Threatings had been mortal Shot, he had Perisht; for he never had such a Chiding before: but he kept his Ground, because he held the fairer side of the Quarrel. Dr. Meriton the Dean of York, was lately Dead, and much Deplor'd: For he was an Ornament to the Church. My Lord Duke, entreated by great ones, named a Successor, that had no Seasoning or Tast of Matter in him, one Dr. Scot: But a Doctor, Inter Doctores Bullatos, for he never stood in [Page 207]the Commencement to approve himself; beside too many Faults to be ript up. I have known a Scholar in Cambridge so bad a Rider, that no Man for Love or Price would furnish him with a Horse. I would have thought no Man would have furnisht such a Scholar as this with a Deanery, chiefly of York. It came about strangely. Scot was a Prodigal Gamster, and had lost upon the Ticket to a Noble Person far more then he was worth. Which Debt his Creditor knew not how to recover, but by Thrusting him, aided with my Lord Dukes Power, into this Rich Preferment. The Casuists among all the Species of Simony never Dream'd of this, which may be called, Simonia Aleatoria, when a Gamester is Installed in­to a goodly Dignity, to make him capable to pay the Scores of that which he had lost with a bad Hand: And yet the Man Died in the Kings-Bench, and was not Solvent. The Lord Keeper intending to put of Dr. Scot from this place, besought for the remove of those most worthy Divines, Dr. White, or Dr. Hall, or to Collate it upon Dr. Warner, the most Charitable, and very Prudent Bishop of Rochester. But he was so terrified for giving this good Counsel, that he writes, now he knew his Graces Resolution he would alter his Opinion, and would be careful in giving the least Cause of Jealousie in that kind again. Yet it is a received Maxime, Defuturos eos qui suaderent, si suasisse sit periculum, Curt. l. 3. Certainly with others this might work to his Esteem, but nothing to his Prejudice. And I dare confi­dently avouch, what I knowingly speak, (that I may use the Words of my indu­strious Friend, Mr. T. F. in his Church History) ‘That the Solicitation for Dr. Theodore Price, about Two Months after, was not the first motive of a Breach be­tween the Keeper and the Duke, (the day-light clears that without dusky con­jectures) no, nor any Process to more unkindness then was before, which was indeed grown too high.’ The Case is quickly Unfolded. Dr. Price was Country. Man, Kinsman, and great Acquaintance of the Lord Keepers. By whose pro­curement he was sent a Commissioner into Ireland two years before, with Mr. Justice Jones, Sir T. Crew, Sir James Perrot, and others, to rectifie Grievances in Church and Civil State that were complain'd. In Executing which Commission he came of with Praise, and with Encouragement from His Majesty, that he should not fail of Recompence for his Well-doing. Much about the time that the Prince re­turn'd out of Spain the Bishoprick of Asaph soll void; the County of Merioneth, where Dr. Price was Born, being in the Diocess. The Lord Keeper attempted to get that Bishoprick for Dr. Price. But the Prince, since the time that by his Patent he was styled Prince of Wales, had Claimed the Bishopricks of that Prin­cipality for his own Chaplains: So Dr. Melburn, and Dr. Carlton, were preferr'd to St. Davids and Landaff. And Asaph was now Conferr'd upon Dr. Hanmer his Highness's Chaplain, that well deserv'd it. A little before King James's Death, Dr. Hampton, Primate of Armach, as stout a Prelate, and as good a Governor as the See had ever enjoy'd, Died in a good old Age. Whereupon the Keeper in­terposed for Dr. Price to Succeed him. But the Eminent Learning of Dr. Usher, (for who could match him all in all in Europe?) carried it from his Rival. Dr. Price was very Rational, and a Divine among those of the first Note, according to the small skill of my Perceivance: And his Hearers did testifie as much, that were present at his Latin Sermon, and his Lectures pro gradu in Oxford. But because he had never Preach'd so much as one Sermon before the King, and had left to do his calling in the Pulpit for many years, it would not be admitted that he should Ascend to the Primacy of Armach, no, nor so much as succeed Dr. Usher in the Bishoprick of Meth. To which Objection, his Kinsman, that stickled for his Preferment, could give no good Answer; and drew of with so much ease upon it, that the Reverend Dr. Usher had no cause to Regret at the Lord Keeper for an Adversary; Neither did Dr. Price ever shew him Love after that day; and the Church of England, then, or sooner, lost the Doctors Heart.

214. It is certain that all Grants at the Court went with the Current of my Lord Dukes Favour. None had Power to oppose it, nor the King the Will. For he Rul'd all his Majesties Designs: I may not say his Affections: Yet the L. Keeper declin'd him sometimes in the Dispatches of his Office, upon great and just Cause. Whereupon the King would say in his pleasant Manners, That he was a stout Man that durst do more than himself. For since his Highness's return out of Spain, if any Offices were procur'd in State of Reversion, or any Advouzons of Church Dignities, he interpos'd, and stopt the Patents, as Injurious to the Prince, to whose Donation they ought to belong in just time, and preserv'd them for him, that all such Rewards might come entire and undefloured to his Patronage. Wherein his Highness maintain'd his Stiffness; for that foresight did procure, that [Page 208]his own Beneficence should be unprevented. And he carried that Respect to the Dukes Honour, nay to his Safety, (for notice was taken of it) that he would not admit his Messages in the Hearing of Causes, (no not when his chief Servants at­tended openly in Court to Countenance those Messages) to carry him a-wry, and to oppress the Poorest, and whose Faces he had never seen, with the least wrong. Judicii tenax suit, neque aliis potiùs quàm sibi credidit, as Capitolinus makes it a good Note of Maximus. He would believe his own Judgment, and his own Ears, what they heard out of Depositions, and not the Representation of his best Friends that came from partial Suggestions. Such Demands as are too heavy to ascend, let them fall down in pieces, or they will break him at the last, that gives them his Hand to lift them up. In this only he would not stoop to his Grace; but pleas'd himself that he did displease him. And being threatned, his best Mitigation was, That perhaps it was not safe for him to deny so great a Lord, yet it was safest for his Lordship to be Denied. It was well return'd. For no Arrand was so privily conveyed in that kind, to press an Injury against any Man, but might come about to be Scann'd. Little did a greater Man than the Duke, the Emperor Lu­dovicus, called the Holy, Dream, That he should be Persecuted so far by his Son Lotharius. and Edo Bishop of Rhemes, to set under his Hand an Acknowledgment of his Errors in forcing Judges to do unjustly: Yet it was so, as it is in Baron. An. 833. Com. 17.

Inter Ludovici crimina quae publicè agnouit
Quod Judicantes ad falsum Judicium induxit.

Of two Evils the less was to be chosen by the Keeper, rather to provoke one Man, then all Men; nay, rather to provoke Man than GOD: That some will be provok'd it cannot be avoided. It is best to instance in a whole Nation, to give no Offence. Aristides in one of his Orations Censures the Old Romans, (and the Modern are no better.) They held all that were under them for Slaves, and all that would be Freemen, and not Slaves, for Enemies. The King heard the noise of these Crashes; and was so pleas'd, that he Thank'd God before many Wit­nesses, that he had put the Keeper into that Place: For, says he, He that will not wrest Justice for Buckingham 's Sake, whom I know he Loves, will never be corrupted with Money, which he never Lov'd. His Majesty would have a Judge to be such a one as Justinian aimed at, Novel. 17. Vir optimus, & purus, & his contentus quae à fisco dantur: A good Man, that took nothing of the People, but was contented with such Wages as the King gave him. He had found the Man. And because the Lord Keeper had Husbanded that Stock Three years and half, and lived fairly upon it, and was not the Richer by the Sale of one Cursitors Place in all that time, His Majesty Granted him a Suit, by the Name of a New-Years-Gift, after the size of the Liberality of that good Master, which was enough to keep a Bountiful Christmas twice over. The Giver did not repent him, but thought himself re­paid, with a Conceit, that this most useful Counsellor produc'd at that Season, about the Children of the Prince Elector. The Spanish Treaties were laid aside, and new Ones from France rose up in their Room; which being Examin'd, it could not appear that they did portend any Comfort to the Recuperation of the Palatinate. His Majesty bewailed that his Grand-Children, then Young and Ten­der, would be very Chargeable to England when they grew to be Men. It was their Sole Refuge. They might Seek their Fortune in another place, and come home by Spills-Bury. Sir, says the Lord Keeper, Will you be pleased to listen to me, taking in the Prince his Consent, of which I make no doubt, and I will shew, how you shall furnish the Second and Third Brothers with Preferments sufficient to maintain them, that shall cost you nothing. Breed them up for Scholars in Academial Discipline; keep them strictly to their Books, with such Tutors as will Teach them, not to abuse themselves with vain Hopes upon the Greatness of their Birth. For it is a Folly to gape after the Fruit hanging upon a high Tree, and not to know how to Climb it. If they fall to their Studies, design them to the Bishopricks of Durham and Winchester, when they become void. If that happen in their Nonnage, which is probable, appoint Commendatories to discharge the Duty for them for a laudable Allowance, but gathering the Fruits for the support of your Grand-Children, till they come to Virility to be Consecrated. George Duke of Anhault, having Ministerial Gifts, was Ordain'd into that Holy Calling at Magdeburg, and yet put to no Shifts; as Melancthon is my Author, and many more. The Priestly Office was esteem'd from the beginning fittest for the best Gentlemen; for the First-Born among them that serv'd the Truo God. And the Romans, who serv'd them [Page 209]that were no Gods, learn'd it at Athens from Theseus, (Plut. in vità.) [...] That Citizens of the Noblest Blood should be train'd up in knowledge of Sacred Things, and be made the Administrators of Divine Mysteries. And I am at another Benefit, wherein I praise God that I am assu­red Your Majesty will concur with me, That the Office of a Bishop, imprudently by many M [...]lign'd, (I might charge them with a worse Crime) will be the more Invi [...]lable, when the Branches of Your Royal Stock have so great an Interest in it. And such Provision is Needful against Schismatical Attempts, both for Religious Sake, and the Publick Weal. For if such great Superstructions should fall, all would come to Ruin that is round about them. I will yet go further: If Your Majesty think a Bishoprick, though of the best kind, too little for either of them; you may please to annex to each of them one of your principal Offices of State, as You find them Trusty and Discreet. When he had ended, As I Live, says the King, I will fellow this Direction: I thank you heartily for it; and I attend it, that it will save me more then the worth of a Subsidy. Thus far these Mat­ters were well Chewed: But because they were not followed, when others bore the sway, they never came to a second Conc [...]ction.

215. The Peaceable Period of King James's Reign drew on, when the times were active about a Marriage between our Prince, and a Daughter of France, the youngest of Henry the Great's Posterity, (for she was a Posthuma) a Princess eminently adorn'd with many Rays of Honour, celebrated far and wide for Beauty, Wit, and sweet Disclosures of Behaviour. The Lord Keeper was not us'd in Counsel about it, till after many sendings to and fro: Yet what fell out at last for his part, to the better Understanding of Conditions of Agreement, is worthy to hang upon the File of Honourable Registry. Viscount Kers [...]ng [...]. Created of Holland in the pursuance of that Service, was sent into France almost a Twelve-Month before, to discover what Approbation was like to follow, if this Match were offer'd. The Earl had an Amorous Tongue, and a Wise Head, could Court it Smoothly as any Man with the French Ladies, and made so Fortunate an account into England after Three Months of his Introductions, that he saw no fear of denial in the Suit, nor of Spinosity in the Articles. But because he was [...] put in Trust by the Lord Duke, and our King would scarce acknowledge that he had given him Authority for all that he had done, He sent the Earl of Carlile after him, His Majesty much affying in that Lords Fidelity, and put them both into the same Commission. They were Peers of the best Lustre in our Court, Elegant in their Persons, Habit, and Language; and by their nearness to King [...], apt Scholars to learn the Principles of Wisdom, and the sitter to improve their Instructions to Honour and Safety. While these Things went on, the [...] made it is Thought and Study, what to do befitting a Counsellor, and [...] upon the prospect of the hopeful Marriage. When the Eyes of all our [...] were set upon the Infanta of Spain, he took into his House, as it is formerly re­membred, a Spaniard by Birth, and a Scholar, John Taxeda, by whose Con­versation he grew expert in the Spanish Grammar, in the Castilian Pronunciation, and in the Knowledge of those Authors, that in Ten Weeks he could not only understand the most difficult Writers of that Nation, but was able to Entreat with the Ambassadors without an Interpreter. How much will Fruit upon in one Mans Intellectuals before anothers, who hath the advantage of so much Sun and Warmth in his Brains. Now, when the Glorious Nuptial Torch was in Election to be lighted from the Neighbour Kingdom of France, he endeavour'd to make himself expert in that quaint and voluble Language; and by parling often with a Servant, whom he had listed into the Check of his House for that purpose, a Frenchman, that was continually at his Elbow, in Three Months he was as ready at it to Read, Write, or Speak, as he that had lyen Liegier Three years for it at Paris. And to Evidence that he had a publick Soul in every thing, where he put his Finger, as he had caused a Translation of our Liturgy out of Latin into Spa­nish, to be finish'd by Taxeda, and Printed it at his own Costs; so to go no less in his Preparations for this French Association, he encourag'd a most able Divine. Mr. Delaun Minister of the French Church in Norwich, to turn that Excellent Li­turgy into his Country Language, which was effected, and the accurate Tran­slator greatly both Commended, and Rewarded. Hereupon how it hapned that our Liturgy, now made legible to the French, did clear the Church of England, even to the Conscience of its Enemies, especially from the gross Slanders of Fu­gitives, that had gone out from us, is a passage that may challenge Publication, with the Attendance of its Circumstances.

[Page 210] 216. His Majesty having in the behalf of his Son, begun the woing part to Madam Henrietta Maria, with due Ceremony of State: The Queen Mother, Mo­deratrix of this and all other Solemn Negotiations in France at that time, be­thought seriously to have this Happiness, and high Honour setled upon her Daugh­ter. And her First prudential forecast was, not to loiter out time with a Spanish Pause, nor to endanger the forfeiture of a Bond of such Royal Love, for want of payment of Courtesie at the due day. Therefore she dispatch'd Marquess Fi­atte, afterward the great Financer, and Monsieur Villoclare, one of the principal Secretaries, Embassadors extraordinary into England, to remove all Obstructions by their Commission, and wise management of it, and to entwine the Rose and Lilly upon one Matrimonial Stem. When they Landed, the King had removed himself from New-Market to Trinity College in Cambridge, where he gave Audience to those Embassadors, providing to their welcom this Grace more then ordinary, That he receiv'd them where his choicest Darlings, the liberal Arts were round about him. Now that the Conferences about this Marriage were gone so far, and seemed, as it were, to be over the last Fire, and sit for Projection, his Majesty would have the Lord Keeper taken into the Cabinet, and to make him known by a Mark of some good Address to the French Gallants, upon the return of the Embassadors to London, he sent a Message to him, to signifie that it was his plea­sure, that his Lordship should give an Entertainment to the Embassadors, and their Train, upon Wednesday following, it being Christmass-Day with them, accor­ding to the Gregorian Prae-occupation of ten days before our Account. The King's Will signified, the invitement at a Supper was given and taken. Which was pro­vided in the College of Westminster, in the Room Named Hierusalem Chamber; but for that Night it might have been call'd Lucullus his Apollo. But the Ante-past was kept in the Abby, as it it went before the Feast, so it was beyond it, being purely an Episcopal Collation. The Embassadors, with the Nobles and Gentle­tlemen in their Company, were brought in at the North-Gate of the Abby, which was stuck with Flambeaux every where, both within, and without the Quire, that strangers might cast their Eyes upon the slateliness of the Church. At the Door of the Quire the Lord Keeper besought their Lordships to go in, and to take their Seats there for a while, promising in the Word of a Bishop that nothing of ill Rellish should be offered before them; which they accepted; and at their Entrance the Organ was touch'd by the best Finger of that Age, Mr. Orlando Gibbons. While a Verse was plaid, the Lord Keeper presented the Embassadors, and the rest of the Noblest Quality of their Nation, with our Liturgy, as it spake to them in their own Language; and in the Delivery of it used those few Words, but pithy, That their Lordships at Leisure might Read in that Book, in what Form of Holiness our Prince Worshipp'd God, wherein he durst say nothing savour'd of any Cor­ruption of Doctrine, much less of Heresie, which he hoped would be so reported to the La­dy Princess Henrietta. The Lord Embassadors, and their Great Train took up all the Stalls, where they continued about half an Hour, while the Quire-men, Ve­sted in their Rich Copes, with their Choristers, sung three several Anthems with most exquisite Voices before them. The most honourable, and the meanest per­sons of the French Attended all that time uncover'd, with great Reverence, ex­cept that Secretary Villoclare alone kept on his Hat. And when all others carri­ed away the Looks of Common Prayer commended to them, he only lest his in the Stall of the Quire where he had sate; which was not brought after him ( Ne Margarita, &c.) as if had forgot it.

217. At the same time among those Persons of Gallantry that came into Eng­land, to make up the Splendor of the Embassage, and were present at this Feast d'Amours, as some of themselves call'd it, there was an Abbat, but a Gentleman that held his Abbacy [...]lla mode de France, in a lay Capacity. He had receiv'd the Gift of our Service Book, and to requite the Doner, having much of a Scholar, and of ingenuous Breeding, he laid aside all other business to read it over. Like a Vowed Person to another Profession he was not hasty to praise it, but suspend­ed his Sentence, till he might come in Place to see the practice of it. It was well thought of by him, that the Tryal of the soundness in Religion consists not all together in the Draught of a Book, but in the motion likewise, and Exercise of it. The Abbat made his mind known to the Lord Keeper by Sir George Goring (now Earl of Norwich) that he would gladly be present in the Abby of Westmin­ster upon our Christmass Day in the morning, to behold and hear how that great Feast was solemnized in our Congregations, which heard very ill beyond the Seas for Profaneness: Whereas the Book for Uniformity of Publick Prayer, which he [Page 211]had receiv'd, though it was not set off with much Ceremony to quicken Devoti­tion, yet it wanted neither a stamp of Reverence, nor the metal of Godliness; Yet he would be careful in Launching out so far in Curiosity, to give no Scandal to Catholicks, whose Jealousie might perhaps suspect him, as if he thought it lawful to use both ours and the Church of Rome's Communion. Therefore he made suit to be placed, where none could perceive him, and that an Interpreter of the Litur­gy might assist him, to turn the Book, and to make right Answers to such Que­stions, as fell by the way into his Animadversions. None more forward then the Lord Keper to meet the Abbat in this Request. Veritas oculatos testes non refermi­dat. The Abbat kept his hour to come to Church upon that High Feast, and a Place was well fancied aloft, with a Latice and Curtains to conceal him. Mr. William Beswell, like Philip Riding with the Treasurer of Queen Candace in the same Chariot, sate with him, directing him in the Process of all the Sacred Offi­ces perform'd, and made clear Explanation to all his scruples The Church Work of that ever Blessed day fell to the Lord Keeper to perform it; but in the place of the Dean of that Collegiate Church. He sung the Service, Preach'd the Sermon, Consecrated the Lords Table; and being assisted with some of the Pre­bendaries, distributed the Elements of the Holy Communion to a great multi­tude, meekly kneeling upon their knees. Four hours and better, were spent that morning before the Congregation was dismiss'd with the Episcopal Blessing. The Abbat was entreated to be a Guest at the Dinner, provided in the College-Hall, where all the Members of that Incorporation Feasted together, even to the Elee­mosynaries, call'd the Beads-men of the Foundation; no distinction being made, but high and low Eating their Meat with gladness together, upon the occasion of our Saviours Nativity, that it might not be forgotten, that the poor Shepherds were admitted to Worship the Babe in the Manger, as well as the Potentates of the East, who brought Rich Presents to offer up at the shrine of his Cradle. All having had their comfort both in Spiritual and Bodily Repast, the Master of the Feast, and the Abbat, with some few beside, retired into a Gallery. The good Abbat presently shew'd that he was Bred up in the Franco-Gallican Liberty of Speech, and without further Proem, defies the English that were Roasted in the Abbies of France for lying Varlets, above all others that ever he met. We have none of their good word, I am sure, says the Keeper; but what is it that doth empassion you for the present against them? ‘That I shall calmly tell your Lordship,’ says the Abbat, ‘I have been long inquisitive what outward Face of God's Worship was retein'd in your Church of England? What Decorums were kept in the external Commu­nion of your Assemblies. St. Paul did Rejoyce to behold good Order among the Co­lossians, as well as to hear of the stedfastness of their Faith, cap. 2.5. Therefore, waving Polemical Points of Doctrine, I demanded after those things that lay o­pen to the view, and pertain'd to the Exterior Visage of the House of God. And that my Intelligence might not return by broken Merchants, but through the best Hands, I consulted with none but English in the Affairs of their own home; and with none but such as had taken the Scapular, or Habit of some Sa­cred Order upon them, in Affairs of Religion. But Jesu how they have de­ceiv'd me! What an Idea of Deformity Limm'd in their own Brain, have they hung up before me? They told me of no composed Office of Prayer used in all these Churches by Authority, as I have found it this day, but of extempora­ry Bablings. They traduc'd your Pulpits, as if they were not possest by Men that be Ordein'd by imposition of Hands, but that Shop-keepers, and the Scum of the people Usurp that Place in course one after another, as they presum'd themselves to be Gifted. Above all they turn'd their Reproaches against your behaviour at the Sacrament, describing it as a prodigious Monster of Profane­ness: That your Tables being furnish'd with Meats and Drinks, you took the Scraps and Rellicks of your Bread and Cups, and call upon one another to re­member the Passion of our Lord Jesus. All this I perceive is infernally false. And though I deplore your Schism from the Catholick Church, yet I should bear false Witness, if I did not confess, that your Decency which I discern'd at that Holy Duty was very allowable in the Consecrator and Receivers.’

218. My Brother Abbat, (says the Lord Keeper with a Smile,) I hope you will think the better of the Religion, since on Christ's good Day your own Eyes have made this Observation among us. The better of the Religion’ says the Abbat ‘(taking the Words to relate to the Reformed of France) nay taking all together which I have seen among you (and he brought it out with Acrimony of Voice, and Gesture) I will lose my Head, if you and our Hugenots are of one Religion.’ I protest

[...]
[...]

[Page 212] Sir, says the Keeper, you divide us without Cause. For the Harmony of Protestant Confessions, divulg'd to all the World, do manifest our Consonancy in Faith, and Doctrine, And for diversity in outward Administrations, it is a Note as Old as Irenaeus, which will justifie us from a Rupture, that variety of Ceremonies in several Churches, the Foun­dation being preserv'd, doth commend the Unity of Faith. ‘I allow what Irenaeus writes,’ says the Abbat, ‘for we our selves use not the same Offices and Breviares in all Places. But why do not the Hugonots at Charenton, and in other Districts, follow your Example;’ Because, says the Lord Keeper, no part of your Kingdom but is under the Jurisdiction of a Diocesan Bishop, and I know you will not suffer them to set up another Bishop in the Precincts of that Territory, where one is establish'd before; that would savour of Schism in earnest. And where they have no means to maintain Gods Worship with costly Charge, and where they want the Authority of a Bishop among them, the people will arrogate the greatest share in Government; so that in many things you must excuse them, because the Hand of constraint is upon them. ‘But what con­streins them,’ says the Abbat, ‘that they do not Solemnize the Anniversary Feast of Christ's Nativity, as you do? Nay as we do? for it is for no better Reason, then because they would be unlike to us in every thing?’ Do you say this upon cer­tainty, says the Keeper, or call me Poultron, if I feign it, says the other. In good troth says the Keeper, you tell me News. I was ever as Tully writes of himself to Atticus, in Curiositate [...], apt to search narrowly into Foreign Churches; and I did never suspect, that our Brethren, that live with you were deficient in that Duty. For the Churches of the Low-Countries, of Heidelberg, Helvetia, Flassia, Breme, and others, do observe a yearly Day to the Memory of our Saviours Birth. I conceive the like for Geneva. For when Calvin had retir'd to Basil, some mutation about Holy Feasts was made in Geneva. Upon his Return thither again, Hallerius both in his own and in Musculus his Name, complains that the Celebration of that Memorable Feast was Neglected. Calvin Returns him Answer (the Epistle is extant dat anno 1551. Jan.) Sancte testari possum me inscio, ac ne optante quidem hanc rem [...]uisse transactam—Ex quo sum revocatus, hoc temperamentum quaesivi, ut Christi Na­talis celebraretur vestro more. But will you have the Judgment of Protest out Di­vines, when they were in a Globe, and Collection together from all Quarters: At the Sy­nod of Dort, convened about six years past, all the Divines, with the Assessors from the States, intermitted their Sessions against the Feast of Christ's Nativity with [...] Suffrages, and the Reason is given in plain Words Sessio. 36. Decem. 1 [...]. Quia to tempore Festum Natalis D. N. Jesu Christi instabat, propter cujus celebratio­nem, &c. It will be the harder for those of the Religion in France to Answer for this Omission. Yet Judg more Charitably, then to think they do it only out of Crossness to dis­conform to your Practise. He that runs backward further then he need from his Ad­versary, plays his Prize like a Coward And I use to say it often, that there ought to be no secret Antipathies in Divinity, or in Churches, for which no Reason can be given. But let every House sweep the Dust from their own Door. We have done our endeavour, God be Praised, in England, to Model a Churchway, which is not afraid to be search'd into by the sharpest Criticks for Purity, and Antiquity. But as Pacat. said in his Pa­neg. in another Case, Parum est quando caeperit, terminum non habebit. Yet I am confident it began when Christ taught upon Earth, and I hope it shall last till he comes again. ‘I will put my Attestation thus far to your Confidence,’ says the Abbat, ‘that I think you are not far from the Kingdom of Heaven.’ So with mutual Smiles and Embraces they parted.

219. Paulo Majora. The next was the greater grapple, upon Terms Political and Scholastical, between the Lord Keeper, and Mounsieur Villoclare, who is mention'd before. The King was now at White-Hall; and the French Agents plied it to concord Conditions for the Royal Marriage. And who so busie to trouble the Scene, with a new part not concern'd in the Plot of the Comedy, as our Nimble-headed Recusants? The Secretary Villoclare was accounted, and not mistaken to be a servent Zealot in his own Religion; which our English had learnt, by resorting daily to Mass in the Embassadors House. These found Access unto him and sighed out their Grievances before him, that their Priests, who adventur'd to come to them for their Souls Health, were Executed for Traytors; and them­selves were set such Fines for their Conscience, that they were utterly impoverish'd. How happy should that Honourable Person be, that would skreen them from the scorching of this Persecution? That his Lordship had Opportunity for his Pow­er, and his Piety could not want will, to enter into a Motion for a relaxation of their Miseries, among such Articles as were to be Granted for the Honour, and Happiness of the approaching Nuptials. The Secretary heard them, and condo­led [Page 213]with them; promis'd his Pains, and to be an earnest Proctor in their Cause, holding it most meritorious, to go or run on such an Errand. And he sell to his work in good earnest, and ask'd such large concessions for his Clients, (or rather challeng'd such Grace with horrid Liberty, then Petition'd for it) that the King was observ'd to begin to be cooler in the Treaty for the Marriage, then he had been. The Lords that plied it beyond the Seas at the L [...]r, had not discou­raged the Embassadors before they set forward; but rather pleased them with hopes of English Courtesies, and condescentions. And I fear they were perswa­ded into too much confidence; for I have heard it often from the Followers of the Earl of Carlile, that after Articles had been drawn, and Engross'd, some things were Erazed, some things Interlaced, which never had his Lordships Approbati­on Our Courtiers at White-Hall, through whose Counsels and Resolves the Grants of Monsieur Villoclare were to pass, though directly they did dot yield to him, yet, his driving was so furious, that they declin'd to deny him, and shift for themselves that the first Storm of his Passion might not fall upon them. There­fore they told him, they could not assure him he had prevail'd, till he had spoke with the Lord Keeper, whose Duty it was to Examine such things, upon his Pe­ril, what were sit, or not sit for the King's Conscience, Honour, and Safety, be­fore the Great Seal were put to. The Keeper heard of all this, and sent to the Duke, as he had wrote to him before, Cab. p. 95. ‘I shall be in a pitiful perplex­ity, if his Majesty shall turn the Embassadors upon me altogether unprovided, how to Answer.’ But he cast it up into this short Sum, that the disappointment of this Vexatious Solicitor, so far engag'd, must light upon himself, and the displea­sure of all the French, that wish'd it good speed. He was not to learn, that a Magistrate in his Place must have a strong back to bear the Burthen of Envy. So he Collected his thoughts into rational preparations, and was provided for a Bickering; which began on the Eighth of January, and held long. And it must be warned, that the Report of it which follows extends the length, above that which past between them on that occasion. The Secretary Vill [...]are after he had parted from the Lord Keeper, and brought his business to a justifiable Maturity, through the direction of some of our best Lawyers, as the way was chalked to to him, had Audience with the King, and Entreated with his Majesty upon Terms of greater moderation, then formerly he had done; which he confest was brought about from a Conference with the Lord Keeper. And told his Majesty, ‘That Counsellor had given him small content in a long Argument vext between them; for he had Preach'd to him till he was weary to hear his Divinity, tho' it was Learned, and of more Acuteness then he expected in that Cause, but unsatisfactory to Catholicks, as could be fram'd: Yet he made him amends with such Counsel in the end, that now he knew upon what Ground he stood; what Laws and Statutes were in force against that model of Mercy, which he had urg'd; and how the Clemency, and Power of his Majesty was retrench'd by them. Therefore as he hoped to find his Majesty Sweet and Gracious, so his Majesty should find him tractable, that the Thrice Noble and Primary design, about which he came, might not hover any longer in suspence.’ Blessed be the Re­duction of things to this good pass, said the King. And that Aequanimity might not slip the Knot, his Majesty Commanded the Keeper to draw up the Discourse lately past between the French Embassador and him, and to bring it with him; which he finish'd carefully, but with Enlargements in some Places, as he can re­member that turn'd his Books, and assisted the Expedition. In some things more, in some things less was spoken at first, but thus goes the Draught which the King received.

My Lord Embassador Villoclare gave me a Breviate of the Instrument of Grace, which he agitated to pass in the Behalf of the Romish Recusants. When he sup­posed I had read it almost to the End, he spake thus to the Matter, ‘That it would be a great Token of Assurance, that their Lady and Mistress should be received into this Realm with the Love of the King, the Prince, and all good En­glish People, if the distressed Catholicks, combined with her Highness's Obedi­ence to the same Church, might obtain, for her Sake, Indemnity from our grie­vous Laws, live in security of Conscience for hence forth from continual Persecu­tion, and call this Year the Jubilee of the long afflicted, and the end of their Op­pression. I told him to this, that I should reply to him in stanumering, and ill pronounced French, but with clear English Satisfaction.’ Our Laws, said I, against [...] whose Clientele you undertake, have been disputed both by Church-men and States. [...], the Books are well known: And by Debate of Arguments, we have justified the [Page 214]Wisdom and Moderation of our Parliament, to all that can correct prejudice by Reason. What Law is rigid which impendent Danger extorts for the Safety of the People? The Storms lookt black over our Heads in those times, when such Statutes past, so offensive to your Lordship, and were enacted not out of Revenge for Wrongs sustained, but out of Fore­cast against Harms to be prevented; not out of Spleen towards Adversaries, but out of Chari­ty to our selves. So much, and without Pause or Faultring, I am compelled to say for our Laws, because I am a principal Judge by the Favour of the King my Master, and sworn to the Maintainance of the Law. This Answer, though neither tart nor umbragi­ous, yet it set my Lord Ambassador's Teeth on edge, and he rose up to these high Words at one pitch, That he could not imagine how our Laws could have been sharpned with more Cruelty against the Catholicks: For it would look like Mercy to take away their Lives; or rather than to cut them so low with the Sickle of Penal Statutes, that they had scarce Stubble to maintain their Bodies, and their Souls were utterly starved for want of Priests to instruct them; none of them daring to adventure to hold out Breasts of A­postolick Doctrine, to feed them with sincere Milk; but that resolved to be ript up, and quartered for their Holy Duty. Yet (he goes on) I bewail not so much those Excellent Servants of God executed upon your Gibbets, they are recompensed with the Crown of Martyrdom: But you murder the Souls of the Lay-Catholicks; and if you pity them not to the Good of their Salvation, all other pretended Favours light upon them like Mil­dews, which are not a fruitful, but a fatal Moisture? You know my meaning Sir, you are Learned in Cases of Divinity, and need not to be told that the Use and Fruition of the Sacraments are the vital Part of Christian Religion in our Catholick Apprehension. Who shall celebrate them? Who shall impart them to this People robbed of Christ? Who shall satiate their Souls with those Comforts, if the Priests, the Dispensers of those Myste­ries, be utterly kept from them? You commonly say, you have done well for the Generality of Catholicks, that they have Liberty of Conscience. I say your Gift is useless, if you permit them not Teachers that are set over their Conscience. We are more clement to the Churches of Hugonots, and allow them their Ministers. Without that Favour, a Rush for all the rest. Should I send Cloth and Food enough to a Fraternity of Religious Men, What Good shall they reap from that Charity, if none shall be suffered to make them Gar­ments with that Cloth? None permitted to dress the Meat that is sent them? Or let me spread before you your Unmerciful Dealing in this Similitude; you have not made a Law to pull out their Eyes, but you have past a Law that they shall have no Light to see by. My Lord, Why should I make it a Labour to contest with you, to have no such Statutes in Force? Methinks it is enough to prompt you, that such Incongruities, of very bad Fame Abroad, should be supervised and corrected upon so demulcing an Occasion as this Marri­age? Thus far my Lord Secretary: To whom I said in this Manner.

221.

Provident Men, and the Learnedest in all Faculties, voted those Laws to be in Power, and at some times to be put in ure, which your Lordship con­demns with a very stinging Invective. At which I less marvail, because you are a Stranger here, and not acquainted with the Reasons and Motions that produced them. And since you know not how they rose, you are no competent Judge when they should fall. In Fifty Years after they were first ordained, they that have succeeded in Power and Authority, have not repented of them; but all, to whome the Care of the Kingdom's Welfare is committed, have continu'd them. Being nevertheless as pitiful as any, that have soft Hearts, and Christian Principles. For though the Terror of the Laws is great, yet the Execution hath been gentle. Such as are convict of Recusancy (who are no great Number in this Land) they alone pay Pecuniary Mulcts; but upon such easie Compositi­ons, that they have both the Crust and the Crumb of their Estates to themselves, and the King hath scarce the Chippings. The Disbursments of the Crown are great, and the more under a most Munificent King; so that the Exchequer sometimes expects the Aid of a plentiful Tribute: Yet these, your Lordship's Clients, never contributed the Fifth Part of that which might have been call­ed for, least they should say, We have made Abraham rich. But, my Lord, most Men live, as if they lived to this World only, and therefore never think they have enough of Wealth. I am willing to refer it to this Disease, which is common to most in corrupted Nature, that they that put on this Complaint, fill your Lordship's Ears with Whining that their Purses are no fuller. If they say they are become indigent, or Bankrupts by the Issues of slender and mitiga­ted Payments, the Lye is written in their Fore-heads: We live with them, we know their Possessions: Their Seats are well repaired, and bravely furnished; their Credit is good with our Marchants; They give Portions in Marriages with their Daughters, as great as the best of the King's Subjects, considered to have [Page 215]equal Estates of Wealth. Their Gallantry, their Feasting, their Revelling and Gaming are seen in the broad Day-light. They bear their Heads as high as their Equals in all Expences. These then are no Symptoms of Poverty: Nei­ther do I blame them for bestowing a generous and liberal Part of their own up­on themselves; I should rebuke the contrary.
—Nonne est manifest a phrenesis
Ut locuples moriaris egentis vivere fato?
But let them be thankful for their Store, and not attempt by Murmerings and Out­cries to make the Goverment odious, under which they prosper; as if the Chief Shepherd of the People had not shorn a Lock of Wooll from their Backs, but de­voured them. But what if they had been diminished to a visible Share of their Sub­stance? No worse Man than a Pope, Gregory the First, hath given us that Counsel. Lib. 3. Ep. 26. To Januarius Bishop of Calaris in Sardinia: Si quis rusticus tantae fucrit perfidiae, & obstinationis inventus, ut ad Dominum venire minimè consen­tiat tanto pensionis onere gravandus est, ut ipsà exactionis sure poená compellatur ad recli­tudinem festinare. But we are guilty of none of Gregories Exactions. And let not your Friends, my Lord, think they walk in a Mist, as if the King and his Ministers of State did not know what Sums they effund by dangerous Conduit-Pipes, both to the Impoverishing of their own Substance, and the exhausting of the Kingdom. First, The Priests, that jog about from Shire to Shire, from House to House, are great Grinders: I know how costly they are to their Dis­ciples, who are like those in a facetious Author, H [...]min [...]s c [...]itellarii, magni sunt oneris, quicquid imp [...]ni [...] vehunt. Plautus M [...]stella. I know they pay the Charges of the Priests Journey to and fro to the utmost Penny, their Fraught by Ship hither, their Horses and Convoys by Land; their Entertainment cut deep, O­bits, Dirges, Masses are not said for nothing. Then in every Family, where they are received, they disperse Books for Meditations and Holy Exercises, for which they are paid hee sold more than the Value. And above all, those inde­finite Sums, imposed for Satisfaction by the Will of the Confessor, are the strongest Purgation. My Lord, the Priest's little Finger is thicker than the King's Loins. What they pay by Virtue of our Laws so remi [...]sly exacted, is but like an honorary Present to a Lord in Chief; but what they pay to their Ghostly Fathers, by their own Canonical Customs, is above a Rent of Vassalage. And all this while the over-flowing Tide of their Expences is but coming in. I am not but now at the high Water-Mark. King Philip the Second of Spain, founded two Colledges for Jesuits of this Nation, at Sevil and Valledolid, and he gave a Competency to their maintainance; but their Well-wishers in England reach forth such Liberality to them, as makes them flourish above their Founda­tion. Who but the same Benefactors supply the Seminaries of their Country­men in Artois and Flanders? Gregory the Thirteenth gave little more than bare Walls to the English Colledge at Rome: Yet they are able to keep Festival Days with Bounty, and relieve Strangers wit Hospitality, so long as their Trea­surers receive plump Contributions from England; let them be once stopt, and their Kitchin Fire will go out. And now be Judge your self, Sir, if these Men as you supposed, were cut so low with the Sickle, that their Lives were irksome, and that they had scarce Stabble to maintain them.

222. ‘Hitherto I have proved, that we have been just in our Duties towards Men, as Men, and as we are accountable to the second Table of the Law. Your Pontificians, though esloigned from us in the Way of God's Worship, yet their Persons are our Neighbours, therefore we do not forget them in the De­bentures of our Love. I grant it, before a Challenge be made, that I have per­formed little, unless I can justifie our Piety in the Survey of the first Table. And to make it perspicuous and intelligible, I will fall into your Lordship's Method, according to my best Remembrance. Consider, Sir, that the Comp [...]ainants, for whose Sakes this Ball of Contention is tost to and fro, are they that live among us, yet profess Obedience to another Church. This we reckon to be a Disease, and a sore one. The Care of their Souls belongs to the Supream Magistrate, who is to provide for all that are under his Allegiance, that they may lead God­ly, as well as quiet Lives. He would cure the Ill Affected by his own Physicians. The Patients, very confident that they can choose best for themselvs, will listen to none, but such as the Magistrate, no less strong in Confidence than they, fore­dooms, that by their Applications, both such as are unsound will be past Hope [Page 216]of Recovery, and some that are sound will fall away by Contagion Both of these being fixed upon the respective Perswasions of their Minds, Which of them should yield with least Offence, and most Reason? I speak as to external Com­pliance. Surely a publick Conscience ought to be more scrupulous than a pri­vate. The Supream Ruler is [...], if he permits that which his Heart con­dems, his Sin is compleatly voluntary. If the Inferior and the Subjected yearns for Instructions and Helps in Religion, which under great Forfeiture are prohi­bited to them, they cast their Burden upon Necessity, and he is very rigorous, that will not say they are excusable. The loudest Bell of the Petitioners Grie­vances, and that which is furthest hard, is, that they are Men in Danger of Ship­wrack for want of P [...]ots; their own Priests, to whose Oversight they commit the Care of their Souls, are kept from them, and cannot, with Comfort and Confidence, light their Knowledge from any other Lamps. Conscience re­claims it, and if they are blind, yet blind Men must not be i [...] entreated for their Blindness, but be led by the Hand. My Noble Lord Villoclare, This Complaint, above all that can be said beside, is apt to work upon Affections, to compas­sionate the Breathings of a Soul, which protests it languisheth for want of due Means to know God, and to worship him. But Affections, and the most ten­der of them, which is pi [...]y, have no Taste in them, till they be seasoned with the Salt of Prudence. The Simple believeth every Word, but the Prudent looketh well to his going, Prov. 14.15. Conscience is offered, and set out as it were for a Lan horn upon the Pharos of this Motion. But your Lordship, so excellent a States-man, knows none better, that the greatest Cheats that are put upon the World, are in the good Names of Love and Conscience. Who hath the Power to hurt, so soon as he, that would be believed that he loves, and doth not? And who so dangerous to overthrow Peace, as he that pleads that Conscience is the only Cause of his Discontents and Disobedience? He that baits his Hook with Nice­ness of Conscience, may catch—What my Lord? Gudgions, but not a Salmon, for the Delusion is stale.’

‘I must enter further into the Closet of this Objection. What Out-cries are these, that if their own Priests be restrained from them, their Souls shall perish for lack of Knowledge? They that refuse to serve God with the King, and his liege People, either already they know a better way, or they do not. If they do, Why do they complain, as if they were brought to the utmost Extremity of Perishing for want of Instructions? If they do not, Why do they choose a contrariant Religion blindfold? Christians commonly thirst for Knowledge, not perceiving that the chief thing they want is Obedience? This Itch hath de­scended from our Blood Royal, from the Top of our Kindred in Paradise. I amplifie my self further, that I may not give Scandal, as if I did not magnifie Knowledge; and how shall they know and hear without a Preacher? Rom. 10.14. I do subscribe it is the Powerful Ordinance to beget Children unto Christ, to enliven them that are dead in their Sins; and to keep them to the Motions of Sanctity, that are raised up to Newness of Life. Whosoever may enjoy that Blessing, and out of Pride contemns it, or out of Sloath difuseth it, it will beget in him an erroneous Understanding, a decaying Faith, and a corrupt Life. And where the holding out of that Light is withdrawn from a Church by Dark­ness of Persecution, it is God's Curse upon a Nation. And where it begins to clear up again, after the Interposition of a Total, or a partial Eclipse, God call it his great Mercy. Thy Teachers shall not be removed into a Corner any more, but thine Eyes shall see thy Teachers, Isa. 30.20. But where Christians know the Principles of the Doctrine of Christ, both for Faith and Holiness, yet are re­strained by Laws (whether Just or unjust, is all one to this Argument) from Church Officers to be among them, do they look to be believed when they say, they are quite starved, because none are among them, in their Sense, lawfully sent, to feed them with the Bread of the Gospel? Is there no way to preserve that which is committed to them by Meditation, by Conference, by Reading? We exact severely upon them, as they cry out, because we permit them not the Tongues of some Men to edifie them: But who are more hard-hearted? Who are they that in such a Case of Destitution, will not allow them the Reading of the Scriptures, that is, the Voice of God, to speak to them? As the Rock, of which the Israelites drank, is said to go along with them in the Wilderness, And the Rock was Christ, 1 Cor. 10.4. So the Essence of a Church goes every where with them, that nourish the Tradition of the true Faith in their Heart. I say, the Church (and Christ ruling in it) is with such, wheresoever they live, [Page 217]wheresoever they wander, though it be not Organized, as a complete Church should be, with Bishops and Teachers. Our English Merchants Trade many Years together at Sevile, Madrid, Alicant, and in other places, wanting the An­gels of those Churches, to whose Trumpets only they will hearken: Yet, whe­ther they live or die, many of the most Virtuous are well prepared for the Lord, because they carry his true Church with them. He may go along in the strength of the Spiritual Food, which he hath eaten, who was fed like Elijah by an Angel sent from Heaven. Let the Plant that is newly set be staked to prop it up, let it be water'd every Day: Doth a grown Tree require such Tendance and Labour? So a People that have lived always in Gentilism and Idolatry, but have given ad­mittance to Evangelists newly to enter in among them, let them be swift to hear: And those happy Messengers, that bring the Glad-tydings of Salvation into those Regions of Darkness, let them be as swift to speak. Who would not blow hard to make green Wood kindle? If I were in their Room, that came to lay the Foundation of Faith, where no Builder had been before, I should allow my self no intermission of Preaching, but for small Repast, and necessary Rest. If I were in such a City as Athens, that worshipp'd an unknown God, I hope I should do as St. Paul did at the same Athens, Acts 17.17. He Preach'd not only to the Jews and deveut Persons in their Synagogues, but in the Market daily with those that met with him. But to be instant with that Importunity, where a People is sufficiently en­rich'd already in all Knowledge, some perhaps would apply the old Proverb unto it, That it were to bring Owls to Athens. I thank your Lordship with all humbleness for your Patience and Attention: And I am sure your Lordship understands, that it is not to be expected, that a Nation should disorder the frame of their Laws, to heap Teachers for every Sect in Religion.’

223. ‘But the finest slight to make the restraint of Priests odious, is upon the necessary use of their Hand to confer the Sacraments. And they that are con­tented with no less than seven, will pretend sooner to miss their Administration, than we that give God thanks for two. My Lord, I will give no offence to your Lordship, upon any thing that is controverted Dogmatically between us and you, nor maintain a vexatious Problem in your hearing. I leave you to the ma­nagement of your Sacraments in France and Italy, as they are constituted in such Nations by the Laws of Holy Church. Sail in what Vessels you will in your own Seas. I consider now, I have done it often before, and with the joint ad­vice of most judicious Scholars, whether those Disciples of the Roman Church, that live upon our Soil, are so streitned in the use of their own Religion in this Land, that they should account themselves to be violently, and as it were sacri­legiously kept from the Kingdom of Heaven, (as in those words some of them have complain'd, and your Lordship seems to think no less) except that some of the Order of Priesthood be permitted to be Conveyors of the Sacraments of Grace unto them. Which I conceive is not suitable to the Provisions of Cases exempt, and milder Concessions of their own Doctrine. The Lord Ambassador had been offer'd a Chair before, and refused it: But the Point coming as it were to the Cuspis, or Horoscope of Fortune, he accepted it, and said, My Lord Keeper, your smooth Wit hath search'd far into many Scruples, but this Knot will not be unloosed with a gentle Hand, but with Violence, which is foul Play to be used to the strictest Bonds of Eternal Life. To which I return'd, I fear no prejudice, where so much Reason fits Judge, as your Lordship brings with you. So I went on. That Sa­crament which is the Introduction into Membership of the Church of Christ is Baptism. The Apostles and their Successors were appointed Stewards of it by Christ, to impart it to all Nations, which were call'd first to be his Disciples. This is the direct way. Yet it is agreed in your Schools, That if any Christian Man or Woman Baptize an Infant with the Element of Water in the right form, that is, in the Confession of the Holy Trinity, the Child is sufficiently Baptized, and is not excluded the Kingdom of Heaven, for want of that Ordinance. This shift is vulgarly approved among you in all places of the World. Then let that content Catholick Parents in England, which is so general a remedy among your own Devotees in case of necessity. And this Bush will stop the first Gap. Next, If the Baptized die without Confirmation, none ever made it a Salvation-hazard. Especially that Ceremony being not stubbornly rejected, but privatively inter­cepted, because the proper Instrument is not in the way to act it. For how ma­ny Biscainers have never heard of it? In whose Craggy Mountains, I am told, a Bishop appears as seldom as a black Swan. I presume your Lordship is a Main­teiner of the Canonical Privileges of Episcopacy; and you know without a Bi­shop's [Page 216] [...] [Page 217] [...] [Page 218]shop's Hand, the Blessing of Confirmation hand no Validity by the Canons, and perhaps no Entity in the Doctrine of the best Antiquity. Now if this Sacrament, which comes limping after Baptism, must have a Bishop's Crosier to stay it up, I know not whether our Romish Male contents demand that? Then here's a Tale of new Tidings comes to my Ears, that, to integrate Sacred Offices, they would have the Presence of a Bishop, as well as of a Priest; and then these Adonijahs fly so high to ask for Abishag, that they may ask the Kingdom also. The Mini­sters of the King of Spain, upon such an Occasion as your Lordship is employed in, offered at such a thing in their Propositions to my Royal Master's Commis­sioners. It pleaseth the Castilian Mouth to speak big, and ask high; but we checkt them with repulse and disdeign. And good Cause for it. A Bishop will think his Wings pinion'd if he have not a Consistory for Jurisdiction: Vexations of Ju­risdictive Power will provoke Appeals to the Court of Rome: And then my Masters People should crouch for Justice to a Foreign Potentate. But that Beast shall never get the Head to run a Wild-Goose-Chase where it lists, while he holds the Bridle in his Hand.’

‘My Lord Ambassador, There is nothing discoverable, though the wideness of the British Ocean flow still between us and your Bishops, that their absence should cross their Party that is among us from entering into Eternal Life. Which makes the Sacrament of Order not to belong to our Argument. But Marriage doth, it is Gods Ordinance, who joyned Man and Woman together in Paradise, and is fittest to be celebrated among Christians in the Paradise of the Church-Assembly: And to be blessed by those Servants of God his Priests, who are to bless his Peo­ple in all things, especially in so great a Mystery. The Question is, Whether a Man should scruple not to Wed a Woman, unless she were joyned to him by the Priests of his own Communion? My Lord, Let me set the shape of it be­fore you in another Glass. If a Roman born and bred made choice of a Greekish Woman for his Wife among Greeks, in Morea or Thessalonica, would the Wed­lock be esteemed ineffectual, if a Priest of the Ordination of the Greek Church did tie the Knot? The Ordination of our Clergy is nearer to you, than the Greeks. Indeed I never heard but a good Wife, and a rich Portion would be welcom to a Recusant, though a Minister made by Imposition of Hands in this Kingdom did joyn them. And I never heard that such Married Ones, as de­parted out of our Church to yours, were question'd among you upon the Truth of their Matrimony, which they brought with them from hence. And 'tis well done of you, lest we should require Exceptions, and make the Issue of the most of the Roman Catholiques in the Land Illegitimate. It is in our Power to do so, because they are not scrupulously Married by that Form, which our Laws have provided, and with an even Obedience to every tittle of our Prescriptions. But many things are lawful, which are not expedient.’

224. ‘The Annoiting of the Sick may come in next, or in what Order you will, my Lord. I know it is called Extreme Unction in some Writers sense, be­cause it is the Extreme Sacrament, when the Soul is about to take its leave of all Sacraments As soon as I have named it, I am ready to shake Hands, and part with it. What if some, in the infirmity of their Sickness, desire it, because the Tradition of the Church hath commended it? Yet none is so superstitious to think, that Comfort cannot be infused into them, that are at the point of Death, sufficiently without it. St. Stephen departed without Extreme Unction, and yet the Lord Jesus receiv'd his Spirit. Men condemn'd by the Law, and led to Exe­cution, but well prepar'd for a better Life by their Ghostly Fathers, neither have it, nor crave it. But they that are most impotent, most affected with Languor, are subject to a most disorder'd Appetite. Why, suppose then one that is sick, should have this Pica, and long to be Annoiled? Why might not a Lay-Friend Annoil, as well as Baptize? Eckius would have us believe that the blessed Vir­gin, and your peculiar Saint, St. Genouefa, have Anointed many that were sick, and they have recover'd. Yet lest it should be evaded, that these were Persons of miraculous Endowments, hear the Words of Pope Innocent the First, that are as large as can be, and allowed to be his, speaking of this sick Man's Salve: Omni­bus uti Christianis licet in suâ aut suorum necessitate inungendo. Which Papal Sen­tence our Countryman Bede quotes, and makes it full on this wise, not only Pres­byters, but any Christians may Anoint the Infirm in case of necessity. Will you have the Judgment of some that are latter than Innocent and Bede? Hear one, but a sound Card, Bonaventure upon the Sentences, Potest dispensari in casu neces­sitatis à non Sacerdotibus. For the Sacrament of the Altar, my Lord, as you speak [Page 219]in your Dialect, it is necessary Necessitate Praecepti, non Medii, say both your Di­vines, and ours. That is in a longer Paraphrase, the Commandment to Take, and Eat, I and to Drink too, must necessarily be obeyed by them that can keep it: But it hath not such a strict tie with the Covenant of Salvation, That all they shall fail of final Mercy, who are impeded to partake without any fault of theirs. In­fants lack the taste of that Heavenly Food, and are not prejudiced: For our Sa­viour requir'd it of none, but of such as could actually believe that he died for the Sins of the World. Is not the same Indulgence intended towards them, and far rather, who believe in Christ's Death, and would enjoy the Sacrament that An­nuntiates his Death, but cannot. Your Gravest Authors do please themselves in the Words of Rupertus, and they are grown to be the trivial Quotation upon this Case, Non judicatur apud Deum non manducare, nisi qui manducare noluit, qui non curavit, qui neglexit. The desire of the Heart supplies the defect of actual Man­ducation. Time was more than 1300 Years ago, when those that sate at the Helm of the most Dignified Churches, and steered the Conclusions of Divine Truth, were more rigid upon this Theme, than they that hold the same Sees in these Days. They were so literal in the sense of those words, Job. 6.53. Except ye eat the Flesh of the Son of Man, and drink his Blood, you have no Life in you; that an Infant Baptized was presently admitted to the Sumption of the Sacred Ele­ments: That believing People, in danger to be separated from their Pastors in time of Persecution, were suffered to reserve the Consecrated Bread, and to eat it reverently at Home. These Customs are utterly melted away into disuse, and the latter overthrown by a Curse in the first Council of Toledo. At this Day your Canons enjoyn no more, But that every faithful Man and Woman partake of Christs Body once a Year at Easter. And how gentle are your Casuists in their Copious Relaxations upon the Obligation to this Canon? You shall hear but one speak, Navarr Enchirid. Cap. 21. Every Notorious Cause excuseth those that receive not once a Year. And it is allowed to be a Notorious Cause if danger to lose Life, or Hmour, or Fortunes doth distein a Christian. Therefore a Woman that hath a Child at her Breast is dispens'd with for the Sucklings sake. And a Widow in some places, who keeps the fashion to mourn a twelve-month at Home, before she appears in publick. Nay, Caution is made to absolve them that are raggedly, or meanly apparell'd, and would be ashamed to have the Eyes of some cast upon them in their homely Garments. You cannot go lower, unless you could throw less than one Ace upon a Dye. Excuses you see are cheap, because that Sacrament is not rated so dear, as if it were taken, or not taken upon the price of Salvation.’

225. ‘And now, that your Lordship may undergo no longer Penance to hear me upon this Subject, I will dispatch with the Consideration of your Sacrament of Penance: For whose use and necessity the Priests contend more than the People. And if we of the Reformed Clergy had not set before our Eyes the Naked Simplicity of the Gospel, rather than our own Interests and Emolument, we would never have ridden that stiff-headed Beast the Multitude without this Bridle. The Power of the Keys, do you call it? And so ye may: For the Locks of all Secrets fly open before it; and every Mans Coffers are at the Command of the Confesson. Confession of all Sin, especially the most to be blush'd at, though lodged in the darkest Cellar of the Heart, is a heavy Burden: Yet any wise Man will resolve not to be shame-faced, but to endure that, which he must bear by a rigid, and peremptory Law. If there be no remedy, as the Confes­sors say, but either reveal your Sin, even to all their Minutes and Circumstan­ces, and obtein Sacerdotal Absolution, or never look Christ in the Face, I can­not then blame your Brethren to say, Give us Ghostly Fathers, or else we die. But hold there. I will spread your own Doctrine impartially before you. Your se­verest Writers say, That Confession of wasting and mortal Sins is to be made to a Priest upon the Commandment of Christ. Such a Law they have fixed, partly by Consequences, partly by their Exposition of the Text. Now it is fit to hear what may be said upon this Law, when the Case is removed into a Court of Equity. I move then in the behalf of a Sinner: Is he bound, as soon as he hath committed a mortal Sin, with all competent Celerity, to confess, that he may be absolv'd? Not so, says the Chancery of Divinity. Let him prostrate himself before the Knees of the Poenitentiary once a Year, and rehearse his Crimes. Is that re­solved Scripture? Is Confession once a Year of Divine Right? No, says old Navarr, there is no Divine express Word, that chargeth the Penitent when, and how often to come to that Sacrament; but by Human Authority all Offenders are obliged there­unto once a Year.

[Page 220]

I move once more at the Bar of Favour. Is that Canon as inflexible as the Laws of the Medes and Persians? Or will it admit of Relaxation? Why not, says Azorius, Lib. 7. Moral. Cap. 40.
Quod quisque fidelium semel quotannis confiteatur, Ecclesia Imperavit.
Et Autoritate Pontificiâ potest quis eximi à lege annuae Confessionis.
One Exception by all Votes is admitted, That a Person born dumb shall not have his Sins reteined for want of Confession, Cajet. Sacerd. Lib. 3. Cap. 6. And are not their Mouths stopt, as if they were dumb-born, in whose Vicinage, nay, in whose Country, none of Holy Orders out of that Tribe ought to be found by the Laws to take their Confession? Or will it come to one effect, if they put down such faults, as they call to mind they have committed, in writing? And so send this blotting Paper to them that have the Tutelage over them in such Cases. This Trick wants not those that applaud it: Especially among the Jesuits; who I think would teach Pigeons to carry such Messages to and fro, since they would have all the Work in their own Hands, and cannot be in all places. But your sounder Divines condemn that Device: Either because the Circumstances of Sins, which alter Cases exceedingly, cannot be Interrogated so well in conveyance of Letters: Or least the Offendor, while his Letter is under the Messengers dispatch, should relapse into his former Sin, and abuse the Grace of Absolution: Or prin­cipally, because that which is under a Mans Hand is permanent; and if it mis­carry, it may be produc'd afterwards to his sorrow and vexation by the Secular Power. Therefore this Rule must be the Coronis of all this Dispute, That he that hath not a Competent External Judge to confess his Sins unto, may quiet his Conscience, when he confesseth them to none but GOD.

226. ‘What say you now, my Lord? Doth Salvation necessarily depend up­on your Septemfluous Sacraments? Or do they depend all upon the Administra­tion of the Priests? O Sir, King David was cosen'd, for believing his Son Am­non, who pretended he could eat nothing, unless his Sister Tamar dress'd it. But somewhat about Sacramental Confessions hangs yet in my Teeth; and I shall not speak it, but spit it out. It is so reasonable, that I bespeak you not to be offended. He that takes it ill, it is at his own adventure. Salus populi suprema Lex esto: We must first look to common safety. And they that think to build upon the Ruines of it, will find a false Foundation, I hope. Court us not suffer Confessors to creep into Corners among us. For they profess they will not discover Treason plotted against the King and Kingdom, if it be disclosed under that Privy Seal. Nay, it hath appeared by Examinations, by Witnesses, by Letter under their own Hands, by all sorts of Proofs, that they did not reveal it, when they knew the fatal Hour was at Hand, to blow up our Sovereign, the Prince his Heir, and the whole Flower of the Realm with that Infernal Powder-Plot. Not reveal it, said I? Yes more, it was hatch'd in their Brain, and confirm'd with their Bles­sing. If Clanculary Confession was cast out of the Church of Constantinople for one Mans Lust; What just cause have we to gagg it for forty Mens Treason? I would have him hang'd for his Wit, that should invent a way to discharge a Pi­stol, that might give no Report. Now let me forfeit my Credit, if wise Men will not say, That Conspiracies buzzed into the Ear, and imposed never to be detected, upon the deepest Obligations of Faith, Church-Love, Merit, &c. are far more dange­rous than Powder and Shot, that kill and crack not. Would you in good earnest have us Repeal our Laws of Correction against such dangerous Flambeaux? Were not that to break down our Walls, and to let in the fatal Horse with his Belly­full of Enemies? If they plead that there is no such danger in them now; Let them tell it to deaf Men. We know, and can demonstrate, that the most of Contrivances against our State have been whetted upon the Grind-stone of Con­fession. Our Sages that made the Laws to blow away the Locusts into their own Red-Sea, have given us a taste of their Malice in the Preface of the Statute Eliz. 27. That they came into the Land to work the Ruine, Desolation and Destruction of the whole Realm. Therefore marvel not if some have lost their Lives, that have tempted the Rigour of those Laws. Neither doth it move us, that our Fugitives thereupon have sprinkled their Calenders with new Martyrs. What if Jeroboam's Priests had pass'd their own Bounds, and come to Jerusalem, where it is likely they would have been cut off for Enemies and Rebels, should their Names have been crowded into the Catalogue of the good Prophets, that were stoned by Tyrants? Beshrew your Superiours beyond Seas, that Conjure up such Spirits, [Page 221]to come into our Circle.’ It grieves us, God knows our Hearts, to Execute our Laws upon one ot two in Seven Years for a Terror to others. But Prudence is a safer Virtue then Pity. And it is far better our Adversaries should be obnoxious to our Tribunal, then we to theirs, by the Thraldom of our Nation; which is the drift of those unnatural Emissaries. And if the Venetians, that are under the Obedience of your Church, have banish'd some of that Stamp, and irrevocably, out of their Territories: Nay, if your selves in France did sometimes Expel the same Faction, accept it favorably from us, who will never be under that Obedi­ence, if we Banish all.

227. ‘Hold out your Great Courtesie my Lord, to a few Words more. The Answering of an Objection or two will not stay you long. And before I con­clude I will deal you a good Game to make your Lordship a Saver, if you will follow Suit. You please your self, Sir, because you ask no more Liberty for your sacrifical Priests in our Land, then the Reformed Ministers enjoy with you in France. But the Comparison doth not consist of equal Terms. The Protestants receive a benefit of some Toleration in your Realm, to stop the mischief of Ci­vil Wars, and to settle a firm Peace among your selves. It is the Reason which your Wisest and most candid Historian Thuanus doth often give, and Mounsieur Bodin before him, p. 588. Reip. Ferenda ea Religio est, quam sine interitu reip. au­ferre non potest. If you did not so, you would pull up much of your own Wheat, with that which you call Tares. But such a Toleration in this Kingdom would not only disturb Peace, but with great Probability dissolve it. In the next place you urge that such a memorable Favour might be done to gratifie the sweet Madam, our intended Princess, upon the Marriage. O my Lord you are driven by Blind Mariners upon a Rock. If this could be Granted by the King, which you contend for, and wereeffected; Sweet Lady, she would be brought in the Curses of this Nation, and would Repent the day, that she drew the Of­fence of the whole Land upon her Head. Let me say on the Husbands Part, what your Country-man Ausonius says for the Wife, Saepe in conjugiis fit noxia, si nimia est dos. If the Prince should make a Joynter to his Wife out of the Tears and Sorrows of the People, it were the worst bargain that ever he made. His Majesties Consort of Happy Memory Queen Ann, did not altogether concord with our Church. Indeed the Diversity between us, and the Lutherans, among whom she was bred, is as little as between Scarlet and Crimson: The Colours are almost of the same Dip. But she carried it so prudently, that she gave no notice of any dissention: Neither ever did demand to have a Chaplain about her of the Lutheran Ordination. This were a Precedent for the most Illustrious Madam to follow, rather to procure the love of the generality, then of a few Male-contents; from whom you your self, my Lord, will have Cause to draw off, when I tell you all. They deal not with your Lordship sincerely. They thrust your whole hand into the Fire, and will not touch a Coal with one of their own Fingers. They that incite, and stir these Motions behind the Cur­tain, dare not upon pain of their Lives ask it in Parliament, where they know the Power Rests, and no where beside to ratifie the Grant. And when they Solicite your Lordship to obtain these indulgences for them in the Court, they know you beat the wrong Bush. Upon my Faith the Bird is not there.’

Noli amabo verberare Lapidem, ne perdas manum.
Plaut. in Curcul.

Knock not your Fingers against a Stone to Grate them.

‘Perchance my Lord, you think I have pinch'd you all this while with a streit Boot, which you can neither get on, nor off. Your Lordship shall not depart from me with little Ease, if Truth and plain dealing will purchase me to be called your Friend. None can Repeal our Laws but his Majesty, with the Votes of the three Estates, as you term them, the Lords Spiritual, and Temporal, and the people. And to dispense with the Execution of a Law absolutely, and unrestreinedly, is as much as to Repeal it; which if the King should assay, it were null in Law, and in Revenge of it in the next Parliament, it would be fa­ster bound, and perchance the Rigour of it increased. But Favour and Mer­cy may be shewn, Praeter sententiam legis, in some exempted Cases, and to some particular persons. Clemency against the Capital Sentence of the Laws is the Kings Prerogative; the Life of his Subject when it is forfeit to him, he may choose whether he will take the forfeiture. Every Varlet, says Seneca, may kill a Citizen against the Law; but then he turns to the Emperor, Servare nemo praeter [Page 222]te, &c. None but the Supreme Majesty can save a Life against the Law. Work upon that my Lord; and it were a good days work to extract advantage out of it. But wherein lies the way? You shall have better Heads then mine to help you, if you please to be directed by me. None can furnish you with the right Art of it, but some of our sage Counsellors of our Common Laws. I wish you therefore my Lord to proceed with the special knowledg of the Roman Catho­licks that stir most in this Project. Let them cull out some of the Learnedest Practisers together. Let the King's Attorney General make one, for my sake: For the rest let your Clients pick out as they like. An hundred Crowns among them, that is, a Fee of five pounds a Man, will not be ill bestowed upon them. Let them lay their Heads together. And I will lose all I am worth, if you do not thank me for having referred you to those, who will fetch out by their Skill so much to be Granted, that you will never be put to Contestation hereafter, that you ob­tain'd much of the King, and are never the nearer. The Courtiers with whom alone you have had to do to this time, have Complemented with your Lord­ship. So could I do likewise; give you Large concessions in Words and in Wax; but in effect nothing. Like Galley Pots Entitled with the Name of Cordials, but have Cob-Webs in them, and no more. My Lord, all that I have to say is no more but this, will you be lead by me? or will you wander still?’ Sir, says the Embassador, Use me honestly. I am a Stranger, and while I am in England, I will surrender up self to your Directions. Nay, I will possess our Virtuous, and Illustri­ous Madam, that you are a clear dealing Man, and of good Faith, and most worthy of her Trust, when she comes into a strange Land. And after a very civil Farewel at the present, Mounsieur Villoclare made use of those Instructions; For though he Climbed not so High as he looked, yet he Climbed better; for he stood sure, where he could not fall.

228. Which Papers came to the King, with more satisfaction, as he was pleas'd to say, then he could have expected. Not any Line of Wisdom or Learning could be lost to him, who saw as far, and as soon as any Man, into the Intelle­ctuals of another. For, as the Lord Bacon wrote, his Majesty had a light of Na­ture, which had such readiness to take Flame, and blaze from the least occasion presented, on the least spark of anothers knowledg deliver'd, as was to be admir'd. And this was the last present in that kind, that the Lord Keeper sent to the King; who finding some indisposition of Health, retired for fresh Air and quietness to his Mannor of Theobalds, VVhere Jacob gather'd up his Feet into the Bed, and yielded up the Ghost, Gen. 49.33. The Lord Keeper on March 22. being Tuesday, receiv'd a Letter from the Court, that it was feared his Majesties Sickness was dangerous to Death; which Fear was the more confirm'd, for he, dispatching away in all haste, met with Dr. Harvey in the Road, who told him, That the King us'd to have a Beneficial Evacuation of Nature, a sweating in his left Arm, as helpful to him as any Fontinel could be; which of late had failed. And that argued, that the former Vigour of Nature was low, and spent. This Symptome of the Kings Weakness I never heard from any else. Yet I believe it upon so learned a Do­ctors Observation. And this might well cause a Tertian Ague, and a Mortal, when the Spring had Entred so far, able to make a commotion in the Humours of the Body, and not to expel them, with accustom'd vaporation. After the L. Keeper had presented himself before his Lord the King, he moved him unto chearful Discourse, but it would not be: He continued til Midnight at his Bed­side, and perceiv'd no Comfort; but was out of all Comfort upon the consulta­tion that the Physicians held together in the Morning. Presently he besought the Prince, that he might acquaint his Father with his Feeble Estate, and like a faith­ful Chaplain mind him both of his Mortality, and Immortality; which was al­lowed and committed to him, as the principal Instrument of that Holy and neces­sary Service. So he went into the Chamber of the King again upon that Com­mission, and Kneeling at his Palat, told his Majesty, ‘He knew he should nei­ther Displease him, nor discourage him, if he brought Isaiahs Message to Heze­kiah, to set his House in Order; for he thought his Days to come would be but few in this World, but the best remained for the next World.’ I am satisfied, says the Sick King; and I pray you assist me to make me ready to go away hence to Christ, whose Mercies I call for, and I hope to find them. After this the Keeper, now of his Majesties Soul, kept about him with as much Diligence, as a Body of Flesh could endure. He was ever at hand; helpful not only in Sacred, but in every kind of Duty; never from that time put off his Cloaths to go to Bed, till his Ma­ster had put off his Tabernacle, which appear'd in his Looks on Sunday Night, [Page 223]when he return'd to VVestminster; employed himself Night and Day, unless the Physicians did compose his Majesty to rest, in Praying, in Reading, most of all in Discoursing about Repentance, Faith, Remission of Sins, Resurrection, and Eternal Life. To which the King made Answer, sometimes in Latin, always with Patience, and full of Heavenly Seasoning; which Hallowed Works were performed between them on VVednesday, as a Preparation to the Passover on Thursday, the Fortifying of his Majesties Soul against the Terrors of Death, with the lively Remembrance of Christ's Death and Passion in the Holy Communion. At which the King made most humble Consession of his Sins, craved Absolution, rendred the Confession of his Faith before many Witnesses, Profess'd he Died in the Bosom of the Church of England, whose Doctrine he had defended with his Pen, being perswaded it was according to the mind of Christ, as he should shortly Answer it before him.

229. All this while God did lend him such Strength, to utter himself how well he Relish'd that Sacred Banquet of Christ's Body and Blood, and how comforta­bly the Joy of the Holy Ghost did flow into his Soul, as if he had been in a way of Recovery. And his mournful Servants that saw and heard it, rejoyced greatly, that unto that time Sickness did not compress his Understanding, nor slop his Speech, nor Debilitate his Senses, and submitted more willingly to God to have their Master taken from their Head, because they believed the Lord was ready to receive him into Glory. The next day his Soul began to Retreat more inward, and so by degrees to take less and less Notice of external things. His Custos An­gelus, as I may call him, his Devoted Chaplain stirr'd very little out of the Cham­ber of Sorrow, both to give an Far to every Word the King spake in that extream condition, and to give it him again with the Use of some Divine Meditation; as also to Repulse those who crept much about the Chamber Door (he was sure for no good) Nay, and into the Chamber. They were of the most addicted to the Church of Rome, whom he controuled for their Sawciness, and commanded them as a Privy Counsellor further off. Impostors, that are accustom'd to bestow Ru­brick Lies upon the best Saints of God, and whom they cannot pervert living, to challenge for theirs when they are Dead. So, being rid of these Locusts, he was continually in Prayer, while the King linger'd on, and at last shut his Eyes with his own Hand, when his Soul departed. Whatsoever belong'd to Church Offi­ces about the Royal Exequies fell to his part afterward. He perform'd the Or­der of Burial, when the Body was reposed in the Vault of King Henry the Se­venths Chappel, appointed only for that famous King's Posterity, and their Con­forts. He Preach'd the Sermon at the Magnificent Funeral, out of the 2 Chron. c. 9. v. 29.30. and part of the 31. Now the rest of the Acts of Solomon First and Last are they not written in the Rock of Nathan the Prophet, and in the Prophesie of Ahijah the Shilonite, and in the Visions of Iddo the Seer against Jeroboam the Son of Nebat? And Solomon Reigned in Jerusalem over Israel Fourty Years. And Solo­mon slept with his Fathers and was Buried in the City of David his Father; and no further. Out of which Text he fetch'd two Solomons, and Match'd them well to­gether. And I conceive he never Studied any thing with more care, to deliver his mind apud honores, exactly to the Truth, and Honour of the King. He en­quired after the Sermon which Bishop Fisher made at the Funeral of King Henry the Seventh, and procur'd it; likewise for the Oration which Cardinal Peron made for King Henry the Fourth of France, and had it by the means of Dr. Peter Moulin the Father. These he laid before him to work by, and no common Pat­terns. 'Tis useless to Blazon this Sermon in the Quarters; take it altogether, and I know not who could mend it. It is in the Libraries of Scholars that are able to judg of it. And such as Read it shall wrong King Charles his Son, if they conceive any Passage Reflects upon him, because Eloquence in the Body of the Sermon, and in the Margent is commended in King James, and Extoll'd to be very useful in Government. Doth this derogate from the Honour of the Suc­ceslor. Chrisippus non dicet idem, nec mite Thaletis ingenium. Juvenal. Sat. For King Charles might be allowed for an Elegant Speaker, and choice in his matter, if he had not stood so near to his Fathers Example.

230. To whose Memory I stand so near, having been carried on to Record his Happy Departure, that I am prest in Conscience to do some right to his Worthi­ness. He was a King in his Cradle,

[Page 224]
—Aequaevâ eum Majestate Creatus,
Nulla (que) privatae passus contagia sortis.
As Claudian of Honorius Paneg. l. 7.

As he was born almost with a Scepter in his Hand, so he had studied long to use it; which made him much contest to keep Regal Majesty inte­merated; which was as good for us, as for him. Summum dominium est Spiri­tus vitalis, quem tot millia Civium trahunt, says Grotius out of Seneca. de Ju. B. & P. l. 2. c. 9. con. 3. Which will Expound that Phrase in the Book of Lamen­tations, That Josiah is call'd the Breath of the Jews Nostrils. Some thought that the good King studied to Enthral the people; far from his mind God wot. But his speculation was, that Northern Nations love not a Yoke upon their Necks, and are prone to Anarchy; that they will ruin themselves, if they be not held down to a good temper of Obedience; and that, by too much Liberty, Liberty it self will Perish. It is is an Excellent Speech which Artabanus makes to Themistocles in Plutarch. We hear of you Greeks [...], that you love Liberty and Parity; but among many good Laws, this is the Chief in Per­sia, [...], &c. To Honour our King, and to Worship him as the Image of God. And I trow the Persian Monarchs have last­ed longer then the Burgo-Masters of Greece? The Grast will have no Cause to Repent, that it is bound close to the Stock, it will grow the better. But as King James did rather talk much of free Monarchy, then execute it: So no people did ever live more prosperously then we did under him, and he made no ostentation of it. If all were not turn'd upside downward of late, I might declame out of the Paneg. to Constantine, Quis, non dico reminiscitur, sed quis non adhuc quodam mo­dò videt, quantis ille rebus auxerit, ornarit (que) rempub.? To what an immense Riches in his time did the Merchandize of England rise to above former Ages? What Buildings? What Sumptuousness? What Feastings? What gorgeous Attire? What Massy Plate, and Jewels? What Prodigal Marriage Portions were grown in fashion among the Nobility and Gentry, as if the Skies had Rained Plenty? The Courts of Laws Civil and Common never had such practise, nor the Offices belonging to them such Receipts upon their Books. The Schools in the Univer­sities, and the Pulpits, with Wits of all Arts and Faculties, never flourish'd so be­fore over all the Land. Let Zion and the Clergy be joyful in the Remembrance of their King. God bestowed with him upon the Land the Gift which Homer says Jupiter promised to Ulysses his Reign in I [...]haca, [...], Odyss. a. Enough of Wealth and Peace. And they that suck at those two Breasts, and are forward, they know not what is good for them, and are insensible of a Benefit. Let them keep silence with shame enough, that Ball aloud, we were corrupted by them; whose Fault was that? Therefore God hath taken them away from us, and will give them to a people that will use them better. Ne (que) jugi pace, aut lon­go otio absoluta ingenia corrumpis, says Capitol. of M. Antonius. A Soul of good Metal will never Rust in the Scabbard of Peace. O with what mony would we be content to buy so many years of Peace again, now Wars have trodden us under foot like Dirt? If there be a Milky Circle upon Earth, a Condensation of many comfortable and propitious stars, it is Peace; which this Peace-maker preserv'd at home, and pursued it for his contemporary Potentates abroad; till his Son-in-Law made an Attempt upon Bohemia, unfortunate to himself, and to all Christi­andom. But what says Ar. Wil. to this p. 160. ‘His maintaining of Peace, how­soever the World did believe it was out of a Religious Ground, yet it was no o­ther but a Cowardly disposition, that durst not adventure.’ Like as when L. Opi­mius had supprest C. Gracchus, with the rascal Rabble that follow'd him, and Opi­mius having pacified the uproar Dedicated a Temple to Concord. The Sediti­ous flouted it with this Verse,

[...].
Plut. in vit. Grach.

Opus vaecordiae Templum concordiae facit. So if such a Monument had been Raised by this King, the Temple of Peace and Unity had been with the Malicious the Temple of Sloth and Vanity. 'Tis a Buff Coat Objection, that his Majesty consum'd as much in Embassies to settle diffe­rences by accord, and did no good, as would have maintain'd a Noble War, and made him sure of his Demands. Nay, hold Sirs, assurance is only in the Power of God; And the Die of VVar, says the Proverb, casts an uncertain Chance. How­soever, [Page 225]was it not more Christian to buy a Childs Portion with Mony, then with Blood? Gallantry hath made Embassages very chargeable; but they devour not like War. I shall make some Smile to tell them, that Aeschines accus'd Demosthe­nes for putting the Common-Wealth to the Expence of two Servants to carry his Sumpter, when he went Embassador. And in the time of C. Gracchus, lately spoken of, the Romans says Plutarch, allowed Nine Obols, or Fifteen Pence a day to him that was sent Abroad upon a publick Treaty. A Parsimony as bad as our Prodigality. But attend to the Opinion of our King Harry the Eighth, as I take it from Lord Cherbury's History, Pag. 171. The Maintaining of a sure Peace at Home, was almost as costly as to make War Abroad. Yet he had rather spend his own Treasure that way, than to expose his People to Slaughter, and to Miseries, that are worse than Slaughter.

231. But our King James did not weigh which was cheapest or dearest, Peace or War; but which was more answerable to times of Grace, and the Aeconomy of the Gospel. For Thrist and Saving, he could never be brought to think of them. I have heard, that he never loved a Servant till he had given him enough for a Livelihood; and suspected those that were modest, and did not ask, as if they loved not him. It might rightly be said of his Exchequer, what Salmasius notes upon Lampridius Diadumenns, Praefectus aerarii comes largitionum vocatur; quasi ad nullam aliam rem princeps aerarium haberet, quàm ad largiendum. The chief Trea­surer was called the Count of Largess, as if the Prince's Revenue served only for Bounty and Largess. But as wise Spotswood says upon Malcolm the Second. Ne­cessity is the Companion of immoderate Largition, and forceth to unlawful Shifts. Therefore it is better for a Prince to proportion Gists to his own Revenews, than to the Expectation of publick Supplies. Thus far King James may be magnified, he spent to please his Mind in gratifying and obliging many, not to please his Body. His Cloaths were thristy, and of better Example than his Courtiers would follow. He was temperate in his Diet, says Sir An. W. and to be believed, because in every thing almost he is an affected Defamer; but this he knew well, for he was Clerk of the Kitchin, and waited at the Table. Where, as an eye Witness, he adds, that he was temperate also in his Drinking, drinking often, but very of­ten not above one or two Spoonfuls at once, which Strangers observing, and not knowing the small quantity he sip'd, carried away an Error with them, which grew into a false Fame: But I never spake with that Man that saw him overtaken. Take him for a Scholar, and he had gathered Knowledge to astonishment; and was so expert to use it, that had he been born in a private Fortune, he might have deserved to be a Bishop of the highest Promotion. Let the Learnedest of the Nobility, the Lord Bacon, speak for the Learnedest of Monarchs. There hath not been since Christ's Time, any King, which hath been so Learned in all Lite­rature and Erudition, Divine and Humane. And let him win and wear that in Auson, Paneg. which cannot be denied him, Quid aliud es quàm ex omni bonarum artium ingenio collecta perfectio? Piety is the Basis of all Vertue, and the Basis of Piety in corrupted Nature, is rather Repentance than Innocency. When this King called to mind in his Retiring-Chamber, or in his Bed, that he had been that Day overtaken with Passion, As he that offends not in Word, the same is a per-Man, Jam. 3.2. he used to send for Bishop Montague, the only Prelate that ever was sworn of his Bed-Chamber, or for Dr. Young, the Dean of Winton, whom he would exhort to Pray with him for the Forgiveness of his Sins. He was infinitely given to Prayer, says Sir Ant. W. but more out of Fear than Conscience. That's Satan's Gloss upon a good Text. What Fear should move him to Prayer, but that which is the beginning of Wisdom? Few dye Saints, that live Libertines. God would not have impowered him to express such good Effects of Religion, at his parting out of this Life, if he had not been his faithful Servant in his Life be­fore. To trumpet these, and many more Triumphs of Praise, Fame, will wake for him, now he is faln asleep. And the more Ages to come that will stu­dy him, the more they will renown him. I have read it quoted out of Galen, that the Surentine Wine is never mellow for the Taste till it be seventy years old; and because few will keep it so long, the Goodness is little known. So the lon­ger the World keeps this King's Memory, it will be the sweeter. Perhaps it is yet harsh to some malevolous and unthankful.

232. It is the Virulency of wrathful Writers, that the Dead, that should be spared, are most traduced by them. They cannot bite again, when they are bitten; as Budaeus said of Portius, Lib. 5. de Asse. Fol. 169. That Portius would not write against him while he was living: Placabiliùs homo peritus actum iri meis cum [Page 226]manibus a sese, quàm mecum intelligebar. And the miserable Condition of Kings deceased is above others, especially if their Posterity be not in a Condition to do them right, they are most like to be wounded in their Honour by all those (who must be many) that have been offended in their own Persons and Suits; or in the Injuries, as they interpret them, of their Friends and Relations. Especially it is to be deplored, and defied, that some are so touchy upon the nicest Points of Religion, that they will not spare the Good Name, no, not of the Lord's A­nointed, if he have distasted them with Opposition of Opinions, if he not dog­matize with them in all abstruse and intricate Problems of almost unsearchable Truths. For which, they that sue their Adversaries hotly, and, as it were, go to Law for every Quirk and knotty Point, are no better than common Barretters in Divinity. This was King James's hard Fortune, to be blotted with the Inks of Parsons, Schioppius, Scribanius, furious Papists, and as many more of them as would sill Justice-Hall in New-gate: by the Precise, that were alienated from the Ceremonies and Discipline of the well framed Protestant Church; as Wdden, Wilson, Payton, and a Sanhedrim of Scots, that contended against the Articles of Perth; and (which I did not look for) by one (and no more I hope) devoted to those Corollaries of Theology, which in this last Age are named from the Bel­gick Doctor Arminius. It is the Observator on H. L. If King James had not stopt the Current of those Opinions, especially, as he says, P. 23. in his Declara­tion against Vorstius: Or, if for Reasons of State, he had not joyned himself to his dear Confederate, Maurice Prince of Orange, to call the Synod of Dort, to suppress a Party under the Countenance and Command of Jo. Olden Barnev [...], by him used to undermine the Power of Maurice; I doubt not but he had scap'd free from the Observator's Censure. But since he was vigilant to attend the Af­fairs of the Protestant Churches in all their Harbors, and looked circumspectly to quell Commotions in the Netherlands, he must by no means pass for Great-Britain's Solomon; nay, it is no hard matter to prove, that he was over-witted, and made use of to other Mens ends, by almost all that undertook him. This is too large a Field to run over; but many wise Princes have been abused in some Treaties; as Queen Elizabeth at St. Quintins, about the Restoring of Calis in 88, by the dodges of the Prince of Parma; and over and over by King Henry the Fourth of France. So was this King foiled at Madrid, about the Marriage of his Son, upon which his Chief Plots did depend, by the Cro [...]ness of his own Ministers. I have heard some observe, like this Censurer, that his Wisdom wanted Pertinacy and Severi­ty, which proceeded from the Gentleness of his Nature, not apt to keep others in so hard, as he should. In this Kingdom, I am sure his greatest, and most dange­rous contriving Enemies found his Wisdom, that maugre all Devices to oppose his Title, he took the Crown of England so quietly, and enjoyed it so peaceably, that it was the Amazement of all Princes. Ireland found his Wisdom, so admirably civiliz'd, so enriched with Trade by the Plantation at London-Derry, so furnished with true Religion, and excellent Learning, and Means to nourish it; so quiet from Rebellion in all his Days, that whoso doth not praise it, must be stupid, or envy it. Scotland found his Wisdom, whose Borders he scoured from Thieves, whose Fewds he reconciled, whose Ecclesiastical Government he setled, whose Mouths (a small few excepted) he kept from Murmering, and whose Swords he kept sheathed, so ready to be drawn upon every Alarum; that those Days were Halcyonian Days from Tweed to the Orcades. But for England, says the Observator, he neglected the Affairs of State, and Care of Government, to hunt after Pleasures, deserting the Imperial City, to sport himself at Roiston and Now­market, and such obscure Places, which were to him as the Isle of Capreae was to Tibarius Caesar. What! the Isle of Capreae, where Tiberius practised his odious Lasts not to be named, which the well-moralized Romans did abhor? Hac v [...]rò ni P. Clodius dixit unquam. Cic. Phil. 2. The Devil and the Jesuits durst not say so, the most venemous Scorpion did never touch him with that Sting. And did ever any Christian in the first Ages of the Church, when their Blood was shed like Water on every side? did ever any of them stigmatize the most loathsome-liv'd Emperor and Tyrant with such Words? Never. And let the great Annalist be heard. Baron. an. 75. com. 4. Nunquam, in tot acerbissimis ab Imperatoribus illatis in Christianos persecutionibus, quem piam illorum ob diccitatem conventum esse judicio, quis poterit invenire. I will give this Complaint over, though it deserves a long In­vective; for I treat of a most merciful King, who was most remissive of Wrongs, no Spiller of Blood, but of Beasts in Hunting, that never shewed himself unsavo­ry with the Froward, 2 Sam. 22.27. Nec quicquam est gloriosius Principe impune Les [...], Senec. lib. 1. [...].

[Page 227] 233. It is said, but mistaken, that Government was neglected at those Hunting-Houses; and by the way, Why are they called obscure Places? Royston and Newmarket, petty if compared with London; but they are Market-Towns, and great Thorow-Fares; where the Court was so frequented, both for Business and Recreations, that many of the Followers could not find a Lodging in that Town, nor scarce in the Villages round about it. I held Acquaintance with some that at­tended the Principal Secretaries there, who protest they were held to it closer, and sate up later in those Retirements, to make Dispatches, than at London. The King went not out with his Hounds above three Days in the Week, and Hunting was soon over. Much of the time his Majesty spent in State Contrivances, and at his Book. I have stood by his Table often, when I was about the Age of Two and twenty Years, and from thence forward, and have heard learned Pieces read before him at his Dinners, which I thought strange; but a Chaplain of James Mantague, Bishop of Winton, told me, that the Bishop had read over unto him the four Tomes of Cardinal Bellarmine's Controversies at those Respites, when his Majesty took fresh Air, and weighed the Objections and Answers of that sub­tle Author, and sent often to the Libraries in Cambridge for Books, to examine his Quotations. Surely then, whatsoever any Caper witted Man may observe, neither was the King's Chastity stained, nor his Wisdom lull'd asleep, nor his Care of Government slackned, by Lodging in those Courts remote from London, where he was freer from Disturbances. But as I [...]ocrates said of Evagoras, [...], He had the Dexterity to purchase less Labour with much Ease, and to shift the Toil of a King sometimes into the Pleasure of a Scho­lars Studies. Neither would I have had the Observator tax him, that he ict loose the golden Reins of Discipline, held by his Predecessors with so strict a Hand, and opened the first Gap unto these Consusions, and what Discipline King James is charged to slacken, the Observator best knows his own Meaning. I am no Phormio, to teach Hannibal how to Govern. But to draw our fatal Confusions from the Prosperity enjoyed by his Mildness and Peace, must be stretch'd out of long spun Deductions; like that in Tully, Wo to the Mountain Ida, where the Trees grew, whose Timber made the Ships, that carried Paris to Rape Helen, which stir'd up the Greeks to revenge it, and to Sack Troy. Or thus: Wae be to Joseph, that sent for his Father and Brethren, and planted them in Aegypt, in a fat Soil, where their Stock increased, whose Increase was dreaded; which caused the Male Children to be drowned, and the Israelites to be oppressed by Pharaoh's Task-Masters. This was visible before our Eyes, the precious Things of Heaven, and the precious Things of the Earth, and the Fulness of the Earth abounded in his Reign, and many years after, by the Good-will of him that dwelt in the Bush. All that hath fallen out since, is from the Hand of the Lord, upon a People, the most Unthankful, and the most Guilty of their own Ruine, that ever was heard of in any History. And now let a Man of more Authority, Judgment and Experience than the Observator, speak upon the Wisdom of my Lord the King. It is the most Reverend Spots­wood in his last Page. ‘He was the Solomon of his Age, admired for his wise Go­vernment, and for his Knowledge of all manner of Learning, for his Wisdom, Moderation, Love of Justice, for his Patience and Piety (which shined above all his other Vertues, and is witnessed in his Learned Works he left to Posterity) his Name shall never be forgotten, but remain in Honour so long as the World indureth.’ We that have had the Honour and Happiness many times to hear him discourse of the most weighty Matters, as well of Policy as of Divinity; now that he is gone, must comfort our selves with the Remembrance of those Excellen­cies, and reckon it not the least Part of our Happiness, to have lived in his Days. It is well that King James passeth for a Solomon with that Holy Bishop, and wise Counsellor. Now that I may decline an over-weening Opinion of any mortal Man, Nazianzen minds me very well, Orat. in laud. Athenas. that among God's Worthies, he commends [...], Solomon in some things, not in all. No Man ruled the least Principality so well, much less three Kingdoms, with Isles adjacent, and remote; but the Modest and Impartial might have required some­what to be amended in the Administration, for it is true what Pliny says in his Paneg. Nemo extitit, cujus virtutes nullo vitiorum confinio laeder [...]mur. If small Motes be discerned by piercing Eyes, yet such Minutes are easily covered over with egregious and heroical Vertues. And the hard Heart of Sir An. W. softned into this Confession at last. Take him all together, and not in pieces, such a King, I wish this Kingdom have never any worse, on the Condition not any better.

[Page 228] 234. I have borrowed thus much Room to set up a little Obelisk for King James, out of that which is only intended to the Memorials of his Lord Keeper; which Servant of that King's ( [...]) if he had any Sense of it, would be willing to lend that, and more to his good Master: With whose Death, the Day of the Ser­vant's Prosperity shut up, and a Night of long and troublesome Adversity followed. Which if I can compass in my Old Age, and decay'd Health, to bring into a Frame, for the Reader to behold, he may say as Socrates did of Antisthenes in La­ertius, [...], that two Athenians would not make up one so Noble as Antisthenes. And two Men would never have discharg­ed those two Parts so well, as this one Man performed them. Which Represen­tation may meet with some, perchance, that will not be favourable to it; whom I wish to take heed of the Character which Theophrastus gives of an impure Man, [...]. I will lengthen it thus, he acts his own Part ill, that Hisseth at him that deserves to be applauded.

FINIS.
A MEMORIAL Offer'd t …

A MEMORIAL Offer'd to the Great Deservings OF JOHN WILLIAMS, D.D. Who sometimes Held the PLACES of LORD-KEEPER of the GREAT-SEAL OF ENGLAND, Lord Bishop of LINCOLN, AND Lord Arch - Bishop of YORK.

Written by JOHN HACKETT, Late Lord Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield.

PART II.

Isocrates ad Evagoram, pag. 80.

[...].

Salust. de Caio Caesari,

In te, praeter caeteras, artem unam egregiè mirabilem comperi; semper tibi majorem in adversis, quàm in secundis rebus auimum esse,

pag. 171.

LONDON: Printed for Samuel Lowndes, over-against the Exchange, in the Strand, MDCXCIII.

A MEMORIAL Offer'd to the Great Deservings OF JOHN WILLIAMS, D.D. Who sometimes Held the Places of the LORD-KEEPER of the GREAT-SEAL of England, &c.
PART II.

CAmerarius Writing the Life of Melanchthon, Paragraph 1. the Darling of the Champions of the Reformed Religion, divided his Work into two Parts, and gave no reason for it, but because he would make his Web of a new piece, after the Death of Luther. It is the Pattern which I set be­fore me, to make a new Exordium, as he did, upon the Subject which I handle, after the Death of King James. Especially since I must take his Shadow, whom my Pens draws forth, no more by a Noon-tide Light, but by an Evening de­clension. Manilias. His Prosperity, or shall I say his Honours, and Court-Favours, were now in their Tropick, Cum lucem vincere noctes incipiunt. But Vertue is not For­tune's Servant. He rose with great Light: and he set with as great Brightness as he rose. And as Paterculus writes of Mithridates I may refer it to him, Ali [...]uando fortunâ, semper animo maximus; He was once high in Fortune: but always strong in Courage, and great in Worth. 'Tis common to see a Stock ingrafted with two forts of Fruits. The Almighty Planter shews greater differences, when he pleaseth, in Moral, than in Natural Plantations. As he ordain'd the Noble Williams to become two contrary Parts, as well as any Man had perform'd them in five Ages before him, keeping the golden Mean in the Tryals of the Right­hand, and of the Lest, being neither corrupted with the Advancements, nor the Persecutions of the Times: As Paul and Barnabas were neither transported with the Honours which the Lycaonians did intend, nor deterr'd with the Stones which they cast at them, Acts 14. But the latter is most to be remarked. For if this Lord-keeper had not drest himself with Vertue, when he was clad in Honour: nor rendred a sweet Air in every Close, when the Diapason of Peace, Wealth, and the King's Love were all in tune, he had abus'd Fortune, which had given him his pay in hand. Nec tam meruit gloriam, quàm effugit flagitium; as Pliny hath it: But to stand upright, when he was dismounted: to cross his Crosses with Generosity and Patience: to pass through a hot Furnace of Afflicti­ons, which was heated with all kind of Malice, and no smell of Fire to remain upon him, Dan. 3. v. 27. this deserves to be Canonized, and will keep green [Page 4]in the Memory of more Ages than one. From the Forty third Year of his Life to the full term of his Sixty eighth Year, trouble upon trouble, mischief af­ter mischief had him in chase; and yet the Huntsmen, those Salvaggi could never blow the Death of this well-breath'd Hart. Fifteen Years the pursuit came from them, that made use of the Frown of the King. When they were a fault (But when were they otherwise?) One Woe was past, but there came two Woes (or rather a thousand) after it, Apoc. 9.12. [...], the Parliament of Destruction, or of absolute Reprobation, Sine praeviso peccato, which spared none, supprest him, opprest him, and he was under that Sufferance ten Years. Was not the Ship well built? Were not the Ribs of it heart of Oak, which en­dured a Storm of twenty five Years? and in that long time never enjoy'd a calm Sea? He was made for such a Tryal; which was sanctified by Gospel-Promises, giving unto just Men assurance of vigour to endure them. Every one pittieth him­self: everyone covets Ease, and Prosperity: which is more Childish than Manly. And a Design that is commonly mistaken. Adversity, out of doubt, is best for us all, because we would not carve it out to our selves, but God chooseth it for us: and he chooseth better for us, than we can for ourselves. By his Providence some Mens Sorrows are greater than others: and few had a deeper Cup to drink than this Prelate. But every Man's Calamity is fittest for himself: trust the Di­vine appointment for that. And if all Adversities of several Men were laid in seve­ral heaps, a wise Man would take up his own, and carry them home upon his Shoulders. H [...]rmolaus Barbarus in an Epistle to Maximilian, King of the Romans, Polit. Epis. p. 447. distinguisheth between Happiness and Greatness: Secundae res felicem, Magnum faciunt adversae. But if he, that is beset round with distresses, bear them to the Estimation of good Men to appear great in them, then is he happy, as well as great. Which is to be demonstrated in the Subject that I write of, as followeth.

2. King Charles began his Reign Mart. 27. 1625. The next day he sent for the Lord-Keeper to his Court at St. James's: who found his Majesty and the Lord-Duke busied in many Cares. The King spake first of setling his Hous­hold: among whom the Keeper commended two out of his own Family to be preserr'd; but it was past over without an Answer: only his Domestick Chap­lain was taken into ordinary Service, for whom he had made no suit. But to begin the well-ordering of the new Court, he was appointed to give the Oath to the Lords of the Privy-Council, Sir Humphrey May taken into the Number, a very wise States man, and no more of a new Call. Then likewise order was given for the Funerals of the deceased King, and the Keeper chosen to Preach on the occasion: of which enough is said already by a convenient Anticipation. The Coronation was spoken of, though the time was not determin'd. Yet the King told the Keeper he must provide a Sermon for that likewise: but he that bespoke him was of another mind, before the Day of the Solemnization was ripe. That which was much insisted upon at this Consult was a Parliament. His Majesty being so forward to have it sit, that he did both propound, and dispute it, to have no Writs go forth to call a new one, but to continue the same which had met in one Session in his blessed Father's days, and prorogued to another a­gainst that Spring. The Lord-Keeper shewed, That the old Parliament deter­mined with his death that call'd it in his own Name, and gave it Authority to meet. Since necessity requir'd a new Choice, the King's Will was, That Writs should be dispatcht from the Chancery forthwith, and not a day to be lost. The Keeper craved to be heard, and said it was usual in times before, that the King's Servants, and trustiest Friends did deal with the Countries, Cities and Boroughs, where they were known, to procure a Promise for their Elections, before the precise time of an insequent Parliament was publisht; and that the same Fore­cast would be good at that time: which would not speed, if the Summons were divulged, before they lookt about them. The King answer'd, It was high time to have Subsidies granted for the maintaining of a War with the King of Spain, and the Fleet must go forth for that purpose in the Summer. The Keeper said little again, lest Fidelity should endanger a Suspicion of Malice: and he little dreamt that the Almanack of the new Year, or new Reign, was so soon calculated for the Longitude of a War, and the Latitude of vast Sums of Money to pay the Ser­vice. Yet he replied in a few words, but with so cold a consent, that the King turned away, and gave him leave to be gone. He that was not chearful to say good Luck have you with that Expedition, was not thought worthy to have an Oar in the great Barque, which was launching out, and making ready for the [Page 5]King's Marriage with the sweet Lady of France. Yet who but he to treat with Embassadors of that Nation, and on that Score, in his old Master's time? A­mong all the Cares that came into Consideration that day in the sulness of busi­ness, this had the start, and was hastned the same Morning with Posts and Pac­quets. Cupid's Wings could not possibly fly faster. Yet his Majesty spake no­thing of it to this able Counsellor, although the Rumor of it in a Week was heard from Thames to Twede. And the Duke began to hold no Conference with him: neither from that day did he call for this Abiathar, and say, Bring hither the Ephod to ask Counsel of the Lord. Evident Tokens to make any Man see what would come after, that was far less than a Prophet. Which this wife Man past over, and seem'd to observe nothing that was ominous, or unfriendly. But as Lord Mornay says in his Answer about the Conference at Fountain-bleau, when Henry of France, the 4th. forbad him coming to the Louver. Specto eclipsin, & expecto intrepidus, securus quid illa secum vehat: So the Lord-Keeper was better ac­quainted with Heaven, than to be troubled at an Eclipse, which is an accident prodigious to none but to a Fool, but familiar to a Philosopher. And he had learnt in the Morals by heart, that the way to lose Honour is, to be too careful to keep it.

3. While the great Assairs did run thus, the Keeper went close to his Book, as much as publick business would allow, to frame a Sermon against the Obse­quies of blessed James. He did not conceive, that the Counsels which he gave to the King, on the second day of his Reign, were so ill taken, as he heard not long after. He that speaks with the trust of a Counsellor, and, which is more, with the Tongue of a Bishop, should be priviledged to be plain, and faithful without offence. As St. Ambrose mindeth Theodosius, Ep. 29. Non est imperiale libertatem dicendi negare, neque sacerdotale quid sentias non dicere. But News knockt at his Study-door two days after, that my Lord-Duke threatned before many that attended, to turn him out of his Office. And the French Ambassadors were not the last that gave him warning of it. These Rumors he lookt upon with his Eyes open, and saw the approaching of a Downfal, and so little dissembled it, that he warn'd some of his Followers secretly, who were in best account with him, to procure dependance upon some other Master, for his Service e're long would not be worthy of them. It were to small purpose to enquire, why the Duke's Grace did so hastily press the Ruine of one, that had been his old Friend and Creature. It was his game, and he lov'd it. I have seen a Manuscript of Arch-Bishop Abbots, stating the Reason of his own Relegation to Ford in Kent (the Papers were written with his own Hand to my knowledge) wherein he paints the Fickleness of the great Duke, to set up and pluck down, with these Lines. First, He wanted not Suggestors to make the worst of all Mens Actions, whom they could misreport. Secondly, He loved not that any Man should stick too long in a Place of Greatness. He hit the Nail in that. For this Keeper continued the longest in a great Office, of any that he had lifted up, and did live to use them. Which proceeded not from his Grace's Constancy, but from the good-liking of the old King. But as Symmachus said of Polemio, Lib. 2. Ep. 14. Sic amicis uti­tur, quasi sloribus, tam diu gratis, quàm diu recentibus. So my young Lord chang'd his Friends as Men do Flowers; he lik'd a Scent no longer than it was fresh. Indeed he lookt from his Vassals for more than they could do, and hurried to make tryal of those that would do more. Thirdly, says the Arch-bishop again, He stood upon such fickle Terms, that he feared his own Shadow, and desperately ad­ventur'd upon many things for his own Preservation. Too true, for by this time he had lost the People: in whose good Opinion he thought he stood for the space of Nine Months. Alas, he had a slight fastning in them: for he never got their Love, further than his Hatred to Spain procur'd it. And that was spent out, upon an exacter Information of his bearing at Madrid. This was the Jealousie which gave the Lord-Keeper the deadly Stoccada, who would not abuse his own Knowledge so far, to extol my Lord for his Spanish Transactions, which broke the Peace, the Credit, the Heart of his King, and his Patron, never to be re­quited. Therefore that he was fallen in less than a Year from the abundance of a great Esteem, he thought he might thank the Keeper, whose down-right Ho­nesty gave the Example. More may be said: but once more shall suffice; the Duke had attempted with King James, that which he threatned now: but his Majesty that then was did not allow of it: and charged them both to unite, and to work friendly together for his Service. But that mighty Lord waited the opportunity to root up the Tree, which he had gone about to unfasten. For [Page 6]commonly the offended Person is an Eye-fore to him that did offend him. And such as have done great wrongs, are afraid of those, whom they have provok'd, and can never after affie in them: So it was among the Rules of Michael Hospi­talius (the best of the Chancellors of France, and yet in a Pet cashiered from keeping the Great-Seal) as Thuanus remembers it, Anno. 1568. Principum docu­mentum esse, ut iis nunquam serio reconcilientur, quos temerè offenderint. This, as it is related, was our Duke's Temper. And the Keeper understood that no Peace was to be had from an Adversary seeded with such Qualities. All that he could do to help himself, was not by preventing, but by retarding a Mischief. For though with the Stoick's Fate was inevitable: Yet Servius says in 8. Lib. Aen. that his great Poet thought, it might be deferr'd, though not avoided. Two things stuck to the Keeper like Sorrows, and gave him all the unrest that he had. First, He wish'd that his deposing might have come from any hand, but his Pa­trons that raised him: before whom he would fall, rather than wrestle with him as an Enemy. Secondly, He had read much to teach him, and seen the Proof of it, that when Princes call back their Honours, more Misery ensues. But as yet he stood his ground, and did become his Place as well as ever.

4. He never made use so much of his whole stock of Worth, and Wisdom, as in matter of Religion; which appears before in the Mazes, wherein he led the Spanish Embassador, with whom he shisted so cunningly, that they could obtain nothing for the Toleration of Popish Recusants, but Delays and Ex­pectations from time to time. Neither could the Monsieurs squeeze any more out of him, against the Ratification of the French Marriage, as appears in a bare Fort­night before K. James died, witness the Letter written to the Duke, March 13. 1624. Cabal. p. 105. If your Grace shall hear the Embassador complain of the Judges in their Charges, of their receiving Indictments, your Grace may an­swer, that those Charges are but Orations of course, opening all the Penal Laws: And the Indictments, being presented by the Country, cannot be refused by the Judges. But the Judges are ordered to execute nothing actually against the Recusants, nor will they do it during the Negotiation. And your Grace may put him in mind, that the Lord-Keeper doth every day, when his (the Embassa­dors) Secretary calls upon him, grant forth Writs, to remove all the Persons In­dicted in the Country into the Kings-Bench, out of the Power and Reaches of the Justices of Peace. And that being there the King may, and doth release them at his Pleasure. In all this there is no bar against the common Course of Law, but Mercy reserv'd to the Royal Pleasure. Now what cause had my Lord Duke to defie him by his Secretary, Cab. p. 87. That his Courses were dange­rous to his Country, and prejudicial to the Cause of true Religion? Forsooth, because he proffer'd a Gap to be opened to the Immunities of the Papists in a desperate Plunge, to bring the Prince home safe out of Spain, where he stuck fast for want of such a Favour to be shewn to those Complainants. Which was a liberal Concession in Promise, but no Date set, nor observ'd for the Expedition of it. And so all that Indulgence which hung in nubibus, and never dropt down, is frankly granted now, and he is commanded by this Warrant that follows, to signifie to all Officers, to suspend the Laws which are grievous to the Romish Profession, dated 1 Car. May the first.

Charles Rex,
RIght Reverend, and Right Trusty, &c.

Whereas we have been moved, in Con­templation of our Marriage with the Lady Mary, Sister of our dear Brother the most Christian King, to grant unto our Subjects, Roman Catholicks, a Cessation of all, and singular Pains, and Penalties, as well Corporal as Pecuniary, whereunto they be sub­ject, or any way may be liable by any Laws, Statutes, Ordinances, or any thing what­soever, for, or by reason of their Recusancy or Religion, and every matter or thing con­cerning the same: Our Will and Pleasure is, and we do by these presents Authorize, and Require you, That immediately, upon the receipt hereof, you do give Warrant, Order and Directions, as well unto all our Commissioners, Judges and Justices of the Peace, as unto all others our Officers and Ministers, as well Spiritual as Temporal, respectively to whom it may appertain, that they, and every of them do forbear all and all manner, and cause to be sorborn all and all manner of Proceedings against our said Subjects Roman Catholicks, and every of them, as well by Information, Presentment, Indictment, Con­viction, Process, Seisure, Distress, or Imprisonment, as also by any other ways, or means whatsoever, whereby they may be molested for the Causes aforesaid. And further also, That from time to time you take notice of, and speedily redress all Causes of Complaints, for, or by reason of any thing done contrary to this our will. And this shall be unto you, and to all to whom you shall give such Warrant, Order, and Direction, a sufficient Warrant and Dis­charge in that behalf.

[Page 7] There was no scrupling of this Order, but it must be dispatch'd. For though, as a great Counsellor, the Keeper was to be watchful over the Voices and Af­fections of the People, and that he knew this was not the Course to keep the Subject in terms of Contentment, yet he had no power to stop the Tide, as in former days. My Lord of Buckin. would not stay to hear the Arguments of his Wisdom. Altissimo orbe, & praecipuâ potentiâ stella Saturni fortur, Tacit. 1 list. lib. 5. The Planet of Saturn was in the highest Orb, and ruled all the Influence of the Court. Where was now the Cavil against the Spanish Match, that in the Treaty for it, it encroach'd too far upon Religion? Indeed my Lord of Kensington writes from Paris, Cab. p. 275. The French will not strain us to any unreasonableness in Conditions for the Catholicks. And as much again, p. 284. Their Pulse in matter of Religion beats temperately. So he told us in another Pacquet, p. 292. That the French will never abandon us in the Action for the recovering the Palatinate. Which of these Engagements were broken last? a more solid Question than to ask, Which of their Promises were kept first? They kept none. Some chop out Promises, as Nurses tell Tales to Children, to lull them asleep: As it is in the neat Phrase of Arnobius, Somno occupari ut possint, leves audiendoe sunt naenioe. The Histories of Spain, and the Netherlands, as well as of England, do not spare to touch that Noble Nation, that none have taken greater liberty to play fast and loose with Articles and Covenants. And as the French were inconstant to us, so new Symptoms, and new Apprehensions made us variable, and inconstant to our selves. Now a Letter must be sent to all Magistrates Spiritual and Tempo­ral, to cause them to suspend the Execution of all Laws against the Papists. At the Term at Reading in November following, Divulgation is made in all Courts under the Broad-Seal, that all Officers and Judges should proceed against them according to Law. After the Second Parliament of King Charles was broken up, that is, in the Summer that followed the Term at Reading, by the Media­tion of the French Embassador, Marshal Bassampere, new Letters come from the King to redintegrate Favours to the Recusants, and that all Pursevants must be restrained, and their Warrants to search the Houses of Papists taken from them. And this continued but till Winter. It was safe and just to return quickly again into the High-way of the Law: for the shortest Errors are the best: Especially in God's Cause. Which Vincen. Lirin. well adviseth, Nos religionem, non quo vo­lumus ducere, sed quò illa nos ducit sequi debemus. We must take up the Train of Religion, and come after it, and not lead it after us in a String of Policy.

5. Private Men may better keep this Rule, than such as are publickly em­ployed in the State. But though the Keeper had no remedy, but the preceding Warrant must be obeyed: Yet he tryed his Majesty how his Service would be taken; in stopping a Warrant upon another occasion, bearing date May 23. Be­cause the sumptuous Entertainment of the Queen, and her magnificient Convoy being ready to land, would be very chargeable, he thrust in his Judgment to advise the King against disorderly Liberality. And though he knew the Secre­tary Conway for no other than a Friend, yet he lik'd not his Encroachment upon the Royal Bounty, but signifies it in this manner.

Most dread Sovereign, and my most gracious Master,

I Received this Morning a Warrant from your most Excellent Majesty, to pass a Grant un­der the Great-Seal of England, of the Sum of Two thousand Pounds, out of the Court of Wards, to my Lord Conway, for Twenty One Years to come. The which I durst not for fear of infringing my Duty to your Majesty, and drawing some danger upon my self, pass under the Great-Seal, before I had made unto your most Excellent Majesty this most humble Representation. First,The issuing of so great a Lease of such a vast Sum of Money is (under your Majesty's Favour and Correction) disadvantageous to your Majesty's Ser­vice, in regard of the time, being in the face of that Parliament, from which your Majesty is to expect a main Supply. Secondly, It is (I believe) without Prsident or Example, that Pensions have been granted in Contemplation of Services for Years: But for the Party's Life only. My Lord of Middlesex his Lease of the Sugars is the only President in that kind, which hath hapned during the time of my Service in this Place. Thirdly,The Assigning of this Pension upon the Court of Wards, or any other Place, than the Receipt of the Exchequer, is directly against the Rules and Orders, taken, upon mature deliberation, by your Father of Blessed Memory. Fourthly, This great Lord (for so be is indeed) is in the Eye and the Envy of many Men, as your Majesty (I fear it) will hear e're long. As having received more great Favours within these two Years, than any Three Subjects within this Kingdom. Although I do believe (looking up to [Page 8]the hands that conferred them) he may well deserve them all. Most gracious Sovereign, I am not ignorant of the danger I incur in making this Representation. But I have put on an irremoveable Resolution, that as long as you are pleased to continue me in your Ser­vice, I will never from this time forth, out of Contemplation of mine own Safety, or any other carnal Respect, neglect voluntarily any part of my Duty to my God, or my King. Which I suppose I had greatly forgotten, without presenting your most Excellent Majesty with this Remonstrance. And having perform'd this part of my Duty, I shall most punctually obey your Majesty's Direction in this particular.

For this good Service it was well he had no check: yet he had no gra-mercy, to seem wiser than those that had prepared the business. And though the Pa­tent for that Pension was a flat Violation of good Order, yet the Plea was, it would be unkind to revoke it. [...], as Plutarch in the Life of Agis observes it in some Mens Humours, Though a thing be ill undertaken, it is held a shame to go back. This Lord Secretary was the Keeper's cold Friend upon it; but he lived not long, and quitted his Office before he ceased to live: Only some deckings of empty Titles were given him, that he might not faint. The most that was disliked in the Letter was, that it warn'd the Secretary, that he was like to hear himself nam'd among the Grievances of the ensuing Parlia­ment. Wherein he did not fail. It was no hard thing to Prognostick such a Tempest, from the hollow murmuring of the Winds abroad. There was not such a Watch-man about the Court as the Keeper was, to espy Discontents in the dark: nor any one that had so many Eyes abroad in every corner of the Realm. What hurt was it? Nay, Why was it not call'd a Courtesie, to awa­ken a Friend, pursued by danger, out of prudent Collections? Says a wise Se­nator, Tul. Act. 7. in Verrem, Judex esse bonus non potest, qui suspicione certâ non mo­vetur, He is no sound judge of Rumors, that gleans not up a certain Conclusi­on out of strong Suspicions.

6. To speak forward. After the Queen had been receiv'd with much lustre of Pomp, and Courtship (which had been more, if a very pestilentious Season in London, and far and wide, had not frown'd upon publick Resorts, and full Solem­nities) a Parliament began. Stay a while, and hear that in a little, which con­cerns much that followed. This is the highest and supereminent Court of our Kings. The University of the whole Realm, where the Graduates of Honour, the Learned in the Laws, and the best Practicers of Knowledge and Experience in the Land do meet. Horreum sapientiae, or the full Chorus, where the Minds of many are gather'd into one Wisdom. And yet in five Parliaments, which this King call'd, there was distance, and disorder in them all between him and his People. Amabile est praeesse civibus, sed placere difficile, as Symmachus to his Lord Theodosius. Our Sovereign had not the Art to please: or rather his Subjects had not the Will to be pleased. And we all see by the Event, that God was dis­pleas'd upon it. If he had won them, or they had won him, neither had been losers. Pliny's Fable, or Story of the Two Goats, Lib. 8. c. 50. Suits the Case; The Two Goats met upona narrow Bridge; the one laid down his Body for the other to go over him, or both had been thrust into the River. In the Application, who had done best to have yielded is too mysterious to determine. Both, or either, had done well. But now we see, and shall feel it, I believe, it is not Love, nor Sweetness, nor Sufferance that keeps a Nation within the straits of due Obedience: it must be Power that needs not to entreat. The Scepter can no more than propound: the Sword will carry it. This Truth was once little worn: but now it is upon our backs, and we are like to wear it so long, till we are all Thread-bare. Thucyd. lib. 2. says of Theseus, [...], Theseus govern'd Athens, being as potent as wise. His Wisdom taught the Athenians to keep a good pace: but Awe and Potency did bridle, and compel them to suffer their Rider, or else they would have thrown him. King Charles knew how to go­vern, as well as Theseus. But he was not so stout: I am sure not so strong. His Condition in the present stood thus. When he was Prince he was the Messen­ger, and the Mediator from the Parliament to extort a War against Spain from his Father. Of which Design he was but the Lieutenant before: is now become the Captain. He sets the Action on foot, and calls for Contribution to raise, and pay an Army. Instead of satisfaction in Subsidies (two alone granted to­wards the charge of the great Funeral past, and the Coronation to come) they call for Reformation in Government. One lifts up a Grievance, and another a Grievance, and still the Cry continues, and multiplies. As they spake with [Page 9]many Tongues, so I would they could have taken up Serpents, and felt no harm. The plain Sense of it is, those subtile Men of the lower House put the young King upon the push of Necessity, and then took advantage of the Time, and that Necessity. They had cast his Affairs into want of Money, and he must yield all that they demanded, or else get no Money, without which the War could not go on. Here was the Foundation laid of all the Discontents that follow­ed. A capite primùm computrescit piscis, says the Proverb. If they had answer'd with that Confidence and Love, as was invited from them, England had not sat in sorrow as at this day. And I will as soon die as retract these words, that all Affairs might have been in a most flourishing Estate, if the People in that, or in any Parliament, had been as good as the King: Optimos gubernatores hand mediocriter etiam manus remigum juvat, Symmach. p. 128. The Pilot spends his breath in vain, if the Oar-men will not strike a stroke: A good Head can do no­thing without their Hands. If I should hold yet, that this King was to be blam'd in nothing, I should speak too highly of Humane Nature. They that pass through much business, cannot choose but incur Errors, which will fall under Censure; yet it were better under Pardon. The most that aggrieved the Coun­cil of Parliament was, that the King's Concessions for the good of the People came not off chearfully. He wanted a way indeed to give a Gift, and to make it thank-worthy in the manner of bestowing. A small Exception: when one grave Sentence from his Mouth did mean more reality, than a great deal of Volubility with sweetness and smiling: to which, I confess, they had been for­tunately used. But when all is done, as the Poets say, The Muses sing sweeter than the Syrens; and a sullen something is better than a gracious nothing.

7. And these are instead of Contents: For the Chapter, that is the business of the Capitol, follows. The Parliament began, and the whole Assembly stood be­fore the King: So there was a day when the Sons of God came to present themselves before the Lord, Job 1.6. but there was another thrust in among them. What his Majesty spake than is printed more then once: It was not much, but enough: it was not long, but there wanted nothing. Good Seed it was, yet it came not up well, although it was water'd with two showers of Eloquence by the Lord-Keeper, the first directed to the Lords, and Commons; the other to Sir Thomas Crew the Speaker. Which will tell the Reader more Truth, than is yet come abroad; whom I would have to remember Baronius's Caution, in his Epistle to the first Tome of his Annals, Nihil periculosius est in historiâ, quàm cuivis scribe [...] in quâcunqae re fidem habere. But hear what the King willed to be publish'd to his Parliament by the Mouth of his great Officer.

My Lords and Gentlemen all,

YOU have heard his Majesty's Speech, though short, yet Full and Princely, and rightly Imperatorious, as Tacitus said of Galbas: Neither must we account that Speaker to be short, Qui materiae immoratur, that keeps himself close unto his Theme, and Subject. For as Pliny made his censure of Homer and Virgil, Brevis uterque est, sed facit quod instituit:Either of them seem to be short, for they do their work so succinctly, there falls not a word besides the purpose. His Majesty hath himself abundant­ly exprest the substance, of what he offers to your Consideration at this Meeting. Some few Circumstances I shall, by his Royal Command, add thereunto, as touching the time, the manner, and the end of that loving and dutiful Expression, which his Majesty may, without any fear of Immodesty, as he conceives, promise unto himself from this first Session of his first Parliament. The main reason of his calling the Parliament at this time (beside the looking upon the Faces of his Subjects in this perfect representation, which he is resolv'd to make his most pleasant Theater under Heaven, as long as God shall give him Life) is to let you understand those deep Engagements for the recovery of the Pala­tinate (that is for the Honour of the British Nation) by Leagues, Alliances, Diversi­ons, Wars by Sea and by Land which his aying Father hath imposed upon the King; or peradventure the King in part upon his Father: or rather, to speak truly and histori­cally, your selves (but upon grave and just Consideration) upon them both. For the break­ing of both the Treaties with that potent King, that of the Alliance, and that of the Restitution, moved originally from you, mediately by the King our Sovereign, finally to the King his Father of Blessed Memory, accompanied in all the Ways, and Passages with your Promise, and Assurance, to feed the Enterprize from time to time with all fu [...]ing, and necessary Supplies. Hereupon our late Sovereign, that is with God, to the very time of his recovering Heaven, had no other Object of his Consultations, Resolutions, and Actions, than the recovery of the Palatinate. The Foreign Treaties and Alliances, [Page 10]the Supply of the Low Countries, the Forces under the Conduct of Count Mansfield, the Reparation of the Forces in England, the Troops sent over into Ireland, lastly, this great, and (by God's Assistance) invincible Fleet, and Navy, though they shew like so many Lines scattered, and divided in the Circumference, yet do they meet and unite themselves in the Recovery of the Palatinate, as in the Center that bears, and supports them all. These great Designs the Holy Ghost, I hope, hath inspir'd into you, you to the King our Sovereign, he and you to the King his Father. He before his Death had so ri­pened, and prepared, as the King our Master finds himself so wrapped, and engaged in the Enterprize, as it fares with his Heroical Heart, as with that Pompey, Necesse est ut eam, non ut vivam. He would more willingly go on to his Grave (which God of his Goodness will not permit) than not go onward with this brave Design. Now all your Subsidies, and Fifteens: and fully (to speak in measure and compass) as much more of the Means of the Crown being spent in the Preparation, forward the Action cannot move without a new Support, and Supply; which is the Substance of all which his Majesty hath now recommended unto you.

9. The first Circumstance remembred unto you, is that of Time. A most pressing, and important Circumstance, [...], as Sophocles calls it, the greatest Com­mander of all our Actions. For as Dion Cassius observes, Lib. 11. Non rebus tem­pora, sed res temporibus inserviunt, Actions do not govern Times, but Times govern Actions, be they never so weighty. And as Quintilian says wisely, Plaerumque sera pro nullis sunt, That Supply, which comes too late, proves many times no supply at all. His Majesty knows very well that you are wise, and provident to observes Times and Seasons. You cannot but observe, that Europe stands this day like the Pool of Be­thesda, the Waters are stirred every where; and we hope by a good Angel. The Ho­nour of England, which hath languished for these late Years, stands at the brink, and now, or not in haste, is to be healed, and repaired. His Majesty therefore desires you to conceive, that this Meeting in this Session is but as a Meeting in a General's Tent, a Con­sultation in the heat of an Action, which will endure no long Debate. He expects there­fore that you will be pleased to bestow this Session upon him, or rather upon this Action, and to hasten for that Cause. And his Majesty will appoint the next as soon, and as long, as you please, for yours, and our own home Affairs. This much concerning Time: The second Circumstance is for the Manner, which looks upon the Time, as the Time doth upon the Action. For if the manner of gathering this Supply should prove heavy, and slow, Time, as Callistratus in his Statutes sets him forth, hath [...], a Pair of Wings at his Feet, and will quite out-run it. If therefore, in your own Judgments, and Resolution, you shall find the usual way, and manner of Supplies by Subsidy to be too slow, and backward for these present, and undelayable Oc­casions, his Majesty, (no friend to Innovation, Etiam cum illi necessitas lenocinetur, not now when necessity might seem to priviledge the same) doth rather desire to hear, and to receive from you, then to project, and propound unto you the manner of supplying this present Action. This is the second Circumstance: The Last is the End, and the Issue of the Action, which hath no meaner Consequence, than the Fame, and Reputation of our sweet, and gracious Sovereign, for many Years after. For as Theodoricus, that brave King of Lombardy, was wont to say, Ipsa initia plantare debent Principis nominis fa­mam, as a King sows his Reputation in his first Actions, so shall he reap his Harvest of Glory in the Progress of his Life, And therefore I must say of our gracious Master, as the Orator said of himself, Haec actio illi aures hominum, haec famae januam pa­tefaciet. His Majesty at this time puts his Fame, and Reputation (that is all that he hath of a King: For what is a King without these?) very much upon your Love and Affections. And this, not as Caesar upon his Army at all Adventures, with a Jacta est alea, a Mum-chance, a cast of a Dye, but with the greatest Confidence, and Assu­rance that ever was plac'd by a loving King, on a most loving and indulgent People. Witness that Posie of his in his new stamp'd Coin, not to be engraven, as it is, in Silver or Gold, but in the solid Substance of Loyal Hearts, Amor civium regis munimen­tum; shewing that he cares little for other Forts, being so well assured of the Love of his People. And therefore as in Nature, Rex & subditus, the King and the People are proper Relatives, and consequently simul naturâ, of one and the same Date and Ex­istence: So doth his Majesty little doubt, that as soon as himself shall be known in Eu­rope to be an actual King, you also shall be known by advancing his, nay your Enter­terprize, to be a valiant, faithful, and obedient People. And now you are directed to choose your Speaker, and present him to his Majesty.

[Page 11] Which was Sir Thomas Crew, so well tryed for his worth in the Precedent Parliament, that he was elected again in this. To whose Oration the next day the Lord-Keeper answer'd as followeth.

Mr. Speaker,

YOU have endeavour'd to excuse yourself from this place of great Trust. But I perceive, by his most Excellent Majesty, that I was not much amiss, when I took you to be in the same Case that Evathlus was to Protagoras, as Gel­lius reports it, Lib. 5. c. 11. That is, sure to be denied, and to lose your Cause whe­ther you argued strongly or faintly. St. Paul was called Mercurius by the Lycao­nians, because he was the chief Speaker, Acts 14.12. But to whom shall I liken you? Truly to nothing but to yourself; who have spoken more too learnedly, and pithily; the manner whereof hath confuted the Matter: and your Rhe­torick hath spoil'd your Logick. For no Man that hath heard you speak, can believe your unfitness to be a Speaker. His Majesty therefore doth applaud and confirm your Election, and commands me to return an Answer to some parts of that you have delivered. Which, though it was (as all great and ex­cellent Bodies are observ'd to be) round, and sphaerical in the Composition, without a nook, or a corner for a Man to lay hold upon, yet as some late Ma­thematicians have born us in hand, that they can find Quadraturam circ uli, some corners in a Circle, so for Method, and Memory's sake, Aut inveniam, aut faciam, where I do not find, you must give me leave to make some parts, and to run them over briefly, distinctly, and orderly. You have said somewhat concern­ing yourself; somewhat concerning the last Parliament, somewhat of the Pri­mus motor, and Divine Intelligence which enliv'd the same: somewhat of his Majesty's Entrance upon his Government, and that in five several Respects. First in respect of the Way, which is by Parliament. Secondly in respect of his Blood, as the Son of Nobles, Thirdly in respect to Succession to so wor­thy a Father. Fourthly in respect of our Hopes of a rare and religious Go­vernment. And Lastly in respect of his great Delivery in his famous Jour­ney by Sea and Land. Somewhat also you have said of our Religion, as much recommended unto the King, and much prosperous and profitable to the Peo­ple: Somewhat of the ancient Common-Law: somewhat of cherishing our Friends abroad: Somewhat of abating our Foes at home: Somewhat of the Four Petitions presented to all Kings, Immunity of Persons, Liberty of Speech, readiness of Access, and benign Interpretation, the four corner Stones, which bear up the Structure of the House of Parliament. I shall from his most Ex­cellent Majesty make answer to these things according to your Sense, and with my Method, as they lie in order.

11. First for your self you say little, but you do much in yielding thus to his Majesty's Pleasure. You offer'd a Sacrifice before, the Sacrifice of your Lips, an excuse from this Service: and that was refused. Now you offer up O­bedience, and that is amply accepted. For Obedience is better than Sacrifice. Quod felix faustumque sit, a most happy Concatenation to open a Parliament, when the Hearts of the People are in the Hands of the King, and the Heart of the King in the Hand of God. Secondly, for the last Parliament it was happy indeed: so accompted by our late, so esteemed by our present So­vereign, so denominated by the Effects which it produced. For therein (as you well observe) those male-sida foedera, and unfaithful Treatises were dissolv'd, the King and his People indissolubly united, the Flowers of the Crown a little pruned, but with the Love of the Subjects better scented and perfumed: Last­ly, if not more Bills of Grace, yet surely more Bills from pure Grace passed, and were enacted, than in that Session of Magna Charta: Gratia enim non est gratia, si non sit gratis data. And surely as Pliny said of Nerva, Debebatur maxi­mo operi haec veneratio, ut novissimum sit, autorque ejus statim consecraretur It be­came a Prince, who was now ready to be Sainted in Heaven, to close in that manner his Government here on Earth. For I could never learn, in all my Reading, any other way for King or Subject than this one, by the King­dom of Grace to pass along to the Kingdom of Glory. Thirdly for the part the King our Master bore in the late Parliament, surely he was Actus primus, the very proper Soul of that Politick Body, Tota in toto, & tota in quâlibet parte, now in the Committees as in the Members, by and by with the Lords as in the Heart, anon with the King his Father as in the Head of the Body, and every where the principal Author of Life, Motion, and Resolution. So that we may [Page 12]say to our now Sovereign, as the Romans did by their Orator to the Emperor Trajan, that he is no stranger to our Assembly, Meminit quae optare. quae sit queri solitus, he cannot forget the Desires of the Commons, nor the [...]ishes of the upper House of Parliament. Fourthly your five Circumstances (for so I number them) of his Majesty's Entrance into his Reign are very well noted, and observ'd. 1. That he begins it with a Parliament. It is a sign indeed of his Love to that way. Those Actions of Men are most pure, and sincere, Quae sin­gendi non habent tempus, that are done in such haste, as admits no Fiction. His Majesty was scarce proclaimed, when the Writs went out: and before the So­lemnities of his Coronation, behold him present in the midst of his People. 2. That he comes into it with the Blood of Nobles. Yes, Mr. Speaker, Deus est in utroque parente. No King in Europe, that breaths this day, can shew so fair, and so Royal a Pedigree. 3. That by his Succession he hath sweetned much our loss of his Father. A great, and a glorious Act indeed. And such an act, as I will be bold to say in his Majesty's hearing, could never have been done by any King, not by himself, had he been the Son of his Body only, and not withal of his Mind, and Vertues. Herein indeed he equals his Father, Neque enim de Caesaris actis—Ullum majus opus, quàm quòd Pater extitit hujus. 4. For our hopes they have good cause (God make us thankful to him for the same) to sore high, and to expect a King, that shall exceed Hezekias in Policy of State (for our Master, I hope, will never discover the Secrets of his Dominion to Foreigners, and Strangers) and equal him, at the least, in the Advancement of Religion. You heard his Profession the last day. His God above him, his People under him, his Heart within him, and his Kindred about him must enflame his Zeal to this true Religion, Et pater Aeneas, & avunculus excitat Hector. Lastly, for his great delivery by Sea and Land, which so filled our Mouths with Laughter, and our Tongues with Joy, it shew'd him betimes a Child of King James, and withal a Child of God, and being so, Nolite tan­gere, no Evil might touch him. As God was with Moses, so he was, and will be with him, non deseret, aut derelinquet, he will never fail him, nor forsake him; To the which Prayer all we his representative Kingdom will never fail to say, Amen.

12. What you said of the true Religion is most apparently true, that it hath been very piously charged upon our King, and hitherto full of Blessings upon our Kingdom. For the first his Majesty well remembers (what I ill forgot in another occasion) that the last Blessing of all his Father gave him (and I think upon a Motion of mine) was with a Recommendation of his Religion, and of his People to his special Care, Love, and Protection. And I nothing doubt but that Blessing shall so bless him, that he shall see Jerusalem in Prosperity all his Life long. And for the effect of our Religion, it hath hitherto produced in this Kingdom a very Kingdom of Heaven, not only after this Life, but even in this Life, for the space of sixty Seven Years, wherein it hath been most constantly professed. All that time Peace hath been within our Walls, and plenteousness within our Palaces. Non fecit sic omni nationi, God hath not dealt so with many, nor with any Nation in Europe, that I know, or read of. Sixthly, what you recommended to the King concerning the Laws of the Land, the King hath already in private, and doth now in publick recom­mend to his Judges, and by them to the Professors, and Students of the Laws, to wit, that they would spend their time, as their Fore-fathers did, in the an­cient Common-Laws of the Kingdom, and not altogether, as the Complaint hath been of late, in Statutes, new Cases, and modern Abridgments. In the former Studies you meet with Reason created by God, in the latter with O­pinion only invented by Men. Here you find peradventure some strong Con­clusions, but upon weak Grounds, and Premises: there you learn strong Pre­mises, that can never produce a weak Conclusion. In a word, to borrow the Si­mile of St. Basil, there like Ulysses you Court Penelope herself; here, like the foolish Wooers, but her Hand-maids only. Seventhly, that just Resentment you express of the Dishonour of our Nation, in that hostile Acquisition, and Detension of the Palatinate, you cannot imagine, Mr. Speaker, how much it contents his most Excellent Majesty. Now he finds indeed his People to be lively Members of this Politick Body, because they sympathize so seelingly with the grievous Pains, and Troubles of their Head. And surely he is no true Part, but an Excrescency, or dead Flesh upon the outside of the State, that is not sensible of his Majesty's Sufferings in those Affairs. God forbid, a­gainst [Page 13]all these Professions, this Kingdom should prove to a People so allied, either a Meroz, as you term it, for Inhumanity, or an Aegypt for Infidelity, or a whit inferior to Caesar himself to aid, and relieve them. You heard the full Measure of the King's Resolution the last day, Ire oportet, vivere non oportet; He doth not desire to live otherwise than in Glory, and Reputation. And so he cannot live, you know it well enough, till somewhat be vigorously effected in that great business of the Palatinate. Eightly, for the abandoning of those Sons of Bichri, the Priest and Jesuits, his Majesty returns you this Answer. As he doth approve your Zeal, and Devotion herein, and acknowledgeth that of St. Ambrose to be true, Quod in religionem committitur, in omnium vertitur injuriam, that the meanest Subject in this Kingdom hath a great right, and Interest in the Religi­on, so being appointed by, and under God, Custos utriusque tabulae, the Guardian, and Keeper of both the Tables, he desires you to trust him (whose Zeal was never yet questioned, or suspected) with the ways, and means to propagate the same, Yet in this Petition of yours his most Excellent Majesty doth absolutely grant the Effect, and the Matter, that is to be most careful of our Religion, or (which you more desire) to improve, and better the Form, and Manner. But as St. Austin saith of God himself, Non tribuit aliquando quod volumus, ut quod malimus attribuat. Lastly, for your four ordinary Petitions, for Immunity of Persons, liberty of Speech, readiness of Access, benign Interpretation, his most Excellent Majesty grants them all, and will have them limited by no other bounds, than your own Wisdom, Modesty, and good Discrietion. So his Majesty bids God Speed the Plow.

13. I look upon him that spake so well for the King two days together, as Antiquarius did upon the L. Picus Mirandula, Ratio, & oratio cum ipso ex côdem utero natae videantur, Ep. 279. Here's strong Mettle, and a keen Edge, able to cleave the hardest Knot. Here's Reason to convince Judgment, with store of Eloquence to delight the Affections. Which could not be past over with­out this censure: for it is an ill thrift, to be parsimonious in the praise of that which is very good. The King reposed much upon the Success of this Meet­ing, because his Mind was so well deliver'd, and so strongly put on. The Cause of the War was made the Kingdoms: The Counsel that began it was the Par­liaments, and were they not bound to find the Succours? As our Poet Mr. Johnson says upon Prince Henry's Barriers, He doth but scourge himself his Sword that draws. Without a Purse, a Counsel, and a Cause. But the Regi­sters of all Ages, I believe, will not shew a Man, in whom Vertue was more perpetually unfortunate, than in this King. The Influence of those ill Stars, that reigned over all his Reign, began thus soon. The Parliament was told, as if a Dictator had been nominated for this War, that all must be consulted and executed together; that the present Sacrifice must be eaten in haste, like the Lord's first Passover: for in that juncture slow help was no help. Yet in five Weeks (so long they sat at Westminster) there was not an Arrow to any purpose shot towards that Mark. These were they that thrust his Majesty upon a War, to the mortifying of his Father's part: and now his Enemies were a­wak'd with the Alarum, they let him shift for himself. Being told enough that there must be Gold, as well as Iron to play this Game, and that a good Purse made a good Army, they gave him such discouragement, that they dropt no more than two Mites into the Corban. An incredible disproportion between what was found, and what was lookt for: and suitable to a Passage in an Ita­lian Comedy, where a Guest complains of his ill Entertainment at a Miser's Table, that there was not enough to make a good Supper, nor scarce enough to make a good Salad.

14. Yet the hardest Remedy had been the best Patience. For by the second Week in July the Plague was in its rage about London, and Westminster. The Members of both Houses were half slunk home, and they that staid it out, wisht every hour the Session were ended. The King was in a mervellous strait: neither knew how to hold them, nor to let them go. His mind was much up­on it, to try them, though not there, yet some where else, for an augmentati­on of Supply. Whose excuse was the same, which the Queen of Carthage made to Aeneas, Lib. 1. Aen. Res dura, & novitas regni me talia cogunt —Moliri. His Majesty thought change of Air would do good, and proposed to some of his Council at Hampton-Court, July 10. to adjourn to Oxford against the first of August. A Proposition mainly favour'd by the Lord-Duke, so that he grinn'd at the Lord-Keeper, all the while he disswaded it. But take away liberty from Speech, [Page 14]and take away Bitterness from Wormwood, nay take away Spirit from Wine. Yet he went on, and spake to these two Heads, that it was not another place, but another time that must speed the Work. First, the Infection of the Pesti­lence had overspread the whole Land: that no Man, that travell'd from his own home, knew where to lodge in safety: that the Lords and Gentlemen would be so distasted, to be carried abroad in such a Mortal time, that it is likely, when they came together, they would Vote out of discontent, and dis­pleasure: that his Majesty was ill counsell'd to give Offences, though small ones, in the bud of his Reign, Quae nulli magis evitandae sunt, quàm juveni & Principi, cujus gratia cum aetate debet adolescere, as Symmachus, Lib. 1. Ep. writes to his Ma­ster Theodosius. Secondly, the Parliament hath given two Subsidies at Westmin­ster, though they remove to Oxford it is yet the same Session: and if they al­ledge, it is not the use of the House to give twice in a Session, (though I wish heartily they would) yet how shall we plead them out of their Custom, if they be so stiff to maintain it? It is not fit for the Reputation of the King, to fall upon a probable hazard of a denial. The Duke, who had heard this with im­patience, said, That publick Necessity might sway more than one Man's Jealousie. Hereupon the Keeper besought that he might commit a few words to the King's Ear in private: which was granted. And he acquainted his Majesty, That the Lord-Duke had Enemies in the House of Commons, who had contrived Complaints, had made them ready to be preferr'd, and would spend the time at Oxford about them. And what folly it were to continue a Session, that had no other aim, but to bring the Duke up­on the Stage? But if your Majesty think that this is like a Hectick, quickly known, but hardly cur'd; My humble Motion is, that this Malady, or Malice, call it which you will, may sleep till after Christmas. There is no time lost in whetting the Sythe well. For I hope to give such account by that time, by undertaking with the chief Sticklers, that they shall supersede from their Bitterness against your great Servant, and that Pas­sage to your weighty Councils shall be made smooth, and peaceable. And why do you conceal this from Buckingham, says the King? Good Lord Sir, says the Keeper, fain I would begin at that end, but he will not hear me with moderation. Which was rightly foreseen. Erasmus in an Epistle to one Gonel asks, How a good turn can be worse bestowed than upon ungrateful Men? Yes, says he, Magis perit quod praestatur non intelligentibus. 'Tis worse placed upon them, that will not understand. Because it was the mishap of this Man to give the first notice of that Storm that was a gathering, the Duke as in defiance, bid him and his Confederates do their worst, and besought that the Parliament might be continued, to confront that Faction; though he lookt upon himself in that innocency, that he presum'd they durst not question him. Here began the Down­fall of the Lord-Keeper; mistrusted to set that Wheel a going, whose Motion he discover'd, and offer'd to put a Spoke into it. But Truth faileth: And he that departeth from Evil maketh himself a Prey, Isa. 59.15. And here began the Troubles of mighty Buckingham: who would not gain six Months time, which might have made Mischiefs mellow, and rot. But to shew the Greatness of his Power, he made haste to destroy himself: being in one Character too like to Pope Julius the Second, Nunquam ab eo, ad quod ingenio feroci impellebatur; rece­dendum putavit. He would never retreat from that, to which the Violence of his Passions hurried him.

16. He had his Will, and August the 1st. the Session continued at Oxford. Of which place it may be said as Cassiodor did of Athens, Aëris puritate peruncta luci­dissimos sensus ad contemplationem felici largitate praeparavit. But it appears by ex­perience it hath been more renown'd for good Wits, than for good Parliaments. The Commons sat in the Divinity-School, who for the most part begin with a Grievance about increase of Popery. And on the first Morning, no sooner had the Speaker taken his place, but a Western Knight enlargeth the Sense of his Sorrow, that he had seen a Pardon for six Priests, bearing Test, July 12. Whereas, but the day before it, when they were to part from Westminster, the Lord-Keeper had promis'd in the King's Name before them all, that the Rigor of the Laws against Priests should not be deluded. Many of the Members were sore offended, and veyed who should blame it most. What! their Hopes blast­ed in one Night? What the King's Promise so early broken? Nunquam major spes est quàm in bonorum Principum sponsione, Symmachus, Ep. to Theodos. Lib. 1. But for a Lord-Keeper that brought the King's Message, and knew it best, and for a Bishop to set the Seal to such a Warrant, for him to do that wrong to Re­ligion, it was enormous. But for his part he was secure enough. Indeed it was a Pit-fall set to crush him, but it fell upon another. God had given him Wis­dom [Page 15]to know the Violence of Winds, and the Reasonings of Men, Wisd. 7.20. The Warrant was twice brought to him, but he would not pass it. Mr. Bembo, a Servant to the Clerk of the Crown, confest before the House, that he brought the Writ to be sealed, but it was stopt. Mr. Devike, Servant to Sir Edward Conway, confest he brought it from his Master: but it could not speed. It was my Lord Buckingham's hard Hap, to move the King to command the Warrant to be Sealed in his sight at Hampton-Court the Sunday following: which being evidenced, the Vote of the Commons turn'd about to clear the Keeper, and to commend him: which did him hurt at Woodstock (the Court was there) to please the Parliament, which had not pleas'd the King. An Error like to that of Adrians in Spartianus, Non admisit Terentium Gentianum: est eò vehementiùs, quod à Senatu diligi eum videret. But the Commons, while they were in heat, ask'd a Conference with the Lords Afternoon in Christ's-Church-Hall: where Sir Edward Coke opened the Complaint sharply against Secretary Conway: and like an Ora­tor did slide away with a short Animadversion upon the Duke. It was not so well for his Grace, that the noise of the Grievance had entred into both Houses. Arcus cum sunt duplices pluviam nuntiant, says Pliny, Lib. 2. N. H. c. 59. If our Rain-bow multiply another by its Reflection, it prognosticks a Shower. And the Storm burst out in the lower Region: when he was rather declam'd against, as I would call it, than accus'd, because the Gentlemen that did prosecute con­tain'd themselves in generals. The most upon which insistance was made, was, that he held the most, and the most important Offices of Trust, and Ho­nour by Sea and Land. Though it was foolish and superstitious in the Heathen Romans, to think it was not for the Majesty of their Common-wealth to serve but one God, Majestatem imperii non decuisse, ut unus tantùm Deus colatur, Tull. Orat. pro Flacco: Yet it were to be desir'd, if it might be dutifully obtain'd, that one Subject should not possess all those Places, which require the Sufficiency of many to discharge them. Much to this purpose is that of the Lord Herbert, Harry. 8. p. 318. That it was a great Error, that such a multitude of Offices was invested in Woolsey: as it drew Envy upon the Cardinal, so it derogated not a little from the Regal Authority, while one Man alone seems to compre­hend all. The King may be satisfied, to settle the Choice of his high Pro­motions in one Minion: so will never the People. And the Advanced is sure to be shaken for his height, and to be malign'd for over-dropping. He that sees a Stone-wall swelling, looks every day when it will fall. And one Stalk is not strong enough, to hold a cluster of Titles hanging at it. Salmasius hath a Note upon the first Book of Solinus, That if a Man grow so fast, that it exceeds the usual way of Nature, he will fall into sickness. His Instance is in the Son of Euthymenes, that grew three Cubits in three Years, Et immoderatis aegritudinum suppliciis compensasse praecipitem incrementi celeritatem. But what Grandee will believe this? Because there is more in our corrupt Nature that will obey Am­bition, than Wisdom.

16. Yet to speak to the other side, Might not this have been forborn to be objected by the Parliament to this great Lord at this time? When his Head, and his Hands were wholly taken up to prepare that War, which was their own Creature. He was at their Plough, he was under their Yoke, if it were well remembred. Now Grotius marks well from the old Law, Deut. 21.3. That Beasts that had been put to labour, might not be sacrificed ( Elisha's Act was hasty and singular) [...], as he quotes it out of Chaeremon: They were priviledged by the Work, in which they had been profitable. Nay, could it be objected as a Fault at any time? I say as a Fault: for I plead not for the Convenience. What Pharisee would be so corrupt to ask, Master who sinned? This Man, or his Parent, that he was made a Duke, as Lord Admiral, a Master of the Horse, &c.? No Inch of Sin is in ten Cubits of Honour, that are lawfully con­ferr'd. But there is a Fault for which Budaeus knew no direct Name, Lib. 2. Pandec. fol. 10. Cum milites Imperatori infensi vincere nolunt. Let it be termed [...], says he, when Souldiers will lose a Victory wilfully, because they are discontented at their General. All was tending much this way at Oxford. The great Expedition in hand, and the Fleet ready at Plimouth lost its season, the Soul­diers and Sailors dishearten'd for want of Pay, yet not the Supply of a Subsidy could be drawn, to give courage to the Onset, because the Generalissimo, that ma­nag'd the Voyage, had lost their Favour. Numbers there were, some Friends, some Flatterers, that brought Fuel to the Fire to enflame the Duke against these Dealings. The Lord-Keeper was not sought to. Yet came, and offer'd himself [Page 16]to confer about it. And certainly all that knew him would say, no Man could pluck the Grass better, to know where the Wind sat: no Man could spie sooner from whence a Mischief did rise. I'll begin thus:

My Lord, I come to you unsent for: and I fear to displease you: Yet because your Grace made me, I must and will serve you, though you are one that will destroy, that which you made. Let me perish: Yet I deserv'd to perish ten times, if I were not as ear­nest, as any Friend your Grace hath, to save you from perishing. The Sword is the Cause of a Wound: but the Buckler is in fault, if it do not defend the Body, You have brought the Two Houses hither, my Lord, against my Counsel. My Suspicion is confirm'd, that your Grace would suffer for it. What's now to be done? but wind up a Session quickly. The occasion is for you; because two Colledges in the University, and eight Houses in the City are visited with the Plague. Let the Members be promis'd fairly and friendly, that they shall meet again after Christmas. Requite their Injuries done unto you with benefits, and not revenge. For no Man, that is wise, will shew himself angry with the People of England. I have more to say, but no more than I have said to your Grace above a Year past at White-hall. Confer one or two of your great Places upon your fastest Friends: so shall you go less in Envy, and not less in Power. Great Necessi­ties will excuse hard Proposals, and horrid Counsels. St. Austin says it was a Punick Proverb in his Country; Ut habeas quietum tempus perde aliquid. At the Close of this Session declare your self to be the forwardst to serve the King and Common-wealth, and to give the Parliament satisfaction. Fear them not, when they meet again in the same Body: whose ill Affections I expect to mitigate: but if they proceed, trust me with your Cause, when it is transmitted to the House of Lords, and I will lay my Life up­on it, to preserve you from Sentence, or the least Dishonour. This is my Advice my Lord. If you like it not, Truth in the end will find an Advocate to defend it. The Duke re­plied no more but, I will look whom I trust to, and flung out of the Chamber with Minaces in his Countenance. Yet the other did not think he had play'd the Game ill, though he lost his Stake by it. Dangerous Faithfulness is honest­er than cunning Silence. And once more he was bold to wrestle with this Po­tentate in high Favour, before he fell. The Commons of this Parliament was cen­sur'd at Woodstock for spiteful, and seditious: therefore not fit to continue, but to be dissolv'd. Which Resolution being brought to the Clerk of the Crown, to dis­solve them on the 12th. of August; the Keeper did never so bestir him since he was born, as to turn the Tide, with Reasons, with Supplications, with Tears, imploring his Majesty to remember a time, when, in his hearing, his blessed Father had charg'd him to call Parliaments often, and continue them, though their rashness sometimes did offend him; that in his own Experience, he never got good by falling out with them. But chiefly Sir, says he, let it never be said, that you have not kept good Correspondence with your first Parliament. Do not disse­minate so much unkindness through all the Counties, and Boroughs of your Realm. The Love of the People is the Palladium of your Crown. Continue this Assembly to another Session, and expect alteration for the better. If you do not so, the next swarm will come out of the same Hive. To this the Lords of the Council did almost all con­cur; but it wanted Buckingham's Suffrage: who was secure that the King's Judg­ment would follow him against all the Table. So this first Parliament was blasted, Et radicis vitium in fructibus nascentibus ostenditur. The Root fail'd, and the Fruit was unsavory in all the Branches that grew up after it. I would the Builders had laid a better corner Stone: then the Lord had not smote the great House with Breaches, and the little House with Clefts, Amos 6.11. Yet I would the King's Aequanimity had suffered it to stand, that Concord might have cemented the Hearts of all the Nation to his Government. It is a Trivial, but a dangerous Oversight, Senec. lib 3. de prâ. Initia morborum quis curat? Providence is not sensible of a little harm when it begins; and when the increase is felt, the Evil is incurable.

17. Now the time came that as the Parliament had chased the Duke, so the Duke chased the Keeper, Torva Leaena Lupum sequitur, Lupus ipse Capellam. Was it for Michaias's Crime, he doth not prophesie good concerning me but evil? 1 Kings 22.8. His Fidelity would not let him conceal it. Or did his Grace doubt him for under-dealing? He could never prove it. And he that can leave to be a Friend for Suspicion, is justly suspected that he was never a Friend. What shall we say to such Men, as would fall out, and are angry when they cannot find a justifiable occasion? This was the Misfortune: like Caelius the Ora­tor in Seneca, Lib. 3. de irâ, c. 8. meeting with one that observ'd him in all that he said, and longing for a Quarrel, says Caelius, Dic aliquid contra me, [Page 17]ut duo simus. The Keeper could not be provok'd to give the Duke the least jostle: All's one, when Power contests, there's no safety for Innocency: great Men can maintain their Violence by some colour of Right. So the Accusation broke out, that this Man had fomented Suggestions against my Lord of Buc­kingham, among the chief Tribunes of the Parliament. Wherein the King was satisfied to the contrary, while he staid at Woodstock, by an Apology that follows, drawn up hastily in an hour, into short Heads. Yet it stuck in the Credulity of those, that were remote from the Scene, and saw not the Part act­ed. Therefore I believe that some intelligent Man might tell so much to the Observator, p. 36. Yet he knows, that for an intelligent Man to judge upon Re­port, is worse than to take Judgment of a sick Man's Distemper only by his Water. And as intelligent a Man as the Observator himself may have the In­firmity which Longinus imputes to Timaeus, [...], p. 8. [...], censorious of others, partial to himself, and insensible of his own Errors. But let truth break forth by a Paper, which the Lord-Keeper put into the King's Hand, Aug. 14. which discloseth all, Judex ipse sui totum se explorat ad unguem. Ausonius.

REASONS to satisfie your most excellent Majesty concerning my Carriage all this last Parliament.

18. First negatively, That I did nothing disserviceably to your Ma­jesty, or the Duke. For first, I never spake at Oxford with any of the stir­ring Men, as was untruly suggested to your Majesty, excepting once with Philips, with the Privity, and for the Service of the Duke. And with Went­worth at his first coming to Town, and before his coming to the House. Who promised (and I do verily believe he perform'd it) to carry himself advan­tageously to your Majesty's Service, and not to joyn with any that should sly upon my Lord Duke. The rest are all Strangers to me: and I never spake with any one of them concerning any Parliamentary matters. Secondly, I did cross the popular way, more than any of the Council; which I durst not have done, if I had intended to run along with them. 1. In advising your Ma­jesty, knowing how you were engaged to the Queen, to reserve to yourself the Execution of the Laws against Recusants, at least-wise for a time, as at Rycott. 2. In maintaining this Advice afterward before the Council at Oxford. 3. In lingring and staying the Bill against Recusants. 4. In direct Opposition to the Lord Saye, in staying the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage, which was the Dar­ling of the Active part in the House of Commons. Had I intended to run any way with the People, I had been a Mad-man to have appear'd in any of these. Affirmatively, I offer'd my poor Service to your Majesty, for the executing of any Directions, should be given me in private. First, I waited upon your Majesty three or four times before your Journey to Dover, to know if you would give me any private Directions, but received none. 2. I waited upon your Majesty and the Duke three several times while the Parliament sat at Westminster, and my Answer was still, you had nothing to say to me. 3. I waited to know if your Majesty had ought to command me privately at Wind­sor, at Bissam, at Ricott towards the Oxford Sitting; and was ever answer'd as before. 4. I did the like to my Lord-Duke at Oxford, desiring his Lordship to send me his Commands by any trusty Servant, and I would serve him to the utmost of my Power from time to time. His Grace said he would send, but never sent to me. So that if I had any Power in either House (I had much the less at this time by reason of the Paucity of the Lawyers, who were in the Circuit) what use could I make of it without Directions? And to tell the plain truth, I durst do nothing for fear of offending the Duke, otherwise than by Direction. Only 'tis known, that they that were for giving of Subsidies, repaired to me as often as to any other Lord, who can witness of my Care, both in Matters of Subsidies, and the Business of my Lord-Duke. Rationally it was unsafe for me to stickle at this time without Countenance and Employ­ment by, and from your excellent Majesty. First your Majesty knoweth, I was threatned before your Majesty to be complained of in Parliament, on the third Day of your Reign. And though your Majesty most graciously pro­mis'd to do me Justice therein: Yet was I left under that Minacy, and the Minacer, for ought I know, left to his course against me. 2. My Lord-Duke confest he knew the Complaints, and Complainants; and gave me leave to sus­pect his Grace (which indeed I had cause to do) if within three days, and three days he should not acquaint me with the Names of the Parties. Which I de­sir'd [Page 18]to know, not to expostulate, but to watch, and provide to defend my innocency. His Grace failed me in his promise herein. I employed Sir Charles Glemham, and Mr. Sackvile Crowe to press him for an Answer; which was such, as they durst not in modesty return unto me. 3. Sir Francis Seymore (a Knight whom I know not by sight) told many of that House, who im­parted it unto me, that upon his first coming to Oxford, he was dealt with by a Creature of my Lord-Dukes (whom I can name) to set upon the Lord-Keep­er, and they should be backed by the greatest Men in the Kingdom. Who gave this Answer, That he found nothing against the Lord-Keeper, but the Malice of those great Men. 4. Sir John Eliot, the only Member that began to thrust in a Complaint against me: the Lord-Viscount Saye, who took upon him to name Sir Thomas Crew to succeed in my Place: Sir William Stroud, and Sir Nathanael Rich, whom my Friends most noted to malice me, were never out of my Lord-Duke's Chamber, and Bosom. 5. Noble-men of good Place, and near your Majesty, gave me often intelligence, that his Grace's Agents stirred all their Powers to set the Commons upon me. 6. I told the Lord-Duke in my Garden, that having been much reprehended by your Majesty, and his Grace in the Earl of Middlesex's Tryal, for thanking the last King at Greenwich, for pro­mising to protect his Servants, and great Officers against the People and Par­liament, I durst not be so active, and stirring by my Friends in that House, as otherwise I should be, unless your Majesty, by his Grace's means, would be pleas'd to encourage me with your Royal Promise, to defend and protect me in your Service. If I might hear your Majesty say so much, I would venture then my Credit, and my Life, to manage what should be entrusted to me to the uttermost. After which he never brought me to your Majesty, nor any Message from you. Standing therefore upon these doubtful terms, unemploy'd in the Duties of my Place (which were now assign'd over to my Lord Conway, and Sir J. Cooke) and left out of all Committees among the Lords of the Council (which I know was never done by the direction of your Majesty, who ever conceiv'd of me far above my Merit) and consequently fallen much in the Power, and Reputation due to my place, I durst not at this time, with any Safety, busie my self in the House of Commons, with any other than that measure of Zeal, which was exprest by the rest of the Lords of the Privy-Council. Gracious and dread Sovereign, if this be not enough to clear me, let me perish.

19. The King was a Judge of Reason, and of Righteousness, and found so much in that Paper, that he dismist him that presented it graciously for that time, his Destiny being removed two Months further off, though it was strong­ly urg'd, not to delay it for a day. But in St. Cyprian's words, Nemo diu tutus est periculo proximus. About a Fortnight after, at Holdbery in New-forrest, the Duke unfast'ned him utterly from the good Opinion of his Majesty, and at Pli­mouth, in the midst of September, obtain'd an irrevocable Sentence to deprive him of his Office. If the Queen could have stopt this Anger, he had not been remov'd: with whom he had no little Favour, by the Credit he had got with the chief Servants of her Nation, and by a Speech which took her Majesty very much, which he made unto her in May, upon her coming to White-hall, and in such French as he had studied, when he presented his Brethren the Bishops, and their Homage to her Majesty. His Friends of that Nation shew'd themselves so far, that Pere Berule, the Queen's Confessor, and not long after a Cardinal, was the first that advertis'd him, how my Lord-Duke had lifted him out of his Seat. 'Tis custom to Toll a little before a Passing-bell ring out: and that shall be done in a Moral strode; as Chaucer calls it. Such as would know the true Impulsion unto this Change, shall err, if they draw it from any thing, but the Spanish Negotiation. Not as if the Lord-Keeper had done any one, much less many ill Services, to the Duke, as one mistakes. For I take the Observator to be so just, that he would have done as much himself, if he had been in place. King James was sick'till that Marriage was consummated; and died because he committed it to the Skill of an Emperick. The Keeper serv'd the King's directions, rather than the cross ways of the Duke, which was never forgiven. Though the late Par­liament had wrought wonders to the King's Content, as it gave him none, this innocent Person had receiv'd the Blow, which was aimed at him, before the Parliament sat. He bestirr'd him in the former King's Reign, to check the encroaching of the Commons, about impeaching the great Peers, and Officers of the Realm, which the Duke fomented in the Earl of Middlesex's Case. Since [Page 19]that House began to be filled with some, that were like the turbulent Athenians, [...], Meursius, Ath. Attic. p. 79. It grieved him at the Heart, that more time was spent by far, to pluck up an honest Magistrate, than to plant good Laws. There was no Sin, I think, that he hated more, than that Epide­mick violence, which he saw was come about, that the People extoll'd them most, as it was once in the Days of Marius, that endeavour'd to thrust down the most noble Patricians. This is the right Abstract what was, and what was not the Cause of this Mutation.

20. There were yet other things, that did concur to precipitate his Down­fall. First, My Lord of Buckingham's honest Servants would say, that he gave their Master constantly the best Counsel: but that he was too robustious in pres­sing it. Vim temperatam Dii quoque provehunt in majus, Horat. lib. 3. Od. Well, I do not deny it. But the more stout in that Point, the more true, and cordial He that loses such a one, that comes to prop him up, who had rather offend him, than not save him, Navem perforat, in quâ ipse navigat, Cicer. pro Milone, he sinks the Bark, wherein himself fails. The Scythians were esteemed barba­rous; but this is wise, and civil in them, as Lucian reports in his Toxaris, They have no wealth; but he is counted the richest Man, that hath most Friends. And that's a Friend, that will incur Anger, rather than leave his Friend to sooth himself in a Mischief. It had been well for the Duke, if his bold Friend had perswaded him to take that Counsel, which Christopher Thuanus gave to the Car­dinal of Lorain, being in great Favour with Henry the 2d. of France, Si poten­tiam suam diuturnam cuperet, moderatè eâ uteretur, & in politicá administratione leges regni conservaret; alioqui fore ut publicae invidiae impar, Procerum regni, & Nobilitatis contra se concitato odio, aliquando succumberet, Aug. Thua. An. 1568. Secondly, Some of the Lords of the Council were willing to spare the Keeper, for that having a mighty standing Wardrobe of Reason, likely he bore down that side which he oppos'd. Why would not Plato endure Homer in his Utopia? because he was too great a Citizen for his City. And Aristotle. lib. 3. Polit. c. 4. Says the Argonautes were weary of Hercules, and dismist him, [...], his main strength at the Oar was above his Fellows, his parts were unequal in supere minence. Nor did his Majesty like it well, that he would never give over, till he was Conqueror in the Argument that he held: and he ever held him to be too nimble, and versatile in his Discourses. For the Taste of that good King's Mind was much like to his Palate, he never loved Sauce with his Meat; nor Sharpness in his Counsels. He desired to see all his way before him, and not to be led through Windings, and Allies. Another King was of that Conceit, says, Thua. lib. 11. Franciscus magna ingenia suspect a habere coepit. Thirdly, The blaff that help'd to blow down this Cedar, was the Breath of Obtreclators, and Tale bearers. Who are too much about great Men, as it may be said by Allusion from the 66 Psal. v. 3. After the vulgar Latin, For the Greatness of thy Power shall the People be found Lyars unto thee. These were too thick about the Duke, and cherish'd with his Countenance, and Liberality. For Reward not Min­strils and you shall be sure to be rid of them. If any are loth to put Bishop Laud in this Number, I must either reform their Knowledge, or write against mine own. They are yet living that have heard it confest by the Lord Buc­kingham's Mother. And these words are in the Manuscript remembred before, Penn'd by Arch-Bishop Abbot, That the Countess of Buckingham told the Bishop of Lincoln, that St. Davids was the Man that did undermine him with her Son, and would underwork any Man in the World, that himself might rise. St. Davids saw no Man in the prospect of likelihood but this one, to carry the highest Miter from him. Interna crevit Roma Albae ruinis, as Livy says. Fourthly, my Lord-Duke was soon satiated with their Greatness, whom he had advanc'd. It was the in­glorious Mark of those Thirteen Years of his Power to remove Officers. Which was like a sweeping Floud, that at every Spring-tide takes from one Land, and casts it upon another. In two Years of King Charles's Reign, Williams, Lee, Conway, Suckling, Crow, Walter had their Top-sails pull'd down by him: and if Sir Henry Yelverton had liv'd, not only Sir A. Welden writes it, but common Ru­mour nois'd it, that he had been promoted to the Place of the Lord Coventry. Which was very prejudicious to the true Discharge of those Dignities. As Theo­phrastus complains in Tully, Men were so short liv'd, that by the time they began to know the World, Death snatch'd them out of it: So a Magistrate can yield no great Fruit, that's pluck'd up before he be well rooted. Antonnius, call'd the Philosopher, provided better for that, as Capitolinus hath it, as he was wise in all his Govern­ment,

21. Still the Plot was busie against the Lord-Keeper, to displace him with some colour of Charge. And the King being come to Salisbury in September with a full Court, it came to a Catastrophe. He that was hunted after, was at harbour at a House of the Lord Sand's in Barkshire, five Miles from Windsor, call'd Foxly. Where he was surely inform'd, that after much sifting spent, after all that ever he did, since his high Promotion, the old Matter was renewed, how he stirred up those that lifted at the Duke at Oxford: which was urg'd with strange, and punctual Confidence; and was the weakest, and least grounded Surmise, that ever was hammer'd. Therefore it was supplied with another Ob­jection: That at the same time and place he had abus'd the King with ill Coun­sel, advising him to vail his absolute Sovereignty too much, to a social Com­munication with his Subjects. Which being divulg'd, got him that was accus'd a strong Gale of popular Favour, did his Majesty no right and cast the Duke upon such a Shelf, as no High-tide could bring him off, while he liv'd. The Keeper hearing every day what Cavillations were fomented, and heard, to put him to blame and shame, found it in vain to coast the Season any longer, to have the Great-Seal tarry with him. Only resolv'd on the 21st. of September to pre­pare his way by his Pen, before he went to Salisbury, to salute the King's Ear with softness, and to shew, that he did not despond, but that he was ready for a Justification, if he were call'd to answer. Which for all his Labour would hardly be believ'd. For all Treasure hid in the Ground is the Kings: But how will he find it? So all truth that concerns his Justice and Prosperity is his: But how will he know it? This Man is not the first that made it true, which Sidon. Apoll. observes, Lib. 3. Ep. 3. That it is dangerous serving of Kings in a near place: who are compar'd by him to fire, Qui sicut paululum à se remota illuminat, ita satis sibi admota comburit. It is a good Element or light and warmth, to those that stand aloof, but singeth that which comes too near it. Yet nothing venture, no­thing have. One Arrow must be shot after another, though both be grast, and never found again. In aequo est amissio rei, & timor amittendi, says Seneca. Nay, he loseth more quiet of Mind, that looks every day to lose that which he loves, than in the Minute, when he is deprived of it. One says, When the Brunt is o­ver, the Heart will recover. Time and long day will mitigate sad Accidents: 'tis a slow Medicine, but a sure one.

22. Now let the Letter to his Majesty be observ'd, which was his Harbinger.

Most gracious Sovereign, and my dear Master,

WHile I spare my self at home for a few days, to be quite rid of an Ague, which I brought from Southampton, I do humbly crave your Majesty's Pardon, to make my Address in these Lines, which I will contract to so narrow a room as the Mat­ter will possibly give me leave. First, as touching the Information of the Access I should give at Oxford, to those dangerous Persons of the House of Commons, which your Majesly was pleas'd most graciously to intimate unto me at Woodstock (for which Goodness I am oblig'd to serve you faithfully and industriously as long as I live, and am able, and to pray for you, when I can do no more) as I remonstrated before, so I vow again to Al­mighty God; I never spake directly or indirectly to above three of them in my Life: nor to any one of them (that one time to Philips excepted, with the Privity, and as I ho­ped, for the Service of my Lord-Duke) during the Continuance of the Sitting at Oxford. Were it otherwise, it were impossible in a Family of Sixty Persons, as mine was, to have it conceal'd. I add farther, That if it can be proved, that I let fall the least word to any Person of the one, or other House, opposite to any known, or revealed end of your Majesties, I am content to remain guilty of whatever the Malice, or Suspicion of any Man shall suggest against me. Secondly, If I have offended your Majesty in that bumble Motion I made at Christ-Church, that your Majesty would say in your Speech unto the Parliament; that in your Actions of Importance, and in the Dispositions of what Sums of Monies your People should bestow upon you, you would take the Advice of a settled, and a constant Council, I do humbly submit my self to your Royal Judg­ment therein, and do beg your gracious Pardon, for any thing I said amiss in matter, or manner. But I take God in Heaven to witness, I had no aim at all to draw your Majesty to asperse thereby either the times past (for that was now past all Counsel) or [Page 21]the time present: for your Majesty is but entred into your Reign: Or to admonish your Majesty, for I take God to witness, I held it no ways necessary: but did, and do believe, it is your absolute Resolution to govern by Council. And much less was it to make you go less in your Power. For many Kings in Parliament have said as much, Se actumo [...] majora negotia per assensum Magnatum de Conciliis, who intended not to turn Dukes of Venice, but (as they proved indeed) great and mighty Monarchs at home, and abroad. But my only aim was (as I shall answer it at the last day) to save my Lord of Buckingham from those Invectives in this kind, which I saw falling upon hi [...], and to dispose the Commons, by that Clause of your Majesty's Speech, to a short, and a giving Session. If I had not been free herein from all Sinister ends, I had never dealt so ear­nestly with my Lord-Duke the night before, that he himself would be pleased to move it to your Majesty. Lastly, what Protestation I have made for your Majesty, I do now, before God and you, make the like for my Lord-Duke's Service, a Person so much, and so deservedly favour'd by your Majesty, that I have not run any way at all with any Person of the one, or the other House, for the stirring, fomet [...]ing, or countenancing of any Accusation, Aspersion, or other disservice whatsoever against his Lordship, either in the first, or the second Access of this last sitting. Nor have I ever wish'd his Grace any more hurt, than to my own Soul, from that very hour your Majesty's most blessed Father sent me unto his Grace at Royston, to this very instant. And this I avow to be true, as I desire to find Favour from God, and my King. I write unto your Majesty under these Protestations to give your Majesty only) not any Man else) all fitting satisfaction, to whose Goodness I confess my self unexpressibly bound. Les me not, I beseech your Majesty, in point of Justice lose your Favour, upon groundless Suspicious of other M [...]n, who may themselves hereafter be better informed: But let me stand, or fall upon year Majesty; own Knowledge derived from the Information of indifferent, and dis-interossed Persons; upon which I will most willingly, and thankfully repose my part in your Favour, and mine own Happiness. In Confidence whereof I cast my self at your Majesty's Feet, &c.

23. This came to Salisbury, and was shewn to my Lord-Duke: which put his Cabinet to meet together again. And 'twas a notable Shift which came into their Heads, and wrought upon the King's Judgment, as that which had like­lihood of Reason. Which was thus, that as the Keeper had been complain'd of, so he should be charg'd home with his own Words; nay, with his own Let­ters: But none durst accuse him, till he was out of his Greatness. Upon the Expiration of that, the Proofs should be brought in: who coming about the first Week in October to Salisbury, and hearing this, told such, as were desired to carry it to the King, and the great Lord, that he would not sly the Tilt, nor start from any colour of Accusation. That the World would see how prepo­sterous it was first to punish, and then to bring to Judgment. Multis minatur, qui uni facit injuriam. The wrong that was done to one Man, would affright all others with that Oppression. What Lord, or Gentleman in England, that had Place and Means, would think himself safe upon the Example of such Pro­ceedings? From the hour that the Keeper committed this Message to trusty Friends to deliver it, the Gorgen's Head had a Veil drawn before it, and it never confronted him either at the Council-Table, or in any Court of Justice, but was laid still for ever. Yet was not a jot the better for it. The Suspicion was smother'd, and yet liv'd, and wrought as much to his prejudice, as if he had been tried before the Court of Areopagites, and convicted by their Verdict. Only this Happiness did live with him, and doth survive him, that such as have no Interest in it, but the discovery of Truth, do see, it was Crimen sine accusa­tore, Sententia sine Concilio, damnatio sine defensione, Tul. Act. 7. in Verrem. He that was degraded without hearing, Tryal, Proof, Witness, Judges, is over­thrown by Calumny, not by Accusation. For Accusation admits a fair, and a legal Process: Calumny is believed without a Contestation. After this, it was not long before some quick Eye espied a way to execute the King's Resolu­tion, for divesting the Party of his honourable Place, but with such Moderati­on, as would load him with no impeachment of his Service, but barely recal­ling the Great-Seal from his Custody, because it was committed to him at first upon triennial Trust, and no longer. Which was no unwonted Revocation, says the great, and learned Luminary of Records, Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossary upon the word Cancellarius, Non perpetuus olim fuit honor, sed triennalis, vel qua­driennalis. This device struck the Tally for all Debts, and Claims: and left the loser a more light Heart, though he parted with a heavy Purse. For he [Page 22]took his farewel without the least Charge of Trespass, or Miscarriage: he was cast down, but fell not in the Dirt. Sua vulnera ridet— Germanam comitata fi­dem, as Pruden. in Psychom. upon the Persecuted Church. Yet, though nothing was alter'd in him to appearance, when he was doom'd to resign his Office with such a plausible Dismission, pruning away the Circumstances of it, I cannot see how the substance of the Act could choose but displease him. For whether it come from a white, or a black Whip, the Wound will be blew. The Trans­actions, with which all that remain'd were wound up, were first between the Lord Conway, and the Lord-Keeper: Lastly, with his Majesty, if they belong, let him skip them, that doth not like them. He that would satisfie Posterity, knows not how to leave them out. And it will be worth the noting, to learn from a wise Man, how to manage a broken Fortune. One of the first things that Comines praises in King Lewis his Master is, Optimòrationem tenebat ex adversis rebus eluctandi. To be fallen into great disfavour, and yet to come off with no blot of Credit, proves him that could do it a great Master in State-wisdom. A Boat-swain will tell you, That a rotten Ship had need of a good Pilot.

On the 15th. of October the Lord Conway came to the Lord-Keeper's Lodg­ings in Salisbury, and began thus: ‘My Lord, His Majesty, some four days ago, gave me a Command to deliver a Message unto you, the which because it was sharp, and there might be occasion for change of Councils, I forbore to deliver till this Morning. That is, That his Majesty understanding that his Father, who is with God, had taken a Resolution, that the Keepers of the Great-Seal of England should continue but from three Years to three Years, and approving very well thereof, and resolved to observe the Order during his own Reign, he expects that you should surrender up the Seal by Allhallowtide next, alledging no other cause thereof. And that withal, that having so done, you should retire your self to your Bi­shoprick of Lincoln.

Answer. ‘I am his Majesty's most humble Servant and Vas­sal, to be commanded by him in all things whatsoever: The Great-Seal is his Majesty's. And I will be ready to deliver up the same to any Man, that his Ma­jesty shall send with his Warrant to require it. And do heartily thank God, and his Majesty, that his calling for the Seal is upon no other ground.’ (No indeed, said Mr. Secretary, no other ground that I know.) ‘Only this last Clause seemeth strange unto me, that I should be restrained to my Bishoprick, or any place else. And I humbly appeal to his Majesty's Grace, and Favour therein. Because it is no fault in me that his Majesty or his Father, hath made such a Resolution: Nor do I dispute against it; although the King that dead is continued me in the Place after the three Years ended: and the King that now is deliver'd me the Seal without any Condition, or limitation of Time. And therefore deserving no re­straint, I humbly desire to be left to my discretion, which I will so use, as shall be no way offensive to his Majesty.’ Lord Conway. ‘I conceive it not to be a re­straint, but to mount in effect, that his Majesty intends not to employ you at the Table, but leaves you free to go to your Bishoprick.’ Answer. ‘My Lord, I desire your fa­vourable Intercession for an Explanation of that Point. And I beseech your Lordship to move his Majesty, that I may attend upon him (considering there is no offence laid to my charge) to present unto his Majesty two humble Petiti­ons, nothing concerning this business in hand, but in general, the one concern­ing my Reputation, and the other my maintenance.’ Lord Conway. ‘I shall move his Majesty in the best Fashion I can, for your content therein.’ Answer. ‘I thank your Lordship, and I doubt not of it: and the rather because I vow before God I am not guilty of the least Offence against his Majesty, and am ready to make it good upon my Life. And I make the like Protestation for any unworthiness done against the Duke: whose Hand peradventure may be in this Business.’ Lord Conway. ‘I am ever ready to do good Offices: and if my Lord of Middlesex had been perswaded by me, I believe I had saved him: I am the Duke's Servant, but no In­strument of his to destroy Men. My Lord, I being latly demanded by a great Personage, if it were true, that your Lord was guilty of such unworthy Practices towards the Duke, I answer'd plainly, I knew of no such things.’ For which my Lord Conway having receiv'd due Thanks from me, he repeated my Answers, and my Petition to the King in few words, that he might not be mi­staken. At the parting, my Lord Conway spake about the time of Resignation. I said it was all one to me, if it were before Christmas, as good soon as late. Then I ask'd his Lordship if I was restrained from the Board before the delive­ring of the Seal: His Lordship answer'd, He knew of no such Intent.

[Page 23] 25. October 16. Waiting on his Majesty by my Duty and Place to go to Church, my Lord Conway told me, He was now for me: I thank'd him, and past on to the Church, heard the Sermon, and at the Anthem after Sermon, desir'd him to tell me my Answer. He said, Well, do you long for it? And so we went on to the upper-end of the Quire, and said to this effect. This Morning entring into our dispatches with his Majesty, I desir'd him to stay a while, that I might relate your Answer to him: I told his Majesty, that you yielded to his Command with all possible Obedience: that you said the King remanded but his own, which you were very willing, and ready to restore. That for the Condition of three Years you would not dispute against it: being a way, that once you had your self recommended to the late King his Father. But for the Clause of retiring to your Bishoprick (which seemed to be a restraint, and no cause of Offence exprest) it wounded you much: and you sent it back to his Majesty's Consideration. Then I acquainted his Majesty with your Lordship's desire, to wait upon him, and to present his Majesty, without touching upon things settled and resolv'd, two Petitions; the one concerning your Reputation, the other concerning your Estate. His Majesty said, for the first, which is your retiring, he meant no re­straint of Place: but for some Questions that might be renewed, and for some Considerations known to himself, he intended not to use your Service at the Council-Table for a while, un­til his Pleasure should be further known. And for your Estate, you had no Wife, and Children. You had a Bishoprick; and his Father, to help you to bear the Dignity of your Office, gave you leave to hold the Deanry. His Majesty intended not to debar you of any of these, until he should provide you of a better. But he was content to admit you to speak with him when you pleas'd, so as you endeavour'd not to unsettle the former Resolutions. I gave his Lordship hearty thanks for his friendly, and faithful Car­riage of my Petitions, and speedy return of an Answer, and assur'd his Lord­ship it was as much Favour from him, as I could expect, or desire. Then I took occasion to kneel afterward, and thank'd his Majesty for his gracious Message sent by my Lord, who presently told my Lord Conway of it, and my Lord told me of it again. And that the King left it to me, when between this and All­hallowtide to deliver the Seal: which he desir'd for the manner to be done most to my Content, and Reputation: and to have some time to send for him that was to succeed. I answer'd I was ready whenever his Majesty would send his War­rant. Which my Lord desir'd I would draw up; and so we parted.

26. I sent upon Tuesday the 18th. of October, to desire leave to speak with the King, and Mr. Tho. Cary sent me word, his Majesty would speak with me the next Morning. But after Sermon the King told my Lord Conway what I had done, and was in a long, and serious Discourse with him. Then my Lord Conway (the King being gone to dinner) followed me into the Cloyster, and told me what the King had told him: And that he conceiv'd his Majesty was afraid, that I would press him to yield Reasons of those two Acts of his, the removing me from the Seal, and my abstaining from the Board. That his Lord­ship found the King much troubled thereat: and as a Friend, nay as a Christi­an man, he advised me by way of Counsel, not to do so: because it would much perplex the King, and do me no good. I answer'd, That I should falsifie my Word to his Lordship, if I should speak unto his Majesty upon any other Points, than those of my Reputation, and Means. And should not come near those forbidden Rocks, unless it were in one Point, which I did intend to move, but with his Lordship's Appro­bation: and that was to preserve as much the Honoar of the King, as mine own, that for the manner of wishing my forbearance for a time from the Council-Board, his Ma­jesty laying nothing to my Charge, would not be pleas'd to lay it as a Command by his Secretary, but leave it to my Discretion, who would be sure to use the matter, as to give his Majesty no Offence. That the rest of the Points were matters of means, which I repeated to my Lord Conway one by one. And his Lordship said, He thought verily the King would grant them every one. And his Lordship telling me again of his fear of the King's Offence, if I should endeavour to unsettle his Resolution, and that the King might fall sharp upon me, I answer'd, That his Lordship knew I had neglected the time to wrangle with the King, which should have been done upon the first message: Against which I had two unanswerable Objections. The first, that the King that dead is, released me of the Restraint to three Years in my Office, and continued me in the Place four Years. The second, that the King my Master delivered me the Seal as absolutely, as his Predecessors did to other Keepers, and Chancellors, without reviving or mentioning any such Condition. But that I had waved of all Objections, and sub­mitted at the first word to relinquish my Place. And for sharpness, or the like word, [Page 24]which passed from his Lordship on Sunday last, or that the King wisht my ab­sence from the Board, lest Matters might be further question'd (his Lordship said he remembred it not) I said, Nec timeo, nec opto, it was a thing I did nei­ther fear like a guilty Man, nor rashly desire like a vain-glorious Man. But my wishes were to retire to the Country, as without a Charge, by the King's own Confession, so, as near as may be, without any punishment: which concern'd the King in Honour, I thought, as much as it did me. For God never de­stroys his Creature, but for some Sin. And if his Majesty did think the losing of my Place did disquiet me, to give him satisfaction, I vowed, and protested it did not: which my Lord-Duke also had under my hand. And that with his Majesty's leave and favour, and some consideration had of my Fortunes, I was willing to leave the Seal. Only I expected I should remain a Councellor, tho' lest to my discretion, when to attend, and be respected by the Lords from time time, as a Member of the Board. My Lord said, He conceiv'd it no otherwise, and that I might promise my self all respect from that Table, and his Majesty in that kind. Then said I, my Lord, There remains no more, but that I shew a Letter to your Lordship written to his Majesty, if you like it, which shall speak all my mind, be­cause I will be utterly silent, when I come at Evening before his Majesty, save in pre­ferring my Petitions, in which your Lordship did encourage me: Which Letter in the Copy his Lordship read over, and carried the Authentick with him. And so we parted.

27. After Dinner his Majesty took the Letter, and read that which followeth:

Most gracious Sovereign,

HAving done your blessed Father the best Service I was able while he lived (I am sure such as was acceptable to him) and some good Service at his Death; and being now fitted with a great deal of Industry, to do some Service to your Majesty in your great Affairs, yet it is your Royal Pleasure to displace me, not for any Crime or Unser­viceableness, but to satisfie the Importunity of a great Lord. But I am ready with all Submission to bow myself to the Pleasure of God and my King. It is in your Majesty's Power to say to me your Vassal, as a Greek Emperor did to an Arch-bishop, Ego te Furne condidi, ego te destruam. I cast my self down at your Majesty's Feet, and do render your Majesty my unexpressible Thanks, that it hath pleased your Majesty to dis­charge me of this great Place, without giving me any cause at all to use an Apology. Yet being still haunted with the old Aspersions in Court (the which were they true in any part, would fret, and tear my Soul in pieces) give me leave, dread Sovereign, to make this last protestation, in the sight of that God, who must judge you, and my Accusers (if any such there be) another day, that in all my Carriage in the last Parliament I am not guilty in Thought, Word, or Deed, of any one Act, Advice, Speech, or Counsel disserviceable to your Majesty, or any way diverting that end, which your Majesty pro­posed unto us concerning that Assembly. Upon the same protestation I likewise avow be­fore God, and your Majesty, that I am not conscious of the least Unfaithfulness against my Lord-Duke, by way of insinuating, encouraging, or abetting any one Clamour, or Aspersion against his Grace, or by omitting any one friendly Word or Action upon any opportunity I found to do him Service. Your Majesty can tell how I put my Life into his Hand and Power above a Year since in the Business of the Spanish Embassadors. And what Plot could I have against his Grace in the Meeting at Oxford, when I oppos'd it at Hampton-Court, and Ricot, and would have had it put off at Woodstock? That I am as mere a Stranger, as any Lord that serves your Majesty, to all those disaffected Persons that appear'd so opposite to your Royal ends in the House of Commons. That I never spake in all my Life with any of them (excepting one, and at one time only, and that by Order and Commission) concerning any Parliamentary-business whatsoever. That I am content, if at any time admitted to my Answer, I shall be sufficiently convicted in any of these Premises, or any other Particular included under any of these, to renounce your Majesty's Favour as long as I live, and (which is the only Hell upon Earth to me) never look on your face again. But if all these Informations against a poor Bi­shop, that so served your Father in his Life, and at his Death, be grounded only upon Suspicion, Malice, or Misapprehension, and be cried down (as they needs must be) by all the Members of the one, and the other House, pity me, dread Sovereign, and let me retire with the comfortable Assurance of your Majesty's Favour, that I may spend my days quietly in the Service of my God, in serving whom, as I resolve to do, I shall never fail to serve your Majesty, whom God Almighty prosper with all Success in this World, and with all Happiness, and eternal Glory in that to come.

[Page 25] 28. The Letter being read, He was call'd for to the King immediately and had access to make his Petitions. His Requests were just, modest, and suitable to his Condition: and the King's Answers Princely and Prudent. The Petitioner ask'd first for his Majesty's Grace and Favour in general. His Majesty granted it, and gave him twice his Hand to kiss. 2. The Petitioner humbly thanking his Majesty for his gracious Promise, to take away none of his Church-Prefer­ments, till he had given better in lieu thereof, besought his Majesty to keep the same benevolent Mind towards him: The King said, It was his Intention. 3. The Petitioner besought his Majesty to remember his Father's Promise, made before all the Lords, that whensoever he took away the Seal, he would place me in as good a Bishoprick, or Arch-Bishoprick, as he could: a Promise not only seconded, but drawn from your Father first by your Majesty. The King said, There was no such Place yet void: when any fell then it would be time to make this Request unto him, 4. The Petitioner besought, that his Majesty would dismiss him freely and absolutely without any Command from the Ta­ble, but to leave it to his discretion to forbear: The King said, He ever intend­ed it so, and never said a word to the contrary, but expected he would not offend by vo­luntary Intrusion. 5. The Petitioner besought that his Majesty would declare unto the Lords, that he had willingly, and readily yielded to his Majesty's Pleasure, and that I part in your Favour and good Opinion, and am still your Servant. The King said, He would, but says he, I look that no Petitions be made for you by any Man at that time, but only for my Favour in general. 6. The Petiti­oner besought that his Majesty, in his good time would make his Atonement with my Lord-Duke, either upon, or without Examination of those Informa­tions, which the Lord-Duke had receiv'd against him. The King said, It be­came not him, a King, to take up the Quarrels between his Subjects: And that the Duke had never exprest any such Enmity against him before his Majesty. The Petitioner thank'd his Majesty for the last part of the Answer, which revived him not a little, as did a short Letter lately received from the Countess, his Grace's Mother, which he besought the King to read, and 'twas this.

Noble Lord,

I Must not forget my Promise to your Lordship: I have had large Conference with my Son about you. And he tells me that the King is determin'd to put another into your Place. But for his own part he [...] he is in Love, and Charity with your Lordship: And that he thinks your Lordship [...] leave the Place better than you found it; and that you have done the King good [...] in it. For the rest I shall give you better Satisfaction when I see you next, than I [...] do by Letter. In the mean time, I am sorry there should be any unkindness betwixt your Lordship, and him that is so near to me, and that wish­eth you both so well,

Mar. Buckingham.

The Petitioner went on, and besought, that whereas, by the King his Father's direction, he had bought a Pension, no new one, but the fame that was paid to Viscount Wallingford, of 2000 Marks per Annum, and had disbursed 3000 l. down for it, with which his Majesty was acquainted, and lik'd it, that his Majesty would be pleased, either to buy the Pension of him for the Sum laid out, and extinguish it: or to assign it to be paid him out of the Tenths and Subsidies of the Bishoprick, as before he had appointment to receive it out of the Hamper. The King said, Assignments were naught, but he would take order with his Treasurer, either to pay it, or buy it, as should be found most convenient. 8. The Petitioner besought, that his Majesty would please to bestow the next Prebend in Westminster, that was void, upon his Library-keeper, as his Father had pro­mis'd, or to let him resume his Books again. The King said, it was full of Reason. 9. The Petitioner besought, that his Majesty would please to ratifie a Grant made by his Father of four Advousons to St. John's Colledge in Cam­bridge, whereof two he had bought with his Money, and two the King gave him for the good of that Society. The King said, He would ratifie the Grant, and give way to amend any Errors in the Form, or in the Passing. 10. The Petitioner be­sought, that he might have leave to retire to a little Lodge lent to him by the Lord Sandys, where my Lord Conway may receive the Seal, when his Majesty commanded it, in his Journey towards Windsor. The King granted it. Lastly, The Petitioner besought, that the King would not be offended at him, if upon [Page 26]his discharge, reports were made that he was discontented, which he protested he was not, giving over so comfortably in his Majesty's Favour. The King said, He would do him that Justice, and that he little valued Reports: And, with a sweet Countenance, gave him his Hand to kiss with a gracious Valediction.

29. Poets use to have quaint Allusions in their Fictions: as when they tell us, that Pallas struck Tiresias blind, but gave him a Staff to walk with, Quo ve­luti duce vestigiis inoffensis graderetur, Politia. Miscel. p. 80. So the King had set the Keeper but a Week's Period to keep his Office, but gave him good words to carry him merrily home. And certainly his Majesty meant real Performance of all his Answers, both because, he limited them so warily, in all his Conces­sions; and because, if he were left to himself, he lov'd to keep his Word. For he was observ'd in all his Reign, that he seldom trod awry, but by mistrusting his own Judgment, and falling from it for their Perswasions, that came short of him a great deal in Wit, and Honesty. It was an Error: For a King should appear in that Magnitude, that no Man should expect to deceive him, or re­move him from his Sentence. If he be too passive, he will be counted, at the best, but in the middle Rank of Men: who should not be contented with mediocrity of Reputation. For a Prince that is not valued for great, and excellent, will be contemn'd. Yet blame not that which came not from Sin, but from Softness. And say of his Majesly, as Eudaeus did of his Master Francis the first, Vir ad omnia summa natus: dignusque qui su [...]e naturae magis, quàm hiantibus aliorum cupi­ditatibus indulgeret. The forlorn Keeper felt the Heaviness of this Lightness, who thought he had obtain'd much: but (excepting the four Advousons con­firm'd to St. John's College) he mist all that he sought for, and expected. Af­ter he had lest Salisbury (which was the next day) he could never receive a Far­thing of his Pension, nor bring it to an Audit, to his dying day. Was it not a Debt? True: But it must be forborn to be paid, because he did not want it. Must the Rich, if they ask their own, be sent empty away? A Rule for none but the Conscience of a Leveller. But I press it for him, that he wanted it, and more than it, to do Works of Piety and Bravery: to do Works of Splen­dor and Bounty; which was all the Use that he knew to be made of Wealth. As all is superfluous in a burning Candle, but that which the Snuff sucks up to maintain the Light: So the Life of every Man, especially of a temperate Man, is maintain'd with little: What should he covet more, than so much as will keep his Lamp in burning? Nor was the King's Scepter after that day held out to becken to him, to come towards his Majesty. The Favour of a Prince is sel­dom found again when it is lost; like Plautus his Captive Maid, Semel fugiendi si data est occasi [...], nunquam post illam possis prendere; if she take her to her Heels, and be gone, she will run away so far, that she will never be taken. The At­tendants about a King are in the fault for this. Who will grow Strangers, and worse of a sudden to those that were lately in their Bosom, if a King send them off with disgrace. A cashiered Courtier is an Almanack of the last Year, re­membred by nothing but the great Eclipse. Look for gentle Strains, and Civi­lities among them, from the No [...]es to the Huishers; but he that trusts to their Faith, and Friendship may go seek. That which this dismissed Lord did most pretend for, was to be called again, after some pause of time, to the Council-board. But he was utterly forgot: and his grief must be the less, because he was no Counsellor in the Management of those Contrivances, which bred the Troubles, as 'tis thought, wherein the Kingdom miscarried: So he resolv'd not to offer his Presence, where he should be checkt for appearing. It is sagely noted by Symmachus, Ep. p. 91. Qui excludi per improbos possimus, abesse interim velut ex nostro arbitrio debemus. Let it be my own act, says he, to refrain from the Imperial Palace, and let not haughty, and churlish Men have their Wills to exclude me. But before five days were run out, this relinquish'd Lord had intelligence, how the Duke talk'd so minaciously and loudly, that it made him throw all expecta­tion of future Kindness over-board, into the dead Sea of Despair. Since this Disaster began, he was never couragious, and in good heart till then. Now, as Plato began, he was never couragious, and in good heart till then. Now, as Plato says of Socrates his Hemlock-Cup brought to him to drink it, [...], he did not sip it, but carouse it off. So much doth it profit a Man to­wards a settled Mind, to let no false Comfort in, when he is in the darkness of Misery. Hermolaus Barbarus had many Troubles rushing in upon him, after he was made Patriarch of Aquileia: Whereupon he writes, Politia. Ep. p. 405. I am surrounded with Terrors, and Opposition: and I look for no better Times hereafter: [Page 27]which is the best, and only true Valour. Non est fortis, qui fortis est in spe: qui per­fert mala, etiam si duratura viderit, fortis est. He that looks for better times, his Hope is his Compensation: but without Question it is too slack for For­titude.

30. The Sun is now Setting. Upon the 25th. of October Sir John Suckling brought the Warrant from the King to receive the Seal; and the good News came together, very welcome to the Resignant, that Sir Thomas Coventry should have that Honour. From whom the Kingdom look'd for much good, and found it. Between both those two Worthies in that Office, I may state the Comparison, as Quintilian hath done between Livy and Salust, Pares eos magis fuisse, quàm similes; rather Equals than altogether like in the Management of the Place. The Warrant under the Signet went thus.

Charles R.

TRusty and Well-beloved Counsellor we greet you well:

You are to deliver, upon the Receipt hereof, our Great-Seal of England, whereof you are our Keeper, unto our Trusty and Well-beloved Counsellor Sir John Suckling, Controuler of our Houshold, the Bearer hereof: And this shall be a sufficient Warrant unto you so to do.

Which was instantly obey'd: And the Seal being put into a costly Cabinet, in Sir John Suckling's Presence, the Key of the Cabinet was inclosed in a Letter, closed with the Episcopal Seal of Lincoln: The Copy whereof remains in these Words.

Most gracious, and most dread Sovereign,

HAving now no other Meditations left, than how to serve God and your Majesty in the Quality of a poor Bishop, I do humbly crave your Majesty's Favour in this last Paper, which I shall present to your Majesty in this kind, that I may president my self by two grave Bishops, St. Ambrose, and St. Chrysostom. In the former I find myself dispos'd for this Civil, as St. Ambrosewas for his natural Death. Non ita vixi ut me vivere pudeat: nee mori timeo, quia bonum habemus Dominum. That as I have not liv'd in my Place so altogether unworthily, as to be asham'd to continue in the same: so am I not now perturb'd in the quitting of the same, because I know I have a good God, and a gracious Sovereign. For the other, I present this my last, and dying Request, in the very last Words of St. Chrysostom: Moriar ego, sed me mortuo vigeat ecclesia▪ Let me retire to my little Zoar, but let your Gracious Majesty be pleas'd to recommend [...]o my most able, and deserving Successor, an especial Care of your Church, and Church-men. To call upon the Judges, who (God's Name be prais'd) are ready enough to hear such Motions, to relieve the poor sort of Church-men, publickly affronted in their Persons by factious, and insolent Justices: or judicially wrong'd in their Causes by wilful and partial Jurors. Likewise to entertain, and countenance their just Plaints in that great Court of Chancery, the which, of all the rest in Westmin­ster-Hall, as not proceeding upon the Verdicts of Lay and Country Juries, hath been ever by those of my Coat held most equal, and indifferent. Also to mingle always some few of the Clergy of best Means, and Discretion in the Commission of the Peace: who with their very Presence, and sitting in that place, are a great Countenance to their poor Brethren. And withal to keep and preserve poor Ministers from the Oppressions of malicious Informers, in that great and chargeable Court of the Star-Chamber. Lastly, to afford all the Clergy of England that Solace and Relief, which his Lordship know­eth well they will expect from your Majesty, such a Son of such a Father. So may God make your Majesty more victorious than David, more wise than Solomon, and every way as good a King as your Majesty's blessed Father: It shall be the continual Prayer of,

Your Majesty's poor Subject and Chaplain, JO. LINCOLN.

[Page 28] This is the Dirge with which that Swan expir'd: Being careful of nothing, but that his poor Brethren might not be trampled upon over his back: especi­ally those that served in Country Cures, among bad Pay-masters, and narrow-hearted, contentious Chuffs. So I have done with the ex-authorized Lord-Keeper, not fall'n in his worth, or in himself, though fall'n from a great Place. Be it justly ascrib'd to him, which Pliny doth to M. Cato, lib. 29. c. 1. Cujus autoritati triumphus, atque censura minimum conferunt, tanto plus in ipso est. There was enough in him still, to keep him as great as King James had made him.

31. The Subject which is now under the Quill is the Bishop of Lincoln. A few late Writers, who want the Polishing of Humanity, and the Meekness of Christianity, have done him high reproach in some Occurencies. They shall answer for it to God. I will only put this little Syrup into the Reader's Mouth, to take away the ill relish of those Defamations, that the Fire of Envy would have gone out by this time, but that there is a Pile of Vertue left behind, to keep it burning Yet even those Men have scarce given him a little scratch, or no more, anent his Episcopal Administration of his Diocess: He made that Office a good Work, 1 Tim. 3.1. Neither did he hold any Preheminence of Place, without an eminence of Worth, and Prudence. For four Years after his Con­secration, he was not in Condition, through the great Burthen of other Im­ployments, to appear among his Clergy. But it is well known to them that lived under his Charge in those days, that both Ministry, and Laity were greatly satisfied with his Government. For his Encouragements to the Best-deserving were very kind, his Dispatches were never intermitted, and his Directions strict­ly look'd after, to be observ'd by those that were under him, in any part of his Jurisdiction. Yet to reach no further than Truth, from this time forward his Pre­sence wrought more, than his Substitutes in his absence: his Light shin'd clear­er, and the Influence of it was stronger, when he was six'd, and resident in his own Orb. As Columella commends it wittily to an Owner, to live upon his own Ground, if he would thrive; says he, Fimus optimus in agro est Domini vesti­gium: So the Vineyard of Christ in every part of it will prosper best, when the Vine-dresser himself doth walk about the Field. Or to go higher, as Moses said of the promised Land, Deut. 11.12. It is a Land which the Lord thy God cares for: the Eyes of the Lord thy God are always upon it, from the beginning of the Year, to the end: So it runs like a Verse set to the same Tune to say, that the Eye of God is all the Year long upon that Portion of his Church, where the Diocesan is not a Stranger, but a Co-habitant, or, if you will, a Companion with his Brethren. And the Bishop having now no more to do with civil Distractions, bethought him instantly of the Duty of his Pastoral Staff, made Provision for an Houshold, which attended him in a great Retinue, and removed from Bark­shire, without touching at London, to Bugden in Hunting donshire. His Privacy at Foxly conceal'd his Double-diligence, to make haste to be gone, lest more An­ger should shower upon him if he tarried. Wherein I espy into Salmasius his Note upon Solinus, p. 327. That a Lion never runs away fast from his Enemies, but when he hath got into a shady Wood, and cannot be seen: Ubi virgulta sylvasque penetravit, acerrimo cursu fertur, velut abscondente turpitudinem loco. Be­side, he that felt the Frowns, or rather the Despight of the Court, by being near to it, knew it was wholsome to change Air, to be rid of that Disease, as well as Hippocrates prescribes it for the worst Symptoms of the Body, Aphor. 20. [...], To go to a new Soil, is good to miti­gate an old Sickness: No question but being lodg'd now in his Episcopal Palace, his most proper Watch-Tower, he found it best for the best Health, that of a quiet Mind, and a good Conscience. He was in the way to know himself bet­ter, when he was more alone to himself, than in late Years. He was at rest to make use of the Verse of a judicious Heathen,

Tacitum sylvas inter reptare salubres,
Horat.
Curantem quicquid dignum sapiente, bonoque est.

[Page 29] He might now do, as well as know the meaning, what the Scriptures intend, when they say that Rulers go in, and out before the People. For how can they go out unto them, that are never in among them? Else they may be out, but never in. Here this History hath found him, and shall recount things most me­morable that there concern'd him, speaking after the rate of enough, and not a jot beyond it. This many, both Friends and Strangers to him, have desired often from the Author of this Piece to be informed in. And it is a quaint Rule which fell from Pliny, Lib. 35. c. 2. N. H. Nullum majus est felicitatis specimen, quàm omnes scire cupere, qualis fucrit aliquis. He is happy that hath lived so, that many desire to know how he lived. Into which every one that looks, will like this Order to proceed by, to rank things praise-worthy on the right-hand, as it were, by themselves; and all things on the other hand, which fell upon him by malevolent, and vexatious Accidents. Many of the one sort, and the other were coincident in time, yet it is no error to part them in the Relation, because they are distinct in Condition. His Vertues were ever in motion; and so were his Crosses. For the first he was not exalted in Mind, because he knew they were the Gifts of God: For the second he was not dejected, for he knew they were the Tryals of God. Joseph's party-colour'd Coat might portend ma­ny. Changes in his Life; but it was an Ornament; and he wo [...]e it with distin­ction from his Brethren, because his Father lov'd him.

32. I open the Door now to let the Bishop in to his Exchange. He came to his Seat of Bugden at disadvantage, in the Winter. And Winter cannot be more miry in any Coast of England, than it is round about it. He found an House nothing to his content to entertain him. 'Twas large enough, but rude, waste, untrimm'd, and, in much of the outward Dress, like the grange of a Farmer. From the time of his Predecessor, Dr. Russel, that was Lord Chancellor of England, and sat there in the Days of Edward the Fourth, and laid out much upon that place, none that followed him, no not Splendian Woolsey, did give it any new Addition: but rather suffered it to be overgrown with the Decays of an ill-favour'd Antiquity. This Bishop did Wonders in a short time, with the Will of a liberal Man, and the Wit of a good Surveyor: For, in the space of one Year, with many Hands, and good Pay, he turn'd a ruinous thing in­to a stately Mansion. The out Houses, by which all strangers past, were the greatest Eye-sore; these he pluck'd down to the Ground, and re-edified with convenient Beauty, as well for use, as uniformity. These were Stables, Barns, Granaries, Houses for Doves, Brewing, and Dairies: And the outward Courts, which were next them, he cast into fair Allies, and Grass-plats. Within Doors the Cloysters were the trimmest part of his Reparations: the Windows of the Square beautified with Stories of colour'd Glass; the Pavement laid smooth and new: and the Walls on every side hung with Pieces of exquisite Workmen in Limning, collected and provided long before. The like, and better was done for the Chappel in all these Circumstances; and with as much cost as it was ca­pable of: For the over-sight from the beginning was, that it was the only Room in the House that was too little. He planted Woods, the Trees in many places devised by him into Ranks and Proportions: But Woods are the most needful Supplies for Posterity, and the most neglected. He fenced the Park, and sto­red it with Deer. He provided for good Husbandry, and bought in the Leases of the Demeasnes, for them that would stock the Grounds; which improvident­ly, and for hunger of Monies, were let out to the very Gates. And though Aristotle 4th. Eth. say of a magnificent Man, that he is not [...], costly upon himself: yet here was one of that Quality, that laid out much for his own Delight, and Satisfaction. He loved stirring and walking, which he used two hours or more, every day in the open Air, if the Weather serv'd: Espe­cially if he might go to and fro, where good Scents, and Works of well-form'd Shape were about him. But that this was his innocent Recreation, it would a­mount to an Error, that he should bury so much Money in Gardens, Arbors, Orchards, Pools for Water-fowls, and for Fish of all variety, with a Walk raised three Foot from the Ground, of about a Mile in compass, shaded and co­vered on each side with Trees, and Pales. He that reports this knows best, that all the Nurseries about London for fair Flowers, and choice Fruits were ran­sack'd to furnish him. Alcinous, if he had lived at Bugden, could not have liv'd better. And all this, take it together, might have stood to become five Ages after his Reparation. But what is there that appears now; or what remains of all this Cost and Beauty? All is dissipated, defaced, pluck'd to pieces to pay [Page 31]it, I mean for them that sing with grace in their hearts to the Lord, Colos. 3.16. First, Well-tuned Musick was intermingled in the Liturgy of Prayers, [...], says Basil; Notions of Piety will sink further into the Mind, through delightful warbling; and a Lesson so pleasantly deliver'd, lodgeth surer in the Memory. Therefore the Agathyrsians, in Plato's days, put their Laws into Songs, to prevent it in every Plebeian, that he might not forget them. Secondly, It must be very profitable to sing some part of holy Service, Quia cantans diutius super còdem moratur, says Aquinas, 2.2. Qu. 91. Art. 2. the Understanding dwells the longer upon all that it pronounceth, and knows that best, which it rehear­seth with leisure and distinction. Nihil in transeursu oportet à Dris petere. It is one of Numas's Laws in Plutarch, and none of the worst of them; not to run over Prayers in haste, as a Bowl tumbles down a Hill, but with pause, and sober deliberation. Thirdly, all that love to have Church-work done with some of those holy Carols, appeal to experience, that they feel them now with a full Tide into their Heart sooner than plain reading. Aristotle in his 19 Probl. gives the Cause, why there is no Impression from Odours upon the Passions of the Mind, and but little from Colours, because the Objects of those Senses are con­veyed into the Fancy without stirring, or agitation: but there is a great Con­sent between the Musick, and the Spirits, because so much Motion concurs with the Harmony: how then shall the Affections be unstirr'd, when God is praised by Asaph, and the Quire? Will not the Heart be more passionate, when it ap­plies it self to God in such tunable Solemnity, than by that which is utter'd in the vulgar Mode of Elocution? Fourthly, David requires it of the Saints, to make a chearful Noise to the God of Jacob. This is the use of Anthems, to make us merry, and joyful before the Lord. Can Flutes and Trumpets inspire a Resolution into the Breast of Souldiers? Or why do they carry them to Bat­tel? Did Cornets, and other Wind-instruments animate the robustious Greeks, to stand out their Games with a Courage more than Manly? [...], Arist. lib. 8. Polit. c. 5. It cannot be denied, says that Philosopher, but such Musick comforted them in their Conflicts, as if it had been an Enthusiasm. Turn it into a Church-way among good Christians, and will it not have alike Operation there? Will not a skilful Hymn made to God, enliven and penetrate as far to a Heavenly end, as other Minstrilsie had its effect in civil Applications? But this Seraphical Devotion is shut out of doors, and more than this, (O Lord thou seest it) until he open the Way again, who hath the Key of David.

34. Some will not be brought to like this, and some of later growth cannot easily be brought to understand it; it being hard for them to miss that, which they never knew. But in those days, when God was so worshipp'd, the Con­course was great that came to the Bishop's Chappel for Devotions. So he had more Guests at his Table of generous and noble Extraction, than any Prelate in a long Memory before; for the Musick of his great Chamber, which did feed, and relieve the Ear, was sought unto, more than the Cheer which was prepared for the Belly. A Bishop, say the Scriptures, must be a Lover of Hos­pitality: and so said Melito, the ancient Bishop of Sardis, who wrote a Book, Entituled, For Episcopal Hospitality, Euseb. lib. 4. c. 25. To which there was no need to exhort our Bishop. Mr. IV. S. that gives him not a good word beside in his History; allows him to be laudable in this. Bugden is a Thorough-fare in­to the great Counties of Lincoln, and York; whose Nobles and Gentry, with their Retinues, call'd in at that Palace in their Passage, and found a sumptuous Table, and a Cellar free, if not too open. The House, as great as it was, was likely well sill'd. The Master of it delighted not in Solitude: for he loved not to save Charges. Beside such Passengers, he seldom sat to Meat without some of the Clergy, commonly a Coovy. The very Yeamanry of Fashion of the adjacent Towns were welcome, not only to his Hall, but to his Board. And though the Resort was such, yet he liv'd in that Order and Method, that his more serious thoughts were seldom interrupted with Domestick Affairs. The Poor were sharers in this Hospitality, more than any for their number, with whom he desired to divide the Goods of the Earth, that he might divide with them the Joys of Heaven. Aequè pauperibus prodest, locupletibus aequè, Horat. He hath been heard to say, that he would spend his own, while he had it: for he thought his Rivals would not always let him enjoy it. As the Athenians making merry with their Story, when Xerxes led his Army against them, would talk in a Frolick, that the Medes should not eat up this. Many thought [Page 32]a great Debt would grow upon him for his wasting. But he was too wise to need another to audit his Estate for him. The Spaniard hath a pretty Refrain, Mas save el loco en su casa, que el guerdo in casa axeno: A Fool knows more in his own House, than a wise Man in anothers. But here was one whose Provi­dence held up his Bounty. He run out far: but he knew where to stop; as he that takes a strong Purge, repairs it with a Cordial. Circumstances in some things are as much as Substance: every whit as much, nay more than the half of Hospitality. Some will have the Praise of the Entertainer to begin from the Chearfulness of the Countenance. Ante omnia v [...]ltus—Accessere boni, Lib. 8. Metamor. of Philemon and Baucis, wherein the Bishop had as singular Grace: A [...] in his Person, a grave and a smiling Garb compounded together, to being Strangers into liking of their Welcome. The Honourable and the Mean had that share of Courtesie which belong'd unto them. Well exprest by Aemilius Probus, in the Character of Pom. Atticus, Hic Athenis sic se gerebat, ut communis infimis, par principibus videretur. Chearfulness at the Threshold must continue with pleasantness to the parting, or else a Guest doth penance: Wherein the Bishop won greatly upon all that he receiv'd. He demonstrated that his Mind was the lighter, because his Friends were about him: and his faceti­ous Wit was true to him at those Seasons, because his Heart was true to his Com­pany. If neat Apophthegms, and sallies of Ingenuity deserv'd to be book'd, his would have made an elegant Cluster. [...], says Eunapius in his Proem: the Sports that drop from Vertue are observable.

35. These are Conditions look'd for in every discreet Man. A great deal more is requir'd in the Hospitality of a Bishop. Possidonius says of St. Austin, A­nagnosten admensam adhibuit. So at this Table a Chorister read a Chapter in the English Translation at Dinner, and one of his Gentlemen another in the Latin Translation at Supper. For there was none of them but was bred at least to so much Learning. After that, Discourse took up the time: which was the Bi­shop's delight, and the Hearer's profit. It is the chief end of repast with Friends. Propter Sermonis de lectationem tempestivis convivits delector. Cicer. de Senect. Let dumb Beasts hold their Heads in the Crib: But Man, that is a rational Crea­ture, should be a rational Feeder: Herein the Bishop excell'd himself. For none could give better content in Discourse to all that sat with him at Meat. As Symmachus said of the like, coming from a learned Man's Mouth, Lib. 2. Ep. 6. Nihil quod non meum vellem, nibil quod non admirarer audivi. The old Fa­thers said the same things, or that which was like the same things in their Col­loquies. He could make himself all things to all Men, and close with all sorts, according to their Argument, and Capacity. If a Barly-corn were fitter for some than a Pearl, he would scrape it out for them. Where it was vain to sound the shallowness of some with a deep Line, he instructed them with Per­spicuity, after their own measure. But when he had the Society of them, that were of good Reading, and strong Notions, he would propose, and hear, and reply, and canvass a Question with that Reason, and Instances of Antiquity, yet with such a Gust of Hilarity, that he contented all with his Judgment, and endeared them to him with his Civility. Far more might be said than this to his praise: but it is better to supply it with Admiration. And because his Breasts were full, and had need to be drawn: the choicest, and most able of both Universities came thick unto him; as Erasmus in an Epistle to Sixtinus, p. 140. writes of some learned Men, that invited themselves to a Meal with him, Ejusmodi homines, qui Academiam possint facere, non modò convivium: So such company was often about the Bishop, as made Bugden look like an Academy, and the Cheer like a Commencement. None could reach himself out with more Humanity to please them all, unless any thought it troublesome, as I think they did not, that he continued Discourse till Midnight, or after. From Cambridge, that being so near, and he so hospital, he was daily visited. But when Dr. Ward, and Dr. Brownrigg (now the Right Reverend Bishop of Exon) came to do him Ho­nour with their observance, it was an high Feast with him. These were Saints of the red Letter in the Calendar of his Acquaintance. Occurrunt animae, quales neque candidiores—Terra tulit, Horat. This noble Pair were both most Godly, most Learned, most Humble; fit to make Friends with the most vertuous, and chiefly, (for so it was) between themselves. The first was of a sad Temper: the second more chearful. The first slow, and profound: the second quick, and acute. Dr. Ward in the Chair a rare Determiner: Dr. Brownrigg in the Schools an un­parallel'd Disputant, and in the Pulpit a most divine Preacher: As Tully said of Crassus and Scevola, In aliquibus dissimiles erant inter se, statuere tamen ut non possis, [Page 33] cujus te malles esse similiorem. So these two in some things were Matches, in some things unlike, in all things excellent: and happy were he that could be like to either. He that received such as these under his Roof, might be comforted, not that he received Angels unawares, but Christ himself in his Disciples. This Matter might have broken off here, but that Mr. W. S. who likes the Gallantry of the Bishop's House-keeping, adds that which was very true, that Watches were set to note, and espy him. Warning was given by some, that were ap­pointed to it. The Court is not always the closest Cabinet to keep Secrets: As Budaeus observes it, Lib. 3. de Asse. fol. 105. Aius ille Locutius arcanum nihil sinit esse eorum, quae in Aulâ geruntur. But the Bishop would take no knowledge, that such a Snare was laid; esteeming of it as Physicians do of Cancer Occultus, that it is more safe to let it alone, than to go about to cure it: nor was it easie for him to keep in his Freedom: Which yet many times had subtlety mixt with it; such as Fulgentius says was in Padre Paulo, That he would seem open in his Talk, out of an admirable Dexterity to make others speak freely. But more often custom did make his Words run from him, without regard to those that might be suspected: As Camerarius writes of Melanchthon, Oratio ejus erat libera, etiam sine circumspectione, & consideratione eorum, coram quibus illa haberetur. Where much Knowledge, and a sweet Nature meet with intelligent Company, Dis­course will flow without an over-anxious advertency upon the Hearers. Yet Offence could never be grounded upon his Words, if a candid Interpretation judg'd them. Doubtless he that had lost one Eye, would be more tender to keep the other. As for those Spies, and State-rats that are set to run, and scent in every corner; Budaeus, a great Courtier as well as a Scholar, in his Work cited before, Fol. 188. Accounts them to be most ignoble Instruments, bred at first under the ragged Princes of Asia. But he that did most employ them was Midas, King of Phrygia, which gave occasion to the Fable, that he had Asses Ears. Quem narrant asininas aures habuisse, quod multos otacoustas, auricularios, & sermonum captatores haberet. Thistles were fitter for such Asses to feed on, than the sumptuous provision of a most bountiful Lord.

36. Though the good Fare remembred was much seen, and much talk'd of, yet there were Issues of Liberality from the same Purse no less, or more, to be approved. The Lordly Senators of Rome sed the Bellies of their Clients, that came officiously to salute them; Fructus amicitiae magnae cibus, Juven. Sat. 5. And that was all the good they did. But as this Bishop's Table was free and open, so was his Hand: Except Bishop Andrews, who was sublime in all Ver­tue, there was not so great a Giver of his Order, to the Supply of the Learned, and of Gentlemen of hard Fortune: whom he gratified with no small Sums. Beside some poor Scholars of eminent Hopes in both Universities, whom he cherish'd with sufficient Pensions to maintain them modestly. A Servant of a worthy Family that look'd to his Disbursements, Mr. John Mostyn, will avouch it, that in such charitable Out-lets, he spent a Thousand Pounds every Year at the least, sometime Twelve Hundred. Whatsoever Colours you lay upon the praise of a great Man, certainly such Works are the best Mettal of his Coat. Titulis & fascibus olim—Major habebatur donandi gloria, Juven. ut supra. And that's Truth in Ar. Will. History p. 196. That this Bishop was of a bountiful Mind to Men in want, being a great Patron to support them, when there was Merit that wanted supply. The same Author hath instanced in one of the best, to whom he did minister out of his store, the Man whose Renown will ever be fresh, Dr. Peter Moulin, the Elder; Who flying from the mortal Threatnings of his Enemies at the time of the Siege of Mount-Alban, and finding harbour in England, was not only furnish'd for his present use by this compassionate Providor, but he sent also for his Son Dr. Peter the younger out of France, or­dain'd him a Deacon, to make him capable of his Patronage, instituted him into a Donative, one of the best in North Wales, and caused him to engage, that Provision should be made out of it for his Mother-in-Law, as it were in the way of a Joynture, if the survived his Father. A Benefit which the Father, that great Pillar of the Reformed Churches in France, neither sought, nor ex­pected. For he had never seen his face that conferr'd it: and came so welcome to discharge him from all further care of laying up for his Family, that among his other rate Gifts, he proved the most acknowledging, true-hearted, and con­stant Friend, that ever the Bishop had to do with. From whom he was pre­sented every Month with all those Rarities, which the Gallican Church, and State set forth. Neither were the Moulins, the Father and Son, the All, and the [Page 34]only ones among the Worthies of the Transmarine Churches, that were Debtors to his Courtesie. But, as our holy Fathers Grindal, Whitgift, and Abbot had done before him, many in the Universities of France, and the Netherlands, that were [...], Men of Fame and Industry, were greeted from him with ample Tokens of Benevolence. For though the Government, and comely Order of our Church is far better contrived than theirs, through the good Hand of God upon us, yet he was not pufft up, like some, that think their Imperfections make them unworthy of Communion with us. Is there but one Tree of Knowledge in all the Paradice of the Church of God? Or must all be despised that are not reformed ad amussim? The good God pardon every one, that prepareth his heart to seek the Lord God of his Fathers, though he be not cleansed according to the purifica­tion of the Sanctuary, 2 Chron. 30.19. Alas, yet many of these, or their Col­leagues, since they were filled with good things from our Right Reverend Fa­thers, have turned against us, and have brought fuel to kindle the fire, which hath burnt up the houses of God in our Land. Lord lay not this sin to their charge. They have received good things from us: and we have received evil from them. The white stone is on our side: the blot is on theirs. But our Bishop's End was good, the Coag­mentation of the parts of the Building of God's House, and to oblige the Ma­ster-builders; His Prudence, and Humanity went far to close up Breaches, and to advance Unity. And as the Showers of the Clouds drop upon Thistles, as well as Wheat, so a frank Spirit will not be over-curious to examine, into whose hands it puts a little Dust. Let it fall on the right-side, or on the left, let God look to that, who knows the Heart. This the Bishop believed, and knew that what he receiv'd from the Church, was not given for the Interest of one Man to lay it up for himself. St. Ambrose tells us so, Ep. 2. ad Valen­tini. Nihil ecclesia sibi nisi fidem possidet: possessio ecclesiae sumptus est egenorum.

37. Let me proceed a little further, and the Readers will wonder, out of what Mine the Bishop digg'd the Wealth to expend so much. It was never ob­serv'd by those about him, that he gather'd much in his great Office. He was provident indeed, and let nothing run waste: and honest Thrist will help to save a few Spoonfuls, but not so much as to fill a Cistern. I can refer it no better, I am certain, than to the unknown Blessing of God, who multiplied his Substance the more, because he gave it chearfully. For in the midst of his Profuseness he fell upon Works of great Munificence, which could not come into a narrow Mind, nor be finish'd by a narrow Fortune. [...], says Plutarch out of Menander, Happy is he that hath a good Inheri­tance, and a good Will to use it. He look'd first upon the Palace at Lincoln, built for none but the ancient Bishops of the See, that had Four and Thirty rich Mannors belonging to them, which were alienated in Dr. Holbech his time, though not by his fault, and were never recover'd: beside a vast Jurisdiction of great Profit, derived into other Channels. This Palace, fit for the Pomp of those great Potentates, was formidable to their poor Successors, that could not keep it warm, with the Rents that remain'd. But it was come into the Possession of one, that did not stick at such Considerations. For although it did seem irreparable in the Dilapidations; and Workmen did ask so much, as the Neighbours of the Close did think it would deter the Master of it, yet in three Years he brought it on, and up, to as much strength and comliness, as when it was first inhabited. And because he found a decay of Learning in those remore Parts, for want of good Books, he design'd it among his good Deeds to provide a Remedy, another Store-house for Authors of all Arts and Sciences, like those of Westminster, and St. John's in Cambridge, [...], as Athenaeus calls the Alexandrian Biblotheque, Lib. 1. c. 9. The Flasket, or coffer to put in the Jewels of the Muses. Presently he bought the Library, and caus'd it to be con­veighed to Lincoln, belonging to Dr. Day, sometimes Rector of St. Faith's in London, whom the Stationers, his Parishioners, had furnish'd with a full Study, fitting for such a Scholar, that knew how to use so great a Magazine. Timber was hewn out, and dispos'd in the Yard, to make a capacious Room to hold these Books. Other Benefactors were ready to garnish it with their Oblations. But unkind Troubles, that came thick upon the main Founder, stopp'd the ad­vance of it so long, that the Timber came into the Hands of Souldiers, to make Fortifications; and the Books became a Prey to every Vultur that could catch them. A Work of better success shall compleat this Paragraph. A great Wit, and one that made this Bishop his Executor in his last Will, the Lord Bacon, says well in his Essay of Parents, That none have such care of Po­sterity, [Page 35]as they that have no Posterity: Which appears in this Prelate; who added to the rest of his famous Deeds, the repairing of one side of Lincoln Colledge in Oxford, especially the Building of a most elegant Chappel, which it had not be­fore. The Form of it was Costly, Reverend, and Church-wise. The sacred Acts, and Mysteries of our Saviour, while he was on Earth, neatly colour'd in the Glass-windows. The Traverse, and lining of the Walls was of Cedar-Wood. The Copes, the Plate, the Books, and all sort of Furniture for the Holy Table, rich and suitable. All which he did with the greater Willingness, because the Society flourish'd at that time with Men of rare, and extraordinary Learning. These so many costly pieces of Charity and Magnificence, are not Opuscula, but Opera, great Matters to be perform'd by one Man, in the compass of Seven Years: And it being, as I may say in the Words of Amos, Cap. 7.1. the latter growth of his Estate, after the King's Mowing. Such Works a Bishop should aim at, because therefore God gave him his high degree, says St. Jerom, Lib. 1. Con. Jovin. In majore ordine conslitutus, possit, si velit, occasionem exercen­darum habere virtutum. Let our Bishops of old times have their due praise, they were great Benefactors to Churches, and Colleges. I say more, they did well, and left a Pattern to their younger Brethren, that rose up in their places, to do well by their Copy: And as Symmachus says, p. 205. Autor est bonorum sequenti­um qui reliquit exemplum. They are a kind of Co-founders with the good Men of after Ages, that gave them an Example to imitate their Fore fathers. But be it consider'd, without disparagement to their Piety, that their Wealth was great; they were at Cost upon the Houses of God, when their Wings were cover'd with Silver, and their Feathers were of Gold. But this Man had but a Scan [...]ling of their ample Fortunes. Others we know larded all over with the Fat of the Earth, who are not Competitors, with the Bishop in this Glory. Such as by Profession of the Law, or Traffick by Seas have gather'd up Gold like the Stones of the Streets, and leave it all to their own House; Qui usque ad cen­tesimum nepotem se animi obstinatione propagant, as Budaeus tells them de Ass. p. 105. Who reckon that all they have is little enough, to bequeath to their Seeds seed, for an hundred Generations. And yet are no better than Persian Eunuchs, full of Honour and Riches, and leave no Memory behind them. And if they give one Sheaf out of a full Barn, they have not the Heart to do it with their own Hand, and see it well employ'd with their own Eyes; but commend it by their Will to the Execution of their Survivors. Whereas one Sacrifice of Alms, done for God's sake, offer'd up in our own Life, paid down in our own Person, and not by Proxy, is more acceptable, than five Legacies of posthumous Liberality. But I will stop, and will say no more of the Bishop's pious Benignity, than a Word out of Tertullian's Apology, Quantiscunque sumptibus constet, lucrum est, quicquid pietatis nomine fit. He shall receive more than he gave; for Godliness is great Gain.

38. It was free for him to do what he would with his own, to be or not be a great Benefactor, or a great Giver: but it was his Duty to be a good Govern­our. Put him then into that Scale, and weigh him, and begin from his own Family: Wherein very effectual and imprinting Passages are not wanting. A Bishop should be blameless, and of good Report. Good Reason then for a Batchelor to walk very strictly, to shun the Defamation of his Chastity: Therefore this Man would suffer no Woman-kind to do any Service within his Gates. Tho' they are siner-handed than Men for Cleanliness, yet better to endure a little Dust in the Rooms, than that a single Man should have their Company. This was his Order, more for his Follower's sake, than for himself. Who was pri­viledged from his Childhood from suspicion of Incontinency: and needed no Compurgation, but such as Methodius had, says Baroni. Anno. 843. c. 3. Metho­dius de fornicatione accusatus, prodidit seipsum eviratum esse. This will stop the Mouth of Slander, unless his Credit came before such as had rather hear the worst of Men, than the Truth. Fame is too hard for Innocency. If it get abroad, it will never stand still, till Age have made it weary. For whose pre­vention the Heathen knew no other way, but to set up an Altar to it, that it might befriend them. So Aschines in his Oration against Timarchus, [...]. Their Fore­fathers did those divine Honours to same, as to the mighty Goddess, that car­ried all before her. Not insisting to a Word more in the Negative, what they were, whom a discreet Governour could well want in his House: In the Af­firmative it was taken up to be the School, or Academy of young Nobles. Such [Page 36]was the Fatherly respect that our ancient Prelates had, to the Sons of our great­est Peers, that their Palaces were the Nurseries of their Children: where they were bred to serve God, and the King; and to shun the Stains of Honour, Vice and Ignorance. The two, and only Male Branches of Charles Duke of Suffolk were brought up with Dr. Holbech, in this Mansion of Bugden, and died there both in one day of the Sweating-sickness, greatly lamented, as it is engraven up­on their Tomb in the Chancel of the Church adjoyning. So Pope Adrian the Sixth, says Onuphrius, carried the Sons of some great Princes of Germany to Rome, when he was elected to the Papacy, and kept them under his own Eyes, till the Italians, guilty of their own Filthiness, made Pasquins of the Pope, who meant well alla Todesea, and never dream'd of the odious Lust of that Nation. Which good Custom was revived among us by this honourable Person who lived in manner and order of the good Bishops, as Mr. W. S. confesseth, and made an Academy of his House, receiving into it many hopeful Branches of Honour, the Sons of Marquis Hartford, of the Earls of Pembroke, Salisbury, and Leicester, with many others of the Gentry, of the same tender Age, to bear them com­pany, whereof some were of his own Blood and Country. These had Pre­ceptors, who accounted often to the Bishop, how their Charges were season'd with Piety, and prosper'd in Learning. To such as grew ripe to be removed to the Universities, he read himself a brief System of Logick, and sent them from him, beside the Verbal Art of Grammar, tinctur'd with the Syllogisms of Reason. His own Servants resorted to the Exercises of this Education, as they were capable.

39. Chiefly his Care was Great and Godly, to ground them throughly in the Principles of Religion. Whom he committed not to a Chaplain, to oversee them in a point of that Consequence, which concern'd the Life of their Souls, but proved them one by one himself, from the most honourable, to the mean­est in the Kitchin and Stables, what Answers they could make to the Funda­mental Questions of the Catechism. A most Christian Exercise for young and old: but the sweetest Milk that Youth can suck in. Sic lacte relicto —Virtutem gens tota bibit, as Sidonius hath it in his Panegyrick. Good things that are soonest learnt, are longest remembred: As the Figure will continue, which the Seal imprints upon soft Wax. And it was thought of old, that the Catechist, wa­ving this Offering of first Fruits before the Lord, did derive as much Benefit to himself, as to his Disciples, [...], that of Clemens is very elegant [...]. Lib. 1. If he be a sound, and sincere Man, he doth best learn the Doctrine of his own Questions, and is the best Hearer of his own Ex­hortations. The opportunity which this Bishop did observe, constantly to in­struct his Domesticks in their Catechism was Lent. He that is a Lover of An­tiquity, will the better love Piety. Look back Fifteen Hundred Years, which within one Century is at the top of the Primitive Church, and we find, that the best Practicers of Mortification, that liv'd in those blessed Times, made a more solemn use of Lent, than of any part of the Year, for Austerity of Tem­perance and Repentance, for Catechising and Preparation to keep the great Feast of Easter, with the unleavened Bread of Sincerity. Whom should we imitate? or if you will, whom should we emulate, rather than those whom Basil calls (and he was one of them) [...], the live Images of holy Profession? Which way do we walk, if we shun their Foot­steps? Were not Men of the best times, best to set out the choicest times for Devotion, and remembrance of Christ's mighty Works? Suppose we did not appeal to those Examples: yet our modern Turn-abouts cannot evince us, but that we feel we are best affected, when the great Mysteries of Christ are cele­brated upon Anniversary Festivals. He that will make no use of their Practice, that were famous above all, that liv'd in a most sanctified Generation, is very proud. But he that will check Experience, and will not trust to the Testi­mony, which millions of good Christians will protest that they feel in the in­ward Sense of their Hearts, is refractory: I must speak roughly, is impudently contumacious. Whom I will encounter with the Words of Paraeus in 14 Cap. ad Roman. p. 372. Utile est praecipuas Dei patefactiones, & beneficia in ecclesiam collata, stato tempore publicè repetere, & populo inculcare,—Ut sint notissima, & in perpetuâ memoriâ. Magis enim movent, & haerent in memorià juventutis & populi, quae solenniter, anniversarie, simul, ab omnibus, & uno consensu fiunt, quàm quae alias ab aliis fiunt, & dicuntur. See more there. But see, and say what you will, Novelists had [Page 37]rather be talk'd of, that they began a Fashion, and set a Copy for others, than to keep within the Imitation of most excellent Presidents.

40. I have not done with the Governance of this Family. Which was the worse thought of by some strict Censurers, because the Bishop admitted in his publick Hall a Comedy once or twice to be presented before him, exhibited by his own Servants for an Evening Recreation. Some, that liv'd in nothing but Pleasure in the Court, objected, that such Pleasure did not befit him, that was under a Cloud. But he that had cast all Hopes and Fears aside, did an­swer, What have I done to live the worse, for their sakes, that do not love me? Others did condemn all Stage-plays, and him that did allow them. These are small Quarrels, that cannot blemish so much desert. Atomi in sole natantes non augent pondus bilancis, says one. No Scale is the heavier for Atoms that fly about it. Nor will I put his Worthiness to a Compromise, for such a triffle. Young Men must have their Delights: and old Men must countenance them. Pliny the younger wrote but that which was equal to his Father, Lib. 9. Ep. Demus alienis oblectationibus veniam, ut nostris impetremus. There are divers ways of So­lace, according to the taste of Sanguine, or Phlegmatick Complexions: of fine, or obtuse Wits. Allow others their acceptable Mirth; and then presume to be allow'd your own. But it comes home to the Person, what Erasmus sent to Arch-Bishop Warham, Lib. Ep. p. 386. Cur vitio detur Summatibus viris, si quando curis delassatum animum risu resiciant? He that will not permit the gravest Se­nators to refresh themselves, and to laugh at Toys, deserves to be laught at. No Man more wise, or more serious than Arch-Bishop Bancroft, the Atlas of our Clergy in his time: and he that writes this hath seen an Enterlude, well present­ed before him at Lambeth, by his own Gentlemen, when I was one of the youngest Spectators. But it was imputed to this Bishop, what Matchiavel notes in Scipio Affricanus, That he knew better how to keep himself from Faults, than to correct the Faults of those whom he commanded. Or, at the best, that the Bishop was more vigilant to prevent disorders in his House, than to punish them. The Exception is material: for those two things, Thou hast loved Righteousness, and hated Iniquity, Psal. 45.7. are conjunctive, and not to be separated. Yet consider, his Retinue was great. The Sons of no mean Men were preferr'd to wait upon him, not for Wages, but to learn Fashions, as the Stile runs: who did not look to be bridled in with such attendance, and strictness, as their Fel­lows. Suppose some Trespass should fall out among them; commonly the Ma­ster of the House is the last that knows it. Dedecus ille domûs sciet ultimus, Ju­ven. sat. 10. Yet this Pen shall not spare him: but will Vote with them, that think he did exceed in Oeconomical Clemency. As Camerarius would not ex­cuse Melanchthon for it, p. 37. Qui conniveret ad familiarium suorum nimiam ali­quando licentiam. This Bishop could not put off a charitable Propension, and Patience, to hope for their return at length, that had wandred. He could chide, and aloud, but he could not easily put away a Delinquent. The Gen­tleness of the Parable stuck close to him, These three Years have I come, and found no Fruit, but let the Tree stand one Year more, and it may prove better. He that proceeds impartially against Vice, is a righteous Phineas, Uni aequus vir­tuti, atque ejus amicis, Horat. Lib. 2. Ser. 1. And he that forgives much, is a meek Moses. Mercy, as I may say, is the Parelius that shines out of the Light of Sanctity. A difference is to be made of the size of Sins. Such as Hophni and his Brother committed, are not be slubber'd over with their Father Heli's Daubing; Nay my Sons, I hear of your evil dealing, it is not a good report, 1 Sam. 2.24. Or as Pope Paul the Third carried himself to his ungracious By­slips (an Incubus could not have begot worse) who made no further Inquisition after their horrid Facts, but to say, They learnt it not of him: This were to take part with Sinners against Heaven and Earth. But if the Offence be no worse than Negligence, or Rashness, it is not Mercy, but Justice to pass it o­ver. A small Cut in the Finger will heal of it self. If a Misdemeanour were done, that had apparent Corruption in it, and with Recidivation, which made it far worse, the Bishop was very eager, and full of Minacy in his Repre­hension. Yet a little Submission, perhaps too little, would mitigate him. If the Offender did blush, which is the colour of Vertue; much more if he wept, which is the Syrup of Vertue, he was restor'd to his Place, and too soon to Fa­vour. A dry Eye in a Delinquent he could not well brook: it is a sign of a dead Heart. Therefore some say, that Witches neither upon Examination, or Torture, were ever seen to shed a Tear. The most that wrought upon him [Page 38](his Discourse discover'd it) was, that there is somewhat that is good in the worst Men: and he look'd, and hoped that in time it would eat out the Rotten­ness of the bad part. As one should say, take a Brand's end, not by that part which is burnt, but by that which hath not taken fire, and you may hold it safely. This, the Impunity of lewd Ones, is not held out to be excused, but to be avoided. He that us'd it, I am certain, got no good by it. [...], says the Orator, ad Daemon. Employ no wicked Man in your Affairs; for some Judgment will retort upon you. Not to leave the Bishop altogether at blame for his Remisness, he cashier'd one or two that were incorrigible in their Riot, and one for Treachery. I would as bad had not come in his room. It was Mr. N. T. a Musician, and a Divine: one that could make better Musick upon an Organ, than upon a Text. He had leave to use the whole House, to go in­to the Bishop's Bed-Chamber, or Study. Our Naturalists say a Lion suspects no fraud. Unawares the Organist transcrib'd some Letters which he found, and sent them to an Enemy, who compass'd this Bishop about with such Toils, Saltusque indagine cingit, Virgil. The Romans thought it was possible by Incan­tation to draw the Tutelary Gods out of a City, which they besieged, Plin. lib. 28. c. 2. So this Inchanter thought it feasible, to draw Intelligence out of Clo­sets, and Cabinets, by such as wanted a Fortune: and that he could force open any thing with the Petard of Preferment. He miss'd not his aim in this false Brother, upon whom he caus'd a Prebend to be conferr'd in the Church of Wo­ster. Wherein the Corruptor was worse than the Corrupted: as Malice is worse than Covetousness. I will say for N. T. as Isocrates doth for Euthynus in his Ora­tion call'd [...]. Nec Euthynus Niciam laesisset, si alium quempiam tantá fraudare pecuniâ potuisset. So this Musician would not have abus'd so kind a Master, if he could have got a Prebend by an honester Course. The Coronis to this Matter is thus: Some bad ones in this Family were punish'd strictly, all rebuk'd, not all amended. Curam exigeris, non curationem. The Bishop was not wanting in Care, but the Cure was in the Power of God.

41. Government the more publick, and the further it extends, it gives the greater Lustre: Whereof the Candle put upon the Hill that could not be hid, was his own Example, directing his Clergy to their Duty by his own often Preaching. Injunctions, Articles, Orders, Advertisements, and the like. I have heard wise Men say, expire with the Prince's Life, that appointed them: saving that their Prudence and Equity do never expire. But Canons oblige till they be lawfully repeal'd. The first Canon among us, that I know, past by Convocation, and confirm'd by Royal Authority, is that of 1571. That all Bi­shops should diligently teach the Gospel, not only in their Cathedral Churches, which they govern, but also in all the Churches of their Diocess, where they shall think it most needful. And principally they shall exhort their People, to the Reading, and Hearing of the Holy Scripture, &c. Which Canon this Bishop did awake in his frequent Practice. He had good Gifts to preach withal, and good Gifts are given to pro­sit others. None of God's Talents must be hid in a Napkin, nor in a Rochet. And who doth hide them? Qui percepto dono sub otio torporis abscondit, says Gregory, Past. cu. Lib. 1. c. 9. Which Sin had been the greater in this great Divine, who was so apt to teach, so able by found Doctrine to exhort, and to convince Gain­sayers. Who excell'd his Brethren in that Faculty, as much as he did transcend them in Dignity: It is not to set him forth at an Hyperbolical rate; but that this Testimony may be given him, that the best, that were famous in the Pul­pit, might learn Method, and Perspicuity from him. He had not his fellow in that Point of Art. And he spake as one that deliver'd the Oracles of God, 1 Pet. 4.11. His Notions were not vulgar, but found and weighty, smelling of Pains, and of Piety. Many a Sabbath-days Journey he took to the adjacent Towns, to let them see, and hear their Diocesan: not omitting the Punctilio of the Canon, to stir them up to the Reading, and Hearing of Holy Scriptures, but taught it with much variety from Luk. 16. v. 31. If they hear not Moses and the Prophets, neither will they be perswaded though one rose from the dead. The sound of Aaron's bells were to be heard when he went into the holy place, and when he came out, that he died not, Exod. 28.35. Iram judicii exigit, si sine sonitu praedicationis incedit, says Gregory again, Lib. 2. c. 3. Be it that place be eminently meant of Christ our High Priest, who was heard of God in his Mediation, and of the Peo­ple in his Instruction. Yet it belongs, by way of Pattern, to all them, whom Christ hath sent, as his Father sent him. Sweet is the Sound of their Golden Bells. Gold doth not give a shrill noise, like sounding Brass, or tinkling Cym­bals: [Page 39]but it is rich, and precious. The Multitude, by ill custom, look for Clamour, strong Lungs, and weak Doctrine. But happy are those Auditors, that can try which is a golden Bell, upon the Touch-stone of their Under­standing; and run not giddy after them, whose words are hot in the Mouth, and cold in digestion. Those Ages did afford the best Disciples, that learnt their Principles from the gravest Fathers. And the People did profit most, where the Bishops preacht most. As St. Austin says, that so long as he staid at Millain, every Sunday he heard the great Doctor, St. Ambrose. Millain, or any other City; Bethany, or any Hamlet, would forsake others to hear them. It was so with us in England, to the brink of our great Change. High and low, of all sorts and degrees came with their greatest Attention to hear the Sermon of a Bishop. Their very Habit, which set them forth with Comeliness, did affect some: the Au­thority of their high Calling did move others: the Contemplation of their Learning and Wisdom, which had advanc'd them, did work more: their painfulness in their Duty did please all. Upon which of these hinges the Delight of the People did turn, I dispute not. It is enough that it was apparent, that the Message of God was heard with most reverence, when it was deliver'd by one that look'd like an extraordinary Embassador. Above all, those chief Pastors were the best Trumpets to sound a Retreat from Innovations. [...]; As I take it from Longinus, p. 10. New-fangledness makes us giddy at first, and in time mad: and none were so powerful as the good Prelates, to warn the People of them. Experience, and Age, and Know­ledge did plead on their side, that they best knew the Tradition of the Fathers.

42. Nor could it but have sped well, if it had been consider'd, that constant, or at least frequent Preaching, would have made our Bishops been rightly un­derstood, that their Judgments adhered to the Doctrine of the Church of Eng­land, as it is settled in opposition to Popery. Some of our Reverend Fathers, that stated our Controversies moderately, and with no more than due distance (which is an infinite advantage to a Disputant) were had in Jealousie for almost Apostates, by those that shot wider from the Mark, which both aimed to hit. A Jealou [...]ie which some Diligence in the Pulpit had prevented. For when did you hear of a Lecturer suspected for it? But this is the Imperfection of mortal Affairs, that when one inconvenience is removed, another will rise up in the room. For the good Office of Preaching, perform'd often by a Bishop, was call'd Puritanism by some in those times, that fomented such a Faction, that made the Name of Puritan the very Inquisition of England. Not using it, as formerly, to preserve the good Order, and Discipline of the Church; but to cast any Man out of Favour, that was so innocent, as not to be able to be char­ged with any thing else. Thrust a worthy Man between the first and second Censure, and how hard did we make it, by such uncharitable Traducings, to live evenly in the indivisible Point of Protestantism? This Bishop being not in­diligent to preach the Gospel, for which St. Paul, and our own Canons had provided, was decipher'd to the King for an upholder of Non-conformitants. Neque sapere Principi potest, quod his praegustatoribus non ante placitum sit, & proba­tum, Bud. Pand. Lib. 2. c. 14. The King's Tasters had disrelish'd him to his Majesty with that unsavory report, that he could not be believ'd, with proof sufficient made against the prejudice. Which made no alteration in him, but that he would follow the Plough, to which he had put his Hand. Like the Resolution of Alexander, Curt. Lib. 9. that would not be deterr'd with Rumors, from finishing his Expedition in Asia, for says he, Fugissemus ex Asiâ, si nos fabulae debellare potuissent—So stout Lincoln would give no ground to Scandals, taken, but mistaken. No Discouragements could remove him from great Designs: from two especially. The former, that he began, and purpos'd to go on, to write a Comment in Latia upon the whole Bible. Are there some that will not believe it? stay, and take the Proof, and it will be the better it was not be­liev'd: As St. Austin says, de Vit. Cler. Serm. 2. Beatus homo qui tam bonum opus fecit, ut non crederetur. Happy is the Man that did so good a Work, that the World would not imagine it. And wherefore should it be thought that he would not go in hand with a Work of so great Learning, and Labour? Even for that reason, which Tully gives, Hoc usu plerumque venit, ut in rebus diversis eundem praecellere nolint homines. It is the Malignancy of Men, that will not conceive it possible for one Man to excel in many Endowments, because themselves fall short of all. But for satisfaction not to be controul'd, he did not only dis­course [Page 40]sometimes, that he would dedicate his Industry, and his Wealth to com­pile so excellent, and voluminous a Piece, but he left much of the Materials behind him. Much of the Wool was ready, yet not spun out, for the Gar­ment intended, because his Loom was broken. To speak it out distinctly; Mr. Richard Gouland, Keeper of the Library of the College of Westminster, (till Men of good Parts in all kinds, himself not the least, were deprived) he hath in his Custody the Bible in three Parts in a large Folio, with the Translation of Jun. and Tremell. bound together, wherein are Notes upon all the Scriptures (except the Apocaclyps which is untouch'd) written with the Bishop's own Hand: in which are drawn out of all kind of Authors, of the first, middle, and chiefly the latter Age, and out of all Languages, as the prime of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, with the modern of Italian, Spanish, and French, whatsoever is the Choice and Flower of their Commentations. All this I have seen, and turn'd over, and observ'd so much Judgment in the Extraction, so much Industry in the Mass of it, that I admir'd one Man could compass so much: but more asto­nish'd, that he could find leisure for any business, or time for any Study beside. All is not barren Land that lies fallow. Nor all Scholars idle, that have not dis­cover'd their precious Treasures in Print. But the increase of this Knowledge increas'd his Sorrow, with the great Declension of his Health; As the Poet says, Attenuant juvenum vigilatae corpora noctes. Ovid. His Lamp burnt many Nights till Morning (the constant time of his Study) before he had gather'd in this rich Harvest. Yet neither Colick, nor Catarrhs, nor the Stone, the sharpest of Pains, could stay him from his main purpose. The Count Mirandulan in Politian writes of Marianus, a Divine whom he va­lued above all, Corpus habet invictum, infatigabile, ut non aliunde magis reparare vires, quàm de laboribus ipsis videatur. So the more feeble the Bishop was, the more he toil'd; as if he thought to repair his Strength by Watching, and assi­duity of Labour. Yet he knew, that to expound the whole Scripture learned­ly, was above the Powers, and Parts of one Man. Therefore he reserv'd both the filling, and finishing of it, to the assistance of Twelve, or more, of the ablest Scholars in the Land, whom he had in his Eye, and Thoughts, and pur­pos'd the Recompence of a great Stipend. For he hath said it to his Friends, that he would not stick at the Sum of Twelve, no, nor of Twenty thousand Pounds to perfect that Master-piece of Divinity. But this young Feature, like an imperfect Embryo, was mortified in the Womb by Star-Chamber Vexations. A Letter from King Ataxerxes caused Ezra, and the Builders with him, to cease from working. Yet so much of the Stuff, as was made ready with his own Pen in Three Volumes, if it be not deposited in the Library at Westminster, the Author will be wrong'd in his Fame, and Posterity in the Profit. His invincible Mind was not satisfied with this Task alone. But as Pliny spake to Trajan; Paneg. p. 57. Inter refectiones existimas mutationem laboris. So to pass from one Study to another, was not a new Labour, but the Bishop's Recreation. There­fore he laid out for the Works of his Predecessor, Robert Grost head; made Scru­tiny for them in all Libraries of England, and in France, where he had Credit, and his Friends could furnish him. Bishop Grost head living in the Reign of Henry the Third, was a good Linguist, a famous Philosopher, a Divinity reader, an assiduous Preacher, a painful Writer of Two Hundred Books, says, Bale, wherein the Ambition, and Covetousness of the Church of Rome were his chief Subject. These being in Manuscript, and many obscur'd in blind Corners, this Bishop collected, digested them, had wrote Arguments upon divers parts of them, which others have read, as well as my self: expected daily more and more of the same Author, that all that could be got, might be printed fairly together. And as Symmachus writes, Lib. 2. Ep. Quodam modo societatem laudis affectat, qui aliena benè gesta primus enuntiat. He that is the first that publisheth the worthy Acts of another Man, is a Sharer in his Praise. But by his Eclipse Bishop Grost head's Works remain'd in darkness. The Success was unfortunate, but he that set it on, had a publick Soul, and a studious Head. There is not a better Pattern of a noble and industrious Spirit, or of worse proof in the Up-shot. Fortunam ex aliis, says Aeneas in Virgil. Whose Fault was that?

[Page 41] 43. Such, of whom, as a Bishop, he had most right to say, they were his Work in the Lord, 1 Cor. 9.1. were they, upon whom he conferr'd Holy Orders by Imposition of Hands. Those blessed days did not last long, when the A­postles themselves appointed some over the Houshold of Christ, to give them their Portion of Meat in due season. They could discern, by the Gifts of the Spirit, who were sit for that high Calling. Such as Timothy, that was set apart, according to the prophesies that went before upon him, 1 Tim. 1.18. And Mich. Syncellus follow'd the Tradition, that Dionysius was made Bishop of Athens, [...]: Lookt into by the Eyes of St. Paul, who could see him through and through. After which tryal by Illumination, it was fit that the want of that Spirit should be supplied by the testimony of many, and by as much heed, and diligence as could reasonably be taken, by those that laid their Hands upon them, that were vouchsafed to be Stewards of the mani­fold Graces of Christ. Wherein (I rejoyce in the truth) he that is before us was as strict an examiner of Novices, as any of his Order. Some that were not admitted by him in his first Ordinations, because they were found Light upon the Weight, saved him much work afterward. Divinity is a deep, and a copious Science; wherein he that fear'd he could not answer his expecta­tion, would not venture upon his repulse. For he was so constant, and regular, that they knew what to trust to, before they came to him. Whether the 34th. Canon, Anno. 1604. ambiguously penn'd, will allow one to be made a Deacon, or Priest, that can yield an account of his Faith in Latin, according to the Articles of the Convocation 1562, though bred in no University, is disputable. He that had not been bred in one of them; or in those of Scotland, and Ireland, and a Graduate to boot, could not be accepted of him. His Answer was, It was not his Custom. To which the Churches of Germany held close, as Camera­rius hath publisht it, Vit. Melanch. p. 161. Testatur consuetudo literarum publicarum, quas formatas vocant, & aliquae Synodi decreverunt, ne sine progressu in Scholis, & Collegiis reciperentur ulli sacerdotes. I think our Canon intended no others, except in case of Chanters, and Vicars Choral, ministring in Cathedral Churches, who yet had no License given them to preach. And certain it is best to admit none, but such as have walk'd before the Learnedst of the Kingdom in their Education. It is a Resolution which will fall on its feet, and stand sure. It pieces well with that of the Prophet, Hos. 4.6. Because thou hast rejected Know­ledge, I will also reject thee, that thou shalt be no Priest unto me. It discountenanceth Mechanicks, and the lowest of the People, that they intrude not to teach more than they had ever learnt. Barricadoes of empty Barrels, whose sound is the louder, because they have no Liquor. Let me bestow a good Story upon them, who never read Arts, or Stories. Thessalus, a meer Quack, told Galen, that he would teach Men in a Month or two to become good Physicians, that had not the Elements of Philosophy. Oil-men, Butchers, some of the Gentle-crast left their Trades to learn this compendious way of Thessalus, to administer Physick, Sed in perniciem generis humani, says Galen. The Empyricks got Money, but their Patients got their death. 'Tis far worse when such Thessalians Practise upon the Soul, that never came out of the Schools of the Prophets: and amuse poor People with Confidence, and Boldness. And great Boldness was never without great Absurdity. Now every one that is a Candidate of Holy Orders, brings a Testimony with him to the Bishop, for the Commendation of his honest Life: often Subscrib'd formally, and with little Advice, and when Men are prevail'd upon in their Weakness, I mean when they are over entreated. Yet he that receives it can hear with no other Ears. Then why should he be pro­tested against, if other Names have broken with him? If some are so easie to pass their Names under such Letters of Commendation, as if a Libertine in Life were like to be transform'd, nay tranfigur'd, by that sacred Calling, he is greatly out: allbeit those words were pronounced, when Hands were imposed, re­ceive ye the Holy Ghost. Which is not spoken of the Grace, which makes Men gracious with God, but of the Office of Grace. Isocrates in Areopag. Oration says, That a loose Man, chosen to be a Judge in the Court of Mars-hill, incontinently became strict and temperate. Which was a Flattery that Budaeus flouts at, Pr. pars Pandec. p. 283. Tanquam loci genio afflatus ex ingenio suo migrasset. I would not believe but a Wolf would be a Wolf still, if he were chosen a Shepherd, though all the Beasts in the Wilderness should Vote the contrary in his behalf. This is the blind side on which the Bishop could not see so perfectly himself, whether he that came to be adopted into the Ministry, were unblamable in his Life. [Page 42]He might discover whether he were sound, and orthodox, especially not a Babe in Knowledge. Wherein he expected such a Talent, that one that was a Mi­nister, a Master of Arts, a Wit, a Resident, presented to a Cure of good value in Bedfordshire, could not obtain Institution of him, for his slenderness in Learn­ing, till he had respited him for Three Months, to read an whole Systeme of Divinity (the Scholar might name which he would) who, at the time expired, was apposed by the Bishop, and had accompassed such Knowledge in a Quar­ter of a Year, that he gave satisfaction, and lik'd his Book so well, that from thenceforth he was taken for a Scholar. Here is the Collection of this Theme. The Ordinations of this Bishop past thirty Years ago, are famous in the Dis­course of divers yet alive, who call to mind with what Judgment they were prepar'd, and examin'd: how the Bishop preach'd himself sometimes at that Solemnity: with what due Ceremony it was done: with what Grace and Gra­vity: with what bounty he feasted them: with what civility he took the most into his acquaintance: That I may truly say of him as Dr. Saravia doth of Samuel, de Christian. Obed. p. 11. Samuel, deposito magistratu, prophaterum princeps, & rector erat, dum vix [...]. He had to be the great Magistrate, the Lord-Keeper, but he was like Samuel, when he had acquitted his Government, he liv'd in Estimation like the chief of the Prophets, and most belov'd of the Sons of the Prophets.

44. And if he would ordain none that were unlearned, what manner of Men were they like to be, whom he presented to Dignities and Cures upon his own Collation? It is a mighty Trust to be a Church-Patron, no less than to be a Feo [...]ee for Christ. Which this Bishop executed with that Conscience, that neither Friend, nor Favour, nor Consanguinity sway'd him: I east of all Lucre; for he was so clear from Simony, and so well understood, that I think he was never tempted to it. Caslus quem nemo rogavit. Commonly he found out such to take his Patronage, as never sought him. Such whose Worth was great, but Humility had obscur'd them, Quantum eruditorum aut modestia ipsorum, aut quies operit, & subtrahit: As Pliny noted, Ep. Lib. 7. His, whom he made his, were such as commended him that gave: for they were among the best that could receive. Such as deserv'd to sit at the Helm, yet some of them that survive, in these days have scarce a Room in the Pump. Let no more be na­med but a Handful, whom the Bishop gather'd out of one Society, Trinity Col­ledge in Cambridge, and guess at all by their proportion. Dr. Simson, the Au­thor of the great Chronology, Dr. Warr, Mr. G. Herbert, Dr. Meredith, Mr. H. Thorn [...]dick, Dr. Creic [...]on, Dr. Fearn, Mr. J. Duport, Mr. A. Scattergood, Mr. C. Williamson. [...]. Here are Ten Nestors in one Militia, according to Aga [...]'s Wish. These, and far more that might be rank'd in the same File, were his Donees, such as God might reap Glory by them. In the begin­ning of King Charles's Reign, an Opposition in Doctrine began to shew it self among the Fathers of our Tribe, and others of great Learning, some approving, some disproving the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort. Which had not ex­ceeded to that Heart-burning, and open Emulation (as may be thought) if the disaffected to the Synod had not stickled to prefer them only who were of the same Judgment with themselves, and quite neglected others, who were seldom gratified by their means but with driblets. If a great Dignity fell void, Virro sibi, & reliquis Virronibus illa jub [...]bit poma dari, Juven. sat. 5. It had been better not to commit Affairs to the Sway of small Moments, as they might seem, which insensibly breed great Mutations. Our great Prelates were great obser­vers of Unity; Whitgift, Bancroft, Harsnet, Andrews, Barlow, Overal, who pleas'd all sides indifferently, because as touching Opinions about Predestinati­on, Converting Grace, &c. they made no discrimination, which, or which Propugners should be gratified in their Advancements. Whose Foot-steps our Bishop followed; who thought it the best Divinity to offend neither; and the most Christian Charity to indulge his Favours, and Preferments to both; as it was open to the World. He had read as much as most Men in those Con­troversies: he discern'd Reasons Pro and Con to tilt one at another, and each to stagger the other to the Ground. He thought them worthy of Study, but not of Faction: worthy of crashing in the Schools, but not in the Church, and State: in no wise to make as thick as a Wall of Partition between the Cham­pions, as between Piramus and Thisbe. Give the Protestants their due, on both sides they hold themselves within the Channel of the Scriptures in their Pro­blems: but the Dominicans and Jesuits, tossing the same Argument too and fro, [Page 43]have cut a Thousand Ditches out of the great River, wherein there is more Mud by far, than clear Water. Such as Erasmus Scoffs in an Epist. to one of the noble Family of the Greys, p. 250. Quid 'tu Epimenidem somniasse reris: quid aliud, quàm subtilitates quibus se jactitant sophistae? Let Epimenides dream of them Fifty Years, and think of them as long when he was waking, he should never find out the Abstruseness of that, which God would not suffer to be compre­hended. Because both Parts appeal to Melanchthon, let them imitate Melanch­thon, of whom thus in Thuanus's Hist. Anno. 1568. Cui maximum tranquillitatis, & quietis studium, ut nisi de necessariis minimè contendendum putaret. Many that think the Bishop not the worse Patron for this Neutrality, blame him that he gave Hospitality, shew'd equanimity, afforded kindness, and sufferance to Puri­tans. That's ever the burden of the Satyr made against him, by them that think it a Sin, to speak well of any Faction, but their own. For certain St. Paul might be follow'd in a good Sense, who was made all things to all Men, that by all means he might save some, 1 Cor. 9.22. There is a way to comply with the weak, and with the strong. Our Bishop was very communicable, I have seen it, with dissentient Brethren, that did not conform; whom he gain'd first with kindness, and then brought over with Argument. Antisthenes was cavil'd at for using to visit some Men that were not lik'd, he defended it thus, [...], Laert. p. 368. I go like a Physician to the Sick, and catch not a Feaver of them. If the Favours be grudg'd that the Anti-disciplina­rians receiv'd, let it stick upon his good nature: for he could do no otherwise. If a [...]rk, or a Scyth [...] had tryed his Gentleness, he would not have been unci­villy received: As Carull [...] said of old Men, whose Heads shake with the Palsie, Omnibus omnia annuunt—So a Suitor had mostly some nod from the Bishop, with which he went away pleas'd. But whatsoever he did for those of that part, it was not much that came to their share: for if a Vessel be suspect­ed to leak, the Cooper will pour in Water, and not Wine, to make experi­ence. Yet it was his Judgment, and he reveal'd it to the King, to allure some of the chief in Name, and Worth among the Non-conformitants, with some of the Dignities of the Church conferr'd upon them, that it might draw more than themselves into a good Opinion of the Hierarchy. 'Tis wisely noted by Isocrates, in his Oration for Peace, [...]. All will wish that Polity to subsist, wherein themselves are honour'd. And he that will consider how circumspect the Nicen Fathers were, to indulge Titles of Dignity to the Novatians, or Cathari, Can. 8. And how the African Fathers provided the like for the Donatists (except the Bedlam Circumcellios) Can. 68. Ut etiam ipsorum infirmitas leniùs excepta, intus sanabilis fieret, says St. Austin, Epist. 162. will not dislike such Meekness and Wisdom, to allow the Chair of Government, and some Pre-eminence to them, that have been stubborn, that we may obtain their Fellowship, and Labour, and addulce their Sourness. And after Examples cast an Eye to a Simile, that no Man ever lost by keeping a Coy-duck.

45. The Seam of a slight Objection is sowed up; but will unrip again: be­cause the Bishop is now to be brought into his Court of Jurisdiction. He that had the common Laws and Statutes at his Fingers end: he that was a great Ca­nonist: a learned Civilian: a Master of Reason: a dextrous Wit at dispatch: that knew the fair and foul Dealings of the Spiritual Courts, was as sit a Man, as ever our Church had, to be President of a Consistory. In that Circle he was like Onias the High Priest, as a morning Star in the midst of a Cloud, Ecclus. 50.6. For Clouds there were, and dark ones; as no place of Judicature is without them. The Bishop loved the Profession of the Civil Laws, as Valentine to Di­vinity: and pitied the Advocates, that were shut up to meddle with so few Causes, that they could neither shew their Learning, nor thrive by their Studies. Yet he did often tell them (all are not dead that heard him) that unless they pro­ceeded in their Courts with Incorruption and Integrity: with Impartiality in Causes, and making choice of such Quarrels to come before them, as vertuous Men thought fittest to be redrest, a little would come to nothing. Himself would not let Church-wardens be cited, for the placing of the Holy Table: nor the People for not coming to the Rail, at the receiving of the Elements of the Lord's Supper. It is a good Proviso which an Heathen gave Symm. Ep. p. 14. Si adjiciantur insolita, forsan consueta cessabunt. By thrusting in new Ordinances, old Obedience might be shaken. Nor indeed are they, or the like, among those notorious things in the 109 Canon, for which Offenders should not be admitted [Page 44]to the Communion, till they were reform'd. And such Injunctions are so ob­scurely, and deducted so far off out of our known and establish'd Rules, that they were to be offer'd, and perswaded, rather than commanded. Constraint, and Violence are not means to bring such things to uniformity. More often by Sufferance, Obedience will break in between their Wishes. Likewise it was Vox populi, and therefore not to be contemn'd, that Officers Ecclesiastical did prosecute Presentments, rather against Non-conformitancy of Ministers and People, than for Debaucheries of an evil Life, mention'd in the 109 Canon. Wherein the Bishop did not commend the Proceedings of his deputed Judges. Though it might be said in favour of them, that Humane Laws are strictest against them that act contrary to publick Peace. Or that Crimes are punish­able by Statutes, and are fitter for Tryal at a Quarter Sessions. Some spied in­to another Reason, that Proctors and Registers wanted not those Scandals themselves, for which, in the Eye of the World, they were fit to be presented. Yet when all is said, it were more laudable in Courts Christian, to be more severe against Evils which the Light of Nature had made Evils, than against Evils, which were made Evils by the Laws of Holy Church. Both were to be corrected: but rather Works of Commission against known Light, than Tres­passes of Omission for want of Light of Understanding. The hardest Task which the Bishop had, was to perswade his Officers to live by honest Gains: to moderate their Fees: to wash their Hands from bribes, and filthy Lucre: the only way to live in clear Fame, that Men might speak well of them, and of their Authority. Covetousness is not a Branch, but a Root of Evil, says St. Paul: all that grows may be seen in a Plant, but not the Root. Whose Example is more fit to shew it than Tribonius, who digested the Code of the Civil Law? of whom Suidas says, [...]: He was most sub­tle to shadow and cover the Disease of Covetousness. From thence proceed the Delays, that consume the Substance of Appellant, and Defendant, and make them curse such expectative Proceedings. Whose Clamors incited the Bishop to Passion sometimes, and to call upon them instantly for dispatch. For how long will an Horse-leach suck, if it be not pull'd off? A little is taken to enter a Cause: but the Price increaseth at every turn, when it is brought to Exami­nation. Like German Toss-pots, that drink small Cups at first: and quaff down great Bowls when they are drunk. Similer says of the Cantons, where he liv'd, that the People lik'd Expedition in their Causes, as much as Justice. Quod si in judiciis nostris error aliquis committitur,—in causis implicicis, & obscuris; nequa­quam tantum damni inde datur, quantum ex litium diuturna prorogatione accipitur, Res. [...]el. p. 140.

46. If a Curse were of moment, as when a whole Parish were in a Broil a­bout it, the bishop appointed a Consistory to rule it with his own Presence, and Judgment. He trusted not his Chancellor and Commissaries upon old Ex­perience, but, like a wise Governour, he look'd upon them with a new Proba­tion in every great Cause, as if he had never known them. What greater Praise could Symmachus have given to Theodosius in point of using his Counsel­lors than this? Solenne est ei singulos ut novos semper expendere, nec consuetudini con­donare judicium, Ep. p. 124. A Magistrate that will not research his Deputies, but leaves them to their Work, with an indefinite Confidence in their Honesties, doth as absurdly, as Tanner the Jesuite, spake absurdly in the Colloquy at Reins­berg, That the Pope might err, unless he did use all due, and ordinary means, but with­out all doubt and question he did ever use those means. The Bishop had a deeper in­sight into Man: and never fail'd to be Rector Chori, in Causes that requir'd a more special Audience. Wherein he spared himself so little, and gave so much ease to the People, that he did often ride to the parts of his Diocess remotest from his ordinary home, as Leicester, Buckinghamshire, Wellen in Hartfordshire, &c. and kept his Courts, where all the Complainants were at hand to attend them. A way of great content, and much neglected. Yet the 125 Canon provides, That all Officials should appoint meet places for the keeping of their Courts, as should be expedient for entertainment of those that made their appearance, and most indifferent for their Travail,—and that they may return homewards in as due season as may be. But these Courts, which kept Peace among the Sons of the Church, and super-intended over Delinquents are quite ex-autho­rized: taken in pieces as musty Vessels, wherein nothing kept sweet, that was put into them. The Fault was in the Demolishers, that had no better Scent: they had Noses and smelt not. For whereas the Grievance pretended was, that they [Page 45]had too much Power; the Truth is on the contrary, that they could not do their work as they ought, to satisfie the People, and to beat down Sin, because they had too little. Take their highest, and in a manner their only censure, Excommunication (terrible in it self) What doth a profane Person care for it? Prosecute them with Writs de Excommunicatis capiendis, and all the Grist that came to their Mill would not pay the cost of it. What a Coil hath been made, to set up Consistories of Ministers, and ruling Elders, that should proceed a­gainst Scandals with rebukes, suspension from the Sacrament, open penance, and lastly, as they expound it, let him be unto thee as an Heathen, and a Pub­lican? Make the Sinner liable to Imprisonment, to destraining, to a Forfeiture, to some loss in his profit, and he will be sure to feel it, and sly from the occasi­on. Confess the Truth: will not many look better to outward Honesty, if you discipline them in their Purse? Bucer fell upon this in an Epistle to Luther. Scrip. Anglic. p. 657. Excommunicationis loco egregiam in multis civitatibus discipli­nam, & poenas sceleribus dignas sancitas esse. And Erastus writes like a wise Man, that noted other ways, than Presbyterian Censures, to rectifie the common Dis­orders of Christians: as to straiten them in Priviledges of Reputation, and Matters of Gain, which none should communicate in, but the obedient. Sim­ler says, Helv. Hist. p. 148. There was not a Minister admitted into the Con­sistory of Scaphuse; but the most Judicious of the Laity exercis'd that Authority; because their Punishments did chiefly extend against the Body, or the For­tunes of the Peccant. What little good hath the Stool of Repentance wrought, among the fierce natur'd Scots? They have sat so long upon it, that they know not how to blush at it. We should be shame-fac'd: Nay, which is better, we should be innocent: but we are neither. Plato says in his Protagoras, that, lest Men should fall into the Confusion of all Sin, God had given them two Blessings to restrain them, [...]. Shame, and Justice. But since we have lost Shame, Justice must take another course, and let us blood in that Vein, which may most probably cure us. Ploratur lacrymis amissa pecunia veris, Juven. Sat. 13. Set a Fine upon their Heads that deserve it; and it will vex their Hearts. But no more of Jurisdiction dissolv'd. Rosa hyeme non est rosa. It was yet to be re­membred for his sake, that was the Honour of it, whilst it stood.

47. For it was murmur'd a good while, before the Authority of the Pastoral Staff was broken, that the Tribunals of Bishops stretch'd themselves beyond their measure: that many were troubled for not obeying new Articles. In the Third Parliament of King, Charles, in a Petition of Grievances two Bishops were nam'd for offering at Innovations: and others escap'd the Imputation by Luck. But all, that loved not Asperity, took it well, that none of this blustering was heard of in the Diocess of Lincoln. Which was malign'd then, and observ'd lately to disparage the Bishop, by such as feed on him, and his corrupt part like Worms now he is dead. It was never in his Thoughts to sooth the Humour of the People, but to please them for their good. He had no word more com­mon in his Mouth, That it was not sit for a Subject, but only for a King to be po­pular. That was not the Reason why he gave no countenance to the new Wine, which other Prelates broach'd: or call it their Pregnancy to revive old things, which had long lain still. But because he saw, that Bancrost, Abbot, Mathew, King, Bilson, Andrews, Morton, Overal, Lake, Felton, Davenant, and many such, gave great content, and receiv'd great content from their Colleges and Bishopricks, which they govern'd respectively, by keeping them in that Obedience, wherein they found them. Says Augustus in Dion, Things that have continued well, [...]. That which is settled by Custom, though it be not so good, it is fitter than that which would alter it into another mode: and to try experience upon the Body of a Church, which was crazy, was Mala [...], a dangerous Endeavour. For the rest of the Charge the Bill is confest, the Bishop was a very slack Punisher, using the Power which God had given him to edification, and not to destruction, 2 Cor. 13.10. God says his Covenant with Levi was to walk in Peace and Equity, and to turn many from iniquity, Mal. 2.6. And every High Priest must [...], Hebr. 5.2. Be moderately affected toward the ignorant, and them that are out of the way. So did this worthy Person, who would chide aloud like Thunder against Malefactors, but without the Bolt of Censure, which tears the Tree, and rends the Stock in pieces. The Spirit of Humanity hath its angry Sallies and Emotions, and he was, to his dispraise, in that very obnoxious to them. Huic uni forsan poterat suc­cumbere culpae, Aen. Lib. 4. But Heat, and a great Wit were never parted. And [Page 46]though Man have most reason of any living thing, yet Choler abounds in him, because he hath most Fancy, and most Will. Water is a common Element to all Beasts, none strike fire, and use it, but Man: That's a Priviledge belonging to the noblest Creature. Herein the Bishop's Anger was as pardonable, as an­ger could be, that it left no more impression, against the Person that moved him, than if he had never been angry. As Budaeus says of Guido Rochfort, Chan­cellor of France, Lib. 3. de as. Fol. 105. Minimè omnium iracundorum malitiosam ha­buit iracundiam. Cursed be their Wrath which is cruel, Gen. 49.7. Cursed be the Anger that is malicious. For Anger is a Mote, Malice is a Beam in the Eye. They are the Plagues of Mankind, who, once heated with Displeasure, will never cool, neither with the sweet Air fann'd out of the Lord's Prayer, en­gaging them so deeply to forgive: nor with the Blood in his Sacrament; which quencheth not the Fire of a revengeful Mind, and yet is able to quench the Fire of Hell. What shall be given them but hot Coals of Juniper? Psal. 120.4. Prunae juniperi per annum integrum ignem servant, modo cinere cooperiantur, says Pliny, Lib. 13. c. 22. Juniper Coals will keep Fire a Year, if they be cover'd with Ashes. Therefore they that cover Wrath, and keep it warm with long and profound dissembling, shall be rewarded with Fire, like Coals of Juniper, that never goes out. Clemens in [...]. 5. hath divinely resolv'd one of the Riddles of Pythagoras, That when a Pot is taken off the Fire, no print of it must be seen in the Ashes. So meaning, says Clemens, [...]: To let no print of Anger remain; to blot out the Characters of it, that Revenge may never read them. So the Bishop's Anger would sometimes break out too fast: but Words were Wind, and Clemency blew away his Threatnings beyond the River of Oblivion. If one of the Extreams should be laid to his charge, it must be that of too much Mercy. Which Camerarius could not deny to be in Melanchthon, p. 109. Facility, Remisness in correction of Faults, a Spirit promiscuously indifferent to gratifie deserving, and undeserving. But as St. Chrysos. says upon that of the High Priest, Hebr. 5. apt to pass over the Ig­norance, and Errors of others, Non ne satius est propter misericordiam rationem red­dere, quàm propter severitatem? Is it not more comfortable to the Conscience, to answer unto God for a dram too much of Mercy, than for a Stone weight too much of Rigour, and Severity? Yet I have heard it said, and read it, If Dis­cipline had been observ'd by all the Bishops as strictly, and without connivance to any, as it was by some, the Contumacy of that Faction had not got the Head, which opprest us all. The smart of the Wound may incline them to that Judgment: Yet o­thers have consider'd, that the Opposition of the disorderly part was in an ap­pearance so little, that their Contradiction was rather in their Heart, than in their Practice: suspected for no fast Friends to our Weal, and Ceremonies, but not declar'd for Enemies. Who should understand them better than King Charles, in his last, and heavenly Letter to the Prince? The Presbyterian Faction was great neither in Church or State to Mens Judgments, says he. There was e­nough beheld in them to make our Rulers vigilant, but not violent. For no­thing is worse than to take too high a strain, to trample upon that, which is not yet exalted. The Lord is angry at Priests that are too hard, and imperious, Ezek. 34.4. With force and cruelty have ye ruled them. And St. Hierom applied it to some rigid Overseers of his own Age, by this Note upon it, Quod propriè ad supercilium Episcoporum pertinet. Charity suffereth long, and is kind, 1 Cor. 13.4. Suffering of those that err is but a part of Duty: the disaffected must be won with kindness. To suffer is praise-worthy before Men: to be kind also is praise-worthy before God. It is a Point that may be argued plausibly on both sides. Justice will say, Dum immoderatè custoditur virtus humanitatis, solvuntur jura regi­minis, Greg. Past. Cu. Lib. 2. c. 6. A Bit must be put into the Mouth of the Head-strong. Superiors shall have less trouble with Schismaticks, if they hold a strait hand over them. And he that sheweth them too much Favour, teach­eth Innocents to offend. Mildness will say, Woe to them that turn aside the way of the Meek, Amos 2.7. They that are compell'd may cease to be contu­macious, and will begin to be Hypocrites. Terror may make them stoop, but gentleness will sooner make them yield. Says Seneca, Iracundus Dominus quos­dam ad fugam cogit, quosdam ad mortem. A cruel Lord makes them desperate that are under him: but another shall gain their Persons, if not their Con­sciences, by the benefit of Facility. Certainly God directs the Magistrate that keeps the golden Mean. Qualem nequeo monstare & sentio tantùm, Juven. Sat. 7.

[Page 47] 48. Episcopal vigilance hath the Object best before it in Visitations. Which were chargeable indeed to the poor Parsons and Vicars, in Linwood's days, as appears in his Provincial, by such a sweeping Train as quarter'd upon them for Hospitality. But our Bishops in their Triennials, taking but a slight and incon­siderable Procuration for Homage, eas'd them of the Burthen, and continued the Benefit. They came to visit, and to water the Earth, Psal. 65.9. not to dry up, but to moisten the Furrows with the River of God: or as Symmachus translates it, [...], to bring all to Maturity, which was sown by the Labours of their Brethren. The like unto it was very ancient. For such were the [...] in the oldest Canons; as the Word is taken for Cir­cumspection, not for Circumvention: Such as were commissioned to perambu­late the Countries, where Churches were gather'd together, to behold their Order and stedfastness of Faith, Coloss. 2.5. Upon that Head I will give account what Bishop Williams did in particular Cases, two, and no more: Then his Discharge in the general Meetings shall bound, and shut it up. The former was the Discovery of a Mischief; and the killing of it in the Birth, in April, 1629. with which Jane Hawkins teemed, a Prophetess (for she would go for no less) in the Parish of St. Ives in Hunting donshire: Who took her Bed for a Sickness, and was in perfect Health: and in that sickness had her Extasies, as it was bruited: and in those Extasies utter'd Verses in Rythm, full of Detraction and Injury to the Authority of the Bishops, to the Church-way of England in the Liturgy, and not sparing some Occurrences of the Civil Government. This was a Cheat, like that of Mr. R. Hadocks in Oxford, in the beginning of King James's Reign Who was a learned Impostor, preaching Latin Sermons of a very elegant Stile in his sleep, as the cunning Man would have it believ'd, as if those Enthusiasms were vented by his Tongue, but he had no Sense of them in his Mind. And this tended to make his Auditors conceive, that God caused him, like Balaam's dumb Beast, to teach another Discipline, than that which was establish'd. But this Woman, though taught her Lesson by some more know­ing than her self, utter'd such Brainless Verses, as might justifie the common Ballads of the City; and was as bad at an English Verse, as the old Monks were at a Latin, stufft with such frigid Jests, as were able to cool the Bath. Ut pro­priùs spectes lacrymosa poemata Puppi, Horat. Ep. 1. Yet the more vile and plain, they lik'd the better with the rural Hobs: and would have spread into Fairs, and Markets, and been sung by Fidlers Boys, if it had not been prevented. The Extasie, or Inspiration, believ'd by some, was the offence like to do harm. Which the Bishop perceiving to be a devised Villany, disguised himself in his Face, and Habit, and obtain'd to thrust in, with two more, among the Crew, at such a time, as they came to watch for Oracles from the Mouth of this Poetress. Blind Guides are fittest for them that would wander. When the Fit was upon her, one of her Intimates took her Vapourings, as they came from her, Et jungere carmina curat, Virgil. Aen. lest they should be lost like those of Virgil's Beldame. Which the Bishop taking out of his Hand, found them alter'd for the better, and at that juncture reveal'd himself to their Amazement, and made it evident to them, that were present, that all their Feats were stark Juggling: that they took God's Name in vain, as if those Notions came from God, which came from Fraud, and from Satan: false, in much bitter without Charity: bold and rude, not savouring of the Stile of God, nor of any wise Man, but Mr. Wise the Curate. And although their Conditions would excuse all that could be done to them in Severity, yet the Bishop required no more, but that Mr. Tooky the Vicar, upon pain of Suspension should read the Contents of a Paper sent to him, the next Sunday, April 29. after the first Lesson in the Pa­rish Church; then his Suspension to be staid, otherwise to be declar'd. Which Contents are these: In those Sayings uttered by Jane Hawkins of this Parish, ei­ther of late, or heretofore in her Sickness, which seemed for the Manner strange and extraordinary, and expressed in Verse or Rhyme, I do not conceive any Miracle at all: or for that manner in Verse or Rhyme any Inspiration of the Holy Ghost, added over and above the Gifts, and Parts of Nature: Nor would I have any Man or Woman of this Parish, to have a higher Opinion, or Conceit of any Saying so utter'd by the said Jane Hawkins. And whereas my self, Mr. Wise my Curate, and my Son have taken and excerpted many of these Sayings in Verse from the Mouth of the said Jane, in the Presence of ma­ny Men, and Women in this Parish, and put the same in Writing, which is conceiv'd to be an Act that may prove scandalous to the Church, and State, I [Page 48]do promise not to do so again, and am truly sorry that this Act of mine is any way liable to such Construction, and will be grieved at the Heart, if by occa­sion of the same the least Scandal, or Aspersion may fall upon this flourishing Church or State, wherein I live: which I voluntarily profess in this open As­sembly. This was read, and the Offence was past over with this gentleness. But the Vicar fell either into this Error again, or some other Contumacy. For in fine he was deprived, as I find it in the Bishop's Papers. Their own tatling, and venting their Malice by a talkative Woman, brought all this shame upon them. They might have been as wise as the wild Geese that fly over the Mountain Taurus, who carry a Stone in their Bills, to keep them from gag­gling, lest the Eagle should hear them, and seize upon them.

49. It is a slight occasion, yet an occasion to consider in a little the Sibylls, and their Predictions from hence, because I have started a Feminine Versifier, and a Prophetess (yea, what else?) among her Copes-mates. To come to a short Tryal, I lay nothing forth of the Fatidical Books, which Tarquin bought of his resolute Chap-woman. They were consum'd to Ashes in the Social War, and not a Fragment saved. Nor of those Pieces which Tully quotes, Lib. 2. de Divin. and Virgil, Ecl. 4. the two great Masters of the Roman Learning. It is not certain whither they be extant in the Remains that are publish'd, and to be seen at this day. I meddle with nothing which their Messengers collected in Asia and Greece, to furnish their Capitol with new Oracles. I look on no other than those eight Books of Sibylline Prophesies, with the Fragments annexed, set out by Opsopaeus, and others, and stand first in the Third Volume of the Greek Bibliotheca Patrum. I look I say upon no more: and move no more than one Question upon them. Whether all that is in them, nay whether any part of them, was penned by Prophetesses living among the Gentiles, and living before the coming of Christ Jesus in the Flesh? What I resolve in it I branch into seven Conclusions. First, That some part of these Oracles, which we have in our Use and Possession, were endited before the Incarnation of our Lord; and in some Verses where Christ is foretold, that he should come, and reign up­on the Earth, together with the Dissipation of Idolatry, and other Heathenish Rites. For albeit in those Passages they had not Credit with some in Eusebius's time: and in St. Austin's time, the Prophesies of others, that were not Jews, concerning Christ, were thought to be forg'd by Christians, Ci. Dei, Lib. 18. c. 47. Yet I cannot incline to that Diffidence for this reason. Eusebius says they were quoted by Clemens, known to Peter and Paul, either in an Epistle lost, or lost out of that Epistle which is now come to light: Likewise by Justin Martyr, bordering upon the Times of the Apostles. And they quoted them, as attest­ing to the Honour of our Christian Cause. Therefore somewhat of the Evan­gelical relish was in them, ante-nated, and in being before the Gospels were written. Secondly, Antiquity hath voiced it, that Women were the Authors of them; which none hath contradicted: The Wits of that Sex have excell'd in Odes and Madrigals. In holy Hymns also. As Deborah and Barac are named, Jud. 5. but first Deborah, for chanting that Triumphal Song, which hath as much Art, and Dithyrambical Loftiness in it, as is in any Syrick Poetry, Greek or Latin. And if we had more of Miriam's Song, Exod. 15.21. it would not come behind them. And God did open great Secrets by such Instruments, as his Hand-maids; who ever did his wonders by weakest means: and provok'd the World to attend to such Conveyance, as was strange, and to which they were not wonted. Thirdly, They were Gentiles: the Jews never owned them; and it is already proved, that they lived before the Disciples were call'd Christi­ans at Antioch. The very learned Bishop Montague should have look'd to it in his 3 Cap. of Acts and Monuments, how he disputed, that they were all Gentiles; and casts about that the first and chief lived in the Days of Abraham, It could not be Sa­tan that provok'd them to utter such [...]olywords: for then his King­dom had been divi­ded against It self. to have received her Instructions from Sem, when as there was no distinction of Jew and Gentile. I would bring them nearer to the times of Grace, upon this thought; that as some note of the Jews, that after their return from Babylon, about Five Hundred Years before Christ's Nativity, they were in Limine Ecclesiae, as it were in the Porch of the Church, and saw into the Mystery of Salvation, more clearly for the generality of the People, than before: yet no Prophet was among them: So the nearer the time drew, that the day spring from on high did visit us, the more did Divinations abound among the Heathens, to prepare them for that Blessing: as it may be enlarged from the Magi of the East, that came to visit our Saviour. Fourthly, I leave these Prophetesses to God that [Page 49]knows the Heart, whether they had the Spirit of Belief, and of the Knowledge of that they utter'd; That is, whether they were impulled like Balaam, Saul, and Caiaphas to vent that which they could not keep in; or whether they were inspired like Esaias, and the Prophets of the Lord. There is no History how she, or more shees lived, or what end they made, which were the means, and none else, to decide it. Fifthly, Take the Sibylline Oracles in a lump, so as now they are deliver'd to us, and they have a great of deal of Addition, and Fraudulency in them: The Interlinings of a Christian Pen are as manifest as the Sun at Noon-day. Quò apertiora sunt, cò mihi suspectiora, I consent to Ca­saubon, Num. 17. Exercit. Is this Prophetical, or the Paraphrase of the Gospel, that Christ should be baptized in Jordan, and a Dove descend upon him? that he should feed Five Thousand with Five Loaves and Two Fishes, and Twelve Baskets of the Fragments should remain? The very Words of St. John put into Hexameters. What Prophet in the O.T. did ever collate Types, and Anti­types together? Yet in these Poems ye may find that Moses lifting up his Hands; when the People fought with Amaleck, did figure the Arms of Christ stretch'd out upon the Cross. What a World of open, and direct Passages? Gabriel by name saluting the Blessed Virgin: the Star appearing: the Shepherds greeted by An­gels, as they kept watch over their Flocks by Night. A very Breviate of some Chapters in the N.T. Nor could they be of any other Profession than Chri­stian, that betray themselves, that Nero would persecute [...], our part, which contends with the Heathen. But in the Fragments all is disco­ver'd, [...]; We of the holy, and heavenly Off-spring of Christ. The learned Bishop thinks to bear this down with a fieri Potest. God might make one, or more of these, speak clearer than Moses, or any Prophet. But, with favour, he hath not done his Work, that makes a Conjecture possible, but that makes it probable. Which the best Wit alive is not able to do in this case. Sixthly, The time when these additional Verses were thrust into the Sibylline writings, appears to me to be about the Year 170. For Lib. 5. Every one of the Caesars is describ'd by a Numeral Letter, the first of his Name, from Julius the Dictator to Adrian, whose Name is opened from the Adria­tick Sea. Some small Intimation of each, Antoninus follows. But then all that comes after, is shuffled up, nothing clear, nothing particular, not a glance made at a succeeding Emperor, I have heard good Antiquaries discourse, that our British Prophecies ascribed to Merlin, were the Fruit of some Writer in the Days of Henry the Second. Merlin the Fay, supposed to be a Wizard con­temporary to King Arthur, lived Seven Hundred Years before. But this Pseudo-Merlin handles many great Occurrences punctually, and explicitely to the days of Henry the Second. In all that follows are Tragelaphi, Satyrs and Griffins, Cocks and Bulls. The Fortune-teller casts Figures; but names no Person in the Sequel. So these interloping Verses discover themselves to be the [...]e of some that crouded them in about the Reign of an Antoninus, where he had spent his Powder, and vented all that he had seen with the Fore-face of Janus: but Posticâ caecus: he was no Prophet, and could not see behind him. Seventhly, Far be it from my thoughts, to have a Jealousie of the Holy Fathers, that lived about that time, for dressing up the Sibylline Oracles with new Ornaments of their own patching. They were full of Faith, and never fear'd, that Christ's Kingdom did need a Lye to advance it. I have read of Stratagems military, and political: but Martyrs, and Saints would never give countenance to Stratagems Theological. But who looks most suspiciously, of all that lived in that Age, to bear the blame of such a Forgery? It is an hard thing to find a Father for a Bastard. But, Reader, What think you of Montanus, and his Baggages about him, Maximilla, Prisca, Quintilla, call'd Cata-Phrygians from the place of their wont? These put forth to be known, says Eusebius in his Chronicle, under M. Antoninus, Anno. 1 [...]. That's well for the time. Though Hereticks, they were Christians, and which is more, divulg'd for Prophetesses: and which is more than that, famed for being great dablers in Verse. They bemoan the Phrygians thrice in Sixteen Verses, Lib. 3. [...]. The Phrygians will miserably perish. And further they have not reveal'd themselves, that I find, in any thing that favour'd of Montanus his Paraclete, or the Cata-Phrygian Heresie. I am only dubious therefore in this last Conclusion. Perhaps I have not the Door by the Ring. He that likes it not, let him bite a Bay-leaf, and make a better Divination. I am not peremptory, that I have found out such Sibyls, as I look'd for in Phrygia. But I am sure our prudent Bishop discover'd that Sibyl, that he look'd for in St. Ives.

[Page 50] 50. His second and particular Visitation made amends for the former, at Little Giding in the same County: where he found a Congregation of Saints, not walk­ing after the Flesh, but after the Spirit. Let this History give Glory to God in their behalf: shewing in a Touch, o [...] what religious Grounds their Polity was sounded: and how uncharitably suspected, and how unhappily dissolv'd. A Family of the Farrars, the Mother, with Sons and Daughters of both Sexes in the plural Number, other Branches of the Kindred, with Servants fit to be about them, were col­lected into a House of their own at Giding aforesaid, purposing, and covenant­ing between themselves to live in as strict a way, according to the Gospel of Christ, as good Rules could chalk out, and humane Infirmity undergo. This pious Design was proposed, and perswaded to them by the eldest Son, in Holy Orders, bred in Clare Hall in Cambridge, an humble, diligent, devout Servant of God, learned in the Theory, more in the Practice of Divinity. Their House, fit for their Contemplation, stood alone. All were single Persons in it, to the best I could learn. The Church was so near, that it was next to the Pale of their Yard: the easier for them that frequented it so often. The whole Village of Giding had been depopulated: or I am misinform'd: the House which contained them remaining for an whole Parish. The Tythes had been impropriated: but were restored back again by the Mother, to the use of the Rector then, her own Son; and to the succeeding Rectors, by a firm Deed, as Law could make, which in its time shall be declared. They kept much at home: their turns of Prayer, and Watching, which they observ'd, requir'd it. Yet Visits, perhaps once a Month, they made abroad: but shunning such Di­versions, as much as they could, which rob us of a great part of the Employ­ment of our Life. Non horam tecum esse potes: non otia rectè—Ponere: as an Hea­then complained, Horat. Serm. 7. Strangers that came to them were fairly re­ceiv'd: all the Tribe was meek and courteous, and did let none depart, before they gave them an account of their Conversation, if they ask'd it. And with­all offer'd to read to them, what was written in a Table hanging up in their Parlour, as followeth:

He that by report of our Endeavours, will remonstrate that which is more perfect, and seek to make us better, is welcome as an Angel of God. He that by chearful par­ticipating, and approbation of that which is good, confirms us in the same, is welcome as a Christian friend. He that any way goes about to divert, or disturb us in that which is, as it ought to be among Christians (though it be not usual in the World) is a Burthen while he stays, and shall bear his Judgment whosoever he be. He that faults us in ab­sence, for that which in presence he made shew to approve, shall by a double guilt of Flattery and Slander, violate the Bands both of Friendship, and Christianity.

Subscribed,
Mary Farrar, Widow, Mother of this Family, aged about Fourscore Years: who bids adieu to all Hopes and Fears of this World, and only desires to serve God.

Their Apparel had nothing in it of Fashion, but that which was common: yet plain: and much of it for Linnen and Woollen spun at home; such as mo­dest Christians thought to be the best Habit. Fateor vobis de pretiosâ veste erubesco, says St. Austin. Inter serm. de diver. They gave no Entertainment but to the Poor, whom they instructed first, and then relieved, not with Fragments, but with the best they had: and having sufficiency did abound to every good work, 2 Cor. 11.8. Their business was, either they were at Prayer, or at work; no­thing came between: the Devil had the less Power to tempt them, that he ne­ver found them idle. They had the more leisure for work, because they fasted so much: and their diet at their meals was soon drest; beside, their daily tem­perance was such, as they fat not long at them. It was not by fits, but by con­stancy, that they subdued their Bodies by Sobriety. Their Bread was course, their Drink small, and of ill relish to the Taste: that it was sure they strived for nothing, that a dainty Appetite might long for: As Alms and Fasting were frequent with them, so Prayers and Watching, with Reading and Singing Psalms, were continually in their Practice. Note, The Word continually: For there was no Intermission, day, nor night. Four times every day they offer'd up their Supplications to God, twice in the Words of the Common-Prayer in [Page 51]the Church: twice in their Family, with several Petitions for their own needs, and for such as desired, upon some special occasions, to be remembred by them to God. At all times one, or more, by their Constitutions were drawn aside to some private Holy Exercise. By night they kept watch in the House of the Lord, and two by turns did supply the Office for the rest, from whence they departed not till the Morning. Their Scope was to be ready like wise Virgins with Oil in their Lamps, when the Bridegroom came. This was the hardest part of their Discipline, that they kept Centinel at all Hours, and Seasons to expect the second coming of the Lord Jesus. Arch-bishop Spotswood tells us of the like, Anno. 510. p. 11. That St. Mungo founded a Monastery in Wales, and took order that the Monks had day and night divided among them, one Com­pany succeeding another: so that there were some always in the Church pray­ing, and praising God. In which, and in all the rest, What was there offen­sive? Nay, What not to be admir'd? To leave it off, or to lessen it for the Girds of lavish Tongues, were like the Man in the Dutch Epigram, That would eat nothing but Spoon-meat, for fear of wearing out his Teeth. God be glorified for such, whose Prayers were powerful and uncessant to pierce the Heavens. The whole Land was the better for their Sanctity. They fasted, that Famine might not be inflicted upon our common Gluttony. They abridg'd themselves of all Plea­sures, that Vengeance might not come down upon the Voluptuousness of this riotous Age. They kept their Vigils all Night, that the Day of the Lord might not come upon us like a Thief unawares, that sleep in security. The whole World was the better for their Contempt of the World. As Philostratus says of the Hilobii, Lib. 3. vit. Apollonii, [...]. They were in the World, not of the World. All their Practice was heavenly; a great deal of it had some Singularity, by the Custom of our corrupt ways, who do not strive to enter in at the strait Gate, to come to Blessedness.

51. The Fame of the Dispensations of this worthy Family, the further it was heard abroad, the more it sounded like Popery. Envy or Ignorance could guess no better at it, but that it was a Casa Professa, a Convent pack'd together of some Superstitious Order beyond Seas, or a Nunnery, and that the Sufferance of it look'd towards a change in Religion. After the Sentence of Salust, Boni quàm mali sus [...]ectiores sunt: semperque aliena virtus formidolosa est. A Crew of Bawds, and Gamesters might have set up a Standing with less prejudice than these De­votionaries. But God help us, if the best Protestants (for these may be called so) do look like Papists. Had they been hired with Gold, that so mistook them, they could not have done more Credit, and Honour to our Adversaries. Speak Sir Cenjur [...]r, we the true Children of the Church of England, were we not, without departing from our own Station, capable of Mortification? of vow­ing our selves to God? of renouncing the World? of Fasting? of Vigils? of Prayer limited to Canons, and Hours, as any that say, and do not, that call themselves from St. Basil, St. Bennet, or such other Institution? Not our Refor­mation, but our Slothfulness doth indispose us, that we let others run faster than we, in Temperance, in Chastity, in Scleragogy, as it was call'd. The Diocesan, and their Neighbour to this Family in a few Miles, was asham'd at these Scandals, which he knew to be spiteful and temerarious. He knew the Occur­rences of his Precinct; as Apelles was wont to fit behind the Pictures hung up in his Shop, to hear what Passengers that went to and fro did approve, or discommend. These were known to the Bishop by right Information, from the time that they sealed a Charter among themselves, as it were, to be constant and regular in their Spiritual Discipline. But their Heavenly mindedness was best discover'd to him, when two Sons of Mrs. Farrar, the Mother and Matron of the Houshold, treated with the Bishop, to endow the Church with the Tythes, which had been impropriated: this was in Sept. 1633. as appears by a Smack of that which fell from the Pen of the Donor, as followeth:

Right Reverend Father in God,

THE Expectation of Opportunities, having some Years whealed me off from the Performance of this Business, I now think it necessary to break through all Impedi­ments, and humbly to present to your Lordship the Desires, and the Intentions of my Heart. Beseeching you on God's behalf, to take them into your Fatherly Consideration, and to give a speedy Accomplishment to them, by the Direction of your Wisdom, and the Assistance of your Authority.

[Page 52] The rest is too much to be rehearsed, save a little of her Prayer to God in the end of the Papers.

‘BE graciously pleased, Lord, now to accept from thy Hand-maid the Restitution of that, which hath been unduely heretofore taken from thy Ministers. And as an earnest, and pledge of the total Resignation of her self, and hers to thy Service, vouch­safe to receive to the use of thy Church this small Portion of that large Estate, which thou hast bestowed upon her, the unworthiest of thy Servants. Lord redeem thy Right whereof thou hast been too long disseized by the World, both in the Possessions, and in the Person of thy Hand-maid. And let this outward Seizure of Earth be accompanied with an inward Surprizal of the Heart, and Spirit into thine own Hands: So that the Restorer, as well as that which is restored, may become, and be confirm'd thine Inheritance, &c.

The Bishop pray'd to God that many such Customers might come to him: so commended her free-will Offering to God, and confirm'd it. To make them some amends for their Liberality to the Church, he devised how to give them Reputation, against ad Detraction. Therefore in the Spring that came after, he gave them warning on what Sunday he would Preach in their Church: whither an extreme Press of People resorted from all the Towns that heard of it. In his Sermon he insisted most, what it was to die unto the World: that the Righteous should scarce be saved: that our right Eye, and our right Hand, and all our fleshly Contentments must be cut off, that we may enter into Life. All tended to approve the dutiful, and severe Life of the Farrars, and of the Church that was in their House. After Sermon the Bishop took their Invitation to Dine with them. But they were so strict to keep that day holy, that they left not a Servant at home to provide for the Table. Yet it was handsomely furnish'd with that which was boil'd, and bak'd, that requir'd no Attendance, to stay any one from Church to look to it. By this visit the Bishop had the Means to see their way of serving God; to know the Soundness of Doctrine which they maintain'd, to read their Rules which they had drawn up for Fasts, and Vigils, and large Distributions of Alms: In which he bad them proceed in the Name of God, and gave them his Blessing at his departing. From thenceforth these faithful ones flourish'd in good opinion. For it is certain what Quintilian hath stated in Gratory, Lib. 5. Nulla sunt firmiora, quàm quae ex dubiis facta sunt corta. The more a Case was doubted, the clearer it is, when the Doubt is resolv'd.

52. Yet nothing is so sound, but in time it will run into Corruption. For I must not hold it in, that some Persons in Little Giding had run into excess, and incurr'd offence, if the Bishop had not broken the Snare, which they were preparing for their own feet. For after he had spoken well of the Family in the Pulpit, and privately to divers, some of them could not see when they were well, but aspir'd to be Transcendants above their measure. For two Daughters of the Stock came to the Bishop, and offer'd themselves to be vailed Virgins, to take upon them the Vow of perpetual Chastity, with the Solemnity of the Episcopal Blessing, and Ratification. Whom he admonish'd very Fa­therly, that they knew not what they went about. That they had no promise to confirm that Grace unto them; that this readiness, which they had in the present, should be in their will, without Repentance, to their Lifes end. Let the younger Women marry, was the best Advice, that they might not be led into Temptation And that they might not forget what he taught them, he drew up his Judgment in Three Sheets of Paper, and sent it them home, that they might dress themselves by that Glass, and learn not to think of Humane Nature, above that which it is, a Sea of Flowings, and Ebbings, and of all man­ner of Inconstancy. The Direction of God was in this Council: For one of the Gentlewomen afterwards took a liking to a good Husband, and was well be­stowed. Nothing is more suiting to this Passage, than a Story out of Gregory the Great, concerning his Three Ants, Homil. 38. Uno omnes ardore, côdemque tempore Sacratae—In domo propriâ socialem vitam ducebant; and a little after he re­ports, that after this admission into State of Virginity, one of them became a Wife. There are some says Christ, that have made themselves Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven's sake, Mat. 19.12. with caution as they are able to receive it. [...], as Eusebius hath it: Virginity with free, and vo­luntary Destination, and Continuation. A single Life, and grant it with a State [Page 53]of Prosession, is a noble Course to serve God in: but limited to that time, as it serves for a Help, and not turns to a Wound in the Conscience. God will not be cheated with a Vow, to let one of his great Commandements be broken for it. St. Ambrose, who knew the Heathen Customs of the Romans, writes to Va­lentinian. Vestales habuerunt praescripta pudicu [...]e tempora. The Vestals attended in their Maiden Service but to a prescribed time. Baronius Appar. An. Par. 10. testifies for the Pharisees, out of Epiphanius, Pharisaei determinatum castitatus, aut continentiae tempus habebant. They devoted themselves to Chastity, or Continen­cy, not for ever, but to a determinate day. Grotius, in voto Pacis, tells me more than I knew before. Optimum mihi viderur institutum patrum Oratorii, & quorun­dam caetuum virginalium, ut libertas ducendi maneat. Grant them but that liberty; or as the Council of Gangra calls it, Humanity from their Governors, and the Scandal ceaseth. Sir Roger Twisd [...]n, a noble Scholar, goes further in his Apology against the Imputation of Schism, p. 97. That the Kings of England reserved to themselves to dispense with Nuns, that they might marry. They that yield to that Dispensation are on our side. As old as the Widow Anna was, who depart­ed not from the Temple, but served God with Fastings and Prayers night and day, Luk. 2.37. She was no Votary, that appears. Non clarè indicat sequesirationem, says Bishop Montague, Orig. Eccl. P. 2. pag. 163. But she left the World: that is, she used it, as if she used it not. Here let the Danghters of Giding stay: and so they did. But nor they, nor the rest staid many Years after, in that Godly repose. Otia bona frustra disseruntur, ubi quiescere non licet, says Grotius, Belg. Hist. p. 314. It was out of season to confine themselves to Holy rest, when Civil Dissentions began to flame, and there was no rest in the Land. In those days there was no peace to him that went out, nor to him that came in, but great vexations were upon all the Inhabitants of the Countries, 2 Chron. 15.5. Religion, and Loyalty were such Eye-sores, that all the Farrars fled away, and dispers'd, and tock joyfully the spotling of their goods, Hebr. 10.34. All that they had restored to the Church, all that they had bestowed upon sacred Comeliness, all that they had gather'd for their own Livelihood, and for Alms, was seized upon as a lawful Prey, taken from superstitious Persons. Procrin habe, dixit. Quod si mihi provida mens est, Non habuisse voles, Metamor. Lib. 7. What will the Cruel, and the Covetous say, when God shall require it at their hands?

53. With these Businesses at St. Ives, and at Little Giding; the Relation of two particular Visitations is dispatch'd. Others were of things nothing strange, nor of such moment and use. And for the Visitations general to the whole Dio­cess, held according to triennial Spaces, a Collation, made by the Bishop at one sitting, shall supply enough for all the rest. It was deliver'd at Bedford, in the end of the Year, 1634. Which is so wise, and weighty, so learned and pious, that the Maker himself could searce have mended it. No excuse is offer'd that there is so much of it, because it is so good. The City, which Ascanius built in Latium, was call'd Alba longa, says Livy, Lib. 1. So this Speech is long, but so pure and white, that the beauty will plead for the Bigness: or rather Bigness, and Beauty will make two several Praises: So he begins. I must not tax the learn­ed Preacher, as Alexander did his Father Philip, that his Father had conquer'd and engrossed so much, that he had left him but little to do. But I do really and heartily thank him for it. And conceiving that part of our Duty, concern­ing the Preaching of God's Word, to be gravely and sufficiently discharged by him, I must frame my Speech upon other Heads, which would hardly, with­out much forcing be bidden, or invited into one Text, and yet have been sel­dom omitted by Prelates of former times, when they have held their Visitati­ons. Not that I mean to trouble you with the Bead-roul of Particulars cogni­zable by Bishops on such an occasion: for this is the Work of Chancellors and Commissaries, who are also wearied with these Recitations. But as the an­cient Aristotelians were want to keep off their [...], their Singularities from the Knowledge of the Understanding, and to leave them wholly to the Survey of the Senses: So it is the Fashion of modern Visitors to digest their [...], or Singularities into a Book of Articles, to be perused by the Eyes and Ears of such, as may be concerned so to do, without drawing these particular Points to any further Discourse, or settled Oration. What therefore I shall insist upon, shall be some few Generals, which reflect either upon the Visitation it self (the Act we have in hand) or the Persons visited, and subjected to this Visi­tation. And those are either my Brethren of the Clergy, or my good Friends, and Neighbours of the Laity. When I have spoken somewhat to either of these [Page 54]in general, and recommended to the Clergy a particular I have in charge, I shall trouble you no longer, but go on to the business of the day.

54. The Visitation of Bishops is no Jonas gourd, no filia noct [...]s, started up in a Night of Popery: but a Tree set by the Apostles themselves, and water'd from time to time by the Canons of general Councils, in the fairest Springs of the Primitive Church. For so I find Protestants of no mean Esteem, to wit, the Four Writers of the Centuries, to retrieve the Root hereof from Acts, cap. 14. And if you will observe the Place, there is scarce one particular prescrib'd by the Canon Law, as essential to a Visitation, but you shall find it put in Execution in that Chapter, you have them first [...], v. 22. they that confirm'd the Souls of all the Disciples, must among them confirm Children. Secondly, [...], laying hands on Priests and Deacons, v. 23. Thirdly, [...], v. 24. Peragrantes, saith Beza, a Word used for a Bishop's Visitation in the Council of Chalons, un­der Charles the Great. Fourthly, [...], v. 25. making their Sermons, or Collations. And Lastly, [...], returning back to Antioch from whence they came, v. 26. Nor are we now forced to such a leap, as Dr. Mocket out of Gratian would put upon us, for the Visitations of Bishops: To wit, from these Acts of the Apostles, to the Synodus Tarraconensis, or the fourth Council of Toledo, which is a [...], a huge wide Gulf of more than Five Hundred Years, but are able to trace them all along in that interim of time, in most Au­thentical Authors, and Histories. For, to say nothing of those Books of Cle­mons Romanus, call'd by the Ancients [...], the Circuits of St. Peter, be­cause they were abused by old Hereticks, as Epiphanius, and Athanasius often tell us, that is most certain, that many Years after the Epocha of the Acts of the A­postles St. Peter [...] (where you have the Word of art used to this day) did often visit Pontus and Bithynia, says Epiphan. in his 27 Heresie, which is that of the Carpocratians. And about the Year One hun­dred, after the Death of the Emperor Domitian, Eusebius reports out of Clemens Romanus, [...], a Tale and no Tale, but an unquestion'd History, that St. John leaving Pathmos, went up and down Asia, [...], setting Churches in order, Lib. 3. Hist. c. 23. From hence indeed I must transport you to the 57 Canon of the 3 Counc. of Carthage, that you may hear Aurelius, and his Brethren excuse themselves, for not visiting Maurita­nia, and those other Provinces. But you must not dwell upon this Council, being by the Canon it self turn'd back again for four, or five Years, to that famous Council of Hippo, which opened to St. Austin, as yet a Priest, Famae januam, the first Gate, and Entrance, as it were, to his Fame, and Glory. For in this great Council at Hippo, saith that other Council of Carthage, it had been expresly determin'd, [...], that every Province, or Diocess should be visited, in the very time of holding the Synod. Which Words are to be well observ'd: For the Canon doth not say, they were to be visited at the Synod, or the Synod sitting. For the Law doth not admit of that. Quia multùm operatur persona—The Person of the Prelate bears a special part in this kind of Visitation. But a general Synod was first call'd, and there­in the manner of the Reformation was settled, and agreed upon. Presently af­ter that the Fathers did [...], sever themselves (as Zonaras writes upon that Ca­non) and fall in hand with their peculiar Visitations. And here I have brought you, without all question, to the Fountain and Well head of our Canon Law, which requires according to this Revisement of the Council of Hippo, that a Synod of the Diocess, or Province be first called before they begin the Episco­pal Visitation. And however the Synods themselves be much out of use (in this Kingdom especially, where none can be held, but by leave of the Prince) yet may you still find upon your Accompts some few Splinters, and Remainders of the same, when you do not pay your Procurations only, but your Cathe­draticals, and Synodals also. From this Third Council of Carthage, the right­ing of these Visitation, was taken up by the Synodus Tarraconensis, by the Coun­cil of Bracara, by the Fourth Council of Toledo, and divers others in their Ages. From these Councils they were fetch'd by Gratian into his Decrees: from the Decrees by the Popes into their Epistles, and Decretals; and so con­tinue to this day our Jus Commune, our ordinary Law in that behalf. Nor were these Visitations of Bishops sooner enjoyn'd by the several Popes in their Laws, and Decretals, but as things of sovereign, and principal use, they were taken up, and incorporated into the Municipal Laws, of all our chief and best or­der'd Monarchies. Hence we find them commanded the Prelates of Spain in [Page 55]the first Partida of King of Alfonso's Laws, Title 22. Hence likewise enjoyn'd the Bishops of France, by Charles the Ninth, Henry the Third, and Fourth, in those general Estates of Orleance, Bloise, and Paris. Hence also Visitations were to have been erected here in England, by our Statute Laws, if those Thirty two Persons had ever met, as appears by those preparations made by Arch-bishop Cranmer, and others, Titulo de Visitationibus. Lastly, Upon the beginning of the Reformation in Saxony, they kept a Visitation by the Super-intendents, An. 1527. much approved of by the Lutherans of those times Osiander, and Bucholzerus. And therefore we may not conceive of these Visitations, as of some imperfect and equivocal Creatures, begotten but the other day ex fimo & limo, out of the Dregs and Corruptions of the Church of Rome: but as of things of a more no­ble, and ancient Descent, begun by Paul and Barnabas when they were Apostles, continued by St. Peter and St. John as great Bishops: settled and righted in the Council at Hippo, Anno. 393. From thence transcrib'd into the Third Council of Carthage, Anno. 397. From thence revived at Tarraco under Hormisda, An. 517 From thence received into the Council of Braccara, Anno. 602. From thence into the Fourth of Toledo, Anno. 633. From those Councils they were taken in by Gratian into his Decrees. So into the Decretals: and from the Decre­tals, and their Glosses, infused into the municipal, or common Laws of all the chiefest Christian Monarchies. So much of a Visitation in general.

55. In the second place I am to make a short Exhortation unto you, my Brethren of the Clergy. The Effect whereof shall be no more than what St. Hierom wrote long ago in his Epistle to Nepotian, Qui servit ecclesiae, interprete­tur primò nomen suum. We that are received into any Place of Office in God's Church, must before all other Lessons, be sure to understand aright the Titles of those Offices, whereunto we are received. And that being once apprehend­ed, Niti esse quod dicimur: To endeavour with all might and main to be no o­ther than we are said to be. We Bishops are said to be Visitatores, the Temporary Visitors: You, the Incumbents of Churches, to be Visores, the perpetual Seers of Christ's Flock. Our Visitation is a frequentative Word. Frequentatio autem non est unius actus continuatio, sed actus intercisi multiplicata repetitio, saith Grosthead, (once a famous Bishop of this See) in one of his Epistles. Frequentation doth not import any whole frame, or thread as it were of a continued Act, but the Repetition, and often taking up of a broken, and interrupted Act. And there­fore in this spiritual Flock of Christ, being in their nature individua vaga, Cattle of a scattering, and wandring Condition, there must be some to have an eye upon them continually, some to attend from day to day, beside those Over-lookers from year to year: Or where the Sheep are many, and the Pa­stures of a large extent, from three years to three years, there must be Visitores, saith Grosthead, as well as Visitatores; continual Seers, as well as triennial Over­seers. And these are you, my Brethren of the Clergy, as by your Institutions, Inductions, and Licenses may appear. Remember therefore in the Fear of God, the Titles of your Offices, that you are those Videntes in Israele, those con­tinual, and immediate Seers of Israel. You are those that are to see to the pray­ing, to see to the Hearing, to see to the reverend and awful Receiving, to see to the Manners and Living, to see to the Peace, and good Agreeing, and, if you would see the Comfort of any thing you set, to see throughly to the cate­chising of your People.

56. Primùm omnium fieri orationes, saith St. Paul, Above all other Duties of a Christian Man, bring your People as much as you can, to delight in praying. When all is well, and throughly weighed, you shall find it the only Duty, whereby a Christian doth most resemble an Angel on Earth, and most ascertain himself of being hereafter a Saint in Heav'n. Say what you can (and you can­not over-reach or say too much) in the Commendations of Faith; yet must you confess it is the Gift of the Holy Ghost. And behold Christ tells you plainly the Holy Ghost it self is the Gift of Devotion, and Praying. And when we have read, and studied, and heard never so much, yet tantum scimus, quantum oramus (as Luther was wont to say) we may have more Notions, and Ginglings in the Head: but we have no more, true feeling, and pricking Divinity at the Heart, than we have Inclination to Devotion, and Prayer. And of all Prayers none so fit for Devotion, as the Prayers of the Liturgy, understood by all, and known of all, and therefore putting the poor People to no straining of the Under­standing, but to an intuitive Discourse, as it were of their Wills and Affections to Almighty God. Whereas the long and tedious Prayer of a Preacher (especi­ally [Page 56]where it is crude and extemporary) sets the Mind of a Country-man on hunting so fast after the unconth Words, which are the Body, that it loseth all the Mellowness, as it were the Ardency, and Devotion, which is the Spirit and Soul of true Prayer. And the Laws do call upon us, to call upon you, to cause your Parishioners to conn by heart these Prayers of the Liturgy, especially the Confession, and Collects. That when they are assembled in the Church mili­tant, a Type and Representation of the Church Triumphant, they may not be musing, and studying (for you do not read that the Saints and Angels do so in Heaven) but sympathizing, and uniting their best Affections, with the Devo­tion of their Minister. Secondly, You that are daily Seers of Christ's Flock must see to their Pasture, that is their Hearing. For it is a fond and novel Conceit, to cry up Praying, and with the same breath to cry down Preach­ing. That most excellent Form of Prayer, How was it taught but in an ex­cellent Sermon? Lord teach us to pray: teaching is a necessary Fore-runner of Praying. It is a kind of new Monster, not heard of in former times, that Preachers should preach against Preaching. And yet I must correct this Assertion. I confess it was heard of long ago in the middle Ages, in the time of ignorant and stu­pid Popery. Jo. Gerson preaching a Visitation Sermon before the Arch-bishop of Rhemes, in the Year, 1408. saith, that the Clergy of his times bent all their Studies to enable themselves for Ruling, and Governing, leaving the Mendicants, and the Curates only to supply their Preaching. But, as I told you before, this was in the time of the gross and dull, not of the refined, and quintessential Popery. The Dominicans of Spain, the Minors of Italy, the Oratorions of France, and the Jesuites over all the World are more than sufficient Preachers: So that this is no Age for us to preach against Preaching. I will conclude this Point with a Say­ing, not out of Calvin, or Beza, who may be thought partial, but out of a Prosne or Homily, made on purpose to be read before the Clergy and Laity in all Visitations, as I find it in a Book of this Subject written by one Jo. Fran­ciscus Pavinus two hundred Years ago. Saith he, Fides sine operibus vana, sine verbis nulla. Faith without doing will prove little: but without Preaching it will prove nothing at all. Thirdly, You that are the Seers of God's People must see to their due, and awful receiving of the high Mysteries. [...], as Damascen calls them, those pure and hallowed things of God. Especially that [...], that [...], as St. Chrysost. terms it, that Super-coelestial Food in the Lord's Supper, which a Christian ought not once to think of, without a sacred kind of Horror, and Reverence. Here is an Action, I confess, wherein you can hardly exceed, either by expressing in your selves, or by exacting from others, any Circumstance of Awe and Reverence. I know it is safest for a Child of the Church, to hold him still to the Canons of the Church. But if in any one thing, surely in this, the Canons are rather to be out-bidden, and exceeded, than any way neglected or abated. The Fear, or rather the Experi­ence, of the Peoples falling from extremity to extremity in this case, from an extremity of Superstition (which the six Articles had bred in the Hearts, or at leastwise in the outward Gestures of Men) to an extremity of Profanation, did much trouble the Magistrates in the beginning of the Reformation: You may see it clearly in the Letters of the Lord Protector, and the rest of the Council, which are printed in the Book of Martyrs: In the Injunctions of King Edward: in the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth: And especially in that Act of Parlia­ment still in force, which enables the King from time to time, to add what Ceremonies, and Decencies he shall hold sitting, for the awful and reverend, as well administring, as receiving of this heavenly Sacrament. And be not afraid to be accounted herein too too diligent and ceremonious. For we know, that in Mysteries of this high Nature, Ceremonies wait close upon the Substances. They may as well say (and peradventure will ere long) that an Action of this kind may be done without a Priest, as without a troublesome solemn Cere­mony. Gerson in his Sermon de Coenâ Domini saith, Spiritualia sine temporalibus diu esse non posse, that things Spiritual would wax cold without things temporal, was a Proverb cried up by the worst of the Prelates: but I am sure that in these high Mysteries, Spiritualia sine temporalibus esse non posse: that the Spiritual Graces (not essentially for want of any Vertue in them, but accidentally, by reason of such Weakness, and Imperfection in us) will fail of their Operations, with­out temporal Ceremonies, is the Doctrine, not of the worst, but of the best both of the Greek, and Latin Fathers.

[Page 57] 57. Fourthly, You that are the Seers of Israel must see into the Lives, and Man­ners of your People. Which is the sooner done, if you look well to your own. For it is most true on this case, what Gerson saith, Vox operum fortiùs sonat, quàm vox verborum: the sound of your Sermon strikes nothing so shrill in the Ears of your Parish, as the sound of your Life and Conversation. Take heed there­fore you do not Linguâ struere, & manu destruere, as St. Bern. speaks, build with the Tongue, and pull down with the Hand. For the Woman's Frump, which Gerson, often cited, writes of, runs as well in English, as in other Languages; who being demanded, Si sermo factus esset, if the Sermon was done, answered, the Sermon was ended, but it was not done. Dictus quidem est sermo, sed non factus, It was said by rote, but it was not done. Dicunt emm hic sacerdotes, & non faciunt: For the Priests with them us'd only to say, but seldom to do, or to perform their Sermons. Fifthly, If you be those Seers the Canons require, you must see to your Peoples peace, quietness, and good agreeing: That your Neighbours do not spend their Bodies, their Minds, their Estates, and Chil­drens Bread in brabbles, quarrelling, and Law-suiting. Truly I am afraid, that Church-men in England have much to answer, for the Calamities of the Laity in this kind. Yet have you one by one, by the Pole as it were, in the Presence of God, and your Mother the Church, promised the Bishop better things at your Ordinations, to wit, that you would, as much as lay in you maintain Peace, and Quietness among all Christian People, and especially among those, that were committed to your Charge, your Friends and Neighbours of the Parish. And I shall not need to strain my Logick to let you see, how properly and essen­tially this civil part of a Justice of Peace, is woven into the Duty of every Pa­stour, and Minister. For without this Peace-making, you may preach indeed, but in effect to no Parish, or Congregation. Because Country-men, distract­ed with Law-suits, receive little good by you. And being sometime in the midst of the Church, are as though they were not there. Let them say what they will, it is too true, that in saying the Lord's Prayer after you, they pray for Forgiveness without forgiving: and too often, God knows, hear your Ser­mons with little heed, or listning. For the poor Souls, all that while the Hour­glass runs, have Manum in Aetolis, animum in Cleopidis, as it is said of one in Plutarch: they have their Eye, it may be, upon the Preacher, but their Mind upon their Attorney, Proctor, or Sollicitor. Yea but you are most of you learned Men, and can undeceive your People from these Phantasies. You can shew them out of School-men, Quodlibets, and Casuists, that Men may go to Law, and yet be in charity. And I must be bold to tell you back again, that People will be People for all your distinctions, and unless you can perswade them to be in Charity without Law, for all your School-men, Quodlibets, and Casuists, the poor Swains will be as they were, in Law without charity. To conclude this Point, where Brother goes to Law with Brother, and Neighbour with Neigh­bour about Matters of small moment, I dare not say as St. Paul doth, that there is not a wise Man, but I will be so bold as to suspect, that in that unhappy Town, there is scarce a wise and conscientious Minister. Lastly, If you be Seers of Christ's Flock, do as Jacob did, that thriving Shepherd, look well to your Sheep, when they are in conceiving. What Colour and Tincture you give them in that hint, you shall know them by it for many Years after. Ne­ver look that that Man should profit at a Sermon, whom you never season'd in his Principles of Christianity. A Sermon (saith St. Cyril) is a good thing, but not so condition'd as a Catechism. Some Lessons, forgotten in the one, are but loose Stones in a Wall, which may be fasten'd again upon a second opportuni­ty: but Ignorance in those Principles is a certain great Stone mis-lay'd in the Foundation, which hazards the ruine of the whole Building. And again says that Father, the erecting of a Christian, is like the planting of a Tree; if you give it not Earth, and rooting at the first, you can never repair it with water­ing, and pruning. Catechism, as St. Basil calls it, is [...], the preparing Colours, wherein you must dip the People, without the which, for all your Sermons, you shall never find them Purple in grain: but pale and wan as long as they live: as ill-grounded Colours use to do, ever and anon staining, fading, and decaying I will conclude this Point with an Observa­tion of that grave Divine Jo. Gerson, in a Sermon of his, which I find also in a little Book of Peter de Aliaco, De reformatione ecclesiae. Ecclesiae reformatio debet inchoari à parvulis: If ever you will reform this Church of Men, you must begin with that Church of Children. And [Page 58]this is all that I shall say unto you in general, my good Brethren of the Clergy.

58. For you my honest Friends and Neighbours of the Laity, I shall say no­thing to you of any Particulars, whereunto you are to answer by reason of your Offices, but transfer you wholly in that respect to those Articles, which you have already receiv'd. But by way of general Exhortation, I am by the ancient Forms of Visitations in this kind, to recommend unto you, for your Souls good, two principal Instructions, the one in point of Belief, the other in point of Practice. In point of Belief, I must require your assent, without wavering or hesitation, and to continue the remembrance of that Article of your Creed, the Resurrection to Judgment at the last day. And for your Practice, I shall desire you for your own great good, as well in this, as in the Life to come, to meditate day and night upon that Sentence of our Saviours, Mat. 7.12. All things whatsoever you would that Men should do to you, do ye even so to them. For the Resurrection to Judgment, it was an Article decried by the Heathen, from the first hour it came to be preached: it was mock'd at in St. Paul's time; Risus gentium, the Flout of the Nations in Tertullian's time; [...], an universal Laughter in St. Basil's time: and the Point of Christianity least brook'd in St. Austin's time. And therefore, peradventure, enjoyned the Bishops to be in­culcated thus into the People, ever since the Braccaran Council. But however you may conceive it, perhaps, unnecessary at this time, or in this Auditory. For, God be praised, you are all good Christians, can say your Creed, and use to repeat it orderly after your Minister. That's well done. Yet must you know further, that it is not enough to say this Article with the Priest, unless you remember to practise it with all the People. This is an Article, not penned for the Tongue alone, but for the Hands also of a true Christian. It is not enough to say it in Confession, if you act it not in Life and Conversation. Do you therefore continually mind that dismal sound, that St. Hierom speaks of, Arise you Dead, be changed you Living, and come to Judgment. If you all do so, I shall confess my Exhortation needless, and shall believe, that you believe indeed the Resurrection to Judgment. But on the other side, if upon every slight Mo­tion and Temptation, you surrender up the Members of those Bodies of yours, that shall rise to Judgment, as Servants to Sin, your Tongues for Lying, your Hands for Stealing, your Brains for Cheating, your Hearts for Malicing, your Feet for running to shed Blood: if you make the Members of Christ the Mem­bers of an Harlot: if you have all the reason in the World, upon the sounding of that Trump, to call for the Mountains to fall upon you, and the Hills to cover you, that you may not come to Judgment, I must tell you, that shewing your Faith no better by your Works (as St. James bids you) I may believe that you can rehearse; but I cannot believe, that you do mind or believe (at least­wise while you are in flagranti crimine, in the heighth, and meridian of your Sins) the Resurrection to Judgment. It is not enough for you to believe, but also with all your might and power to live the Resurrection to Judg­ment.

59. And were you but once past this first, you would quickly take out your second Lesson, whatsoever you would that Men should do unto you, so to do unto them, it being impossible for a Christian Soul to do otherwise, that were actu­ally and throughly season'd, with a practical Belief of the Resurrection to Judg­ment. This Sentence, and Rule of Justice, and Charity, found out of purpose by our Saviour Christ for plain and simple Men, that are able to bear away no longer discourse, to direct them to live peaceably in this Life, and happily in that to come, if you can remember, and put in use that one Sentence, it is e­nough, Do as you would be done unto. Why then, will some say to me, you are come to this Visitation to bring us nothing, or almost nothing, a short Sentence to make a Posie in a Ring. O for all that do not disrespect the Littleness. It is Sententia bracteata, a Sentence to be written in Plates of Gold. And heretofore it hath been written in the Palaces of Kings and Emperors. It is a Sentence that procur'd ease with Anton. Pius, and respect to the Christians with the Em­peror Severus, as Historians report. Julius Capitolinus indeed makes some que­stion, whether that Emperor learn'd this Sentence from the Jews, or from the Christians. But we make no question at all, but he suck'd it with his Milk from his Mother Mammaea, the Scholar of that great Origen, as Casaubon notes upon that Author. I tell you (dearly Beloved) Do as you would be done unto, is a Sen­tence, which once put in practice, would make an end of a World of Sen­tences: [Page 59]nay of all the Sentence; in this World, and peradventure of those we fear in the World to come. You are many of you afraid of the Ecclesiastical, and many more (as you have more reason) of the Temporal Courts. Your Purses may suffer in the one: and your Persons, beside your Purses in the other. And yet do all the bitter Sentences of either Court issue from this Spring, from this only Spring, that either the Plaintiff, or the Defendant, or the Witness, or the Advocate, or the Proctor, or at the furthest the Judge himself hath quite forgotten this little Sentence, to do as he would be done unto. Yea, but is not this University Learning, and above the apprehension of a plain Man? No; St. Chrys. says you need not repair to any Man to learn it. You have it [...], at home in your own breast. It is a Flower that grows in your own Garden. It is a Notion, or Apprehension planted by the Finger of Nature in your own Bosom. As for Example, Would you know whether you may not, parle droict de bien-seance, as the Trench Masters use to say, by a certain Point of Law, which I may call your better fitting and accommodation, make bold with your Neighbours Goods in such a case, with his Lands in such a case, his Fame in such a case, his Wise in such a case, or any thing that is his, as you will make the case? And yet do all these Feats cleanly and handsomely, with a colour at the least of some Law, or Equity? You need not study Ulpian, Bartolus, or Bal­dus in this Point. You need not turn over the Reports of the Law; or the Year-books of the Judges. Unclasp only the Book in your own Bosom, in your own Conscience, and mark well what is written therein. You have your De­murrer argued there without Judge, or Counsellor. Do you find it there regi­stred, that upon the putting of the like case, your self would be content to have your own Goods, your own Lands, your own Fame, your own Wise, or any thing that is yours taken from you? and withal to make the Matter a little worse, and more picquant, to have a flourish of Law or Equity cast upon the Case, to bereave you of that poor, and last Comfort, the Pity, and Compas­sion of the Beholders? If you find there no such case reported from yourselves, moot it not upon any other: but listen unto Christ's little Sentence, and do as you would be done to. Yea, but perhaps I would be done to in my Tempta­tions, what you will not admit, I should do to another as in the Case of Forni­cation, or Adultery; shall I do in that case, what I desire to be done to me? And therefore the Rule is not so safe as it is represented. Yea, but then if you will any thing, as this Rule would have you to will, you must will voluntate rationali & discretà, saith Alexander Ales, with a rational and discreet will, and then you shall not miscarry. Or you must do as you would have Men do, ho­mines, non bruta, as you would have Men, and not Beasts do unto you, saith Albertus magnus. But those that will do unto you any such filthiness, as you speak of, are as St. Paul calls them, Men after the manner of Beasts. And there­fore in all your Actions whatsoever, remember still this little Sentence, as you desire to avoid those other Sentences, some in this Life, and some in the Life to come. Which is all I shall say unto you my good Friends, and Neigh­bours of the Laity.

60. Now that particular thing, which I am to recommend to you, my Bre­thren of the Clergy, not falling properly within the Limits of a Visitation, but put off by my self for a Year or two, in hope of this, or the like opportunity, is Subsidium charitativum: which, so as it tend to a publick, and no private end, Bishops by Law may move unto their Clergy. It is a charitable Benevolence, or Contribution for St. Paul's Cathedral Church, seated in London, which, as you know, is our [...], as he said he of Athens, our England of England, and our Landskip and Representation of the whole Island. For here strangers no sooner arrive, but they first take unto themselves, and then vent abroad un­to others, a Scantling and Platform of the British Government, as well in Matters concerning the Church, as in those that touch upon the State, and Commonwealth. Here if God's worship be decently perform'd, his Word learnedly Preach'd, his Sacraments reverently administred, his material Houses polish'd, and repaired, especially this great and huge Fabrick, the City, as it were of the City it self, and a place of continual resort both to our own and other Nations, then presently omnes omnia bona dicere, the Mouth of Detraction is quite stopped, the Priests and Jesuites are blank and silenc'd, the Government in Church and State is generally approved: And (which is more considerable than all the rest) God himself is magnified and glorified, for giving a Nation Eighty years of Peace and Plenty, which had the Heart to return some little [Page 60]Share, somewhat at the least, unto him again. But should this Minster still re­main (as of late it did) a great heap of mouldering Stones, or rather a little Mountain of Dust and Rubbish; were our Churches in the inner places of this Isle never so repaired, as I doubt it much, yet would Strangers, out of Error, and Seminaries, out of Rancour, possess the World, That since the Reformation God's Houses in England are become the Habitations of Dragons, and a Court for Owls; that Satyrs do dance in them, and Beasts of the Field do roar in them. Lastly, That when Pater Noster had reared them up to touch the Hea­vens, Our Father hath pull'd them down to the Dust of the Earth. And is it nothing thus to become a Reproach and Proverb in all places? Nothing that God's Glory should be thus impaired? Nothing that his Gospel should be thus blasphemed? God forbid, but we should all be sensible of it. And thus it must needs be, unless these great Fabricks, reared at the first, for the main of the Work, by Indulgences and Superstition, be repaired again by the bountiful De­votion of King and People. But the Misery of it is this; that People in all Ages are sound to be People, that is far more easily noosed and cheated, than taught, enlighten'd, or perswaded. Whereas the Case, God be thanked, is otherwise, with you, my Brethren of the Clergy, whose advantage of Breeding makes you better understand a Motion from your King, so vigilant and atten­tive to any Motion of yours, especially when it comes upon you as this doth, backed and accompanied with all the Reasons and Demonstrations of Piety and Policy. Beside that, the Care of our Metropolitan hath been such, that your Contribution may, without offence, be so minced and distributed to Years and Half-years, as that it shall become very easie and portable, doing good abroad, without hurting at home, or impairing in any sensible measure your private States or Fortunes. I will leave it thus unto your own Considerations, without accumulating more Reasons or Motives, left I might seem to doubt of your Affe­ctions to any reasonable Proposition, whom I have found for these Fourteen years, as loving a Clergy to any Motion of mine, as I have been unto you, by reason of some Misfortunes, an unuseful and unprofitable, yet a most affectionate, Bishop.

61. Thus he ended; and thus was the Visitation perfumed with the sweet Gums of his Eloquence: Perhaps the Smell is too strong for them that lov'd him not, and whose contumelious Writings and bitter Words eat into his Credit like Quicksilver. They will be wiser when Truth and Charity meet together in them, which Graces they had need to pray for. Envy, like a Kite, sits upon the top of the tallest Tree in the Wood. A drowsie Bishop, that had bestirred himself in nothing to be known to Posterity, no better than a silly Consul, that served for nothing but to know the Fasti by his Name, this man should have scap'd the Lash, it may be, had the good word of our common Jeerers; but offer another unto them that hath lived in Action and Renown, as our Prelate did, they will pull him out of his Grave, as one Pope served another, to censure him. How ready have they been either to raise or take up Reports to wound him? Reports spread far and wide by the King's unfortunate Regiments, that re­veli'd it with all kind of Insolency round about him in Wales, whose ungovern'd looseness the Bishop could not endure, but oppos'd them stifly; wherein, it may be, he lost his Judgment, considering their Strength and Rudeness. He loved the King's Cause, but not his Army, whose debauched Carriage and little Hope of Success, methinks I read in Tully's Epistles, lib. 7. epist. 3. to M. Marius, concerning Pompey's Sword-men, Extra Ducem, paucos (que) praeterea (de Principibus lo­quor) reliqui primùm in bello rapaces: deinde in oratione it a crudeles, ut ipsam victoriam horrerem. Maximum aes alienum amplissimorum virorum: Quid quaeris? nihil boni praeter causam. These are they that brought up Tales and Tidings of the Bishop in their Knapsacks, to London; and on such Stuff our History-men, Ecclesiastical and Civil, are pleas'd to insist. Why did they pretermit the noble parts of his Episcopal Government, digested in this Work in so many Paragraphs? which are so unquestionable, that they were seen and known to Thousands. Nam lux altissima fati-occultum nihil essesinit, Claud. Paneg. 4. Honor. What Spight is this, to be silent in that which was certainly so, and to engrave with a Pen of Steel that which was ignominous, uncertain, nay, a falsity which hath travelled hither out of the Mountains, 200 Miles? So Jos. Scaliger revealed his Disdain against some Criticks, in his Notes upon Manil. p. 175. Ubi reprehendendi sumus, tunc no­minis nostri frequens mentio; aliàs mirum silentium. I need no Pardon, that I could not hold in to leave this Admonition behind, at the last Stage of his Episcopal [Page 61]Work, his general Visitation, which was applauded much by all, except two sorts of men. Some that had not done their Duty, and were mulcted, Quid tristes querimoniae, si non supplicio culpa reciditur, Horat. Od. 24. lib. 3. such could not escape Censure, who suffer'd with moderation, by one that appeared in his temperate Judicature rather to be above the Faults than above the Men. Two others, and of the Ministry, were sullen, because they did not speed in their Presentments according to their mind; the reason was, the Complainants were found to be rugged and contentious, not giving good Example of Yielding and Peace.

62. Let me cast in a small handful of other things fit to be remark'd: In adject is mensura non quaeritur. The Bishop of Lincoln is a Visitor of some Colleges by their local Statutes in both Universities: This Bishop visited Kings-College in Cambridge, upon the Petition of the Fellows thereof, anno 1628. when he shew'd himself to be a great Civilian and Canonist, before those learned Hearers; but the Cause went for the right worthy Provost Dr. Collins, in whose Govern­ment the Bishop could perceive neither Carelesness nor Covetousness. The most that appeared was, That the Doctor had pelted some of the active Fel­lows with Slings of Wit: At which the Visitor laugh'd heartily, and past them by, knowing that the Provost's Tongue could never be worm'd to spare his Jests, who was the readiest alive to gird whom he would with innocent and facetious Urbanity. The Provost of Orial-College in Oxford, Dr. T [...]lson, with others of his Society, visited the Bishop at his Palace of Bugd [...], with a Signifi­cation to the Bishop, that they might eject one of the Members of their Founda­tion, Mr. Tailour. The Bishop saw there was small reason to raise such a Dust out of a few indiscreet words; yet he satisfied Dr. Tol [...]on, that Mr. Ta [...]our should depart, so it were with a farewel of Credit; and he liked Mr. Tadour so well, that he took him into his own House, till he had provided the Living of Hemp­sted for him. As [...] said of his own Brother in Erasm. Epist. p. 417. Illius mores tales sunt, ut omnibus possint congruere. A benevolent Nature will agree with all men, and please the Adversaries of both sides. Those of young and tender years were much in his Care, as appeared, that he seldom travelled, but Notice being given before, he staid at some Town or Village, to confirm such as were but even past children, to lay his Hands on them, and to bless them, and did it ostener than the 60 Canon requires: An ancient and an admirable Order, when such were presented as were before made ready by being exactly catechized. And for Childrens sakes he listen'd much, what good Schoolmasters he had in his Diocess, that bare the irksome and tedious Burden, to rear up a good Semi­nary for Church and State; such he valued, and thought their Place was bet­ter than is usually given them in the World. They are the tertia that make up a happy Corporation, as Charles the Fifth thought, who entring into any Imperial City or Burough, was wont to ask the Recorder that did congraturate him, Have you a good Magistrate? Have you a good Pastor? Have you a good Schoolmaster? If he said Yes; Then all must be well among you, said the Emperor. Our Bishop had the opportunity to consecrate Churches new re-edisied, and Chappels erected, which he perform'd with much Magnificence and Ceremony, that the Houses of God, his Houses of Prayer, might be had in a venerable regard. Nothing was more observ'd in that Performance, than that at the hal­lowing of a Chappel, belonging to the Mansion-place of Sir Gostwick in Bed­fordshire, the Knight's Son and Heir being born deaf and dumb, and continuing in that defect, no sooner did the Bishop alight, and come into the House, but the young Gentleman kneeled down, and made signs to the Bishop, that he craved his Blessing, and had it with a passionate Embrace of Love. A sweet Creature he was, and is, of rare Perspicacity of Nature, rather of rare Illumina­tion from God, whose Behaviour, Gestures, and zealous Signs have procur'd and allow'd him admittance to Sermons, to Prayers, to the Lord's Supper, and to the Marriage of a Lady of a great and prudent Family, his Understanding spea­king as much in all his motions, as if his Tongue could articulately deliver his Mind. Nor was any of the Prelacy of England more frequented than this Lord, for two things: First, by such as made Suit unto him, to compound their Dif­ferences, that they might not come to the chargeable and irksome attendance of the Courts of Law. Aversos solitus componere amicos, Horat. Serm. 5. And so many Causes were referred to him, and by no mean ones, that he continued, like a petty Chancellor, to arbitrate Contentions. Secondly, Sundry did ap­peal to his Judgment for Resolution of Cases of Consciences (and most in Matri­monial [Page 62]Scruples) and of intricate Points of Faith, as about Justisication and Predestination; in which, when he thought the doubting Person would not be contented with Discourse, he gave them his Resolutions very long and la­borious, in Writing; which gathered together, and as I have seen them dige­sted, would have made an handsome Tractate, but the worst Visitor that ever came to a Bishop's House seized on them, and never restored them. This was Kilvert, a vexatious Prosecutor of many in the Court of Star-chamber, for the King, whose Lineaments are drawn out in the Ninth Book of Apul. Metam. Omnia prorsus, ut in quandam comorum latrinam, in ejus animum vitia consluxerunt. Every Beast hath some ill Property; this Beastly Fellow had all. He stands too near so good a Subject as is in hand, for this is the lively Image of a renowned Bishop, the Image but of one, though the good Parts of many may be concen­tred in this one; as the Agrigentine Painter made Juno, by the Pattern of five well-favour'd Virgins. All that I have drawn up of his Pastoral Behaviour was seen in the Day-light; therefore, as St. Paul said of the Corinthians, whom he had commended, so I may with Modesty apply it to my Subject; If I have boasted any thing of him to you, I am not ashamed, 2 Cor. 7.14. Nor is this all of him in that Holy Charge, not by a great deal, but so much as is preserved in Script and Memory after the ransacking of his Papers: Therefore, as Tully writes, lib. 3. de Orat. Majus quiddam de Socrate quàm quantum Platonis libri prae se ferunt, cog [...]andum: That Socrates was a braver man than Plato had made him in his Dialogues. So I have not made Dr. Williams so compleat a Bishop as he was; he was more than I have describ'd him, and would have been far more than himself had attain'd to, if the Messenger of Satan had not been sent to bus­set him in many Troubles and Trials, lest he should have been exalted above measure.

63. After much that hath been dilated in this Book, pleasing for Peace and Honour, Praise-worthy for Merit and Vertue, I must make room for Grief; it will thrust in into every Registry and Chronicle, into the remembrance of any man's Life, which is continued from the beginning to the end. Says [...]lato in his Phaedon (after his way of a Fable-frame of Philosophy) when Jupiter could not make Joy and Sorrow agree, [...]. He yoked their Heads together, that they could never be parted: Therefore those things which God's Providence hath joyn'd inseparably, no Pen can put asunder; so that the Current of this History, hitherto clear, must fall into a dead Sea-like Jordan. The Good which this famous Bishop did, must be continued with the Evil which he suffer'd: As Polusiote writes of Jeremias, that he was [...], the most passive, the most persecuted of all the Prophets: So of all that this Church had preferr'd to the like Dignity, (except them that resisted to Blood) none was wounded with so many Darts of Despight as this man, or aviled with so many Censures, or stood so long in chase before his Enemies. Having delivered up the Great Seal, from the first day that he removed to Bugden, all Promises were broken, which gave him Assurance of Countenance and Safety; and the place to which he was bidden to go, as to a Sanctuary, assorded him no more shelter, than an Arbour in the Winter against a Shower of Rain. Therefore to keep off Mistakes, be it noted, as to the time, it was the same, wherein he lived so like a Bishop, and wherein he suffer'd so like a Confessor. But Method di­stinguisheth those Troubles by themselves, like Tares gathered from the good Wheat, and bound in their own Bundles. Some are greater, practis'd upon no Subject before, nor fit to be done hereafter. Some are lesser matters, yet not unworthy my Hand: When they are disposed Limb by Limb, and in order as they were done, there will be much of them (I would they had been less) and be known to be enforced, without Shame of the World) with so much Wrong and Rancour that an indifferent Reader will depose, there needs no Fiction nor Colour, to make them worse than they were. Those that were outdone in the first place, were outgone by them that came after: Quid prima querar? Quid summa gemam? Pariter cuncla deslere juvat. Sene. Her. Oet. What the last and greatest should have been is unknown, because they came not to that Birth: It was decreed by Men, but undecreed by GOD, who sent his Judgments upon all, and brought both Actors and Sufferers to utter Ruin by that Parliament, which held us as long as the issue of Blood held the Woman in the Gospel, Twelve years, Mat. 9.20. It was no thanks to his Foes to give over then: It was strange they would not give over till then, when one black day, like a Dooms-day, blended the whole Hierarchy, and (with their [Page 63]Lordships Leave) the Nobility in one mass of Destruction. Those underfatiga­ble Enemies that pursued him, knew that he could never fall so low while he was alive, but that there was Worth, which was like to get up, and rise again: He had never felt such Sorrow if he had been contemn'd. It was his ill luck to be feared, because of the great Powers of his Mind, whom none had cause to fear, since he never fought Revenge. Then they saw he would stand upright, and never stoop, after they had loaded his Back with so many Burthens, which made them obstinate to proceed, and labour in vain to crush out that which was not Wind, but Spirit. The Mountainous Coun­try of Wales, wherein he was born, breeds hardy men, but sew his Equals, which Courage is no more to be forgotten, than the twelve Labours of Hercu­les. Let Xenophon speak for Socrates, so must I for this Hero: [...] Apolog. in sine. Observing the Wisdom and Generosity of the Man, I cannot but remember him; and when I remember him. I cannot but praise him. Neither were it useful (I will subscribe to it) to bring up his Sufferings from the Dead, now he is gone, unless the People that come after may be made the wiser and the stronger by them, if they fall into the like: But noble Examples are like the best Porcellan Dishes of China, which are made in one Age, laid up in the Earth, and are brought forth to be used in another. That's the Goal I drive to: And those Circuitions which are brought in for those Applications sake, will make that, which might be shut up in a little, swell into a Volume. Casaubon gives us this Warning of Polybius, in his rare Preface before him: Ita narrat ut moneat: Personam historici cum assump­sit Polybius, non in totum exuit philosophi. Folybius was a Philosopher in his Hi­story; so would I be, and more, a Teacher of Christ, and the Laws of his Church, as I am by Ordination.

64. For an entrance, I take my method from a wise Artist, concerning the long and dangerous Adventures of his Aeneas, to search into the Cause, Quo numine laeso, which way it came about, since there was no man living, whose Harm this Bishop wish'd, that he could never find his Peace and Prosperity again, when once he had lost them? Why, principally I cast it upon his Sins; What Man is without them? And his were not many, but those some were great ones; a lofty Spirit, whose motion tended upward, restless to climb to Fower and Honour; And not one among an hundred of great Aspirers that live to see quiet days. And this was joyn'd with too much Fire in the pas­sion of his Anger, in which Mood indeed, which is strange, he would reason excellently, and continue it in the very Euro-clydon of his Choler; as the Low Germans are most cunning at a Bargain, when they are more than half tippled. But in such an evil extasie of the Mind, words would fall from him, or from any, which pleased not Men, and were hateful to GOD: Let these stand for the Fore-singer, that points to the cause of his bitter Encounters. Every man's evil Genius, that haunts him, is his own Sin, which wipes not out any paat of the Good which hath been written of him before. The same man appears not the same, but another in some miscarriages. Polybius, lib. 16. com­mends Philip the Son of Demetrius very much, and anon dispraises him, but re­conciles it thus: [...]. It is ne­cessary for a true Reporter, one while to extol, in another case to discommend the same person. Take one Advice beside; No man that hath read God's own Judgment upon the Trial of Job, will censure him for the greatest Sinner, that hath been the greatest Sufferer. To take up the Cross had not been an insepa­rable Accident with receiving the Faith of the Gospel, unless it were rather a Badge of Favour than of Punishment. He is happy, if he knows it, whose Faults enter their Action against him in this Life; he is a Prisoner of Hope, Zech. 9.11. and his Heart is blind, if he do not seek Mercy, and sind it: Afflictions are Fetters for a Fool, and Bracelets for them that know how to wear them. And it is finely said in the Essay, That the good things belonging to Prosperity are to be wish'd, but the good things belonging to Adversity are to be admi­red. This being a true and a divine Sentence, That Sin, and nothing else, makes the Stock of every man's Comfort to dye in the Ground, as Job loves to speak, it hangs well together, that God knows best in what manner to punish every man's Sin; who gave this Prelate great Favour with King James, but took King Charles's Affection from him. The Lord H. Howard, in his Book against Judicious Astrology, turns these Turnings into this use: Change of Princes [Page 64]breeds change of Favourites; but they that are once dear to God, are ever dear to him. I protest to the Reader, that Bishop Williams could not be brought to believe, that the King bad any Willingness in his own Heart to afflict and bruise him, but that such things came from the Infusion of those that had too much of His Majesty's Ear, and by Importunity transported him from the lenity of his own Judgment. And when the greatest Sorrows compass'd him about, he desired only to be brought to the King, with the advantage of half an hour, to declare his Injuries and Innocency, so much he perswaded himself that he was right in his gracious Opinion. He knew him to be a Prince Pious and Just: He presum'd his Noble Soul would never for­get with what Success his Counsel and Contrivance removed all Obstructions, to bring him as safe out of Spain as he desir'd: He had received a Promise of everlasting Love and Kindness, for tracing the Jugglings of Inoihosa, and bring­ing them to light, whereby the dangerous Jealousies of the old King were re­moved, and His Highness received sweetly into his Father's Bosom. An honest man could not be suspicious, that the memory of such faithful Service was lost. But standers-by thought they saw more than the Bishop did, who might soonest be mistaken in the Crisis of his own Disease, because flattering Hope is but a waking Dream. If the King had not been pleased in his Sufferings, why did he let them swell so far? As his Royal Name was used in all, so his Good liking went to all, or after so many Bruisings, Gentleness had not been forgot­ten. The Instruments next to be nam'd were most guilty of the Violence; yet the highest Power did more than permit and look on. As it is the Sun that scorcheth in July, and not the Dog-Star; it is a popular Error, which con­ceives as if that Star, when it rose, did cause the heat of the Weather: Yet still the Bishop would not think his Case was in that extremity, that the King's Anger was in it: For as it is spoken of Padre-Paulo, in his Life, That he was less sensible of Fear than ordinarily men use to be; so this man would af­fright himself with nothing, least of all, with that which was close and uncer­tain, and would often say in a Frolick, That Miseries are like the Plague, if you fear them, you draw them to you. But, which will give great light to the Subject now handled, once he was startled at a word which fell suddenly from the King, in a few weeks after the death of his Father; one told him, that came from the French Court, as it is in the Cabal, p. 203. That the Spanish Ambassador spake openly there, when the Marriage with the Princess Mary was to be finish'd, That he could not have two Wives, for their Infanta was surely his: To which the King replied, There are some English, as well as Spaniards, that are of that Opinion. Which being carried from the King's Mouth to this Bishop, he said with a low Voice, I know no such; but if he mean me, it will be the worse for me while I live. From which let a wise man find out what he can, so he find no more than he should. Either this, or some such hard Conceit, lay hid in the King's Stomach, against a most deserving Church-man. And every Age had some such Exam­ple, at which it was astonish'd. No History speaks any ill of the Empress Eudoxia, but that she could not agree with Chrysostom. Harry the Seventh, one of our best Kings, was very iniquous to Lord Stanly, one of his best Subjects: Not a better Lady than Q. Elizabeth, nor a better Peer than the Duke of Nor­folk, yet Statesmen thought that neither were safe while the other lived. The Hand of the Just may be heavy against the Just, by woful Experience: The greatest Claw-backs of the Pope confess, Though he cannot err, say they, in an Opinion of Faith, he may err in the mistake of a Person; as to canonize a wrong Saint, and excommunicate a right one. Which shews, that my Conscience is in no such streight, to derogate from the Glory of a most blessed King, because his Dis­pleasure, darken'd by human Error, lighted upon a Mephibosheth, a faultless person.

65. The Duke of Buck. (Who knows it not?) was the Bishop's strong and protested Enemy, who vowed, that of all he had given him, (but with as much good liking of K. James as of his Lordship) he would leave him nothing; who when he threatned an ill turn, had Power to do it, and did not often forget it: Which made the Bishop shelter himself under the King's Grace and Benevo­lence, of which he did never cease to have a strong Perswasion, begging, as it is Cabal. p. 109, for God's sake, and for his blessed Father's sake, that His Majesty would allay the Duke's causeless Displeasure, who was so little satisfied with any thing that he could do or suffer, that he had no means left to appease his An­ger, but Prayers to God, and his Sacred Majesty. In the mean time that one [Page 65]Foe made the distressed Party get many Friends; like Rabirius's Fortune in Tully, Nihil aeque ac judicis accrbitas profurt; who had nothing to help him so much, as that Caesar did hunt after his Ruin with so much violence. Now that which made the Duke's Defiances grow fiercer day by day, was not the Bishop's stoutness, (to which he was sufficiently prone) for he had sought him with all Submission, which was on this side of despicable Baseness: But be­cause being sent to for his Opinion, both by his Grace's Mother, and his most­sollicitous Friends, he had faithfully express, That he did not like the ways wherein he magnified himself to serve the King: Who did not foresee the Envy that his Magniloquence bred, ranting it sometimes, That he would make His Ma­jesty the greatest Monarch in Europe. I doubt not but his Head did work about it, and was so noble, that he would have died to effect it: And some that faw­ned upon him with all obsequiousness, did seem to admire him in it; as the Earl of Holland, among others; such are the Contents of his Letters, Cab. p. 297. I hope nothing shall light upon your Lordship, but what you deserve, the which, to my knowledge, is of more Value and Esteem, than any man in the World could, or ever can merit from this Kingdom. The Bishop, that would not concur to de­stroy him, by misguidance of Flattery, who had been Copartner with King James in his Preferments, sung quite to another Tune: He liked not his Pre­parations against Cales, but presaged a dishonourable Return; and prest that Maxim home to divert him from it, That a King must make himself sure in the Love of his own People at home, before he bid War abroad to such a rich and mighty Nation. Next, the second Parliament being summoned, and this Bishop deman­ded what was best for the Duke's abearing in it, he resolv'd it to those Friends that ask'd it, His best way will be, not to come near it; for it will be impossible for him to close with this Parliament, who, contrary to my Advice, offended the former, and broke it up: Let him remove himself, by some great Embassage, till the first Session be ended, into Germany if he will, as far as Vienna, if he dare trust the King of Spain's greatest Friend and nearest Ally. This was disrelish'd, for they of E. Buck. Counsel, rather than send him so far from the King, would hazard him in the Parliament, in which they thought they were strong enough, by the Party they had made, to keep him from all Offence, as well in his Honour as in his Person. The Bishop persisted to remove them from their Confidence; for no­thing is more fallacious than such Expectation. Many that are bespoken, and promise fair, are quite alter'd when they are mingled with their fellow-Judges in the House. As Matchiavel says it was a Florentine Proverb, Populus alurm animum in foro, alium in Senatu habet, De Rep. lib. 1. c. 47. All that he said fol­lowed as right as ever Lucas Guaricus drew up a Scheme of Predictions; for, that Parliament discharged such a Volley of Complaints against his Lordship, that the Votes of the Declinators could not be heard for the noise. And his Grace pluck'd hard for Peace and Popularity with the Commons, but could not encounter them. But, what a struggling he kept with his hard Destiny, to be enflamed the more against the much abused Bishop, because his Predi­ctions were so prophetical! A good Chaplain would have told him, that God's Wisdom is seen by his Fore-warnings, and his Goodness in giving them. Nor was it Justice to account him a Foe, because he was wiser than an ordinary Friend: But, who had the worst of it in the end? Or rather, who had the worst of it from the very beginning? Miserior est qui suscipit in se scelus, quàm qui alterius facinus subire cogitur, Tul. Phil. II. He is more miserable that doth a Wrong, than he that suffers it. Yet, by the Mediation of wise men, the Duke continued not full two years more in this Uncharitableness; for he promised, at a secret Meeting, two months before he died, to repossess the Bishop in Favour, and design'd a time for the open profession of it; so that the Sun of his Life did not go down in Wrath: And God did appear in it, who will not always chide, neither will he keep his anger for ever, Psal. 103. v 9.

66. Of all men, Bishop Laud was the Party whose Enmity was most tedious, and most spightful against his great Benefactor Lincoln. He batter'd him with old and new Contrivances fifteen years: His very Dreams were not without them, as they are enrolled in his Memorials, drawn out with his own Hand: I will touch that Fault, that great Fault, with a gentle Hand, because of that Good which was in him; because in other things, I believe, for my part, he was better than he was commonly thought; because his Death did extinguish a great deal of Envy. I meet with him in his worst Action that ever he did, and cannot shun it: If I should draw him in purposely to defame him, now [Page 66]he is at rest, I were more sacrilegious than if I rob'd his Tomb. Qui cineres at (que) ossa perempti insequitur, Virg. Let it be the Character of a Miscreant: But his Part is in every Act and Scene of a Tragical Persecution of 15 years: Hoc etiam ipsi culpabunt mali, Plautus in Bacchid. Perhaps it began from an Emu­lation to keep him back, who was only like to be Bishop Laud's Competitor, for the greatest Place of our Church. Had it gone no further, it might be cen­fur'd moderately, for a common Temptation. No wonder if the Seal and the Sword-fish never swim quietly in the same Channel. But, to discontinue Bro­therly Love upon that score, to throw it aside, to further all pernicious means, tending to the Infamy and Ruin of his imagin'd Rival, it is past Excuse, and can bear no Apology. O how many are in Safety of Conscience, that should not be so! For he that loveth not his Brother, much more he that hateth him, abideth in death, 1 Joh. 3.14. That opinion which my self and many have of his Since­rity, appearing not in a little, and the Proofs of his Bitterness being so evi­dent in this Cause, it deserves a little Direction, to take away suspense of Judgment. Experience, one of the plainest Teachers, doth demonstrate, that some Drift, or Delight, may creep so far into the Heart of him that fears God, that he will not look upon the Deformity of it as he should, to think it a Sin: Which I take to be the reason of Polygamy in the Patriarchs, and the best Kings of Juda. Most of all, an evil thing may soon be attempted, when we think we may do it without hazarding our Salvation; and we dare yet do more, when we have no Fear to be answerable to the Justice of Men. Spalat. says, lib. 4. Ecc. Reip, c. 7. par. 13. That John Bishop of Constantinople, that assu­med to himself the Title of Universal Bishop, or Patriarch, was a good man, gi­ven greatly to Alms, and Fasting, but too much addicted to advance the Ti­tle of his See; which made a plausible Prelate seem to be Antichrist to Gregory the Great. Pick out of this to the present Subject, what a Provocation it was to the ambitious Spirit of Bishop Laud, a man of many Good Works, to blow out his Light, that in common Opinion did outshine him: Which I may al­lude to, in way of Parody, from the Apostle, 2 Cor. 3.10. He that was made glorious, had no glory in this respect, by reason of the glory that excelleth. And what a Temptation it was to follow his Thrust, when he was perswaded, that the re­moving of one suspected would be the bottom of his Safety? Therefore accor­ding to the Prudence and Charity that God hath given me, I will neither alto­gether shake off the good Esteem I had of him, nor think too highly and absolutely of human Infirmity. And this is inserted, to do him Justice, who was the chiefest cause, under God's Providence and Permission, of all the In­justice and Troubles that did light upon Lincoln. It is an old Rule in Gregorius Thaumat. in Orat. Paneg. ad Originem, [...]. I think it not fit to praise one man, with the reproach of others; for it implies a Contradiction, to think to do Right to one, by doing Wrong to another: Which is enough to bring off the mention of the Causes, that dealt not well with an innocent man: And though, for all he suffer'd, he had no reason to thank his Enemies, I may chearfully write it, he had reason to thank God for his Enemies.

67. The Particulars at which the person aggrieved took Unkindness, are now to be remembred, keeping near to the Shore at first, before we launch into the Deep: And had the Bishop's humble Petition been heard, which he made to His Majesty, Cabal. p. 118. that deep had never been sounded.

I Beseech your Majesty, for Christ Jesus sake, not to believe News or Accusations against me, concerning my Carriage past, present, or to come, while I stand thus enjoyned from your Royal Presence, before you shall have heard my Answer and Defence to the Particulars. They that inform your Majesty, may, God knoweth, be oftentimes misinformed.

It was time for him to supplicate for this Justice, for he knew that his Name was abused in the King's Bed-chamber, with continual Scandals; Lyes that were untraceable in their ground and original. And he had reason to suspect, that of such Stuff there was more than came to his Knowledge: But Jealousies had better sigh themselves away, than crave Redress from Princes; against such secret Stingings there's no prevention, but great Fear; for they that go a Batt-fowling in the dark, to seek matter of Crimination, and inject mistrustful and uncharitable Reports day by day, to undermine the man they aim at, fetch [Page 67]that about by many Fly-blowings, which they cannot do at once: As a little Sand gathers into a body by many Tydes, and in time becomes a Shelf, and at last a Bar, or Quick-sand, able to drown the best Frigat. It is fit that Kings should have Intelligence, but upon the Peril of him that brings not a Truth. It is fit they should know their Subjects, but not in a false Glass. He that abuseth a Kings Ears, robs not from the Sheaf, or from the Stack, but from the Seed-corn, which is treble Thievery. A man that spreads Libels corrupts the People: A Delator that whispers invented Tales into his Soveraign, is worse, for he cor­rupts him that is worth Ten thousand of the People. Bishop Hall's sweet Passage is worth the learning; That it is good to be Led, not to be Carried by the Ears: That is, it is good to use the Ear, not to trust to it. These Blob-tales, when they could find no other News to keep their Tongues in motion, laid open our Bishop for a Malignant, because he gave Entertainment at his Board, to such as carried a Grudge to the Lord Duke's Prosperity; who, if such, came in their course to his House upon old acquaintance, but upon no factious design, that ever was proved. Hard was the Condition of Archbishop Abbot, as he com­plains in his Manuscript, That he was accused for Sir Tho. Wentworth's resorting to him, who had been with him but once in three quarters of a Year, and then to consult about Sir George Savile's Son and Heir, to whom jointly they were both Guardians. This Superintendency to watch every man that goes in and out in a great Family, is too mean for the Care, and too base for the Fear of a Generous Ruler. Listen to Caesar's Mind, as Mutius reports it to Cicero, in the familiar Epistles; Caesar nunquam interpellavit, quin quibus vellem, at (que) etiam quos ipse non diligebat, tamen uterer. Admit there was no Harm, for there was none, in the Society that this Bishop kept, yet the Case is alter'd when a man is de­spighted, and when Grievances are blown out to their utmost wideness, by the Hatred carried against him. Yet well-fare Circumspection, and Innocency, that these privy Suggestions went out one by one, like Sparks that fall upon dank and unprepared matter. More Harm was expected to come from a Commission of Thirteen, who had Order from the Duke to meet together, to sift into every part and passage of the Bishop's Transactions, and to collect what was culpable, and would bear Censure in the Kings-bench, Star-chamber, or High Court of Parliament. The chiefest of the Thirteen in Place, was Sir Rob. Heath Attorny-General, but an honest man, and a fair dealer. This was car­ried with that little noise, that for a good space the vigilant Bishop was not awaked with it, till some of his old Officers broke it to him, who were called, and interrogated upon some of his Decrees and Dispatches. Sir Anth. Welden (I borrow the Testimony of an Enemy) expresseth it thus, p. 174. His Rum was determin'd, not upon any known Crime, but upon Circumstances and Examinations, to pick out Faults committed in his whole Life-time. And, as it were to confront the Tribunal of this unusual Inquisition, the Bishop writes to His Majesty, just at the time when it sate, That no use might be made of his Sacred Name, to wound him; but that he craved no Protection against any other Accuser or Accusation whatsoever, Cab. p. 118. See the stoutness of a clear Conscience: He knew how the Bushes were beaten, and how the Beagle ranged the Field for Game. He heard the Cry of the Blood-hounds, that nosed the Ground where he trod. Qui si non cecidit, potuit cecidisse videri, Metam. lib. 2. But all was well; that Commissi­on ended at Labour in vain; not as the old Emblem is, to go about to make a Black-moor white, but to make him that was White to appear like a Black-moor. That Inquisition could find no Fault in him, but it is easie to find Fault with that Inquisition. A Magistrate must try him that is accused for a Delinquent, be­cause he is a Judge; but he must not try how he may make a Delinquent, because he is a Father. There was nothing good in that privy Search, but that the Patient was no Patient; and, that his Enemies lookt far into him, and found nothing which they fought for. Like them that delve into the bottom of the Sea, and fetch up Sponges; so The Righteous shall hold on his way; and he that hath clean hands shall be stronger and stronger, Job 17.9.

68. Neither did it deject the Bishop to be made a Gazing-stock by Dispa­ragements. The King's Coronation, and his second Parliament, began together at Candlemas; and he was warned by Letter to serve at neither. A Coronation being usually accompanied with a General Pardon, should have cast a Frown upon none: Yet his Place was not granted him, to do his Homage among the Spiritual Lords, nor to assist the Archbishop, at the Sacred Parts of that high Solemnity, as Dean of Westminster. It is arbitrary, and at the King's Pleasure, [Page 68]to range that Royal Ceremony as he likes best; to follow former Presidents, or wave them; to intrust what Ministers he likes, in the Management, except some Tenure or old Charter give admittance to some persons without exception. Otherwise in the very principal performance, says venerable Saravia, De Christ. Obed. p. 139. Ab Episcopo traditur corona, quod potest furi à proceribus. But the Dean of the Collegiate Church of Westminster did attend, as a specal Officer at the Coronation of K. James, after the manner of Deacon to the Archbishop of Can­terbury, (it was Dr. Andrews) which could not be granted him by Prescription; for there was no Dean, nor any such Dignity in the Church, at the Corona­tion of Q. Elizabeth. But upon the new Foundation, Anno 3. of that Queen, the Dean was intrusted with the Custody of K. Edward's Crown, and the other Rega­lia, and Decorum was kept thereupon, to give him a great Employment of As­sistance on that day. Yet the Regalia were kept in a strong place of that Church long before: For, I find in Baron. anno 1060. par. II. That Pope Nicho­las the Second gave a Charter to that Abby, Ut sit repositorium regalium insignium. What a busie Fisher was this, that would have an Oar, or a Net rather, in every Boat? Could not the Kings of England, without him, appoint the fit­test place for the Custody of the Ornaments of their Imperial Majesties? He that was so kind to dispose who should keep the Crown, did mean, That the King should not wear it without his Leave and Courtesie. And let it be his Fault to be impertinent, and to meddle with the keeping of Royal Trea­sure, that did not concern him: What is their Crime, that have carried them quite away, both Crown, and Scepter, and Robes, from their ancient Sacrary? (I would that had been all.) This was wont to be the Mark of him that op­poseth and exalts himself above all that is called GOD, Dixi Dii est is, 2 Thess. 2.4. But, what's the matter that I have almost lost my self in this Loss? I was about to tell, that Bishop Williams must not wait in the Honourable Place of the Dean, at the Coronation, but in a Complement he was sent to Name one of the Twelve Prebendaries, to serve in his room. This was devised to fret him, and to catch a Wasp in a Water-trap. Bishop Laud was a Prebendary at this time, and the Substitute intended at Court, to act in the Coronation. If Lincoln should Name him, he had been laugh'd at, for preferring the man that thrust himself by;—And if he did not Name him, and no other, he had been check'd for inscribing one of a lesser Order in the Church, before a Bi­shop, to so great a Service. But his Wit saved him from either Inconvenience: He sent the Names of his Twelve Brethren to the King, resigning it up to His Majesty to elect whom he pleased. A Submission which Climacus would call Sepulchrum voluntatis, a dead Obedience, without a sensible Concurrence. And he stirred no more, either by Challenge or Petition, to do that eminent Office of the Deanery in his own Person, but says in his Letter to the King, That he submitted to that Sequestration; for so he calls it. It is wise to sit down when a man can trouble no Body but himself, if he moves. Especially I affect the Lesson which Erasmus gives in an Epistle, p. 222. Pulchrius est aliquando mode­stia, quam cansâ superare. It is handsomer sometimes to excel in Modesty, than to win a Cause.

69. Other Reasons sway'd this circumspect man, to carry it with no such In­differency, that he was not called to the Parliament: But to do Honour to the King, and to save his own Right (nay, the common Right of Peers) he took a middle way between Crouching and Contumacy. He call'd it His Majesty's Gracious Pleasure, (and was in earnest, that he esteem'd it so) to spare his Pre­sence at the Parliament; but he expostulated to have a Writ of Summons (de­nied to no Prisoners, no, nor condemned Peers, in the late Reign of his blessed Father, Cab. p. 118.) that accordingly he might make a Proxy; which he could not do, the Writ not receiv'd. And he struggled, till he had it in his own way, and entrusted it with the Lord Andrews, Bishop of Winchester, it being the last Parliament wherein that famous Servant of God sate, and the last year of his Life. But the — Mr. W. Sanders tells us, p. 143. of his Annals of King Charles, That Lincoln, at this time, continued not a Peer, but a Prelate in Par­liament. Res memoranda novis Annalibus, at (que) recenti—historiâ, Juven. Sat. 2. This is a pitiful matter; for, what Bishop of Lincoln could be a Prelate in those days, and not a Peer? Is it his meaning, that he did not sit among the Peers? Nor did he sit among the Prelates in Convocation; but by Proxy he sate in both places as Peer and Prelate. A Letter sent from him to the King, and dated March 12. will clear this matter, and greater things, or else it had not [Page 69]been publish'd. 'Tis large and confident, searing the Duke's Greatness no more than the Statuary Work of a vast Colossus. But as Portius Latro says in Sallust, Gravissimi sunt morsus irritatae necessitat is; 'Tis no marvel if Necessity break good Manners; which will break through Stone Walls, says the Proverb: And much Provocations attends not much whom it displeaseth. The Letter follows.

Most Mighty and Dread Soveraign,

IT becometh me, of all the rest of your Subjects, having been so infinitely obliged to Your Majesty, to cast my self down at your Feet, and oppose no Interpretation Your Majesty shall be pleased to make of any of my Actions whatsoever: Howbeit, before the receipt of my Lord Keeper's Letter, that I had carried my absence from the Parliament with as much Humility and Respect to Your Majesty, as ever Subject of England did to­wards his Soveraign. The delivery of my Proxy to the first Bishop Your Majesty na­med, I excused mannerly to Your Majesty, but with a private Reason to my Lord Keeper, not to be replied against. The second Lord Bishop is directly uncapable of that part of my Proxy, which concerneth the House of Convocation. These two Lords, now named by Your Majesty, are without exception: Were it not divulged in the Upper House, that I am to have a Proctor thrust upon me, against all Presidents; and that I dare not re­fuse him, because I am guilty of (I know not what) Crimes? When I wrote unto Your Majesty humbly, as became me, my Letter, deliver'd by Your Majesty to the Duke, was publish'd by him, as an Effect of a dejected and guilty Conscience. When I shall obey your Majesty in the disposal of my Proxy, my L. Duke may use that Act also, not only to serve himself (which I desire he should with all my Heart) but principally to wound and deprave me. Displeasures of Favourites, which are without Ground, are also with­out End. Hoc habent animi magnâ fortunâ insolentes, quos laeserunt, & oderunt. His Grace hath told Your Majesty, that I call'd the Chapter at Westminster, against the12 th of May,to have a Colour to come to the Parliament; whereas the Chapter is appointed to be held at that day, by the Statutes of the College. He hath told Your Ma­jesty, that I held correspondence with the Earl of Bristol; from whom I have received neither Letter or Message these two years, as I will answer it with my Head. He hath told Your Majesty (and all the World beside) that I stirred the Lower House at Oxford, and have my secret Instruments against his Grace even in this Parliament. If he be able to prove either of these Charges, I will lose not only my Bishoprick (which his Grace hath threatned, against the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, to take away from me) but withal my Life also. My Case ( Dread Soveraign) is miserable, and the more, be­cause it is not mine alone. Your Commands come immediately in your own Name, and therefore must be readily obeyed. Your Graces are streined through the Hands of another, and therefore are either not at all, (as in my Case) or not so purely, and sincerely recei­ved. And when Your Majesty punisheth, (pardon a Truth plainly deliver'd, which you were wont to love, Dread Soveraign) you do it not like your self, because you do it not your self. A King, be he never so severe, when he chasteneth his Subjects, doth punish them with Justice, because they are his Subjects; but yet with Mercy, because they are his own. An angry Lord, that makes bold with the King's Authority, lays on Load, as upon Men, and that without Mercy, as upon the Subjects of another. It was a Com­plaint of Vinius Galba's Favourite, and it is most worthy Your Majesties remembrance, Minore licentiâ grassatus esset T. Vinius, si ipse imperasset: Nunc & subjectos nos habuit, tanquam suos; & viles, ut alienos. And in my case for the present, if I should stand upon my Right, and refuse Your Majesty, I must expect all Severity, because another hath your Rod. If I shall yield and obey, I must hope for no acceptation, because another holds the Garland. And for this other, if I seek him, my Letters are shew'd, and I am made foul and guilty: If I let him alone, I am deprived of the Sun and the Rain, the ordinary Graces and Influences of Your Majesty. Lastly, When I know, and all the World beside, that I sink only under the causeless Malice of a Subject, yet doth that great man wash his Hands, and publish (to the vexation of my honest Soul) That I lye buried under the immediate Hatred of my Soveraign. And therefore, with an humble Protestation against Fear of Punishment, which cannot fall upon my Innocency, or Hope of Favour, sure to be kept back by the Greatness of my Adversary; I do, out of religious Duty, and mere Obedience to Your Sacred Majesty, and no other Respect what­soever, send this Proxy for my L. of Winchester, which I humbly beseech Your Sacred Majesty to direct not to be sent to his Lordship, until such time as there shall be Use there­of, &c.

[Page 70] 70. Such as knew the Duke of Buck. Metal, will say, that this was like to be answer'd with a Mischief. But it may be his Grace gave the other the more Liberty to write what he would, because he had stopt his Mouth from spea­king in Parliament. Which was a Benefit: For Athenagoras was not deprived of Athens, but Athens was deprived of Athenagoras. There is much Weight in the worth of one man: And much might have been expected from one that was so active, and well versed to stop the Breaches of Contentions, if he had been used and sought to. The Duke was ill advis'd, to keep them out of the House by threes and fours, of whose Opposition he was jealous, and could not tye up their Tongues, that fell upon him by hundreds. Sir Edward Cook, Sir T. Wentworth, Sir Robert Philips, were prick'd to be High-Sheriffs of Bucking­ham, York, Somerset Shires, to put them into Incapacity to be Members of the Commons-House. What said our Bishop to it, being in a merry Pin, when one told him, For certain he should be restrain'd from his Place in the House of Peers? What then? Am I made High-Sheriff of Huntington-shire? Such minute Policies are frivolous, and may serve among Huntsmen, to save the life of a Hare, when a sew of the old Dogs are tied up, and not brought into the Field. But were there now enow able men in both Houses, though half a score were spar'd, to fol­low their Game without changing? This was that Parliament, that spent the best part of 18 Weeks in drawing up a Charge, and prosecuting it against the L. Duke. What should this Bishop have done there, being neither fit for the offensive nor defensive part? How far he was from intending to offend, he exprest in a Passage about his Proxy, that he desired the Duke should serve him­self by it with all his Heart. And I heard him my self dispute it with one of the sharpest Antagonists of his Grace, in the time of the Session, and stagger him, That it was the safest way for the Publick Good, to desist from that vexatious Charge with this subtle Similitude; That if a Beast were got into a Field of Wheat, if the Neighbors ran in, and hunted it about with their Dogs, they would tread down more Corn than five Beasts could devour, if they were let alone. So, to spend so much Time and Pains upon a Charge against one Peer, did let Opportunity run by, wherein many good Laws might be made, and lost the Common-wealth more than it could gain by this Impeachment. Neither would he displease the King, to appear against a Lord that was unto him in a manner his whole Court. Una fuit nemus arbor, Ovid. And as Illustrius the Py­thagorean records it, that Tyberius the Emperor wrote his Letter thus for Polemo the Philosopher, [...]. He that will do Polemo wrong, let him consider if he can give me Battel. So His Majesty had wrapt up the Lord Duke, as it were, in his own Royal Robe, to preserve him: Yet if the Bishop had been in the Parliament, and had stood up to defend him, where there was openly such defiance of Enmity between them, he had been censur'd by all Judgment for double-mindedness, or sawning. And as Lanfrank charged one of his Predecessors, Remigius Bishop of Lincoln, Quod officio emerat Episcopatum: So the World would have censur'd this Prelate, that he kept his Place by Service; Simony, as Mr. Fuller calls it. And with what Safety and Li­berty he could appear, let one Passage demonstrate: The Duke demanded, that the Attorney-General might plead for him, in the House of Peers, against the Charge transmitted by the Commons; which was opposed, because the At­torney was one of the King's Learned Council, and sworn to plead in Causes concerning the King, and not against them: And the King is supposed to be ever present in the noble Senate of the Lords. It was rejoyn'd, That His Ma­jesty would dispense with the Attorney's Oath: It came to be a Case of Con­science, and was referr'd to the Bishop's Learning. Some of them judged for the Duke, that this was not an Assertory-Oath, which admits no alteration, but a Promissory-Oath, from which Promise the King, if he pleas'd, might release his Learned Counsel. Bishop Felton, a devout man, and one that feared God, very learned, and a most Apostolical Overseer of the Clergy whom he gover­ned, argued, That some Promissory-Oaths indeed might be relaxed, if great cause did occur; yet not without great cause, lest the Obligation of so sacred a thing as an Oath should be wantonly slighted. And in this Oath, which the Attorney had taken, it was dangerous to absolve him from it, lest bad Example should be given to dispense with any Subject, that had sworn faithful Service to the Crown; for which plain Honesty he was wounded with a sharp Rebuke: And the reverend Author told me this with Tears: Yet the Archb. Abbot said as [Page 71]much, and went farther, for whom Budaeus would stand up, a great Scholar, and a Statesman, De Asse lib. 3. fol. 102. Ne (que) turpe esse credo cos homines observare, quibus apud Principem gratiâ slagrare contigit, si non cosdem apud populum & ordines infamiâ & invidiâ slagrare videamus: As who would say, it is Duty to love a Favourite for the King's sake; and, it is Duty to desert him when he becomes a publick Scandal; For, no man will be happy to stick to him, who is so un­happy to become a common Hatred. All that Parliament was a long Discon­tent of eighteen weeks, and brought forth nothing but a Tympany of swelling Faction, and abrupt Dissolution; whereby the King saved that great Lord, who lost His Majesty in some expeditions Honour abroad, and the love of his People at home. This was another Fire-brand kindled, after the former at Oxford, to burn down the Royal House, and the most piously composed Church of England. For a wife Oratour says, it is Isocr. Orat. [...]. p. 243. The cause of an Evil must not be ascribed to things that concur just at the breaking out, [...]; but to the forerunning Mischiefs, which were soaking long to ripen the Distempers. Well was it for Lincoln that he had no hand in this Fray; for as the Voyagers to Greenland say, When the Whale-fishing begins, it is better to be on the Shore, and look on. E terrâ magnum alterius spectare laborem, than to be employed in the Ships to strike them, and hale them to Land.

71. Say then, that he neither did harm, nor receive any, by being shut out of this turbulent Parliament: Yet his Advice had been worth the asking, because of the Plunges that His Majesty was put to upon the Dissolution; but he heard of no Call to such a purpose: For no man looks on a Dyal in a cloudy day, when the Sun shines not on it. God's Mercy was in it; for he sate safer at home, than he could have done at the Council-Board at this time, where much Wisdom was tryed, to help the King's Necessities out of the Peoples Purses, by a Commandatory Loan, and with the least Scandal that might be; for not to run into some Offence was unavoidable. Pindar the Poet was call'd out of his House, to speak with some Friend in the Street, ( Castor and Pollux, says the Tale­teller) searce was his Foot over the Threshold when the Building sunk, and all that were within perish'd. Thus, upon a time, the least Shelter gave the most Safety; as did the lesser Honour procure this man the more Peace. But as Ca­millus in Livy thrust out of Rome, and retired to Ardea, prayed that they that had cashier'd him might have no need of him, so this forlorn Statesman would have been satisfied to have his place at the Council-Table supplied by others, if the King's Affairs had not wanted him at this instant, when he suddenly slid down from his former value in the love of this People. The Bishops (most likely it came from them) advised His Majesty first to fly to God, and to bid a publick Fast first at Court, then over all the Land about the fifth of July. Bish. Laud, whose Sermon was printed, preach'd before the King upon the 21st Verse of the 17th Chapter of St. Matthew, This kind goeth not out but by Prayer and Fasting. The Preface of the Book, and the Exhortation publish'd to the observing that solemn Fast, stirred up all good Christians to entreat God, not to take Vengeance on the Murmurings of the People; to keep their Spirits in Unity; to divert the plague of immoderate Rain, like to corrupt the Fruits of the Harvest; and chie­fly, to preserve us from the Bloody Wars that Spain intended against us. Intended, says the Book; for depredation of Merchants Ships was the worst they had done us. Let the Reader gather this by the way, That a publick Fast had not been indicted before by the Supreme Authority, upon the Alarums of our Enemies Preparations. In Eighty eight an Order came out, call'd, A Form of Prayer, ne­cessary for the present Time and State, to be used on Wednesdays and Fridays; that is, certain Collects to be added to the Common Prayer. Yet no Fast was bid­den, saving thus far, That Preachers, in their Sermons and Exhortations, should move the People to Abstinence, and Moderation in their Dyet, to the end they might be more able to relieve the Poor, &c. The first Form to be used in Com­mon Prayer, with an Order of publick Fast for every Wednesday in the week, for a time, was set out by Queen Elizabeths special Command, in Aug. 1563. when the Plague, called The Plague of New-haven, was rise in London. In which Book is a passage to illustrate our Common-Prayer-Book, for the first Rubrick prefixt to the Order for the Holy Communion; That so many as intend to be Parta­kers of the Holy Communion, should signifie their Names to the Curate over night, or else in the morning, either before the beginning of Common Prayer, or immediately after. That ( immediately after) means, that in the first settling [Page 72]of our Church in the Queens days, Morning Prayer stopt at the end of the three Collects after the Apostle's Creed; then the People had leisure, before the Li­tany began, either to retire, or to betake them to private Prayers. In this Inter­space some Communicants had time to give in their Names to the Curate; this is plain in that first Order for a publick Fast, anno 5 Eliz. the words are, ‘After the Morning Prayer ended, the Minister shall exhort the People assembled, to give themselves in their private Prayers and Meditations; for which purpose a Pause shall be made of one quarter of an hour and more, by the discretion of the Cu­rate, during which time as good silence shall be kept as may be. That done, the L [...]tany is to be read, &c.

Now, after the pause of scarce a minute, made by this digression, let the main scope of the King's Fast, indicted in July, be remembred, that great Humilia­tion, with Fasting and extraordinary Prayer, should be joyn'd together, to avert the Peril of a Spanish Invasion; therefore, that we, on the defensive, should be ready, with our Bodies and Purses, to avert the Fury of our Enemies. Though the Land was admonish'd of this in a religious way, yet they conde­scended to part with Money very hardly. They did only hear of an Enemy, but they saw their Coyn collected from them. Well did Tully write, lib. 3. Ep. 24. Nulla remedia tam saciunt dolorem, quae vulneribus adhibentur, quàm quae maxi­mè salutarta. Say it was a Wound to our great Charter to call for Contribution without a Parliamentary way; yet it was not the worse for the Wound, that the Injection was sharp that cur'd it. What we lost in the Privilege of Liberty, it was presum'd we got in Safety.

72. But the most did want that charitable Presumption, and paid the irre­gular Levy with their Hand, and not with their Heart. A Prince that grieves his Subjects with a sconcing Tribute, takes up Moneys at a dear Interest; who should not live extempore, but upon premeditation to act to day what shall be safe and honourable for ever. Grotius is very political in a Passage to be found in his Proleg. De jure belli & pacis. Qui jus civile pervertit utilitatis praesentis causâ, id convellit, quo ipsius, & posteritatis suae perpetuae utilitates continentur. The People are unpleas'd upon this Levy, and the Ink of a Remonstrance could not kill the Tettar. A third Parliament is called, to justifie the King's Act from Necessity, in the face of the Kingdom. It was determin'd by some about His Majesty, that our Bishop should not sit in it: The great Favourite knew his Discontents were encreased; the Bishoprick of Winchester had been void, and conferr'd upon another. Archbishop Abbot, removed for some months to Ford in Kent, is brought to Lambeth, to the Court, to the Parliament. Lincoln not only wanted these Sweetnings, but was tir'd with defailance of Promises, and defied with Threatnings; so it was thought best to keep him out of the Parliament, against all Right, rather than suffer one, with the Powers of his Parts, to argue and vote against exorbitant Persons and Causes. The Bishop stood upon his Place as a Spiritual Lord, and resolv'd to let his Right be infring'd no longer. Utrumne est tempus aliquod, quo in Senatum venire turpe sit? says Cicero, pro domo ad Pontif. It can be no shame to come into the Senate; it is a Disgrace to be kept out. There­fore yielding all Obedience to Soveraignty, unto the utmost of that which was due, he disputed the Right of his Order so stoutly, that he came to the House and continued in it to the last; which he obtained the more resolutely, because he look'd upon the King's Affairs with a desire to help him. The L. K. Coventry had order to stop him by a Letter, if he could, which the other answered in these words.

R. H. and my very good Lord,

I Have received your Lordships Letter of the 17. of February but this day, being the 25. of the same; and although I could not desire more comfortable News from your Lordship, than Leave of Absence from that Parliament, in which my presence may be su­specled, either by the King (which my Innocency will not suffer me to believe) or by any other near unto His Majesty; yet being the Right of a Peer in this Kingdom, that never convicled, imprison'd, or question'd for any Offence, is not withstanding now, against a se­cond Parliament, kept from his lawful and indubitable Right of sitting in that House, and may be (for any Comfort he doth receive from your Lordship) intended to be debarr'd for ever from the same. I must crave some time to resolve, by the best Counsels God shall give me, whether I shall obey your Lordship's Letter, though mentioning His Majesty's Pleasure, [Page 73]before mine own Right, which, by the Law of GOD and Man, I may in all Humility maintain. Especially His Majesty's Writ and Royal Proclamation of a far later date, do either of them imply, as your Lordship best knoweth, an authentical Command. I do know that of my Obedience to my Gracious Soveraign, as of late I have found small ac­ceptance, so could I never find any limit or bottom: And therefore I beseech your Lord­ship to make this no Question of the Act, but of this Object only of my Duty and Sub­mission: But if I find I may without prejudice absent my self, I will deal clearly with you, my noble Lord, in the second point, I do refuse, with all humble Duty and Vassalage unto His Majesty reserv'd, to appoint for my Proctor the Bishop proposed. And so I humbly take my leave.

The Courtiers knew not what would follow upon this Answer; but a Course was follow'd by the Bishop, as in the like Case before, to cut a way between two Extreams; Inter abruptam contumaciam, & deforme obsequium: For the Parliament newly sitting, the L. Keeper being demanded by John Earl of Clare, whether this Bishop had a Writ sent to him, and that being affirm'd, the Peers call'd for his Assistance, and without more ado, the Parliament beginning March 17. he came to it before the end of that Month, breaking the Restraint upon him, not by at­tempt of his own Will, but because it was the Pleasure of the Lords; and as soon as he came, he was quickly set a work; for the upper House appointing to meet together at the Holy Communion, Apr. 6. 1628. he preach'd the Sermon at that Solemn Occasion, the Text being Gal. 6.14. and at the next Session he preacht again, by their Lordship's order, at a Fast kept on Ash-Wednesday, Feb. 18. 1628. in the same Church, upon Job 42.12. entituled, Perseverantia Sanctorum. Both these Sermons were printed by their Lordships direction; two pieces so full of Learning and Piety, that they were fitter for a longer perusal, than for the short time wherein they were utter'd.

73. At this great and high Assembly our Bishop is censured for over-doing his part in Popularity, yet only by such as will calumniate all, that act not ac­cording to their mind. Some things were offer'd at him, which might have transported him to that excess; for, the Van-curriers of my L. Duke's Militia had prepar'd Petitions to disorder him in a light Skirmish, but were never pre­ferr'd. Since no Fault could be charg'd upon him, when he delivered up the Seal to the King, Malignants had small encouragement to slander his Footsteps before a Parliament. To borrow Pliny's Similitude, lib. 28. c. 2. A scorpione ali­quando percussi, nunquam postea à crabronibus, vespis, apibus (que) feriuntur. He that hap­pens to be stung of a Scorpion, and escapes it, the smaller Insecta of Hornets, Wasps, and Bees will never trouble him. Beside, in Equity they could not have blamed him to be sure to himself, since that Lord that preferr'd him, and that Bishop whom himself had preferr'd, did push with all their Violence against him: Yet his Good bearing between the King's Power and the Subjects Rights (the great Transaction of the high Court at this time) needed no such Answers. Though he was earnest, yet he was advised in all his Actions, and constant, as any man living, to his general Maxims. Tua omnia gest a inter se congruunt, omnia sunt uná forma percussa, says Casaubon to K. Henry the Fourth, before his Edition of Poly­bius. So the Bishop never varied, whether in favour, or out of favour, in his Coun­sels to the King, to hang the Quarrel even upon the Beam of Justice between him and the Common-wealth: As it was his Saying to K. James, so he went on with the like to K. Charles; Rule by your Laws, and you are a Compleat Monarch; your People are both sensibly and willingly beneath you: If you start aside from your Laws, they will be as sawcy with your Actions, as if they were above you. The Fence of the great Charter was lately thrown down, by taking a Loan by Commissioners, with­out a Statute to authorize it. And says the Remonstrance of Decemb. 15, 1641. Di­vers Gentlemen were imprisoned, for refusing to pay it, whereby many of them contracted such Sicknesses, as cost them their Lives, p. 10. When the Body of the Lords and Commons were at work, to redintegrate the empailment of the Laws, if the Bishop had not appeared, that the King would return, to walk upon the known and trodden Cawsey of the Laws, he had forsaken himself, and left the nearest way to do him Service. His care was, that no Dishonour should be cast upon His Majesty's Government, nor Censure upon the Commissioners of the Loan, his Ministers, and yet to remove the publick Evils of the State: To mend them, would bring a Reformation to be blush'd at; not to mend them, a continued Confusion to be griev'd at. The Bishop had the Praise from the Wi­sest that his Dexterity was eminent above any of the Peers, to please all parties that [Page 74]would be pleas'd with Reason. He distinguish'd the Marches of the two great Claims, the Prerogatives of the Crown, and the Liberties of the People; and pleaded for the King, to make him gracious to all; as it is in his Sermon on the Fast, p. 55. That he was a man as like Vertue it self, as could be pattern'd in Flesh and Blood; and justified him for good Intentions in all his Proceedings. The Errors that were to come to pass, he named them to be Errors; for what Government was ever so streight, that had no crookedness? With this Cunning Demetrius appeared for his Father Philip of Macedon, before the Roman Senate, Justin. lib. 32. The Senate accused his Father for violation of the last Articles of Peace; to which Demetrius said nothing, but blush'd. Et veniam patri Philippo, non jure defensionis, sed patrocinio pudoris obtinuit. And how unreasonable was it, that the emulous Bishop, who did upon all occasions derogate from this man, bla­med this person to the King, for doing no more good to his Cause, whereas him­self did him no good at all? Like to Critias in Xenophon, and his Dealings against Theramenes, lib. 2. Hist. says Theramenes, I labour to reconcile divided Factions, and he calls me a Slipper to fit the right Foot, and the left, because I set my self to please all sides. [...]: What shall I call him that pleaseth no side, that can do a pleasure to no side? They that were present at all Debates, did discern, that no Service could be done to the Crown, without a mixture of Mo­deration. A dram of such Wisdom was worth a pound of Flattery: For, as one says wittily, A besmeared Dog doth but dirty him upon whom he fawns.

74. When the Commons fell roundly to sist the exacting of the Loan, the Ill­will gotten by it touch'd none so near as the Clergy: So ill was it taken, that their Pulpits had advanc'd it, and that some had preach'd a great deal of Crown Divinity, as they call'd it: And they were not long to seek for one that should be made an Example for it. But to make that, which was like to be by conse­quent less offensive, they unanimously voted a Gist of five Subsidies, before the King's Servants had spoke a word unto it. A Taste of Loyalty and Generosity, that willing Supplies should rather come from a sense of the King's Wants, than be begged. Straitway they called Dr. Maynwaring the King's Chaplain before them, for preaching (but rather for printing) two Sermons deliver'd before the King, the one at Oatland's, the other at Alderton, in the Progress in July; neither of them at St. Giles in the Fields, as Mr. W. S. might have found in the Title Page of them both. These being in print, no Witnesses needed to be de­posed, the Doctrine was above the Deck, sufficiently discover'd. The Sermons both preach'd upon one Text, Eccles. 8.2. are confessedly learned, [...], wherein Art and Wit have gone about to make true Principles beget false Conclusions. It was not well done, to hazard the dange­rous Doctrine in them, for the Learning sake, to the view of the World; for not the Seeds of a good Melon, but the good Seeds of a Melon should be preser­ved to be planted. No notice was taken of the King's Special Command to pub­lish these Tractates, but severing the Author by himself, he is design'd to be censur'd; as Keepers beat Whelps before their Lions, to make them gentler: And the Charge is brought up to the Lords, That the Sermons were scandalous, feditious, and against the good Government of this Kingdom. The Reverend Bishops, one and all, left him undefended. Yet that was not enough to correct the Envy which the Clergy did undergo upon it; so the Bishop of Lincoln stood up, and gave reprehension to some Points of both his Sermons, in this manner: In the former of these Sermons, pag. 2. Dr. Maynwaring begins his Work upon the Loom with these Threads; ‘That of all Relations, the first and original is be­tween the Creator and the Creature, the next between Husband and Wife, the third between Parents and Children, the fourth between Lord and Servants. From all which forenamed respects there did arise that most high, sacred, and transcendent Relation between King and Subjects.’ A strange Expression! which calls the last a transcendent Relation arising out of all the former, when the first of the four was between the Creator and the Creature. God is a great God, a King above all Gods. A good King indeed is a petty God, as a Tyrant is a great Devil; but far be it from us, to call the King's relation to his People transcendental, the Maker of all things, and his Workmanship being brought in before. Yet let that go not for a wilful Fault, but for an unwary Expression. In the 19th Page he breaks out thus into a transcendent Error: ‘If any King shall command that which stands not in opposition to the Original Laws of God, Nature, Nations, and the Gospel (though it be not correspondent in every Circumstance to Laws National and Municipal) no Subject may, with­out [Page 75]hazard of his own Damnation, in rebelling against God, question or diso­bey the Will and Pleasure of his Soveraign; for as a Father of the Country, he commands what his Pleasure is, and out of Counsel and Judgment.’ So on to the end of that Leaf. The first words, If any King have a great failance, as if all Kings, all alike, had the same Command over their Subjects, without distin­ction of Government, meer and absolute from mixt and restrained. The body of the Doctrin is worst of all, that it concerns us upon our Loyalty, nay, upon our Salvation, (for else Damnation is threatned) to yield not only Passive Obe­dience (which is due) but Active also, if the King's Will and Pleasure be noti­fied in any thing not opposite to the Law of God and Nature: Wherein if he had insisted upon those same things, that do not appear to be yet determin'd, and have no evil Sequel, it might be allow'd him: But, that we are bound to act whatsoever a King requires, where the Law and his Will are diametrically oppo­site, and be damn'd if we draw back or question it, is as corrupt as it [...] ble. Under the same Monarchy in Spain an Arragonian will not believe that he is obliged to those Edicts of his King, which are directed to a Castilian; the Laws have differenc'd them in the mode of their Duties. What Privilege is it to be born Free, and not a Bond-man, but that the Free-man knows how far he is to serve, and a Bond-man doth not? If Subjection is due as much to the King's Pleasure as to his Laws, there is no bottom in Obedience. Says Stamford the learned Lawyer, Misera servitus est ubi jus est vagum & incognitum. And is it but a Complement that a King swears at his Coronation, to govern by his Laws? Nay sure, if Contracts and Promises bind GOD to Man, much more they bind the King to his People. The Anchor at which Obedience rides is the Law; it is good Divinity, Where there is no Law, there is no Transgression: And it is good Morality, Vir bonus est quis? Qui consulta patrum, qui leges, jura (que) servat. This Dr. tells us again, pag. 26. That this Sacred and Honourable Assembly is not or­dain'd to contribute any Right to Kings to receive Tribute, which is due to them by natural and original Law and Justice: That our meeting is only for the more equal imposing and exacting of Subsidies: If the supreme Magistrate, upon Ne­cessity extream and urgent, require Levies of Moneys, beside the Circumstances which the Municipal Laws require, he that doth not satisfie such Demands, re­sists the Ordinance of God, and receives Damnation to himself. The Founda­tion is well laid, but his Superstructure is crazy; for where it were Sin to say, that Reliess and Aids were not due to some persons, it is no Sin to say they should not be their own Carvers. Testatus a great Bishop, a great Counsellor, a great Scholar, writes upon the noted place, De jure regio, 1 Sam. c. 8. That Tri­bute is due to a Prince by his original Right, but with moderation for the quan­tity, and with the Consent of the Subjects for the manner, time, and other cir­cumstances. Says St. Paul, Who goes a warfare at his own charges? 1 Cor. 9.7. yet as well the General, as the Rout of the Army, must not prescribe their Pay, but be contented with their Wages, as John Baptist told them, Luk. 3.14. A Son doth not honour his Father, if he do not succour him in his Poverty; but the Son is not bound to let him take what he will in purveyance for himself. The Author whom this Dr. quotes, Saravia hath instanc'd in Samoisius, in the Poets Iliads; [...]. He was slain a young man, and liv'd not long, because he did not cherish his Parents. A Passage to make us think, that Homer had read the first Command of the second Table. Those [...], fostering Allowances were due to Parents, because they were Parents, yet by free apportionating them according to the Duty and Wisdom of the Chil­dren, as they might provide for their own Posterity.

75. More of this is ingeminated in the second Sermon, from pag. 24, to 26. as in these words: Religion doth often associate God and the King; First, from the communion of Names; Secondly, from the near bordering of Offences that reflect upon God and the King; Thirdly, from the parity of Beneficence, which men enjoy from God and sacred Kings. Upon this last he doth expatiate in three points: 1. That as Men cannot, in way of Justice, recompence God, nor Children their Parents, so nor Subjects their Kings for legal Providence. 2. Ju­stice, so properly call'd, intercedes not between GOD and Man, nor between the Prince, being a Father, and the People as Children: It cannot be a Rule or Medium to give God and the King his Right. 3. Justice is only between Equals. To begin at the last, this Position, Justice is only between Equals, is a mi­staking of Arist. lib. 5. Eth. c. 6. Who there makes them Equals, which are not under one man, for that he denieth totidem verbis, but under one Law, to the [Page 76]which he doth subject the Magistrate, as all the School-men do the King; that is, to the direction of it, not to the penal coaction. And if Justice be not, but between Equals, how can there be any Justice at the Kings-bench, Exchequer, Star­chamber, Court of Wards, &c? To go back now to his other two Positions, min­gling them together, observe two things; First, All that he speaks of God, and his being unrecompensable by ordinary way of Justice, he borrows it out of Suarez, as his Margin confesseth, lib. 3. de Relig. c. 4. and of his own Head ap­plieth to the King without Suarez, or any other Writer. Nor can Suarez Rea­son be applied to the King, which is this: ‘Man, for his weak Condition, in comparison of God, and because all that he is and hath is God's, cannot ren­der what he owes unto God, in equality of Justice.’ And all that he speaks of a Father, in regard of his Children, between whom Justice in one Acception doth not intercede, he borrows out of Suarez, Suarez out of Cajetan, Cajetan out of Aquinas, 2 vol. qu. 57. art. 4. not art. 8. as he misquotes him. But he adds, ‘The King, out of his own Brain, (who is but a metaphorical Father, Benevolen­tiâ & animo pater est, naturâ rex pater non est, says Saravia, lib. 2. c. 12.) without the Authority of his Authors, nay, flatly contrary to Aquinas in that place; for he allows, that Justice and Law may be stated between Father and Son. Says he, As the Son is somewhat of the Father, and the Servant of the Master, Justum non est inter illos per commensurationem ad Alterum: sed in quantum uter (que) est homo, aliquo modo est inter eos justitia. He goes on, That beside Father and Son, Master and Servant, there are other degrees and diversities of Persons to be sound in an Estate, as Priests, Citizens, Souldiers, &c. that have an immediate relation to the Common-wealth, and Prince thereof, and therefore towards these, Justum est secundum perfectam rationem justitiae. So Suarez, lib. 5. de leg. c. 18. Some will say, that Tribute is not due by way of Justice, but by way of Obedience: Hoc planè falsum est, & contra omnes Doctores, qui satentur hanc obligationem solvendi tributa, ubi intervenit, esse justuiám. And which is more than the Judgment of meer Man, it is St. Paul's, Rom. 13.7. For this cause pay your tribute, render therefore to every man that which is his due. Redditio sui cui (que) is the very definition of Justice. And he makes [...], Justice to intercede between Fathers and their Children, Ephes. 6.1. Children obey your Parents in the Lord, [...], for this is just. This is the first Observation how he falsifieth his Learning. The next is this, That his end to bring us to the case of Creatures, and Children towards the King, is to take away all Propriety; as it appears clearly, by what he must draw out of his own Authors. Suarez, ubi supra, Man cannot render to God his due by way of Justice; Quia quicquid est, vel habet, totum est Dei. Apply it with Dr. Maynwa­ring to the King; Whatsoever the Subject is, or hath, is all the King's by way of Property. Aquinas in the place before, Quod est filii est patris, ideo non est pro­priè justitia patris ad filium. Apply it to the King, Justice doth not interceed be­tween the King and his People, because what is the Peoples is the King's. This is the Venom of this new Doctrine, that by making us the King's Creatures, and in the state of Minors, or Children, to take away all our Propriety: Which would leave us nothing of our own, and lead us (but that God hath given us just and gracious Princes) into Slavery. As, when the Jews were under a meer Vassalage, their Levites, their Churchmen, complain to God, The Kings of Assy­ria have dominion over our bodies, and over our cattel at their pleasure, Nehem. 9.37. Thus far the Bishop making very even parts between all that were concern'd in the Question. And because the Chaplain's Doctrine had drawn up a Flood-gate, through which a Deluge of Anger and Mischief gush'd out, His Majesty left him to the Censure of his Judges. No Wonder if one of the best of Kings did that Honour to his Senate, which one of the worst of Emperors did to that at Rome; Magistratibus liberam jurisdictionem, & sine interpellatione concessit, says Suetonius of Cali­gula. Neither had it been Wisdom to save one Delinquent, with the loss of a Parliament: Lurentius Medices gave better Counsel than so to his Son Peter, Magis universitatis quàm seorsùm cujus (que) rationem habeto, Polit. lib. 4. Ep. p. 162. Yet Dr. Maynwaring lost nothing at this lift; his Liberty was presently granted him by the King, his Fine remitted, the Income of one Benefice, sequestred for three years, put all into his own Purse, and was received in all his ordinary attendance again at Court, with the Preferments of the Deanry of Worcester, and after of the Bishoprick of St. Davids; so willing was the King to forget that Clause in his Sentence past by the Lords, which did forbid it.

[Page 77] 76. No man else suffering for so common a Grievance, it made a glad Court at Whitehall. The Parliament used their best Counsels and Discretions at the same time to secure their Lives, Livelihoods, and Liberties from such arbitrary Thraldom thereafter, Nunquam fida est potentia ubi nimia est. We must live un­der the Powers which God hath set over us, but are loth that any man should have too much Power. Sir Ed. Coke made the motion (which will keep his no­ble Memory alive) to sue to the King by Petition, the most ancient and hum­ble Address of Parliaments, that His Majesty would give his People Assurance of their Rights by Assent in Parliament, as he useth to pass other Acts, viz. That none should be compell'd to any charge of Tax or Benevolence, without agree­ment of Lords and Commons; nor any Freeman be imprison'd, but by the Law of the Land; with some such other-like, which are enter'd into many Authors. The Duke of Buck. was forward to stop this Petition in the House where he sate; for which the Commons, having not yet meddled with him, resolved to give him an ill Farewel before their parting. Neither did he recover his old Lustre, nor carry any great sway among the Peers, since his dishonourable Expedition to Rhe; for evil Successes are not easily forgotten, though prosperous ones vanish in the warmth of their Fruition. And not only that Duke, and the Lord Privy-Seal, with other great and able Officers, did repulse this motion with all main, but the King's learned Council were admitted to plead their Exceptions against it. Six weeks were spent in these Delays, and Hope deserred made their hearts sick, Prov. 13.12. and their Heads jealous, who follow'd the cause, that there was no good meaning to relieve their Oppressions. At last the difficulty was overcome; the Petitioners had one Answer from the King, and look'd for a fuller, and had it in the end: So much sooner had been so much better; as our Poet Johnson writes to Sir E. Sackvile, of some mens Good-turns, They are so long a coming, and so hard. When any Deed is forc'd, the Grace is marr'd. The Subjects ask'd for nothing now which was not their own, but for Assurance to keep their own; which had it been done with a Smile, benignly and cheerfully, and without any casting about to evade it, it had been done Princely. It is not impossible to find an honest Rule in Matchiavel, for this is his: Beneficia illa, quibus conciliatur plebis animus cò us (que) ne differantur, donec ea praestare cogi videantur. Passing right is Sir J. Haward's Hist. of H. IV. p. 4. says he, The Multitude are more strongly drawn by unprofitable Courtesies than by churlish Benefits. Among those that argued for this Petition de Droit, I shall remember what past from two eminent Prelates: Archbishop Abbot offer'd his own Case to be consider'd, banish'd from his own Houses of Croydon and Lambeth, confin'd to a moorish Mansion-place of Foord, to kill him, debarr'd from the management of his Jurisdiction, and no cause given for it to that time; harder measure than ever was done to him in his Pedagogy, for no Scholar was ever corrected till his Fault was told him. But he had fuller'd the Lash in a Message brought by the Secretary, and no cause pretended for it: And what Light of Safety could be seen under such dark Ju­stice? The Bishop of Lincoln likewise promoted the Petition, but he was a great Stickler for an Addition, that it might come to the King's Hands with a man­nerly Clause, That as they desir'd to preserve their own Liberties, so they had regard to leave entire that Power wherewith His Majesty was entrusted for the Protection of his People (which the Commons disrelish'd, and caused to be can­cell'd). This caused the Bishop to be suspected at first, as if he had been sprin­kled with some Court-holy-water, which was nothing so, but a due Considera­tion, flowing from his own Breast, that somewhat might be inserted, to bear wit­ness to the Grandeur of Majesty. A Passage in Xenophon commends such unbe­spoken Service, lib. 8. Cyrip. says he, Hystaspus would do all that Cyrus bade, but Chrysantus would do all which he thought was good for Cyrus before he bade him.

77. In the Debate of this great matter among the Lords, this Bishop hath left under his own Pen what he deliver'd; partly in glossing upon a Letter which His Majesty under the Signet sent to the House May the 12th, partly in contesting with the chief Speakers, that quarrel'd at the Petition. As to the former; First the King says, That his Predecessors had never given Leave to the free Debates of the highest Points of Prerogative Royal. The Bishop an­swered, The Prerogative Royal should not be debated at all, otherwise than it is every Term in Westminster-hall. Secondly, the Letter objects, What if some Dis­covery nearly concerning Matters of State and Government, be made? May not the King and his Council commit the Party in question, without cause shewn? [Page 78]For then Detection will dangerously come forth before due time. Resp. No matter of State or Government would be destroyed or defeated, if the Cause be exprest in general terms: And no danger can likely ensue, if in three Terms the Matter be prepared to be brought to Trial. Ob. 3. May not some Cause be such as the Judges have no Capacity of Judicature, or Rules of Law to direct or guide their Judgment? Resp. What can those things be, which neither the Kings-bench nor Star-chamber can meet them? Obj. 4. Is it not enough, that we declare our Royal Will and Resolution to be (which, God willing, we will constantly keep) not to go beyond a just Rule and Moderation in any thing, which shall be con­trary to our Laws and Customs? And that neither we nor our Council shall, or will, at any time hereafter, commit or command to Prison, for any other cause than doth concern the State, the Publick Good, and Safety of our People? Resp. Not the Council-Table, but the appointed Judges, must determine what are Laws and Customs, and what is contrary to them. And this gracious Con­cession is too indefinite, to make us depend upon that broad Expression of Just Rule and Moderation. Especially be it mark'd, That all the Causes in the Kingdom may be said to concern either the State, the Publick Good, or the Safe­ty of the King and People. This, under Favour, is abundantly irresolute, and sig­nifies nothing obtain'd. Obj. 5. In all Causes hereafter of this nature, which shall happen, we shall, upon the humble Petition of the Party, or Signification of our Judges unto us, readily and really express the true cause of the Commit­ment, so as with Conveniency and Safety it be fit to be disolosed: And that in all Causes of ordinary Jurisdiction, our Judges shall proceed to the delivery or bailment of the Prisoner, according to the known and ordinary Rules of this Land, and according to the Statutes of Magna Charta, and those six Statutes in­sisted on, which we intend not to abrogate or weaken, according to the true in­tention thereof. Resp. To disclose the cause of Imprisonment, except Conve­niency and Safety do hinder, are ambiguous words, and may suffice to hold a man fast for coming forth. And if all Causes be not of ordinary Jurisdiction, (as I hope they are) who shall judge which be the extraordinary Causes? We are lost again in that Uncertainty. So likewise for the Intention of Magna Charta, and the six Statutes, who shall judge of the true Intention of them? That being arbitrary, we are still in nubibus for any assurance of legal Liberty. So the Concessions of His Majesty's Letter were waved as unsatisfactory.

78. And the Bishop went on to shew, that the Contents of the Petition were suitable to the ancient Laws of the Realm, ever claimed and pleaded, expedient for the Subject, and no less honourable for the King, which made him a King of Men, and not of Beasts; of brave-spirited Freemen, and not of broken­hearted Peasants. The Statute in 28 Edw. 3. is as clear for it, as the day at Noon-tide; That no man, of what state or condition soever, shall be put out of his Lands or Tenements, nor taken, nor imprison'd, nor disinherited, nor put to death, without being brought to answer by due process of Law. I know one Lord replied to this lately, That the Law was wholsom, for the good of private men, and sometime it might be as wholsom for the Publick Weal, that the So­veraign Power should commit to Custody some private man, the cause not being shew'd in Law, upon more beneficial occasion than a private man's legal Liber­ty: And though the Hand of Power should seem to be hard upon that one per­son, a Benefit might redound to many. First, be it consider'd, if no Law shall be fixt and inviolable, but that which will prevent all Inconveniencies, we must take Laws from God alone, and not from men. Then be it observ'd, that to bring the exception of a Soveraign Power beside the Laws, in Cases determi­ned in the Laws, takes away all Laws, when the King is pleas'd to use and put forth this Soveraign Power, wherewith he is trusted, and makes the Government purely arbitrary, and at the Will of the King: So shall this Reason of State eat up and devour the Reason of Laws. Shew me, he that can, how the affir­mation of a Soveraign Power, working beside the Law insisted upon, shall not bring our Goods and our Lives to be liable and disposable by this Soveraign Power, and not turn England into the case of Turky. And if you affirm, that a man may be taken and imprison'd by a Soveraign Power, wherewith a King is trusted, beside the Law exprest in the Statute; why should you not grant as well, the Law being one and the same, that a man may be put out of his Lands and Tenements, disinherited, and put to death by this Soveraign Power, with­out being brought to answer by due process of Law? I conceive this Reason may be more fortified, but will never be answer'd and satisfied: Bore one hole [Page 79]into this Law, and all the good thereof will run out of it. Next I shew, that nothing was ever attempted against the Magna Charta, without great Envy and Grudging. Now, since a man's Liberty is a thing that Nature most desires, and which the Law doth exceedingly favour, the 29th Chapter of that Charter says, Nullus liber homo imprisonetur nisi per legem terrae. What word can there be against these words? Why, it was said here with Resolution and Confidence, That Lex terrae is to be expounded of Actions of the King's Privy Council, done at the Council-Table without further Process of Law. But did ever any Judge of this Land give that interpretation of Lex terrae in Magnâ Chartâ? Indeed, a great learned Lord in this House did openly say, That all Courts of Jurisdiction in this Land establish'd, and authorised by the King, may be said to be Lex terrae. Which is granted by me, although it was denied by implication, by the resolu­tion of the House of Commons. But then the Question still remains, whether the Council-Table at Whitehall be a forum contentiosum, a Court of Jurisdiction? I ever granted, they may commit to Prison juxta legem terrae, as they are Justi­ces of Peace, and of other legal Capacities. And I grant it also, that they may do it praeter legem terrae, as they are great Counsellors of State, and so to provide where the Laws are defective, ne quid detrimenti respub. capiat. Secondly, It was much prest, that my L. Egerton did expound this Lex terrae to be Lex regis, which must mean somewhat, in his Post-nati, pag. 33. I have read the Book, and it is palpably mistaken: That great Lord saith only this; That the Com­mon-Law hath many Names secundùm subjectam materiam, according to the varie­ty of Objects it handles. When it respects the Church, it is called, Lex Ecclesiae Anglicanae: When it respects the Crown, Lex Coronae, and sometime Lex Regia: When it respects the common Subject, it is called Lex Terrae. Is not this his plain meaning? It must be so, by his instance p. 36. That the cases of the Crown are, the Female to inherit, the eldest Son to be preferr'd, no respect of Half-blood, no disability of the King's Person by Infancy. If his Lordship should mean otherwise, his Authorities would fail him. Regist. fol. 61. the word Lex Regia is not nam'd, that's my Lord's Inference, but the Title is, Ad jura Regia; that is, certain Briefs concerning the King's Kights, opposite to Jura Papalia, or Canonica, all of them in matters ecclesiastical, as Advousons, Presen­tations, Quare-impedits, &c. all pleaded in Westminster-hall, things never heard of in the King's dwelling Court, since the fixing of the Courts of Justice. Thus much for the Authorities. Now the reason offer'd out of them, which will ne­ver be answer'd, is this: By the Lex Terrae in Magna Charta, a man may be not only imprison'd, but withal outlaw'd, destroy'd, try'd, and condemn'd; but a man cannot be outlaw'd, destroy'd, try'd, and condemn'd by any Order of the Lords of the Council; therefore the Orders of the Lords of the Council are not Lex Terrae. At this, and upon other occasions the Bishop spake to this matter, (till the Petition was most graciously consented to by the King in all the Branches of it) and was more attended to upon the Experience of his Know­ledge and Wisdom, than at least any of his Order. And as Theocritus says of his principal Shepherd, [...]. From that day Daph­nis was accounted the Chief of his Calling, which filled the Court with the Report. But some men are in danger to be traduced with too much Praise.

79. One thing struck in unhappily, which made this Session rise without a good close in the shutting up; it was a Remonstrance presented to the King by the House of Commons, of many Complaints; the most offensive being those that were personal, against two Bishops that were about the King, and against the L. Duke, That his excessive Power, and abuse of that Power, was the cause of all Evils and Dangers among us. Though this came very cross to the King's Affections, yet the worst word that he gave to the Remonstrance was, That no wise man would justifie it. How many Kings of England had treated both Houses more sharply upon less provocation? Yet now the chief Tribunes spake their Discontents aloud, That they had given a bountiful Levy of five Subsidies, and were called Fools for their labour. The Gift was large, the Man­ner, the Allegiance, the Willingness were better than the Gift; yet might not His Majesty touch mildly upon a Fault, without such a scandalous Paraphrase? The Galatians would have pulled out their own Eyes to do Paul good, yet he spared them not for it, but upon Errors crept into the Doctrine of their Faith, he called them foolish Galatians. The sowrest Leaven, not seen in the Remon­strance, but hid in the House, was, That some seditious Tongues did blab their meaning, to cut off the payment of Tonnage and Poundage, by the concession of [Page 80]the Petition of Right; against which His Majesty spake, and declar'd, That his Predecessors had quietly enjoy'd those Payments by the Royal Prerogative, which both Houses did protest to leave inviolable; That the Grant of the Pe­tition did meet with Grievances, said to entrench upon the Liberty and Pro­perty of the People, to give them assurance of quiet from paying Taxes or Loans without Order of Parliament. To go further it was not his Meaning nor their Demand. The Bishop of Lincoln appeared very much to concur with the King's Interpretation, and was very zealous to have had an Act past for it before the Parliament was prorogued: Nay, he forbore not to chide his Friends in the lower House, whose Metal he found to be churlish, and hard to be wrought upon. Ut erat generosae indolis nihil frigidè, nihil languidè agebat; as Clementius says of renowned Salmasius, in his Life, p. 61. But the Bishop's Mo­tion was laid by, and with no good meaning: Yet since it was seen, that his Endeavours were real, to have wound up the Bottom at that time, without that scurvy knot in it, he had the Favour to kiss the King's Hand, and to have Words both with His Majesty and with the Duke in private. O hard De­stiny! this he had long sought, and now the Words which past between the King and him in Conference, were the Seed of all his Troubles in the Star-Chamber; for the King conjuring him to deliver his Opinion, how he might win the Love of the Commons, and be popular among them, the Bishop an­swered readily, That the Puritans were many, and main Sticklers; if His Ma­jesty would please to direct his Ministers, by his secret Appointment, to shew some Connivance and Indulgence to their Party, he might possibly mollifie them, and bend their Stubbornness; though he did not promise that they would be trusty very long to any Government. The King said. He must needs like the Counsel, for he had thought of it before, and would use it. Two months after the Bishop regulated his own Courts at Leicester, with some such Conde­scentions, and told Sir J. Lamb and Dr. Sibthorp the reason, that it was not only his own, but the Royal Pleasure. These two Pick-thanks carried these words to Bishop Laud, and he to the King, being then at Bisham. The Resolution was, That upon the Depositions of these two, (no Saints in my Almanack) a Bill should be drawn up in the Star-chamber, against the Bishop, for revealing the King's Counsels, being a sworn Counsellor. But that he was sentenc'd, because his Tongue betrayed him into Speeches that entrencht upon Loyalty, as the Hi­storian H. L. says, p. 152. (upon whose Trust W. S. writes the same) is utterly mistaken, upon the word of Holy Faith; and let all Ear-witnesses of the Cause, and Eye-witnesses of the Records, judge between us. Nor do I say, that the Bill of disclosing the King's Counsels held Water, for it was laid aside: There the Troubles began, and did run through Motions, Meanders, and Alterations, till ending at last in tampering with Witnesses, as will be shewn in due place.

80. To make this seem a Jubilee to our Bishop, wherein all Bonds of Malevo­lence should be cancell'd, he had a very courteous Interview with the L. Duke, nothing of Unkindness repeated between them, his Grace had the Bishop's Con­sent with a little asking, that he would be his Grace's faithful Servant in the next Session of Parliament, and was allow'd to hold up a seeming Enmity, and his own Popular Estimation, that he might the sooner do the Work. Blessed be God, that they parted then in perfect Charity, for they never met again; the horrid Assassine J. Felton, frustrated whatever might have followed; a mean, despicable, unsuspected Enemy: Sed nihil tam firmum est, cui non sit periculum ab invalido, says Curtius, lib. 7. What Strength is there in a Cedar, since every weak Arm can cut it down? And though I am perswaded none but the De­vil and this melancholy Miscreant were in the Plot, yet in foro Dei, many were guilty of this Blood, that rejoiced it was spilt. Tully confest of himself, that he was as much a Murderer of Caesar as Brutus and Cassius, 2 Philip. Quid interest utrum voluerim fieri, an gaudeam factum? So did God see that Thousands were guilty of this Sin, which made the whole Land Nocent, for the violent death of an Innocent; for every one is innocent in right of his Life, till the Law hath tryed him. Felton's Impulsive was impious, from the allegation of the late Re­monstrance, that the Duke was the principal cause of our Evils and Dangers. As the Commons had no power to take his life away, so they never intended it, but to remove him from the King, if it were possible. I will be bold to cen­sure the Romans, that many things were uncivil in their Laws, barbarous in their Valour, and odious in their Justice. Let this be the Instance out of [Page 81] Budaeus, lib. 2. Pandec. c. 28. Si quis eum qui plebiscito sacer sit occiderit, homicida non est. As if every man had the power of a Magistrate, to cut off him whom the People had devoved: A Maxim for the Sons of Cadmus, or for the Sons of Ro­mulus, not for the Sons of God. Be they Jesuites, Anabaptists, or of whatso­ever Race of new Zealots, they have not learnt so much good Divinity as is in Aristotle, 3 Erh. [...]. No Pretence can justifie Man­slaughter, no End or Intention can excuse it. Was it so lately enacted in Par­liament, that no Freeman should be imprison'd without due course of Law, and did Hell break loose at the other end, to make it meritorious, or popular, to kill without Law? For such another Outrage had pass'd but two months before, upon the Body of one Lamb, in the day-light, and in the Skirts of the City beaten cruelly to Death by a scum of Vagabonds, being no Conjurer for certain, (though the Fry fell upon him for that suspicion) but a notorious Impostor, a Fortune-teller, and an employ'd Bawd, (two Qualities that com­monly make up one pair of Scissors to cut Purses) as was evident by his Books, Papers, Schemes, Pictures, Figures, Glasses, the Utensils of his Trade, found in his Lodgings near the Horse-ferry in Westminster: But, that he was a Creature of the Duke's, and commended to him by Bishop Williams, the Historian is strangely out again. It is possible an Ear-dropper might hear such things talk'd at Cock-pits and Dancing-schools, miserable Intelligence to thrust into an Hi­story. This Lamb living in the Verge of the Deanry, was once admitted to speak with this Bishop, and as soon as he began to impeach some of the Bi­shop's Acquaintance for Falshood, he was bidden be gone, for a meddling Knave, and a Sower of Dissentions, and had Warning to come near him no more. And for the Duke, his domestick Creatures have avowed to me, that Lamb was so little their Lord's Creature, that they were ready to take an Oath of Credulity, that the Duke never saw him. I would all the Tales that got his Grace Ill will had been as false as this: That which did undo him, was chiefly that which made him, the immoderate Favour of two Kings, and not mode­rately used; as many a Ship is lost, that's overset with too much Sail. After Thirteen years triumphing in Grace and Gallantry, one Stab dispatch'd him. So Symmachus speaks of the sad Catastrophe of such a mighty man, Fortunae diu lenocinantis perfidus finis, quem ultimâ sui parte ut scorpius percussit, lib. 2. ep. 13. Great Felicities not seldom go out suddenly in a Flash, like a Silk-worm, that dyes in three months after it is quicken'd. God would have us look after better things, when we behold the sudden and prodigious Eclipses of Human Glory, and brought to pass, like Buckingham's, by vile and wicked Instruments. A foreign Writer gives very hard words to our whole Nation upon it, that we are savage and frentick in our Fury: And will he say as ill of the Kingdom of Israel, for Joab's sake, that murder'd Abner? It might be replied to him, That the Loy­alty of his Nation is besmeared with the Blood of two Kings of France, deadly wounded with a Knife. But that we have worse to answer for, I will depart with this mournful matter, adding only, that the Duke being taken away, our Bishop never desisted to do Observance, and such Help as he could, to his desolate Kindred and Family; which the Countess of Denby his Sister would often con­fess to me, and speak of it to his great honour. At this time, presently upon the dis­mal Tydings, he dispatch'd a most melting Letter to the Countess, his Grace's Mother, whose Answer to his begins thus:

My Lord,

IT is true Nobleness that makes you remember so distressed a Creature as I am, and to continue a true Friend in harder Fortunes. You give me many Reasons of Comfort, for which I kindly thank you, for I have need of them all.

The rest is long, and very choicely endited under her own Hand, which I pass over more willingly, because her Ladiships revolting to the Romish Reli­gion was none of the least causes, that brought her Unfortunate Son into the distaste of the People. Pace tuâ fari haec liceat Rhamnusia Diva, Catullus.

81. The Duke being now at rest in his Grave, it was conceived this Good at least would come of it, that the next Session of Parliament would be very quiet, which began on the 20th of January: Yet they that thought the Ship was lightned of Jonas, saw the Storm encreased: Let them that will know the oc­casion of a wide Breach, read it in the Histories and Life of King Charles, espe­cially in His Majesty's Declaration to all his loving Subjects, printed 1628. [Page 82]wherein the intelligent shall find, that the Commons were rather stubborn than stiff, rather violent than eager against the King's Affairs; and that the King was so provok'd with the heat of one morning, that he would not allow a day, nor an hour, to let them cool again, but dismist them with Menaces, and thrust them away from him with such displeasure, that in twelve years he sent out no Writs to call another Parliament. It is too late to wish it had been better then, it is not too late to give Warning that it may be better hereafter. Who did best or worst many will take the liberty to determine, as their addictions carry them to loyal Duty or popular Liberty. I judge neither so high above me in their potential Orbs, but relate what the Prudent did observe upon their Passages: This was the Bishop of Lincoln's Opinion, who wept the ruine of the State, and was able to see through the present to the future, that it was ill in the People to offend so good a King, and unhappy for the King to close again no sooner with a bad People. The open face of both these shall be seen. The Com­mons were no sooner come together, but like Ajax's Rhetorick in the Poet, Proh Jupiter inquit, they were as hot as an Oven in their exordium, and spake loudly, That the Petition of Right was not maintain'd, because Tonnage and Poundage were taken, and Merchants Goods distrein'd for non-payment, a Revenue not due to the Crown till pass'd by Bill. The King's Council shew'd Presidents, that it had been taken in a provisional way before the Parliament had granted it; but that His Majesty did desire to receive it by the Grant of his People, and pray'd a Bill might confirm it, to remove this Block out of the way, in which all Controversies would be sopited. Hereupon it was promis'd it should be con­sidered, and the framing of a Bill be referr'd to a Committee; yet they drew back their Hand, till they had gather'd a Particular of things distasted in the Ecclesiastical and Civil Government: An Affectation which Appius Claudius dis­cover'd in the Tribunes, Liv. dec. 1. lib. 5. Qui semper aegri aliquid in Rep. esse vo­lunt, ut sit ad cujus curationem à vobis adhibeantur: Which the King hath put into English, Declar. p. 25. Like Empericks, that strive to make new Work, and to have some Diseases on foot, to keep themselves in request. Their Inspections about Reli­gion were not only troublesome, to make the Bill stick in the Committee, the only means to keep all quiet, but so inauspicious, that I fear God was not near. Arminianism was complained of, that it was openly maintain'd, not suiting with the Articles of the Churches of England and Ireland: A strange Spell, which rai­sed up the Spirit that it would conjure down. As they that mark the encrease of Nile can tell at what day it will begin to overflow, so they that watcht the encrease of Arminianism, say considently, that from this year the Tyde of it be­gan to come in. Then they complain'd, that the Bishops of London and Winton, prevail'd to advance those to great Preferments that spread those Errors, while the orthodox part was deprest, and under inglorious disdain. Never was this verified by a clear and notorious distinction, till this Challenge was made, That all Preferments were cast on that side. Then it began to be palpable, that there was no other way to fly over other mens Heads in the Church, but with those Wings: And here the forlorn part might say to the Parliament as Balak said to Balaam, What hast then done unto me? I took thee to curse mine Enemies, and behold, thou hast blest them all together, Numb. 23.11. Thirdly, They did regret at the obtruding of some Ceremonies, which waxed in more request and authority upon that opposition; as some Flowers open the more, when the Wind blows strongest upon them. I believe such Remorse as was in Joseph's Brethren would make some of them say, We saw the arguish of the King, when he besought us, and would not hear, therefore this Distress is come upon us, that all our Counsels are improspe­rous. The prosecution of Civil Grievances miscarried as much, and as wise men guess'd, because Sir John Ellict stood up to manage them. Few lead on to re­move the publick Evils of a State, without some special feelings and ends of their own. Nor was it any better now, so far as an action may be known by vulgar passes, and every bodies Discourse. [...], says Menander. High Probability is the second degree of Truth. Sir J. Elliot of the West, and Sir Tho. Wentworth of the North, both in the prime of their Age and Wits, both conspicu­ous for able Speakers, clasht so often in the House, and cudgel'd one another with such strong Contradictions, that it grew from an Emulation between them to an Enmity. The L. Treasurer Weston pick'd out the Northern Cock Sir Tho­mas, to make him the King's Creature, and set him upon the first step of his rising; which was Wormwood in the taste of Elliot, who revenged himself upon the King in the Bill of Tonnage, and then fell upon the Treasurer, and declai­med [Page 83]against him, That he was the Author of all the Evils under which the Kingdom was opprest. Some body must bear that Burden as the Duke had done; yet this Lord was not like to be the man, who had been in his great Place but about six months, unless he could conjure, and work Miracles in a trice. The Bishop of Lincoln, who had Spies abroad in many private Confe­rences, inform'd the L. Weston before, who was his Adversary, what Coals he was blowing at the Forge, and proffer'd himself to bring Sir J. Elliot to him, to be reconciled, and to be his Servant; for which Sir T. Wentworth spleen'd the Bishop, for offering to bring his Rival into favour; but L. Weston took it as a Courtesie as long as he lived, and bade the Bishop look for more Favour from the King than it was his luck to find; for the Treasurer was noted to be a Servant to his Master of great use and diligence, but a Friend to his Friends of small assistance. Now, when great Affairs did run upon the Wheels of these private Grudges, what was like to become of the Publick Weal? To be over­turn'd in the hurry.

82. For such a Dust was rais'd about the Bill of Tonnage, &c. that the way could not be seen for that Cloud, to come to a quiet end. Long Speeches, full of hydropical swellings, took up the time to delay it. Of which Aristotle gives warning to all Political Governments, Polit. lib. 5. [...], that nothing overthrows them so soon, as the petulancy of their Orators. Let impartial Posterity sit in the Chair of Judgment, and examine these things. The Lords unanimously dissented from the Commons: lookt sad­ly at the slowing of the Bill, at the quarrels against the Accomptants of the Cu­stom-house. Insomuch that the King told their Lordships, That he took as much content in their dutiful demeanour, as he was justly distasted with the proceeding of the others. And what bred all this Anger? was it a new Project? alas no; but an ancient Supply of some hundred years old, never grudg'd at, but cheerfully granted for the Safety of the narrow Seas. Quod à principio beneficium suit, usu atque aetate fit debitum, says Sym. ep. p. 58. That which was free Gift at first, be­ing constantly given, Custom makes it a Debt. The King's Actions were strong­ly warranted with the wisdom of former Ages: for the Subsidy of Tonnage and Poundage was not granted to Edward the Fourth by Parliament, till the end of the third year of his Reign, yet answer'd to him from the first year. And, to say more, all Kings and Queens enjoy'd it from the day of the precedent Prin­ces Death, before ever a Parliament sat: and the legitimate receiving it was ne­ver question'd. And yet now the Commons pleaded, That until the King would put himself out of all the Right of it, the Subject stood not in sit case to grant it; Decl. p. 28. That is, shut himself out of Doors, and stay till, God knows when, they let him in again. And wherefore was the Petition objected? which was granted to secure all men in their Property for the Subject's Right, not for the King's wrong. They that were reasonable and thankful men will allow him to interpret his own meaning, which was not to take from his Liege people what he should not, but not to give from himself what he would not. As eloquent Lysias says, [...]. The mind of them that judge by a Law, must be the same with his mind that made the Law. 'Tis all the right in the World. His Majesty was willing to take this Payment as the Gift of the Parliament, would thankfully embrace it with that Formali­ty. But it were folly to let them polish his Revenue, and file away the best part of it. They knew he could not want this Stock, as well to guard the Kingdom, as to support his own Dignity. Take heed they thrust not upon that Necessity, which loving Compliance might avoid. Omnia quae reipub. salutaria sunt, legitima & justa habentur, Tull. Philip. 12. To render good for evil, and to bring them all within one Circle of Love and Clemency, a gracious and gene­ral Pardon was appointed by the King to be drawn up, which past the House of Lords; but the Gentlemen beneath did not so much as read it. Yet no In­nocency is so safe, which may not desire to be lookt upon with the Eye of Mer­cy. Some of the Members did want it after their Dissolution. Which straight­way follow'd upon shutting their Door against the King's Messengers, and hold­ing the Speaker by violence from obeying his Majesty's Order to leave the House. So dying Lamps expire with enlarged Flames. This was unwonted, and no ho­nour to so wise a Senate, if the Rule of the Orators be true: Quae potest esse homini major poena à Diis immortalibus furore & dementiâ? Dehosparus. Our Bishop was wont to say, That Queen Elizabeth 's Parliaments were most tractable, which sate but a short time, ended before they were acquainted with one another Interests, and had not [Page 84]learned to Combine. Which makes me allude it to Theophrastus Date Tree, [...]. The young Trees bare Dates with­out Stones, but the older they grow, so much the harder is the Stone that is in them. Wo is to us, this Rupture was not a Date-stone, but a Mill-stone, whose Consequences have grounded us to Dust. Which the King's troubled Spirit did divine. Will you hear the Swan sing his own Dirge, Cantator funeris ipse su [...]? Declar. p. 41. All this is done to abate the powers of our Crown, and to bring our Go­vernment to obloquy, that in the end all things may be over-whelmed with Anarchy and Confusion. Prophetical, or rather Oraculous, for Miseries are sometimes foreseen, never prevented by the Dictates of Oracles.

83. Look now in the procedure upon the way that the King chose to go in, with an Eye of Reverence, but with an Eye of Reason. The Bishop of Lincoln moved the Lord Weston to carry his mind to the King, much after this sort: That the Parliament might meet again for all this, and that there might be a Conference be­tween them and the Lords, to debate upon Differences. He hoped that their own House would give a check, if not a censure to some that had exceeded in such a rude and un­parliamentary uprore: that they would in no long space of time be ashamed of their own work, and make amends with submission. Neat that run about, as if they were mad in the Pastures, stroke them, and they will come of themselves to the Milk pale. Fury wasteth as Patience lasteth. He would not pray for them if their sin were a sin unto death, whereof they could not repent. Pliny can tell us of an Image in Chios, Cuyus vultum intrantes tristem, exeuntes exhilaratum vident, Lib. 3. Nat. Hist. cap. 5. It seem'd to frown on those that came in to behold it, and to smile upon them when they departed. To shew what variety may fall out in the first and last Experiment of Human Affairs. God alone knows what the event of this Coun­sel might have been. The King would not know it, for he would not use it. Kings have another Sentiment of Wrongs then common People. Yet one Rulo is as good for them, as for their Vassals, to let Counsels mellow, and to grow un­to a taste by leisure: waiting for time and opportunity are such advantages, as tire out the spirits of others, till we have melted their metal. As every sweet thing mixt with Oil will keep its odour the longer, so Deliberations, the longer they are compounded with Patience, in the end they will be the sweeter. The King says for himself, Declar. p. 40. He would have expected longer, if there had been any hope in them to return to their duty. It is as the Spanish Proverb says, A crooked Cucumber will never grow straight. But are all crooked? What was in his he­roick Mind to think, that no Parliament would be right for ever after? which appeared because he summoned none in twelve years; nor then, but when ex­tremity forc't him. When did he expect a better Generation, that despaired of all for so many years? This was to fall out with a whole Nation. But says Cy­rus to Cyaxares in the Cipher of an absolute King, Lib. 5. Cyr. P. [...]. It is a great fault in a Ruler to be at odds with all his Subjects. He may have his will by taking all Empire into his own hands, but with no good will of others. The last Tarquin rob'd the Senate of their power: omnia in domo regiâ privatim tractabantur, Mach. Resp. lib. 3. cap. 5. for which Brutus and his party take up Arms, till they pros­per'd in their sin. In more recent memory H. Grotius writes, Hist. Belg. lib. 1. p. 7. That the disusing of the Assemblies of the States by Philip the Second, was the begin­ning of the Revolt of the Netherlands. Discontents that fell in should not abolish Courts fundamental for the Maintainance of Justice. We have had most corrupt general Councils for some Ages in the Church; therefore shall we never hope to obtain a good one? Well did Warsovius speak in his Oration to Stephen King of Polonia, Millies licet homo defraudetur ab homine, utique hominem cum homine vivere debere: Though we have been cheated over and over, we must trade again with men. It is to be prais'd and admir'd that while Parliaments were laid asleep so long, we could not say that we wanted Justice, Peace, and Plenty, much less the true worship of God. But for want of that politick Court, the People thought they were under a new shaped Monarchy, like to an Arbitrary Govern­ment, which lost the King their Affections, more then he could lose them by a seditious Parliament. For better to endure frowardness then hatred. As Sueto­tonius says of Caesar, De ampliando imperio plura & majora indies cogitabat: so great Ones, both Male and Female, carried such Tales out of the Bed-chamber, that a more absolute Empire was intended then England had known since the Norman Line. All that the King's incomparable Vertues could plead for him, would not satisfie for that Suspicion. Men love themselves, and like a good Governour [Page 85]better then a Godly. Our Bolton writes, That not a year of Nero' s Reign but was stained with some foul fact of manners; but the Senators finding content in his Govern­ment, he was redeem'd into their sufferance, and the tolerable Opinion of the People. Faults of an impious Life oppress not the Subjects, but oblique ways of Government gall them. Holy King Charles was full of constant and great Vertues, all of them Pearls of a clear water, but he did not study to oblige the Generality, to grati­fie, to insinuate, nay to go down so low as to slatter them: [...], Arist. Eth. lib. 5. cap. 3. That is, some are of rare worth, take them single and alone, that fall short of that per­section in those things which they do, that relate to others. Our King would not buy Applause so cheap, as with Blandishments and Courtesie. He would not dissemble with the Nobles that had offended him, and win them in with Art to recover them. He would not purchase the People with fineness of words, but purpos'd a more real satisfaction. Yea, a few drops of water infused into Wine makes it not cease to be Wine, nor do a few drops of Cunning [...]er the Essence of Honesty. A King of a most nice Conscience shall still [...]in the Servant of God, and yet, by the verdict of wise men, he should be the Servant of the People. The Duke of Millain, the King of Naples about our Grand­fathers days, lost their Principalities for not woing their Citizens, and espousing their hearts strongly to them. The Scepter of the old Latin Princes was a Li­tuus, an Ensign of Majesty crooked at the stronger end, because a little bend­ing Policy is necessary in a Magistrate. Which Xenophon makes to be the Opi­nion of his exact Cyrus, [...], lib. 8. That sometime he must couzin the Multitude into good frame, and quiet obedience. So might our Josiah have done with good success, and sincerity of heart preserv'd. Such as saw to what he was inclin'd, made him abhorrent the more from Parliaments, by remembring them with all disadvantage of flirts and contumelies. And what did they in it, but piss into the common Well, from whence all the Neighbour­hood drew water? John Major pleading for the Authority of a General Council breaks off, and says, he knew that many more would plead very stiffly for the Pope, Quia Concilium rarò congregatur, nec dat dignitates Ecclesiasticas: Councils met sel­dom, and gave no Preferments as the Pope did. So Flatterers and Ambitious Persons stuck to the surer side, and desired the King would forget Parliaments, and act all himself: for the King could promote them, so could not a Parliament. But in fine, to say a very little upon the whole case; as St. Austin is quoted by Gratian for this Sentence, That it is too great an attempt for Church Discipline to ex­communicate a Nation of People; so it was no fit Punishment to exterminate, or lay aside the Parliaments of a Nation. No Parliament for twelve years, and too much Parliament for twelve years put all out of order.

84. Which Court, formidable to Opposers, being like a Bow so long unbent, some eminent ones, that abused the greatness of their power, and some ignoble ones that lived upon the impurity of secure Times, seared not the Arrows of its Jurisdiction, nor to come under account for their Actions at that Tribunal. Says Quintilian lib 12. Quaedam animalia, in angustiis mobilia, in campo deprehendun­tur: Some Creatures can shift in their own holes, but are snapt up easily in the open Fields. So such as could do mischief in their Court, had no hope to escape in so publick Examination. The Bishop of Lincoln felt it, who fell into troubles, not for want of Innocence, but for want of a Parliament to keep him from Ma­lef;icence. The cause of his uncessant Molestations for twelve years would dis­cover himself, though I should conceal him, by an open affectation to be known his Enemy, I mean Bishop Laud. Could he so soon forget him that first made him a Bishop? and in twelve years could he not forget an Injury (I know of none) if the other had trespass'd against him? The undoing of his Brother and Colleague in dignity did so run in his mind, that it was never out of his dreams, to be seen in the Notes drawn with his own hand in Mr. Prinn's Breviate. He dream't the Lord Keeper was dead Octob. 23. 1623. that is, being interpreted, in the Duke's Affections. June 14. 1626. He dream't the Bishop of Lincoln came, he knew not with whom, with Iron Chains, but, returning freed from them, he leapt upon an Horse, and departed, neither could he overtake him. March 17. 1627. Sir G. Wright whisper'd in his Ear in his sleep, that he was the cause that Lincoln was not admitted again into Favour in the Court. Jul. 13. 1633. He dreamt at Anderwick that this Bishop came and offer'd to sit above him at the Council Table, Tibul. lib. 3. El [...]g. (Quae Deus in melius [...]rudelia somnia vertat) that the Earl of Hol­land came and placed him there. Some hearken to Dreams which themselves [Page 86]caused to be dream't, says the Prophet Jeremiah, cap. 29. v. 8. Sabini quod volunt solent somntare, says the Adagy: The Sabines dream what they would have. But for this Vision at Anwick, it was not what my Lord wish't, but what he feared. Let Babie; be frighted with such Visors, Ecquid, ait, vani terremur imagine visus? says the Preacher Eccl. 5.3. A Dream cometh through the multitude of Business. That which the Fancy is troubled with most in the Day, it rencounters in the Night, yet without any deliberation of Reason; and therefore must be most groundless to collect an observation from it, of any act that hath an intellectual touch in it. I except the infusions of Prophetical Inspiration, which common­ly who can suppose he hath attained without Enthusiastical Presumption? Jug­gling Astrologers, that will fly at any game for profit and credit, held the Peo­ple in a Dream, how they could interpret Dreams, which would hit, and which not by the Planet; as Salm [...]sius says Clymact. p. 789. that it was Hephestions pro­session to unfold, [...], in what nights of e­very Moon they will happen to be true. But he that records his Dreams, as if he weigh'd a thing so light in the Balance of Observation, his Wits are built upon Fairy Ground, and needs no other Astrology to deceive him, but his own Superstition. Isaiah says, That which shall come to nothing, shall be as the dream of a night vision, c. 29.7. Ens siclum, a Toy of no Entity, that hath no place in a Predicament. The greater is their Sin, that make it some part of a Quarrel, if they dream that another was ominous to their Life or Honour: As Plutarch relates in Dion's Life, how Dionysius the elder dreamt, that one Marsyas had kil­led him, which made him take opportunity to kill Marsyas to prevent it. I am certain it was for no Good-will, that the Bishop of Lincoln was notch'd so often upon the Tally of ill-boding Dreams: God did promise, that old men should dream Dreams of holy revelation, Act. 2.17. But these came from the old man, which is corrupt, Eph. 4.22. who had Art and Part, as the Scottish Indictment runs, in all our Bishops Persecutions. After my L. Bishop Laud had begun to go a sharer with the Duke to suppress him, he knew not how to sound a Retreat and desist; like to Pope Julius the Second in his Character, Nunquam ab eo, ad quod ingenio feroci impellebatur, recedendum putavit, Match. Prin. c. 26. Whatsoever he set himself about, though unpleasing and dangerous, he never look'd back to Re­pentance; and it was beyond his Sufferance to let a parallel Line side with him, but he saw, if he did not cut this man down, he was like to grow to as much heighth of Glory as himself: Beside, being dazled with too much Light of Royal Favour, he did not see that he needed to make Friends, least of all to fear an Enemy. Whether he had little or sufficient insight into Government, is disputable, but he knew how to govern the King: Like Anaximander the Sooth­sayer to Alexander the Great, Cui credulitatem suam rex addixerat. Alexander be­liev'd any thing that Anaximander told him, Curt. lib. 7. Mediators were not wanting, that endeavour'd a renewing of Friendship between these two Prelates; which the Haughtiness, or perhaps the Dissidence, of Bishop Laud would not accept; a Symptom of Policy more than of Christian Grace, not to trust a reconciled Enemy: Which is not approved by a good Heathen, Tul. Ep. lib. 3. Ep. 37. Si quis est qui neminem in gratiam putat redire posse, non is nostram per­sidiam arguit, sed indicat suam. He that will not trust, is not to be trusted.

85. Many did suspect that there was small hope to unite these, because the one was hard Wax, the other soft: Bishop Laud would not connive at the Pu­ritans, nor seek them with fair Entreaties, but went on to suppress the Ring­leaders, or to make them fly the Kingdom. Bishop Williams perceived that this made the Faction grow more violent, to triumph against Justice, as if it were Persecution, that the cutting of some great Boughs made the Under woods grow the faster. His way to mitigate them, was to turn them about with the fallacy of Meekness: If they came to him, they had courteous Hospitality; if they ask'd his Counsel in Suits of Law, he gave them all assistance; if some Ceremo­nies would go down with them, he waited till their queasie Stomachs would digest the rest; he thought it no dishonest thing, if he might win his weak Bre­thren, to shift a Point of the Compass, when the Winds blew overthwart, and to fetch them in, not always by a streight course, but sometimes by Obliquity. Ano­ther Disunison was this: Bishop Laud was not only a great Patron of them that maintain Arminius, or, as they would have it, Melancthon's Doctrin, but a great discountenancer of the opposite part. And since he shook the Box, they were but Duices and Trays in all Church-Preferments. The Indraught of this Partiality wax'd into a new Faction, never known before he sate at the Stern: The King's [Page 87]Declaration, pag. 21. speaks not a little to it, that Bishop Montague's Book did open the way to those Schisms and Divisions, which since have ensued in the Church. Some, both then and at this day, are so alien'd from the Followers of Calvin, as they call them, that the Samaritans were not more strange to the Jews; [...]. They will not shake Hands with a dissenting Dogmatist. This our prudent Bishop did both dislike and despise, as a very causeless Breach maintain'd by them, Qui eruditionem discordiâ metiuntur, as Aventine says of the Schoolmen, Annal. lib. 6. And therefore he says in his Ser­mon at the Fast, p. 56. We have a knowing, learned, and right venerable Clergy, the busie Meddling of some few in matters of no moment excepted; for though it is not about so small a thing as a strife of Words, yet it is so great a thing, as no Words could ever determine. Even Knot the Jesuite writes so to Dr. Potter, upon those Que­stions eagerly contended in, between the Dominicans and his Order, Who hath assured you, that the Point wherein these learned men differ is Revealed Truth, and capable of a decision? Or, is it not rather by plain Scripture indeter­minable? Or by any Rule of Faith? There came out an Order from the King, (and every one knew who suggested it) to suppress all Preaching, or Reading in the Universities, upon the Questions decided at Dort, which was straightway parallel'd with an History in Baronius, A. 648. N. 12. That Paul, Pa­triarch of Constantinople, seeing his Opinion of a Monothelite decried every where, he perswaded the Emperor to set out an Edict, to silence the disputing on either side. This Direction of His Majesty's our Bishop obeyed, but with a foresight, that such a Restraint would make Zealots of each Opinion be more importunate to advance their Doctrin, and that every Spark would kindle another, and spread apace to a general Combustion. We are told by Camerarius, Mel. 6. p. 270. that Charles the First had Melancthon most in Jealousie, for declining his Interim, though he said nothing. So my L. of Lincoln was most suspected for a Gain-sayer of the King's Order, though none did keep it with stricter Duty: Neither did it make him innocent to sit quiet, since he did not appear to favour it: He that did not tune his Mind, as well as his outward Carriage, to the present Harmony, was censur'd to be out of Tune, and not fit for the Quire. So it was contriv'd, that this Prelate, no meddler that way, must be knock'd down, as the Supporter of the Adherents to the Dort Synod, and others for fear would veil their Top-fails. Like to Agelaeus's Speech in Homer, to his Fellows the Suitors of Penelope, Let us throw all our Darts together at Ulysses, and kill him: [...], Odyss. X. No matter for the rest, if he were fallen. Whereas the way to keep him from all opposition, had been to grant him his Peace as a Top goes down of it self when it is no longer scourged: Or as Charmides said in Plau­tus, Nunquam aedipol temerò tinniit tintinnabulum: nisi quos illud tractat, aut movet, mutum est, & tacet. If you will not hear the sound of a Bell, let it alone, and do not pull the Rope. These are the true Disclosures wherefore Bishop Laud took the other Bishop not to be a man after his own Heart, and thrust him out of Favour, out of Power, out of House and Home, and out of all he had. I find more pag. 10. of Mr. Prinn's Breviate, that the potent Bishop shew'd Reasons to the King for printing the Papers of Bishop Andrews (Cujus memoriâ recreor) concer­ning, that Bishops are jure divino, contrary to that which the Bishop of Lincoln miserably, and to the great detriment of the Church, signified to the King Which is a great mistake; for Lincoln ever defended the divine Right of his Order, that it was necessary in a Church rightly constituted, that it was a main defect in them that had not that Presidency among them, but the less, if they did desire it, and could not enjoy it: Yet he would not unchurch those Christians, but wisht them a better Mind, that had set up another Discipline. If Bishop Laud was more ri­gid, he did worthily incur the Rebuke of Dr. Holland, in Oxford, anno 1604. for maintaining, there could be no true Church (vera, non verax) without Diocesan Bishops. These being all the Incentives of his displeasure against this Brother and Advances, what little Grains they be! what small Occasions! and the Evil he brought upon him being so great, and prosecuted so many years, how indefen­sible is such Anger? His ablest and best Friends did wish it had never been: If among many whom he preferred and obliged, some will dress it with Exte­nuations and Excuses, I do not condemn their Ingenuity; for, as Xenophon writes lib. 7. hist. [...]: Commonly men would have those appear to be good, who were their Patrons and Benefactors. But I conclude it as Seneca did upon the Praises of Alexander the Great, when you have said all you can for him, Calisthenem intersccit.

[Page 88] 86. After our Bishop was cut off from all Place in the State, and wither'd away in a happy Retirement, he that watch'd him a [...]l the harm he could, assisted many (and they were many) to pelt him with slight and bald Complaints, like the Clowns about Virgil's Ash-tree, Crebris (que) bipennibus instant certatim eruere agricolae: With all their hewing they got not a Chip from the Defendant, but had their Wages from him that was the Setter; as Fulgentius says in the Life of Fryar Paul, Many shewed Hatred against the innocent Father, looking to get Favour for it from the Court of Rome. It was hard, and yet not strange, for ours, that being vext with many Suits, he could not obtain Orders, or not so full as his Causes did merit; for Archbishop Abbot, his Copartner in Sufferings, cries out in his Manuscript, That his own Suit for the Privileges of his Church, against the Townsmen of Canterbury, was slopt, and wanted that Justice which was not to be denied to any Subject. Had he, good man, such a Sentiment of one Wrong? How then did Lincoln take so many? The Heathens say, That Constancy in Suffering wears out the Cruelty of the Gods. I will not compare a polisht Statue, that hath no life, with a living Man; yet the Heathen presum'd of better things from their Image­gods, than he could find among the living gods, that sit in the Congregation of Princes, Psal. 82. Is it worth it, to take his Wrongs in a general sum? Expect them. He could not censure a Misdemeanour in his Ecclesiastical Courts, but he was called in question for it by Reference, Petition, or Appeal; and yet the Appellants very Rake-hells upon Fame and Proof: But, as we say of ill Cloaths, they are good enough for the Dirt; so these could not be too bad to be taken into the Service for which they were used. And yet Xenophon did esteem it a Baseness in the Athenians, lib. Abb. Resp. [...]; because they would cherish those that were sit and helpful to them, though they were Knaves. He could not institute a Clerk to a Benefice of va­lue, but a Quarrel was raised by one Scholar, or more, that pretended to it, knowing it would be well lookt upon by no little body. What an Unease it was to be troubled with the humming of so many Gnatts? Pliny relates it for a marvellous Story, That Cato major answer'd against Indictments four and forty times, lib. 7. c. 21. Compare him with this Lord, and he escaped well; whose Suits hung upon him like Fruits on the Citron Tree, as Servius says upon Virgil's Ec­loges, Omni tempore plena est pomis, quae in eâ partim matura, partim acerba, partim in store sunt. It bore some ripe ones, and some sour ones, some in the Knot, and some in the Blossom altogether. No matter though the Bishop came off without a Scratch in Credit, it was enough that he was impoverish'd, for Costs he could get none. And it was held to be a Shred of Policy, to make him spend away his Sub­stance; for, by taking away as much Earth as they could about the Tree, it would cool the Root. The Bishop looking into the Throng, and variety of such bad Humors and Dispositions, was ashamed to see so many in holy Calling brought up in Faction and Flattery: Qui pro hierophant is sycophantae, esse decreverunt, as Erasmus writes to Bovillus, Ep. p. 61. Yet further, he could let no Lease, chiefly if it were devolved to him, by expiration of Years or Lives, but that the Tenants, or their Heirs, sought to enforce him to their own Conditions, before His Majesty and Privy Council. Who ever saw such a thing in the face of for­mer times? A Gentlewoman, by the Interest of a Daughter, match'd to one of a mean Place in the Presence-Chamber, pursued him many years, to enforce his agreement to her own asking, and never prevailing, had leave to take out her Penniworths in ill words: Like the Poet's Frogs, lib. 6. Metamor. Quamvis sint sub aquâ, sub aquâ maledicere tentant: But of all Attempts, those Suspicions plied him on the weak side, that chased him upon the wrong scent of Corruption, and taking Rewards. He had undergone as strict an Inquisition as ever was, of Thirteen Commissioners, to search if he had taken but one Bribe, while he kept the Seal, and they broke up with a Non-inventus, yet is now impeach'd for taking the Gratuity of a Saddle, a piddling Trifle; for all that, the Enquiry about it cost more than a good Stable of Horses, with all their Furniture; and when all came to all, it was found the Prosecutor importun'd the Steward of the House to receive it, who laid it by, and never presented it to his Lordship, because it was too gaudy for his use. The Complainant was a Doctor, prefer­red by this Patron to a good Parsonage, thro' the intercession of Sir W. Powel the Bishop's Brother-in-Law. For the rest, I leave the man in Obscurity, with­out a Name, as St. Hierom said to Heliodor, Grown into note by defending an Heresie; Quis te oro, ante hanc blasphemiam noverat? So let this Party sink in Forgetfulness, [Page 89]that his Memory may not be preserv'd by the advantage of his Vice. If Homer had spared a few Verses, Thersites had never been known. Any one may gather now out of the Premisses, that when one single person was beset on every side, it was not an ordinary Fortitude, nor an ordinary Wisdom, that broke all their Ranks: But was it not a craven Spirit that turned loose so many Mirmy­dons against him? Honour is least where Odds appear the most, says our great Poet Spencer, Lib. 2. Cant. 8. He had no Favour, but Innocency to bear him out; as those places under the Poles have no Light in Winter, but from the whiteness of the Snow upon their own Ground, not the least [...]eam of the Sun shining upon them. And which is eminent, charitable, and generous, he never shew'd himself offended against any of these Adversaries when the Brunt was over. An Observator, as he calls himself, the Wolf that howls against this Bishop both li­ving and dead, remembers what pleasant and courteous words he had with him, anon after he came out of the Tower. Upon which I will compare him once again with Melancthon, according to Camerarius, p. 57. Nullum dictum aut factum alicujus tam duriter unquam accepit, ut ab illius benevolentia, ac familiar itate recederet. And my L. Bacon tells us well what a Gallantry it is; For in taking Revenge a man is but even with his Enemies; in passing them over he is superiour. Had this Example been follow'd by Churchmen, and by Theophilus Churchman, our Foes had not enter'd in upon us at those Gaps, which our selves did cause. Bishops driving out Bishops was that which the Devil watch'd for, says Euseb. lib. 8. Praep. Evan. cap. 1. [...]. By the Jars, and Jostlings, and ambitious Contentions of the chief Fathers among themselves, their Inheritance was given to Strangers.

87. Our Bishop being Storm-beaten without intermission, he requested the Lord Cottington to inform him what he should do to get his Peace, and such or­dinary Favours as other Bishops had from His Majesty; this noble Lord retur­ned him answer in two Points: First, the Lustre wherein he lived, the great Company that resorted to him, and his profuse Hospitality were objected; that it was not the King's Meaning, that one whom he had pluck'd down should live so high. Secondly, His Majesty did not like that he should be so near a Neighbour to Whitehall, but would be better contented if he would part with his Deanry. In the first he took him out a Lesson, which he would never learn, to live in a dark and Miser-like fashion. The Italians have had a meeting of Aca­demicks at Rome, called Compagna della Lesina, the thrifty Congregation, of which Profession he could never have been a Member. Nor did he abate from living in Decorum and Liberality in the worst Times; as Mr. A. Cowly writes to him in his Miscellanies, p. 13.

You put Ill Fortune in so good a Dress,
That it out-shines other mens Happiness.

Yet this was no ill Counsel if it had been follow'd; for Princes will dislike (it must not be call'd Envy) if any live fortunately under their Punishment: As both Dion. lib. 58. and Tacitus, An. lib. 6. have made it known in the Case of Junius Gallio, that being banish'd, he was brought back to Rome, and confin'd, Quia incusabatur facilè toleraturus exilium, delectâ insulâ Lesbo nobili & amaenâ. As to the other touch, to relinquish his Deanry, he was utterly deaf unto it; who­soever ask'd it was a hard Chapman, but he did not stand so much in need of his Ware, to grant him his Price. St. Austin, it may be, would teach him other­wise, out of a Punick Proverb, which was used, he says, where he lived, Ut ha­beas quietum tempus perde aliquid. And they tell us from the Caravans that travel in Arabia, if they meet a Lion, they leave him one living Creature for a Prey, and then they may go on their Journey without Fear. But this man thought otherwise of a most wakeful Eye, and able Observation: [...]. Oduss. w. Mnestorides, that saw behind him and before him: For, says he, what Health can come from such a Remedy? Am I like to be beholden to them for a setled Tranquility, that practise upon the ruine of my Estate, and the thrall of my Honour? If I forfeit one Preferment for fear, will it not encourage them to tear me piecemeal hereafter? Memet ipse non deseram, was well resolv'd of Philotus in Cur­tius: Nor will I set so great a Mulct upon mine own Head. What hurt can my Neighbourhood do to the Court, and being so seldom in Town? No greatness of Power, when it would extreamly abuse it self, which is not glad to think of Means how to avoid the note of Injustice. In this there is not one syllable to [Page 90]accuse me, much less to make me guilty. It is not my case alone, but every mans, even his that is the prompter, and puts it into the King's Head to ask it: If the Law cannot maintain my Right, it can maintain no mans. This was his Constancy: Nor did he let go his fast-hold in this Deanry, till the King received it from him in Oxford, anno 1644. As Livy says of Spain, Hispania pri­mò tentata est à Romanis, sed postremò subacta; It was the first Kingdom the Romans invaded, and the last they conquered: So this was the first of Lincoln's Preferment set upon, and the last which he delivered up. Since he would not be forced out of it, it was carried with a Stratagem to keep him from it; for in four years he was not admitted to preach a Sermon in Lent before the King, the course for his Place being usually on Good-Friday; and three years together, when he came to the Chapters, or to the Election, to see it fairly carried for the choice of the best Scholars, he could not rest above a day in the College, but Secretary Coke, either viva voce, or by his Letters, which are yet saved, commanded him from the King, to return to his Bishoprick: As terrible a Prophet as Elisha was to the Noble-man of Samaria, upon the Plenty of Corn predicted, Thou shalt see it with thine eyes, but thou shalt not eat of it, 2 Kin. 7.2. This might fret the Bishop, but not affright him. And he ask'd the Secretary so stoutly, what Law he brought with him to command him from his Freehold; that the good old man was sensible that he had done an Injury. In fine, the chief Agitant saw, that this Tryal, upon so firm a Courage, was uneffectual and ridi­culous: Neither was it a little Breath that could shake him from his Stalk, like a Douny Blow-ball.

88. Yet the more he did thrust off this Importunity, the more it did follow him, and a finer shift was thought of to esloign him from Westminster. Archbi­shop Abbot had Directions from the King to press him to Residency upon his Bishoprick by the Statute; the Archbishop of the Province having the oversight of the said Statute, to see it put in execution. And some words were dropt in the Archbishop's Letter, to signifie, that it was presumed, that being in the Place of Lord Keeper, he had pass'd a Dispensation under the Great Seal for him­self, to enjoy the Commenda of the Deanry, for his better accommodation in that Office. His Answer hereunto, as followeth, is his own in every word.

Most Reverend, &c.

TO that Apostyle touching my Dispensation to reside upon the Deanry of Westmin­ster, the said Deanry being, as all Commenda's are in the Eye of the Law, uni­ted for the time of my Incumbency upon this poor Bishoprick, I can say no more than what your Grace knoweth as well as I, that I use the said Dispensation very modestly and sparingly, and that I am resolved in this, and every thing else, to give His Majesty all Satisfaction, in a due and reasonable order to his Royal Orders; which no Bishop doth yield more exactly than myself. He breaks no Law who pleads a Privilege; nor doth that Subject transgress in Order, who produceth a just and lawful Dispensation to exempt him from the same, as your Grace by daily experience well knoweth. For other matters, that proceed from wrong and sinister Informations, I do intend to procure one or other of my good Lords of the Council, to let His Majesty understand how these things are mis­concerved, as soon as I can: As first, to represent unto His Majesty, that no L. Keeper can issue forth a Dispensation of this nature, nor any other person whosoever, but either His Majesty, immediately by his Regal Right, and Eminency of Power, or your Grace by the Act of Parliament: So as my being Lord Keeper did contribute no more to this Pa­tent, than it did to all others; that is to say, Wax and Impression. Your Grace may call to mind, we were four Governours of several Colleges made Bishops at one time, and two of these had their Colleges put into their Commenda's, as well as myself. And in your Graces Memory also, in the most exact times of Ecclesiastical Government, when those Promotions were manag'd with the Advice of that great and wise Prelate the Lord Bancroft, a Bishop of Bristol kept the Deanry of York together, and a Bishop of Ro­chester this of Westminster, during his Incumbency, with many others the like. Neither did the then L. Keeper procure the Faculty to hold this Deanry; for the late King, my dear Master, of Blessed Memory, was not about London, but at Rutford in Notting­ham-shire, when he granted me this gracious Favour. Nor, to deal ingenuously with your Grace, was it gained by mine own Power, or Interest with His Majesty, but by the Mediation of His Majesty now reigning, and by the Duke of Buck. together with some inducement of the deceased King, not unknown to some yet living; and howbeit my Faculty is without distinction of Time, yet am I no chaser of mine own Time, but do con­fine [Page 91]my self to those particular seasons, which the local Statutes of the Colledge, and my express Oath to perform the said Statutes, do enjoyn me: That is to say, the two Chap­ters, and the great Festivals. All which space of time doth not, being taken in the dis­junct spaces, make a Bishop a Non-resident by any Law I know of, nor consequently in­fringe his Majesties Instructions, though a man had no Dispensation; which Instructions require only that Bishops should reside: but we presume that it is no part of his Majesties gracious intention, that they should be confined, or as it were imprisoned in their Bishop­ricks. I hope to procure a fair representation of these particulars to his Majesty, and thereby to obtain his gracious approbation, of as much residence as I intend to make in the Deanry. Where (as your Grace knoweth as well as I) in regard of Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical and Temporal, of preventing Ruins and Dilapidations, of Hospitality, of Suits in Law, of the Church, the School, the Colledge, and the like, I have no less ne­cessity of abiding sometimes then upon my Bishoprick, and somewhat more, because of my Oath.

So most humbly, &c.

This was enough to satisfie both Statute and Rea­son. Unto which it may be said, as Politian wrote to Herm. Barbarus of a Que­stion wherein he had pleaded for himself, Ita argutum ut defendendi, ita defensum ut arguendi non sit locus, Ep. p. 260.

89. Can he that hath run over these Passages imagine, but that such as en­camped against the Bishop would beat up his Quarters no more to make him fly his Deanery? It is the worst of Miseries to be incurable, the heighth of Malice to be implacable. The stubborn Spartans had a Proverb, says Plutarch Vit. Agis & Cleom. [...], Though they were in a wrong pursuit, it was base to give Ground. For this work was never like to be given over, but was shifted after a few years into new hands. These were a few of the Preben­daries of the later Instalment. Volucres ad jussa paratae, winged Posts that would fly as far as they were sent, who may as well be known by Character, as by their Names. [...], as Aeschylus would say no more of a Fool, but that he was his self-undoing. Another, whom I have heard call'd General Wrangler, the Challenger that undertakes all Modern Writers, of as much ingenuity as Tertullian's Hermogenes, Maledicere singulis officium bonae conscientiae judicat. These prefer'd Articles to his Majesty, and the Lords of the Council, against their Dean for [...] government, three dozen of Articles (yet none to the vantage) that their number might supply the nothingness of their weight; a few Auger-holes are of too small a bore for a Nest of Wasps to breed in; add these Alledgments, though Archbishop Laud did manage them at the hearing, were of no tack to hold, yet sharpned against all Modesty with Insultations and Revilings. Some of great magnanimity have been heart-broken, that they were drawn to contest for their Honour with a Faction of Grooms, or a Conspiracy of more honoura­ble Impeachers. To begin with Scipio; says Quintil. lib. 11. Prior Affricanus Pa­trià cedere, quàm cum tribuno plebis humillimo contendere de innocentiâ suâ malluit: He would retire, and leave his Country, rather than contend with a Plebeian. L. Philip Chabot Admiral of France, took such grief, says Thuanus, at the unkindness of Francis the First, to let his Chancellor Poet sift him for Trespasses committed in his Office, who had ever been most noble and faithful, that he sickned and died. It is no longer since than the Twentieth of King James, says Archbishop Spotswood, Hist. p. 541. that Information being put on by the Lord Ochiltry a­gainst Sir Gideon Murray, Treasurer-Deputy, and remitted to the Trial of certain Counsellors, Sir Gideon having ever given great proof of his Integrity, contract­ed so deep a Melancholy, as neither Comfort nor Counsel could reclaim him, and in a few days he departed this Life, the King sorrowing that ever he had given ear to such Delations. Aemilius Scaurus sped better with his Judges in the Roman Senate, that let him say nothing, but cast a Scorn upon his Adversary Varius, and acquitted him. Varii Sucronensis atrocissimam calumniam Aem. Scaurus summâ gravitate contempsit, solo contemptu refutavit; which Jo. Camero opposeth in his own behalf against one Elias an Advocate of Paris, Oper. p. 855. Our Bi­shop did not look for the Priviledge of Scaurus, but was held to his Answer, which did no more disquiet his Spirit, then to say the Pater-noster, nor one grey hair grew on his head the sooner; but made himself merry with the Conceit, how easie it was to stride over such Urchin Articles. No Man would find lei­sure to read the whole 36, they are so frivolous. Taste them all in these. First, They complain that he came not always in his Habit, and came late to Divine Service. (Answer, sometimes both, not always.) 2. He stays Singing-men with him at Bugden. (He did not invite them, and they came with the Sub-deans leave.) 4. He is not resident often. (The Charge in former days was, that he resided there [Page 92]too much.) 5. He did not preach in propria personá; (because he was frown'd at if he were there in propriá personâ). The 15th, The Dean and Treasurer did not ride progress to keep Courts; (who was not to ride otherwise by Statute, than si velit.) 23. He made Dr. Hacket his Vicar in the Election 1632. (The three Electors may choose their Vicar, whom they will at their own pleasure.) 24. Verses were not hung up in the Hall upon the King's day, Anno 1634. (The Scholars were correct­ed for the Fault.) 26. He calls the Schoolmaster often away, keeps him many weeks in the Country, and imploys him in his great Affairs, to the neglect of his Scholars. (He never staid with the Bishop above two nights at a time: his great business he doth is to buy a Book, or to convey a Letter; and the School by his At­tendance is in an excellent case.) The daring Courage of Mr. Osbalston troubled the Bishops ill-willers, more then all his Friends beside that did negotiate for him. For, as my Lord Bacon observes, A bold person may serve for great use at the dire­ction of a wiser man. All the rest of the Articles were goll-sheaves, that went out in a suddain blaze, and the Bishops triumph was, Adversis rerum immersabilis un­dis, Hoart ep. l. 1. But because there is nothing new under the Sun, I will pluck for a parallel to this in the Life of Padre Paulo: Soto and Archangelo his profest Enemies objected against him to Cardinal Severino the Grand Inquisitor: First, That sometime he kept Company with Hereticks. 2. That he wore a Cap upon his head. 3. That he wore Slippers after the French fashion 4. That he did not recite Salve Re­gina at the end of the Mass. Flea-bites, like the former, of which you can see no mark in an hour. But says St. Austin Serm. [...] de diver. Quid refert utrum te plum­bum premat, an aren [...]? Nay, with good leave, it is not all one. The Lead will not be removed so soon, as the Wind may blow the Sind into their faces that laid it. To stay no more upon this; the Articles flew away over the Abby, like a flock of Wild-geese, if you cast but one stone among them: yet the Pro­moters were not one whit dismaid; they had laid their Betrs so sure, that they would get, whether the Game were won or lost. If their Articles succeeded, they got the day: if otherwise, it would be worth a Hen and her Chickens to bid defiance to their Dean. For every one of his Adversaries had a Recom­pence given them, like a Coral to rub their Gums, and make their Teeth come the faster.

90. Readers impartial must judge of these things, and will be tried at the great Assize of common Discretion, whether he that had been so liberal to the structure of the Church and Library, had erected some Scholarships, their num­ber being a great deal short of the Foundations of Eaton and Winchester, whe­ther he deserv'd that they should fly at his Throat to worry him, who had as much relation to the place as himself, where these good Deeds were done. But there is a Writer, (and not one year scapes him, but that he publisheth some­what to bespatter the Bishop of Lincoln's good Name; Odimus accipitrem quia sem­per vivit in armis, Ovid. Art. Amand.) he it is that would cover all the Monu­ments of his Bounty with one Blot, if he could find Readers, such as he wish't, that would take all that he vents without examination. Mr. Fuller in his Church History of Britain, after he had given some unhandsome Scratches to this Bishop, parts with him thus; Envy it self could not deny, but that whit hersoever he went, he might be traced by the foot-steps of his Benefaction—That he expended much in the repair of the Abby-Church of Westminster, and that the Library was the effect of his Bounty. This is truth, and praise-worthy in the Historian; and yet I say not the Bishop is beholding to him for it, because it is truth. That's Politian's judg­ment in an Epistle to Baptista, p. 197. Pro v [...]ris laudibus, hoc est pro suis, nemo cui­quam debet. Quis enim pro suo debeat? But what says one of the Swallows to it, that built under the roof of the Abby? Just like a Swallow, carried all the filth he could pick up to his Nest. But worse then a miry Swallow, he resembles those obscene Birds that use to flutter about the Sepulchres of the Dead, and insults extreamly over the Grave of the Deceased in his Animadversions upon the Church History, p. 273. That Lincoln received so much out of the Rents of the Colledge, in the time when he was Lord Keeper, four years and more, that the Surplusage of all that he paid out in several sums respectively, amounted to more then he laid out upon the Church and Library. [...], says Demost. orat. [...]. about the end; The very Enemies of the dead cease to hate them when they are dead. But as Anabaptists and Quakers say they are above Ordinances, so it seems the Conscience of some Divines is above moral Niceties. As to the Calumny, squeeze it, and in round Russian Language you shall wring out a great lye. First, before the Dean was Lord Keeper, or dreamt of that honour, that is, before the Chap­ter [Page 93]had committed the Rents to his management, he had repaired the great Ruins of the south side of the Church, abutting upon the stately Chappel of Henry the Seventh. If the Animadverter knew this, why did he not separate it from that which was expended in those four years wherein he lays his Challenge [...] If he did not know it (for it was done ten years before he was hatcht into a Prebend) then when blind men throw stones, whose head is not like to be bro­ken? For that which was laid out by the Lord Keeper to strengthen and beau­tifie the north side of the Abby, to the end that the right Pay-master may be known, and the mouth of all Detraction stopt, the Chapter shall testifie in their Act, as followeth: Whereas there hath lately been divulged, as we have heard, an un­just report, that the Right Honourable and Right Reverend Father in God, the Lord-Bi­shop of Lincoln our Dean, should have repair'd and new-built our Church on the north side of the same, and south side of the Chappels belonging to it, out of the Diet and Bel­lies of the Prebendaries, and Revenues of our said Church, and not out of his own Re­venues; We therefore the Prebendaries of the same, with one consent do affirm, That we verily believe the same to be a false and injurious Report. And for our selves we do te­stifie every man under his own Protestation, that we are neither the Authors nor Abettors of any such injurious Report, untruly uttered by any mean man with intention to reflect upon his Lordship. And this we do voluntarily record and witness by our Chapter Act, dated this present Chapter Decemb. 8. 1628. Theo. Price Sub-Deacon, Christopher Sutton, George Darrel, Gabriel Grant, Jo. King, Rob. Newell, John H [...]lt, Gr. Williams. Whether will we believe eight men in their right minds, or one in his rage?—To slight the Bishops erecting such a beautiful Pile, the Library of St. John's Colledge (and put that of Westminster with it) he is as froward as a Child that hath worms in his Stomach, and tells us that it possibly cost him more Wit than Money, many Books being daily sent unto him; Vis dicam tibi veriora ve­ris; Martial. It was not only possible, but very true. For what Library, no not the Bodleian, the choicest of England, but grew up, and doth grow by contributo­ry Oblations? as Athenaeus says Lib. 8. [...]. The Symbols or Portions that many Friends bring in to furnish a publick work, have good influence into it, but the Founder is the Lord of the Ascendant. A great deal of the like the Author hath crowded into a few Leaves: I do not ac­cuse it for want of Salt, it is a whole Hogshead of Brine. Wisely and mildly Melanchthou was wont to say, Answer not Slanders, but let them vanish; Et si quid adhuc in hujus saeculi levitate quasi innat at, brevi interiturum est cum autorum no­minibus, Camer. p. 79. The worthy Works of the Bishop's excessive cost at Westminster, and in both Universities, will stand, when Pamphlets shall be con­sum'd with moths. The liberal deviseth liberal things, and by liberal things he shall stand, Isai. 32.8. A fair Walnut-tree the more it bears, the more it is beaten, as it complains in the Greek Epigram, [...]. But such as yield the fruits of good works in this world, shall become Trees of Life here­after: as I have read it from some good Pen, He is well that is the better for others, but he shall be happy for whom others are the better.

91. Method hath digested the troubles about the Deanry altogether, which is the reason why this Paragraph recoils five years back, that is, to 1630 to make a transition into the next disturbance. A Commission was directed this year to very honourable and knowing persons, the Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Arundel, Vicount Wimbleton, Lord Wentworth, Sir Hugh Middleton, Sir W. Slingsby, Sir Hen. Spelman, Ed. Ascough, Th. Brett, Th. Bridgman, to question the oppression of exacted Fees in all Courts and Offices, Civil and Ecclesiastical, throughout all England. A noble Examination, and full of Justice, if due and convenient Fees thereupon had been straitned and appointed; which was frustrated two ways: First by indigent and craving Courtiers, who enquired after such as were suspect­ed for Delinquency, and of great Wealth, with whom they compounded to get them Indempnity, though not a Doit of a Fee were abated. Secondly, By vex­atious Prosecutions of abundance, that were Innocent, before Sub-committees, where Promoters got a great livelyhood to themselves, to redeem them from chargeable Attendance; which deserves such a Complaint as Budaeus makes of his Master's Court. That it was a Divine Priviledge of the Kings of France, that they had the gift of healing, and could cure the Stromosi by the touch of their hand; Si dedisset providentia ut consilia publica auspicatò inirentur, and if they could thrust away flattery and false clamours with their hand, it would be the happiest Government in Europe, Lib. 2. Pandec. fol. 36. This Commission sitting, the Bishop of Lincoln's Adversaries thought they had him sure, and had found his Laire, presuming [Page 94]they could ripen some Trespasses of his in that kind for a Sentence in the Star-Chamber. Jungant ur tum gryphes equis, &c. that had been strange to catch him in an over-sight about the Mammon of Iniquity: For the Elogy which Grotius gives, Lib. 1. Hist. Belg. to William of Nassau, was as much this Bishop's, as it was that great Prince's, Crudelitas, & avaritia nullo ab ingenio longiùs abfuere. But what cannot great Men bring about, when there are no Parliaments to overlook them? As Tully says of Brutus, Philip. 12. Multis in rebus ipse sibi Senatus suit; All must be as Brutus will, if Brutus will be as absolute, as if himself were a Par­liament. Who but Mr. Ratcliff the King's Attorney for York (and we know the Orestes to whom this Pylades was so dear) was instructed to prepare a Bill to be put into the Star-Chamber against the Bishop, who had laid his ear to the ground to hark after the digging of the Mine, and knew the Substance of it, before the Draught was fully penn'd. Such, as are so fortunate in their Discoveries, and have intelligence of all Practices against them, are the Moral of those fabulous People that are called [...] in the Greek Tongue, some of a strange plan­tation, that could cover all their body with their Ears. The charges upon which mr. Ratcliff was devising an Information, were two; the one about the Fees of the Clerk of the Hamper, (which is, according to Sir H. Spelman's Glossary, Sport a grandior cui inferuntur pecuniae è sigillatione diplomatum, brevium, chartarum regiarum proveni [...]ntes, which were as good as fixt before he came to be Lord Keeper The other was about Fees in the Episcopal Registry at Lincoln, presented for undue in the persons of some Officers, but without reflection on the Bishop, whom one thing puzzled; for he knew not whether there were a My­stery▪ or Madness in it. A Prelate or twain were consulted about this Bill of extorted Fees, and they bid it good speed; which was no less than to pull an old House upon their own heads; for the Sums, according to the Tables of their own Registries, were the same or greater. Did they think he would not plead it? Communis culpae cur reus unus agor? Proper. l. 2. el. 10. Did they con­ceive but he would declare his Cause was theirs, and theirs was his? Or would they blow up themselves upon their own Deck to blow up him? As Justin shews how desperate the Boeotians were in their malice against the Phocians, lib. 8. Baeotii tanto odio Phocensium ardentes, ut perire ipsi, quàm non perdere eos praeoptarent. Better had it been for the Reverend Fathers of Holy Orders, rather to strengthen, than to weaken one another; for the Kite might come (O holy Lord he came to soon) who would make but one Morsel of them altogether.

92. But before any Suit could begin, the Bishop represented the Case in a Letter to the King:

May it please your most excellent Majesty;

BEing much wounded by a pinching and uneven Report drawn up by some Officer of your Majesties Commissioners for the Fees, and presented unto your Majesty; Jul. 1630. though but very lately come to my knowledge, without any touch of the full and satisfying Answer, which I had given some three weeks before unto the Lords Commis­sioners, and to others in that behalf. Although I am content, as Men of My Calling ought to be, to pass with the rest of the World through good report and bad, yet I am not able to endure that impression which the said Relation may peradventure have wrought in your Majesties breast against me; a Bishop that hath serv'd your Father in so near a place while be lived, and closed his Eyes when he died, and remains still in the number of your poor Chaplains, free from the least suspicion of such sordid Avarice, as might cause him to spot his Roche [...], with the exaction of so mean a Sum as 20 l. a year, which is the utmost of that pretended Extorsion. The Charges prest upon me with many Words, but no Matter at all, are two: The first concerning an Order for Increasing the Clerk of the Hamper's Fees, 19 Jac. The second about Fees for Institutions, and Resignations taken by the Bishop of Lincoln. My Answer for the Clerk of the Hampers Fees consists of these Heads: 1. That the King may justly and legally increase the Fees of all Offices in his own immediate donation, not limited by Act of Parliament, and hath ever been done so; which was granted by all the Lords. 2. His late Majesty, before my coming to the Seal, had referr'd the suggestions of the Clerk of the Hamper for this in­crease of Fees unto those four great Lords, who had the Seal in their custody, and that their Lordships by their report did allow the same, and returned a Certificate unto his Ma­jesty of all the Species wherein the Fees were to be increased; which was confessed by two of their Lordships then present. 3. This Certificate was recommended to me both by word of mouth from his Majesty, and by direction upon a Petition, subscribed, to my [Page 95]Remembrance, by the Secretary of State, which Petition the Commissioners might call for from the Clerk of the Hamper, who had it for the instructing of his Council, and fortify­ing his Evidence. 4. Upon my doubting of the form, how this might be done by Law and President, the King's Council learned, to wit, the Attorny and Sergeant, did, not in the Clerk of the Hanpers only, but in the King's behalf, satisfie the Court fully in both those particulars, which is express in the Order. 5. That thereupon the Court being assisted with one or two Judges, without examining the Suggestions, (which the Court supposed to be sufficiently done by the former Referrees) the Order was made; which Order for the ease of the Subjects, doth retrench and cut short very much of the Fees allowed by the for­mer Certificate. 6. For Orders made in the High Court of Chancery, the Judge for that time being, doth not conceive that he is responsable to any Power under Heaven, beside the King himself. And this was the effect of my Answer concerning that Order for encrea­sing the Fees of the Clerk of the Hanper. My Answer concerning the Fees in the Diocess of Lincolnis wholly omitted in the Report, as though I had been only called before the Commissioners, but for form; and it was to this effect, 1.That the Certificate from the Country layeth nothing to my charge. 2. That I never gave Direction for receiving of any Fees, but took those only which were deliver'd to me by the Register. 3. That I conceived the Fees of Lincoln Diocess to be much lower than of any other in England, which the L. Wentworth seemed to confess to be so. 4. That if the Register did receive 23 s. 4 d. of every Clerk instituted for the Bishop's Fee, it was no more than the Table allow'd. 5. That the Fees question'd were received by my four immediate Predecessors, Bishops Mountain, Neale, Barlow, Chaderton, Which four Bishops take up a space of time, which extends beyond the Table of Fees. And the L. Wentworth said, he belie­ved as much, and promised to report it. 6. My L. of Winchester is able to assure as much, that these are the ancient Fees of the Diocess; and that I believe my [...] of London, who was beneficed and dignified in this Diocess, and hath twice or thrice paid the said Fees in his own person, can, and I doubt not, will be ready to testifie as much. 7. That for mine own part, and mine own time, I was ready to lay all my Fees (being, God wot, a most contemptible Sum) at your Majesties Feet, to be disposed of as your Majesty pleased. Nor had I ever in my Life toucht one Penny of the same, but given it away from time to time to mend my Servants Entertainment. 8. That the 135 th Canon mentioned by the Commissioners, refers the examination of all Fees in question, not settled by Acts of Parlia­ment, to the Archbishop only, and the Cognizance ecclesiastical, who is the only proper Judge of these Questions: Therefore I humbly beseech your Majesty, that I may not be drawn to contest with my Soveraign, in a Suit of Law of so mean and miserable a Charge as this is, but rather, if those two reverend Prelates shall not be able to satisfie your Ma­jesty, you will be pleased to hear me your self, or transmit the Cause to the Lords of the Council, or where it is only proper to be heard, to the Archbishop of the Province, and that Mr. Attorny-General may stay the Prosecution elsewhere; which I shall embrace with all humble Duty and Thankfulness, &c.

Which reference to the Archbishop was granted, who did authorize the recei­ving of those Fees for the present De benè esse only. And after Sir H. Martin and others had examin'd the Tables, Registries, and Witnesses of Credit and Expe­rience, for the Antiquity of the same, upon their Report the several Fees were ascertain'd by his Grace's Subscription, for the time to come. So true is that of Euripides, in Supplic. [...]. He that was low in Favour got the better of him that was great in Power, in a good Cause.

93. Remember that in this petitionary Letter the Bishop calls himself the King's Chaplain, but not his Counsellor; for about a year by-gone the King had commanded that his Name should be expunged, and not remain in the Ca­talogue of those honourable persons: And who is so faithful among all thy servants as David? 1 Sam. 22.24. Yet so it was decreed, he must not challenge the Pri­vilege, nor keep the Ceremony of the Name; and more he had not in four years before. No worse an Author than Sir E. Coke tells us, in Jurisd. of Courts, p. 54. ‘By force of his Oath, and Custom of the Realm, he that is a Privy Councillor is still so, without any Patent or Grant, during the life of the King that made choice of him.’ But before whom can this be tryed? And, who shall decide it? It will scarce come within the Law; and when a King will hold the Conclusion, he will be too hard for any man in Logick. Let the Masters of the Republick contend about it, whose Counsellors have changed as fast as the quar­ters of the year. Surely His Majesty shewed himself much offended in this action, yet it is better for a King not to give, than to take away; which Xenophon put into Cyrus's Mouth, lib. 7. C. Paid. [...] [Page 96] [...]. It imprints more Offence in a man's Mind, to be de­prived of that he had, than to be pretermitted in some Kindness which he ne­ver had. Since it was no better, the Bishop thought he might ask a noble Friend in Good-manners (it was the Earl of Holland) what had kindled the King's Anger, that he would not allow him the empty Title of a Counsellor? The Earl answer'd him home and ingenuously, That he must expect worse than this, because he was such a Champion for the Petition of Right; and, that there was no room at the Table for those that would abide it. Which was like the Fortune o [...] Poplicola, Honoris sui culmen insregit, ut libertatem civitatis crigeret, Symma. p. 3. He forfeited his Honour to maintain the Laws, which being not maintained, the People are not only Losers, but a Kingdom will look like a Tabernacle taken down, whose Pins are unfastened, and the Cords of it broken. To gall our Bi­shop with assiduous recurrent Umbrages (for Pismires wear out Flints with pas­sing to and fro upon them) the Christening of Prince Charles being celebrated in the Chappel of St. James's House, Jun. 27. 1630. and all the Lords Spiritual and Temporal about London being invited thither, to make the Splendour emi­nent, the Bishop of Lincoln only was left out, and not admitted to joyn in Prayer and Joy with that Noble Congregation. The more sharp Diseases suffer not the lesser to be perceived; yet this Omission, light as it might seem, did twinge him, even to outward demonstrance of Dejectedness, that in so good a day, wherein the Clemency of the King should have run at waste to all men, that then he should be separated from his Countenance and this Solemnity. But, says he, in one respect it was well, for I would not have said Amen to Bishop Laud 's Prayer (which he conceived for the Royal Infant, and was commended to all Parish-Churches) in that passage, Double his Father's Graces, O Lord, upon him, if it be possible. No Supplication could be better, than to crave encrease of Grace for that Noble Branch; for when a Prince is very good, God is a Guest in a human Body: But to put in a Supposal, whether the Holy Ghost could double those Gifts to the Child, which he had given to his Father, and to confine the Goodness and Almightiness of the Lord, it was three-piled Flattery, and loathsome Divinity. Let Cartwright and all his Part shew such an Exception against any line in our Common-Prayer, and I will confess they have some Ex­cuse for their Non-subscription. To carry on mine own Work: When it was known what small esteem His Majesty had of this Bishop, it raised him up the more Adversaries, who catcht at every thing that was next, and turn'd it to a Weapon to strike him; of which Sir Robert Osborn High-Sheriff of Huntington­shire was aware. It was upon a nice point, the Levy of Ship-money, wherein the L. of Lincoln was very provident, to do nothing to displease; for the Adagy could tell him, Verendum est dormienti in ripâ ne cadat; He that sits upon the Cliff of the Sea, had best take heed he do not nodd and tumble down. The King's Streights did compel him to levy this Impost of Ship-money, for the defence of the nar­row Seas, being startled with a Motto newly devised by Cardinal Richilieu, Florebunt lilia ponto. The Exchequer would not supply the rigging of a Navy, though never better husbanded than at that time, by Dr. Juxon Bishop of Lon­don, held by all to be a good man; wherefore I cannot pass him by without a word out of Sidon. Apol. lib. 4. ep. 4. Cum vir bonus ab omnibus censeatur, non est homo pejor si non sit optimus. The French Hangers on in the Court devoured so much, that all his Thrift, which ammassed much, was gulp'd down by those in­satiable Sharks: None but they made K. Charles a poor King: These are the Gallants that disdain every thing that is English, but our Gold and Silver. Ale­xander, Ad Alex. lib. 3. c. 23. tells us a Wonder, (But shall we believe him?) ‘That from P. Aemylius's Triumph to the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, a full 130 years, the People of Rome paid no Tribute.’ What a Revenue Parsimony can both preserve and gather! But if that frugal Senate had maintained a French Court, the Quaestors would soon have found a vacuum in their Coffers. Now see what Sir R. O. did hammer out, to despight his Bishop upon this Impost: He laid a very unequal Levy upon the Hundred wherein Bugden stood; the Bishop wrote courteously to him to review and rectifie the Levy, and he and his Neigh­bors were ready to see it collected and paid. Sir Robert rides up to the Court, and complains bitterly, that the Bishop had utterly refused the Payment of Ship­money, and animated the Hundred to follow him. Being easily convinced be­fore the Lords of the Council, that the Bishop had carried himself dutifully and discreetly in the matter, yet Sir R. O. had no Check, the Bishop no Reparation, the Levy no Reformation. Why, the worst Men the worst of Infidels, the worst of our Enemies, have a Communion of Natural Right with others, to receive no [Page 97]Injury, to be satisfied upon them that do them wrong and damage. What a pickle was a poor Prelate in that was not so considered, that was laid naked to every Slander and Oppression! still he look'd for better, and would never lay aside his Privy-Coat of Trust and Confidence in God. He that will learn that san­ctified Art from an Emblem, which is a Riddle in a Picture, let him take it out of Pliny, lib. II. Nat. Hist. c. 24. Incremento omnium futuro telas suas araneae al­tius tollunt. The Spiders, that have made their Webs in Trees, upon a Bank side, remove them higher when the Spring-Tydes come in: That is, lift up the Soul, and advance it higher to God and his Protection, when the Floods of Op­pression rage, and threaten to overwhelm us.

94. One Quarrel, commenc'd upon no ground, continued to this day, by the Animadverter on the Church-History of Britain, and elder than the Trou­bles with Sir R. O. was thus: Anno 1632. in the declining of November, Dr. Theodore Price, Sub-dean of Westminster College, was cut to be cured of the Torment of the Stone; his Wound growing dry, his Present-death was presa­ged: Mr. James Molins, his Chyrurgion, gave intelligence, that his Patient did discover to some Visitants of the Romish Faction, when he thought Mr. Molins did not hear him, his Affection and Devotion to their Church: That a Table was prepared, covered, Plate set on, with a Wax Light, and a piece of Gold laid by it, (this is his punctual Relation) all being dismist, and none re­maining in the Room but Dr. Floyd, a very skilful Physician and a Papist, who is yet living) and a little old man, seen there but once before, who continued together about an hour.’ The Bishop being at Bugden, informed of all this, came in the depth of Winter in all haste to Town, and when he had lighted, before he would go to his own Lodgings, he went to the Sub-dean, whom he found in sad plight, not like to continue; so without more ado he offer'd to pray with him at the Bed's-side, and was spoken to by the Doctor to forbear. Says the Bishop, Cousin, you have need of holy Assistance, will you entertain any of the Prebendaries, or some other Church-man, to do this Godly Office for you belonging to the Sick? He stifly refused them all. The Bishop propounded, that his weak state might be remembred to God at the Evening Prayers in the Abby. No, says the other, I do not desire them. Will you have no communion with us of the Church of England, says the Bishop? Not any, says the Sub-dean. God give you a better mind, says the Bishop. But, Cousin, will you have any thing with me before we part? Only, my Lord, says he, that you will be no more a Trouble to me; and that you will take my poor Servant, being unprovided, into your Care and Family. Which was not forgot, for the Bish. received his Servant, whom afterward he preferr'd in Means and Mar­riage in the City of Lincoln; for he was more careful of the Children, Alliances, and Relations of his Friends, when they were dead, than of themselves when they were living. The E. of Pembrook, L. Chamb. to the King, being Steward of the College and City of Westm. the Bishop made him acquainted with every word that had pass'd between him and Dr. Price, how at his last gasp he had disclaimed the Church of England; and the L. Steward related it to the King; which was then interpreted, and the Scandal is lately renewed, as if the Bishop had feigned all this (yet it pass'd before Witnesses) to wound Bishop Laud, who endeavour'd to make the Revolter Bishop of Asaph. There had been little Salt in that Stratagem, for Lincoln himself had sent this Price, Commissioner for the King into Ireland, moved to obtain for him the same Dignity of Asaph in the former vacancy, when Dr. Hanmer stept in before him, sticked passionately to advance him be­fore renowned Usher, to the Primacy of Armagh, upon the death of Dr. Hamp­ton. Reader, you will say the Bishop was much deceived in his Cousin; nei­ther do I defend him; he did more than once miss in his Judgment in some whom he preferr'd, Humanum est. And it was a ranting Speech which Salma­sius ascribes to Asclepiades, in his Preface to Solinus, That he would not be held a Phy­sician if he were ever sick. To deliver thus much in the behalf of both the Bishops, Dr. Price's Patrons that would have been, the man was of untainted Life, lear­ned in Scholastical Controversies, of a reverend Presence, liberal, courteous, and prudent above many, and seemed very fit to make a Governour. But as our Cambridge term is, he was staid with Nescio's: He was not known in Court nor City, for he had not shewn himself in a Pulpit in 20 years. He that says no credit is to be given to the Information that he died a Papist, I would he had proved it; for, as Cortesius writes to Politian, p. 242. Plus de invento vero gaudeo, quàm de victoriâ; I had rather it were true, than get the Victory: But Wishes will [Page 98]not bring it about. Nemo facit optando ut verum sit quod verum non est, says St. Au­stin, Ep. 28. By what colour or appearance can he be vindicated to dye a Pro­testant? May we not as soon light a Candle by a Glow-worm? In what did he seem to be a Son of our Reformed Church? I do not mean as an Ape is like to a Man, but as a Child is like to his Mother. Hypocrisie dwells next door to Orthodox Doctrine, but it never comes in to her Neighbour. So the Upshot will bear it, that the Bishop of Lincoln did justly discover his Kinsinan and Friend's Apostacy, though his own blame did depend upon it: Which will leave him the Praise that Erasmus gives to a L. Montjoy, Ep. p. 162. Haec est tua n obilit as ut mentiri nescias si velis, nec velis si scias.

95. There would be no end to repeat with how many Quarrels this unfor­tunate Bishop was provok'd, yet his Adversaries did but dry-ditch their matters, and digged in vain, though they still cast up Earth, who were no better than the Arrians, of whom Athanasius writes, Lib. ad Sol. Vit. Agen. [...]. They fretted if they had spent a day wherein they could not do a Mischief. And it will do the Sufferer no right, to tell how he threw all day, and cast not one good Chance, but was worsted in all his just Appeals: Quis enim suâ praelia victus—Commemorare velit? Metam. l. 9. Yet I will insist in that noble Contest he had with the Archbishop of Canterbury, about his metropolitical Visitation, that hereafter, when God shall send the like occa­sion, (as I trust he will) the Diocesans of Lincoln may know what their stout Predecessor did alledge for their exemption. This may come to pass. But as the unknown Oratour said to Constantine in his Panegyrick, p. 246. Ista felicitas viderit utrum adhuc meae aetati debeatur. Archbishop Land enterprizing to visit his whole Province, found opposition only from the Universities, from Cambridge I am sure, and from the Bishop of Lincoln, whom, next to the substance of the Cause, one circumstance displeased, that Sir John Lamb was commissioned to be the metropolitan Vicar, to visit his Diocess: Sir John had been very officious about him for many years: I let it go with that of Tully to Atticus, Pompeius Scauro studet, sed utrum fronte an mente dubitatur. And the Bishop had done as much for Sir John as he could have done for the Worthiest of all his Profession. 'Tis amplified enough before, and makes another instance, That so wise a man was not always circumspect in his Patronage. Lamb was crafty, and of much experience, but in the running of some years, he was hated of all men, and much complained of, that he was ravenous in taking Fees: Like as one says of the Pope's drawing in Moneys from all Parties, That he was a Participle that took from Clergy and Laity. When he perceived these things distasted Bishop Williams, and that he had not Encouragement from him as before, and dreaming of Golden Mountains from another hand, he turn'd the falsest man, and the greatest Enemy to him in the World: Archbishop Laud he'd worm him quite from adhering to Lincoln; and much good do him with him. Whereupon I remember what Plutarch tells merrily, of a goutish man that had his Slippers stolen from him; says the man full of Pain, I wish the Thief no more harm, but that my Slippers were fit for him. Well, the Visitation being design'd, and to be car­ried on by Lieutenant Lamb, our Bishop wrote to my Lord of Canterbury, as followeth.

96.

Most Reverend, &c.

UPon the Message which I received from Mr. Sherman, of your Graces intention to visit my Diocess this year, being the year of mine own Triennial Visitation; and the certain News I heard of Sir J. Lamb's collecting of Presidents, to induce your Officers to stir up your Grace thereunto, I have, both by my self and others, made some enquiry in­to the Records, and several Registries of the Diocess, and do find clearly, that in Grost­head's time, anno 1235. this Diocess had never been metropolitically visited, and that ever since that time, until now, no Archbishop of Canterbury did visit this Diocess (otherwise than in vacancy of the See) but by the vertue and power of some particular Bull procured from the Pope, or Letter of Assistance from the King's Majesty, since the Supremacy was reassumed in this Realm. And I find the several Bishops in these several Ages to have assented to these Visitations, as they were Papal and Regal only, not forbea­ring notwithstanding to exercise all manner of Act or Acts belonging to their Jurisdiction Episcopal, not only in the times, but in and on the very days of these Archiepiscopal Visita­tions, and refusing to pay any Procurations or other Fees, by vertue of a special exemption [Page 99]granted unto this See, and some others, by Pope Innocent the Fourth, by the procurement of Bishop Grosthead, deposited in this Registry, and never waved by the Bishops of this See, however, some other of your Graces Suffragans have omitted peradventure (as having not the custody thereof) to implead the same: Yet do I differ (may it please your Grace) in this particular from all my Predecessors in this See, that I do believe your Grace may visit, even by your own metropolitical Power, all this Diocess, (unless this great Prescri­ption of an hundred years may debarr the same) but truly I do, under Favour, conceive, that your Grace ought not to inhibit my ordinary Jurisdiction, nor do any acts to im­peach the same. Nor can I find any word sounding that way, in any one of all the Visita­tions kept, as before is rehearsed, by your Grace's Predecessors, excepting only in Archbi­shop Cranmer's, the last Archbishop, who above one hundred years since visited this Dio­cess; and yet Longland, then Bishop of Lincoln, did not only execute all parts of his Jurisdiction, pendente visitatione metropoliticâ, but the Dean of the Arches, Arch­bishop Cranmers, and the King's chief Commissioner for that Service, did freely and vo­luntarily of himself set all the Bishop's Officers at full liberty, to exercise all their Ju­risdictions, after the first day of his Visitation, reserving his Detections only to his own cognizance. Now, since this Visitation of Archbishop Cranmer, (which was more Re­gal than Metropolitical, as appears by the Instructions given to the Commissioners at that time) no Archbishop of Canterbury hath ever offer'd to visit this Diocess, as well for the Reasons premised, as because all the means of Livelihood belonging to this See, being taken away by the Duke of Somerset, 2 Ed. 61. and a new, airy, and phantastical Corps being framed for the miserable Bishoprick, consisting in great part of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, if your Grace should inhibit the exercise thereof, and divert the Profits assigned therefrom for the Bishop's Maintenance, he should not be able to eat or drink, much less to pay unto his Majesty First-fruits, Tenths, and Subsidies, charged upon this Bisho­prick, with relation to this last Endowment: In the which last Difference this Bishoprick is, for ought I know, miserably distinguish'd from all others. Thus I conceive the case to stand, my gracious Lord; and I hope, (unless your Grace will be pleased to permit me to go on with my Visitation for this year, and take further time to consider thereof) by our Lady-Eve, to procure all those several pieces, which confirm these Premisses, to be tran­scribed out of our Records and Registries, and sent by my Officers to attend your Grace's further Good-will and Pleasure, &c.

How reasonable the Propositions of this Letter are I know not; I know they did not prevail: Sed ne querelae tum quidem gratae fuere, cum forsitan erant necessariae, says Livy in his Preface. His Complaints were not well taken, though they were necessary, and good to stand upon Record, to shew what was alledg'd for the benefit of his own See, and the emolument of smaller Bishopricks. In the end our Bishop let it go on the Archbishop's side, without more contradiction, having not forgotten that Philosophy in Seneca, Acerbissimam partem servitutis effugit, qui imperium libens excipit.

97. All this, and so many Quarrels piled one upon another, were too little to bow the straightness of his Spirit, yet there was enough to make his Foes au­dacious, because a heavy Charge in Star chamber depended Seven years against him, prosecuted for the King by the Attorny-General, concurrent all along with the rehearsed Troubles; Omne tulit secum Caesaris ira malum, Ov. 3. Trist. el. 12. God complains of the Rigour of the Heathen against Jerusalem, I was but a little displeased, and they helped forward the affliction, Zech. 1.15. Beware to help Affliction forward, Revenge is fierce when Misery cannot mitigate it: It may be a Court-lesson, it is not a Christian, to thrust him down that is a falling: Mark Reader, that the Actors herein came into the hands of a Power, or rather of a Tyranny, that had no compassion of any. Optima vindex insolentiae variet as hu­manae conditionis, Valer. lib. 4. c. 7. The Wheel of Vicissitude turning many Sticklers that were at the top to the bottom, is the Act and Motion of Provi­dence, to be the Scourge of Insolency. Among all Devices to thrust him under Water, that was sinking already, none was hatcht of more Despight and Indig­nity, than a Book publish'd by a Bluster-master, ann. 1636. call'd, A Coal from the Altar, to defame a Letter sent nine years before by the Bishop, to some Di­vines of the Neighbourhood of Grantham in Lincolnshire, to resolve a Doubt upon the Site of the Communion-Table, or Altar, as the Vicar of Grantham call'd it, from whose Indiscretion the Contention began. If ever any had a Wolf by the Ear, the Bishop was in that quandary upon this provocation. Gladly he would have made his Peace with the King, to which he came near twice or thrice, but at last utterly lost the sight of it: It behoved him, for his Safety, not to make [Page 100]them his Enemies, who were like to be his Judges; chiefly not to trespass against the Likings of Archbishop Laud, who could draw the King with one Hand far­ther than all the Lords in the Court with their whole Arm. From anno 1627, when the Letter was written in the Case of the Vicar of Grantham, to anno 1636, there had been much done in Preaching and Practice, to introduce some come­linesses in the Worship of God, as they were stiled, which had not been before. The Archbishop set his Mind upon it, which a late Writer calls his Pregnancy to revive ancient Ceremonies; and another Book, Antid. Lincol. p. 85. ‘No Metropolitan of this Church, that more seriously endeavour'd to promote the Uniformity of Publick Order, than his Grace now being:’—The Cla­mours raised upon him are an Evidence of it. The Compliance; of many to curry Favour, did out-run the Archbishop's Intentions, if my Opinion de­ceive me not, and made the Clamour the greater; which meeting with other Discontents, might have warned Wisdom to stop, or go on slowly. So well it is known to be dangerous to run against the Stream, and Unwillingness of the People; and no good Physician will try Experiments upon an accrased Pody. An honest Mind is not enough to patronize that which is much condem [...]. I would have none to suspect the Archbishop, that he meant any Change in the Doctrine of our Church; I would have none to tax his Reformation for Su­perstition; but I will say as Polybius did, in defence of the nice Observations of the old Roman Religion, that it was [...], an Excess of Piety: Yet be not too bold against causeless Jealousies. Grant it, (but I do not give it) that the Clamours did rise from weak Judgments; and pass over that Rule, That the strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, and not to please our solves, Rom. 15.1. Policy ought to listen abroad to the Talk of the Streets, and the Market­places, (for secular Policy is no prophane thing, well used in the Service of God) and not to despise Rumours, when they are sharpened against the innovating of any Discipline. These things appeared but Straws to stumble at to a resolved Sto­mach; and a Champion comes out in print, to gagg all popular murmuring against the placing of the Holy Table Altar-wise; Ambustum Torr [...]m Corinaeus ab arâ corripit, Aen. 12. one that would vent more, I believe, than the Masters of the Game would have done, that put him into the Lists. Athlet [...]e suts ineitato­ribus fortiores sunt, says St. Hicrom, in an Epistle to Julianus. Yet the common Vogue was, that this Author, though learned, was not the fittest to defend the Cause, being not fortunate in the good opinion of the Times. It was remem­bred, that the Spartans would not pass that into a Decree, which was good in it self, which a scandalous Fellow oster'd to their Council, but turned him by, and set up a plain honest man to prefer it: Sic bona sententia mansit, turpis autor mu­tatus est, Gel. lib. 18. c. 3. But if the Press must be set awork, as the Pulpits, Schools, and Consistories had been, to maintain this matter, of no great mo­ment, God wot, why must this Bishop and his Letter be the Block to fashion their Wit upon? He was one that would carry no Coals, they knew it: A ju­dicious Reply from him would make the Shadow return ten degrees backward upon their Dyal, they knew it: That Abner gave good Counsel to Asahel, not to pursue a valianter man than himself, and a Captain of the Host, but lay hold on one of the young men, and take his Armour, 2 Sam. 2.21. they knew it: Yet they had shuffled the Cards, that they knew they should win somewhat by the Hand; for, if the Bishop gave no Answer to this Challenger, he was baffled, and posted upon every Gate about London for a Dastard. If he return'd them their own again, then pull him to the Stake, and worry him in the Star-cham­ber, where he was struggling for Life at this time; in which fatal juncture the King must be told, that he was an Enemy to the Piety of the Times, and the Good Work in hand: So that this Spaniel was to put up the Fowl, that the Eagle might fall upon the Quarry. But it was soon decided; for rather than forsake a good Cause, and a good Name, Lincoln chose to use his Pen to maintain his innocent Letter, though malicious Subtlety had made it manifest, that nothing could fall so moderately from him in that cause, which would not be subject to perverse exposition. The Athenians had deserted their old Philosophy, Cum im­minente periculo major salutis quàm dignitatis cura fuit, Justin. lib. 5. Therefore a Mind that was not degenerous, had rather provide for Dignity than Safety. None writes better than Budaeus upon such a case, de Asse, lib. 1. fol. 10. Tanta fuit vis numinis ad stylum manum urgentis, ut periclitari malis, quàm rumpi degeneri patientiâ. Some divine Spirit did so strongly stir him up to write, that he had rather run any hazard, than smother such an Injury with cowardly Patience.

[Page 101] 98. I have cleared the rise of the Controversie which follows, That a Letter of the Bishop's was sent to some few persons, nine years before, to stop a Debate in a private Parish, and to make Peace in the place. This was published by Dr. Heylin, with a Confutation, and censur'd for Popular Affectation, Disaffe­ction to the Church, Sedition, and for no better than No Learning: And the Plot was, as Concurrencies will not let it be denied, to pop out this Pamphlet, when the Bishop's Cause in Star-chamber was now ripe for hearing: And this was the Pack-needle to draw the Whip-cord of the Censure after it. But what was this about? Take the Substance, or rather the Shadow, that was conten­ded for, out of the Letter, in an Abstract: The Vicar of Grantham, P. T. of his own Head, and never consulting the Ordinary, had removed the Commu­nion-Table to that upper part of the Chancel, which he called the Altar-place, where he would officiate when there was a Communion, and read that part of Service belonging to the Communion, when there was none. And when the People shewed much dislike at it, because it was impossible, as they alledg'd, that the 24th part of the Parish should see or hear him, if he officiated in that place, he persisted in his way, and told them he would build an Altar of Stone upon his own cost at the upper end of the Quire, and set it with the ends North and South, Altar-wise, and six it there, that it might not be removed upon any occasion. A Complaint being made against this, by the Alderman, and a multitude of the Town, the Bishop contented himself at first to send a Message to the Magistrate, and the Vicar, that they should not presume either the one or the other of them, to move or remove that Table any more, other­wise than by special direction of him and his Chancellor; that in his Journey that way he would view the place, and accommodate the matter according to the Rubrick and Canons. There being no certain day set when the Bishop would come, the Inhabitants of Grantham prevented him, and came with open cry to Bugden against the Vicar, who was among them at the Hearing. Some Heat, and sharp Impeachments against each other being over, the Bishop did his best to make them Friends, and supp'd them together in his great Hall, while himself retired to his Study, and bade them expect that he would frame some­what, in a thing so indifferent to him, to give them content against the Mor­ning. So he bestowed that night in writing, and made his Papers ready by day: As the Panegyrist said to Constantine of such Celerity, Quorum igneae & im­mortales mentes, mint [...]e sentiunt corporis moras, p. 303. The Secretary gave a short Letter to the Alderman, in which that which concerns the case in hand, is this little: ‘That his Lordship conceived that the Communion-Table, when it is not used, should stand in the upper end of the Chancel, not Altar-wise, but Table-wise: But when it is used, either in or out of the time of Communion, it should continue in the place it took up before, or be carried to any other place of Church or Chancel, where the Minister might be most audibly heard of the whole Congregation.’ What can a Critick in Ceremonies carp at herein? What else, but that the end, and not the side of the Table should stand toward the Minister when he perform'd his Liturgy? Is this all? And must a Controversie as big as a Camel be drawn through the Eye of this Nee­dle? But more of the same comes after in a larger Script, which the Bishop at the same time willed to be delivered to the Divines of the Lecture of Grantham, to be examined by them upon their next meeting-day, that their Vicar being one of their company, might read the Contents, and take a Copy for his own use, if he would, but to divulge it no further. Herein the Bishop derives his Conceptions from the Injunctions, Articles, and Orders of the Queen, from the Homilies and Canons, from Reports out of the Book of Acts and Monu­ments, and from the Rubricks of the Liturgy; and shews out of these, that the Utensil on which the Holy Communion is celebrated, ought not to be an Altar, but a joyned Table; that the Name of Table is retained by the Church of England, and the other of Altar laid aside; that the Table (without some new Canon) is not to stand Altar-wise in Parish-Churches, and the Minister be at the North end thereof, but Table-wise, and he must officiate at the North side of the same; that this Table, when holy Duties are not in performing at it, must be laid up in the Chancel, but in the time of Service, to be removed to such a place of Church or Chancel, the over-sight of Authority appointing it, wherein he that officiates may be most conveniently seen and heard of all. They that would peruse the whole Letter are referred to it in Print, but the sum of it is already laid before them. And the Author was so little over-weening, tho' [Page 102]in a frivolous case, that he prays the Divines to whom he sent it, that if they found mistakings in his Quotations, or had met with any Canons or Consti­tutions differing from the alledg'd, or did vary in their Judgment, that they would send their Reasons, and they should be kindly and thankfully accepted. How could a Prelate carry himself with more Moderation? or a Scholar write with more Modesty? or a Variance be more suddenly composed (as it was) with more Indifferency? Did this Letter deserve to be ript up nine years after, and torn into Raggs by an angry Censure? [...]. Odyss. w. It will be a dishonour to the Times, that Posterity should hear of it. I see, if the Dr. had been in the place of the Bishop, he would have led the Parish of Grantham another Dance, to their cost and vexation. Many that are in low condition, are best where they are: As Livy says, lib. 1. dec. 5. Quidnam illi Con­sules, Dictatoresve facturi erant, qui proconsularem imaginem tam trucem saevímque fece­rint? If such had been the Consuls and Dictators of the Church, what would they have done, who flew so high when they had no Authority?

99. Scan this now, both for the Form and Matter, before equal Judges in some Moral and Prudential Rules: The Letter or private Monition, as he calls it that drew it up, Hol. Tab. p. 82. was written nine years before, and in all that time had gained this Praise, that it savour'd of Fatherly Sweetness, to satisfie the Scrupulous by Learning in matter of Ceremony, rather than to strike the case dead with Will and Command. The Contents of it had been quoted in a Par­liament, with well done good and faithful Servant, thou hast been faithful in a little. A Divinity-Professor in his Chair, Dr. Pr. had spoken reverendly of it by the re­lation of many; it was punctually read, or opened fully to the King at the hea­ring of the Cause of St. Gregory's Church, Ho. Tab. p. 58. and no Counsellor did inform that it was disparaged. A Litter of blind Whelps will see by that time they are nine days old; and was the Answerer blind, that could not see the re­putation this Paper had got, by that time it was nine years old? Let a Presbyter, for me, dispute the truth with him that is of the greatest Order in the Church, yet what Canons will suffer him to taunt and revile a Bishop, whose whole Book was but a Libel against a Diocesan, p. 58. [...]. Clem. Const. lib. 2. c. 31. Which Canon will not allow a Clerk of a lower degree to raise an evil Murmur against a Bishop. Much of the like is an Antiquity from Ignatius downward. Their supereminent Order is not to be exposed to petulant Scoffings by their own Tribe; Sed servanda est uniuscujus (que) Episcopi reverentia, says Gregory, Ep. 65. Ind. 2. since the Age grew learned, and Knowledge puffed men up, Ministers are more malapart among us, and in every state with the Fathers of the Church; but from the beginning it was not so. If the like to this had been done upon the Person of another Bishop, he would have been taught better Manners that had presum'd it. The Example is the same where­soever it lighted, and might have taught them, that where Reverence is forgot­ten to any of the chief Order, that he that abuseth one, doth threaten many. It is a sad Presage to my Heart, to apply that of Baronius to them that did not main­tain the Honour of their Brother, Quod Praesides ecclesiarum alter alterius vires in­fringebant, Deus tranquilla tempora in persecutiones convertebat, an. 312. p. 6. These Annals prevent me not to forget, that for a better colour to make licentious Invectives, the Respondent takes no notice that a Bishop wrote the Letter: For, why not rather some Minorite among the Clergy? Indeed it had not the Name, but the Style tells him all the way, that it could come from none but the Diocesan of Grantham: Therefore I will give him his Match out of Baronius, anno 520. p. 22. Maxentius contra epistolam Hormisdae scripsit: sed ut liberam sibi dicendi com­pararet facultatem, Hormisdae esse negavit, sed ab adversariis ejus nomine scriptam esse affirmans. This is a stale Trick to bait a Pope or a Prelate, in the name of one that was much beneath them; Sternitur infoelix alieno vulnere, Aen. lib. 10. but he that wilfully makes these mistakes, I take him for what he is. I pass to the main Question, What did this Letter prescribe, that it should be torn with the Thorns of the Wilderness? It pared away no Ceremony enjoyned; O none further from it; but it moderated a doubtful case, upon the Mode and Practice of a Ceremo­ny, how the Communion-Board should stand, and how the Vicar in that Church should pray and read at it for best edification of his Flock. He must give me time to study upon it, that would demand me to start him a Question belonging to God's Service of less moment: Had the Gensdarmery of our great Writers no other Enemy to fight with? Nothing to grind in their Brain-mill but Orts? This the Colleges of Rome would have, to see us warm in petty [Page 103]Wranglings, and remiss in great Causes; as Laertius says of one Xenophon, of the Privy-Purse to Alexander the Great, [...], p. 632 He would quiver for cold in the hot Sun, and sweat in the Shade. It was a Task most laudably perform'd by Whitgift, Bridges, Hooker, Morton, Burgess, to maintain the use of innocent Ceremonies, with whom Bishop Williams did ever jump; and, as Fulgentius says in P. Paulo's Life, would defend and observe all Ordinan­ces, the least considerable, and no whit essential. But this was a great deal below it, to litigate not about the continuance, but about the placing of a Cere­mony; an evil beginning, to distract Conformists, who were at unity before, and to make them sight like Cocks, which are all of a Feather, and yet never at peace with themselves. Wo be to the Authors of such Cadmaean Wars, Quibus semper praelia clade pari. Propertius. A most unnecessary Gap made in the Vine. yard, through which both the wild Boar, our foreign Enemy, and the little Foxes at home may enter in to spoil the Grapes. Plutarch, lib. de Is. & Osyr. tells me of a Contention between the Oxyndrites and Cynopolites, who went to War for the killing of a Fish, which one of the Factions accounted to be a sacred Creature; and when they were weaken'd with slaughter on both sides, [...], in sine, the Romans over-run them, and made them their Slaves. Let the Story be to them that hates us, and the Interpretation fall upon our Enemies.

100. Yet will some of the stiffer Faction say, it was time to clip the Wings of this Letter, or if it could be done, to make it odious abroad; for the Mc­tropolitan intending one common decency in all Churches of his Province, about the Table of Christ's Holy Supper, this Paper (six years older than his translation to the See of Canterbury) where it was spread, made it difficult to be obey'd. One about that time would have replied thus: Hold your Hands for all that, is ye be Good-fellows, for your hour is not yet come: The Stream is against you: Both they that have read this Letter, and they that never heard of it, wonder why you are so double-diligent about Accessories, more than about the Work it self. [...]. says Aristoph. in Acharn. and are not pliable for this Alteration. He that seeks a thing in the wrong way, goes so far backward. The sage Prelates that ruled for 80 years before, did overlook this matter; and they neither wanted Will nor Care to advance Decency with God's Glory. If you think that he hath more Power that now sits in chief, than the best of his Order before him, that's true: Yet let him rein in a galloping For­tune, and he will sit the surer: Beside, he must have more than Power, he must have the Hearts of Men, that will form them to a new Model; this the Metropolitan wants; if he had that, he might easily command them; if he have not, he must slatter them, or he will do worse: And it is well known, how he that will bring a People from a Custom in God's Worship, with which they have been inured, to a Change, must be more than wise; that is, he must be thought to be wise: Look you to that. Can you say there is any harm in that which you are so busie to correct? Then what good can you hope to bring in, which is more valuable than Constancy? I think Plato was a prudent Mora­list, from whom this came, 7. de Leg. [...]. 'Tis hazardous to tamper with that, which hath continued long, to mend it, unless it be evil: But list Sirs, and tell me what Bell it is that rouls in your Ears; Do you not hear that Great and Small are not only froward, but sull of Threatning against the Grandeur of the Church? As yet we have lost nothing, all our care should be to keep that which we have; else, as good Bishop Hall wrote, while we plead for a higher strain of Prosperity, we bring our selves into a necessity of Ruin. Archbishop Abbot said often, Parta tueri; Play for no more, lest you lose your Stake. It is an Epitaph for the Grave-stone of a Fool, I was well, and would be better; I took Physick, and dyed. Can you be insensible of this impendent Ruin? Are you so intent upon your Altars, that you know not how the Nation bears a grudge at you? Are you only Strangers in Jerusalem? As Budaeus said of the Troubles that broke in while he lived, de Asse l. 4. p. 110. France wanted Eyes and Ears, and which is strange, it wanted a Nose. Qui tantam cladem odorari ante non potuimus, quàm ab eâ oppressi. You do not smell the Vultures, but while you are chopping and changing, the Vultures smell after you, to prey upon the Carcass of your Patrimony. You cannot say that there is any thing in it of Conscience to God, why you should not forbear to provoke the Discontents of the Kingdom any further: Lege fidei manente coetera jam disciplinae & conversatio­nis admittunt novitatem correctionis, Tertul. de Vel. Virg. c. 1. Keep the Old Faith, God is the Judge of that; Order and Discipline may vary, according to the liking of the Times, Discretion is the Judge of that. In a word, we do not see but the Swarms of God's Servants work well in all Parishes, if you will let them alone; if you remove [Page 104]their Hives, or stir them, take heed they do not sting you. It may be a Coal-kindler would think such Counsel as this not worth the hearing, Fore-cast and Fear with him are phlegmatick things; the Piety of the Times, and a rigid prosecution of a comely Uni­formity, must not stoop unto them. Then do I say no more, but that I do not altogether dislike what a wise man hath taught me, That warm Devotion quiet and innocent, is less hurtful than ardent Zeal which is turbulent and misdirected.

101. So much advisedly thought of might have conduced not to meddle in that Cause at this time; but this Bishop and his Estimation was shot at, and he must be tempted what he would do by a Provocation in Print. They were none of the Bishop's worst Friends, that wish'd him, when he read the Coal, to look no more after it. It is a small thing, but a pretty, which Camerarius tells of Melancthon, p. 79. His Daughter had gadded from home till it was late, What will you say to your Mother, if she chide you, says he? Nothing, says the Girl. 'Tis well resolved, says her Father. The Bishop had more reason to take that course, because the Rulers of the time frowned on him; and he that Answers a Calum­ny keeps it alive, he that will not, starves it: A Reproach is warm when it is fresh, but no longer: As Astronomers say of the Dog-star, Cunicula calore oritur, frigore occidit; It riseth in a hot Month, it sets in a cold. 'Tis much he did not listen to this, and if it were but for another reason, that he thought Learning did surfeit of too many Books, and that the most of our late Authors were more troublesome than profitable: To which Sir H. Wootton's Motto comes near, That the Itch of Writing makes a Scabby Church. And what else made so great a Wit as Fryar Paul profess, (it is in his Life) That he would never write any thing with intention to print it, unless Necessity constrain'd him? It may be the Bishop fancied somewhat like Necessity in this case; or it was because every one hath not both the Qualities of the brave General Decebalus in Dion, [...]; He knew how to charge on, and how to retreat upon occasion: Therefore he publish'd a little Tractate, called, The Holy Table, under the name of a Lincolnshire Minister. The Analyse of it may be spared, since it is in many hands; it insists chiefly upon two Heads, the Name Altar, and the Posture of Christ's Table Altar-wise; a mean Subject for the Pen of so good a Scholar, but Art is con­fin'd to small things sometimes, as well as Nature: And Pliny teacheth us, lib. 29. c. 1. Non puduit naturam gignere muscam, cum gignat hominem. Nature is not ashamed to be the Parent of a Fly, as well as to be the Parent of a Man. That the name of Altar might pass with more allowance, the Vicar of Grantham decla­red, that he would set up a Fabrick of Stone, to support the Elements of the Holy Sacrament: Quite cross to the Advertisements 17 of Q. Eliz. That the Parish provide a decent Table standing on a frame for the Communion; and cross to the Canons Anno 1571. Title Church-wardens, They shall see there be a joined handsom Table, which may serve for the administration of the Holy Communion; in the Latin, Curabunt mensam ex asseribus compositè junctam. This is irrefragable, unless one be refractory, that he will not learn; as Erasmus says of Poggius in his Epistles, p. 262. Poggius hôc erat animo, ut doctissimus haberi mallet, quàm reddi doctior: For if these were only Orders of Sufferance, they were nothing, but Canons are Church-Laws: Convocations meet not to make Permissions, but binding Canons to be obeyed by the Subjects, and by all the Ordinaries of the Kingdom, Hol. Tab. p. 205. Yet it was so forgotten by some, that while this Bishop was in the Tower, one of his own Clergy in Bedford-shire, Dr. Jas. Fisher, a fair Marble Stone being digged up in his Chancel, he set Workmen to smooth it, and to erect it for an Altar, till Troubles marr'd the Work, and Impeachments of Ar­ticles broke the Heart of a modest able man: He and the Vicar, that would be Altar-builders, might have spared their Stone, for the Altar of Incense was made of Shittim-wood, Exod. 30.1. or of Cedar, 1 Kin. 6.20. and over-laid with Gold, that the Wood might not catch Fire. Or, what if a Stone were set up? It were not the further for that from being a Table. H. T. p. 115. cites out of learned Gerard, Cessante sacrificio altaria illa nihil sunt aliud quàm men­sae lapideae. Allowing no Sacrifice, those Altars are nothing but Stone Tables. Of Judea I can say nothing, but in Rome, about Christ's days on Earth, the People did eat upon Tables, not only of Limon and Maple wood, but of Stone. We have added, and Decency commends it, a fair white Linnen-Cloth, to cover God's Board, and our own at Meal-times, which was not in use when our Saviour instituted the Sacrament, as far as I can see into the convival Cu­stoms of those days; for since the Waiters did wipe away, at the end of Supper, the Liquors which were spilt from Cups or Dishes with Sponges, it will not [Page 105]hold, that they had a Cloth spread upon the Table. What will Novelists say to this, that think we break the Second Command, if we vary from Christ in any circumstance in the ordaining of the Holy Supper? Some of them may, perhaps, be ready hereupon to take away the Linnen Cloth: Why not? since one Faction of them hath taken away the Table: For, says Bayly in his Disswasive of Errors, p. 121. The Brownists at this day, at Amsterdam, have no Table at all, but send the Elements from the Pulpit, where the Minister preacheth, and celebrateth the Sacrament, by the Hands of the Deacon; and adds, that some Indepen­dents at London affect the like. [...]. Nothing so dan­gerous to do all kind of Evil as an ignorant Rabble. They that will not grant a Table to Christ's Servants, to come to his Feast, will not, if they can prevail, grant a Church or Chancel to place it in. From which Madness and Sacri­lege God deliver us. Manil. lib. 5. Si forte accesser it impetus ausis,—Improbitas fiet virtus.

102. From the matter of Stone, the Dispute leads us into a Strise about the Name. In the first Liturgy of Edw. 6. Altar is most in use: In the second, and from that day forward, the word Table is altogether read. In a year or two af­ter the first of King Charles, the word Altar, per postliminium, was much in the mouth of many Divines, when it had been laid aside. Observe Peace and Truth, and call it either, or both, and it is all one: But charge them before the Lord, that they strive not about words to no profit, says St. Paul, 2 Tim. 2.4. For vanity, and things wherein there is no profit, are all one, Jer. 2.23. Scholars will understand me by this Instance; Altar for Table, or Table put for Altar, make no change in the sence with knowing men; the Council at Syrmium turn'd [...] in the Nicene Creed into [...], with no small Injury to our Lord Christ: But a Bishop in Nicephorus, instead of [...], a Couch, as it is Jo. c. 4. read [...], which is a Synonymum; yet Spiridion, a morose man, rose up, and spake against the Novelty. Vitiosum est propter nominum mutationem contentionem intendere, says the Author to Herennius. They are as near as can be to be Friends, that have nothing but two words of the same signification to part them. Yet two things were to be cleared to stop mistakings; First, It must be yielded, that our Mother-language, our Church-canonical word is Table, Altar is arbitrary at large. Secondly, for the right insight into the nature of the Sacrament, Table is the proper word, and Altar metaphorical. The Bi­shop comprehends them both very well in these words. H. T. p. 75 He doth not deny but the name Altar hath been long in the Church in a metaphorical usurpation; nor would he have blamed the Vicar, if he had, in a Quotation from the Fathers, or a Discourse in the Pulpit, named it an Altar in this bor­rowed sence; but to give the usual call of an Altar (he says usual) unto the Utensil, which the Law, that always speaks properly, never calls otherwise than by the name of a Table, is justly by him disliked. [...]. And again in that Page; Where we have a Law and Canon to direct us how to call a thing, we ought not to hunt after Reasons and Conceits, to give it another Appellation. It is apparent how the Liturgy confirmed Anno 1549. chooseth the word Altar, which Liturgy is agreeable to God's Word, and the Primitive Church; yet since the alteration came in by the next Liturgy three years after, the first Book doth not allow you to call it an Altar for the present; your Tongue ought to speak as the present Book and Law speaks it to you; and when men in their nomination of things do vary from the Law, which is the quin­tessence of Reason, they do it in a Humor, which is the quintessence of Fancy. Thus far he again, p. 142. And it is truly said in Antid. Lin. p. 96. Another Liturgy confirm'd by Act of Parliament, made void the old: Neither is it pre­tended out of any Law or Canon to be called Altar more than once. Statute 1 Ed. 6. c. 1. The most comfortable Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ, commonly called the Sacrament of the Altar, and in Scri­pture the Supper and Table of the Lord, the Communion and Partaking of the Body and Blood of Christ. Says the Bishop to this, H. T. p. 94. The holy Scripture should carry it quite away for the Name—and Sacrament of the Al­tar is not the Name, but the Nick-name,—and a Penal Statute, as this is, was to take notice of every Appellation it was at that time known by, and discerned. The last Reformation, which is orderly, as ours was, is the best: As St. Ambrose writing how Christianity came in after other Religions, dis­courseth thus, Ep. 32. Quis reprehendit vindemiam, quia in occasu anni est? Aut [...]livam quia postremus est fructus? Suppose some Antiquity be alledged from the [Page 106]Fathers, it shall have its due reverence, and will help a little, and but little in this matter: For, says Bishop Montague, Orig. Eccles. Tom. 1. P. 2. pag. 314. Aram habemus, seu potius altare, quibus nominibus vetusti proceres locum illum, in quo erant [...] vocabant, sed mensam saepius. The Bishop quotes the words of C. Bellarm. lib. 1. de missâ, c. 27. That the New Testament, by the special instinct of the Holy Ghost, did purposely forbear to insert into their Writings the name of an Altar. This is p. 116. Joyn to this what you find p. 147. That in the Romish Reformation of the Canon of the Mass, they never use in Rubrick or Prayer, literally, nor so much as by allusion, the name of Table. And is it not time to keep the proper, and Scri­pture Word, in authority, when the Papalines, with an ill mind, had quite shoulder'd it out? If there were any reasons, as I know none, to think the name Altar as pertinent as Table, yet our Rubrick and Canons will be above them; for it is a prudent Maxim in Baron. anno 542. p. 205. Deseratur reve­rentiae Synodorum, ut in his, quae minus intelliguntur, earum cedatur authori­tati.

103. Which Rubrick and Canons have rejected the name Altar, and substi­tuted the other of Table, as being conjunct with the Sacrament, ordained for eating and drinking from the Table. So out of Bishop Morton, p. 130. H. T. Tell us, where was it ever known, that any Altar was ordained for eating and drinking? Out of C. Peron. p. 102. It is ever called a Table when it points to a Communion Sup­per, and an Altar when it points to the Sacrifice. Out of Bishop Andrews Strictures, p. 131. Christ was given to us per modum victimae on the Cross, per modum epuli in the Sacrament. Out of the Act of K. Edward's Privy Council, p. 132. If we come to feed on Christ spiritually, and spiritually to drink his Blood, which is the use of the Lord's Supper, then no man can deny, but the form of a Table is more meet for the Lord's Board, than the form of an Altar. The alteration of Words came in then (as, who doth not see it?) partly because we would be beholden to the Scri­pture for our terms, rather than to the wisest men in the World; partly to give in this Evidence among others, that we had renounced the Sacrifice of the Mass, the very offering up our Saviour in an unbloody Oblation, not again, but by one and the same Act with which he offered up himself on the Cross; a Chymaera which is not intelligible to any mortal man. This was never dreamt of by those holy men, who freely called this Sacrament a Sacrifice and Obla­tion. Honesta quidem, sed ex quibus deterrima orirentur, Tac. An. lib. 1. They are excellent Notes which our Bishop quotes out of Bishop Bilson, p. 116. Christ and his Apostles did forbear the term of Sacrifice, therefore our Faith may stand without it. The Speeches of the Fathers in this kind are dark and obscure, and conse­quently unuseful for the edifying of the People. Lastly, We find by experi­ence, that the very Expression hath been a great fomenter of Superstition and Popery: Therefore this is an Exception at the word Altar, that it is a Relative to a Sacrifice. Dr. Heylin, Antid. p. 79. pleads for the Vicar, that in that name he aimed at no propitiatory Sacrifice. I believe him: And the like for many other of the noble Army of our Hierarchical Church; for when that Sacrifice was exploded, yet for a while Christ's Board was called an Altar. This was our Bishop's mind; and, I take it, the same was and is in all our learned men, That in that Holy Sacrament there is a Spectacle of the Sacrifice of Christ's Body, as it suffer'd on the Cross, represented by breaking the Bread, and pou­ring out the Wine, by eating the one and drinking the other; that there is a commemoration of that Sacrifice in the repetition of the words of Institution; that there is an application of that Sacrifice to their Souls, that partake by Faith; and that all this makes properly a Sacrament, improperly and figura­tively a Sacrifice. Hereupon, lest the notion of a Sacrifice, in this improper and secondary acception, should be forgotten, some are willing blamelesly to refresh it in their Memory, by calling the place of the representation of it an Altar. Nec cuiquam sunt injucunda quae cantant sibi, says Quintil. lib. II. But stay there, and step no further, because Lauds and Thanksgivings, the sweet odour of the Oblation of Alms, the Calves of our Lips, a broken and contrite Heart, a mortified Body, are spiritual Victims before and after the Sacrament, as well as in it. Sed non ibi consistunt exempla ubi caeperunt, Pater. lib. 2. It is good Counsel to be sparing in the use of those words, whose elegancy and innocency cannot countervail the Errors that have encroached from them. There are some, I have heard it from their own Lips, who say, that they call this Utensil an Al­tar, without any reference to a Sacrifice: Thus they explain themselves; That what is set apart to God should be differenc'd in its Name from common things, [Page 107]that Religion might have a Dialect proper to it self, as Paten, Chalice, Corporal, Albe, Paraphront, Suffront, for the Hangings above and beneath the Table: Instances are innumerous, and Church-men were ever pleased with Terms of Art peculiar to their own Mysteries, which are not common and familiar with secular occasions. But if this Project breed confusion, it is against edifying; if it give Offence, it is against Charity. And if I may not offend my Bro­ther with my Meat, when I am free, that is, when my Superiors have made no Ordinance upon it; then, if I walk conscionably, I must not offend him in usurpation of words, when I am free, and shall not break the Command­ment of Authority. I see not then but the word Table was to prevail, for the Gospel brought it forch, the Church among us did more generally like it, the Canons and Rubrick score it to be used; and if you will ascend as high as to the Figures of the Old Testament, says the Bishop, p. 126. not the great Altar for Sacrifice, but the Table of the Inner Temple, on which the Shew-bread was set, was the true Type and Presiguration of the Communion-Table, as di­vers Jesuits yield it. Now, in the end of this [...], or Word-strife, I profess it had never been inserted into this Memorial of the Bishop of Lincoln, if the Doctor had not revived it in some late pieces, which he hath printed: For who hath leisure to cast his Thoughts upon such small Contentions, when we are overwhelmed with Heresies and Schisms that pluck up our Foundations? Praesentia hobetantur incommoda, si cui dolor major accesserit, as Sidonius setcheth it out of Hippocrates, p. 163. When such Wounds are made in our Body, little Scratches should be insensible.

104. The same Author hath listed up the Quarrel again, which was fallen, about the Place of the Holy Table: I would it stood in any place of the House of God, so it might be used, but it is extreamly disused. Was there ever such a negligence among Christians before? Sometimes the Pope hath in­terdicted the Churches of a Nation for a year or more; the greater was his Sin: But I will make Affidavit, that some Parishes among us have been interdicted from the Lord's Supper, by the Hirelings that teach them, from anno 1642. to anno 1659. and this Famine of the holy Bread is like to continue among them. Is this a Season to renew what past anno 1637. between the Bishop and him, how the Table should stand? Deficilis est exitus veterum jurgio­rum, Sym. Ep. p. 17. I speak, as well assured, that the Dr. hath been often since that time prostrate at that sacred Banquet; why then doth he break out into old Grudges for their Quidlibets? First, the Bishop did desire to satisfie his Reader where the holy Table should stand, when the Communion Service was cele­brated. Secondly, where it should continue when that pious work was over. For the first, he durst not decide it, but as the Liturgy hath it, To stand in the body of the Church or Chancel, in the Communion-time, where Morning and Even­ing-Prayer be appointed to be said. And as the Advertisements state it, That Com­mon-Prayer (the Communion being the supereminent part) be said or sung decently and distinctly in such place as the Ordinary shall think meet, for the largeness and straight­ness of the Church and Quire, so that the People may be most edisied. And as Canon 82 doth enjoyn, When the Holy Communion is to be administred, it shall be placed in so good sort within the Church or Chancel, as thereby the Minister may be more convenient­ly heard of the Communicants, in his Prayer and Ministration, and that they may con­veniently, and in more number, communicate with the Minister. And therefore the Bishop sums it up, Ep. p. 59. That this Liberty for a convenient place of Church or Chancel, is left to the Judgment of the Ordinary, and that the King, in his Princely Order about St. Gregory's Church, did leave it to the Law, to the Com­munion book, to the Canon and Diocesan. The Law refers to Salus populi, to the edifying of the People; which was never respected under Popery, for their Mass was mutter'd at high Altars, far remote from the Auditory: Which Har­ding maintains, H. T. p. 204. That they never meant the People should understand any more than what they could guess by dumb Shews, and outward Ceremonies. In old Liturgies it appears, that not only the Clerks, but where a Church had no more than one Clerk to officiate, the People made answer in Versicles and Suffrages; an excellent way to keep them in godly action; of which Privi­lege and Comfort they have been robb'd in corrupt times, Erasmus says, p. 216. of his Ep. That King Harry 8. defended, that no Prayer was to be expected from the People; Praeteream quae ment is cogitatione Deum alloquitur. And that is it which is intended in Cardinal Pool's Articles of his Visitation, anno 1556. Whether the People be contemplative in holy Prayer? But we have not so learned [Page 108]Christ, whose Communion is so order'd, that all that are present may hear and be edisied, every one say the Confession of Sins after him that pronounceth it, every one professes, as he is invited, to lift up his Heart unto the Lord. Let the Table stand so commodiously for the benesit of Receivers, when it is em­ploy'd, and it is not here or there, whether the Minister stand at the North side, as the Church in terminis directs it, or at the North end, as Altar-contrivers contend for it. So we are told that the Table stands, and unremovably under the East Window in the King's Chappel. And says the Doctor, Antid. p. 41. That which is wisely and religiously done in the Chappel-Royal, why should it not give Law to Parish-Churches? The King's Chappel (I should say was, but my Heart will not let me) is a sacred Oratory of great regard, and ancient mention. Constantine the Great had one portable with him in his Camp. In Charles the Great's time the Chappel of his Palace is samous. Luitprandus King of the Lom­bards had one in his Palace; Baron. anno 744. p. 23. And in the Reign of our William Conquestor, we read out of his Mouth, Mea Dominica Capella, Selden. Eadm. p. 165. Such Chapels, if like to our King's in all his Courts, were of no great dimension; the holy Board could not stand no where inconveniently in them, but that all might hear; therefore one constant site was most decent for it, where it deserv'd the highest Room, it being the Fabrick on which the principal Service Evangelical is solemniz'd. The Bishop, p. 182. remembers out of Suarez, that Altars in Oratories and Chappels, among them who are the Mint-masters of Ceremonies, are not agreeable in situation to the Altars in Chur­ches: Therefore private Chappels, nay, even the Kings, cannot be the Directories for all places, because very often Parish Chancels being but a few strides broad and long, cannot contain the multitude of all the People that come to take the Holy Mysteries. And when the Belfrey is between the Chancel and the Nave of the Church, as at Carshalton in Surrey, the Minister can neither be heard, nor seen, unless he officiate in the Church, where all may enjoy the Exhortations, behold the Consecration, and joyn in Prayer. Therefore the Bishop answers prudently, H. T. p. 34. It is not His Majesty's Chappel, but his Laws, Rubricks, Ca­nons, Proclamations, which we are to follow in outward Ceremonies.

105. Neither can the Opponent appeal to Rubrick and Canons, but he be­takes him to an Order, wherein the King's Majesty was present at the Coun­cil-Table, Nov. 3. 1633. This is quoted at length, Antid. p. 62. and in some of his latter Works, for approving the Table to be removed from the middle of the Chancel to the upper end, and there to be placed Altar-wise. If the King had intended that the like should be observed in all Parochial Churches, the Questi­on had been decided against the Bishop's Letter. Nec turpe est ab eo vinci, quem vincere esset nefas, as Tigranes says of Pompey, Velle. lib. 1. The Bishop subscribes, p. 163. That the addition of any more Ceremonies than are prescribed in our Book, is referred to the person of the King by Act of Parliament. The Contention remains, whether that Order of His Majesty with his Council hath influence upon other places, beside the particular of St. Gregory, which occasion'd it. The Dr. himself says no such matter directly, but, Antid. p. 36. The King did not com­mand, but hath given encouragement to the Metropolitan, and Bishops, and other Or­dinaries, to require the like in all Churches committed to them. The Bishop says, He hath left all to the Law, to the Communion-book, to the Canons and Diocesan, p. 59. And which is much they two should agree, the Doctor says so too, Ant. p. 64. That it is left to the Judgment of the Ordinary, for the thing, for the time (N. B.) when, and how long he may find cause. The Bishop says more, That after this Order he had heard of no Bishop that had exacted of his Diocess the placing of the Holy Table Altar-wise, p. 69. And in the year following, 1634. the Archbishop holding a Metro­political Visitation, keeps him to the ancient form in this Interrogatory, Doth the Table stand in a convenient place of Chancel or Church? If one Prelate was sin­gular in his Visitation of Norwich Diocess, which the Dr. would seem not to speak out, but to intimate, our Bishop hath a Passage to meet it, p. 85. out of Archbishop Whitgift; There is no manner of reason, that the Orders of the Church should depend upon one or two mens liking or disliking, Where now appears, I say not the Command, but the Encouragement, that the Order made for St. Gregory's Church should be observed in all Parishes? It will conduce to this Cause, to borrow one Quotation out of the Bishop, and two out of the Doctor; the Bishop's is taken from an Act of Council made for reformation, 1 Edw. 6. That the form of a Table shall never move the simple from the superstitious Opinions of the Popish Mass; and that this superstitious Opinion is more held in the minds of the simple and ig­norant, [Page 109]by the form of an Altar, than of a Table. The Dr. p. 105. out of a Sermon of Bishop Hooper's, preach'd before K. Edward, It were well it might please the Magistrates to turn the Altars into Tables, according to the first Institution of Christ, to take away the false Perswasion of the People, which they have of Sacrifices to be done upon the Altars; for as long as the Altars remain, both the ignorant People, and the ignorant evil-perswaded Priest will dream always of Sacrifice. Then p. 129. Bishop Ridley took down Altars, and appointed the form of a right Table to be used in all his Diocess, Duo Scipiadae. These two Bishops were very learned, and very Martyrs. A little remains to shut up this Controversie, or rather to shut it out: For to set the Table under the East Window of the Chancel, the ends running North and South, is this to set it Altar-wise? Verily it is a meer En­glish Phrase, or rather an English Error, because Altars beyond the Seas are placed promiscuously, either at the top, or in the midst of the Chancel; as the Bishop notes p. 218. and commonly so far from the Wall, that the Priests and Deacons might stand round about them: As in Cardinal Borromaeo's Reforma­tion, a space of eight cubits was to be left between the Altar and the Wall. Altare in medio Ecclesiae situm, says Baron. anno 451. p. 62. Josephus Vicecomes, a skilful man in these punctilio's, Altaria in medio Ecclesiae allocata fuisse. But to fasten it sure, I refer it to Marcellus Corcyrensis, lib. 3. Sacr. Cerem. p. 215. he says, The Pope never preacheth, but when he celebrates the Mass himself; he goes not up into a Pulpit, but sits in his Chair. Sedet ante altare super faldistorium, si altare est apud Pa­rietem.—Si autem sedes Papae non infra, sed supra altare est, ut in Ecclesiâ S. Petri, & similibus, tune Papa vertit faciem ad chorum sedens in praedictâ sede. Here's the Altar, in the chief Mother-Church of Rome, in the midst of the Quire; which falls into this conclusion, that these local Differences among us, about the Holy Table, are not in imitation of any Church, but forms taken up at home; so that upon the final Sentence, Maxima de nihilo nascitur historia, as Propertius says fitly.

106. Here you have the Book of the Holy Table epitomiz'd, and you see the Bishop broke not the Peace of the Church, but was upon the defence. His Ad­versary tells us lately, that it was a Book cried up every where with great ap­plause, when it came first to light. What would it have been if it had been stu­died any long time, and lick'd over with a second or third examination? But one month in the Autumn began it, and ended it, as not only the Author, but the Amanuensis testified. [...], says; [...]; that is, when one is swift in doing a good thing, God and he were joyn'd to­gether. But this Praise belongs to the Dr. as well as to him who is a swift Dromedary traversing her ways, Jer. 2.23. There are Passages between them with some bitterness on both sides; I like it in neither; they that spit upon one another are both defiled: I cite nothing faln in that kind, for every Dung­hill smells ill, but not till you stir it. To excuse such things, Non contumelias, sed argutias vocamus, says Seneca; It may be sharpness of Wit, but it is bluntness of Wis­dom. One thing the Criticks noted beside, That in some Passages the Holy Table is too light and merry; and no Merriment is worse than the Laughter of Anger; Subridens mistâ Mezentius irâ. Virg. It was not publish'd in the person of a Bishop. And to me it seems that a joculary Style was not amiss for a fri­volous Cause: Nor would the Author seem to be damp'd or troubled, but full of sanguine Alacrity for all the Provocation. And if Mirth keep decorum, it is a good Rule of Theages the Pythagorean, Laert. p. 847. [...]: It is the office of Virtue to act with pleasure, and not with sadness: Or as Solomon much better, A merry heart doth good like a medicine, Prov. 17.22. But if any the least thing were amiss, he heard of it on both Ears, in the Antidotum Lincolniense, which I pass over, because no Reply was made unto it: Not that the Author had won the Field, but as Livy said, Dec. 1. lib. 3. when the People of Rome retired to the Aventine Mountain, for the Injury done to Virginia, and the Senators ask'd them what they would have, Non defuit quid re­sponderetur, defuit qui responsum daret. The Bishop, I know, was making his Notes ready to vindicate his Book, and was resolved, as the Italian Proverb runs, to give his Adversary Cake for Bread; for he was like to Bishop Fisher in Erasmus's Character of him, Ep. p. 396. Roffensis vir pius cum primis, ac eruditus: sed eo ingenio, ut non facilè desinat, ubi semel incaluit in certamine. He was preven­ted by his Cause in Star-chamber, which was brought to hearing in the same month that the Antidotum came abroad; a Censure pass'd upon him, which was executed with that rigour, that all that he had, even his Books, were seized, [Page 110]and he deprived of his Library: He could not fight without his Arms; or how could the Bell ring out, when they had stoln away the Clapper? Baronius pitties Photius, whom he could not abide, for sustaining that hard usage, an. 871. p. 14. and brings him in complaining to his unkind Lord Basilius, of whom he had deserved better, Libris privati sumus, novâ in nos excogitatâ poenâ,—librorum amissio non est poena in corpus sed in animam. But hear himself speak, Epist. 97. of Bishop Montague's Edition, that Constantine had censur'd some Bishops, [...]. Yet he spoiled them not of their Goods, nor deprived them of their Books. But the Bishop of Lincoln found not that mercy, because he might be indefensible, and bear the Reproaches that fell thick upon him: Even sorry Clerks came into the Lists, when they knew they should not meet the Champion. Children talk most when they can speak least sence. Among these was a Doctor, like Theophrastus's [...], or Ardelio, [...], that will be a Guide to Travellers, when he knew not a foot of the way. He thrust out his Altare Christianum, to revile his Master, and his Patron; for the Bishop in his great Office had protected him against a Justice of Peace, who had served this Doctor with a Warrant for some Misde­meanors; the then L. Keeper put the Justice out of Commission for it, and made this Doctor a Justice in his place, took him to be his Chaplain, kept him often by some months together in his House, bestowed on him a Prebend in Lin­coln Church, commended him to the L. Chamberlain, to swear him the King's Chaplain in ordinary, and prevailed. Indeed the Dr. lost some favour with the Bishop at last, because he was a Tell-tale, and made needless Complaints against his Brethren. In those black days, when the Bishop was over-clouded, this man strikes at him with all the force of his no-great Learning: Want makes men busie and industrious; the man wanted Preferment, for he would not have been so fierce if he had been full. The Puritans might sit still, and look on, when the King's Chaplains were allowed and preferred for their forwardness to do disgrace against a Bishop. There was a time when those factious Romans were most extolled, that cried down their honourable Patricians, Quae res & Marii potentiam peperit, & reip. ruinam, Match. Resp. lib. 1. c. 5. Now if these two Doctors think they got the Garland, because no Answer was made to their Books, let them wear it; if they desired work to write more, and to get Mony by the Press, like the diurnal Scribler, they were disappointed. And well did Camerarius content himself, not to defend Melancthon against the Flaccians, because it was in vain to meddle with them; they had no Forehead to be ashamed, if they were convicted; Et ad unum probrum statim erant quae adjicerentur decem. So far, if not too far, upon the Bishop's Letter, and his Book The Holy Table, to set some Ceremonies in order in the Church of Grantham; and I will listen to Sido­nius, lib. 8. c. 1. Post mortem non opuscula, sed opeea pensanda. We are to consider, after a good man's Death, his Works of Bounty and Mercy, rather than his Books of Controversie.

107. It was not Art, but Power; it was not a Book, but a Bill, that crush'd our stout Prelate: All other Billows, even to the Rage of his Enemies, lifted him up, but this sunk him. Now I must bring his Boat to the Tower-wharf, the worst landing-place in all the River: [...]. Court and Court-luck, for Company, from that day forward farewel, he never more lookt for good from you. Here's as much occasion to open a wide Gate to let in Complaint and Sorrow, as any case will afford, upon the oppression and down­fal of the most compleat Bishop that the Age afforded, take him in the latitude of all his Abilities: Yet Thankfulness was not sensible of the Good-turns he had done, nor Honour of his Affronts, nor Justice of his Wrongs, nor Wrath of his Sufferings, nor Charity of his Undoing. If the Prosecution against him were fair, and the Sentence righteous, let him not be pitied, nor the Blot wiped out from his Memory: Se quisque ut vivit & effert; As he lived, so let him hear well or ill, being dead. But he was so secure, so ready to represent his Cause to the Judgment of the whole Kingdom, that against a Parliament was call'd in April 1640. he drew up the whole matter of his Suits and Troubles, in twenty sheets of Paper, to offer it to that Honourable House, for their severest Review: And if his Remonstrance were a Clamour, and not a just Complaint, he invited his Judges to lay a new and a severer Censure upon him. And it is fit that every Complainant should be devoved to that Court of Justice wherein he begins a Quarrel, to suffer as much Penalty, if he make not good his Bill, as he would have those to undergo, whom he challenged for his pretended Injuries: Which [Page 111]was Roman Law in Symmachus's days, Ep. p. 67. Provisum est ne quis temerè in alieni capitis crimen irrueret, nisi se idem priùs poenae sponsione vinciret. But it came not to that dint, for this Parliament was bespoken four months before, and was dissol­ved when it had met but three weeks: A Duck could not hatch an Egg, if she had sate no longer. The opportunity therefore was prevented for the Plaintiff to make use of his Papers, which were prepared for this Parliament: Fortune had mock'd him, if he had tryed her Courtesie at that time, who is a true Handmaid to no Mistriss but Good-occasion: Yet this Memorial of his Case, which came not to their Hands, but to mine, so large, so exact, so fairly copied, without expunction of a word, without interlining, or the least correction in the Margin, is fortunately kept till now, (when so many noble Registries have been torn, and embezzled in these consuming times) to content both itching Curiosities and staid Judgments, that would know the Truth; out of which I will glean up faithfully a few handfuls, and no more, for these reasons: First, For the length it may pass for a Book, and I affect not to make this Book swell with the incorporation of another. Secondly, The Press at London, by hook or crook, lights upon every man's Papers, and doth license it self to publish them; the more shame for them that are in power, and do not mend it: And to save me the pains, Lincoln's Star-chamber-Trial will come ere long into the Fingers of some sharking Broker of Stationers-hall, and be entred in there for his own Chattel, as well as the Author's Prayers and Meditations, made Anno 1621. for the use of L. M. B. which I glanced at in their due place, which a bold fellow hath filed up in his Hall, to be printed, to which he hath no more Right than Sir Ro. H— had to Charing-cross. Thirdly, My Breviate shall only tell you, and no more, who they were in great Place, that trod this man down by oppression and false ways, whose Pictures are drawn out at length in the larger Frame. 'Tis too much the Recreation of the common man, to stick longest in that Page wherein he reads Invectives. [...]. Demosth. [...]. So engrafted it is in us to listen unto Contumelies, as unto Musick. But I will not feed my Guests with such Acorns: It is enough for a Warning to others, that God did quickly bring the day which he had called, and they were made like him, Lam. 1.21. Or worse, that opprest the Bishop, for the abuse of Fiduciary Power will never pass long un­punish'd.

108. Every Effect is best known in its Cause, that's the best ground for a be­ginning. It is apparent, that much Anger was seeded, and thrust out of one bitter Root. The chief Counsellors of K. James, and of his Cabinet, that de­vised with their Master how to compass the Spanish Match, and took no joy in the Failing, pleased their old Master, but lost the Prince his Son, alienated from them by Buckingham, after he had returned home. Richmond, Hamilton, Belfast lived not long after: Middlesex and Bristol, the first blown down, the other shaken by Impeachments in Parliament, and both laid aside: Arundel sent to the Tower, and there had continued, but for the clamour of the Peers in the Upper House, for nothing but for marrying his eldest Son to a Daughter of the House of Lenox: How then could Lincoln escape, who was K. James's right hand in all Dispatches about that Treaty? Nothing was unassay'd to scourge him, because he knew more Secrets than any man, and shewed most Stomach to de­fend himself. Sir A. Wel. beyond his wont, tells Truth in this, p. 174. That his Ruine was determined, not upon any known Crime, but upon Circumstances, and upon Examinations, to pick out Faults committed in his whole life-time. And the blow was given, after nine years had been spent upon one matter, to frame a Censure out of it. Majora animalia diutiùs visceribus parentum continentur, Quint. lib. II. The Whelps and Cubbs of great Beasts are long in the Womb before they be brought forth. It came about anno 1628. that the Bishop had suspended Burden and Allen, the one a Surrogate to Sir J. Lamb, the other a Proctor in his Court, both of Lei­cestershire, for doing Injustice, and being vexatious both to Clergy and Laity. Ut non—Compositus meliùs cum Bytho Baccius. They petition'd and clamour'd to be restored, but as Budaeus says proverbially of a Land-leaper, that makes him­self a Cripple, and cries out for help, Tolleeum qui non novit, De Asse p. 104. Let him pity him that doth not know him. So Burden and Allen were too well known to get any Favour. At last Sir J. Lamb, a Creature of dark Practices, and Dr. Sibthorp, undertook for them, and propounded it to the Bishop at his Table, when their Hand was with him in the Dish. But when they would ingratiate them for their good Parts, as Mr. Hooker said of Ithacius, that there was nothing [Page 112]commendable in him, but his Zeal against the Priscillianists; so these had no­thing to brag of in their Brace of Greyhounds, but that they were the swiftest of their kind to chase the Puritans. The Bishop told them, (Dr. Morrison and Mr. Pregian Register of Lincoln and Leicester, being present) ‘That men of erro­neous, but tender Consciences, would never be reduced by such as were scanda­lous for Bribes and Taverns, and other bad haunts; how that Severity against that Party was not seasonable at that time, for he had lately conferred with the King, and that His Majesty had condescended to give them some forbea­rance, though not openly profess'd, to get his ends out of some Members of Parliament, who were leading men, and more easie to be brought about, by holding a gentle hand over the Ministers of their Faction.’ Here's the sum of all: This was the King's mind; And how could it be follow'd, but by being revealed to some that were in Office? If there be any blame in this, let him that said it cry out as Philotas did, Curt. lib. 6. Fides veri consilii, periculosa libertas, vos me decepistis, vos quae sentiebam ne reticerem impulistis. Patt to the Bishop's case to a word. This was carried to Bissham in the Progress, where Bishop Laud at­tended, and by him exaggerated to the King, that his secret Counsels were abu­sed. The Historian Sanderson taking it out of another, I suppose, who wrote the Reign of K. Charles, hath fancied an Accusation that was never dreamt of, p. 220. That the Bishop's Wit and Will tempted him to talk disloyally of the King, and a Bill put in against him for it. A Woodcock's Bill; but no such Bill was put in Star-chamber. Nullum decuit haec scribere, nisi quem constat optasse, Sym. Ep. p. 129. He that wrote so would have had it so. Piety forbid that a Bishop should vio­late the sacred Honour of his Prince with a disloyal word. Yet how moderate­ly did Q. Elizabeth speak of Sir J. Perrott's Offence in that kind ( Camden, anno 1592.) quoting the Saying of Theodosius, Si quis Imperatori maledixerit, si ex levi­tate contemnendum, si ex insaniá miserandum, si ab injuriâ remittendum. But Aure­lian went further, that he might not hear of such Complaints. [...] sanxit ne audirentur, qui deferebant malè locutos de principibus, Carion. l. 3. c. 61. It was a ge­nerosity in those heroical men, which Shimei and Railers at Kings did not de­serve; but Lincoln was not touch'd with the lightest suspicion of this Fault. O but His Majesty's Counsels were revealed, and expiable Crime in the adverse Bi­shop's Construction! Kings Counsels may be of that reach and choice, that to blab them abroad may touch his Life that did it. Upon such great points of State Bodin moves a Question, De Repub. p. 386. An poena capitis statuenda sit iis, qui principis arcana divulgant? Augustus told a Secret to one of the [...]abii, that he would bring Agrippa home again from Mitylene: Fabius told this to his Wife, and she to Livia, who disaffected Agrippa, and it cost Fabius his Life; as Salma­sius enlargeth it in his Preface to Solinus. Plutarch hath wrote more upon it, Lib. de Cur. Aud. how dangerous it is to know the Privacies of Potentates, lest they should be vented in rashness: So that Philippides asking Lysimachus what he should give him; says Lysimachus, any thing but a Secret. But the thing communica­ted to our Bishop was but petty in comparison, and no Secret neither, not im­parted at the Council-Table, but in Conference, in the time of Parliament, as to a Peer of the House, lock'd up with no Seal of Silence, but to be opened to such persons as might make use of it in their Notice. He could not say less than he did to express the King's sence, nor at a better time for advantage: It can be cal­led by no ill Name; but if you will call it Rashness, weigh it how light the matter was, and I will not refer it to Honour and Mercy, but to Justice to pass it by: Quae minora & vulgaria sunt delicta oportet dissimulari, non vindicari. Which is Grotius Maxim. de Ju. B. & P. p. 311. Petty Faults should be overseen with Magnanimity, and not revenged.

109. And that prevailed to the expiration of about three years, as in the next place will be cleared, when a few lines are first spent, what the Censure of un­derstanding men was upon this Treachery of the two Delators. Lamb was the most hated of all that trod on the Earth in the County of Northampton, where he dwelt; yet as Tally said of Asinius Pollio, lib. 3. ep. 31. Quem nequaquam, perinde ut dignus est, oderunt homines. He was branded with the charge of many Crimes, under the Hands of all the Justices and Gentry, in a manner, in the Shire, and in two several Bills to be presented to the Parliaments, anno 1621. anno 1624. This Person, whose Throat he went about to cut, brought him off from his Troubles, dubb'd him a Doctor and a Knight, settled him in his former Offices, and got him more; for which, I confess, he got no good name to himself. Lamb mark'd the Revolution of the Times, saw the Bishop discarded, and observ'd, that [Page 113]he might pluck himself into a better Fortune, sooner by being his Enemy than his Friend: Then what ensues, but as a shifter says in Plautus, Ut sursum in alto ventus est, exin velum vortitur; Veer the Sail as the Wind blows? So he watcheth a day to cast off his Patron, and, to make it more meritorious, to cast him down. Cum secum servilis animus praemia perfidiae reputaret, cessit fas, & salus patro­ni: As if we had found this Wretch foretold by Tacitus, lib. 15. Annal. An un­grateful Creature in the old times was held a Monster, now adays none shall be sooner taken into play, to be a State-Minister. Like Tobacco, every man stopt his Nose at it, when Sir W. Raleigh brought it first into England; now the Pipe is in every man's Mouth. But how easie was it for the Bishop to trust this fel­low with as much as he durst utter to any man? He had redeem'd him, he had bought him for his own, and every false Knave doth not smell like a Pole-Cat. They are subtler in their Generation than the Children of Light. The best skill'd in the Greek Tongue say, that the Devout in the New Testament are called [...], quia facilè possunt capi; because they are charitable, and less suspicious of others, so they are easily taken: Aditum nocendi perfido praest at fides, Sen. Oed. The Credit that is given to a perfidious man furnisheth him with ad­vantage to do a Mischief. He can hurt none but such as he is beholden to for their good Opinion. Et perditissimi est hominis fallere eum, qui non laesus esset, nisi credidisset, Cic. lib. 2. off. And of all Hypocrites, take heed of him that gropes into a man's Heart, to pluck out his Secrets. Which is well set forth in a Proverbial Si­militude, Venti sunt molestissimi qui abstrahunt nobis pallia. 'Tis ill travelling when the Wind blows a mans Cloak abroad, and will not let him keep it close about him. Meaning, that it is ill conversing with an Ensnarer, delving into the bottom of your Mind, to know what is hid in it. I would ask a Casuist, if it were not lawful for me not only to hide my Mind, but to cast somewhat which is not true before such a Pocher? I mean it tentativè, not with intention to deceive him, but to try if he would deceive me; and I mean it of no other, but of such a one as Ben Syrach sets out, and this Bishop found to his cost: Ecclus. 13. v. 11, 12. With much communication will he tempt thee, and smiling upon thee will he get out thy secrets, but cruelly he will lay up thy words, and will not spare to do thee hurt, and to put thee in prison. Ingratitude is Sir J. Lamb's Badge, Perfidiousness both his and Sibthorp's: And that's not all. Quisquam hominum est quem tu contentum videris uno—Flagitio? Juven. These were such as durst do more than one Unseemliness, and deserv'd to be baffl'd for breaking the Laws of Hospitality. They did eat at the Bishop's Board, gathered that Discourse, which they carried away to kin­dle Coals of Fire to consume him, and deposed what they heard, and more than they heard; Unde illud apud Graecos, da mihi testimonium. Cicero pro Flacco. Fair Conversation should keep up Table-talk: As Plutarch says of the Spartans in his Licurgus, That being frollick at Meat, they were wont to say, Not a word goes out of doors. They that brake that Order, should dine alone, like the Hangmen of Germany. But seriously the ancient Tragedy-Writers, in their Buskin Scenes, exclaim mightily against those who betray'd them that had feasted them; as Hecuba inveighs against Polymestor, that murther'd her Son Polydor, [...]: What a Fiend was Polymestor, to do such an Act, that had been her Guest so often? The very Emblem of the Wolf, that had eaten the Sheep, and would eat the Shepherd, if he could get him. Thus far of the Crime, and the Criminators, or rather the Tale and the Tale-bearers, that so little, they so bad: Qui ad notitiam posterorum per odia virtutum decurrerunt. Sidon. lib. 8. c. 1.

110. I have dealt with the Pick-thanks as they deserv'd, who travelling from Bugden to Higham-Ferrers, conferr'd their Notes, as they depos'd, and lost not a day, but sent Burden and Allen to the Court, as soon as they could be found, with an Accusation against the Bishop. As Fr. Junius gives his reason in cap. 3. Gen. why he thought the Devil tempted Eve not long after she was made: Maleficus non potest feriari, ex quo est maleficus: So in this Instance we see, that Malice is Lead in weight, and Fire in swiftness. The King is moved to acquaint the Lords of the Council with it, where it gasp'd in the first Hearing, and dyed. Allen the Proctor Petitions for it again, for B. L. upheld his Spirit in his Wickedness: The examining is referred to the L. Treasurer Weston, the Earl of Penbrock, the Earl of Montgomery, the Earl of Holland, who with one consent cast it away, as not worthy a Debate, that no Blame could stick upon Lincoln, that Allen was as good as frentick, for he had drawn up one Petition in Rhime. This the Bishop alledgeth in his Address prepared for the Parliament, while the third [Page 114]and fourth of the Lords-Referrees were living: But though they are all under Earth, Faith forbid that their Names should be abused to a wrong Report. To keep History uncorrupt from such baseness, 'tis daintily observ'd out of the Poets by Salmasius Clymac. p. 819. Apud orcum defunctae animae jurare dicuntur, ne quid suos, quos in vitâ reliquerint, contra fas adjuvent. The Souls departed take an Oath, not to help their surviving Friends against Justice: But no such Prote­station needs in this Cause. There is a Petition to be produced, written with the Hand of Dr. Walker, a Gentleman living, and well known, wherein His Majesty is minded, that he had cancell'd this Complaint, and had given his Royal Hand to confirm it. What could be more sure? Yet it turn'd to no­thing; the Wound was never suffer'd to heal by the daily Whispering of Bishop Laud, diligent in the King's Ear. You may read of one in Suetonius's Caligula, Cui ad insaniam Caius favebat: So the King suffer'd this Prelate, in excess of Power, to turn and return Causes as he would, and was obnoxious, by the be­witching of his Tongue, to facility of Perswasions, to grant and retract as he pos­sest him: Which was seen too late in this excellent Passage of His Majesty, in [...], I wish I had not suffer'd mine own Judgment to be overborn in some things, more by others Importunities than their Arguments. As Erasmus wrote honestly to a mighty Monarch Harry the Eighth, Ep. p. 74. Eximia quae­dam inter mortales res est Monarcha, sed homo tamen. And with much liberty our Poet Johnson, in his Forrest, p. 815.

—I am at feud
With that is ill, tho' with a Throne endu'd.

The Faults of the Blessed Charles were small, yet some he had; who having assured Lincoln he should never be question'd again about the matter brought against him by Lamb and Sibthorp, yet remitted it to the Star-chamber: The De­fendant conceived it would spend like a Snail, or the untimely Fruit of a Wo­man, but when he found himself deceiv'd, and that the Cause was glowing hot in Prosecution, he sought the King's Clemency, Quaedam enim meliùs fugiuntur quàm superantur; it is in Erasm. Ep. p. 18. He thought it better to fly the Trial, than to get the Cause, and he put up this which follows into the Hands of His Majesty.

The Humble Petition and Submission of John Bishop of Lincoln, &c.

THAT although he is innocent from any Crime committed against your Majesty, in thought, word, or deed, yet abhorring (as he finds by Presidents, all other Bishops of this Realm have done) Placitare cum Domino rege, to have any Suit with his Sovereign Lord, Master, and Patron; he casts himself in all humility at Your Majesties Feet, and implores your Royal Mercy and Clemency, Non intrare in judicium cum servo tuo, coveting to ascribe his Deliverance to Your Majesties Clemency: And whereas your most Excellent Majesty having, in the fourth year of your happy Reign, received the Opi­nion of the four Lords Committees, concerning these very self-same Charges, did in your Majesties Gallery at Whitehall admit this Defendant, brought in by the Right Honou­rable the Lord Treasurer, one of the said Committees, to kiss your Majesties Hand, and did use unto him this Defendant, in the presence and hearing of the said Right Honou­rable Lord, these gracious words: That your Majesty was pleased to forgive all that was past, and would esteem of this Defendant according as he should de­serve by his Service for the time to come. He most humbly beseecheth your most Excellent Majesty, that according to that so gracious Remission and Absolution, no fur­ther Prosecution at your Majesties Suit may be used against him, concerning the said Charges; all which he doth the rather hope for from your Majesty, because he is a Bishop that hath endeavoured not to live scandalously in his Calling, and hath formerly had the Favour from Almighty God, with his own Hands, to close your Majesties Father's Eyes, and to have written and drawn up that Commission and Contract for your Majesties Marriage, whereupon ensued to this Kingdom a most unvaluable Blessing; and heartily prayeth, that God, who hath delivered your Majesty from your late Sickness, may bless you in all Health, Happiness, and Prosperity.

[Page 115] So far the Petition: I will not teach the Reader what Sallads to pick out of it, but only the Herb of Grace, that the Bishop kist the King's Hand upon the assurance of his Peace; that the Offence which was taken was buried, and should never rise up in Judgment more: Nihil periculi Soloni à Pisistrato, Diog. Laert. Now, who ever liked Julian the Cardinal, that made Ladislaus K. of Polonia break his League with the Turk? And who will defend B. L. that made his Soveraign break his word with his Subject? It was he, and none else, that put in an unseasonable Bar to hinder Lincoln the fulness of the Benefit. I know none that had the nearest part in B. L's Favour, that can deny it: And let them turn it about as they will, is it possible they should excuse it? [...]. It is Theodoret's Ep. 2. Children see no uncomeliness in their Parents. But although they will see no ill in the Person, they must in the Fact: For, what a Trespass is this in Justice, to punish that which was forgiven? Let the King do Righteous Judgment like God, in whose Throne he sits; before whom this holds inviolable, Peccata dimissa nunquam redeunt: No, not original Sin, when remitted in Baptism, it shall not be imputed to them any more, that are dam­ned for actual Crimes, whereof they did not repent. So Grotius cites it out of Prosper in Matth. c. 18. v. 34. Extinctam semel obligationem non reviviscere, sed propter postrema crimina affici. The most that seems to be against this Rule, but falls in with it, is this; That when former Sins are forgiven, and new ones are su­peradded, the latter shall be punish'd the more for the ungratefulness of the Sin­ner. Non quod jam remissa puniantur, sed quod sequens peccatum minùs graviter pun [...] ­retur, si priora remissa non fuissent; says Maldonat. My Sentence is at the last of all with Syracides, c. 29.3. Keep thy word, and deal faithfully; revoke not your Kind­ness; pluck not up the Seeds of a Benefit, which you had sown with your own Hand: It is worse to turn Mercy than Justice into Wormwood.

111. Destiny is unavoidable. A Bill is filed in the Star-Chamber, and prose­cuted for the King, for Revealing his Councils. The Defendant made him ready for his Answer, and plyed the King with Petitions together; in Parody like Virgil's Aeneas, Et se collegit in arma—Poplite subsidens. At first he tried Bishop Laud, if he would be so generous as to heal the Wound that he had made, and anointed him with the Weapon-Salve of remembrance of Friendship past, and protestation of the like for ever; he courted him to mediate for him. And was it not likely he would think, who had procured him his first Rochet, well fring­ed with good Commendums? But what Suspicion, to find a thankful Man did bring Lincoln into this Error? [...], says Pindar; Old kindness is fast asleep, and Men are forgetful. This Hand return'd him no­thing from his Majesty but Denials and Despairs; as if he had lighted upon one of the Genethliaci, or Figure-Casters, that never portend a good Horoscope to any; or as I may better set it down in Gassendus's Complaint, De Pareliis p. 309. Ita praeposteri sumus, ut nunquam captemus bona omina. A good word from so gra­cious an Agent would have cleared any man, who made Lincoln's Fidelity more suspected to his Royal Master. Bishop Laud knew him, how strong he was in his Intellectuals, how fit to manage Civil and Church Affairs, [...], as Tully translates it out of Aratus, Huic non una modo caput ornans stella relucet. He thought it a disparagement to have a Parage with any of his Rank; and out of Emulation did dry his Substance, that it might not flow so fast into Charitable Works. Therefore as the Oratour wrote to Atticus, Qui mi­hi pennas inciderunt, nolunt easdem renasci, so he kept the Feathers of the other short, that they might not grow again, to fly before him. Lincoln took it not a whit to heart, because he foresaw it. I have heard him say, Though I did as much for him as I could, when he wanted me; yet I knew he would fail, if ever I wanted him. What remedy but the Cause, which had rotted three years in the Dung, must now be made ripe? a Mischief which had lyen like a Match kind­led to give fire to a Train of Powder long after. So it came to be sifted by the great Abilities of Mr. William Noy Attorney General, a Man of Cynical beha­viour, but of an honest heart to his Friends and Clients, and both together did become him. This famous Lawyer profest a great averseness from dealing in this Cause: for he wanted a Ground to plead upon. The Defendant maintains that he had opened no Counsels of the Kings; but what he spake to Lamb and Sib­thorp was Parliamentary Communication. Let the Peers and Commons look to it; it concerns them all that their Priviledges be maintain'd, to be unquestion­able for those things which past from one to another at that season; who, by [Page 116]the Writ that Summons them, do meet as Counsellors for great Affairs concern­ing the Church and Commonwealth. And by this very Demurrer Mr. Selden, about two years before, had quash't a Bill which was preferr'd in the Star-Cham­ber against him in a like Accusation. Neither contemn the Inconvenience, be­cause the storm fell upon one Bishop, and no more. The whole Tree was as good as unfastned, when one Bough was shaken. It is a good Caution in Arist. 5. Polit. [...], It is all assumed to say, The Danger is not great that lights upon one or two Particulars, when by that En­trance it will break in upon the whole Kind. Be it known therefore, that this Bill was kept under Hatches, and never came to hearing: For which way could the Council stir to plead upon it? As great a Pleader as ever lived, Demosthenes, gives us this Rule, Olynth.. [...]. As the Foundation of an House, and the Keel of a Ship must be laid strong and firm, so should the Foundations of all Actions. But in this charge let Wit and Learning turn it self every way, there was no Bottom to build upon. Therefore Mr. Noy, after two years, grew weary of it, and slackned the Prosecution. He died untimely for our Bishop's good, who acknowledgeth it under his Hand, That he dealt fairly with him: not reckoning by his Maundings and rough Language, which came from him to please the supervising Prelate. But Lincoln never felt harm from him, whose Finger he cut but with the back of his Knife. Therefore I pronounce him innocent of this Man's ru­in, upon the reason that Ulysses spared Terpiades, Odyss. [...], He sung such Songs, as the riotous Suitors of Penelope would have him, by constraint and necessity.

112. Who have we next to play this Game but notorious Kilvert? and for the same reason that God gave, why Phocas was made Emperour of the World, because there was not a worse. Hem! Si quid rectè curatum velis, huic mandes oportet. A Man branded long before in a Parliament for Perjury; a Knight of the Post, as we call it. A Name which some learned Scholar gave at first to such Catives: For Casaubon in his Theophrastus shews out of Pausanias in his At­ticks, that perjur'd Men were called [...], that usually stood about the Pana­thenaick Race-posts, called Adrettum, to be hired to give a Testimony, whe­ther it were right or wrong. Here's one that wore that Badge: and our Bishop writes more, and Truth in all, That in scorn of Justice, for many years, he lived from his own Wife, a vertuous and well-born Gentlewoman, whom he had stol'n away from her Parents, and lived in open Adultery with another Man's Wife, one Mr. Bines, hard by White-hall, and begot divers Bastards upon her Body, besides his other Debau­cheries and Infamies of all kinds. This Man, as himself avouched, was found out, and employed by Archbishop Laud (by this time he is in that Throne) by Se­cretary Windebank and Sir J. Lamb, to prosecute the Cause against the Bishop, without entring him as a Prosecutor upon Record, as he ought to have done; and was assured he should advance his Fortunes thereby; which was truly per­form'd. This Fellow interloping into the Prosecution of the Cause, disturb'd it in every point of the due Proceeding, left not one Rule or Practice of the Court unbroken, menacing, and intimidating Witnesses, Clerks, Registers, Ex­aminers, Judges, and the Lord keeper himself. One that would undertake any Office to serve Greatness, and would preserve their Favour that kept him upon any Conditions: who lack't not such Wisdom as St. James abhors, c. 3. v. 15. which is earthly, sensual, devillish; whose Description I cut off with that which Cutzen the Jesuit said of Illyricus, from his own Opinion about Original Sin, Cujus vel substantia peccatum est, a vitiated Leper in his whole Substance. O evil World! that the Vices of such a Creature should make free way for him to be gracious, instead of Vertues! how much do Powers and Dominions disho­nour themselves, when it is not close, but openly seen, that such Instruments have their Countenance, nay their Recompence. Budaeus lib. 1. de As. f. 15. spared not a great one in France for that Error; Immemor personae quam gerebat, quod virtuti debebatur, illiberali obsequio dandum esse censuit. While Kilvert ranted it, and bore down all Justice before him, there was not an honest Man, either that acted in this matter, or only look't on, whose silent consent the Bishop had not to awaken the King, that he would look upon these Courses, that cried abroad to the amazement of his Subjects. All wish it done, and the Bishop did not fear to do it. [...]. It is Theodorets stout Divinity, Ep. 21. Under the hand of God there is no re­medy but patience; suffering under the hand of Man the best Remedy is Cou­rage. [Page 117]So he stept forward to his Majesty, with the confidence of this Pe­tition.

To the King's most Excellent Majesty, &c.

THat if your Majesty be not pleased to accept as yet of his humble Submission for his Peace, your Majesty would graciously vouchsafe not to interrupt, but to permit the Petitioner to proceed, according to the ordinary Rules and Course of the Court of Star-Chamber, against Kilvert the Sollicitor, for his manifold Falshoods and Injuries in the Prosecution of this Cause; particularly first, for menacing and frighting your Petitioners Witnesses. 2. For publickly defaming this Petitioner to be your Enemy; a­verring that neither he, nor any of his, did know what the name of a King meant. 3. For offering to sell the Prosecution of your Majesties Cause against this Petitioner for Money: and because this Petitioner refused to tamper with him in that kind, for pro­curing base People to make false and aspersing Affidavits, to incense your Majesty, and that Court against your Petitioner. 4. For menacing the Judges that should report and certifie any thing for your Petitioner. 5. For not sparing to tax most falsly your most Sacred Majesty, with pressing upon the Lords the Sentencing of your Petitioner: All which the Petitioner will clearly prove, and pray to God, &c.

So strong an Accusation, upon such foul Heads, was fit to be sifted, especially upon the last Branch: For grant it was a lye; here's a false Report raised against the King's Honour. If it were true, what more criminal than to impart such Secrets of his Majesty's to his Gossips at a Tavern, where they flew abroad? But some may more safely steal a Horse, than others look over the Hedge. The Bishop could get no leave to call this shameless Mate to an answer. From that day Kilvert was free from Righteousness, and might do any thing. Ipse sibi Lex est, & quà fert cunque voluntas—Praecipitat vires, Manil. lib. 5. He that hath no Conscience, and need to fear nothing, will turn a Monster. So true is that of Livy, Dec. 1. lib. 4. Hominem improbum non accusari tutius est quàm absolvi: 'Tis safer to have a nocent Person never accus'd, than to have him discharg'd for an Innocent.

113. For all this the Defendant thought he had said so much against the Pro­secutor, that he should never appear in Court again: But as Calvin said of Bucer, Ep. 30. Qui sibi est optimè conscius, securior est quam utile sit. Yet he proved a­gainst him as foul a prank as ever was committed; That he got Warren the Ex­aminer to the Fountain Tavern near to Shoe-Lane ( Kilvert's daily Rendezvouz, from whence the Bishop got continual and sure intelligence) and fetch't out of him, contrary to his express Oath, the Depositions which the Defendants Witnesses had made; an heinous wrong to be done before Publication: which coming to light, Warren fled away from his Office, and never appeared more. But whether could he run from God's Vengeance? Omnia quidem Deo plena sunt, nec ullus per­fidis tutus est locus, Sym. p. 54. Kilvert stood to it, as if the sin were not his, that drew the Examiner to Perjury; and no notice was taken of that constant Rule, which the Casuists took from Tertullian de Bapt. c. 11. Semper is dicitur fa­cere, cui praemmistratur; The Sin was Ahab's that purchast a Field of Blood by the Oath of the Sons of Belial. Let Religion look to this, for that Court would not; nothing would lace it in, it was so wide in the waste. From this exorbitancy, from this, and nothing else, sprung the Iliad of wrongs which the Bishop endured: for Kilvert finding, by Warren's disclosures, that the De­positions for the Defendant were material, and some of the Witnesses to be Learned men, that had deposed upon Notes and Remembrances, he turned himself into all shapes to crack their Credit. At first he made an Affidavit of slight pretended Abuses, which were over-ruled against him. Whereupon he vapour'd in the hearing of the Register, and divers others, That he cared not what Orders the Lords made in Court, for he would go to Greenwich, and cause them all to be changed. It was the most scornful Defiance that ever was given to the Honour and Justice of the Star-Chamber, as the Bishop's Counsel prest it home. Every one expected the Ruin of the Prosecutor: yet the Lords perceiving, up­upon the Archbishop's Motion, that it was not safe to punish him, it past over with a slight Submission. One presaged the Ruin of the Athenian State, because Rats had eaten up the Books of Plato's Commonwealth. And might not a man that had no more Prophecy than Prudence, foresee the Ruin of this Court, [Page 118]when such a Rat-catcher did despise their Authority, telling them he could fetch Orders to sweep away theirs from such Powers: Quae nec tutò narrantur, nec tutò audiuntur, Seneca de Tranquil. Sir Robert Heath, Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, was but one of the Lords Assessors, yet as just and suf­ficient as any of his order; and the Indignity done to him, was as if done to all: Who made his own Complaint, That Kilvert threatned to procure him to be turn'd out of his place for his forwardness. Yet this also was slubber'd over with a little acknowledgment of Rashness. So much were those honourable Persons now no longer themselves, fearing that Severity which they perceived impend­ing upon them. As Pliny bewails the Roman Senate in his Panegyrick, Vidi­mus curiam, sed curiam trepidam, & elinguem: cum dicere quid velles periculosum, quod nolles miserum esset. It was become like Ezekiel's Vine-tree, c. 15. v. 3. you could not make a Pin out of it to hang a good Order upon it, that was equal and generous. Beshrew the Varlet, that kept his word (which he was not wont to do) for Sir Robert Heath was displaced, and for no Misdemeanour proved. But it was to bring in a Successor, who was more forward to undo Lincoln, than ever the Lord Heath was to preserve him. A man of choice parts, which yet he shewed not in this Cause, which cannot be smother'd without defacing the truth, which Posterity must not want; Desipiunt qui faeces ob v [...]ni nobilitatem absorbent. The Dregs of the best Wine are but Dregs, and must be spit out as distastful; his Lordship's part cannot be spared in this Tragedy; yet it shall be short, be­cause I will leave him to those Figures that live in the House of Memory.

114. The main Bill against the Defendant being not like to hold, the quarrel broke out into a collateral Point, the weighing of the Credit of Jo. Pregion, a man that had enjoyed two O [...]lices of great account for divers years, and was never questioned before this time in his Reputation. So the Siege of Troy was forgot, and the Battel was drawn out on both sides, to get, or to recover the Body of Patroclus, [...], Il. ρ. The Bishop could not de­fend his first Cause without the Testimony of Pregion, which made him dili­gent to keep his good Name from being stained; and the Adversaries were as resolute to Impeach him, looking to spring up a new Information from the Defence of the old Matter. This tugg held eighteen Months, to the Bishop's Vexation and Cost, having spent as much upon it, as would have founded an Hospital to keep twenty poor People. The Archbishop took occasion, upon the spinning out of so much time, to blame the Defendant for Traverses and De­lays: (a Course which the wisdom of Treasurer Weston had put into him) and if it were bad to fly, with his Grace's leave, was it not worse to Persecute? Baronius justifies the Christians that made escape from Heathen Tyrants with a good reason, An. 205. p. 12. Qui non fugit, cum potest, adjuvat ejus iniquitatem qui persequitur. The Exceptions against Pregion were referred to the Lord Chief Justice Richardson, and Lord Chief Baron Damport, which charged Pregion that he endeavour'd to lay a Bastard-Child of his own begetting upon another. The two Judge, having heard all that could be alledged pro and con, disallowed the Exception; and an order being drawn up for it, when the Lord Richardson was about to sign it, Kilvert most imperiously charg'd him not to do it, till he had heard from the King. The Judge, whose Coat had been sing'd at the Court before, stopt his Hand, but delivered a Copy of the Certificate to the Bishop's Sollicitor, and avowing he would maintain it, that is to say, if he durst: but fear shook his Conscience out of him. The Lord Damport would not vary from himself, and charg'd his Brother Richardson freely with Inconstancy. Of which Disagreement the Star-Chamber having notice, added to these three more, the Lord Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas, Judge Jones, and Judge Vernon. These sitting together in the Lord Richardson's Lodgings, Kilvert brought in Secretary Windebank among them, (though neither Referree, nor Witness, nor Party in the Cause) who argued the Business an hour and half against the Bi­shop's Witness, and perform'd it weakly; for all men are not call'd to know­ledge with their places; as Is [...]crates would have us believe in his Areopag. Orati­on, that the Office of an Areopagite transform'd a man, Ut tanquam loci genio af­flatus, ex ingenio suo migraret. Budaeus in 1. lib. Pand. p. 283. The Secretary having done his part, and shewn what was expected from White-hall, departed. The five Judges drew up a Certificate, signed it, and assured the Bishop all in general, and one by one, it should not be changed. So said the L. F. among the rest; but he sup't a Promise into his mouth, and spit it out again. This predominant Judge, like a Falcon upon her stretches, took home the Certificate [Page 119]with him, and the Bishop with him, who staid at his House till almost mid­night, because the Lord F. would not give him the Order, till Kilvert had car­ried it to the Court to shew it to some body. This was not fair; for to be just and honest is so forcible, that it should be done extempore; not an hour should be borrowed to advise upon it. Yet the Judge solemnly protested, That he would dye rather than recede from it, it being the sense, and under the Hand of all his Bre­thren. The Bishop being in a withdrawing Chamber, read over the Order so often, that by the benefit of a good memory he got it by heart verbatim, and so departed to Bugden against Christmas-day. About the midst of the Holy-days, he heard by a good Hand that the Certificate was alter'd, and all that Matter in­serted which had been rejected by the Judges. He came up in all haste to Lon­don, and finding Judge Jones, ask't him if these things were so. Yes, says he, 'tis true, all is chang'd from white to black, and your Friend the L. F. hath done all this. A Friend he might call him, if merit might have purchast him, for whom the Bishop had done more than for any pleader in England, when he was in great place; Quae potest esse jucunditas sublatis amicitiis! quae porrò amicitia potest esse inter ingratos? The Bishop charging this Alteration upon the Judge to his Face, he replyed, Quod scripsi, scripsi, and would not hear Mr. Herbert, the Defendant's Counsel, who told the Judge with some passion, That there was more matter for Examination of Witnesses couched in the new Certificate, than was in all the Cause. But the Bishop demanded calmly of that Lord that had alter'd all, What he meant to use an old Acquaintance in that unheard of manner? He answer'd, (and said the same to others) He had been soundly chidden by his Majesty, and would not destroy himself for any man's sake. This Judge was worthy of greater Honours, and did affect them. Haud sanè aequo animo in secundo se sustinens gradu, Curt. lib. 4. and not long after he got the Garland, by being the most active of all his Rank to bring about the King's Undertakings, chiefly against this forlorn Defendant; but held not the place one full year. From whence a Scholar may Contemplate upon those two Verses of Homer, Il. ρ.

[...]
[...]
Whom God doth honour, if with him you war,
The quarrel's Gods, your ruin is not far.

115. By this time, Kilvert put in Courage with these Stratagems, is ready to proceed to examination—of Witnesses. Let me shew how he is armed, like Pliny's Ichneumon, lib. 8. Nat. Hist. Mergit se limo saepiùs, siccat (que) sole, mox ubi plurimis eodem modo se coriis loricavit, in dimicationem pergit. He dips himself often in Mudd, and every time crusts it hard in the Sun, and being covered with this dirty Harnass, he falls to fight with his Enemy. All will run even in the application. The Bishop is forced, at an intolerable expence, to tumble in person with his Lawyers and Sollicitors from place to place, over six or seven Counties of the Kingdom. The first Abuse done unto him in this course, was to deny him se­veral Commissions to dispatch his Troubles about the Witnesses, which was ne­ver denied to any Subject before, and to force him to take an Examiner of the Court whether he would or no. 2ly, Every Defendant being allow'd to chuse which Examiner he likes best, by the practice of that Court, the Bishop pitch'd upon an ancient and experienc'd Clerk, yet could not enjoy him; for in conference with Kilvert he had said, That in this Service he must be an indifferent man: Whereupon Secretary Windebank commands the Clerk of the Court, by a Letter under the Signet, to stay the Commission so order'd, and to appoint another Examiner whom Kilvert did nominate. Thirdly, The same Secretary directed one Peachy, a Messenger of the Chamber, (start not at it Reader, for 'tis true) to attend Kilvert in his Coat of Arms, all along with the Commission, to appre­hend and close imprison such as Kilvert should appoint, pretending Matters of State, and of deep consequence against them. And Peachy did apprehend and close imprison, in the face of the Commission, Philip Pregion, George Walker, and Thomas Lund, Witnesses for the Bishop, and chased away most of the rest, that durst not be seen for fear. Those three Prisoners were brought to London, to the Secretary, who told them he had nothing against them, but bade them give Satisfaction to Kilvert; who could get no Liberty by his Masterships Leave, till they had confessed Crimes against the Bishop and themselves, which after­ward [Page 120]they revok'd upon Oath. Nor would he permit George Walker's Wife to see her Husband, close kept by the Messenger, but for a base Courtesie, not to be named. Is not the Wand of Mercury like to charm Witnesses to say and swear what they would have them, when such Snakes as Kilvert and Peachy are twined about it? If all this be not true, though incomparably vile, Aut Thetidi, aut Veneris largire marito, either wash the Book away, or throw it into the Fire. I meet with a mighty Concussion of Justice in Sidon. Apol. lib. 5. c. 7. yet no­thing so bad as this; yet take it, because it is the nearest to it upon Record: De­putant arbitros, judicanda dictant, dictata convellunt, attrahunt litigaturos, protrahunt audiendos. The French Mercury hath related strange Presidents from the Par­liament of Grenoble, let him match this if he can. But the Bishop coming home from his Progress with Kilvert, and the Examiner having sped his Commission, in all haste Publication must be granted, and the Bishop is served for a Hearing; so he came prepared with excellent Counsel to defend a Cause which he feared the more, because neither he nor his Counsel could see, in a matter so vio­lently pursued, any thing to be feared. But the King's Counsel having perused the Books, spied more than Kilvert could see, and found that the imaginary false News, and blazing the King's Counsels, were the damnable Invention and Conspiracy of Lamb, Sibthorp, All [...]n, and Burden. Much was urged to expunge all on the Bishop's part, that laid a Combination of Villany to their charge, be­cause it did impeach the Credit of the King's Witnesses. The L. F. prest it over and over, which was but once, and that fairly and modestly offer'd by the King's Counsel. After a long Argument of five hours at the least, the Court did all vote, (except the Archbishop, and the L. F.) that the Defence should remain undispunged, for else an unavoidable Mischief would follow to all the King's Subjects, that being accused by two desperate Witnesses, they were re­mediless in that high Court, if they may not be called in question by the Defen­dant for their Acts and Honesties. The L. Coventry having gathered the Votes of the Court, and being ready to pronounce the Order, so much conducing to the good of all men, the L. Finch desired their Lordships to take notice, that his Opinion continued contrary to them all. Quibusdam evenit ut quaedam scire se nesciant, Sen. Ep. 7. Nay, such Spleen was conceived at this just Order, that though the L. Keeper had pronounced it, the Register had drawn it up, a Copy of it given to the Defendant, yet so precious a Rule for the common Safety of all honest men, durst never be enter'd into the Book to this day. Yet this Order, though smother'd and buried, made an end of this first Cause; for the Combination of the four Contrivers was not held meet to come abroad into pleading, who would have fallen to pieces with a little shaking, that thought to lay the dead Child in the Bishop's Bosom, while he slept; but their Patron had a care to keep them from Scandal, and that they knew. As Hegesippus says of Mariamne the Wife of Herod the Great, Secura quod nihil ab eo exitii perpeti possit, qui supra modum dilexit. So these were the bolder to come off untouch'd, under the shelter of that Favour that did never forsake them.

116. Of a sudden, by the perswasion of some noble Lords, the King began to grow milder to the Bishop. Et reserata viget vegetabilis aura Favoni. Lucret. His Majesty hearkened to some Conditions, to have all Bills against the Bishop cast out, and to let him purchase his Peace with his Purse. Some would dis­swade Lincoln from it, because to buy a Pardon was to confess a Guiltiness: A Nicety, says Xenophon, that cost Socrates his Life, Apol. pro. Socr. who would pay no Fine to the Court of Athens, nor suffer any to be paid in his Name. [...]. He said, To be acquit with a Ransom, was to confess a Crime. The like was told me by the Lady Eliz. Hotton, That the Lord Cook was offered his Place in the Kings-bench, from which he had been removed, if he would bind himself in again with a Golden Chain: But he stood upon a Rule made by his own Wisdom, That a Judge must not take a Bribe, nor pay a Bribe. Our Bishop's Resolution stuck not in those Briers, who saw that this Offer proceeded out of the streights of his Occasions: Though no Evil were found in him, yet if the King's Power contest, who can stand upright? And if Malice will take no satisfaction but Ruin, the most innocent must fall: The L. Keeper, a good man, was over-balanc'd; the Star-chamber was become like the Tribunal of L. Cassius, Scopulus reorum, Tacit. Annal. l. 13. a Rock that split all Causes, that lately came into it, in pieces. The Archbishop thought not him­self absolute, till this man was unprelated, and cared not what he cast at him, so he might hit him home: As Grotius accuseth the Spaniards, that they are so [Page 121]set upon Revenge, Ut in hostem nihil turpe sit, nihil illicitum, An. Belg. p. 5. He feared the L. F. as much as any, who in his private Chambers slasht and cut out from his Defences that which was most material to his Safety. Et stylus non mi­nùs agit cum delet, says Quintilian. He that puts out the Marrow of Defence, is worse than he that puts in the Venom of an Accusation. The Secretary was prepared for any Execution, yet the Bishop gives him this Praise in his Notes, That he was a modest and a virtuous Gentleman, but in this Cause set on by his Maker. Therefore the Bishop is content to satisfie the King's Demands, that is, to pitch and pay. The first Condition brought to him by the L. Cottington, was to part with 4000 l. with his Deanry, and two inconsiderable Commenda's. For the Money, says the Bishop, I am low in Cash, but will make a shift to pay it: To part with the Deanry will make an open Scar, and no fair one: Beside, the Money is useful for the King's Revenue, the Deanry is no Profit to His Majesty, to take it from my hand, and to put it into another; and what the World hath given me, I am willing to give it back again; but what His Majesty's Father did give me, and by the Mediation of His Majesty, being Prince, I can take no comfort in my Life, if I be stript of it. That Lord return'd again with a Message to leave him his Deanry and Commenda's, but to raise up the Sum of Composition to 8000 l. The Bishop held up his Hands to Heaven in amazement at it: But you will lift your Hands at a greater Wonder, says L. Cottington, if you do not pay it. Well, I will satisfie the King, says Lincoln, and I will sell some Land for it. The Match is struck, done 'tis, and the Bishop as good as undone by it. He delighted to do charitable Works, but this would sear the Vein, that it could run no more. It was a sweet Apophthegm, which I heard come from him when all was exhausted: I care not for Poverty, but I shall not be able to requite a Benefit; God grant every good King a better way than this was, to enrich him. Fiscus bonorum Principum non sacerdotum damnis, sed hostium spoliis angeatur I commend thee Symmachus for it, p. 56. But on goes the Game; the Bishop is dealing in London to take up a Cart-load of Money, and that right worthy Attorney Sir J. Blanks was sedulous to draw up a full Pardon, so absolute, that it included more than the Bishop desired; as this Let­ter to the L. Keeper will declare.

My very good Lord,

MR. Attorney hath once or twice sent unto me, by my Man, some imperfect Proposi­tions, about the manner of a Pardon, which His Most Excellent Majesty should grant unto me, which Propositions (not speaking with Mr. Attorney himself) I do not well understand; for as it is delivered to me, His Majesty's Offer's more than ever I de­sired, by naming a general Pardon, to wit, to pardon all Offences contained in the two Informations, and any other Offence or Misdemeanor I should desire particularly to be freedfrom; which, if it be so, is as gracious a Favour from His Majesty as any reasonable man can expect. But, my good Lord, I know nothing by my self that should of necessity be so so­lemnly pardon'd: Yet hearing His Majesty's Inclinations to grant unto others in the condi­tion that I stand, general Abolitions, and being not so wise as the last Parliament, to refuse the benefit of a general Pardon, I confess I fell, in my Parley with your Lordship, upon that way propounded unto me by my Counsel Learned: But hearing of late it is con­strued by others as a kind of Capitulation with my Soveraign, I beseech your Lordship I may wave it altogether; and that your Lordship would represent me kneeling at His Ma­jesty's Feet, craving that his Goodness and Mercy only (without any thing in Writing) together with my Industry in his Service for the time to come, may be the substance and extent of all my Pardon; and this but for such things, as by Informations or Petiti­ons I have been (though undeservedly) presented as an Offender against His Most Excel­lent Majesty, and desir'd to be proceeded against by His Majesty's immediate Directions. If any other private Subject hath ought to say against me, for any Trespass or Misdemeanour committed against himself, (and not His Majesty) I desire no Protection, but those of His Majesty's Courts of Justice, against any such person whosoever, &c.

From December it hung as it were between Heaven and Earth, it will, and it will not be done, till the King had occasion to go to Windsor, and the Bishop had order to lye at Eaton, expecting to be sent for to kiss the King's Hand; But who comes thither that was not look'd for, it being the middle of the week, but the Archbishop, who malleated the King's Gentleness into stronger Metal? When Lincoln had laboured for Peace, from thenceforth it was as far set back, [Page 122]as if it had never been in Treaty. How was his good Soul toss'd about be­tween Friends and Foes, between Mercy and Frowns, and now in the last At­tempt put to Job's note, c. 16. v. 11. God hath deliver'd me to the ungodly, and turn'd me over to the hands of the wicked: I was at ease, but he hath broken me asunder, and shaken me to pieces, and set me up for a mark! Intempestiva benevolentia nihil à simultate differt, Polit. Ep. p. 26. A constant Enmity is more generous than to interrupt it with Offers of never-intended, or never-composed Agreements. Now the Archbishop look'd for the day when he should trample upon this Bi­shop, in a Censure: Azorius the Jesuite shall apply it for me, Moral. tom. 1. lib. 13. c. 6. When the Order of the Knights Templars was plotted to be over­thrown in a Council at Vienna in Dauphine, says Pope Clement V. Etsi non per viam justitiae potest destrui, destruatur per viam expedientiae, ne scandalizetur filius noster rex Franciae. If they cannot fall by Justice, they must fall for convenience sake: But here's the difference in the Story; There a Bishop did gratifie the King, here the King did gratifie a Bishop.

117. Proceed then to another Information, since it must be so. The first Cause being mortified, a new one took life from it; as Gorgias Leontinus his Mo­ther was deliver'd of him when she was dead. Viva fuit sterilis, mortua facta pa­rens, as Dr. Alabaster writes in his Epigram upon it. They are but ill Exam­ples in the New Testament, when an Accusation is turn'd into a new Species. The Jews impleaded our Saviour at first, that he said he would destroy the Temple, &c. and chang'd it before Pilate into another Charge, that he made himself a King. Paul was Indicted by the same Nation, that he brought a Greek into the Temple to pollute it; but it was turn'd into another matter, Revilest thou God's High-Priest? They that will not stand to their own Bill, are more set upon Destruction than Justice. Kilvert onerated the Bishop with Ten Charges together; the use of the Court being, as Judge Popham had regulated it, to admit but Four at once. But chiefly he was active to grime the Defendant with one foul fault, Subornation of Witness, that is, to foment Perjury. But the King's Counsel perusing the Depositions, waved it, and gave it another form, Seducing of Witnesses, a ma­nifest injury to the attestation of Truth, and for contraction in a new phrase, Tampering with Witnesses, as my Lord of Canterbury called it in his Sentence, Perhaps it is not Subornation of Perjury, but it is Tampering. The Defen­dant thought to help himself with a Demur upon four Heads: First, That it was utterly against the Practice of the Court, from the Foundation of it, to fall upon a new Charge, started out of a former, before the first had been heard. 2. That advantage was taken to undo any man living, to gather new Impeach­ments out of the Books, after the publication of the precedent Cause. 3. That for all that was offer'd to the Court, complaint had been openly made by Coun­sel, and not disproved, That it rose from the Prosecutors mis-leading and mena­cing of Witnesses, whom Terrour and Imprisonment would not suffer to be constant to themselves. Like as Eusebius reports, lib. 6. Praepar. Ervang. c. 1. that when one importun'd the Oracle for an Answer, and threatned if he staid any longer; the Oracle told him, Retine vim istam, falsa enim dicam si coges; Use no violence, for I must tell a lye, if you do. Lastly, The Bishop pleaded with Animosity ( quid enim loqueretur Achilles? Ovid. Met. 13.) that their Lordships ought to take such a Charge into Cognisance, for Tampering had never been noted for Criminal Action before any Judgment in the Land; which is not a Colour, but a Maxime of Law, which appears by that which is since publish't by the Lord Cook in Jurisdiction of Courts, c. 5. How that Court dealeth not with any offence, which is not Malum in se, against the Common Law; or Malum prohibitum, against some Statute. And that Novelties without warrant of Praesi­dents, are not to be allowed. Assume now out of the Premises, that no Exam­ple could be found, that the censorious magnificence of the Star-Chamber had ever tamper'd with such a peccatulum as tampering. Alteration in the forms of a Court beget the Corruption of the Substance. Who ever read, that a Bench of Honourable Judges came into hatred, so long as it kept close to the ways of their wise and venerable Predecessors? But says Symmachus in Ep. p. 14. Si adjici­antur insolita, forsan consueta cessabunt. When the People are over-lay'd with new Discipline, perhaps the old Seats of Justice may crack in pieces. The Lord Keeper knew Justice, and loved it; and did not obscurely signifie, that he thought the Demur was reasonable: which had almost removed him. And he found by one occurrence, that the Bishop's Case was to be severed from other mens: For whereas a Proclamation came forth in October 1636. that because a Plague was [Page 123]begun in London and Westminster, therefore all Pleas and Suits in Law should be suspended till Hillary Term was opened, and the Bishop claimed the Privi­ledge, that all things might be respited about his Cause, branched out into ten Heads, till that season. The Proclamation indeed is full and clear on your side, says the Lord Keeper, but I have special directions, that you shall have no benefit thereof. And I tell you as a Friend, if you rely upon the Proclamation, your imprisonment is aimed at. As if there were one Rule of Justice for all the Subjects in the Land, and another for this Bishop; who took his qu. from this Caveat to attend his Business; and he did it with the more confidence, that in seven years his Adver­saries had got no ground of him; as Grotius writes of the Spaniards siege at Ha [...]r­lem, being seven months about it; Annal. Belg. p. 42. Visi sunt vinci posse, qui tam lentè vicerant.

118. Of which none that look't into the Cause despair'd, till the Scale was o­verturn'd by the weight of a most rigorous Censure. The Charge in debate, without any favour to the Defendant, is thus comprised: Anno 1634. when Kil­vert wanted Water to turn his Mill, Sir John Mounson, and Dr. Farmery, Chan­cellour of Lincoln, offer'd themselves to debauch the Credit of Pregion, the Bi­shop's Witness; who both expected to have gained, and did gain almost as much as Kilvert by the Avenues of the Cause. To bring their Contrivance a­bout, a Bastard is laid to Pregion, to be begotten of the Body of Elizabeth Hodg­son, and that he bribed her to lay it upon another Father. The Bishop was to defend the Credit of his Witness, and had to do with Matters and Persons in this Point, wherein himself was altogether a Stranger. He suspected ill deal­ing from Sir J. Mounson, the great Stickler, because he knew he hated Pre­gion, for casting a Scandal upon his Lady, as vertuous a Gentlewoman as the Country had; in which Cause the Bishop had caused Pregion to give Satisfaction long before. Then he had more assurance of Pregions Innocency, because he was clear'd of this Bastard in a Sessions held at Lincoln in May, Car. 9. and whereas it came again into debate at the Sessions 3 Octob. following, and it was given out that an Order was past to find Pregion guilty, the Bishop was certifi­ed that the Order was not drawn up in open Court, and that it was inserted in many places with Farmeries hand. And Thomas Lund being present at the Sessi­ons, asserted, That it was not consented to by the Justices, but drawn out of Sir J. Mounson's pocket. He had Letters from Knights of far greater Estates than Sir John, who likewise testified the same; and from Mr. Richardson the Clerk of the Peace, who refused to enter that Order; and that it was excepted against in open Sessions by Mr. Sanderson, a Counsellor of the Laws, and by the greater part of the Bench, as utterly illegal. So that afterward being tried at the King's Bench for the illegality of it, it was damned by all the four Judges. Yet more to detect the Corruption of that Order, at the next Sessions held in May, the Ju­stices discharged Pregion, and laid the base Child upon one Booth a Recusant, a Kinsman of Sir J. Mounson's; which Judgment was so inerrable, that it was proved by three Witnesses, That upon the very day that the Bishop was sentenced, Booth himself confest, in the hearing of those Witnesses, that Pregion had nothing to do with that baggage Woman, but that he, the said Booth, at such a time and place, did get her with Child, and that Kilvert, whom he cursed bitterly, had promised him half the Fine to charge the Child upon Pregion, and had not performed it; and did vainly brag, that Kilvert had brought him to kiss the King's hand. This was detect­ed when the sad day was over. Et instaurant dolorem sera solatia, Sym. p. 86. But the Objection lay not only upon the getting of the Child, but how that Pre­gion, or rather the Bishop, had carried themselves, to entangle the Witnesses that had sworn against Pregion, which was the main Charge of the Informati­on, and the colour for the heavy Sentence. The Bishop being authorized from the Star-Chamber to uphold the Credit of his Witness, he found the Depositions of Lund, Wetheral, Alice Smith, and Anne Tubb to press upon Pregion. Grande do­loris—Ingenium est, miserisque venit solertia rebus. Metam. lib. 6. So he did light upon a course which was inoffensive, to extricate Pregion for his own safety. [...], Xeno. Ath. Resp. 'Tis pardonable for every man to help himself. Nor was it an indirect way, no not a jot; for there was neither Perjury nor Contradiction found between the first and second Depositions of the Parties: And what the Bishop did was by the advice of the best Counsel in England, to draw up some few Interrogatories to be put to the four Witnesses, on­ly to interpret, and not to vary from, or to substract, or contradict what they had deposed before: For the words being ambiguous in themselves, might be [Page 124]taken in one sense to Defame, in another fence not at all to touch upon the credit of Pregion. It was agreed that Pregion offer'd money to A. Tubb, and Alice Smith to procure Eliz. Hodgson to lay the base Child upon another man; this they had sworn: this the Bishop never endeavoured to impeach. But an interrogatory is drawn up, and offer'd to them, whether El. Hodgson was dealt with to lay it upon the right Father, (which was a just and lawful motion) or upon some other, whether he had been the Father or no. They both answer, That Pregion sollicited her to lay it upon another, that was the true Father. And this variation is all the Offence, that is, none at all, in that particular. And in that right meaning Sir J. Wray, Sir J. Bolls, and Richardson the Clerk of the Peace, did receive it in the Sessions. This Practice, so little as it is, is the grand Objection, all beside comes not to so much as a filip on the Forehead: For in­stance, one Ward swears, that he heard a Servant of the Bishop, C. Powel, offer Alice Smith Monies to take an Oath of his framing; but Alice swears directly it was not so. Powel swears he offer'd and paid her Money to bear her Charges, as a Witness, which is fit and lawful. Nec ist a benignitas adimenda est, quae libera­litatem magis significat, quàm largitionem, Cic. pro Murenâ. T. Lund takes his Oath, That Pregion told him, that he never had touch'd El Hodgson but twice: Being demanded hereof more strictly in his examination in the Star-chamber, he swears, That Pregion did not say to him, that he touch'd her carnally, nor did he know what he meant by touching. Is there either substraction or contradiction in this? or any more than a plain interpretation? Lastly, Wetheral had deposed, That he was entreated by Pregion not to be at the Sessions: He stands to it, but adds, that he was not bound to be there, nor summoned: He had deposed, That Pregion spake to him to swear to no more, than the Court should ask him. What harm was there in that Caution? Being examined in Star-chamber, he swears, That Pregion tempted him to nothing by Bribes or Reward, but that he told him, if he were sworn to tell the whole Truth, he would not conceal it. Only one Witness, George Walker, layeth it on the Bishop, how Powel and Richard Owen entreated him in the Bishop's Name to speak with Witheral upon these matters; which though it include no ill, yet Owen and Powel depose, They were never employed by the Bishop to deal with G. Walker upon such an Er­rand. So the Bishop is cleared in every Information by sufficient Oaths of such, against whose Faith there was no exception. How easie a Province had the Defendant's Counsel to crumble these Impeachments into Dust, and to blow them into the Eyes of the Impeachers? Verba innocenti reperire facilè est, Curt. lib. 6. Yet the Oratory of the Court, by pre-instructions, did turn them into filthy Crimes. As Irenaeus says in the beginning of his Work, That out of the same Jewels, which being handsomly put together make the Image of a Prince, being ta­ken asunder, you may contrive them into the Shape of a Monster.

119. Could it be expected that such Driblets, or rather Phantoms of Under-dealing with Witnesses, should hold the Court ten days hearing, in the long Vacation after Trinity-Term? What leisure was taken to bolt out, to exag­gerate, to wrack, to distort, to make an Elephant of a Fly! which I may just­ly pour forth in the words of Tully for his Client, Quintius de fortunis omnibus de­turbandus est. Potentes, diserti, nobiles, omnes advocandi. Adhibenda vis est verita­ti, minae intentantur, pericula intenduntur, formidines opponuntur. But here were worse things, which the Oratour had never cause to complain of under the Roman Laws. All the Depositions of the main Witnesses for the Bishop were deleted, not fairly by a Hearing in open Court, where their Lordships might every one have consider'd of it, but were spunged out by that Judge in his pri­vate Chamber, who was the bane of the Cause from the beginning to the end; and forsooth, because they were impertinent Scandals against Kilvert, and others that had deposed for the King: Only the Bishop was allowed to put in a cross Bill when it was too late, after he was first ruin'd in his Honour, Fortunes, and Liberty, and then lest to seek a Remedy against a Companion not worth a Groat. And who was ever used like this Defendant since the Star-chamber sate? that when his Cause was so far proceeded, as to be heard in three sittings, that two new Affidavits should be brought in by Kilvert, which struck to the very substance of the Cause, to which no Answer could be given, because they were new matters, quite out of the Books, obtruded long after publication, yet from thenceforth produced every day, which seduced divers of the noble Lords, and no doubt many of the Hearers, as though they had been Depositions in that Cause, which were not so, but Materials of another information, and in their [Page 125]due time were fully cleared and disproved. When was it known before, that in every of the ten days that the Cause was in debate, a Closet-meeting was held at Greenwich, the Lords sent for to it one by one, the Proofs there repeated to them, and their Votes bespoken? Which was no better than when Junius Marius, in Tacitus, bespake the Emperor Claudius to impart his private Com­mentaries unto him, Per quos nosceret quisque quem accusandum poposcisset. And be­tween the full hearing and sentencing the Cause, the Lords were well told a Pas­sage, That a noble Personage had offered Ten thousand pounds to compound for the Bishop's Peace, (which is true, that the Duke of Richmond did it, when he saw how the Game went in the Cabinet.) Which was the very reason that induced their Lordships to lay such an immense Fine upon a Fault conceiv'd, that was never sentenc'd in any Kingdom or State before. Yet all this did not suffice, but in that morning of the day, when the Cause was sentenc'd, it was first debated in an inner Chamber, so long till many hundreds waited for their coming forth till high noon, wherein Agreement was concluded by all Parties before they sate. There, and then it was, that the Archbishop press'd for the degradation of his Brother Bishop, and his deportation, God knows whither. Now, to decline that Extremity, the most of the Lords, who endeavour'd to do all the Favour that they durst shew, concluded upon a Fine of 10000 l. Im­prisonment in the Tower during Pleasure, (which had been but short, as they were assured before, if the King had been but left to his own gracious Gentle­ness) and to be suspended during Pleasure, in the High-Commission-Court, from all his Jurisdiction: Which Suspension pass'd in that Commission July 23. And it would not be pass'd over, that Sir Ed. Littleton, then L. Chief-Justice of the Common-Pleas, Anno 1640. in the Month of July, brought Lincoln to Lambeth face to face, with the L. of Canterbury, when Lincoln told his Grace, That the Com­mission under the Great Seal had not a word in it to enable him to suspend either Bishop or Priest by direction from a Sentence of Star-chamber, but only for Offences specified in the Commission; and that the Fact which His Grace had done, had brought him and the Commissioners into a Praemunire. To which the Archbishop answered, That he had never read the Commission. A learned Satisfaction; Was it not? when he had censur'd so many by the Power of that Commission, which he confest he had never read. But consider now, as Isocrates pleaded it well, ad Plat. p. 456. [...]. Whether it be right to inflict such unjust and grievous Penalties upon such petty pretended Misdemeanors. Or did not the Latin Orator provide better against it? Cic. 1. de Off. Cavendum ne major poena, quàm culpa sit; & ne iisdem de causis alii plectantur, alii ne appellentur quidem. And let those who meet with this Narration be ac­quainted, that albeit the Compact was in the Inner Chamber, that the Lords should speak all the same in their Judgment, yet a little Vanity slipt from some few to ease their Stomach: The L. Finch said, That if it had liked others, he would have laid some Ignominy on the Bishop's person. Promptum ad asperura ingenium, Tac. An. lib. 1. So this Lord look'd on the Bishop's Cause not only with a blear'd but with a blood-shotten Eye; for it was conceived he meant the cutting off his Ears, who had never sate a Judge, in all likelihood, if this Bishop, being then L. Keeper, had not prevented him from leaving his Calling, and travel­ling beyond Seas; from which courses he kept him, by fair Promises to provide for him, and he made them good: I will name the time and place, Aug. 1621, and the Earl of Exeter's House in St. John's Close. Mr. Secretary Winnebanke said, It was his desire, if it might have seemed good to others, to have the Bishop degraded. Hold, Sir Francis, and learn the Canons of the Church; it is not in the Power of Laymen to degrade Bishops at their discretion; and as little can a Knight depose a Peer of the upper House of Parliament; for he that can thrust a Bi­shop out of that House, why not as well an Earl or a Duke? But Sir Francis shewed his Good will, as the Athenians did to Philip the Son of Demetrius, in Livy: Additum est decreto ut si quid postea, quod ad noxam ignominiam (que) Philippi pertine­ret, adderetur, id omne populum Atheniensium jussurum, Dec. 4. lib. 1. Then comes in the Archbishop with a Trick, to hoise up the Bishop with some Praise, that it might push him in pieces with a greater Censure, That when he thought up­on this Delinquent's Learning, Wisdom, Agility in Dispatch, Memory, and Experience, that accompanied him with all these Endowments, he wondred at his Follies and Sins in this Cause. O Sins by all means! for by dioptrical Glasses some find Blemishes in the Sun: Telescopia fabri facimus ut in sole maculas quaeramus, says Alex. More, in his Preface to Strangius's learned Book. So upon [Page 126]this matter his Grace took up no less than a full Hour to declaim against the horrid Sin of Perjury; and in this Cause he might as well have spoken against the horrid Sin of Piracy: So he lays all his Censure upon that Charge. Spirat inexhaustum flagranti pectore sulphur, as Claudian of Enceladus. The Auditors thought he would never have made an end, till at last he pleaded for more Right to be done Sir J. Mounson. The Lords (let me say it freely and truly) had overshot themselves to fine the Bishop to pay Sir John a Thousand Marks, for saying that his Charge against Pregion was a Pocket-Order. It is confess'd the Bishop said so, and said the Truth. But beside, the Bishop pleaded, that he heard it of T. Lund; Lund stands to it, that he told it the Bishop, yet the Bishop is censur'd, and Lund, that took it upon himself, is not question'd. But the L. of Canterbury, who did ever mount highest in all Censures, said, He was sorry the Fine was not a Thousand pounds.

120. This is the shutting up of the Censure, grievous to the Bishop's Purse and Liberty, but not a whit to his Honour and Good Name; which was so esteem'd by almost all that heard the actings of that day, and shook their Heads at them. As Cicero says in pro Plancio, Opimii calamitas turpitudo Po. Ro. non judicium putandum est. I that write this was chosen to bring the relation of this Censure to the Bishop, then hard at his Study; which he received with no change at all of his Countenance or Voice, but only said, Now the Work is over my Heart is at rest, so is not many of theirs that have censured me. And here began the way to Episcopal Disgrace and Declension. It was his turn now, it was Canterbury's not long after. Howl Fir-tree, for the Cedar is fallen, Zech. 11.3. [...]; as Salmasius of the Elephant and Dragon in So­linum, p. 307. The Vanquish'd was cast down, and the Conqueror fell likewise. When such a Pillar of the Church was demolish'd with Prosecutions, so uncover'd to every Eye, so transparent, that you might see the Blush of Injustice quite through them, how ominous was it to the higher and lower Dignities of the Clergy! As Mr. Morice says in his Coena [...], p. 354. Perhaps it may be with them as with Stad­dels in a Wood, which scarce ever prosper when their fellows are cut down, and them­selves left naked. And what became in three years, or little more, of that Ho­nourable Court of Star-chamber? of which the L. Coke says, That in the right in­stitution, and the ancient Orders of it being observ'd, it keeps all England in quiet. But in some late Causes it grew distasteful even to wonder; as in that of the Soap-boilers, and that of London Derry, that of Mr. Osbolston, nay, in that of Prynn, Bastwick, and Burton, men not to be favour'd in the matter of their seditious Writings, but for their Qualities and Places sake, to be pitied for the Indignity done to their Persons; which I receive from a wise Hand, Bodin de Rep. l. 6. c. 6. Legibus Francorum ac Saliorum quamplurimae pro cujusque statu ac conditione poenae in­fliguntur—Quin & barbarissimi Indi, qui ad occasum positi sunt, cum de sceleribus conviclum nobilem ac plebeium tenerent, nobili capillos aut brachialia truncabant, plebeio nares & auriculas praecidebant. But I said, that after the Censure of the forenamed Causes, and that of this Bishop, all much against the popular Judgment, many great men did presage, and the Commonalty did wish the extinction of that noble Court; and it was overthrown by Vote in the first five months of the Long Parliament, before the King had carried away his most considerable Friends to York. This is the condition of mortal things, says Pliny, Ut à necessariis primùm cuncta venerint ad nimium, Nat. Hist. l. 26. Many Tribunals were of necessary institution at first, and of necessary destruction when they run into Excess. Indeed it is not the primitive Court that is pulled down, but another, when it waxeth quite unlike it self. Non est eadem harmonia, ubi è Phrygio in Do­ricum transit, says Aristotle, 5 Pol. The Musick is not the same, which is altered from a shrill to a grave Note. Yet better terms, I hope, may set it up in a better Con­stitution. A Pot that boils over may be taken from the Fire, and set on again: Howsoever, I am not so bold with holy Providences, to determine why God caused or permitted this great Court to be shut up like an unclean place; or why Divine Judgment was so severe against their persons especially, that infla­med the Censure against our Bishop. But I will cover his Case with St. Au­stin's Eloquence, touching the Doom pass'd upon St. Cyprian, Alia est Sella ter­rena (aut Stella terrena) aliud tribunal coelorum, ab inferiore accepit sententiam, à supe­riore coronam, Ps. 36. Conc. 3. And certainly Christ doth feel the Injuries done to an Innocent, who was sentenc'd by unrighteous Judgment.

121. My Pen must not now go with the Bishop, my good Master, to his Lodgings in the Tower, whither in my Person I resorted to him weekly, and if [Page 127]I said daily, a lesser Figure than an Hyperbole would salve it; excepting when he was confined to close Imprisonment, which was not wont, but upon the Discoveries or Jealousies of dangerous Treasons. The Christians that were committed by idolatrous Emperors, were in liberâ custodiâ, their Deacons and Relievers of their Wants might resort unto them. I have the Authority of Photius for it, Ep. 97. [...]. They that put the Martyrs to death hindered not their Friends to come and administer unto them: But Christian Magistrates should be more observant of that Clemency, else the Praise which our Saviour gives to the Charitable would be prevented; I was in prison, and ye came unto me, Mat. 25.36. He that hath no more than the freedom of a Prison, much more he that hath not so much, is in a strait Captivity. The Rabbins have a Saying, That if Sea were Ink, and the World Parchment, it would never serve enough to contain the praises of Liberty. But so good a Disciple as I write of did not believe the Jews, that there was so much sweetness as they dreamt of, in any temporal Prosperi­ty. And finding that the People on this side Tweed, and beyond, were provo­ked to Discontents, and more discontented than they were provoked; and hea­ring Presages of ill to come, both from the Judicious, and from every Mecha­nick's Mouth, things were so bad without-doors, that he saw no reason, but to think, that Malice had withered him away into no unhappy Retirement. Up­on which subject he made some Latin Poems, especially when he took no good Rest. I am of opinion it was so with Job, c 35.10. God my maker giveth Songs in the night; and after the vulgar Latin, Qui dedit carmina in nocte. To which Moral Gregory says, Carmen in nocte est felicitas in tribulatione. With such Diver­sions our Job compounded with his Sorrows, to pay them not the half he owed them: And whatsoever Face thy Fate puts on, shrink not, nor start not, but be always one; as Laureat Johnson sings it in his Underwoods. Briefly, Impri­sonment to him was no worse than it is to a Flower put into an Earthen Pot, streightned for spreading, but every whit as sweet as in the open Beds of the Garden. Yet he wanted not Tentatious to break his Heart, if God had not kept it. He lookt for Mercy from His Majesty, now he had pluckt him down, after a long chase, with a Censure: Ne (que) Caesari quicquam ex victoriis ejus laetius fuit, quàm servasse Corvinum, as Vellicus hath immortalized the memory of Caesar. Whereas three new Bills were allowed to be entred against this Bishop, as I shall relate, when I come again into that rugged way; which was [...], as Photius calls Basilius's Usage, an unspeakable pickling a man in the Brine of Misery. He lookt for some of the Nobles to mediate for his Enlargement, (as there were not a few that did lend him help before, while there was Hope that he might recover) but Kings like not that any should pity them whom they have undone. So there was not one Ebedmelech in the Court, that would tye a few Rags toge­ther, to draw Jeremiah out of Prison. How few there be that will co-part with any in their ruin'd Fortunes! Miserorum non secus ac desunctorum obliviscuntur, Plin. Ep. lib. 9. which we may translate into English out of the Psalm. 31.12. I am a fear to mine acquaintance, I am forgotten, as a dead man out of mind. The same measure that David found in Jury, Thuanus confesseth, was to be seen in France, Hist. lib. 23. That among all that Diana Valentina had preferred, when she was their King's Mistress, Nemo unus repertus, qui fortunam jacentis, & à suis relictae suble­varet. With the same Neglect Velleius chargeth the Aegyptians, when Pompey their great Benefactor fled unto them, and was deserted, Quis in adversis beneficio­rum servat memoriam? Aut quis ullam calamitosis deberi putat gratiam? Even they, whose Spiritual Father Paul was, whom he had begotten at Rome, in Christ's Gospel, they all forsook him, and none stood to him when he was convented, 2 Tim. 4.16. Some few also of this bountiful Lord's Servants stood afar off now, and came not near him: They were so well provided under him, that they did not need him; and they were so heartless and timorous, that he did not need them. Hirundines Thebas, quod i.lius moenia saepiùs capta sint, negantur subire, Plin. N. H. lib. 10. c. 24. Thebes was so often sackt and taken, that no Swallows would nest within it; a Summer-bird, and a subtle, that will endure Winter and hard Sea­sons with no body. Yet, to give his honest Followers their due, the greatest part of them shrunk not, but did their best Service that they could afford to their forlorn Master; like Sear Leaves, that hang upon an Oak in January; tho' the Tree can give them no Sap, they are loth to leave it.

[Page 128] 122. Another thing came so cross to the Bishop, as nothing could be worse to a magnificent sumptuous mind; and if he had been covetous, it had done the Work which his Enemy lookt for, it had killed him. All that ever he had was seized, nay rifled, stormed, plunder'd; and what Enemy was ever so mad, to batter a Town when they had taken it? It was time for him to save some­what, if he could, to keep him in a competency of Livelihood. He was in Debt some Thousand pounds deep, and he heard that the King was resolved not to abate a Denier of his Fine. No man was more willing to unlatch the Door, and to let out Wealth and Fortune if it would not stay. Si celeres quatit pennas, resigno quae dedit, & meâ virtute me involvo, Hor. Od. lib. 3. penult. Yet that he might not be stuck on Ground, he petition'd, that His Majesty would stall his Fine, and take it up as his Estate would bear it, by a Thousand Pounds a year; which was never denied to any Subject, and was granted, till the Archbishop overcame to have it revok'd. [...], Hom. Odyss. How much better had it been to do a good turn than a bad? But an Order is dispatch'd, to gather up all that could be found, and to import it into the Exchequer, without any respite of Time. Kilvert is commission'd to be the Publican, to go down to Bugden and Lincoln, with an Extent: And the Devil could do no worse to Job, when he was put into his Hands; he seizeth upon all the Books he found, Movables, Goods, Plate, Furniture, to the value of Ten thousand pounds, of which he never made account but of Eight hun­dred pounds, for the Thousand Marks allowed to Sir J. Mounson, which Kil­vert's Man told the Bishop, that Sir John and his Master shared it between them. He felled the Timber, which our new Purchasers of Bishops Lands lear­ned of that honest man: He killed up the Deer of the Park; settles in Bugden-House for three Summers, with a Seraglia of Quaedam; fells an Organ that cost 120 l. at 10 l. Pictures that cost 400 l. at 5 l. Books he filcht what he would; and for four Cellars of Wine, Syder, Ale, Beer, with Wood, Hay, Corn, and the like, stored up for a year or two, he gave not account of Six-pence, but spent it upon Baggage, and loose Franions, as prodigally as if he had kept a Shrie­valty. Thus a brave Personal Estate flew away into Atoms, and not a Tally struck to pay His Majesty, though enough to have paid all, if it had been just­ly husbanded. The worst is behind. The Bishop's Benefices, Lands, and Leases are offer'd to be rented at 4500 l. per annum, with sufficient Security to pay the King: This had satisfied the Fine in two years, within a little. But Kilvert brings a Letter with him from Secretary Windebank, to direct, or rather force, the Juries to receive no Evidence against the King's Profit, but to find the Par­ticulars at half the rate, and less; which the Varlet enjoy'd at those Penniworths, and made Benefit of the Overplus, to waste it in Luxury. Well might they al­low the Bishop, at this rate, 500 l. per annum, out of his own, for his subsistence; and yet of that the Fees of the Prison suck'd up a considerable proportion: But Kilvert was a long-tongu'd fellow, and if he were alive, he would speak out, and tell us, That there were Sharers with him in these Prizes, he had not all. He and Powel were Sequestrators indeed, to collect the Rents of Huntington shire, but Farmery had those of Lincoln, Sir J. Lamb the Parsonage of Walgrave, the first Dog that lodg'd the Deer; the Prebendaries of Westminster had his Deanry, that breathed him so well in the Royal Visitation; the Archbishop had the Jurisdi­ction of the Bishoprick, against the Canon-Law, which in vacancy or suspention was to be executed by a Custos Spiritualitatis, who was to be one of the Residen­tiaries of the Minster. But thus he was given up to be devoured, as a Carrion, by his Promoters and Accusers. And what Conscience was there in the nomi­nation of such partial Sequestrators? Nor were they ashamed that the Eyes of the whole Land were open, to see their Extortions: Tanta dulcedo est ex alienis fortunis praedandi, Liv. l. 1. dec. 6. Neither did they consider, that if they shall be cast upon God's left hand, that did not give charitably of their own, that their Condemnation shall be far greater, that did rob from others: Multi in hâc vitâ manducant, quod apud inferos digerunt, Aug. in Ps. 49. But to return to the much injur'd Prisoner, his Bark was pilled round about, the Stock then must needs die: Yet he kept honourable Hospitality in the Tower, and maintain'd a Table fur­nisht for the Noon Meal (no Cloth was spread again that day) with as much Plenty and Decorum as any of the Prelates kept, that had all their Rents and Incomes to themselves; and yet this little Solace, to draw Friends about him, was repined at by the Archbishop; for Sir Richard Winn, the Bishop's Kinsman, knowing that he did sensibly decay by the Sums of Moneys which he had lent [Page 129]him, spake to Archbishop Laud, That some Order might be taken for a better admi­nistration of his Estate, that he might be fed and maintain'd like a Gentleman out of his own. His Grace gave him this snappish Answer, That he did not hear that his Kinsman lived like one that wanted. That's it then he would have heard. There were very good things to be found in the L. Archbishop, but his implacable spight against a Bishop, his Raiser, and now become a Spectacle of Pity, was unpar­donable. Let him that weaves the Webb of his Life and Actions, untangle this Knot in the silken Skeen of his Memory, if he can. But I think, as Zenobius makes it an Adagy, Cent. 4. Prov. 28. [...], That to draw the Picture of Butas truly, the best way was not to paint him from Head to Foot.

123. Malevolence did impotently break forth, and had no Vizard to hide its Face, that the Archbishop was not satisfied to have his Fellow Bishop suspend­ed in the High-Commission Court, but he advanced to deprive him for the Book called The Holy Table. Gregory the Ninth in his Epistles blames the English Cler­gy above any, that they studied to undo one another: O Angli! hominum estis miserrimi: quilibet vestrum alium corrodit, ac studet depauperare. He saw too much into the nature of our insulary Severity, and not holding close together. Uniti muniti. They of the same Tribe, if they be wise, should not make a rent in their own piece, [...], says the Emperour Antoninus, be­cause they are woven into the same Loom, and are supporters of the same Building. Where should we look for kindness, but in the Rulers of the Church, the noblest part of Christ's Family? And kindness is nobleness, says St. Chrysostom; and mercy is a generous thing. The Beraeans were more noble than the Thessa­lonians, Acts 17. [...], says he. It doth not signifie nobleness of blood, but gentleness of pity. Now for the Book, the Stone of Scandal, at which his Grace stumbled so much, it was known unto him, that some things got into practice in the Church under his Government, and by his Authority, were disrelisht by a considerable part in his Province, and they of the best con­formity; whose averseness he thought would be the stiffer, by the contents of that Book. His remedy was to bring the Author into question, and to crush all that sided with him in his Person; as the State Maxim goes, Compendium est victoriae devincendorum hostium duces sustulisse, Paneg. to Constantine p. 339. But which way shall the Book be brought into Disgrace? with bad Interpretations? It will do no good. Forced Earth in time will fall to its own level. First then (besides some Answers publisht to decry it) he incensed his Majesty with a re­lation of it; in whose Ecclesiastical Rights it was mainly written: for what he had collected, and offered in a Paper to his Majesty, Lincoln got a sight of it by the Duke of Lennox, and proved that all the Matters of Fact set down against him were false, and not to be found in the Book, but that it strongly maintain'd the contrary Positions: which when his Majesty saw, he seem'd to take it ill from the Informer. So these flitting Clouds were blown over, before they could pour down the Storm they were big with. His Grace sent the Book to the At­torney Gener [...], to thrust it into an Information, who return'd it back, that it would not bear it. Here again was Tencer's luck in Homer. Il. [...], He had a good will to hit Hector with an Arrow, but he mist him. Then in his Speech made against Burton, Prin, and Bastwick, which he printed with a Dedication to the King, he fell upon this Book, reading out of his Notes, that he that gave allowance to thrust it at that time into the Press, did countenance thoseth [...]ee Libellers, and did as much as in him lay to fire the Church and State. Now under colour to Censure others, to fall upon a man that was neither Plaintiff, Defendant, nor Witness in their Cause, would amount to a Li­bel in anothers mouth, against whom Justice had been open. But as Demosthenes says against Aristogiton, [...], a Sword is useless, if it have not an edg to cut; so this bitter flam was but a leaden Dagger, and did not wound. What remained next but, take him Bull-begger, fetch him into the High-Commission Court, where his Grace was President Judge, and might be Advocate, Proctor, Promotor, or what he would. And he was so hot up­on it, that three Letters were written by Secretary Windebank, in his Majesties Name, to hasten the Cause. Whereas honest and learned Dr. Rive, the King's Advocate, knew not where to act his part upon it. Lincoln is now in his Coup in the Tower; whither four Bishops, and three Doctors of the Civil Laws came to take his Answer to a Book of Articles of four and twenty sheets of Paper on both sides. The Defendant refuseth to take an Oath on the Bible, claiming [Page 130]the Priviledge of a Peer; but his Exception was not admitted. He stood up­on it, that himself was a Commissioner, that they had no power over him, more than he had over them; which did not suffice him. Then they come to the Articles; whose Proem in usual form was, That he must acknowledge, and sub­mit to the power of that high Court; which he did grant no otherwise, than in such things, and over such persons, as were specified in their Commission. The se­cond Article contain'd, That all Books licensed by his Grace's Chaplains, are presumed to be Orthodox, and agreeable to sound and true Religion; which he denied, and won­dred at the Impudency that had put such an Article upon him. The third, That he had licensed a Book, when none but the Archbishops, and Bishop of London had such power. Nay, says Lincoln, my self, and all Bishops as learned as they, have as much power as they; not only by the Council of Lateran under Leo the Tenth, and the Re­formatio Cleri under Cardinal Pool, but by Queen Elizabeth' s Injunctions, and a Decree in Star-Chamber. The fourth, That he named a Book, called A Coal from the Altar, a Pamphlet. The fifth, That he said all Flesh in England had corrupted their ways. The sixth, That in a jear he said he had heard of a Mother Church, but never of a Mother Chappel. The seventh, That again in a scoff he derived the word Chappel from St. Martin 's Hood. The eighth, That he said the people were not to be lasht by every mans whip. The ninth, That he maintain'd the people were God's peo­ple, and the King's people, but not the Priest's People. The tenth, That be flouted at the prety of the Times, and the good work in hand. The rest of the Cluster were like these, and these as sharp as any of the seven and twenty Articles, and one and thirty Additionals. This was the untemper'd Mortar that crumbled away; or as the Vulgar Latin reads it, Ezech. 13.10. Liniebant parietem luto absque paleis. So here was dirt enough; but not so much as a little straw, or chaff, to make it stick together: But such as they were, the Bishop had the favour to read them all over once before he was examined; a favour indeed, not shew'n to every body. After the Examination past over, he required a Copy of it, which the three Civilians voted to be granted: but his Grace, and Sir J. Lamb would first have him re-examined again upon the same Interrogatories, to try the steadiness of his memory, and to catch him in a Snare, if he did vary. An Error that may easily be slipt into, by the tediousness of the Matter, and the intricate Forms of the Clerk's Pen, wherein an aged or illiterate man will scarce avoid the dan­ger of Perjury. But the Bishop, being of a prodigious memory, had every word by heart which he had deposed before against two subsequent Examinati­ons; which laid this Cause asleep, till God shall awaken it, and hear it on both sides at the last day.

124. No worse could be lookt for, than that their frivolous Articles should go out, as they did, in a Cracker. And less was expected from that which follow­ed, whose steam, when it came abroad, was laught at in good Company; but it cost the unfortunate Bishop some thousands in good earnest, for Cyphers, for Riddles, for Quibbles, for Nothing: It made a third Information in Star-Chamber; for like Herulus in Virgil, Aen. 8. Ter letho sternendus erat. The driver on, and the dealer in it was the Archbishop; and if all that read it, do not con­demn it, I am not in my Senses. For I will Appeal in those words of Job, c. 17. v. 8. Upright men shall be astonied at this, and the innocent shall stir up himself against the hypocrite. Mark how the Game was plaid by a black Bishop and two Rooks, and how the white Bishop was taken by discovery. Dr. Walker, our Bishop's Secretary, hardly escap'd in the second Bill, and Kilvert's anger did still hang over him. Cadwallader Powel his Steward was then fined at 300 l. and Impri­sonment, yet was never toucht in his person, nor a peny of the Fine exacted of him. For which Favours he is dealt with to espy what he could, to crush his Lord with some fresh Oppression. Who raking in every Corner to find out some­what that might answer his Undertaking, he produceth two Letters of Mr. Os­bolstons, the head School-master of the King's School at Westminster. The Bi­shop, to whom they are written, will not own them, that he did ever receive them. Powel says he found them in his Chamber. And it is possible there was such heedlessness; for I knew the House well, and have seen some careless over­sights in that kind. A fault incident to Melanctthon, says Camerarius in vit. p. 37. Litterae quae afferebantur, quotidie omnium oculis & manibus expositae, ex quibus sub­tractum plurimum esse constat. A negligence not to be cover'd with the excuse of the greatest and gravest studies. But it was made highly probable, that these Letters were neither found, scatter'd at random, nor pick't out of a Desk or Hamper of Papers, (both which for certain Powel broke open) but Powel recei­ved [Page 131]them immediately from the Carrier, and never deliver'd them to his Lord and Master. So it was confirm'd by many Oaths in Court; nay, confest by Powel, That when his Lord was in remoter parts, he had order to open all Letters di­rected to his Lordship, to look into them if they had any matter concerning the Suits so hotly prosecuted against him, and to send them, as he thought fit, to the Secretary to London. The Contents of these two Letters being glost upon by Powel to be dangerous to the Archbishop, and lap'd up in dark folds to give a greater af­fright, it founds likely that he reserved them to himself, and kept them in laven­der for such a day wherein they might stand him in stead. For more confirma­tion, the Bishop takes his Oath, He did not remember that ever he received such Letters: and Osbolston swears point blank, He never had an answer to them; which makes a strong presumption, that this trusty Steward did pocket them up. Of whom Kilvert received them; which is not denied. And he presents them to his Grace: and if his Grace had been the Master of a brave Spirit, we would have thrown them into the sire. That had been generous to abhor a Servant that be­tray'd his Master, and to borrow no Office of Villany from him. That had been noble, not to rake for Secrets and Advantages in the Letters of his Adver­sary. So did Caesar when Scipio's Cabinet was brought to him, found at Thap­sus; so he did with Pompey's Papers seized on at Pharsalia, which he would not look into, but burnt them. Illa suit vera & incomparabilis animi sublimitas, captis apud Pharsaliam Pompeii magni sertniis Epistolarum, concremasse eas optima [...], a [...]que non legisse. Plin. lib. 7. Nat. Hist. c. 15. Such Gallantry had better become a Primate of all England, than the Dictator of Rome, and all the World. This had been: way to have got him a great Name, to give Lincoln such an Eslay of his Civility. Nihil laudabilius, nihil magno & praeclaro viro dignius [...] & clem [...]ntiâ, Tul. 2. l. Of. But to look for such things from a revengful mind, is as unlikely as to make the bris [...]ly skin of a Hedghog smooth. And when all the Stuff in the Letters are scann'd, what Fadoodles are brought to light? First, Os­bolston is charg'd to write libellous matter against his Grace, in That he call'd him Vermin, little Urchin, medling Hocas Pocas; and the Lord Treasurer deceased, Great Leviathan. 2. To contain false News and tales in this passage, That the little Urchin, and great Leviathan, are become at great distance in earnest. 3. To contain a Conspi­racy to destroy his Grace, because one Letter enquires, when Lincoln would come to Westminster to look after this Gear. On the Bishop's part, a Note scribled hasti­ly, but no Letter, is produced, sent to Walker in these Words: MR. Osbolston importunes me, to contribute to my Lord Treasurer some Charges up­on the little Great man, and assures me they are mortally out: I have utterly re­fused to meddle in this Business. And I pray you learn from Mr. Selden and Mr. Her­bert, if any such falling out be. And keep it to your self, what I write unto you. If my Lord Treasurer would be served by me, he must use a more solid and sufficient Mes­senger, and free me from the Bonds of the Star Chamber? Else let them fight it out for me.’

What a Spider's Thread is here to pull a Man into the Star Chamber by it [...] So Fulgentius tells us of Padre Paulo, that he wrote a Letter in Cypher to Gabriel Collison, touching at the Court of Rome, as if some came to Dignities by evil Services; which Collison revealed to St. Severmo, Cardinal, and Head of the Office of Inquisition, for which Paul was trounced with continual distur­bance. And our Inquisitor St. Severo, did now make use of the like, or rather less opportunity.

125. To slide this Cause with the most sly advantage into a hearing, Lincoln is kept in close Imprisonment from All-hollantide till the end of Christmas (for what Cause will appear in order) that he might be surprized, and neither trou­ble the King with Petitions, nor the Court of Star-Chamber with motions. He chaft at it extreamly, and could do no less. [...], says Aristotle Eth. 4. c. 5. They that are not angry upon meet occasion, are Foo's. But the day is set, and come, without any respect had to his due preparation, according to Rules and Customs. At the hearing Mr. Osbolston pleads, That the great Prelate had no reason to take those nick-names to himself; that he neither named him nor thought of him. He swears it, and proves it strongly, That the Hocas Pocas was one Dr. Spicer, who was vulgarly abused with that by-word, and that Judge Richardson was the great Leviathan, who had committed Spicer at that time, no less than five years before, to Newgate. What reason was there but he [Page 132]should expound his own Riddle? Now here's a forked Dilemma, let the Bishop, or any man living, escape one horn of it, if it be possible. For if he receive such Letters, and not complain of them, if it come to light, distortions of Phrases shall endanger him to be guilty of smothering a Libel. If he take the other course, and reveal them to a Justice of Peace, and say he takes the Arch-bishop to be meant by Vermin, Urchin, Hocas Pocas, since the Writer did swear the contrary, he had evidently made himself the Author of a libellous Exposi­tion. But the Bishop pleads he never received such Letters to his remembrance; and to make it likely, Osbolston swears he never had an Answer of them. Powel will not swear, but says he found them in a Band-box in the Bishop's Chamber. They were like the Cup in Benjamin's Sack, no body but Joseph and the Steward that plotted it, could tell how it came there. Dr. Walker believes, but dares not swear, that his Lordship receiv'd them; yet adds, he could not be assured that he un­derstood them: for upon his knowledge the Bishop was often to seek to understand Mr. Osbalston 's gibrish, and was fain to send to him for his Cypher, which in this matter he did not. That which the King's Counsel urged was from the Papers that Dr. Walker brought in under his Lords hand, which tuned somewhat like to a Replication to the two Letters. The Secretary was pelted with many hard words that day from divers Lords, for doing that ill O [...]lice to his Master. I have heard Dr. Walker protest deeply, so have many besides, That he would not have done it for all the world, but that he knew it was a main witness of his Lord's Innocency, and enough to clear him, howsoever the Court did strangely misunderstand it. I am boun­tiful to him, if I think he did it for that good end; and I will think so, because I never saw any immorality or vice in the course of his life. And he was right, that the Paper is very candid, and did deserve from the Archbishop that he should have cast away at least some unprofitable courtesies upon the Bishop for it. And the proof was clear, even ex parte Reg is in the Court, that he refused to consent or agree to make one in a quarrel against the Archbishop: but he holds close to his main Plea, That the Letters excepted at did never come to his hands. If the mat­ter of them be worthy of a censure, let it light upon his Steward, and his Se­cretary, who confess to have seen those Papers some years before, and to know the ironical meaning, and did conceal them. He appeals also to the Laws of the Land, that if such Letters had come to him, like Merlin's Rhimes, and Rosi­crusian bumbast, that no Law or Practice directs the Subject to bring such Gryphes and Oracles, but plain, litteral, grammatical Notions of Libels to a Justice of Peace, against a known and clearly decipher'd Magistrate. That no­thing were more ridiculous, than to prefer a Complaint for canting, and unin­telligible Expressions. It cannot be but so many wise Lords, as sat in Judgment, understood this. Well might the Bishop say, that all flesh had corrupted their way. The Court in those days was rolled about with fear, and were steered by impe­rious directions. As Syncsius said of Athens in his days, Ep. 235. [...], There was nothing but the Hide left, to shew what a fair Creature it was in times of Yore. Let it not be thought rash to write thus of so noble a Senate How did a Commission of Lords use Queen Ann of Bullen? and a greater Commission than that use Mary Queen of Scot­land? But Mr. Osbalston is sentenc'd out of all his Freehold, was doom'd to an opprobrious branding, who escap't it by concealing himself from the cruelty of the Tyger; only the Earl of Holland voted, that he saw no proof to bear a Sen­tence; but cleared both Osbolston and the Bishop; so did not the Lord Finch, and Sir Fr. Windebank, who listed up the Bishop's Fine to Ten thousand pounds: Such as these made that Honourable Court insupportable to the Subject, odious to the Parliament: For whose sake I will change a word in a passage of Tullies Philip. 13. Ist is locus si in hâc Curiâ fuerit, ipsi Curiae non erit locus. Sir J. Brampston, Lord Chief Justice, led the most Voices for 8000 l. Fine and Damages, for receiving Libellous Letters. Yet was so judicious not to call the Script, sent privately to Dr. Walker, a divulging of them, as some others did; nor did he tax him for not blaming the Indiscretions of Osbolston: yet those were the Heads to which the most did refer the Contents of their dislike. For all this the Bishop rested in peace of mind, and piously wish't his Judges Mercy from God; which Pray­er I hope was heard for their persons; but God was offended at the Court, which over-drip't so many with its too far spreading Branches of Arbitrary and Irregular Power. If the Excrescencies had been pruned away, the rest might have serv'd for wholsome use. When the Romans found the Carriage of their Censors to be insolent, Mucronem sensorium mustis remediis retuderant, Alex [...]ab Alex. [Page 133]lib. 3. c. 23. They blunted the Edge, but still kept the Sword in the Magistrates hand. But God spared not to dig up this burdensome Tree by the root; as Au­son. in Paneg. Quae mala adimis, prospicis ne esse possint rediviva; yet it may be the Stump is in the Earth, though fetter'd to be kept under with a band of Iron and Brass, Dan. 4.15. and may spring again in due season. But this guilt, among a hundred more upon it, is, that this Bishop being mulcted in eight thousand pounds, for a pretence thinner than a Vapour, a Trespass to mean for one Chri­stian to ask forgiveness of it from another, and never clap't upon him by the E­vidence of any Proof, yet not a doit was remitted of that vast Sum. And yet I look upon our Bishop as one that had a better hold in present comfort, hope hereafter, and glory for ever. For it is better by far to suffer, than to do an In­jury. Miserior est qui suscepit in se scelus, quàm qui alterius facinus subire cogitur. Cic. Philip. 11.

126. Lucilius a Centurion in Tacitus Annal. lib. 1. had a scornful name given him by the Military Dicacity of his own Company, Cedo alteram. Quta fractâ vite in terga militis alteram, & rursus alteram poscebat; when he had broken a Ba­stonada of a tough Vine upon a Souldiers shouldiers, he call'd for another, and another after that. Such an inde [...]inent Cruelty was exercised upon the person of this suffering Bishop: when one Bill was heard and censur'd, Cedo alteram, & rursus alteram, was all the pity that he sound. [...] Hesiod. lib. 5. Fortune is not content with some mens miseries, unless they be all over miserable. A new Information is brought on with as much fury, as if Jehu had march't with it; and that the Desendant might be utterly igno­rant of a Conspiracy that was hatching abroad, he was shut up close, upon co­lour that he was obstinate, and had not answer'd to some Interrogatories as was expected. They were Eighty in all. To which the Bishop doth thus remon­strate for himself. That when a Defendant is examin'd upon Interrogatories in the Court, and certified by a Judge to have answer'd insufficiently, he is to pay twenty shillings costs the first time, and to be re-examin'd. If he be report­ed to fail the second time, to pay forty shillings Costs. The third time to be imprisoned; but never in close Imprisonment. These were ever the constant Rules of the ancient Lords that sate upon those Causes. The Bishop being cal­led to answer to these Eighty Interrogatories, his Answers are certified to be imperfect to forty of them. But the Judges did not point out wherein the Im­perfection lay, as it ought to be done. But the Defendant is left in a mist, and knows not how to direct his course to please them Yet goes them over again, and answers so fully the second time, that the Examiner thought his part was done; and himself protests, if he failed in any thing, it was for want of directi­on from the Judges. All that he had done, and he had done to his best, is not allow'd; his Answers are again return'd to be insufficient, yet not challeng'd in a word for such and such Omissions, or Tergiversations: for which an A­mercement of 40 s. was the most that could be exacted by Rule. That's all one; he is committed close Prisoner to his Chamber, with order that neither Counsellor or Sollicitor should come near him, or send to him. The first night of his close restraint he perfected his Answer the third time, to his best Abili­ties. The Judges, Jones and Berkeley are so awed, that they refuse to certifie the sufficiency of this Answer, till Kilvert will acknowledge it to be compleat. So he continued in a melancholy Retirement from Allhollantide till the end of Christmas; and then he finds a new Charge, or rather no new one, but the After-birth of the second Cause, heard and censur'd before about Tampering: A Course against the Fundamentals of Justice, as Budaeus Tom. 2. in Pandec. fol. 17. Senatus censuit ne quis ob idem crimen pluribus legibus reus fieret. But in this latter Bill the Mystery of Mischief broke out by God's wondrous work, and the detecti­on of some Friends, whom the Bishop had never sollicited to look after it. Thus it runs; Cad. Powel, George Walker, T. Lund, W. Wetherall in this new Charge are made Co-defendants with the Bishop: these all were partly sentenced, partly in durance before, and must do some Service for their Freedom and Indempnity, also with expectation of Reward: that is, they must couragiously accuse them­selves in their Examination, that they may be more forcible Witnesses against the Bishop; but shall be as so many Coy-duks, to cry a little in the ears of the World, until the great Mallard be catch't in the Coy; themselves then to be set free, and to be fed with good Corn. The particulars of this Bill are branch't into Ten Heads: For the greatest part, they consisted of old matter, That he had dictated Answers to Witnesses, taught them cunning Evasions, sent some [Page 134] Witnesses out of the way; with addition, that he had made Conveyances of his Lands and Leases, to prevent the levying of the King's Fine. Nay lastly, to sill it up, that he did not allow competent Means to a Vicar, from the Prebend of Asgaby. I would their Lordships had sat upon such Reformations for seven years together, if it did belong to their cognisance. What a Task had the poor Bishop to fence with his Adversaries at all these Weapons? As Isocrates extolls Evagoras, [...], He was Master but of one City, and no more, when he waged War with all Asia: But our forlorn Defendant had no shelter left un­der Heav'n but a Prison, wherein he was mured, to encounter Perjuries, Con­spiracies, Malice, Kilvert, with all his Party, and all the Rulers in high places that back't him: only that promise of Christ remained good, Matth. 10.19. Da­bitur in illa horâ: It shall be given you in that same hour what to speak. And it did not fail him.

127. First he demurs, and pleads, That five Charges chained together in this In­formation had been heard before, and censur'd in the Charge upon Tampering with Wit­nesses. To bring the same Fault again to trial, that had been once punish't, is contrary to the Justice of God, and exceeds the cruelty of the worst men. The Lord Popham' s Rules were famous, and registred in the Court, That bounds should be set to the process of Causes, that they might not be infinite. If a fourth Bill be admitted to survey the management of a former Defence, then a fifth may start up in the management of the fourth, a sixth upon the fifth, and prosecutions will be endless. Then he produceth his main defence, That he could prove that T. Lund and W. Wetherall were drawn by Kilvert, with divers indirect means of Terrors and Promises, to accuse themselves, to have had under hand dealings with the Defendant, to teach them to shift direct Answers, and to evade Interrogatories with Collusions: That they had assurance given them, when the Bishop was wounded through their sides, their wounds should be healed, their fines remit­ed, and their good service gratified. The Bishop had this Confession of Lund and Wetherall, under the hands of credible Gentlemen, who smelling that Villany, had conferred with them, and galled them with suspicions, that they might thrust themselves into the Briars, and be forsaken by Kilvert, who was very false. And what if he should drop away? which might be look't for from a man of his daily Surfeits. And let him do his best, when they had confest Perjury a­gainst themselves with their own mouth, he could never soder up their crack't Credit, but the disgrace would cleave to them, and render them despicable as long as they liv'd. Which Terrours being spread before these Men, they exclaim that they were circumvented, and undone for ever. This being inferred into the Bishop's Defence, his Counsel came twice to the Bar to move for a Hearing, and were put off. His well willers, which droopt before, had a strong opi­nion of a good Issue. So often we see, there is life in an Apoplectick, though he seem to be dead. Kilvert curseth his Fortune, that his Spells are disinchanted: Et fragil [...] quaer [...]ns illidere dentem—Insreg [...] solido. Horace. The Bishop's Inno­cency was not so brittle, as he thought to be torn in sunder: but the Solidity of it did break his Teeth. Howsoever Kilvert is grown gracious, for his good parts I wiss, and must not be forsaken in this plung [...]. But upon a reference, all this matter about Lund and Witherall is expung'd, as scandalous to Kilvert's good name. Scandalous to his good name! Non entis nulla sunt attributa. Nay, but give us andience, says the Bishop's Counsel; Is not all this necessary to our Clients Defence? That cannot be denied, say the Judges Brampston and Berkeley; it is the very body of his defence; but reproachful to the Man that prosecutes for the King: and so it was appointed to be taken out. When this expunging was confirm'd, and the Attorney General had made his Replication upon the Demur, the Bishop knowing not how to wear the Yoke of a base Spirit any longer, and full of the Courage that God had inspired into him, Appeals from these intolerable Grie­vances to the High Court of Parliament in this Rejoynder: That the Defendant doth and will [...], maintain, and justifie his Answers, and all the matters and things therein contained to be true, and certain, and sufficient in the Law. And that nothing thereof ought to be expunged, which is necessary and pertinent to his Defence. And in case any part so pertinent and necessary for his Defence, under colour of scandal to a third person (who may clear his Credit if he be innocent, and be repaired with Costs) be expunged, and he and all others in the like case be left remediless in the Law; The Defendant having no other Remedy left in a Defence against a Suit commenced against him in the King's Name, doth humbly Appeal unto the High Court of Parliament, when it shall be next Assembled, humbly protesting against any Sentence, as void and null, which shall pass against him in the mean time, for [Page 135]and because of the want of his just and necessary defence so taken away and expunged. Much was added in this Appeal to defie Kilvert, who had boasted to prosecute the Bishop to his degradation; and the Bishop in the said Appeal disavows, that the Court of Star-chamber had ever degraded, or appointed to be degraded, or ever will degrade, or appoint to be degraded, any Bishop, or other Lord and Peer of the Parliament, or take away their Freehold in point of Means, Profit, or Honour, &c. This Appeal was filed in the Office, enter'd in the Clerks Books, and Copies thereof were signed by the usual Officer; although Sir William Pennyman, Clerk of the Star-chamber, took it off the File, and blotted it out of the Books. Sir William was ever of a laudable behaviour, but durst not say them nay that thrust him upon this Rashness. Who did not gaze at this Ap­peal, as if it had been a Blazing-star? Who did not discourse of it? How did they, who club together for News and trial of their Wits, spend their Judgments upon it? Some thought, that excess of Wrongs done to the Bishop had distem­per'd him, to fall upon a course of Confusion to himself. In plain words, being bitten by so many mad Dogs, they thought he bit again, as if he had been mad: Whereas he never did any thing with a more sober mind. Insanire me [...]iunt, ultro cum ipsi insaniant, Plaut. in Menaech. Some replied, Let the danger be what it will, the President tended to a Publick Good: Audendum est aliquid singulis, aut pereundum universis: For are we not all Passengers, as well as he, in the same bottom? And may we not be swallowed up in the same Shipwrack, if our Pilots look no bet­ter to their Duty? They that were acquainted with the best Pleaders, thought to have most Light from them, and askt if the Act did not exceed the Duty of a Subject. And would it not leave the Author to the fury of the Court, to be torn in pieces with a Censure? Nay surely, said the Gown-men, there is no vio­lation of Duty to His Majesty, in appealing to his Parliament, for he submits to the King, who is the Head of the Body. Or, at the most, it is Provocatio à Philippo dormiente ad Philippum vigilantem, from K. Charles, misinformed in Star-chamber, to K. Charles, among his best Assistants, the three States of the Nation: And for the minacy of a Censure, do if they dare. A Parliament will repair him, when it sits, and canonize their own Martyr. Both they that lik'd and dislik'd the Appeal, confest, that the corruption of his Judges compell'd him to it. Should Kilvert, notoriously detected, be suffer'd to escape, by cancelling all that brought his Conspiracies to light? Infixo aculeo fugere, in the Adagy? Strike in his Sting, and fly away like a Wasp! Suffer this, and at this one dea­ling of the Game the Bishop's whole state had been lost, of Fortunes, Liberty, and Honour: Ne (que) enim levia aut ludicra petuntur—Praemia, sed Turni de vitâ & sanguine certant. Discretion was to give place to Courage in this case: Baronius tells us of Theodoret. ann. 446. n. 27. That being incensed at the Tyranny of a Shark in Office, that had seized upon all he had, Uranius Bishop of Emesa, advised him to make no words of it, but to sit still by the loss: Theodoret answers him bravely, Non solùm prudentia, sed & fortitudo virtus est; Fortitude is a Virtue as well as Prudence, and is as laudable in her own turn and occasion. Put the case to a Physician, when he thinks there is no hope of a Patient, what will he do? The ancient Rule was, Nescio an in extremis aliquid tentare medicina sit: certè ni­hil tentare perditio est. To give the sick man Physic is against Art, but to give him nothing is to cast him away wilfully. Here is Lincoln's condition, who being denied the Justice of that Court, had nothing to fly to in that Extremity, but this Ap­peal, with which he did so hough the Sinews of the Bill, that from that day for­ward it never hopt after him.

128. Because some did not stick to say, that the Bishop might thank himself for his incessant Troubles, that he did not take Conditions of Peace, that were offered to him, it must be presented here, that Conditions indeed were tender'd, such as Naash offer'd the Israelites, to thrust out their right Eyes, 1 Sam. 11.2. or as the Samnites released Sp. Posthumious, and a Roman Legion overthrown at Caudis. with slavish Ignominy. But these were worse: Ultra Caudinas speravit vulnera furcas, Luca. lib. 2. The Bishop lying in Prison, and sustaining the heavy weight of the first Censure, July 11. 1637. he press'd the L. Coventry to move His Ma­jesty for some mitigation of the Fine, and to stop the violent levying of it, since it stood in no proportion with the Charges of the Bill, or the Presidents of the Court. Hereupon His Majesty tells the L. Keeper, he would admit of no such motion, but by the Mediation of the Queen. The Bishop is glad of the News, and could call to mind, that in greater matters than this, Princely Ladies had [Page 136]the Honour to make the Accord, which the greatest Statesmen had attempted in vain; as Madam Lovise, Mother of K. Francis the First, and Madam Margaret, Aunt to Charles the Fifth, Regent of the Low Countries, made up that Peace between the Emperor and the King, which other Mediators had given over for desperate. Our Queen endeavour'd a Message of Clemency, but that Honour was denied her. The Earl of Dorset writes in her Name to the Bishop, That all she could obtain of the King, was, that if he would be bandied no more in Star-chamber, 1. He must leave his Bishoprick and Deanry, and all his Commendams, and take a Bishoprick in Ireland or Wales, as His Majesty pleased. 2. He must recant his Book. 3. Secure all his Fine. 4. Never question any that had been employed by His Majesty against him. Strange Physick as ever was pre­scribed, for it was a Pill as big as a Pumpion; and whose Throat could swallow it down? Non est pax, sed servitutis pactio, Tul. Philip. 12. The worst that all the Courts in England could do, could not impose such Terms upon him: Be­side, to yield thus far were to fly the Field, and to receive an inglorious wound in his Back. Then he falls upon other Thoughts, that he would please the King, by making an unparallel'd Submission to him: And were it not best to be content with half a Ruine, to prevent a whole? He must be a loser; yet a man spends nothing, that buys that he hath need of. So he wrote back to the same Earl, that he would lay his Bishoprick and Deanry at His Majesty's Feet, but excused his going into Ireland. To the second, That he could not recant his Book, which contain'd no Doctrine that he was not ready to justifie. To the third, He would pay his Fine as he was able. To the fourth he submitted. Not this, not all this was accepted: The very L. Drusus, in Paterculus, Meliore in omnia ingenio animo (que) quàm fortunà usus; His noble Wit, and good Parts were still destituted by Fortune. He received this Return from the Earl; That His Maje­sty was not contented to receive his Bishoprick and Deanry from him, his Re­sidency in Lincoln, and Rectory of Walgrave, are requir'd to be voided, and to Ireland, or no Peace. To the second, No Doctrin should be recanted, but Mat­ters of Fact, &c. The Bishop wonders at this, who look'd for Praise, that he had stoop'd so low; yet rather than contest with his Soveraign, he resolves with David, Adhuc ero vilior: And the common Rule of Polybius was observ'd by all men, lib. 5. [...]. Of two good things, chuse the greatest; of two Evils, chuse the least. He offers to resign all he hath in the Church of England, but still will live in England; for the Book he pleaded so well for it, that the King was satisfied with a conditional submission, as, If any thing contained in it offended His Majesty, he was sorry. But to the third, about the Fine, he found very imperfect and unsolid Proposals, and No Ground that's good is hollow. Since he must be stript of all that he had in the Church, he would know how much should be left him of his Lands and Leases to live upon, that the King's Fine-gatherers might not snatch up all: And he craves an Answer, whether that Pension of 2000 Marks per ann. bought of the E. of Banbury, by His Majesty's Direction, and for his Service and Profit, being then Prince of Wales, and 24000 l. in Ar [...]ears for the same, should be consider'd towards the King's Payment. The Rejoynder began at the latter Clause, That Pensions are not paid to men in disfavour, the E. of Bristol being the Example for it. For the Proportion what he should have to live upon rising out of his own Estate, he must know nothing, till he had wholly submitted. From that hour the false Glass, wherein the Bishop saw a shadow of Peace, was broken: And he writes to the Earl in the Stile of a man, That it were a tempting of God to part with all he had willingly, and leave himself no assurance of a Livelihood: That his Debts, if he came out of the Prison of the Tower, would cast him into another Pri­son, no better provision being made for them, than he saw appearance for: That he would never hazard himself into a condition to beg his Bread. Truly he had cause to look for better Offers, and since they came not, he would lay his Head upon the Pillow of Hope, till he had slept his last: He had not suffer'd as an Evil man, his Conscience bore him witness, whereby he was not obnoxious to Infamy: Majore poenâ affectus quàm legibus statutum est, non est infamis; a Maxim of Reason and of Law in our Kingdom. To surrender up all he had, were to suffer as a Fool. Plato is made the Author of the Saying, That he had rather leave somewhat to his Enemies when he died, than stand in need of his Friends, who might prove no Friends while he lived. But this is surely Plato's in Apol. pro Socr. That when Socrates was ask'd, how he felt himself affected, when he was wrongfully condemn'd, he said, [Page 137] he could give no Answer till he met with Palamedes and Ajax; [...] : till he had ask'd them how they took the Sentence of un­righteous Judges, he was not fully provided to satisfie them. Our bishop con­sulted day and night at his Study with Histories of Saints in by-past Ages, and knew they had suffer'd more than he had done, and was sorry for his human frailty, if they could bear it better. Now, I am confident that the Pru­dent will collect, that this Bishop was never deaf to Conditions of Agreement, and that no man living could offer a greater Sacrifice than he did for a Peace-Offering, unless he would have stript himself of all, and not have left off his own two Mites, in all the World, to cast into the Corban.

129. But if the Parly for Peace were nothing but Thunder and Thunder-bolt, how will the Bishop endure it, when it comes to strokes? God be praised, his Warfare in these Causes was at an end: Flebile principium melior fortuna secuta est, Metam. lib. 7. The Chamber of Horror, and its Star, did not shine malignantly upon him again; A time, and times, and half a time, had pass'd over, and these things were finisht, Dan. 12.7. For three year and half he continued in the Tower, and in that space lived as if he had drank of Homer's Cup, Odyss. [...]; as if he had represented and not felt the part he acted: For except that so many Suits interrupted his Studies, he lack'd nothing that could be perceived, of Health, Solace, and Alacrity: Benè dormit qui non sentit quàm malè dormiat, a Fragment of Publius Mimus. He wanted not good Society, for I must ever praise his constant Friend Dr. Alabaster, who took up a Lodging in one of the Mint-master's Houses, to be with him continually. While he was so many months shut up from the action of the World, he began to hear of some Occurrences abroad, which made him not dread his chief Ene­my at Lambeth at all. The Archbishop had entangled himself in his own Webb, nay, the King, and all England and Scotland with him. In illa liturgiâ infelicissi­mè ad Scotos missâ, says wise Mr. Selden, de Syn. Jud. par. 2. His Majesty's Expe­dition into the North gave our Bishop a breathing time from his Troubles: And when the Articles of Pacification, made at Berwick, were burnt in London, (true or uncorrupted, I dispute not) I that report this, was the first that car­ried the Tidings to the Tower, and I call God to witness, the Bishop presently broke out into these words: I am right sorry for the King, who is like to be forsa­ken by his Subjects at home, but far more by all Kings and Princes abroad, who do not love him: But for the Archbishop, says he, he had best not meddle with me, for all the Friends he can make, will be too few to save himself. A fatal fore-sight of all impen­ding and ensuing Mischiefs! But do you not hope, Sir, said I, that such Concussions as you fear to come to pass will give you your Peace and Liberty? Possibly they will, says he. But no honest man shall be the better for a Scotch Reformation, wherein the Hare-brains among us are engaged with them. Which is like that of Rutilius deported in Banishment to Mytelene; one comforted him with hope of Civil Wars, and then all that were banish'd should return to Rome; says Rutilius, Quid tibi mali feci, ut mibi pejorem reditum quàm exitum sperares? That which did precipitate the common Fortune, and made all things worse and worse, was the King's very sudden dissolving the Parliament met in Apr. 1640. His Majesty had been forewarned by a worthy Counsellor, and a dying man, against that Error in the Christmas before, Cujus mortem, dolor omnium celebrem fecit, Sym. Ep. p. 11. It was L. Keeper Coventry, who made but one Request with his last Breath to the King, and sent it by Mr. James Maxwel, of the Bed-Chamber, That His Majesty would take all Distasts from the Parliament summoned against April, with patience, and suffer it to sit without an unkind dissolution. But the Barking of the living Dogs was sooner heard than the Groaning of a dying Lyon; for that Parliament ended in a few days, in its Infancy, and in its Inno­cency, but the Grief for it will never end. The next came on Novemb. 3. with all Animosities that could be infused out of Scotch and English Distempers. The Bishop of Lincoln Petitions the King, by the Queens Mediation, that he might be set at liberty, and have his Writ, as a Peer, to sit in Parliament; which was opposed by the L. Finch, then Custos sigilli magni, and Archbishop Laud, as appears by a Letter written to Sir Richard Winn, Octob. 3. in these words.

[Page 138] 130.

Good Cousin,

WITH my hearty Thanks remembred for all your great, however unfortunate, care of me, and my Affairs: Though you would not let me know any thing that might be any Grief or Discomfort to me yet I hear it of other Hands; That I am eter­nally bound to the Queens Majesty, and bound to remain her Vassal as long as I live; And that I owe much to some other great Lords of His Maj [...]ty's Council; And that his Grace, by my Lord Keeper's bold and much-mistaken Information to His Majesty, that the Parliament cannot examine Errors and Oppressions in such an arbitrary Court as the Star-chamber is, doth keep off His Majesty from using his Clemency towards me, or permitting me to employ my best Endeavours to serve him. My Lords, Grace and Se­cretary Windebank, have good reason to wish me out of the Parliament, and out of the World too, if they conceive I have no other business there, than to complain against them: And so hath the Lord Keeper, and Sir J. Lamb. If her gracious Majesty (whom than willingly offend I will rather dye) will be pleased to set aside the Relations those two Per­sonages have towards Her Majesty, and set her poor Servant at liberty, to take his course for Redress for those intolerable Concussions they have used against him. And that I do not speak herein beside my Books, I pray you and your Friends to peruse the bundle of Papers I send you, which I desire you to return to me, &c.

Through the Perswasion of those about the King, whom the Letter discovers, Lincoln was like to lye by it, and to be shut out of Mercy by an irreversible Decree. But the Lords of the Upper House, after they had look'd about them a while, on Nov. 16. sent to the Lieutenant of the Tower, to deliver him to then Officer of the Black Rod, who conducted him to the Parliament, and their Lordships gave him his Place among his Brethren in the Bishops-Bench. The King did soon hear of his Carriage, that he neither complain'd, nor so much as glanced at his Persecutors: As a true Lover of his Country said, Cic. Ep. Fam. lib. 10. Non me impedient privatae offensiones, quò minùs pro Reip salute etiam cura inimicis consentiam. His Majesty heard more, That he was his faithful Minister, and Stable to stand for him in all motions, and did not refrain to fall sharply upon those Lords, to whom he owed his Releasement, for not speaking dutifully of His Majesty, and of his Actions, with Re­verence. Upon it the King sent for him, and had conference with him alone till after midnight, and made him some amends for the Evils past, by com­manding all Orders filed, and kept in any Court or Registry, upon the former Hearings and Dependencies against him, to be slighted, cancell'd crazed, that no Monument or Memorial of them might remain. So A [...]m. Probus tells us what Reparation was made to Alcibiades, after he was brought home to Athens from his Exile, Pilae, in quibus devotio scripta fuit contra Alcibiadem, in mare praeci­pitatae, post quàm à Spartá revocatus est? To quote a nearer Example; When Constantine let Athanasius return again to his See at Alexandria, [...]. Athan. ad Solit. Vit. p. 823. All that was engross'd against Athanasius, he commanded the Memory of it to be rid out of the way, and all of it to be blotted out. Look for such another Instance in Symmachus Ep. p. 127. of him that was thrice honour'd, in being re­invested in those Honours, from which he was degraded, Majus quiddam est ho­norem restituere, quam dedisse, &c. For, Fortune may confer, but only Judgment restores to Honour. I am come to the end of those Suits with which our Bi­shop was overwhelmed, and still made Defendant against the King: Let Poste­rity observe how he was censur'd, and grievously, but for two things, tampering with Witnesses, (never known before to be a fault in the Realm of England) and for being suspected to have received two Letters in Cyphers, of a mystical sence, and as slight regard. Being accused for divulging the King's Counsels, and for Subornation of Witnesses, he broke the neck of those Bills: Being questio­ned for his Book, in the High-Commission Court, he wound himself out of the Labyrinth of all their Articles: From an Hodg-potch of new Informations in Star-chamber he deliver'd himself, by adventuring to appeal from that Court to the Parliament; and in that Parliament to which he appealed, he sits a Member and Peer, and sees all Papers of Record against him torn, and burnt to Ashes. Ut advertas feliciter faclum reum, quem sic videas absolutum, Sym. Ep. 87. Be the Conclusion those words of Ezek. c. 17. v. 24. All the trees of the field shall know, that I the Lord have brought down the high tree, have exalted the low true: have dried up the green tree, and have made the dry tree to flourish. Which the great Poet had ra­ther [Page 139]ascribe to a blind Goddess, in his Poetical License, Aen. 12. Multos alterna revisens—Lusit, & in solidum rursus fortuna locavit.

131. A Prisoner, whose Liberty I much long'd for, is released, but out of Limbo into Hell. Can the worst word be had enough for those fatal days? Now being come with him as far as the Door of the Parliament, into which he entred upon the Call of the Lords, I turned away for no little time, and inter­rupted my self for above two years from writing any more, not out of Sloth, but Disdain. To part with him till his last day, was against my purpose; and to keep him company in those boisterous times, wherein a Senate of rigid men was dangerous. I was at such a stay as Alexander in the dry Country of the Susi­tans, Pigebat & consistere & progredi, Curt. lib. 7. It was contrary to the Project of my Work to stop, and as contrary to my Mind to go forward in the Hurri­cane of an intemperate Rebellion: But it is resolved to look over somewhat of one of the most bloody Tragedies that ever was performed on the Earth, rather than omit his part, who was so loyal in his Actings, and so magnanimous in his Sufferings: And this may be done with the less unwillingness, from one Passage that will recreate the Writer, and the Reader, that the chief Engineers, that wrought the Thunderbolts at the Forge, and laid the foundation of all ensuing Mischief, lived to see themselves thrust out of their Den by a Brewers Drayman, with his tatter'd Regiment; a Passage to be kept for ever upon the Engravings of Memory, and would not be pleasant, but burdensome to know it and not to publish it: As Archytas of Tarentum said, If a man were lifted up among the Stars, to know their order and motion, the knowledge of it, so admirable, would be ingrate unto him, unless he met with some, to whom he might relate it. So I am full of this, to tell it to Posterity, That the pittiful handful of Lords Temporal (and now Tempo­rary) that adhered not to the King, and cashiered the Lords Spiritual out of their Society, for their immovable Fidelity, were dismounted for ever from their own Privilege and Honour, and might pawn their Parliament-Robes if they pleased. And the remainder of the Commons, after Pride's Purge, was so de­spicable, that every Tongue was so audacious to give them the nick-name of the Posteriors of a Beast; and they put it up, lest angry Wits should paste a greater Scorn upon them. As Cas. Severus satisfied himself with the Downfal of his Ad­versary, Vivo, & quo vivere libeat Asprenatem reum video, Quintil. lib. II. So this one Scene hath a good Catastrophe in the cruel Interlude, That the small, but most spightful part of this continuing Parliament, held up their Tail, though not their Hand, at the Bar, and went out it self in such a stink in the Snuff, that all cry sie at it, that have their Nostrils opened. So my Mind is collected again, and my Heart at some Peace in it self, to see the Honour of Heavenly Justice settled so far.

132. And to Preface no more, and no less could be said; A Parliament was sitting when our Bishop had his Liberty, which held in its Fragments twelve years and six months: Nay, when the stub of the Members were baffled, and spurn'd out of the House by the Russian Cromwell, these Bankrupts opened their Shop once again, and by a post limintum recover'd their places; so that we rec­kon nineteen years from their first Call to their last Suppression. Umbra serotina; A shadow is longest at Evening, when the Sun is ready to set. And our Sun went down quickly, when this shadow was so far extended. But there is a bet­ter similitude for it in Pliny Nat. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 14. A Serpent was taken at the River Bagrada of 120 foot long, and the skin, says he, was hung up in the Ca­pitol, as long as such stuff could endure. Mark this; a Serpent, the longest that ever was heard of, the skin kept when it was mortified, and preserved in the Senate-house. Who can miss to apply it? A Serpentine brood of Men; none ever lasting so long in that High Court: withered away to a skin, or Skeleton: all were right, if they had been hung up in the Capitol. This Ser­pent was young and the worst it could do was to hiss, when Lincoln was brought in to sit with his fellow Bishops. He had not been many hours there, when he was amazed to see divers composed of new and strong Passions; instigated to boldness by Scotch Confederacy; heightned up by the Petitions and Mutinies of City and Country; and preach't into disorder by Presbyterian Divines: For a muffled Zeal for Religion hath a finger in all Combustions. And as one says, Multitudo vana superstitione capta meliùs vatibus, quàm ducibus suis paret, Curt. lib. 3. Church-men are the most dangerous Instruments to turn Male-contents into Sword-men, who being prepossest with an ill opinion of the Times, will quick­ly humble their Judgment under the Conscience of their Ministers. But what [Page 140]Credit can it be to our Bishop, for such Peers to take him into their number by their peremptory Vote? None, if he had answer'd their expectation. Yet his chief Friends were as faithful and noble-hearted as ever sate upon the Benches of the House. And it is no good thrist to cast out Gold-filings with the dust, as if all were dust. These must be sever'd from the rest, to their immortal praise. It is as true, that he was sought for by some of the rest, who had only an eye to the North-Star of their own Anti-monarchical Interest: For he that was or­dinarily read in man might know, this able Prelate was to be left out, that had so general an insight into all Affairs and Motions of State. As Zeno prais'd Is­menias his Musick, [...], that he could play well upon all Instruments. But when the disloyal Part hoped, that a Man of a great Spirit, and so much injur'd, would revenge himself upon the Causes of his Troubles, and Pipe after their Tune, they were overshot to imagine it. Though he is bound to be most true that is most trusted, yet no man was bound to be true to them, whom his Majesty, as appears by his Writ, trusted with his most concerning and weighty Counsels, and were false to him that gave them Capacity to treat upon them. They that did intend to imploy him in their Faction, did repent in one day, that ever he came among them. For it was in so little time that one of them said aloud, We have conjur'd up a Spirit, I would we could lay him down again. No harm will come to his Honour, that some in printed Books have lifted at him, as A. Wil. p. 197. gibe, him for closing again with the King, and shuggling, when he saw the Ax laid to the Root of Episcopacy. For he staid not to long to declare himself, till the Hare was started out of the Bush. But S. A. W. goes further, p. 175. for thus he Censures: We may observe the Judgment of God on him, for flying from the Parliament his Protector, to give wicked Counsel to to the King his former Prosecutor. Those Temporary Judgments and Ruins were probably foreseen; but woe be to him that looks not further to the Judgment of the great Day. Those that troubled the Land like him not, as he was truly him­self, but in such a Character as they had framed of him to themselves. Thou thoughtest that I was altogether such an one as they self, Psal. 50.21. It was St. Au­stine's Fortune to be so misconstrued, and he defends himself wittily, Ep. 7. ad Marcel. Non me diligunt, si non quod sum, sed quod non sum diligunt. They love not me, but another for me that mistake me. It is not strange if those Members of Parliament were weary of him, I am sure he was more out of taste with them. As who could choose, when he met with all fort of Brain-sick Factions com­bined in one Couplement? It was better for him after thirteen months to be cast out, and lock't up again in Imprisonment, than to continue in the gather­ing together of the Froward, and insurrection of wicked Doers. In hoc res de­voluta erat, ut nisi quis malus fuerit, salvus esse non possit, Salvi. l. 5. No Safety for any within those Walls, nor scarce without, but to run Horse and Man to Hell, with Decius, not to save their Country, but to ruin it.

133. What a giddy Pin man's life is turn'd upon? Here's a Prisoner and a Freeman; in the Peoples favour, and out with them: repulsed from the Court, and brought to the King's Presence, and to kiss his Hand; and all this variety in two days. [...], Diod. Sic. lib. 18. The rowlings and recipro­cations of Fortune were strong on both sides. Though his Restraint was over, his Liberty was still dangerous, as Salmasius says of Ambustius Valerius p. 840. in Solm. Quem condemnatio non perdidit, nec absolutio liberavit. Misfortune exercised him as Original Sin doth the Just: The Condemnation of it was taken away, but not the Malignity. The outcry was among the revolted Lords, That he was good for nothing. Not for the Commonwealth; for he did maintain what the King had done for our Liberties. Not for Religion; for he was rivetted fast to the Hierarchy of the Church. Not for himself; for they expected he should have been a strong Accuser of divers whom they hated, and knew he had matter enough for a heavy Information: but they saw he was like a man dumb, and in whose mouth were no reproofs, Psal. 38.14. Not a word came from him, that he had been Prosecuted, Censur'd, Imprison'd, Sequestred, Riffled: but he stood like one in the same point, that had enjoyed quiet and honour fifteen years before. Here­upon both Houses despised him, as one that would contribute nothing to their ends: and what should they do with this Gamaliel in their Council? for when they had plotted to slay some principal Counsellors and Servants of the King, and this Bishop would bring no Proofs to make them guilty men, his Sentence was in effect, Refrain from these men, and let them alone, Acts 5.38. Himself be­ing now safe, and by God's Mercy free from Impeachments; it was a comfort [Page 141]to him to see, nay to procure the Safety of his Enemies. Sunt haec quidem mag­na, sed in alio: in hoc verò minima, si caeteris virtutibus comparentur, Plin. Ep. l. 3. How fain would some say the like for those, whom they adorn with their praise? But to revenge no wrongs; to requite them with no retaliation, that had bit­terly provok't him, it was so ordinary with him, that in such a man it riseth to no remarkable Observation. And truly it was no time to punish for a particular quarel, but to look to the security of a tottering Kingdom. Prudence might Challenge somewhat to make him remiss, as well as Charity. Yet the Injuries done him, with their mischief in one aggregate, deserv'd a Trial, that would have made as loud a noise as ever came to a Bar. For the Practisers, as the Fox said of his Cubs, If there be one good in the litter, there was never a bad For the practices they were such as could not have seen the light, but would have brought pal [...]ness on the Actors. And, which was worst of all, the Bishop could see no Appearance, which might efface his Apprehension, but that if his Adversaries were in power again, they would shew no penitency for the evil they had done him. Yet when their A­gents came to him to feel his Pulse, they sound it beat so calm and even, that he sent them Messages to enhearten them, That if they had no w [...]rse Foes then [...], they might fear no harm, and that he saluted them with the Charity of a B [...] p. This was home, and as far as moral sweetness could go. It a [...], at non ignoscere videaris, sed absolvere, says Sencca: So his bencht was so compleat, that he did rather seem to absolve those Nocents as a Judge, then to pa [...]ion them as a private Man. So confident were his Malevolents to play with his Gentle­ness, that Kilvert durst come to him without a Medi [...]o [...], to crave Pardon and Indempnity for all wrongs he had done. Says the Bishop, I assure you pardon for that you have done before, but this is a new fault, that you take me to be of so b [...] s [...] a Spi­rit, as to file my self with tredding upon so mean a Creature: Live still by Petty-fogging and Imp [...]ching, and think that I have forgotten you. Yet he kept Kilvert two hours in private with him, before he let him go; and then he sent him to his Cellar with his Servants, but with this Censure upon the Discourse which had past be­tween them, That his Enemies could not be so bad, as that Fellow made them; but for Kilvert 's part he was worse in treachery, and readiness to do all devillish Offices, then he could have imagined. Thus far to the demonstration of his Christian Mind, and his Continency that he would not render evil for evil, that he would not gratifie the Parliament with Complaints against his Persecutors. The not doing, or suspension of such an act, is as much, or more praise-worthy than the doing of divers things that are very plausible, and may run well with the close of Beza's Epigram in Parodie, Quod tu fecisti, sit licet ingens: At quod non saceres ho [...] ego miror opus.

134. But the Injuries done to private Man, were Trif [...]les to the great Affairs that were in hand. His Majesty's Affairs, which were in great decadence, took him up wholly; and how could he be safe? A good Subject cannot make any difference between the King's Fortunes and his own. A full Declaration of the Storms that were rais'd concerns not this piece. It was apparent that the Scotch were at one end of the Fray in the North, and the Presbyterians about London at the other end in the South: both confederate to root up, cast down, syndicate, controul, and do what they lust; and let them have their own will, it would scarce content them. Our wise Church-man knew, that he that fears the worst prevents it soonest: Therefore he did not lose a minute to try all his Arts, if he could quench the flame amongst the heady Scots, whose common sort were like their Preachers, Tumidi magis animi quàm magni, as Casaubon notes it in the Atherians, Lib. 1. Athen. cap. 20. rather of a swelling, than a noble Spirit. Their own polite Historian says more, Dromond Jam. 5. p. 161. That Hepburn Prior of St. Andrews, the Oracle of the Duke of Albany, told him, That he must remember that the People whom he did command (for he was Regent) were ever fierce, muti­nously proud, and know not how to obey, unless the Sword were drawn. What hope then of their Submission, when they had framed Covenants, Articles, gathered a Convention no less in Power, no less in Name than a Parliament, without their Prince's leave, and became Assailants to maintain that, and what they would have more, with the Sword. Let all Ages remember, that this sprung from no other occasion, but that the King invited them to prayer in publick, in such a Form of Liturgy as himself used, putting no greater burden upon their Con­science than upon his own. The Peccatulum was, that there wanted a little in mode and usual way to commend the Book unto them. Perhaps the Error went a little further, that King James his Promise was not observ'd, as the Reverend [Page 142] Spotswood doth not conceal it, p. 542. That the Lord Hamilton, King James his Commissioner, having ratified the Articles of Perth by Act of Parliament, assured the People, that his Majesly, in his days, should never press any more change and alteration, in matters of that kind, without their consent. Admit this Promise, calculated for the days of King James, was obliging as far as the Meridian of King Charles, yet nothing was presented to them against true Doctrine, or Divine Worship: for all the Learning of their Universities could never make the matter of the Litur­gy odious. And let it be disputed, That the Book was not authoritative with­out the publick Vote, and Consent of the Nation in some Representative. Yet if a Prince so pious, so admirable in his Ethicks, did tread one inch awry in his Politicks, must the Cannon be brought into the Field, and be planted against him, to subvert his Power at Home, and to dishonour him abroad! was it ever heard, that upon so little a Storm Seamen would cut Cabble and Mast, and throw their Cargo over-board, when there was no fear to shipwrack any thing, but Fidelity and Allegiance? God was pleased to deprive us of Contentment and Peace for our own wickedness; or Civil Discords, that lasted near as long as the Peloponnesian War, had never risen from so slender an occasion. The merciful and soft-hearted King could have set his Horse-feet upon their Necks, in his first Expedition, which stopt at Barwick, if he had not been more desirous of Quietness than Honour and Victory. I guess whom Dromond means in the Character of Jam. 3. p. 118. That it is allowable in men that have not much to do, to be taken with admiration of Watches, Clocks, Dials, Automates, Pictures, Sta­tues: But the Art of Princes is to give Laws, and govern their People with wisdom in Peace, and glory in War: to spare the humble, and prostrate the proud. Happy had it been if his Majesty had followed valiant Counsel, to have made himself compleat Conquerour of those Malapert Rebels, when they first saw his face in the North. But the Terms of Pacification which they got in one year, served them to gather an Army, and to come with Colours display'd into England the next year, which was the periodical year of the King's Glory, the Churches Prosperity, the Common Laws Authority, and the Subjects Liberty. Three­score and eighteen years before, when England and Scotland were never at bet­ter League, Abr. Hartwell passeth this Vote in his Reginâ literatâ, more like a Prophet than a Poet,

Nostráque non iterùm Saxo se vertat in arva:
Non Gallus, sed nec prior utrôque Scotus.

135. And what could Lesly have done then with a few untrain'd, unarmed Jockeys, if we had been true among our selves? The Earl of Southampton spake heroically, like a Peer of an ancient Honour, That the Bishop of Durham with his Servants, a few Millers and Plowmen, were wont to beat those Rovers over the Tweed again, without raising an Army. If the People had not imprudently chosen such into our Parliament, as were fittest to gratifie the Scots, day had soon cleared up, and Northern Mists dispersed. But our foolish heart was dark­ned; and any Scourge was welcome that would chastise the present Govern­ment: we thought we could not be worse, when we could scarce be better. We greedily took this Scotch Physick, when we were not sick, but knew not what it was to be in health. An Ounce of common Sense might have warned us, That a Kingdom may consist with private mens Calamities, but private mens For­tunes cannot consist with the ruin of a Kingdom. The Love of Money is the Root of all Evil. Many in England thought they sat at a hard Rent, because of Ship-money; and would fire the House wherein their own Wealth was laid up, rather than pay their Landlord such a petty Tribute, as was not mist in times of Plenty: but in short time their Corn and Plate went away at one swoop, when their stock was low. The exacting of Ship-money, all thought it not illegal, but so many did, as made it a number equivalent to all. And a Camel will bear no more weight than was first laid upon him. Nec plus instituto onere recipit, Plin. lib. 8. cap. 18. This disorder'd the Beast; and being backt with some thou­sands of Rebels, march't on as far as Durham, made him ready to cast his Rider. The Royal part was at a stand, and could go no further than this Question, What shall we do? As Livy says of the Romans, catch't in an Ambush at Caudis, Intuentes alii alios, cum alterum quisque compotem magis mentis ac consilii ducerent. In such a Perplexity every man asks his Fellow, What's best to be done? and being dozzled with fear, thinks every man wiser than himself. Lincoln spake what [Page 143]was fit for Comfort, and did what he was able for Redress. He lookt like the Lanthorn in the Admiral, by which the rest of the Fleet did steer their Course. And as Synesius gives a Precept to a Bishop, Ep. 105. [...], To do as much work as all his Clergy beside: So this Man bestir­red himself, and ran before the most diligent in this Chase. When he was a Courtier he had ever declined Acquaintance with James Marquess of Hamilton, now he made him his most Intimate, waited on him at his Lodgings, went in hand with him to the King, tried him every way, what Counsel he had in his Breast, to breed Loyalty in the Scottish Army, that the Contagion might not breed the same Rudeness in the English, and would give an even poise to such uneven Humors. The Bishop knew not what to make of this Mar­quess, Incertum Lar sit, an larva; whether he were a good, or a bad Genius. Only he said he found every thing in him contrary to the Vulgar Opi­nion, which esteemed him cunning and false. For he took him to be no false one, had will enough to help the King: neither did he find any great Cun­ning in him, but rather that he wanted a Head-piece. So he laid him and a­side, but used him sparingly, because he could not frame things of any great concernment from him. Then he gets acquaintance with Mr Alexander Henderson, and some of his Disciples in Commission with him: presents them, feasts them, offered good pay to them, and the Heads of their Faction, as much as the King could spare, which was the only Bait to catch his Country-men, who were needy, and ravenous for Prey. Which is well set out in Salust. p. 187. Feras omnis generis, quò magis sunt attenuatae penuriâ, cò magis praecipites & [...]ffraena­tas ruere in perniciem videmus. All Beasts will venture their Lives to devour what they can get, when they are hungry. The Bishop was sure he dealt with such as were bare and necessitous, from the Orcades to Berwick, and that it was part of their Errand into England to carry away Gold, and to get Pensions. But the House of Commons, that knew their half famisht Fortunes, as well as the Bishop, voted such a Mass of Money to them, by a word, which co [...]t England dear, called Brotherly Assistance, that the King with all his Exchequer and per­haps his Credit, was not able to raise it, far less to out-bid it. Yet Lincoln gave not over to perswade their headstrong Party to have no quarrel with the Church of England; to draw no hatred upon themselves, by reaching at the Subversion of the Episcopal Dignity, which was never wanting here, since the Nation received the Gospel of Christ: Bade them remember what Vows their Kirk had made, and printed them in their Common-Prayers, never to unquiet the Peace of this Land, since Queen Elizabeth, Anno 3. of her Reign, did beat the French out of Leith, and compelled their Forces to return home, conducted un­der the best Souldiers of France, whose purpose it was to drown the Protestant Religion in the Blood of their Lords of the Congregation. Hereupon some of Henderson's Assistants stagger'd, and bade leave our Church to its own staple Or­der; when at the same time, in their private meetings, they began to forsake this moderation: They saw how their Debt of Brotherly Assistance would be paid the better, if the Revenues of the Prelates were confiscated. They look'd upon their own Work, that they had dethron'd Bishops in Scotland, and so long as En­gland kept up that Dignity, it cried Shame upon their Confusion: And if Bi­shops lived at Durham and Carliste, so near to their Borders, they suspected the like would creep in again at Glascow and Edenburg. And their intention was, to shape our Church as ill as their own, to make us as odious to the King as themselves, that both our Offences might grow higher than the hope of a Par­don could fly unto. So, in fine, our Bishop perceived that he dealt with men that made no scruple to shift from Promise, and to break Faith. Diodorus, lib. 3. tells of strange men in the Island of Taproban, Divisam linguam habentes, & eodem tempore duobus hominibus perfecrè loquntur. I would such double Tongue, had lived as far off as Taproban, that we had never known them. The end of this Con­flict was, when Entellus could not overcome, Vastos quatit aeger anhelitus artus, Aen. lib. 5.

136. No sooner had the Northern Carles begun their Hunts-up, but the Presbyterians flock'd to London, from all quarters, and were like Hounds ready to be entred: They had struggled in the days of Q. Elizabeth and K. James, to set up their Discipline, (Patriae communis Erynnis) but in vain. After twenty Repulses they began afresh; Tantus novelli dogmatis regnat furor, Prud. de Coron. and though their Liquor was stale, and sowre as dead Wine, they broach'd it now again, to set out Teeth on edge. The Stings of Wasps once lost, are ne­ver [Page 144]repaired; but these were like Staggs, that had cast their Horns often, but new ones sprouted up. The Independants (the same Creature with the Brow­nists, but had shed their upper Coats, and look'd smoother) these had not yet a Name. And as Alexander spoke neglectfully of the Cadusians, Quod ignoti sunt, ignobiles sunt, nunquam ignorari viros fortes, Curt. lib. 4. so these were of no recko­ning in the first sally of the tumultuous times, and such Ignotes were not cour­ted, but pass'd over as a Pawn at Chess, that stood out all of Play. The wise Bishop turned his Skill upon the Presbyterians, being less distastful to them in his Per­son, than any that wore a Rochet. He laid down his Reasons to them in many Conferences, with such prudence, such softness and lenity, that they confess'd, for his part, he deserv'd a great Place of Pre-eminence: And some of the chief Lords of that Knot made him such Offers of Honour and Wealth for his share, if he would give way to their Alterations, that they would buy him, if his Faith had been salaeble, with any Price. The worst Requital that could be propoun­ded to an honest man, and of the narrowest, to scantle their Blessing to him alone, that labour'd for a Publick Good: As Ben. Johnson hath put it finely in­to his Underwoods, p. 117.

—I wish the Sun should shine
On all mens Fruits and Flowers, as well as mine.

When they saw he was not Selfish (it is a word of their own new Mint) some of their Ministers, that were softened with the dewy drops of his Tongue, eased their Stomachs with Complaints against the Courts Ecclesiastical, and the rugged Carriage of certain Prelates. Lincoln knew their Censures had some­what of Truth, and much of Malice, but seemed to give them great attention in all; for he had rather bring them over to the King, than the Scottish Army. Hami angulares quàm directi mucrones tenaciùs infiguntur, Macrob. lib. 7. c. 3. A Sword cuts deep, but a Hook sticks in the Flesh when it hath made a Wound. He replies, That any Government undisturb'd, and enjoying Eighty years of Peace, cannot but contract accidental Abuses remaining sound in its Essentials. The Sun doth win certain Minutes and Seconds in the year, which in long tract of time breed great Altera­tions. The longer the Body hath been in Health, the harder to be cured, when a Disease overtakes it. But whether they were Insolencies or Grievances that did distaste them, they should be remedied. The King was ready to lance every Sore, and to let out the Corruption, only keep up the Places of the Bishops, Deans, and other Digni­taries, among which themselves, men of great Godliness and Learning, did de­serve a share, and should be remembred: They need not be taught, that the Church, the Building of Christ, must not be built like a Barn, all upon one Floor, but must be framed with gradual Subordinations: There is a Babel in plucking down, as well as in raising up. And for the Revenues bestowed upon our Maintenance, painful Preachers deserv'd them, as well as the best Practisers in other Professions, and knew how to use them. There were plenty of such. Blame not all for the Sloth or Errors of a few: Cur omnium fit culpa paucorum scelus, Sen. Hippol. This part brought on a Proposition for a regulated Epis­copacy: I cannot vaunt, that the Bishop made his Party good with them in that; for the meaning of the Proponent spread out at the breadth, was to joyn the Presbytery with the Bishop in all acts of Ordination and Jurisdiction, to give him the first Room, and the first Voice, but no more; his Suffragans and Coadjutors in the Consistory being more in number, and every of them equal in Power, should leave him for a Cypher: Then regulate Episcopacy is the same with demolish it; for turn a Light downward, and it will extinguish it self: Take such a Bishop, and measure him, not with an Ell, but a Span, and he is Paterculus non Pater, a titular Chairman, Beza's Moderator for life, Cart­wright's President. How often hath this Mockery of Government been obtru­ded and rejected? But the Mortar will still favour of the Garlick that was stampt in it before.

137. The power of the Presbyterians was so great in Tumults and concourse of base People, that their Conclusions were strong, though their Premisses were weak, to blunt the power of ancient Episcopacy. Nam quae est ista nova & stulta sapientia, novitatem quaerere in visceribus antiquitatis? Optat. lib. 6. Yet in all this Lincoln was their Days-man, and gave them considerate Answers; but he did wind them off, and would spin the Webb no further with them, when he perceived they aimed more at a regulated Crown, than a regulated Mitre. Just [Page 145]as Pausanius says of the Messenians, [...]. That they would change their Kings into Regents of a new name, subject to the People, and answerable for their Faults. So these would make our King as subject to their Elderships, as a Stadt-holder in the Netherlands; as to have no Government in Church-Affairs as their King, (I mean their Christian King) to be liable to their Censures, to execute their Verdicts, without disputing the Justice of them. Their politick Aphorisms are far more dangerous, That His Majesty is not the highest Power in his Realms; That he hath not absolute Soveraignty; That a Parliament sitting is co-ordinate with him in it: He may have the Title of only Supreme, yet a Senate have an essential part without the Name. The Sove­raignty was mixt, and distributed into the Hands of King, Lords, and Commons. Though a Nation war against a King, and they on the Merit of the Cause have the worser side, yet may he not war against the Publick Good on that account, nor any help him in such a War. When a man's Possession of the Crown doth cease to be the means of the Publick Good, it is then his Duty to resign, and no Injury to be deprived of it. Though the Power of the Militia be ex­presly given to the King, it shall not be his alone, unless it be exprest it shall not be in others. Do not these Aphorisms suit horribly well with the 13th to the Romans? How could God have sealed the King's Safety and Commission with a plainer Text, and a stronger Warrant? Shall these crooked Rules ob­liquate those loyal Maxims, which are so strait in St. Paul? These are Junius Brutus's Theorems, or worse, which are top-heavy, and will fall with their own weight into Hell. Worthy Lincoln heard the Presbyterian Encroach­ments upon all other points with a civil welcome; but when such Divinity, not fit for English Subjects, was pieced unto them, he would brook no more Addresses. The Cony-skin is easily pluckt off from the Body, but it slicks at the Head. O what a Flood-gate have they drawn up with these disloyal Te­nents, through which a Deluge of War and Mischief hath burst out! Should I tell them, that they have boasted, that their Discipline did never prevail in a State, but in spight of the Princes of the place? They know it is true, and that Parsons, Fisher, and other Jesuites have told them of it. Saepius olim religio pe­perit scelerosa atque impia facta, quoth Lucretius. This was Olim, a good while since. But Grotius says of the modern sort of these Ministers, and some Popish Priests, Per quos communis hujus seculi pest is in utras (que) partes vulgata est, Hist. p. 57. Which made a Marshal of France, desirous of his Countrys Peace, wish, That every Minister had a Priests Head in his Belly, that they might be rid of them both. The Devil wanted not the cunning to jostle Heathen Princes out of their Rights, by Stratagems of Religion: Cleomenes taught the Delphick Oracle how to cast Demaratus out of his Kingdom: So Pausan. in Lacon. It was an easier thing than for Savanarola, a Preacher of Christ, to preach the Florentines out of an Optimacy into a Popular Government. The Citizens burnt him afterwards at a Stake in their Streets; they should have fir'd him in his Pulpit. I must charge it on our Pres­byterians, that their Thunder-clapps of Rebellious Doctrine hurried our three Kingdoms into a most bloody War; [...]. Demosth. [...]. The Plant comes from him that sowed the Seed. With which Simi­litude Cicero arrests M. Anton. Ut in seminibus causa est stirpium & arborum, sic hujus luctuosissimi belli causa Tu Fuisti,Phil. 2. But what care these men to plead guil­ty to this Bill? For a Bell-weather of their Flock writes, I dare not repent of it, nor forbear the same, if it were to do again, in the same state of things, Holy Com­monw. p. 486. What hope have we of Good from such Zealots? What Com­fort ever to have Peace, when the greatest Incendiaries do promise us, that they will never be better?

138. Sir Fr. Walsingham, an honourable Counsellor, did not mistake them; but he was mistaken that says ever he was a Puritan, as this Letter will testifie, written to Mons. Crittoy, Secretary of France, and to be read in the Supplement of the Cabala of Letters, p. 40. ‘For those which named themselves Reformers, and we commonly call Puritans, this hath been the Proceeding towards them a great while; when they inveighed against such Abuses in the Church, as Pluralities, Non-residence, and the like, their Zeal was not condemned, only their Violence was sometimes censur'd: When they refused the use of some Ceremonies and Rites as superstitious, they were tolerated with much con­nivence and gentleness: Yea, when they call'd in question the superiority of Bishops, and pretended to bring in a Democracy into the Church, yet their Propositions were heard, consider'd, and by contrary Writings debated and [Page 146] discussed: Yet all this while it was perceived, that their course was dangerous and popular; as, because Papistry was odious, it was ever in their Mouths, That they sought to purge the Church from the Relicks of Popery, a thing acceptable to the People, who love ever to run from one Extream to ano­ther. Because multitude of Rogues and Poverty were an Eye-sore and Dislike to every man, therefore they put it into the Peoples Head [...] That if Discipline were planted, there should be no Beggars nor Vagabond [...] ▪ A thing v [...]ry plausible. And in like manner they promise the People many other impossible Wonders of their Discipline: Beside, they opened the People a way to Go­vernment by their Consistory and Presbytery, a thing in consequence no less prejudicial to the Liberties of private men, than to the Soveraignty of Princes, yet in the first shew very popular. Nevertheless this (except it were in some few that entred into extream contempt) was born withal, because they pre­tended but in dutiful manner to make Propositions, and to leave it to the Pro­vidence of God, and to the Authority of the Magistrate: But now of late years, when there issued from them a Colony of those, that affirmed the Con­sent of the Magistrate was not to be attended; when under pretence of a Con­fession to avoid Slanders and Imputations, they combined themselves by Classes and Subscriptions; when they descended into that vile and base means of de­facing the Government of the Church by ridiculous Pasquils; when they be­gan to make many Subjects in doubt to take an Oath which is one of the fun­damental points of Justice in this Land, and in all places; when they began both to vaunt of their Strength and Number of their Partizans and Followers, and to use Comminations, that their Cause would prevail, though with Uproar and Violence, then it appeared to be no more Zeal▪ no more Conscience, but meer Faction and Division. And therefore though the State were com­pelled to hold somewhat a harder hand to restrain them than before▪ yet it was with as great moderation as the Peace of the State and Church cou [...] permit.’ Thus far Walsingham the Wise, one of the Pillars of [...] [...]is Generation. It is not such Fire-Drakes as he writes of could not [...] to threa­ten the Nation, that they would prevail, though with Uproar and Violence: No worse man than Cartwright, their Master, is the Author of those Minaces, as Dr. Bancroft quotes him, and Scutliff against the Petition, p. 72. The Author of the Demonstration saith, That great Troubles were coming, if they might not have their Will; and, That the Discipline should come by a way that would make all our Hearts ake. And how right Sir Francis hits them! That Presbytery was popular in the first Shew, but odious in the Say: As Solinus says of the River Hypanis, c. 14. Qui in Principiis eum norunt praedicant: qui in fine experti sunt non injuria execrantur. They that welcome it in, would be glad to open a Postern to let it out. If it consisted in no more than contemplative Doctrine, the trouble of it had chiefly fallen upon the Universities: But it is as practick as the Wind, of which we say, Usque adeo agit, ut nisi agat not sit; It is a medling bysie-body, that will let nothing be quiet. In short, it is bred in the Brain, but like a Catarrh, it falls upon the Heart.

139. Had Secretary Walsingham tasted what Lincoln did from undermining Presbyterians, Mons. Crittoy had heard more and worse from him than he did, in that honest Letter: You shall have the Case as it follows. No sooner did this Parliament open, but Disquietness and Uproars began with it, in many Chur­ches, to disturb the Holy Service: The House of Commons were their Counte­nance, therefore provided no Remedy to controul them: That Impiety, which was wont to be abhorr'd, was brooded and cherish'd: Yet the House of Lords appointed a Committee of their own Members, to give Glory to God, by dri­ving Profaners out of his Temple; and at the same time selected a Sub-Com­mittee out of Divines of very contrary Opinions, for Indifferency sake, to propose unto them matters fit for their cognizance, Bishop of Lincoln. Primate of Armagh. Bishop of Du [...]ham. Bishop of Norwich. Dr. Ward, D. Prideaux D. Sanderson Dr. Featly, Dr. Brounrigg, Dr. Holdsworth, Dr. Hacket. Dr. Twiss, Dr. Burgess, Mr. White, Mr. Marshal, Mr. Calamy, Mr. H [...]. to prevent these Clamours odious in our Land, and scandalous to other Nations. The Bishop of Lincoln had the Chair both in the Committee and Sub-committee, with Authority given him to call together those Assistants, whom the Lords had named to consult for Peace, and to stop the Breaches which Sedition had caused. Those which were named for the Sub-committee, were some few more than did meet, but such as did con­stantly appear to lay their Heads together, are recited in the Margin, who were called by Lincoln's Letter to attend, in these words.

—I am commanded by the Lords of the Committee for Innovations in matters of Religion, that you know, that their said Lordships have assigned and appointed you to attend them as Assist ants in that Committee; and to let you know in general, that their Lordships do intend to examine all Innovations in Doctrine or Discipline, introduced into the Church without Law, since the Reformation. And if their Lordships shall find it behoveful, for the good of the Church and State, to examine after that the Degrees and Perfection of the Reformation it self, which I am directed to intimate unto you, that you may prepare your Thoughts, Studies and Meditations, accordingly, expecting their Lord­ships Pleasure for the particular points, as they shall arise.

The Bishop, and as many as were of his Judgment, found no way but to let them, that seemed to be distasted with the Church for certain things, have somewhat granted that they ask'd for, to let Suspicions pass for Proofs, and any Point of a dubious sence for a kind of Error: As they that raise a Blister where there was none before, to prepare a Cure for preventing an Apoplexy. Neces­sity hath no Law, but it shews a great deal of Reason, to unsettle some few things by Condescension, for the settlement of a general Peace. Sometimes a little Loss is a great Gain: Those words of Tully will make it good, in his Ora­tion for Plancius, Haec de sapientissim is & clarissimis viris, &c. non semper easdem sen­tentias ab iisdem, sed quascun (que) Reip. status, inclinatio temporum, ratio concordiae post ula­ret, esse defendendas. Now this Theological Junto had six meetings in West. Col­lege, in all which time all Passages of Discourse were very friendly between part and part. The Complainants noted the Passages of some Books that suited not, in their judgment, with the Doctrin of our Church; they were condem­ned. Somewhat in Ceremony and outward form was presented, as beside Canon, and supernumerary; they had their asking to bid it be restrain'd. Their Exceptions against our Liturgy were petty and stale, older than the Old Ex­change; yet, for their contentment, the Vote of the Meeting did bend one way to castigate some Phrases, to publish the next printed Books, in all Passa­ges from the beginning to the end, with the Translation of K. James's Bible, and to furnish the Calendar altogether with Lessons of Canonical Scripture, dispunging the Apocryphal. The Bishop had undertaken a Draught for regula­ting the Government Ecclesiastical, but had not finish'd it. The sudden and quiet dispatch of all that was done already was attributed to the Chairman's Dexterity, who could play his Prize at all Weapons, dally with crooked Hu­mours, and pluck them straight; bring all Stragglers into his own Pound, and never drive them in; foresee a Tempest of Contradiction the best that ever I knew, and scatter it before it could rise; and won all his Adversaries insen­sibly, into a complyance, before they were aware. To this day they of the Nonconformists that survive, and were present, will tell you that they admired two things in him, in their Phrase, his Courtesie, and his Cunning.

140. When Peace came so near to the Birth, how it abortived, and by whose fault, comes now to be remembred. The Presbyterians knew not what to ask more than was yielded to them, before the face of such Scholars, with whom they were match'd: But when they were among themselves, in their own Body, they would stand to nothing. Itdem eadem possunt horam durare probantes? Hor. Ep. 1. They did never abide long by their own Reformings; for they walk by no Church-Rule of any Age. How soon would they be weary of other mens Concessions? A few weak Brethren might take these Alterations in good part, which were like to be obtained; but the noted men of the Faction could not bring themselves into Fame and Name, and somewhat else, but in a greater confusion: The old Waters must be troubled more, before they could catch the great Fish in their Flue: As one says of the Jesuites, that profess Po­verty, and yet build stately Colleges, richly endowed, that they are not Men­dicants for small Monies, but Beggars by wholesale: So these could make no Trade out of such small Bargains, as mend this, and mend that, but it would be worth an Alderman's Wealth to a lucky Stickler, to be a Reformer by whole­sale: Then, as Aristophanes jeers in his Equit. [...]; He that's low to day, may be aloft to morrow. Therefore they make Clamour against the Bishops; for, split that holy Order, and they knew all would sink with it. No Revilings were thought ill enough to make them odious; as Theophylact complains of his Bulgarians, Episcoporum accusationibus tanquam suorum defensionibus ninituntur, Baron. ann. 1073. par. 88. So our disobedient Children, by blotting [Page 148]the good Name of their Reverend Fathers, supposed themselves would look as white as a new-plaister'd Wall. It was their Eye, which was evil, that could not see the Good of our Apostolical Government: Like Luther's Fool, in his Comment on Gen. 13, who standing in the Sun, and looking downward, com­plain'd his Shadow was crooked. The Presbyterians understood, that they should expose themselves and their Cause to the Censure of wise men, if they did adventure no further in conference at the Sub-committee. Therefore to cut off that Meeting in the heat and great hopes of it, they had a Champion that brought a Bill into the House of Commons, to take away for ever Archbishops, Bishops, Deans, Archdeacons, Chancellors, &c. call'd, The Bill of Root and Branch. This man was Sir Ed. Deering, a Knight of strong Abilities. Qui om­nes virtutes unus, facti temeritate abstulit; as Paterculus said of Brutus, lib. 1. What must not this poor Church suffer, when her Principalities were deslin'd to be funder'd, before new could be provided, to which all might be firmly fastned? What could a single person do worse, than abrogate all our Laws and Consti­tutions? Which is the same with that of Demosthenes, ad Timocr. [...]. What Device was there left to make Sorrow eat further into our Hearts, than to obtrude the new Gewgaw of the Geneva Platform upon us, instead of the Chair which St. Peter, St. John, St. Mark had erected in Europe, Asia, and Africa, from the Primitive Times? Rerum no­vitate extrusa vetustas, Luc. lib. 3. When the Athenians compelled the Spartans to renounce their own Laws, and to accept those of Athens, Livy pitied them, Dec. 4. lib. 6. Nulla res tanto erat damno, quàm disciplina Lycurgi sublata, cui per an­nos 800 assueverant. This was worse, compare continuance of time, but much more for Conscience. But did these Innovators sile another Bill then, or ever after, what form of Government should succeed in the place of Episcopacy? No, they could never hammer out such an Engine upon their Anvil; for which Dr. Owen girds them, being then in a good vein, Vind. Evan. p. 216. Wise Buil­ders are they, pull down they will, although they have nothing in the room of what they endeavour'd to destroy Was there never a wise man among them, that had learnt the Polity of the Venetians, no ordinary Statesmen? Where no Officer must depart out of his Government, foreign or domestick, Priusquàm novus in ipsius lo­cum substitueretur, Match. Resp. lib. 1. c. 50. Ours were not such Senators, but like School-boys, that make a Blot greater with wiping it out. It is not an Artist's Work, but a Hangman's, says Tully, to cut off the Limbs of a sound Body, Orat. pro Sestio. Non est ea medicina, cumsanae parti corporis scalpellum adhibetur, at (que) integrae: Carnificina est ista, & crudelitas. But this was their hour, and the power of Darkness. All was in Tumult. The King's Arm was too weak to hold the Balance of Justice: As Plutarch, in Dion, makes or tells a Story, That Pigs were sarrowed in Syracusa, another London, without Ears: And the Soothsayers told Dionysius the younger, upon it, That the People would be contumacious, and give ear to nothing. So you have the first and the last part of the Presbyterians Actings, with the other Divines, whom the Lords appointed for a Sub-commit­tee. There may well be a Suspicion, when their Deeds do make a Confession, that they would prevail by Force, when they could not by Argument. And thus began the downfal of Episcopacy, which was never heard, never suffer'd to plead at the Bar of the Parliament in its own Cause, but, as one says pertinent­ly, It was smother'd in a Crowd.

141. Anatomists observe, that the thinnest Membrane is that which covers the Brain, that no weight might stop it from production of Notions and Phan­cies. Certainly it was so in our Bishop's Head-piece, who was consulted every day in weighty Affairs, and had a Task at this time, concurrent with all that went before, to look to the Case of the noble, but unfortunate Earl of Strafford: A Charge of great Crimes was hastily drawn up against him, that he had been a Tyrant in Ireland, and stirred up His Majesty to raise an Army to oppress his Subjects in England and Scotland; Haec passim Dea soeda virum diffudit in ora, AEn. 4. These were the Fictions of Fame, and no more, but made the People cast about distrustful and disloyal Doubts. The Earl, a man of great Wit and Courage, knew not whether the King and all his Friends could save him: In a rebellious nation wrath is set on fire, Ecclus 16.6. And to the shame of Subjects, be­witch'd with the new Spirit of that Bedlam rage, neither the King nor his Justice could protect any man. Too well do I remember that of Justin, lib. 30. Nec quisquam in regno suo minùs quàm rex ipse poterat. Some say of the French, luke­warm in Religion, that they kneel but with one Knee at Mass; a great number [Page 149]in our rigid Parliament would not do so much, the locking Joynt of their Knee was too stiff to bend at all: Rebellion is a foul word, yet they blush'd not at the deed, who were ashamed of the Title. Then the Scots were resolved not to disband till this brave Lord was headless. Who hath seen a Hedge hog rouled up into a Ball? The whole lump is Prickles, do but touch it, and you hurt your Hand. Convolvuntur in modum pilae, ne quid possit comprehendt praeter aculeos, Plin l. 8. c. 37. So Lessly and his Tykes were bloody and imperious, fastned with much confidence in one body: Who could remove them? Nay, who could touch them, or go about to mollitie them, and get no harm? Then the Tumults of Sectaries, Corner-creepers, and debauch'd Hang-by's, that beset the dutiful Lord, and Commons with Poniards and Clubbs, were worse than an Army far off. These call'd for Justice, that is, for the Life of the Earl. What had they to do with Justice? which if it might have fate upon the Bench, and tryed them, every Mothers Son of them had been condemned to the Gallows: But it was safer to sit still with Prudence, than to rush on with Courage. Plus animi est inferenti periculum, quàm propulsanti, Liv. lib. 38. The Affailant, that comes to do a Mischief, puts on desperately, and is fiercer than the Defendant: And there is no equal temperature, or counterpoise of Power against the strong In­gredient of a Multitude. I will not say, but many of this Scum invited them­selves unbidden to do a Mischief; but there was a Leader, a Presbyter Pulpi­teer, that bespoke them into the Uproar from Shop to Shop. Lucius Sergius signifer seditionis, concitator tabernariorum, Cic. pro dom. ad Pont. I need not a Lime-hound to draw after him that was the chief Burgess of the Burrough, who gathered this vain People to a head, that had no Head: Silly Mechanicks! Ho­rum simplicitas miserabilis: his furor ipse—Dat veniam, Juven. Sat. 2. But what will he answer, that knew his Master's Will, and ran headlong against it? Now here's the Streight of the Earl of Strafford, expos'd to the greatest popular Rage that ever was known: All that his good Angel could whisper into him in Prison, was, to trust to God and a righteous Defence: But whereon should he bottom his Defence? He could not upon the known Law, which is the Mera­stone to limit and define all Causes for Life, Limb, Liberty, or Living. He must stand to a Tryal, whether parcels of petty Offences will make an accumu­lative Felony; and be arraigned upon a notion of Treason, which could be wre­sted out of no Statute, nor be parallel'd with any President: The Treason was rather in them that call'd such things Treason, to which no English Subject was liable by his Birth-right. In populo scelus est, & abundant cuncta furore, Man. lib. 2. The Law was too much his Friend, to bring him before the face of it. Ano­cent man fears the Law; an innocent man fears Malice and Envy. O vitae tuta facultas—Pauperis, angusti (que) laris! O munera nondum—Intellecla, Luc. lib. 5. O the security and sound sleeps of a private Life! If this Earl had not climb'd as high as the Weather-cock of Honours Spire, he had not known the Horror of a Precipice. Isocrates would never meddle with a publick Office, says the Author of his Life. [...]; the Athenians were so spightful at their Magistrates, that he would not trust them. Demasthenes was employed in great Places, and died untimely by a Poyson which he had confected for an evil time. Says Pausan. upon it in Atti. [...]. He that is entrusted to govern the people, when he hath serv'd their turn, seldom dyes fortunately. But this is the man, whose Troubles gave the Bishop occasion to shew his Abilities in two points: First, About the circumstance of the examination of the Cause. Secondly, About the Judges of the Cause, that is, Whether Bishops might be such in causâ sanguinis. There is much of it, I con­fess, but the Learning will recompence the length. And I shall not blemish his Reputation, to say of him what the Orator said of L. Aquilius, Orat. pro Caecin­nâ, Cujus tantum est ingenium, ita prompta fides, ut quicquid haurias, purum liquidúm (que) haurire censeas.

142. Before I draw up to the Bishop's Reports, there is more to be premised; as. That there was much ado to score out the Hearing of Strafford with a straight Line, and a Form to give some satisfaction; as a Child is often set upon its Legs before it can go. His Adversaries toss'd it about many ways, and manag'd it chiefly by two persons, Mr. St. John, the King's Sollicitor, one that did very bad Service to the King his Master, and the Church his Mother, yet of able parts; therefore I will write the Inscription of his Tomb-stone on the wrong side, and turn it downward to the Earth. The other was John Pym; Homo ex argillâ, & luto factus Epicuraeo; as Tully said of Piso, that is, in Christian English, a painted [Page 150] Sepulchre, a Belly-god. From the first breaking out of the Plot against the Earl, they committed him as a Traytor to the Black Rod; who for any thing of Treason, or like to Treason, might go bare-fac'd through the World, and ne­ver be asham'd: For, in the end of all, long after his Commitment, they had no proof towards that Crime, but a Paper brought out of old Sir H. Vane's Cabinet, by his naughty Son, Crudelis pater est magis an puer improbus ille? What were other Misdemeanors to Treason? Sift any man that hath been long in a great Office, and if his Enemies may be permitted to accuse him, see if he can escape a black Bill, which will found to his peril and disgrace, amplified with the Rhetorick of Malice. So Plutarch defends the gallant Roman Fabius, Tò [...] Not to offend at all in great matters, is more than a man can do. Let me speak of his Judges with reverence: It was a Parliament which is more able to prepare Laws to pass where all are concern'd, than to sit upon a Trial where one Subject is con­cern'd: Wise and Weak have the same Right to Judge; therefore Pliny the younger spared not to censure the Conscript-Fathers of the Roman Senate, lib. 2. Ep. In publico concilio nihil est tam inaequale quam aequalitas: quia cum sit impar pru­dentia, par omnium jus est. Those that are no Body when they are singled and stand alone, must pass for Oracles when they vote with others in the House: Like the Vanity of Astrologers, as Salmasius taxeth them, Chym. p. 795. Singula sidera vix pro numinibus habent: Composita & offigiata potentum numinum instar ha­bere voluerunt. The vertue of such and such a Star is not reckon'd in their Art, but put it into a Constellation, that Figure cast into a Globe of Stars, they hold to be propitions, in-flowing into the Life and Death of Men. There were some in this Parliament that out of their Birth and Education were carried to noble Attempts, who would not concurr to the Ruin of great Wentworth; but their Names were posted for it by Ruffians, as Enemies to the State: And this was never look'd into for a breach of Privilege. An Indignity will never be forgot­ten, till Truth hath left to breathe. And it was to no purpose to reason it sober­ly with so violent Opposites: Decernente ferocissimo quo (que) non sententiis, sed clamore, & strepitu, Liv. lib. 20. Their Blood was warmed with the greatness of their number, and confidence in the People: Beside, says the rare Author, in his Essay of Faction, it is often seen, that a few that are stiff will tire out a greater num­ber that are more moderate. What odds then was on their side, that exceeded in quantity and stiffness? Yet every thing that is stiff is not streight. But here the bloody part were the Godly in their own Language, they, and no others. All that came from them, was pretended to be for Reformation and common Safe­ty, but as different in event as Numbers that are even and odd. Hypocrisie dwells next door to Virtue, but never comes into its Neighbor's House. What Justice was that which was thrown by for ever, which plaid its part so ill, that the very Actors hiss'd it off the Stage, and provided by their own Vote, that it should be seen no more? Quintil. lib. 7. hath this upon the Pleadings of his time, Tot saeculis nullam repertam esse causam, quae sit tota alterisimilis. No Cause was ever pleaded, that was the same with any that went before, in all points and circum­stances. But how say you to this Cause, when it was enacted by Statute, That no Cause should be like it for the time to come? Sir Rob. Dallington notes the Subtlety of the Pope in these words: That he never challengeth a Power. till he be able to maintain it, (no more did this High Court) and then, that he never approves a Mischief till it be done. So did not this Court, that would not approve their own Mischief when it was done: They were not asham'd before, and when they shed innocent Blood, but after: Quos cum nihil refert pudet: ubi pudendum est deserit illos pudor, Plaut. in Bacch. Finally, no Evidence can have more light than this, That they knew not how to make their Justice passable, because, before they began, they found so many Knots and Scruples how to enter into a Trial. When they had resolved on a way, the King would have crost them: Discreet men were afraid, lest Opposition should make them worse: Lincoln is consulted, approves the King's Zeal to use all expedient means to rescue his faithful Servant, but thought it would do hurt, to check what the Parliament had devised for a legal procedure. He that seeks a thing the wrong way, goes so far backward. In all Contests of Power the King is ever thought to do wrong: The King's Greatness, made too much contemptible already, must beware to take a foyl at this time: Mary Queen of Scotland, Mother to James the third (who was deem'd worthy the Character of Livia the Empress, Ulysses stolata, Ulysses in a Petticoat, Calig. in Sueton.) gave this Counfel to her Son on her Death-bed, [Page 151] Suffer not your Prerogative to come in question; but fore-seeing the danger, rather give way to all that in reason is demanded of you, Drum. p. 79. With these Considera­tions the Bishop proceeds to deliver his Opinion, as followeth, to the Lords.

143. The first Question which your Lordships have called upon me to resolve is, Whether the House of Commons may examine some of the Members of their House before a Committee of your Lordships? There is no question of the thing, but of the time. Regularly they ought not to do it yet: but ought first to put in a Specifial Charge, and the Reus, or Defendant first be call'd to his Answer. Then, and not before, Witnesses ought to be produced. This is the regular Course. If the Charge be not Specifial, it may be demurred unto, and need not be an­swer'd at all. We have all this in the Acts of the Apostles, cap. 25. Festus brought brought forth Paul to be examin'd before Agrippa, that he might have [...], v. 27. some certain matter to lay to his charge, so as he might not slip away from it. Therefore a general and uncertain matter will not serve the turn. For otherwise [...], v. 28. it seem'd to Festus void of all reason, to send a Pri­soner to Rome, and no Charge go along with him. They are call'd there [...], particular Criminations. This is the regular way before your Witnesses are used. The Star-Chamber goes a little further beside the Rule: For in the King's Cause, upon Affidavit of Sickness, to prevent Mortality, and as it were de benè esse, some Witnesses have been admitted to Examination before any Answer put in, or Issue joyned. Though these Witnesses were to be re-examin'd after Issue joyn'd, in case they recover'd. A particular Charge being laid before you, when the House of Commons is a Party, and the Charge of so high a na­ture as Treason, I shall not advise this Honourable House to use any Chiquance­ry, or Pettisoggery with this great Representation of the Kingdom; but ad­mit them forthwith to examine their own Members; yet with this Caution, To hew the Names two days before they be produced, to the Sollicitor of the Defendant, that he may have notice of the persons. But the House press for Secrecy in the Examination. Well, they are safe enough while they are in the Lord's hands; who have Urim and Thummim, perfect Knowledge, and perfect Integrity: and therefore nothing can be suspected. Are not they surer than o­ther Officers? In ordinary Commissions out of Star-Chamber, my Lord Ells­more would not allow that any Clerks should be used, to prevent Futility and Evaporation, saying, That the best Commissioner in England was not too good to be the King's Clerk. Secondly, I am as'kt about the Examination of the Peers, and the Assistants of this House upon Oath. There is no question to be made about the Assistants, they are no Peers of this Kingdom; but whether Peers may be produced as Witnesses, and testifie upon Oath? A question not sit to be now handled, and impossible to be resolved out of the Rolls of the Parliament; be­cause the Peers give their Testimony both in this Court, and others, either way. And I am confident a Peers Averment against his Fellow Peer cannot be refu­sed either way; especially in case of Treason: For a Peer judgeth his Peer wor­thy of Death upon his Honour, and therefore may witness against him upon his Honour. In this Court, and almost in this Case, in Alze Pierce her Case, 1 Rich. 2. Num. 21. Lord Roger Beauchamp swears upon the Holy Evangelists: The Lord of Lancaster, King of Castile and Leon, is examin'd, but not sworn. Nay, both ways have been declar'd in this House to be all one. Your Lordships declaring that you did not bound, limit, or terminate your As­sertion with your Honour, but mount it, and relate it up unto God, that gave you your Honour; and yielded your selves perjur'd, if you falsisied in swearing upon Honour; which is just the very same, as if you sware upon the Holy E­vangelists. To swear upon Honour, and rest there, were Idolatry. But to swear up­on Honour with a Report and Relation to God, who bestowed it upon your Lordships, as a special Favour and Grace, is as Christian an Oath as any in the World: For new Scruples in the manner, as to touch the Book, to look on the Book, to hold up a Finger or Hand to Heaven, are Ceremonies which the House of Commons little regards, but leaves them to us: And the Lord of Strafford is so wise, that he will never question the Honour of his Peers. And why should we trouble our selves about the circumstance, but leave each Lord called to testi­sie, to call God as a Witness to his Assertion, in which of these two manners it shall please his Lordship: Not the Book, not the Honour, but the Invocation of God to bear witness to the Assertion, makes the Oath.

[Page 152] 144. I am put to it by your Lordships, to speak, in the third place, about the examination of Privy Councillors: Here needs no distinction between Peers and Assistants: This is part of a Privy Councillor's Oath, That he shall keep se­cret all matters committed and revealed to him, or that shall be treated of in Council. 2. If any Treaty touch his fellow-Councillor, he shall not reveal it unto him, till the King or Council shall require it. I collect now, that matters of Fact he may reveal without violation of his Oath; and that he may be examin'd of matters revea­led unto him, that were treated of in Council, if they were not treated of in Council when he was present: That a Privy-Councillor, for all his Oath, may be examin'd concerning Words, Advices, or Opinions of another Privy-Coun­cillor, otherwise given than in Council: That Bed-chamber and Gallery Dis­course is nothing to the Council-Table: Private Entertainers of the King, when the Counsellors attend at the Door, are not to pass for Counsellors: Ear-wiggs and Whisperers are no Counsellors, but detracters from Counsellors: If they advise the Destruction of the King, the State, or the Laws of the Realm there is nothing in the Oath to protect such an Ear-worm, but he may be appeached: For matters which touch another fellow-Councillor, or matters committed otherwise to him, or which shall be treated of in Council, these are not to be concealed from all forts of men, but from private men only; not from the King, not from the Council, (both those are in the Oath) nor from the Parliament: That Privy-Councillots may be examin'd by Command of the Parliament, for things treated in Council; 2. for things revealed unto them secretly, from the King in his Bed-chamber; 3. and especially, for ear-wigging and treating with the King in private, after things already settled in Council. The Case of Alze Pierce, 1 Rich. II. num. 41. clears all these Doubts: And it is the Case also of a Deputy of Ireland. William of Windsor, Lord-Deputy, misbehaved himself in Ireland; the Council directs Sir Nicholas Dagworth to go thither, and to en­quire into his Actions; Windsor makes means to Alze Pierce to keep off this man, under pretence of Enmity betwixt them: This Shunamite, that lay in David's Bosom, prevails with the King to stay Sir N. Dagworth, the Council-Order not­withstanding: The Lords in Parliament question her for this act, as having drawn with it the Ruin of the State in Ireland: She pleads not guilty, Issue is joyned: The Lords produce inter alios, John Duke of Lancaster, upon his Honor, and Roger Beauchamp Lord Chamberlain, upon the Evangelists: Alze produceth of her part the Steward and Comptroller of the Houshold: All these four were Privy-Counsellors; they depose all of them nothing else but matters trea­ted of in Council, and opposed by Alze Pierce, treating with the King out of Council. So that, if this Record be true, this Case is cleared, Privy-Councillors may not be forced by ordinary Courts of Justice, to reveal things treated of in Council, but may be produced, upon Oath and Honour, to reveal such Secrets by the King, the Council, or the Parliament, especially in detestation of State­whisperers and Ear-wiggs; yea, though they had taken no Oath at all. Yet God forbid a Privy-Counsellor should witness against his Fellow, for publickly venting the freedom of his Judgment at the Board, who is bound to advise faith­fully, not wisely; as I do here this day. Should any man be accused for an Er­ror of Judgment? O God defend! peradventure my Error hath set all the rest of the Council straight: Errores antiquorum venerari oportet: si illi non errassent, minùs ipse providissem: otherwise you would take away all Freedom of Debates, nay, almost of very Thoughts. If I knew any man would witness against me for my Council-Table Opinion, I would say to him as Gallus did to Tyberius Cae­sar, Good Sir, speak you first, for I may mistake, and you may witness against me for it in the next Parliament. Some did make Laws with Ropes about their Necks: What? Must men give their Counsel as it were with Ropes about their Necks? Solomon says, When thou comest to a rich man's table, put a knife to thy Throat. But what's here? When we give Judgment, as we are able, among the Lords of the Council, must we put an Ax to our Necks? Beware of such Traps, pittying the case of human Weakness.

145. The fourth Question is thus comprized; Whether some Members of the House of Commons may be present at the Examination. Judicially they cannot, the Judicature is in your Lordships; but whether organically and ministerially, is the Scruple to be satisfied. I will be brief in my Conceptions, what is against the claim of the House of Commons, and what is for them. This is not for them, That 50 Edw. 3. one Love was a Witness in Lord John Nevile's Case; [Page 153] Love denied what he had confest before two Knights, Members of the Lower House: The House of Commons send them to the Lords to confront Love; which they did, and Love was thereupon committed. Now, their being here was only to confront, not to assist the Lords, either judicially or ministerially. Many things make for them, why they may be there, ministerially at least: First, Originally both Houses were together, and so the Commons heard all Exa­minations; Considerent inter se. Modus ten. Pl. and sate so till Anno 6 Edw. 3. by Mr. Elsing's Collections, which are not over-authentick. Secondly, After that time, they have, all the House of Commons, been present, when Witnesses were sworn here— Anno 5 Hen. IV. Rot. 11. swears his Fealty before the Lords and Commons; and two or three days after, by the same Oath, and before the same persons, clears the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Duke of York, from a Suspicion of Treason laid to their charge. The Commons were by, and heard all this. The third Reason is, Mr. Attorny-General, if this Lord were arraigned of Treason (as I pray God bless him from deserving it) would be by, and observe his Defence, and such Witnesses as he should produce for him­self, and would, no doubt, bring Counter proofs Sur le Champ, and upon the sudden against the same, if he were able. The House of Commons is in this case the King's Attorny, who make and maintain the charge. So far, out of brief Notes (for take them to be no other) you have a strong Judgment pass'd upon four Questions. Says Tully in his Brutus, of Caesar's Eloquence, Tabulam benè pictam collocat in bono lumine; He draws his Picture well, and hangs it out to be well seen: So here's a Piece well drawn, and placed in the light of Perspicuity. His next Argument is very long, but of that use to the Reader, that he shall not sind so much Learning in any Author on that Theme, that I know a Scholar would not want it. They that fostered deadly Enmities against E. Strafford, la­boured to remove the Bishops from the hearing of his Cause. This Bishop and his Brethren minding to him all the Pity and Help they could shew him, the Opposites began to vote them out of Doors, and would not admit them in the Right of Peers in this Cause, because it was upon Life and Blood, Lincoln maintains, that the Lords did them Injury, and that Bishops in England may, and ought to vote in causâ sanguinis, That they were never inhibited by the Law of this Land, never by the Peers of the Land before this time; That their vo­luntary forbearance in some Centuries of the Ages before, proceeded from their Fears of the Canons of the Court of Rome, and by the special Leave of the King and both Houses, who were graciously pleased to allow of their Prote­stations for their Indemnity, as Church-men, when the King and Parliament might have rejected their Protestations, if they had pleas'd. And much he in­sisted upon it, that the opponent Lords grounded their Judgment upon the corrupt Canons of the Church of Rome. Indeed, I find in my own Papers, that the Monks of Canterbury complain'd against Hubert their Archbishop, to the Pope, for sitting upon Tryals of Life and Blood: They could not complain, that he went against the Laws and Customs of England, but their Appeal was to the Pope's Justice; and it was more tolerable for Monks to rake in the Rub­bish of the Roman Courts, than for English Barons. And say, in sooth, must not Divines of the Reformed Church meddle in Cause of Blood? [...], Amph. Would they be laugh'd at for this Hypocrisie, or abhorr'd? For, who more forward to thrust into the Troops of the late War, than the Mi­nisters, whom they countenanc'd? Have I not seen them prance about the Streets in London, with Pistols in their Holsters, and Swords by their sides? And so for Edg-hill and Newberry, &c. Could they rush into so many Fights, and be clear from cause of Blood? Nay, the Pontisical part make but a Mockery of this Canon; for anno 1633, a Book was printed in Paris, sill'd with a Catalogue of Cardinals, Bishops, and Priests, who had been brave Warriours, most of them Leaders in the Field; the Author, a Sycophant, aimed to please Cardinal Richlieu, and a Fig for the Canons: Reason, Canons, Parliamentary Privileges, nay Religion, are to corrupt men, as they like them for their own ends. Now hear how this Bishop did wage his Arguments for the affirma­tive.

146. It is to be held for a good Cause, against which nothing of moment can be alledg'd; such is this concerning the Right of Bishops to vote in causâ san­guinis. First, It is not prohibitum quia malum, not any way evil in it self, no more than it is an evil thing in it self to do Justice. Secondly, It was in use from the Law of Nature, when the eldest of the Family was King, Priest, and Prophet. [Page 154] Thirdly, It was in use under Moses's Law, and so continued in the Priests and Levites, down to Annas and Caiaphas, and after Christ's death, till the Temple was destroyed; as appears by the scourging of the Apostles, by the stoning of Stephen, and commanding St. Paul to be smitten on the Mouth. Fourthly, It was in use in the persons of the Apostles themselves, as in that Judgment given upon Ananias and Saphira; in the delivery up to Satan, as most of the ancient Fa­thers expound that Censure, to be a corporal Vexation: And generally, in all the Word of God, there is no one Text that literally inhibits Church-men more than Lay-men, to use this kind of Judicature: For that Precept, to be no striker, 1 Tim. 3.3. is no more to be appropriated to a Bishop, distinct from the rest of Christian men, than that which is added, not to be given to Wine, that is, immode­rately taken. Proceed we to Practice and Use in our own Country. Why, it was in use in this Island before the Romans entred the same, when the Druids gave all the Sentences in Causes of Blood, Si coedes fac [...]e p [...]as constituunt, Caesar Bel. Gai. li. 6. And see Mr. Selden's Epinomis, c. 2. Nor is it like that the Romans, when they were our Masters, should forbid it in Priests, whose Pontifical Col­lege, after they had entertain'd the twelve Tables, meddled in all matters of this kind, Strabo Geogr. lib. 4. And it is as unlike, that the Christian Religion ex­cluded Bishops in this Island from Secular Judicatures, since King Lucius is dire­cted to take out his Laws, for the regulating of his Kingdom, by the Advice of his Council, ex utráque pagina, the Old and New Testament, which could not be done in that Age without the help of his Bishops. See Sir H. Spelman's Coun­cils, p. 34. Ann. Dom. 185. And how the great Prelates, among the ancient Britains, were wholly employ'd in these kind of secular agitations, you may see in the Ecclesiastical Laws of Howel Dha, set forth by Sir H. Spelman, pag. 408. anno 940. And a little before this Howel Dha, lived K. Aetheljtan, in the second Chapter of whose Ecclesiastical Laws we have it peremptorily set down, Hinc debent Episcopi cum Saeculi Judicibus interesse judiciis; and particularly in all Judg­ments of the Ordeals, which no man that understands the word can make any doubt to have been extended to Mutilation and Death, Sir H. S. Counc. p. 405. ann. 928. And that the Bishops joyned alwaies with the secular Lords in all Ju­dicatory Laws and Acts, under the whole reign of the Saxons and Danes in this Island, we may see by those Saxon-Danish Laws (or rather Capitularies, which among the French and Germans do signifie a mixture of Laws, made by the Prince, the Bishops, and the Barons, to rule both Church and Common-wealth) set forth by Mr. Lambert, anno 1568. See particularly the ninth Chapter of St. Ed­ward's Laws, De his qui ad judicium sorri vel aquae judicati sunt; fol. 128. And thus it continued in this Kingdom long after the Conquest, to wit, in Henry Beu-clerk's time, after whose Reign it began to be a little limited and restrained; for at Clarendon, anno 1164, 8 Calend. Febr. 11 Henr. 21, a general Record is agreed upon by that King's Special Command, of all the Customs and Liberties of this Kingdom, ever since Hen. the First, the King's Grandfather; as you may see in Matth. Paris, p. 96, of the first Edition; where, among other Customs agreed upon, this is one: Archbishops and Bishops, and all other persons of this Kingdom, which hold of the King in capite, are to enjoy their Possessions of the King as a Barony, and by reason thereof, are to answer before the Judges and Officers of the King, and to observe and perform all the King's Customs: And just as the rest of the Barons ought (for it was a Duty required of them, as the King now by his Summons doth from us) to be present in the Judgments of the King's Courts, together with the rest of the Barons, un­til such time as they shall there proceed to the mangling of Members, or Sentence of Death.

147. Observe, that there is a diversity of reading in the last words; for Matth. Paris, a young Monk, that lived long after, reads this Custom thus; Quous­que perveniatur ad diminutionem membrorum, vel ad mortem. Which may be wrested to the first agitation of any Charge tending that way; but Quadrilogus, a Book written in that very Age, and the original Copy of the Articles of Clarendon, which Becket sent to Rome, extant at this day in the Vatican Library, and out of which Baronius, in his Annals, anno 1164, transcribes it, reads the Custom thus, Usque perveniatur in judicio ad diminutionem membrorum, &c. which leaves the Bi­shops to sit there, until the Judgment come to be pronounced, amounting to Death, or Mutilation of Members. And as this was agreed to be the Custom, so was it the Practice also, after that 11th year, to wit, in the 15th year of Henry the Second, at what time the Lay-Peers are so far from requiring the Bishops to withdraw, that they endeavour to force them alone to hear and determine a [Page 155]matter of Treason in the person of Becket. Stephanides is my Author for this, who was a Chaplain and Follower of that Archbishop, The Barons say, saith that Author, You Bishops ought to pronounce Sentence upon your selves; we are Laicks, you are Church-men, as Becket is; you are his fellow-Priests, and fellow-Bishops. To whom some one of the Bishops replied, This belongs to you, my Lords, rather than to us, for this is no ecclesiastical, but a secular Judicature: We sit not here as Bishops, but as Barons. Nos Barones, & vos Barones, hic Pares sumus. And in vain it is that you should labour to find any difference at all in our Order or Calling. See this Manuscript cited by Mr. Selden, Titles of Honour, 2 Edit. p. 705. And thus the Custom continued till the 21st year of the same King Henry II. at what time that Provincial Synod was kept at Westminster, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and some few of his Suffragans, which Roger Hoveden mentions in his History, p. 543. And it seems Gervasius Dorobernensis, which is a Manuscript I have not seen. The quoting of this Monk in the Margin of that Collection of Privileges, which Mr. Selden, by command, had made for the Upper House of Parliament, is the only ground of stirring up this Question against the Bishops at this pre­sent, intended by Mr. Selden for a Privilege to the Bishops, not for a Privilege to the Lay Peers, to be pressed against the Bishops. The Canon runs thus: It is not lawful for such as are constituted in Holy Orders, Judicium sanguinis agitare, to put in execution Judgment of Blood; and therefore we forbid, that they shall either in their own persons execute any such mutilation of Members, or sentence them to be so acted by others: And if any such person shall do any such thing, he shall be deprived of the Office and Place of his Order and Function. We do likewise sorbid, under the peril of Excommunication, that no Priest be a secular Sheriff or Provost. Now this is no Canon made in England, much less confirmed by Common Law, or assented to by all the Bishops of the Province of Canterbury, or by any one of the Province of York, but transcribed (as appears by Hovenden's Margin) out of a Council of Toledo; which in the time that Council is supposed to be held, was the least Kingdom in Spain, and not so big as York-shire, and consequently improper to regulate all the World, and especially this remote Kingdom of England. Beside, as this poor Monk sets it down, it doth inhibit Church-men from being Hang-men, rather than from being Judges, to condemn men to be thus mutilated and man­gled in their Members, an ordinary Punishment of the Goths and Vandals, who then lived in Spain, but never heard of here with us of many years before the Reign of Hen. II, and therefore not sitly pressed to drive Bishops from sitting as Peers in the case of the Earl of Strafford, who is not to be sentenc'd to any mu­tilation of Members. True it is, that in the Council it self, being the Eleventh Council of Toledo, Can. 6. they are forbidden, Quod morte plectendum sit sententiâ propria judicare, to sentence in any Cause that is to be punish'd with Death: Whereas, in the Fourth Council of Toledo, Can. 31, under Sisinandus, not long before, held anno 633, it is said, That the Kings do oftentimes commit to Priests and Bishops their Judicature, Contra quoscunque Majestatis obnoxios, against all Trea­sons; howbeit they are directed not to obey their King in this particular, unless they have him bound by Oath to pardon the Party, in case they shall find rea­son to mediate for him. And thus the Canon-Law went in Spain, but no where else in Christendom in that Age.

148. But these Bishops at Westm. travelled not so far as Toledo, to fetch in this Ca­non into their Synod, but took it out of Gratian, then in vogue, (for he lived in the time of Hen. Beu-clerk, Grandfather to this Hen. II.) who in the second part of his Decrees, Cap. de Clericis, saith thus, Clericis in sacris ordinibus constitutis ex con­cil. Tolet. Judicium sanguinis agitaro non licet. And so this Canon was fetch'd from Spain into these other parts of Europe, above four hundred years after the first ma­king thereof, upon this occasion. Pope Gregory the Seventh, otherwise called Hildebrand, who lived in the time of William the Conqueror, having so many deadly Quarrels against Hen. IV. Emperor of Germany, to make his part good and strong, laid the first ground (which his Successors in their Canons closely pursued) to draw the Bishops, and other great Prelates of Germany, France, En­gland, and Spain from their Lay-Soveraigns and Leige-Lords, to depend wholly upon him, and so by colour and pretence of Ecclesiastical Immunities, with­drew them from the Services of their Princes, in War and in Peace, and parti­cularly from exercising all Places of Judicature in the Civil Courts of Princes, to the which Offices they were by their Breeding and Education more enabled, than the martial Lay-Lords of that rough Age, and by their Fiefs and Baronies, which they held from Kings and Emperors, particularly bound and obliged. And [Page 156]therefore you shall find, that whereas the Bishops of this Island before the Con­quest, did still joyn with the Thanes, Aldermen, and Lay-Lords, in the ma­king and executing of all Laws whatsoever, touching deprivation of Life, and mutilation of Members: Yet soon after, when the Norman and English Pre­lates, Lanfrank, Anselm, Becket, and the rest, began to trade with Rome, and as Legati nati, to wed the Laws and Canons cried up in Rome, and to plant them here in England, they withdrew by little and little our Prelates from these Employments, and Dependencies upon the Kings of England; and, under the colour of Exemptions and Church-Immunities, erected in this Land an Eccle­siastical Estate and Monarchy, depending wholly upon the Pope, inhibiting them to exercise secular Employments, or to sit with the rest of the Peers in Ju­dicatures of Life and Members, otherwise than as they list themselves; and hence principally did arise those great heats between our Rufus and Anselm, which Eadmer speaks of, and those ancient Customs of this Kingdom, which Hen. II. pressed upon Becket, in the Articles of Clarendon, that the Pre­lates ought to be present in the King's Courts, &c. Which Pope Alexander, a notable Boutefeu of those times in the Church of God, did tolerate, though not approve of; as he apostyles that Article with his own Hand, to be shewn to this day in the M. S. extant in the Vatican Library. And although I shall not deny, but the Popes did plead Scripture for this Inhibition (as they did for all things else) and allude unto that place, 2 Tim. 3.4. which they backed with one of the Canons of the Apostles, as they call them, the seventh in number. Yet it is clear, their main Authority is fetch'd from this obscure Synod of Toledo, where eighteen Bishops only were convened, under Bamba the Goth, who of a Plow­man was made a King, and of a King a Cloyster'd Monk; as you may see in the History of Rodericus Santius, par. 2. c. 32. This is all the goodly Ground that either Gratian in his Decrees, or Innocent III, in the Decretals, or Roger Ho­veden in his History, alledges against the Ecclesiastical Peers, their sitting as Judges in Causes of Blood, to wit, this famous Gothish Council of Toledo. The first that planted this Canon here in England was Stephen Langton a Cardinal, the Pope's Creature, (as his Holiness was pleased to stile him in his Bull) and thrust upon the See of Canterbury by a Papal Provision, where he continued in Rebel­lion against his Soveraign, as long as King John lived. This Archbishop, un­der colour of Ecclesiastical Immunity (for so this Canon is marshall'd by Lin­wood) at Osney near Oxford, did ordain; Ne quis Clericus beneficiatus, vol in sacris Ordinibus constitutus praesumat interesse, ubi judicium sanguinis tractatur, vel exercea­tur. And this is the first Canon broach'd in this Kingdom to this effect; that of Othobone being subsequent in time, and a meer Foreign or Legantine Consti­tution: See it at large in Linwood, Constit. lib. 3. ad sinem. And by vertue of a Branch of this very Constitution, the now Archbishop, two years since, sined the Bishop of Gloucester in the High-Commission, because he had given way, in time of Pestilence only, that a Sessions, a Judgment of Blood, might be kept in a sacred place, which was likewise inhibited in this Canon. But this admits of a multitude of Answers. First,

149. Quod haec dictio Clericus ex vi verbi non comprehendit Episcopum, Linwood lib. 3. de locat is & conductis. Secondly the irregularity, incurr'd by Judicature in Causes of Blood, is only Jure positivo, and therefore dispensable by the Pope, saith Covarruvias in Clemen. si furiosus, p. 2. com. 5. n. 1. and here in England is dispens'd with in Bishops by the King, who in his Writs or Summons to the Parliament, commands the Lords Spiritual, without any exception of Causes of Blood, to joyn in all Matters and Consultations whatsoever, with the Temporal Peers of the Kingdom, their Summons being unto them a sufficient Dispensation so to do. And Othobon himself, inhibiting other Clerks to use these Secular Judicatures, hath a Salvo to preserve the Priviledges of our Lord the King, whereby he may use any of their Services in that kind, when he shall see cause, Tit. ne Clerici Ju­ris. saec. exerceant. And Linwood upon that Text, doth instance in the Clerks of the Chancery, and others. Nor are these Writs, that summon the Bishops, Di­spensations only, but Mandates also: And those Bishops have been fined at the Kings Bench, and elsewhere, that absented themselves from Councils in Parlia­ment without the King's special leave and licence first obtained. Thirdly, When they are forbidden, interesse, to be present, the meaning is not (in the very Ca­nons themselves, that they should go out of the room; but only that they should not be present to add Authority, Help, and Advice to any Sentence pronounced against a particular or individual Person in cause of Blood, or mutilation. If [Page 157]he be present auctorizando, consilium, opem, vel operam dando, then he contracts an irregularity, and no otherwise, saith our Linwood out of Innocentius. And the Canon reacheth no further than to him that shall pronounce Sentence of Death, or Mutilation upon a particular Person: For Prelates that are of Counsel with the King in Parliament, or otherwise, being demanded the Law in such, and such a Case (without naming any individuum) may answer, generaliter loquendo, That Treason is to be punisht with Death, and a Counterseiter of the King's Coin. Hostien. lib. 2. eap. de fals. monet. allowed by John Montague de Collatione Parliamentorum, In Tracta. Doctor. Vol. 10. p. 121. Fourthly, These Canons are not in force in England, to bind the King's Subjects, for several Reasons: First, Because they are against his Majesty's Prerogative, as you may see it clearly in the Articles of Clarendon, and the Writ of Summons, and therefore abolished 25 H. 8. c. 8. It is his Majesty's Prerogative, declar'd at Clarendon, that all such Ecclesiastical Peers, as hold of him by Barony, should assist in the King's Judica­tures, until the very actual pronouncing of a Sentence of Blood. And this holds from Henry the First down to the latter end of Queen Elizabeth, who imploy­ed Archbishop Whitgist as a Commissioner upon the Life of the Earl of Essex, to keep him in Custody, and to examine him after that Commotion in London. And to say that this Canon is confirm'd by Common Law, is a merry Tale; there being nothing in the Common Law that tends that way. Secondly, It hath been voted in the House of Commons, in this very Session of Parliament, That no Canons since the Conquest, either introduced from Rome by Legatine Power, or made in our Synods, had in any Age, nor yet have at this present, any power to bind the Sub­jects of this Realm, unless they be confirmed by Act of Parliament. Now these Ca­nons, which inhibit the Presence of Church-men in Cause that concerns Life and Member, were never confirm'd by any, but seem to be impeach't by divers and sundry Acts of Parliament. Thirdly, The whole House of Peers have this very Session despised and set aside this Canon Law, which some of the young Lords cry up again in the same Session, and in the very same Cause, to take a­way the Votes of the Bishops, in the Case of the Earl of Strafford. For by the same Canon Law that forbids Clergy-men to Sentence, they of that Coat are more strictly inhibited to give no Testimony in Causes of Blood. Nee ettam po­test esse test is vel tabellio in causâ Sanguinis. Linw. part 2. sol. 146. For no Man co-operates more in a Sentence of Death than the Witnesses, upon whose At­testation the Sentence is chiefly past. Lopez pract. crim. c. 98. distl. 21. and yet have the Lords admitted as Witnesses, produced by the House of Commons against the Earl of Strafford, the Archbishops of Canterbury and Armagh, with the Bishop of London: which Lords command now all Bishops to withdraw in the agitati­on of the self same Case. Bishops, it seems, may be Witnesses, to kill ont-right; but may not sit in the Discussion of the Cause, to help, in case of Innocency, a distressed Nobleman. Whereas the very Gothish Bishops, who first invented this Exclusion of Prelates from such Judicatures, allow them to Vote, as long as there is any hope left of clearing the Party, or gaining of Pardon. 4. Conc. Tol. Can. 31. And by the beginning of that Canon, observe the use in Spain in that Age, Anno 633. as touching this Doctrine, Saepe principes contra quoslibet ma­jestatis obnoxios Sacerdotibus negotia sua committunt; Binnius 4. Tom. Can. Edit. ult. p. 592. Lastly, In the Case of Archbishop Abbot, all the great Civilians and Judges of the Land, as Dr. Steward, Sir H. Martin, the Lord Chief Justice Ho­bart, and Judge Doderidge (which two last were very well versed in the Canon Law) delivered positively (when my self at first opposed them) That all Irre­gularities introduced by Canons upon Ecclesiastical Persons, concerning matters of Blood, were taken away by the Reformation of the Church of England, and were repugnant to the Statute 25 II. 8. as restraining the King's most just Prerogative, to imploy his own Subjects in such Functions and Offices, as his Predecessors had done, and to allow them those Priviledges and Recreations, as by the Laws and Customs of this Realm, they had formerly enjoy'd; notwithstanding the Decree de Clerico venatore, or the Consti­tution, nae Clerici Saeculare, &c. or any other in that kind.

150. The only Objection which appears upon any Learning or Record, against the Clergies Voting in this Kingdom in Causes of Blood, are two or three Pro­testations, entred by the Bishops among the Records of the upper House of Par­liament, and some few Passages in the Law-Books relating thereunto. The Protestation the Lords now principally stand upon, is that of William Courtney Archbishop of Canterbury, 11 Rich. 2. inserted in the Book of Priviledges, which Mr. Selden collected for the Lords of the upper House. In the Margin where­of [Page 158]that passage out of R. Hovenden, about which we spake before about Cler­gy-mens agitation of Judgments of Blood, is unluckily inserted, and for want of due consideration, and some suspicion of partial carriage in the Bishops, in the case of the Earl of Strafford, hath been eagerly pressed upon the Bishops by some of the Lords, in such an unusual and unaccustomed manner, that if I my self, offering to speak to this Objection, had not voluntarily withdrawn, the rest of the Bishops and I had been, without hearing, voted out of the House, in the agitation of a Splinter of that Cause of the Earl of Strafford's, which came not near any matter of Blood. An act never done before in that honourable House, and ready to be executed suddenly, without the least consideration of the merit of the Cause. The only words insisted upon in the Protestation of Courtney's, are these; Because in this present Parliament certain matters are agitated, whereat it is not lawsul for us, according to the Prescript of holy Canons, to be pre­sent.—And by and by after they say— These matters are such, in the which, Nec possumus, nec debemus interesse—This is the Protestation most stood upon. That of Archbishop Arundel 21 Rich. 2. is not so full and ample as this of Courtney's: For the Bishops going forth left their Proxies with the Lay-Lords, and consequently continued present in Judicature in the eye and con­struction of the Law. Therefore I apply my Answers to Courtney's Protestation principally; which are divers, and fit to be weighed and ponder'd. First, I do observe that Bishops did never protest or withdraw in Causes of Blood, but only under the unsteddy Reign of Richard the Second. Never before, nor after the time of that unfortunate King, to this present Parliament, for ought appears in Record or History. And that one Swallow should make us such a Spring, and one Omission should create a Law or Custom against so many Actions of the English Prelates, under so many Kings before, so many Kings and Queens after that young Prince, seems to me a strange Doctrine; especially when I consi­der, that by the Rules of the Civil and Common Law, a Protestation dies with the death of him that makes it, or is regularly vacated and disannulled, Per con­trarium actum subsequentem protestationem, by any one subsequent act varying from the tenour of the said Protestation. Regul. Juris. Bap. Nicol. part. 2. Now that you may know how the Prelates carried themselves in this point, and actually voted in Causes of Treason, and sometimes to Blood, before Richard the Se­cond, I refer me to what I cited before out of Mr. Selden, and he out of Stepha­nides, concerning Becket condemned by his Peers Ecclesiastical and Temporal, 15 H. 2. Archbishop Stratford acquitted of High Treason in Parliament by four Prelates, four Earls, and four Barons under Edward the Third. Antiq. Britan. p. 223. There was 4 Ed. 3. Roger de Mortimer. Berisford, Travers, and others ad­judged Traitors by Bishops as well as other Peers. 16 Ed. 3. Thomas de Berkely was acquitted of Treason in pleno Parliamento. And especially I refer my self to Roll 21 Rich. 2. Num. 10. which averrs, That Judgments and Ordinances, in the time of that King's Progenitors, had been avoided by the absence of the Clergy; which makes the Commons there to pray, that the Prelates would make a Procurator, by whom they might in all Judgments of Blood, be at the least legally, if they durst not be bodily present in such Judicatures. And for the practice since the Reign of Rich. II. be it ob­served, that in the fifth of Hen IV. the Commons thank the Lords Spiritual and Tem­poral, for their good and rightful Judgment in freeing the Earl of Northumberland from Treason. 3 Hen. 5. The Commons pray a Confirmation of the Judgment given upon the E. of Cambridge, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal. 5 H. 5. Sir J. Oldcastle is attainted of Treason and Heresie by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal. 28 H. 6. The Duke of Suffolk is charged with Treason before the Lords Spiritual and Temporal. 31 H. 6. The Earl of Devon in like sort: and so down to the Earl of Bristol's Case 22 Maii 1626. ten Bishops are joyned with ten Earls, and ten Ba­rons, in the disquisition and agitation of that supposed Treason. I leave it there­fore to any indifferent Judgment, Whether these Protestations made all under one Kings Reign, dying with the Parties that made them, can void a Right and Cu­stom, grounded on a continual Practice to the contrary, in all other Tryals that have been since the Conquest, to this present Parliament.

151. Secondly, It is fitting we know the nature of a Protestation, which some may mistake: Protestatio est animi nostri declaratio, juris acquirendi, vel con­servandi, vel damnum depellendi causâ facta, saith Spiegle, Calvin, and all the Civi­lians. No Protestation is made by any man in his Wits, to destroy his own Right, and much less another mans, but to acquire, or preserve some Right, or to avoid and put off some Wrong, that was like to happen to the Party or Par­ties [Page 159]that make the Protestation: As here in Courtney's Protestation, the Prelates in the first place conceive a Right and Power they had voluntarily to absent themselves, while some matters were treated of at that time in the House of Lords, which by the Canon-Law (the Breach whereof the Popes of Rome did vindicate in those times, with far more Severity than they did the Transgressi­ons of the Law of God) they were not suffer'd to be present at, not for want of Right to be there in all Causes, but for fear of Papal Censures. In the next place, they did preserve their former Right as Peers, which they still had, (though voluntarily absenting themselves) More solito interessendi, considerandi, tyactandi, ordinandi, & definiendi, all things without exception acted and executed in that Parliament. And, in the last place, they protest against any loss of right of being or voting in Parliament, that could befall them, for this vo­luntary absenting of themselves at this time. And where in all this Protestation is there one word to prejudice their Successors, or to authorize any Peer to command his fellow-Peer, called thither by the same Writ of Summons that himself is, and by more ancient Prescription, to withdraw and go out from this Common-Council of the Kingdom? Thirdly, We do not certainly know what these matters were whereat Archbishop Courtney conceived the Prelates neither could nor ought to be present: These matters are left in loose and ge­neral words in that Protestation. Some conceive indeed it was at the Con­demnation of Tressilian, Brambre, L. Beauchamp, and others, Ant. Brit. p. 286. But the Notes of Privileges belonging to the Lords, collected by Mr. Selden, do, with more reason a great deal, assign this going forth of the Prelates, to be oc­casion'd by certain Appeals of Treason, preferred in that Parliament by the Duke of Gloucester, against Alexander Archbishop of York, whom the Popish Ca­nons of those Times (as you know) exempted, as a sacred person, from the cog­nizance of King or Parliament; and therefore the rest of the Bishops, as the Squares went then, neither could nor ought to be present, and Parties, to break the Exemptions, Immunities, and Privileges of that great Prelate. But the Earl of Strafford is not the Archbishop, but the President of York; and to challenge any such Exemptions and Immunities at this time, from the cognizance of King and Parliament, amounts to little less than Treason: Therefore this Protestati­on is very unseasonably urged, to thrust out any Protestant Prelate from voting in Parliament. Lastly, In the Civil and Canon-Law, (for the Law of this Land knoweth it not) a Protestation is but a Testation or witnessing before-hand of a man's own Mind or Opinion, whereby they that protest, provide to save and presorve their own Right, for the time to come. It concludes no more bende themselves, no Stranger to the Act, no Successor; but, if it be admitted, sticks as inherent in the singular and individual person, until either the Party dyes or the Protestation be drawn and revoked. Therefore, what is a Prote­station made by Will. Courtney to Will. Laud? Or by Tho. Arundel to bind Tho. Morton? And, what one Rule in the Common-Law of the Land, in the Jour­na [...]-Books, or in the Records of the Tower, can be produced to exclude the Lords Spiritual from sitting and voting in Causes of Blood? Sometimes by the great Favour of the King, Lords, and Commons, (not otherwise) they were permitted to absent themselves, never before now commanded by the Lay-Lords to forbear their Votes in any Cause that was agitated in Parliament: So our Law Books say, That the Prelates, by the Canon-Law, may make a Procurator in Parliament, when a Peer is to be tryed: Which is enough to shew their Right thereunto. This is to be seen 10 Edw. IV. f. 6. placit. 17. And, That it is only the Canon-Law that inhibits them to vote in Sanguinary Causes. Stamford, Pleas of the Crown. f. 59. And, saith Stamford, the Canon-Law is a distinct and separated no­tion, and not grown in his Age to any such Usance or Custom, as made it Common-Law or the Law of the Land.

152. Coming now to an end, it moves me little what some object, That many worthy Fathers of this Church-reformed, and Bishop Andrews among the rest, did forbear to vote in Causes of Blood, and voluntarily retired out of the House, if such things came in question; nor did offer to enter any Protestation. I do not doubt, but they had pious Affections in it, though they did not fully ponder what they did: I have heard, that a main Reason was that of the Record and Statute of 11 Rich. II. That it is the honesty of that Calling not to intermeddle in matters of Blood. Now the French word Honesty signifies Decency and Comeliness: As though it were a butcherly and a loathsom matter to be a Judge, or to do Right upon a Male­factor, to Death, or loss of Members: But this is an imaginary Decency, never [Page 160]known in Nature or Scripture, (as I said before) but begotten by Tradition in the dark Foggs and Mists of Popery: Such an Honesty of the Clergy it was to have a shaven Crown, to depend on the Pope, to plead Exemptions, and to resuse to answer for Felonies in the King's Courts. All these were esteemed in those days the Honesty of the Clergy: And such an Honesty it was in the Prelates of England, in the loose Reign of Rich. II, to absent themselves when they listed from the Aslembly of the Estate, contrary to the King's Command in the Writ of Summons, and to the Duties of their places as Peers of Par­liament: Yet they had more insight into what they did, than some of our Bishops; for they never offer'd to retire themselves in those days, before their Protestation was benignly received, and suffer'd to be enter'd upon the Parliament-Roll, by the King, the Lords, and the House of Commons. I know those excellent men, that are with God, proposed other Scruples to themselves; they doubted not of the Legality or Comeliness, for an Ecclesiastical Peer of the Kingdom of England to vote in a Judgment of Blood; they did it continually in passing all Appeals and Attainders in Parliament; but it startled them, be­cause it is not the practice of Prelates in other parts of the Christian Church so to do, and thought it better to avoid Scandal, and the Talk of other Nations. That there being in the High Court of Parliament, and Star-chamber, Judges enough beside them, they might, without any prejudice to their King and Country, forbear voting in those Judicatures; somewhat the rather, because all our Bishops in England are Divines, and Preachers of the Gospel, and conse­quently to be employ'd in Mercy, rather than in Judgment; who never touch upon the sharpness of the Law, unless it be to prepare mens Hearts to relish and receive the comfort of the Gospel. Let the Piety then, and the Good-meaning of those grave Fathers be praised; but I say, they forgot their Duty to the Writ of the King's Summons, and the use and weight of their Place. And now, to close. I protest, without vaunting, I cannot perceive how this can be answer'd, which I have digested together: And if so many Bishops cannot obtain their Right, which is so clear on their side, God send the Earl of Strafford better Ju­stice, who is but a single Peer.

153. Blame not my Book, that there is so much of this Argument; I hope the Ignorant will not read it at all, but let a knowing man read it again, and when he hath better observ'd it, he will think it short. Some History-spoilers have detracted from our Bishop, that though he pleaded much in Parliament, to his own Peril, in the behalf of E. Strafford, yet he wrought upon the King to consent to give way to his beheading. Says our Arch-Poet Spencer, lib. 3. Can. 1. st. 10.

—Great hazard were it, and Adventure fond,
To lose long-gotten Honour with one evil Hand.

But he shall lose no Honour in this; for first, as Nazian. Or. 27, rejects them that had raised an ill Report of him, whom he praised, [...] can you prove, that they were sound in their mind that said so? if any will believe it from such authors, a good man hath lost his thanks: Ego quod bené fec [...] malè feci, quia amor mutavit locum: Plautus. That which was well done is ill done, because it is not lovingly requited. Hear all, and judge equally. Both the Houses of Lords and Commons, by most Voices, found the Earl guilty of Treason; they made the greater Quire, but those few that absolved him sung better. The King interceded by himself, by the Prince his Son, to save him, craved it with Cap in Hand:—Being founder'd in his Power, he could go no further; the Subjects denied their Soveraign the Life of one Man, so Strafford must be cast away, Opimii calamitas turpitudo Po. Rom. non judicium fuit, Cic. pro Plancio, Whose Calamity is the shame of English Justice. His Majesty, for divers days, could not find in his Heart to set his Hand to the Warrant for Execution, for Conscience dresseth it self by its own light. And I would he had been as constant to his own Judgment in other things, that we might re­member it to his Honour; as Capitolinus testifies for Maximus, Non aliis potiùs quàm sibi credidit. The fate of it was, that the Parliament would not grant Mercy to the Earl, and would have Justice from the King, according to their Sentence, whether he would or no: They threaten (and were as good as their Word) to sit idle, and do nothing for publick Safety and Settlement, the whole Realm being in distraction till the Stroke was struck: All the Palace-Yard [Page 161]and Hall were daily full of Mutineers and Outcries; His Majesty's Person was in danger; the roguy Off-scum in the Streets of Westminster talk'd so loud, that there was cause to dread it: Though there is nothing more formidable, than to fear any thing more than God, yet the most eminent Lords of the Council perswaded His Majesty to make no longer resistance, Placeat quod­cunque necesse est, Lucan lib. 4. Not he, but Necessity should be guilty of it. If he did refuse to concurr with the Parliament, nay, if he took more time to delibe­rate upon it, it would be worse for the Earl, and he would come to a more unhappy Death; for an Hellish Contrivance was resolved upon, just as in St. Paul's case, Acts 23.15. the Zealots, that had vowed Paul's death, laid the Plot with the Priests and Elders, to signisie to the Captain to bring him down, to enquire somewhat more perfectly concerning him, and ere ever he came near, they would fall upon him. The condemn'd Earl, when he heard of this, was no longer fond of Lise, but sent word to the King, that he was well prepared for his End, and would not his gracious Majest y should disquiet himself to save a ruin'd Vessel that must sink. A valiant Message, and sit for so great a Spirit. Loginus notes acutely, that when Ajax was to combat with Hector, he begg'd some things of such Gods as he call'd upon, but to escape with life was not in his Prayer; [...]. It was beneath a Graecian Heroe to desire Life. It being therefore to no purpose to dispute what was the best Remedy to save this Lord, when there was none at all, the House of Lords nominate four Prelates to go to His Majesty, to propound how the Tenderness of his Conscience might safely wade through this insuperable dissiculty; these were L. Primate Usher, with the Bishops Morton, Williams, Potter. There was none of those four, but would have gone through Fire and Water, as we say, to save the Party; which being now a thing beyond Wit and Power, they state the Question thus to the King, (sure I am of the Truth, because I had it from the three former) Whether, as His Majesty refers his own Judgment to his Judges, (in whose Person they act) in Court of Oyer, Kings-bench, Assize, and in Cause of Life and Death, and it lies on them if an innocent man suffer; so why may not His Ma­jesty satisfie his Conscience in the present matter, that since competent Judges in Law had awarded, that they found Guilt of Treason in the Earl, that he may susser that Judg­ment to stand, though in his private mind he was not satisfied that the Lord Strafford was criminous, for that juggling and corrupt dealing which he suspected in the Proofs at the Tryal, and let the Blame lye upon them who sate upon the Tribunal of Life and Death? The four Bishops were all for the ashrmative, and the Earl took it so little in ill part, that Reverend Armagh pray'd with him, preach'd to him, gave him his last Viaticum, and was with him on the Scassoid, as a Ghostly Father, till his Head was severed from his Body.

154. Indeed His Majesty, in his [...], doth seem to represent it as if he did not approve what he received from the four Bishops at that Consultation. And I will leave such good men to his Censure, rather than contradict any thing in that most pious, most ravishing Book, which deserves as much as Tully said of Crassus in his Brutus, Ipsum melius potuisse scribere, alium, ut arbitror, nemi­nem. Perhaps the King could have wrote better, but I think no man else in the three Kingdoms. What a venomous Spirit is in that Serpent Milton, that black­mouth'd Zoilus, that blows his Vipers Breath upon those immortal Devotions, from the beginning to the end! This is he that wrote with all Irreverence against the Fathers of our Church, and shew'd as little Duty to his Father that begat him: The same that wrote for the Pharisees, That it was lawful for a man to put away his Wife for every cause; and against Christ, for not allow­ing Divorces: The same, O horrid! that desended the lawfulness of the grea­test Crime that ever was committed, to put our thrice-excellent King to death: A petty School-boy Scribler, that durst graple in such a Cause with the Prince of the learned men of his Age, Salmasius. [...] as Eu­napius says of Ammonius, Plutarch's Scholar in Aegypt, the Delight, the Musick of all Knowledge, who would have scorn'd to drop a Pen-full of Ink against so base an Adversary, but to maintain the Honour of so good a King, whose Merit he adorns with this Praise, p. 237. Con. Milt. De quo si quis dixerit omnia bona, vix pro suis meritis satis illum ornaret. Get thee behind me Milton, thou sa­vourest not the things that be of Truth and Loyalty, but of Pride, Bitterness, and Falshood. There will be a time, though such a Shimei, a dead Dog in Abishai's Phrase, escape for a while, yet he, and the Enemies of my Lord the King, will fall into the Hands of the Avenger of Blood: And that Book, the Picture of [Page 162]King Charles's innocent Soul, which he hath blemish'd with vile Reproaches, will be the Vade Mecum of godly persons, and be always about them like a Guar­dian Angel. It is no marvel if this Canker-worm Milton is more lavish in his Writings than any man, to justifie the beheading of Strafford, whom good men pray'd for alive, and pitied him dead: So did the four Bishops, that I may di­gress no longer, who pour'd the best Oyl they could into the King's Consci­ence, to give him Peace within himself when the main Cause was desperate, and common Fury would compel him in the end to sacrifice this Earl to the Parlia­ment. Things will give better Counsel to men than men to things. But a Col­lector of Notes, W. Sa. hath a sling at the Bishop of Lincoln, his quill hits him, but hurts him no more, than if it were a Shuttle-cock with four Feathers. Forsooth, when those four Bishops were parting from the King, he put a Paper into His Majesty's Hand, and that could be nothing else, but an Inflammato­ry of Reasons, more than were heard in publick, left the King should cool, and not set his Hand to the fatal Warrant. This Author was once in the right, p. 154. of his own Book, That it becomes an Historian, in dubious Relations, to ad­mit the most Christian and Charitable. Pessumè it is, optimè herclè dicitis, Plaut. in Pen. But this Case needs no Favour: The Paper which that Bishop put into the King's Hands (as he told me the next morning) was an humble Advice to His Majesty, why he should not give the Parliament an indesinite time to sit, till both Houses consented to their own dissolution. Was not this faithful Counsel? For what could the King see in them, who had been so outragious already, to stand out the trial of their wavering Faith? Trust should make men true. Says Livy, lib. 22. Vult sibi quisque credi, & habita fides ipsam plerum (que) fidem obligat. But a number of these men cared not for moral Principles, they were all for the Scriptures, and they read them by new Lights: The King had too much Faith, and they had no Good Works. What magnanimous Prince would bow so low, to give the Keys of Government to so many Male-contents, and to stand to their Courtesie, when they would resign them again? Nec missura cutem nisi plena cruoris hirudo, Hor. Art. Poet. It could be for no small time that they itch'd to hold the Reins, and having govern'd so long, they would never be brought to obey. The Fox in the Fable crept into a Granary of Corn, and staid till his Belly was so full, that he could not get out. It is a wise Note of Spartianus upon Did. Julianus, Reprchensus in eo praecipuè, quod ques rogere auctoritate suâ debuit, praesules sibi ipse fecit. When the prudent Augustus saw he could not shake off a standing Senate, he saw no way, but to divide the Provinces of the Empire between him and them, and to take the worst half, the remotest to himself: But did the King think to escape so well with an indissoluble Parlia­ment? Balsack writes prophanely, That the World ought not to end, until the French King's Race should fail. And it proved by this concession, to continue the two Houses to sit as long as they would, that the Glory of the Crown should fail, before they would endure their old Stump to be rooted up. When a Swarm of luxurious men, that made love to Penelope, wasted Ulysses's Substance in his absence, Homer breaks out, Odyss [...] Let no King henceforth be gracious and kind, for he shall fare as ill as the worst. So let no King suppose to oblige his Subjects with the greatest Trust that was ever committed to men, for he shall speed the worse for his considence in them. The Bishop of Lincoln, but two days before, ask'd the King, If his wise Father would have suffer'd such a thing to be demanded, much left have granted it? And, Whether it would be possible for his truest Lieges to do him Service any more? So bold he was, and ply'd his good Master to the last with new Motives to de­hort him from it. I know not what ill Star scouled upon so good a King, to listen to no good Counsel in that point. There was one that thrust him on, whose Advices were more loving than lucky. And on a Sunday, May 9. he signed the indefinite continuance of the Parliament, (as it is commonly voiced) and Strafford's Execution, with the same drop of Ink. A sad Subject! and as I found it, so I leave it.

155. Wisdom and Reason were not wanting in that noble King; Fortune was. Darius, called Codomann, was the best of all the Kings of the Porsian Race, from Cyrus downward to himself, yet under him the Persian Monarchy was rui­ned, and fell to the Macedonians; Destinatus sorti suae, & jam nullius salubris consilii patiens, says the Historian, Curt. lib. 5. It cuts my Heart, to say that this agrees to a far better Monarch than himself. King Charles makes ready in the Summer for a Journey into Scotland, hoping to bring over the Seditious there to love [Page 163]him, with Sweetness and Caresses, by Bounties, as he was able, by Honours bestow'd on some, by Promises, and by the gracious Interview of his presence; for we owe Affection naturally to them that offer us Love. Or, if all this wrought not, he was so oversway'd with Disdain to be near to Westminster, where his Person, his Justice, his Court, or his Clergy were slander'd every hour, that he would ride far enough from the strife of Tongues, and not be near the Fur­nace, where the steam was so hot. I heard one of his Bed-chamber say, That nothing made him remove so far from his Court and Council, as the tediousness of In­telligence brought to him every minute, with variety of Glosses and Opinions upon it. As Adrian the Emperor said in his last Sickness, that he had too many Physicians about him to be cured; so our King thought he had too many Counsellors at Lon­don to take distinct Advice. Walk in the Spring-Garden in May, and what Bird can you listen to particularly, when there is not a Bough but hath a Bird up­on it, that warbles his own Note? There is pleasure in that: But those that press'd so thick upon the King, came with some ill Augury: Seraque fatidici cecinerunt omnia vates, AEn. lib. 5. Howsoever, Home is homely, says the Country Adagy; and this Journey to Scotland was not begun in a good day. There was never any Parliament like it which now fate, that bewrayed openly so many foolish Fears, raked up in the cold Embers of Distrust and Guiltiness; Quae pueri in tenebris pavitant, sing untque futurâ: Therefore a Jealousie was straightway in their Heads, that this Journey could not be good for them. Why? What can a King do, to be good for himself, and pernicious to his People? Well said the Persians, Xen. lib. 8. Cyr. paed. [...] cyrus can undertake nothing, and make it good for himself alone, and not for us. But upon their Jealousie they resolve to give the King such a Welcome home, as should offend him. O Hypocrites! that seem to be afraid of the King, when none had more cause than he to be afraid of them. Watchful Lincoln had dived into the Secrets of the Masters of the private Assem­bly: Hannibali omnia hostium non secus ac sua nota sunt, Liv. lib. 22. Every man knows his own mind; a wise man, like Hannibal, will know his Enemies if he can. The Bishop coming to the King, besought His Majesty, that for his sake he would put off his Scotch Journey to another season: His written Notes, in my keeping, are long and impersect; the sum is thus: He besought His Majesty to consider, that the Scotts were Sear-boughs, not to be bent; whatsoever he said to them, they would reveal it to their Cronies at Westminster, for there was a Trade and Exchange that ran currently among them: Some of them, and not the meanest, make it a slight thing to be persidious, and will laugh at it, when they are derected: They have distinctions for it from their Kirk, which straddle so wide, that flat Contraries, Yea and Nay, Truth and Lyes, may run between them. K. James the Fourth had the knack of such Devices, who having made a strong League of Peace with Harry VIII. and yet invaded England with an Army (remember it was at Flodden-Field, Drummond. p 142.) said, He did not break his League with England, but departed from it. The Bishop pray'd the King to remember, that those Lowns had been in Hubbubs, and Covenants, and Arms two years together; could they be converted of a sudden without a Miracle? Integrum non est ad virtutem semel reliclam remigrare, Cic. Lelius. It will be a long time before Rebels find their Fidelity again, when they have lost it. They have shew'd their Despight so lately, that it is too soon to offer them Courtesie; they know in what condition your Majesty is, and they will not take it for Kindness, but Fear. Keep near to the Parliament, all the Work is within those Walls; win them man by man, inch by inch, somewhat may be gotten out of small pieces of business, nothing out of supervacaneous. And, Sir, says he, I would it were not true that I shall tell you, Some of the Commons are preparing a Declaration to make the Actions of your Government odious: if you gallop to Scotland, they will post as fast, to draw up this biting Remonstrance: Stir not till you have mitigated the grand Contrivers with some Preferments But is this credible, says the King? Judge you of that Sir, says the Bishop, when a Servant of Pymm 's (in whose Master's House all this is moulded) came to me, to know of me in what terms I was contented to have mine own Case in Star-chamber exhibited among other Irregularities? And I had much ado to keep my Name, and what concerns me, out of these Quotations; but I obtain'd that of the fellow, and a Promise to do me more Service, to know all they have in contrivance, with a few Sweetbreads that I gave him out of my Purse. What is there in all that the Bishop said, especially in the last touch, that look'd not like sober War­ning? Yet nothing was heeded: The King saw Scotland, and I know not what [Page 164]he brought thence, unless it were matter to charge the five Members of Trea­son, who were priviledg'd from it with a Mischief. His Majesty being retur­ned to London, Nov. 26. That which the Commons called The Remonstrance of the state of the Kingdom, came forth by their Vote, Decemb. 15. to besoil His Maje­sly's Reign with studied bitterness: And this was a Night-work, and held the Members Debate all Wednesday night, and till three of the Clock in the Thursday morning. Synesius spake his worst of Trypho's Tribunal, Lib. de Prov. [...] he did not administer justice in the day-time, but in the night; a time more proper for thieves to go to work, and for the beasts of the for­rest to come out of their dens, and get their prey. if the loyal part had staid it out (who appeared the greater number in the beginning of the question) they had cast it out for a vile desamation; but the one half of that part had slunk away, and were gone to bed. as st. Peter stood to his Master stoutly till midnight, but railed him by the second crowing of the Cock. If these had kept the wise Rules of the Roman Senate, the one part had been frustrate in all they obtained in the dead of the night, and long after. Says Budaeus, Sena­tus consultum ante exortum, & post occasum solis nullum fait, lib. 1. in Pand. p. 231. And the other part had been fined for departing away: Senatori qui non aderit, aut causa, aut culpa esto, Cic. de Leg. But their Apology is, That those were no Juri­dical hours, either for a Roman or an English Senate; Birds of Day keep not time with Screetch-owls. But these Libertines had leave to sit as long as they would by night or day. Magna sumendo majora praesumimus, Sym. Ep. p. 9. Great Concessions are the cause of greater Presumptions.

156. During some part of the time that the King was in the North, Miseries came trooping all at once upon the Church: The Reverend Fathers every day libelled and defamed in the Press, durst not come in to help: The Times did make it appear what Blood was about mens Hearts: They that feared to di­versifie from the received Doctrine and Discipline of the Church before, drea­ding Ecclesiastical Consistories, and the High-Commission Court, encreased into so many Sects almost as there were Parishes in England. And as Aventine said, lib. 8. Annal. of the Schoolmen newly sprung up in his days, Singulae sectae judicio multarum sectarum stultitiae cowvincuntur. But what were we the better, when every Spark kindled another, to make a general Combustion? Our Case in God's House was as bad as that of the Gauls in Caesar's time, lib. 6. Bel. Gal. Non solùm in omnibus civitatibus, atque in omnibus pag is partibus (que) sed in singulis domi­bus factiones sunt. The Parliament, which saw the Body of Christ wounded, look'd on, and passed by on the other side, Luke 10.32. as if they did but smile at the variety of Throngs and Dispositions. I think they durst net pour in Wine or Oyl to heal the Wounds of Religion, for that reason which Dr. Owen gives, Praef. to Vind. p. 36. For by adhering to one Sect professedly, they should engage all the rest against them. Only Lincoln, for all this universal Contempt of Episco­pacy, visited his great Diocess in October, not by his Chancellor, but in his own person; Naequid expectes amicos, quod tute agere possies, so cited out of Ennius, Trust not to your Friends when you can do your Work your self. A Bishop is lazy that doth his Duty by a Proxy. Pontificium significat & potestatem & officium, says a Cri­tick, Heral. in Arnob. p. 115. The Etymology of a Pontificate imports Power and Office. They are both Yoke-fellows. Says another Critick, and a good Judge indeed, Salmas. in Solin. [...], in the Age of Christian Emperors, were Visitors, that went from Church to Church, like Paul and Barnabas, to set things in order, who long before that were Physicians, that were sent from Village to Village, to cure the Sick. This Labour our Bishop undertook personally, to heal the Maladies of Brain­sick Distempers at Boston, Lester, Huntington, Bedford, Hitchin, the last Visitati­on that was held in either Province to this day: And God grant he might not say as Synesius did of his Diocess of Ptolomais, when he and all the Bishops of Ae­gypt were ejected by a conquering Party, [...] in [...]. O my Ptolomais! am I the last Bishop that ever thou shalt have? But I hope better things: Hope is the common Revenue of the Distressed, they have much of that, who have nothing else. I go on with our Bishop, who so long as he was in Place, and for a while that his Words were remembred, brought those Counties to a handsom state of quietness: Cocus magnum abenum, quando fervet, paulâ confutat truâ. When a Cauldron of hot Liquor boils, and is ready to run over, a Cook stays it, by casting in a Ladle of cold Water. No man could comprize his Exhortations in better Harmony than this Ora­tour, and set several Instruments in tune one to another, and the Voice to them [Page 165]all: Eloquium tot lumina clausit, Meta. l.—as Mercury lull'd Argos asleep with all his Eyes; for, says he, much to this meaning, Countrymen and Neighbors, whither do you wander? Here are your lawful Ministers present, to whom of late you do not refort, I hear, but to Tub-preachers in Conventicles. There is a Penalty for this, and no Power can protect you against the Statutes in force, which are not yet repealed, but you are bound in Conscience to keep those Laws, which are not Fetters upon your Hands, but Bracelets; they are the Vote of all the People in the Representatives of your Fore­fathers; and you are obliged, as good and honest men, to maintain what your selves have done. It is not possible that all your Disagreements blown abroad should incorporate: then either you will devour your selves with Despight at last, or Strangers will de [...] us all: Dumque esse putamus,—Nos facimus miseros, Grot. Poem. Lock back from the beginning of Q: Elizabeths Reign to this day; Can you wish the Gespel to frand better against the Church of Rome than it hath done so long under the Bishop., [...], and Canons? That flattering word Liberty puts our whole frame out of joyur: Non dominari instar servitutis est; Many of the lowest fortune are so proud, that they com­plain of Servitude, if they may not govern, nay, if they may not domineer. Out of this Idol of imaginary Liberty, which you worship, you will make so many Masters to your selves, that we shall be all Slaves. It is a popular word, but in the abusive sonce of it like Homer 's Moly, black in the Root, though white in the Flower. They that live in the lower Orb of Obedience, please God as much as their Rulers, and shall be blessed alike, if they quietly follow the motion of the higher Sphere of Authority. Our Doctrine is con­sonant to the Consessions of all Reformed Churches, and every Nation enjoy their own Ce­remonies without opposition, only we excepted They are wiser than we, who consider duly, that they are the greater things of Faith and a Holy Life, for which we shall be tryed before the Judgment of Christ, and not for a sew unvaluable Rites of Circumstance and Comeliness, which yet cannot well be spared. My Brethren I here can tell you, out of Naz. Orat. 23. that Hero, a peaceable Bishop, said often, [...] that piety consisted not in small things. If you require more Justice from Christian Counts, or that scandalous and dumb Ministers should be displaced, it may be done without Sedi­tion: But because you think you do not find so much Good as you look'd for in the old way, you would set up a new one, not foreseeing how much evil you shall find in that: Non quod habet numerat, tantum quod non habet optat, Manil. lib. 4. But let me tell you, you will quickly love the Winding-sheet of the old Wedlock, better than the Marriage-sheets of the new. Enjoy that real Blessing which you possess, rather than an Utopia, found no where but in the Distempers of the Brain. A little small Meney in the Purse is better than a dream of Gold; and a Cottage to live in, is better than a Castle in the Air. First seek for Piety to God, Loyalty to the King, and Peace with all men, and all things else will be added unto you. These were the Lenitives with which the Bishop prevailed more than could have been done with Censures and Mena­ces. As in the Old Testament a Cake of unleaven'd Bread was better made rea­dy with Ashes than with Fire. Beside, the more hurt they could do, the less to be forced to Extremity. And marvel not, if a man of so losty a Spirit could humble himself so far, as to speak so correctedly in such Auditories, full of ig­noble Sectaries and high-shone Clowns: For, even Alexander taking the King­dom upon him after the murther of his Father Philip, Diodor. lib. 17. p. 487. [...], was fain to collogue with the People, to get their Benevolence with fair words: And he that gets a good Bargain with Courtly Language, buys it with Money which is soon paid, and quickly told.

157. No sooner had our Bishop dispatch'd his Visitation, and was come again to sit in the face of the Parliament, but he heard of a muttering against him from the Lower House, not only for visiting his Diocess in such a time of unsettle­ment, but because he had said in divers places, That no Power could protect them against Statutes still in force, that sell into Disorders and Deviations against them. So he took his opportunity, at a Conserence that was between the two Houses in the Pain­ted Chamber, as well to justifie the labour he had undergone to uphold the Rights of holy Government, as to silence them that were unlicens'd Preachers, and presumed to say and do what they would, as if all Government were dissol­ved: Non minùs turpe est sua relinquere, quàm in aliena invadere injust um & ambitio­sum, Salust. Bel. Jug. He maintained he had done God good Service to unmask them to their shame, that were ignorant Laicks, yet preach'd privately and publickly, to the corruption and dishonour of the Gospel. Nay, all would be Teachers in the gatherings of the Sectaries, scarce a Mute in the Alphabet of these [Page 166]new Christians, but all Vowels. Every one puts Hand to Christ's Plough, that neither know Seed, Soil, nor Season. Souldiers, as the Heathen feign, may come up like Cadmus Teeth, Seed in the Morning, and grow Men by Noon: [...], Synes. Dio. Sativos Theologos nulla hactenus fabula prodigiosè finxit. Nay, these Praedicants were never so much as potentially Seed, but Mushrooms. Christ is brought in, Luk. 2.46. being but Twelve years old, sitting in the midst of the Doctors, hearing and asking Que­stions, Ne infirmus quis docere audeat, si ille puer doceri interrogando voluit, Montag. Orig. par. 2. p. 299. Christ could learn nothing of them, but we learn of him, that ignorant men must not presume to teach, since he that knew all things conformed himself to our Weakness, as if being young, he would be taught by Questions. It is a lame Excuse to say in the behalf of some of these Upstarts, that they are gifted men: Who reports this, but such as are as blind as them­selves? They have bold Foreheads, strong Lungs, and talk loud: [...], Plut. 8. Sympos. An empty Cask will make a great sound if you knock upon it: They have sounded it sweetly, when their Disciples are Anabaptists, Familists, Brownists, Antinomians, Socinians, Adamites, any thing but Orthodox Christians; yet a world of these unstable People flock after these Coachmen-preachers, Watchmaking-preachers, Barber-preachers, and such addle headed Companions. Pliny says of Dates, taken just at their ripeness, lib. 13. c. 4. Tanta est musteis suavitas, ut fims mandendi non nisi periculo fiat: So [...]entices and Country-folk hunt after these Teachers, and are ready to burst their Bellies with new Dates. But worst of all, these silly Bawle [...]s qualifying themselves for the Peoples Favour, vent such Politicks, as are by odds the most dangerous part of their Discourses, encroaching so far upon Allegiance, that they cut off all Duty which St. Paul would have given to the higher Powers. But, what if they were guilty of such Gists as some would seem to observe in them? Is there nothing else that goes to the making of a Minister of God's Word? The Woman that reckoned the Charge of her Brewing, forgat the Malt, that cost most; so you reckon their fitness to preach upon the score of their Gifts; but, Where is their Calling? Where is their Ordination? Cooks or Butchers have a Gift to dress a Beast, yet God would admit none but Priests to make ready his Sacrifice. And if you mean by Gifts Learning and Knowledge, I am perswaded if these your Chaplains had them, they would give them away again if they could: Learning is that which they decry, as a mark of the Beast; Qui omnes sui similes esse cupiunt, ut privata e [...]runt inscitia sub c [...]mmuni delitescat, says Erasmus. I spend too much time to pull down a Sconce of Sand: I have no more to answer to, but to them that bid me speak well of these and pity them, because they are ignorant, and mean well. I report that of Bernard to it, Ut li­berius peccent, libenter ignorant; They are willingly ignorant, that they may be wilful­ly factious. And through what Loop-hole doth their Good-meaning appear? In Railings or Blasphemies? I will never impute a Good meaning unto them, so long as I see no such thing in their Fruits, unless God shall say so at the last day. God grant to this Parliament a Good-meaning, to reform these Abuses, and to act it with their Wisdom and Power; for I have heard some say, that Hell is full of them that had nothing but good purposes. This which the Bishop did then deliver, I may call his visiting of the Parliament; and you have both what he acted in his Diocess, and what he spake at a Conference of both Hou­fes. [...]; as I may bor­row it out of Nazian. upon another Athanasius, He exceeded the most eloquent in Eloquence, and the most active in Practice. For all this good Warning, our great Commanders in the Belly of the Trojan Horse mended nothing: Nay, in about a year and half after this, they sequestred the choicest Divines of the Kingdom from their Livings, and many of these Mechanicks supplied their places. At Wimbleton, not far from me, a Warrener propounded to Thomas Earl of Exeter, That he should have a Burrough of Rabbets of what colour he pleased. Let them be all white skinned, says that good Earl. The Undertaker killed up all the rest, and fold them away, but the white lair, and left not enough to serve the Earl's Table. The application runs full upon a worthy Clergy, who were de­stroy'd, to make room for white-skinn'd Pole-cats, that came in with a strike, and so will go out

[Page 167] 158. But the King is come home again, who could not work the Scots to his own plight, or obtain any thing from that ungovern'd Nation: Here he found his Bishops design'd to Undoing, and the Parliament would sit his Pati­ence out till it was effected. An unlimited Concession ( Utinam promissa liceret non dare, Metam. lib. 2.) forfeits the Giver himself to those that have received the Privilege from him. The Houses stand not upon Reasons, but Legislative Votes. Reasons! no, God wot: As Camerar. says of sorry Writers, in vt. Melan. Miseri homines mendicant argumenta: nam si mercarentur profectò meliora afferrent; They beg the Cause; for if they purchas'd it with Arguments, they would bring better. If they have no other Proofs, there were many in the Pack that could fetch them from Inspiration: Or obtrude a Point of Conscience, and then there is no disputing; for it cannot live, no more than a longing Woman, if it have not all it gapes for. They ask it for a great-bellied Conscience, to which, in Humanity, you must deny nothing. His Majesty was mainly afflicted, both that an unseasonable Bar was devising against all the Clergy, to intermeddle in any secular Affairs; especially, that the Bishops Places, of which they were so anciently possest in Parliament, were heaved at, which came near to the lessen­ing, or worse, of his own Royalty: He knew they were joyned in such a cou­plement, as the removing of the one endanger'd the other. Grotius says it was the Judgment of a wife and mighty Prince, Charles the Fifth, Caesari persuasum, conculcatâ sacerdotum reverentiá, ne ipsi quidem mansurum obsequium, Annal. p. 11. What did persuade the Emperor to think so? Not because his Clergies Reve­nues are at his devotion, to help him more than other mens; or that they were learned, and able to dispute his Right and Title with his Enemies; or that their Interest did legally keep his Throne from tottering; but because commonly the King and the Prelates have the same Enemies; and the Constitution of them both is much at one; for he that thinks a Bishop is too much a Potentate over the Ministry, is yellow with Disdain against Superiority, and is prepared to conceive, that a free Monarch is too glorious a Creature over the People. The King therefore exprest his Patronage, as much as he could, to that Holy Order, and exalted some worthy men to Bishopricks in vacant Places; and among others, translated the Bishop of Lincoln to be Archbishop of the Province of York. This is that man, whose Life was so full of Variety; Quod consul toties exul (que) ex exule consul, says Manilius of Marius. He was advanced to great Honours very young; half of his Pomps cut off within five years; lay four years cur­rent in the Tower, sequestred of all, and very near to be deprived of all, and of a sudden recovers his Liberty, and a higher Place than ever. That of Patercu. upon the City of Capua is very like, or the same; Mirum est tam maturè tantam urbem crevisse, floruisse, [...]ccidisse, resurrexisse. His Sufferings, his great Name and Worth, his Service done daily at that time for the King and Church, did deser­vedly prefer him, before divers that were of great merit. So Synesius said of An­tonius, Ep. 68. that was chosen when many were in nomination, for a Bisho­prick, and all worthy of it, [...]; It gave him great Reputation to be accounted better than them that were very good. And for a Surplusage, the King granted him to hold the Deanry of Westminster in Commendam for three years, that he might not be displaced out of his House, while he attended at that great Meeting, His Majesty expecting it would not live above three years, but it had as many Lives as a Cat, and lasted longer: And York, after twice three months, never saw his Deanry more. This Parliament meaning to sit till the Day of Doom, wanted, to their full Power and Pleasure, to be rid of their Company, whom they liked not; which the Commons could not effect for their part, till they held out the Gorgon's Head of the Covenant. The Lords would not stay so long, but prepared a Bill, and read it, to reject the Bishops from being Spiritual Peers of the Upper House: But what Pincers will they pluck them out withal? First, with the Resorts, Petitions, and Ragings of the People. What, the People, that seditious Beast! Cupidum novarum rerum, ctio & quieti adversum, Salust. p. 109. Sic est vulgus, ex veritate pauca, ex opinione mul­ta judicat, Cic. pro Dom. And Grotius proves out of the Caesarean Law in Matt. 27.23. That when Pilate enclined to hear the People, who would have Christ condemned, he acted contrary to Caesar's Law, Vanas populi veces non audiendar Imperatores pronunciarunt. O those of the right Heroical Race were dead and gone, who would not have endured to be directed by the Off-scourings of their grea­test Enemies: Nec bellua tetrior ulla est—Quam vulgi rabies in libera colla frement is, Claud. in Eutrop. The other catch of the Pincers was, their Lordships Legisla­tive [Page 168]Vote, and their odds in number above the Bishops, if you counted men by Noses. Power should be a divine thing, this was only Strength; as Aristotle says 2 Rhet. c. 2. [...]: which Tully hath put in good sence and good words, pro Quinc. Arbitrantur sine injuriâ potentiam levem, at (que) inopem esse. Some think it is not Power, unless they make us feel that it can do an Injury. Now methinks their Lordships should have mark'd, that their House was alter'd in its Visage very much, when the Bishops sate no longer with them. And Hippocrates says, That sick man will not recover, whose Face is so much changed, that it is drawn into another fashion. [...]. And did the Lay-Peers look to last long, when the Aspect of their House was so metamor­phos'd? It is a vulgar Error, If you pluck up a Mandrake, you will dye at the Groan of it: Though it be but a Fable, let them remember it that are for Extirpation; and ware them whose turn is next. Take away one Leg from a Trevit, it may make a scurvy Stool to sit on, but it is no longer a Trevit. And take away the third Estate of Bishops, be it nominal or real, a Convention it may be, but I doubt whether it be a Parliament. And as a bungling Painter said of a Beast he had not drawn well, It would not make a good Lyon, but he could turn it into a good Calf. There was a time when the whole Academy of Philosophers was banish'd out of Athens, but they were soon miss'd, and he was well fined that was their Enemy. Sequenti anno revocati, & multa 5 talentorum Sophocli Ar­chonti indita, Moeur. fort. Att. p. 65. But for them that thrust the Bishops out of their ancient Right, the Injury avenged it self upon them; for it was not long when the Commons served the Temporal Lords in the same kind: Nec longum, laetabere, te quo (que) fata prospectant paria, AEn. lib. 10. They were not only thrust out, but an Engagement, like a Padlock, clapt upon the Door, to keep them out for ever; and to their great dishonour, the other House made to resemble the Peers of the Land. Duxit Sacerdotes inglorios, & Optimates supplantat: Mark their Sympathy in the words of the vulgar Latin, Job 12.19. Which re­tribution, measure for measure, the Bishops did neither wish nor rejoice in, but committed their Innocency to be justified by the Holy God. Seek no other rea­son why they had so many Enemies, but because Christianity was mightily faln among us, both as to the credenda and the agenda. A mighty part had a Religion (I mean equivocally called so) that was a Picture looking equally upon all Sects that pass'd by it; and as indifferent as Gusman [...]s Father, that being taken by the Pirates of Argiers, for quietness sake, and as one that had not the Spirit of Contradiction, renounced Christ, and turned Turk. But when the Cause of the Bishops, for other Immunities, and to keep their undoubted Right and Place in the Lords House, was in the hottest dispute Sentence ready to be call'd for, and like the last bidding, for a thing at the Port-sale, York, at a Committee of the Lords, stands up for his Brethren, Muri (que) urbis sunt pectore in uno, Sil. lib. 7, and delivers him in the long Harangue that follows.

159. ‘I shall desire as much Water, or Time of your H. Lordships, as your Lordships can well afford in a Committee, because all I intend to speak in this business, must be to your Lordships only, as resolved, for mine own part, to make hereafter no Remonstrance at all to His most excellent Majesty, for these several Reasons: First, That I have had occasion of late to know, that our Soveraign (whom God bless and preserve) is, I will not say above other Princes, but above all Christian men that ever I knew or heard of; a man of a most upright, dainty, and scrupulous Conscience, and afraid to look upon some Actions which other Princes abroad do usually swallow up and devour. I know (for I have the Monuments in my own custody) what Oath, or ra­ther Oaths, His Majesty hath taken at his Coronation, to preserve all the Rights and Liberties of the Church of England; and you know very well, that Churchmen are never sparing in their Rituals and Ceremonials, to amplisie and swell out the Oaths of Princes in that kind. Your Lordships then know right well, that he is sworn at that time to observe punctually the Laws of King Edward; the first Law whereof, as you may see in Lambert's Saxon Laws, is to preserve entirely the Peace, the Possessions, and the Rights and Privi­leges of the Church. And truly, I shall never put my Master's Conscience, that I find resenting and punctilious, when it is bound up with Oaths and Pro­testations, to swallow such Gudgeons, as to sill it self with these Doubts and Scruples. My second Reason is, That if His Majesty were free from all these Oaths and Protestations, I du [...]t not, without some fair Invitation from him­self, [Page 169]advise His Majesty to run Shocks and Oppositions against the Votes of both these great Houses of Parliament. Lastly, If I were secretly invited to move His Majesty to advise upon the passing of this Bill, yet speaking mine own Heart and Sence, and not binding any of my Brethren in this Opinion, if I found the major part of this House to pass this Bill, without much qualification, I should never have the boldness, nor desire to sit any more in any judicial place in this most honourable House. And therefore, my H. Lordships, here I have sixt my Areopagus, and dernier Resort, being not like to make any further Appeal; which makes me humbly desire your Pa­tience, to speak for some longer time than I have accustomed in a Committee; in which length, notwithstanding, I hope to use a great deal of brevity, some length in the whole, and much shortness in every particular Head, which I mean so to distinguish, and beat out, that not only your Lordships, but the Lords my Brethren may enlarge themselves upon all the particulars, which neither my Abilities of Body can perform, nor doth my Intention nor Pur­pose aim at, at this time: I will therefore cast this whole Bill into six several Heads, wherein I hope to comprehend all that I shall say, or any man else can materially touch upon in this Bill. The first is, the Rise or Motive of this Bill, which is the Duty of men in Holy Orders, for the words are, Persons in Holy Orders ought not to intermeddle, &c. And this Duty of Ministers may be ta­ken in this place two several ways; either for their Duty in point of Divinity, or for their Duty in point of Convenience, which we commonly call Policy. In regard of either of these Duties it may be conceived, that men in Holy Or­ders ought not to intermeddle in Sacred Affairs, &c. and this is the Motive, Rise, and Ground of this Bill. The second point are the persons concerned in the Bill, which are Archbishops, Bishops, Parsons, Vicars, and all other in Holy Orders. The third point contains the things inhibited from this time forward, to such persons by this Bill, and they are of several sorts and natures: First, Freeholds and Rights of such persons, as their Suffrages, Votes, and Le­gislative Power in Parliament: Secondly, Matters of Princely Favours; as to sit in Star-chamber, to be call'd to the Council-board, to be Justices of the Peace, &c. Thirdly, Matters of a mixt and concrete nature, that seem to be both Freeholds and Favours of former Princes; as, the Charters of some of the Bishops, and some of the ancient Cathedrals, are conceived to be: And these are all the matters or things inhibited from those persons in Holy Orders, by this present Bill. The fourth point is the manner of this Inhibition, which is of a double nature; first, of a severe Penalty; and secondly, under Cain's Mark, an eternalkind of Disability and Incapacity laid upon them, from enjoying hereafter any of those Freeholds, Rights, Favours, or Charters of former Prin­ces; and that which is the heaviest point of all, without killing of Abel, or any Crime laid to their Charge, more than that in the beginning of the Bill it is said roundly, and in the style of Lacedaemon, That they ought not to intermeddle in Secular Affairs. The fifth point is a Salvo for the two Universities, but none for the Bishop of Durham, nor for the Bishop of Ely, not for the Dean of West­minster, their next Neighbour, who is establish'd in his Government by an espe­cial Act of Parliament, that of the 27 of Queen Elizabeth. The sixth and last point is a Salvo for Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Viscounts, Barons, or Peers of this Kingdom, that either may be, or are such by Descent: Which Clause, I hope in God, will prove not only a Salvo to those honourable persons (where­of, if we of the Clergy were but so happy as to have any competent number of our Coat, Quot Thebarum portae, vel divit is ostia Nili, this Bill surely had perish'd in the Womb, and never come to the Birth) but I hope that this Clause will prove this Bill a felo de se, and a Murtherer of it self; and in­tended for a Salvo to noble Ministers only, prove a Salvo for all other Mini­sters, that be not so happy as to be nobly born; because the very poor Mini­ster, for ought we find in Scripture, or common Reason, is no more tyed to serve God in his Vocation [...] than these [...], and nobly-born Ministers are. And therefore I hope those noble Ministers will deal so nobly, as to pull their Brethren the poor Ministers out of the Thorns and Bryars of this Bill. And these are all the true Heads and Contents of this Bill: And among these six Heads your Lordships shall be sure to find me; and I shall expect to sind your Lord­ships in the whole Tract of this Committee. And now, with your Lordships honourable Leave and Patience, I will run them over, almost as briefly as I have pointed and pricked them down.’

[Page 170] 160. ‘For the first, the Rise and Motive of this Bill, which is the Duty of Men in Holy Orders not to intermeddle with Secular Affairs, must either rise from a point of Divinity, or from a point of Conveniency or Policy: And I hope in God it will not appear to your Lordships, that there is any Ground either of Divinity or Policy to inhibit men in Orders, so modestly to inter­meddle with Secular Affairs, as that the measure of intermeddling in such Af­fairs shall not hinder nor obstruct the Duties of their Calling: They ought not so to intermeddle in Secular Affairs, as to neglect their Ministry; no more ought Lay-men neither; for they have a Calling and Vocation, wherein they are to walk, as Ministers have; they have Wife, and Children, and Families to care for, and they are not to neglect these to live upon Warrants and Recognizances, to become a kind of Sir Francis Michel, or a Justus nimis, as Solomon calls it, Eccles. 7.16. That place, 2 Tim. 2.4. No man that warrs en­tangles himself with the affairs of this life, will be found to be applied by all good Interpreters to Lay-men, as well as Church-men, and, under favour, nothing at all to this purpose. Besides that, the word ( [...]) doth point at a man that is so wholly taken up with the Affairs of this Life, that he utterly neglects the Offices and Duties of a Christian man: And so I leave that place as un­capable of any other Exposition, nor ever otherwise interpreted, but by Popes Legates and Canonists, that make a Nose or Wax of every place of Scripture they touch upon. But that men in Holy Orders ought not, in a moderate manner, together with the Duties of their Calling, to help and assist in the Government of the Common-wealth, if they be thereunto lawfully called by the Soveraign Prince, can never be proved by any good Divinity; for in the Law of Nat [...]e before the Deluge, and a long time after, it is a point that no man will deny me, That the Eldest of the Family was both the Priest and the Magistrate: Then the People were taken out of Aegypt by Moses and Aaron, Moses and Aaron among his Priests, as it is in the Psalm. Then there was a Form of a Common-wealth setch'd from Heaven indeed, and planted upon the Earth, and judiciary Laws dictated for the regulating of the same. Nor do I much care, though some men shall say, That persons in Holy Orders ought not to intermeddle in Secular Affairs, when that Great God of Heaven and Earth doth appoint them to intermeddle with all the principal Affairs of that estate: witness the exorbitant Power of the High-Priest in Secular Matters, the Sanhe­drim, the 23, the Judges of the Gate, which were most of them Priests and Levites. And the Church-men of that Estate were not all Butchers and Slaughter-men, for they had their Tabernacle, their Synagogues, their Pray­ers, Preaching, and other Exercises of Piety. In a word, we have Divinius, but they had operosius ministerium, as St Austin speaketh. Our Ministry takes up more of our Thoughts, but theirs took up more of their Labour and In­dustry. Nor is it any matter that this Common-wealth is no more in being: it sufficeth it hath been once, and that planted by God himself, who would never have appointed persons in Holy Orders to intermeddle with things they ought not to intermeddle withal. I will go on with my Chronology of per­sons in Holy Orders, and only put you in mind of Ely, and Samuel among the Judges, of Sadock's Employment under K. David, of Jehojada's under his Nephew King Joash, and would sain know what Hurt these men in Holy Orders did, by intermedling in Secular Affairs of that time. Now we are returned from the Captivity of Babylon, I desire you to look upon the whole Race of the Maccab [...]s, eve [...] to Antigonus, the last of them all, taken Pri­soner by Pompey, and [...] afterwards by M Antony; and shew me any of those Princes (a Woman or two excepted) that was not a Priest and a Magi­strate.’

161. ‘We are now come to Christ's time, when methinks I hear St. Paul, 23. of the Acts, excuse himself for reviling of the High-Priest: I wist not, Brethren, that he was the High- [...]iest, for it is written, Thoushalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy People: Where observe, that the word Ruler in the Greek is [...], the very same word that is used by St. Paul, Rom. 13.3. where this word [...] is translated by Beza, Magistrates. Then you must be pleased to imagine the Church asleep, or almost dead under Persecution, for almost 300 years, until the happy days of the Emperor Constantine, and not expect to find many Magistrates among the Christians: Yet you shall find St. Paul, 1 Cor. 6.5. offend against this Bill, and intermeddle Knuckle-deep with Secular Affairs, by inhibiting the Corinthians very sharply for their Chicanery, their [Page 171]Pettisoggery and common Barretry, in going to Law one with another: Be­sides, that as all learned men agree, both the Apostles and Apostolical men that lived presently after them, had a miraculous power of punishing exorbitant Crimes, which supplied the power of the ordinary Magistrate; as appears in Ananias and Sapphira, the incestuous Corinthian, and many others: But then, from Constantine's Age till the Reformation, began by Luther, Churchmen were so usually employed in managing of Secular Affairs, that I shall confess inge­nuously it was too much; there lying an Appeal from the Courts of the Em­pire to the Bishops Judicatory; as you shall find it every where in the Code of Justinian. So it was under Carolus Magnus, and all the Carolovingian Line of our neighbour Kingdom of France. So, and somewhat more, it was with us in the Saxon Heptarchy, the Bishop and the Sheriff sitting together check by jowl in their Turns and Courts. But these exorbitant and vast Employment, in Secular Affairs I stand not up to desend, and therefore I will hasten to the Reformation. Where Mr. Calvin, in the fourth Book of his Institutions, and eleventh Distinction, doth confess, that the holy men heretofore did refer their Controversies to the Bishop, to avoid Troubles in Law. You shall find that from Luther to this present day, in all the flux of Time, in all Nations, in all manner of Reformations, persons in Holy Orders were thought fit to intermed­dle in Secular Affairs: Brentius was a Privy-Councillor to his Duke and Prince; Functius was a Privy-Councillor to the great Duke of Boruss [...]a, as it is but too notoriously known to those that are versed in Histories; Calvin and Beza, while they lived, carried all the Council of the State of Geneva under their own Gowns. Bancroft in his Survey, c. 26. observeth, that they were of the Council of State there, which consisteth of Threescore: And I have my self known Abraham Scultetus a Privy-Councillor to the Prince Palatine; Reverend Monsieur Du Moulin, for many years together, a Councillor to the Princess of Sedan; his Brother-in-law Monsieur Rivet, a great learned Personage now in England, of the Privy-Council of the Prince of Orange. You all hear, and I know much good by his former Writings, of a learned man called Mr. Hender­son, and most of your Lordships understand better than I, what Employment he hath at this time in this Kingdom: And truly, I do believe that there is no Reformed Church in the World, settled and constituted by the State, where­in it is held for a point in Divinity, that persons in Holy Orders ought not to intermeddle with Secular Affairs: Which is all I shall say of this Duty of Mi­nisters in point of Divinity.’

162. ‘Now I come to the second Duty of men in Holy Orders, in point of Conveniency or Policy, and am clearly of opinion, that even in this Regard and Re [...]ection they ought not to be debarred from modestly intermeddling in Secular Affairs; for i [...] there be any such Inconvenience, it must needs arise from this, That to exercise some Secular Jurisdiction must be evil in it self, or evil to a person in Holy Orders. Which is neither so nor so, for the whole Office of a subordinate civil Magistrate is most exactly described in Rom. 13. v. 3, 4. and no man can add or detract from the same. The Civil Power is a Divine Ordinance, set up to be a Terror to the Evil, and an Encouragement to Good Works. This is the whole compass of the Civil Power: And there­sore I do here demand, with the most learned Bishop Davenant, that within a few days did sit by my side, in the Eleventh Question of his Determinations, What is there of Impiety, what of Unlawfulness, what unbecoming either the Holiness or Calling of a Priest, in terrifying the bad, or comforting the good Subject, in repressing of Sin, or punishing of Sinners? For this is the whole and entire act of Civil Ju­risdiction. It is in its own nature repugnant to no Person, to no Function, to no fort or condition of Men, let them hold themselves never so holy, never so seraphical, it becomes them very well to repress Sin and punish Sinners; that is to say, to exercise in a moderate manner Civil Jurisdiction, if the Soveraign shall require it: And you shall find that this Doctrine of debarring persons in Holy Orders from Secular Employments, is no Doctrine of the Reformed, but the Popish Church, and first brought into this Kingdom by the Popes of Rome, and Lambeth, Lanfrank, Anselm, Stephen Langton, and the rest, together with Otho and Ottobon, and to this only end, that the man of Rome might withdraw all the Clergy of this Kingdom from their obligation to the King and Nobility, who were most of them great Princes in those times, and thereby might esta­blish and create (as in great part he did) Regnum in Regno, a Kingdom of Shavelings in the midst of this Kingdom of England. And hence came those [Page 172]Canons of mighty consequence, able to shoot up a Priest at one shot into Heaven, as, that he must not meddle with matters of Blood; that he must not exercise Civil Jurisdiction; that he must not be a Steward to a Noble-man in his House; and all the rest of this Palea and Garbage. That is in plain En­glish, the Priest must no longer receive Obligations from either King or Lords, but wholly depend upon his Holy Fathers, the Pope of Rome, and the Pope of Lambeth; or at least wise, pay him soundly for their Dispensations and Absolutions, when they presume to do the contrary. In the mean time here is not one word or shew of Reason, to inform an understanding man, that persons in Holy Orders ought not to terrisie the Bad and comfort the Good, to repress Sin, and chastise Sinners; which is the summa totalis of the Civil Magistracy, and consequently so far forth, at the least, to intermeddle with Secular Affairs. And this is all that I shall say touching the Motive and Ground of this Bill, and that persons in Holy Orders ought not to be inhi­bited from intermeddling in Secular Astairs, either in point of Divinity, or in point of Conveniency and Policy.’

163. ‘The second Point consists of the Persons reflected upon in this Bill, which are Archbishops, Bishops, Parsons, Vicars, and all others in Holy Or­ders; of which point I shall say little, only finding these Names huddled up in an Heap, made me conceive at first, that it might have some relation to Mr. [...] Reading in the Middle Temple, which I ever esteem'd to have been very inoffentively deliver'd by that learned Gentleman, and with little discretion question'd by a great Ecclesiastick then in Place; for all that he said was this, That when the Temporal [...]ords are more in Voices than the Spiritual, they may pass a Bill without consent of the Bishops: Which is an Assertion so clear in Reason, and so often practis'd upon the Records and Rolls of Parliament, that no man any way vers'd in either of these, can make any doubt of it, nor do I; though I humbly conceive no Pre [...]ident will be ever sound, that the Prelates were ever excluded, otherwise than by their own Folly, Fear, or Headiness. For the point of being Justices of Peace, the Gentleman confesseth, he never meddled with Archbishops, nor Bishops, nor with any Clergyman made a Justice by His Majesty's Commission. In the Statute made 34 Edw. 3. c. 1. he finds Assignees for the keeping of the Peace, one Lord, three or four of the most valiant men of the County; the troublesome times did then so require it: And if God do not bless us with the riddance of these two Armies, the like Provision will be now as necessary. He finds these men included, but he doth not find Churchmen excluded; no, not in the Statute 13 Rich. II. c. 7. that requires Justices of Peace to be made of Knights, Esquires, and Gentle­men of the Law, of the most sufficient of each County. In which words the Gentleman thinks Clerks were not included; and I clearly say, by his favour, they are not excluded; nor do the learned Sages of the Law conceive them to be excluded by that Statute. If the King shall command the Lord Keeper to fill up the Commissions of each County, with the most sufficient Knights, Esquires, and Gentlemen of the Law, shall the Lord Keeper thereupon ex­clude the Noblemen and the Prelates? I have often in my days received this Command, but never heard of this Interpretation before this time: So that I cannot conceive from what ground this general Sweepstake of Archbishops, Bithops, Parsons, Vicars, and all others in Holy Orders should proceed. I have heard, since the beginning of my Sickness, that it hath been alledg'd in this House, that the Clergy, in the Sixth of Edw. 3. did disavow that the Custody of the Peace did belong to them at all, and I believe that such a thing is to be sound among the Notes of the Privileges of this House; but first, you must remember, that it was in a great Storm, and when the Waters were much troubled, and the wild People unapt to be kept in order by Miters, and Cro­sier-staves: But yet if that noble Lord shall be pleased to cast his Eye upon the Roll it self, he shall find that this poor Excuse did not serve the Prelates turns; for they were compelled with a witness to defend the preservation of the Peace of the Kingdom for their parts, as well as the Noblemen and Gen­try. And you shall find the Ordinance to this effect set down upon that Roll. I conclude therefore, with that noble Lord's favour, that the sweeping of all the Clergy out of temporal Offices, is a motion of the first impression, and was never heard in the English Common-wealth before this Bill.’

[Page 173] 164. ‘I come, in the third place, to the main part of this Cause, the things to be severed from all men in Holy Orders, which are, as I told you of three kinds: 1. Matters of Free-hold, as the Bishops Votes in Parliament, and Legi­slative Power. 2. Matters of Favour, to be a Judge in Star-chamber; to be a a Privy-Councillor, to be a Justice of Peace, or a Commissioner in any Tempo­ral Affairs. 3. Mixt Matters of Free-hold and Favour too, as the Charters of some Bishops, and many of the ancient Cathedrals of this Kingdom, who al­low them a Justice or two within themselves, or their Close, as they call it, and exempt those grave and learned men from the Rudeness and Insolency of Tapsters, Brewers, Inn-keepers, Taylors, and Shoe-makers, which do integrate and make up the Bodies of our Country-Cities and Incorporations. And now is the Ax laid to the very Root of the Ecclesiastical Tree, and without your Lordships Justice and Favour, all the Branches are to be lopt off quite with those latter Clauses, and the Stock and Root it self to be quite grubb'd and digged up, by that first point of abolishing all Vote and Legislative Power in all Clergymen, leaving them to be no longer any part of the People of Rome, but meer Slaves and Bond-men to all intents and purposes; and the Priests of England, one degree interiour to the Priests of Jer [...]boam, being to be accounted worse than the Tail of the People. Now I hope no English-man will doubt, but this Vote and Representation in Parliament is not only a Freehold, but the greatest Freehold that any Subject in England, or in all the Christian World, can brag of at this day, that we live under a King, and are to be govern'd by his Laws, that is, not by his arbitrary Edicts or Rescripts, but by such Laws confirmed by him, and assented to by us, either in our proper Persons, or in our Assignees and Representations. This is the very Soul and Genius of our Magna Charta, and without this one Spirit that great Statute is little less than litera occidens, a dead and useless piece of Paper: You heard it most truly ope­ned unto you by a wise and judicious Peer of this House, that Legem patere quam ipse tuleris, was a Motto, wherein Alexander Severus had not more interest than every true-born Englishman. No Forty-shillings-man in England, but doth in person or representation enjoy his Freedom and Liberty: The Prelates of this Kingdom, as a Looking-glass and Representation of the Clergy, a third estate, if we may speak either with Sir Edw. Coke, or the ancient Acts of Parliament, have been in possession hereof these Thousand years and upward. The Prin­ces of the Norman Race, indeed, for their own ends, and to strengthen them­selves with Men and Money, erected the Bishopricks soon after the Conquest into Baronies, and left them to sit in the House, with their double Capacities about them; the latter invented for the profit of the Prince, not excluding the former, remaining always from the beginning, for the profit and concern­ment of the poor Clergy, and the State Ecclesiastical: which appears not on­ly by the Saxon Laws set forth by Mr. Lambert and Sir H. Spelman, but also by the Bishops Writs and Summons to Parliament, in use to this very day. We have many President, upon the Rolls, that in vacancy of Episcopal Sees, the Guardian of the Spirituals, though but a simple Priest, hath been called to fit in this Honourable House, by reason of the former Representation: and such an Officer I was my self over that See whereof I am Bishop, some 25 years ago, and might then have been summoned by Writ to this Honourable House, at that very time, by reason of keeping the Spirituality of that Diocess, which then, as a simple Priest, I did, by vertue of the aforesaid Office represent. And therefore, most noble Lords, look upon the Ark of God's Representative, that at this time floats in great danger in this Deluge of Waters: If there be any Cham or unclean Creature therein, out with him, and let every man bear his own Burden, but save the Ark for God and Christ Jesus sake, who hath built it in this Kingdom for saving of People. And your Lordships are too wise to conceive that the Word and Sacraments, the means of our Salvation, will be ever effectually received from those Ministers, whose Persons shall be so vilified and dejected, as to be made no Parcels or Fragments of this Com­mon-wealth. No, faith Gregory, the last Trick the Devil had in this World was this, that when he could not bring the Word and Sacraments into disgrace by Errors and Heretical Opintens, he invented this Project, (and much applauded his Wit therein) to cast Slight and Contempt upon the Preachers and Ministers. And my noble Lords, you are too wise to believe what the common people talk, that we have a Vote in the election of Knights and Burgesses, and consequently some Figure and Representation in the noble House of Commons They of the Mi­nistry [Page 174]have no Vote in these Elections, they have no Representation in that Ho­nourable House, and the contrary Assertions are so slight and groundless, as I will not offer to give them any answer. And therefore, R. Hon. Lords, have a special care of the Church of England your Mother in this point. And as God hath made you the most noble of all the Peers of the Christian World, so do not you give way that our Nobility shall be taught henceforth, as the Romans were in the time of the first and second Punick Wars, by their Slaves and Bond-men only: and that the Church of God in this Island may come to be served by the most ig­noble Ministers, that have ever been seen in the Christian Church, since the Passion of our Saviour. And so much for the first thing, which this Bill in­tends of sever from Persons in Holy Orders, viz. Votes and Representations in Parliament. The next thing to be severed from them by this Bill is of a mean­er Mettal and Alloy, sittings in Star-Chamber, sittings at Council-Table, sit­ting in the Commissions of Peace, and other Commissions of Secular Affairs, which are such Favours and Graces of Christian Princes, as the Church may have a being, and subsistence without them. The Fartunes of our Greece do not depend upon these Spangles: and the Soveraign Prince hath imparted and withdrawn these kind of Favours without the envy or regret of any wise Ec­clesia [...]ical Persons. But, my noble Lords, this is the Case; our King hath by the Statute restored unto him the Headship of the Church of England, and by the Word of God, he is Custos utriusque tabulae. And will your Lordships al­low this Ecclesiastical Head no Ecclesiastical Senses at all? No Ecclesiastical Person to be consulted withal, not in any circumstance of Time and Place? If Cranmer had been thus dealt withal in the minority of our young King Jo­sias, King Edward the Sixth of pious memory, what had become of the great Work of our Reformation in this flourishing Church of England? But I know before whom I speak. I do not mean to Dine your Lordships with Cole­worts: the harsh Consequents of this Point your Lordships do understand as well as I. The last Robe that some Persons in Holy Orders are to be stript of, hath a kind of Mixture of Freehold and Favour, of the proper Right and Graces of the King, which are certain old Charters, that some few Bishops, and many Ancient and Cathedral Churches have purchased and procured from the ancient Kings, before and since the Conquest, to inable them to live quiet in their own Precincts, and close (as they call it) under a Justice or two of their own Body, without being abandoned, upon every slight occasion, to the Inju­ries and Vexations of Mechanical Tradesmen, of which your Lordships best know those Country Incorporations do most consist. Now whether these sew Char­ters have their Foundation by Favour or by Right, I should conceive, under your Lordships savour, it is neither Favour nor Right to take them away, without some just Crime objected and proved. For if they be abused in any particular, Mr. Attorney-General can find an ordinary Remedy to repair the same by a Writ of Ad quod damnum, without troubling the two Houses of Par­liament. And this is all I shall speak to this Point.’

165. ‘And now I am come to the fourth part of this Bill, which is the manner of Inhibition, heavy every way: heavy in the Penalty, heavier a great deal in the Incapacity. For the weighing of the Penalty will you consider, I be­seech you, the small Wyres, that is, poor Causes, that are to induce the same: and then the heavy Lead that hangs upon those Wyres. It is thus: If a na­tural Subject of England, interessed in the Magna Charta, and Petition of Right, as well as any other, yet being a Person in Holy Orders, shall happen unfor­tunately to Vote in Parliament, to obey his Prince by way of Counsel, or by way of a Commissioner be required thereunto, then he is presently to lose and forfeit for his first offence all his means and livelyhood for one year and for the second to forfeit his Freehold in that kind for ever and ever. And I do not believe that your Lordships ever saw such an heavy weight of Censure hang upon such thin Wyres of Reason in an Act of Parliament made heretofore. This perad­venture may move others most, but it does not me. It is not the Penalty, but the Incapacity, and as the Philosopher would call it, the Natural Impo­tency imposed by this Bill on Men in Holy Orders to serve the King, or the State in this kind, be they never so able, never so willing, never so vertuous. Which makes me draw a kind of Timanthes vail over this Point, and leave it, without any amplification at all, unto your Lordships wise and inward thoughts and considerations.—The fifth Point is the Salvo made for the two Universities, to have Justices of Peace among them of their own Heads of [Page 175]Houses, which I confess to be done upon mature and just consideration: For otherwise the Scholars must have gone for Justice to those Parties to whom they send for Mustard and Vineger. But yet, under favour, the Reasons and In­ducements cannot be stronger than may be found out for other Ecclesiastical Persons; as the Bishop of Durham, who was ever, since the days of K. John, suffered by the Princes and Parliaments of England to exercise Justice upon the Parties in those Parts, as being in truth the King's Subjects, but the Bishops Tenants, and therefore not likely to have their Causes more duly weighed, than when the Balance is left in the hand of their own proper Landlord. The Case of the Bishop of Ely, for some parts of that Isle is not much diffe­rent. But if a little Partiality doth not herein cast some little Mist before mine eyes, the Case of the Dean and City of Westminster, wherein this Parliament is now sitting, is far more considerable, both in the Antiquity, extent of Ju­risdiction, and the Warrants whereupon it is grounded, than any one of those places before mentioned. For there is a clear Statute made 27 Eliz. for the drawing all Westminster, St. Clement, and St. Martins le Grand, London, into a Corporation to be reigled by a Dean, a Steward, twelve Burgesses, and twelve Assistants: And if some Salve or Plaister shall not be applied to Westminster in this Point, all that Government and Corporation is at an end. But this I perceive since is taken into consideration by the Honourable House of Com­mons themselves.—I come now to the last Point, and the second Salvo of this Bill, which is for Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Viscounts, Barons or Peers of this Kingdom; which is a Clause that looks with a kind of contrary glance upon Persons in Holy Orders: it seems to favour some, but so that thereby, and in that very act, it casts an aspersion of baseness and ignobility upon all the rest of that Holy Profession. For if no Persons in Holy Orders ought to intermeddle in Secular Affairs, how come those Nobles to be excepted out of the Universal Negative? Is it because they are nobly born? Then surely it must be granted that the rest must be excluded, as being made of a worser and rougher piece of Clay. For the second part of this Reason in the beginning of the Bill can never bear out this Salvo, That the Office of the Ministry is of so great importance, that it will take up the whole Man, and all his best Endeavours. Sure­ly the Office of the Ministry is of no greater importance in a poor man than in a noble man; nor doth it take up the whole Man in the one, and but a piece of him in the other. I cannot give you many Instances herein out of Scripture, because you know that in those days, Not many mighty, not many noble were cal­led, 1 Cor. 1.26. But when any Noble were called, I do not find but that they did put more of the whole Man, and their best Endeavours upon the Ministry than other Men in Holy Orders are, at the least in Holy Scripture, noted to have done. I pu [...] your Lordships in mind of those Noble men of Beraea, com­pared with th [...]se of Thessalonica, Acts 17.11. So that this Salvo for the Nobi­lity must needs be (under your Lordships favour) a secret wound unto the rest of the Ministry, unless your Lordships by your great Wisdom, will be wil­ling to change it into a Panacaea, or common Plaister both to the one and to the other. And, under your Lordships Favour, I conceive it may be done under a very fo [...]ing Argument. The Office of the Ministry is of equal importance, and takes up the wh [...] Man, and all his best Endeavours, in the Noble born, as well as in the mean born Bishop. But it is lawful, all this notwithstanding, for the noble born Minister to intermeddle in Secular Affairs, and therefore it is likewise lawful for the mean born so to do. And so in may Conscience (I speak it in the presence of God, and great Noblemen) it is most lawful for them to intermeddle with Secular Affairs, so as they be not intangled (as the Apostle calls it) with this intermedling, as to slight and neglect the Office of their Calling; which no Minister, noble or ignoble, can do without grievously sin­ning against God and his own conscience. It is lawful for Persons in Holy Orders to intermeddle; it is without question: or else they could not make provision of Meat and Drink, as Beza interprets the place. It is not lawful for them to be thus intangled and bound up with Secular Affairs; which I humbly beseech your Lordships to consider, not as a Distinction invented by me, but clearly expressed by the Apostle himself.’

166. ‘And thus, my noble Lords, I shall, without any further molestation, and with humble thanks for this great patience, leave this great Cause of the Church to your Lordships wise and gracious consideration. Here is my Mars­hill, and further I shall never appeal for Justice. Some assurance I have from [Page 176]the late solemn Vow and Protestation of both Houses, for the maintaining and defending the Power and Priviledges of Parliament, that if this Bill were now to be framed in the one House, it would never be offered, without much qua­lification, and I perswade my self it will not be approved in the other. Par­liaments are indeed Omnipotent; but no more Omnipotent than God himself; who, for all that, cannot do every thing. God cannot but perform what he hath promised: A Parliament, under favour, cannot un-swear what it hath al­ready vowed. This is an old Maxim, which I have learned of the Sages of the Law, A Parliament cannot be Felo de se, it cannot destroy or undo it self. An Act of Parliament, (as that in the eleventh, and another in the one and twentieth of Richard the Second) made to be unrepealable in any subsequent Parliament, was ipso facto void in the constitution. Why? because it took a­way the Power and Priviledges, that is, not the Plumes and Feathers, the re­mote Accidents, but the very specisial Form, Essence, and Being of a Parlia­ment: So if an Act should be made to take away the Votes of all the Com­mons, or all the Lords, it were absolutely a void Act. I will conclude with the first Ep. to the Corinthians, c. 12. v. 15. If the soot shall say, because I am not the hand I am not of the body, is it therefore not of the body? v. 20. but now are they many Members, yet but one Body. v. 21. And the eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee: nor again the head unto the feet, I have no need of you. So far our brave Speaker: and all this is exscribed faithfully out of his own Copy. Let another take his room; and let him that is wisest perform it better. The Success was, that he laid the Bill asleep for five months (for I confess that by over-sight I have not kept the just order of time; for it should have been referred to the middle of May, before the King went into Scotland) and was in a trance by the charm of this Eloquence till November after: which shews how like he was to Athanasius (Nazian. in Orat. pro codem) [...]. Athanasius was an Adamant, not to be broken with violent blows: and a Load-stone to draw them to him that were of a contrary Opinion. Now mark the Partiality upon which the Speaker much insisted, That the Lords would grant Interest to noble Persons in Holy Orders to act in Secular Affairs; but to none beside. As Grotius fits it with a passage Annal. p. 5. Castellani quantumcun­que usurpent ipsi libertatem, in aliis non serunt. The Castilians are great encroachers upon liberty for themselves; but will not tollerate it in any beside. To the main Cause I yield that that was easie to be defended on the Clergies part; as learned Saravia shews de Christian. Obed. p. 169. not only from Moses's Law, but from the Custom general of the most orderly among the Heathen, Gaulish, Druids, Per­sian Magi, Egyptian Heirophants, and so forth by induction from all places, to make it amount even to a natural Law, that Priests were no where excluded from honourable Imployments in Secular Affairs. I will appose two Quotations for it, and very remarkable. The first from the Judgment of the Scottish Presby­tery. R. Spotswood Hist. p. 299. & 449. That they contended for that Priviledge, that some Ministers should give Voice in Parliament in the behalf of the Church—And some to assist the King in Parliament, in Council, and out of Council. Doth the Wind blow so from the North? The other taken from Ludo. Molin. Paraen. c 4. And he no well-willer to our Hierarchy in that Book, least of all to their Consistories— Deus Pastori Evangelico non detrahit jus & potestatem Magistra­turae: nec magistratum prohibet ministerio, si ad utrumque factus & comparatus est. But this Bill that went no further, when it was first set on foot in May, began to enlarge its strides, and mend its Pace in the end of Autumn. Either because this fiery Parliament saw that Confusion begun must be carried on with acting greater: or because the King was suspected that he tamper'd with the Scots, and they framed an Injury from his Neglect to leave them so long: or how it was that their thoughts were whi [...]'d about with the Wheel of swift Perswasi­ons, themselves knew best: but their Spleen began to shew it self with stronger fits than ever against the Clergy, who were never safe so long as the Bill we have heard of was not cancell'd. For the Spanish Proverb tells us, That Apple is in great danger that sticks upon the prickles of an Hedge-hogg. But if the Sum of the Bill had been right cast, the now most noble Marquess of Dorchester, and more noble because most learned, told his Peers May 21. Which of your Lordships can say he shall continue a Member of this House, when at one blow six and twenty are cut off. This was sooth, nay Sooth-saying and Prophesying: but it was not attended.

[Page 177] 167. When all ways had been tried to pass this Bill of Dishonour upon the Clergy, chiefly the Bishops, and it hung in the House of the Lords: the event, methinks, is like that which we read I Kings 22. v. 21. There came forth a Spirit; and stood before the Lord, and said, I will perswade them. And the Lord said, Where­with? And he said, I will go forth, and I will be a Spirit of clamour and tumult in the mouth of all the People. And the Lord said, Thou shalt perswade them, and prevail also. Go forth, and do so. There had been an unruly and obsteperous concourse of the People in the Earl of Strafford's Case: But a Sedition broke forth about Christ­mas, that was ten times more mad: Ludum jocumque dices fuisse illum alterum, prout hujus rabies quae dabit, Terent. Eunuch. which took heat upon this occasion. The King came to the House of Commons, to demand five of their Members to Justice, upon impeachment of Treason. His Majesty, it seems, was too forward to threaten such persons with the Sword of Justice, when he wanted the Buck­ler of Safety: How far those five were guilty, I have nothing to say, because plain Force would not let them come to a Tryal. But if they were innocent, why did they not suffer their Practices to see the Light? It had been more to their Honour to be cleared by the Law, than to be protected against the Law: And that Cause must needs be suspected, which could not put on a good out­side. I am sure the King suffer'd extreamly for their sakes: All Sectaries and desperate Varlets in City and Suburbs, flock'd by thousands to the Parliament. Diogenes was ask'd, What was to be seen at the Olympick Sports, where he had been? Says he, [...], Laert. in Vit. Much People, but few Men. But here were no Men, but all Beasts, who promised one another Impunity by their full body of Rebels; and where there is no fear of Revenge, there is little Conscience of Offence: Quicquid multis peccatur inultum est, Lucan. The Rake­hells were chaffed to so high a degree of Acrimony, that they pressed through the Court-gates; and their Tongues were so lavish, that they talk'd Treason so loud, that the King and Queen did hear them. Let the five Members be as honest as they would make them. I am certain these were Traytors, that begirt the King's House, where his Person was, with Hostility by Land and Water: He that speaks of them without detestation, allows them, and makes way for the like. Sometimes they called out for Religion, sometimes for Justice: Ex isto ore religionis verbum excidere aut clabi potest? as Tully of Clodius, pro Dom. Was the sacred term of Religion sit to come out of their Mouths? Did it become them to speak of Justice? Sarah cried out to Abraham, The Lord judge between me and thee, when her self was in the fault, Gen. 16.5. Every Tinker and Tapster call'd for Justice, and would let the King have none, who is the Fountain of it. What did the great Parliament in the mean while? Give Freedom to their Rage. [...]. Odyss. [...]. Their Friends in their ragged rows were too many to be childden; they were more afraid of them than of the Ruin of a Kingdom; as little Children are more afraid of a Vizard than of the Fire; therefore they stroke them with fair words when they meet them. O In­dignity! An quae—Turpia cerdoni Volesos Brutum (que) decebunt? Juven. Sat. 8. That which was base in Coblers, was it not worse in Lords, and Knights, and Squires, and such as assumed to be the Princes of the Land? No Senators that inten­ded to rule a People did ever endure the like. Let M. AEmilius the Consul speak for the State of Rome, Livy lib. 39. Majores nostri ne vos quidem, nisi cum aut vexillo in arce posito, comitiorum causâ, exercitus positus esset, aut plebi Concilium tri­buni edixissent, aut aliqui ex magistratibus and concionem vocassent, temerè coire volue­rint, ubi legitimum rectorem multitudini censerent esse debere. They that boulster up such Insurrections as these, their own Guards, upon a new Quarrel, may knock them on the Head: Cum tot populis stipatus eas, in tot populis vix una fides, Sen Hercul furens. But these Wat Tylers and Round-Robins, being driven or persuaded out of White-hall, there was a buzz among them to take their way to Westminster-Abby; some said, Let us pluck down the Organs: Some cried, Let us deface the Monuments; that is, prophane the Tombs and Burying-places of Kings and Queens. This was carried with all speed to the Archbishop; the Dean, who made fast the Doors, whi [...] they found shut against them, and when they would have forced them, they were beaten off with Stones from the top of the Leads; the Archbishop all this while maintaining the Abby in his own person, with a few more, for fear they should seize upon the Regalia, which were in that place under his Custody. The Spight of the Mutineers was most against him, yet his Followers could not entreat him to go aside, as the Disciples restrained Paul [Page 178]from rushing into an Uproar, Act. 19.30. but he stood to it, as Cesius Quintius in Livy, lib. 3. Unus impetus tribunitios popularesque procellas sustinebat. After an hours dispute, when the Multitude had been well pelted from aloft, a few of the Archbishops Train opened a Door and rush'd out with Swords drawn, and drove them before them, like fearful Hares. They were already past their Duty, but short of their Malice, and every day made Battery on all the Bi­shops, as they came to Parliament, forcing their Coaches back, tearing their Garments, menacing if they came any more. What Times could be worse? None, says Tully upon M. Antony's Violence upon the Senate, Phil. Or. 13. Caesare dominante venicbamus in Senatum, si non liberè tamen tutò. What Aid did the Lords afford to quell these Affronts? Why, let Softhenes be beaten before the Judgment­seat, Gallio cares for none of these things, Act. 18.17. The Bishops were God's Ministers, and let him defend them; as Tyberius to that way in Tacitus, Deorum injuriae Diis curae sunt. The remissness of our Parliament Lords ( Optimates non Optimi) shewed the same Indifferency: ‘O ye religious Kings, that would go­vern with Peace, how are ye able? These foul and unremediable Uproars tell you, that the only Imperatorian Art is to be furnish'd with a good Army, and to know how to order it.’

168. So great a Hurry continuing, wherein all things were turned the wrong side upward, there was such an apparent Mischief co-incident, that what­soever did pass in the Lords House, during their constrained absence, was null and invalid; for if any one person in either House, be repelled by force, and be denied Freedom to give his Vote, that Nicety is a Bar to the whole Procee­ding of the Parliament; as some write, that comment subtilly upon Parliamen­tary Privileges: Not as if the Speaker did ever sit in his Chair, when none were absent; or that one Vote is like to sway a Cause, (yet sometimes it comes to so near a scrutiny) but this Judgment is made of it, That it may so fall out, and doth often, that one Member (put the case the person forced out) may propose such Reasons to the House, as that all resolve into his Opinion. This great Prejudice concurring, by repelling the Bishops tumultuously from taking their Places in the Lords House, York called his Brethren together, to set their Hands to a Petition and Protestation made to His Majesty, and the Lords Temporal, and put it into the L. Keeper Littleton's Hand, yet not to be read, till His Ma­jesty, by the Bishop's Invitation, should fit with the Peers in the House, and then to read it in the King and the Lords audience, and not before. The L. Keeper unadvisedly (I hope it was no worse) produceth the Petition, &c. before the King was made acquainted with it; which made a Project, well contrived, break out into a Thunder-clap of Mischief; which rash or bad dealing in the Lord-Keeper, York could not suspect: And he that drives much business shall be cross'd in some, for want of Luck, though he be never so prudent: Nulli fortuna tam dedita est, ut multa tentanti ubi (que) respondeat, Sen. lib. 1. de irâ, c. 3. That Protestation fol­lows here, whose like, and almost same, York had found in the Records of the Tower, which he studied there, till his Eye-sight was much the worse for it.

To the KING's Most Excellent Majesty, and the Lords and Peers now assembled in Parliament,

The humble Petition and Protestation of all the Bishops and Prelates now called by His Majesty's Writs to attend the Parliament, and now present about London and Westminster, for that Service.

THat whereas the Petitioners are called up by several and respective Writs, and un­der great Penalties to attend in Parliament, and have a clear and indubitate Right to vote in Bills, and other matters whatsoever debateable in Parliament, by the ancient Customs, Laws, and Statutes of this Realm, and ought to be protected by Your Majesty, quietly to attend and prosecute that great Service. They humbly remonstrate, and pro­test before God, Your Majesty, and the noble Lords and Peers now assembled in Parliament, that as they have an indubitate Right to Sit and Vote in the House of the Lords, so are they (if they may be protected from Force and Violence) most ready and willing to per­form [Page 179]their Duties accordingly: And that they do abominate all Actions or Opinions ten­ding to Popery, and the maintenance thereof; as also all Propension and Inclination to any malignant Party, or any other Side or Party whatsoever, to the which their own Reasons and Consciences shall not move them to adhere. But whereas they have been at several times violently menaced, affronted, and assaulted by multitudes of People, in their coming to perform their Services in that Honourable House, and lately chased away, and put in danger of their Lives, and can find no Redress or Protection, upon sundry Com­plaints made to both Houses in these particulars; They likewise humbly protest before your Majesty, and the noble House of Peers, that saving unto themselves all their Rights and Interests of Sitting and Voting in the House at other times, they dare not Sit or Vote in the House of Peers, until your Majesty shall further secure them from all Affronts, In­dignities, and Dangers in the Premisses. Lastly, Whereas their Fears are not built upon Phantasies and Conceipts, but upon such Grounds and Objects, as may well terrifie men of good Resolutions, and much Constancy. They do in all duty and humility protest before your Majesty, and the Peers of the most Honourable House of Parliament, against all Laws, Or­ders, Votes, Resolutions, and Determinations, as in themselves null, and of none effect, which in their absence, since the 27th of this Instant-month of Decemb. 1641, have al­ready passed: As likewise against all such, as shall hereafter pass in that most Honourable House, during the time of their forced and violent absence from the said most Honourable House; Not denying, but if their absenting of themselves were wilful, and voluntary, that most Honourable House might proceed in all the Premisses, their Absence, or this Pro­testation notwithstanding. And humbly beseeching your most Excellent Majesty to com­mand the Clerk of that House of Peers to enter this Petition and Protestation amongst his Records; They will ever pray to God to bless and preserve, &c.

Subscribed by Joh. Eborac. Tho. Dunelm. Ro. Cov. and Lich. Jos. Norwicen. Joh. Asaphensis. Gul. Bath & Wellen. Geo. Hereford. Rob. Oxen. Matth. Elien. Godfr. Glocestr. Job. Petroburg. Maur. Landoven.

169. Hear and admire, ye Ages to come, what became of this Protestation, drawn up by as many Bishops as have often made a whole Provincial Council. They were all call'd by the Temporal Lords to the Bar, and from the Bar sent away to the Tower: Nonne fuit satius tristes formidinis iras, Atque superba pati fasti­dia? A rude World, when it was safer to do a Wrong than to complain of it: The People commit the Trespass, and the Sufferers are punish'd for their Fault. [...], Athen. lib. 9. A Proverb agreeing to the drunken Feasts of the Greeks, If the Cook dress the Meat ill, the Minstrils are beaten. That day it broke forth, that the largest part of the Lords were fermen­tated with an Anti-episcopal Sourness. If they had loved that Order, they would never have doomed them to a Prison, and late at night, in bitter Frost and Snow, upon no other Charge, but that they presented their Mind in a most humble Paper, to go abroad in safety. Ubi amor condimentum inerit quidvis placiturum spero, Plaut. in Casin. Love hath a most gentle hand, when it comes to touch where it loves. Here was no sign of any silial respect to their Spiritual Fa­thers. Nothing was offer'd to the Peers, but the Substance was Reason, the Style lowly, the Practice ancient; yet upon their pleasure, without debate of the Cause, the Bishops are pack'd away the same night to keep their Christmas in Durance and Sorrow: And when this was blown abroad, O how the Trunch-men of the Uproar did fleer, and make merry with it! But the Di­sciples of the Church of England took it very heavily; not for any thing the good Bishops had done, but for that they suffer'd; for a Prisoner is not a Name of Infamy, but Calamity. Poena damnati, non peccati, Cic. pro Dom. Estque pati poenam, quàm meruisse minùs, Ovid. lib. 1. de Pont. Nothing can be more equal, than to lay the Objections the Lords made, and York's Answers for the Protesta­tion together, as they go from Hand to Hand to this day, in Town and City: And let the Children judge what their Fathers did, if they read this here­after.

[Page 180] Obj. 1. That the Petition is false; the Lords did not sit in Fear, as my Lord of Worcester, Winchester, London: Nor was it the Petition of all the Bishops about London and Westminster; not of Winchester, London, Rochester, Worcester.

[...] If this were true, yet were it not Treason against any Canon or Statute-Law; but the Fact is otherwise: First, the Fear complained against is not for the time of their Sitting in the House, but for the time of their coming unto and going from the said House; and it is easie to prove they were then in Fear. Secondly, They know best, whether they were in Fear or no, who subscribed or agreed to the Petition. And my Lord of Winchester agreed in it as much as the rest, and instanced in the cause of his Fear, his chasing to Lambeth. Thirdly, For the other part of the Objection, the Bishop of London was then at Fulham, Ro­chester in Kent, Worcester at Oxford; nor doth the Title of the Petition compre­hend them, as not being about London and Westminster. Winchester did agree thereunto, and came thither to subscribe; and it was resolved his Name should have been called for, ere ever it was to be solemnly preferred to the King; which was never intended to be, but when the King sate in the Upper House of the Lords, which the Bishops intended to pray His Majesty to do: And this appears by the Superscription of the Petition.

Obj. 2. The nulling of all Laws to be made at this time, that the Kingdom of Ire­land was in jeopardy, was a conspiring with the Rebels to destroy that Kingdom, and so amounted to Treason, or a high Misdemeanour.

[...] 1. A Protestation annulleth no Law, but so far as the Law shall extend to the Parties protesting: Nor so far, but in case that the Parties protesting shall afterward judicially prove their right to annull that Law: So that it was impos­sible any Protestation of the Bishops should actually intend to hinder the Relief of Ireland. 2 The Relief of Ireland by 10000 Scots and 10000 English, was vo­ted and concluded long before this Protestation, and all the Particulars of that great business referr'd to a Committee of both Houses and the Bishops unani­mously assented thereto: So that the Relief of Ireland comes not within the Date and Circumscription of this Protestation. And the Bishops call God to witness, they never conceived one Thought that way. 3. The Bishops protest­ed against no Laws or Orders at all to be annulled absolutely, and for all the time of this Session of Parliament simply, but for that space of time only, wherein they should be forcibly and violently kept from the said Parliament, by those rude and unruly People. So that as soon as the King and the Lords did quiet their passage unto Parliament, (which the Lords did do before this Petition was read in Parliament) and that any of the Bishops were present there, the Protesta­tion was directly null, and of none effect; so as indeed the Protestation was void and dead in Law, before the L. Keeper brought the Petition in question into the House; because the Bishop of Winchester, and some others, had even then quiet access unto that Honourable House. And the Bishops conceived the Protestation void in such a case, and do most humbly wave and revoke the same, and hum­bly desire both Houses to accept thereof.

Obj. 3. They desire the King to command the Clerk of the House of Peers, to enter this their Petition and Protestation among his Records; which derogates from the Rights of Parliament: As though the King could be his Command make a Record of Par­liament.

[...] It is to be conceived, that the Bishops never intended that this Petition (as may appear by the Directory thereof) should be preferred to the King in any other place, but in the Upper House of Parliament. And it will appear among the Records of that most Honourable House (11 Rich. II. num. 9.) that the King in that House hath commanded the like Protestation of the Bishops to be enrolled, which made the Bishops use that Phrase. Howbeit, beside the King's Command, the Assent of the Peers and Commons have still concurred, and the Bishops never conceived it otherwise; which made them presume, that no mat­ter of their Protestation could possibly amount to any higher Crime than that of Error or Mistake, considering that it was still to be admitted or rejected by the King, with the Assent of the Peers and Commons.

Here the Answer ends, in this brief compass: Let all the Council in the Land plead against it, and shew where it is not sound and satisfactory. Yet the Bi­shops desire no other reparation for their false Imprisonment, but Liberty, and Safety to Vote in that House, to which they were called by the King's Writ. Sidonius speaks in pity of Eutropia, lib. 6. ep. 2. Victoriam computat, si post dammum [Page 181] non litiget. And these innocent men would not hold it for Justice done unto them, if after so much Wrong sustained, the Contention might be ended.

170. Every subsequent Action of that Parliament did castrate their Hope, Day utter'd unto Day how they meant to dissolve that Primitive and Aposto­lick Order piece by piece: And what shall we have next? The very Kingdom of Christ set up in the Church, if you will believe them: As Pisistratus would perswade the Athenians, that he changed not their Laws, but reduced them to those that were in Solon's time, by which Trick he made them his Slaves, Laert. in Vit. Sol. Is it possible that men could have the face to pretend more ancient Rulers in Christ's Church than Bishops? The method of Sacrilege was, first to pluck the Spiritual Lords out of the House, and to disable all the Clergy from intermedling in Secular Affairs. The Bill is read, and easily pass'd, now the Bishops were not in place to hear it, and dispute it. The Plaintiff pleads the Cause at Westminster, what can the Defendant say to it in the Tower? Proceed, my good Lords, he that runs alone by himself must needs be foremost. This was worse than if a young Heir were sent to travel by his Guardian, and the Guardian pulls down his House, fells his Woods, leaseth out his Lands, when he is not in the way to look to it. But where were those Earls and Barons that sided with the Bishops before? Shrunk, absent, or silent.

—They that are wise,
Leave falling Buildings, fly to them that rise.

Or as Plautus in Stych. as neat in his Comick Phrase as Johnson, Si labant res lassae, itidem amici collabascunt. But the King's part is yet to come: The Parliament makes ready a Bill, the King only makes it a Law: So he did this, and it was the last, I think, that ever he signed: Why he did it, is a thing not well known, and wants more manifestation: Necessity was in it, say they that would look no further; Nulla necessitas excusat, quae potest non esse necessitas, Tertul. Exh. ad Cast. c. 7. The most said, That nothing was more plausible than this, to get the Peo­ples Favour: Or, that the Houses had sate long, like to continue longer, and must have Wages for their Work; because they are no Hirelings, they will chuse and take, and this Boon they will have, or the King shall have no Help from them. It would ill become a Royal Spirit, to plead he was compelled by Fear, else His Majesty might have revoked this Act upon that Challenge. As Sir Nic. Throgmorton, surpassing most of his Age for Wit and Experience, assured Mary Queen of Scots, shut up in the hold of Loquelevin, Cessionem in carcere extor­tam, qui justus est metus, planè irritam esse, Cambd. Eliz. ann. 1569. Yet Fear had not so much stroke in this, as the Perswasions of one whom His Majesty lo­ved above all the World. The King foresaw he was not like to get any thing from this Parliament but a Civil War, he would not begin it, but on their part he heard their Hammers already at the Forge; Et clandestinis turgentia fraudibus arma, Manil. lib. 1. He being most tender to provide for the Safety of his Queen, went with her to Dover, to convey her into France; not that she desi­red to turn her Back to Danger, or refused to partake of all Hazards with her Lord and Husband, for she was resolute in that, as Theogena the Wife of Agatho­cles, Justin. lib. 20. Nubendo ei, non prosperae tantùm, fed omnis fortunae iniisse societa­tem. But because His Majesty knew himself, that he should be more couragious if his dear Consort were out of the reach of his Enemies. Being at Dover, the Queen would not part with the King to Ship-board, till he signed this Bill, be­ing brought to believe by all protestation of Faith from Sir John Culpepper, who at­tended there for that Dispatch, that the Lords and Commons would press His Majesty to no more Bills of that unpleasing nature: So the King snatch'd gree­dily at a Flower of a fair Offer; and though he trusted few of the men at West­minster, yet in outward shew he would seem to trust them all, the more, because the Queen had such Confidence in them. How Culpepper instilled this into the Queen, and how she prevailed, York is my Author, and could not deceive me, for he told me in the Tower, That the King had sacrificed the Clergy to this Parlia­ment, by the Artifices contrived at Dover, a day before the News were brought to Lon­don. Then they fell to Bells and Bonfires, and prophaned the Name of God, that He had heard them, whose Glory was not in their Thoughts from the begin­ning to the end. A Day-labourer lifts up his Ax towards Heaven, but strikes his Mattock into the Earth. And all the Evil that the Earth breeds was in their Mind, when they seemed to look up to God. That which is of God, must [Page 182]have its Foundation in Humility, its binding fast in Obedience, its rising in Justice, and its continuance in Peace. So begins the Misery and Fall of the Bishops. Synesius hath lent us words fit to express, jump in the same Case, Ep. 70. [...]. That is, the Bishops were expulsed meerly by Slander, nothing being demon­strated to lay any Crimes against them: And verily, God was gracious to them. What should they have done as it turn'd to be in five months after? Better be alone than ill accompanied. And if that World last still, they will never wear out the Disgrace by Repealing that infamous Bill. I were wicked if I wisht it not otherwise, but foolish if I did hope it. I bewail not York more than I do the rest. Nihil est praecipuè cuiquam dolendum, in eo quod accidit universis. Cic. lib. 6. Ep. ad Torquatum. Now when the worst was done, the merciful Judges in Parliament gave the Bishops their Liberty. And most of those Grey-heads sled from London, or were imprison'd, in no long distance of time upon it. In May after York went away privily to seek the King, and never return'd again. [...], Diodor. Sic. lib. 13. Few men ever lived whose lives had more Para­doxes in them. But from that day his Afflictions were constant to him, and never lent him pause or intermission of Peace. Qui per virtutem peritat pol non interit. The Gail of Anguish is the Cup of Salvation, to him that gives thanks unto the Name of the Lord.

171. London was no place to contain the Lords and Gentry, that remembred they were sworn to be faithful to the Crown, when it was known that the King had sat down in the City of York. Many came seasonably thither; many made ready for it, and were stopt: abundance sent their Purse: the Poor and well­meaning sent their hearts, who would have failed beyond the Cape of Neutrali­ty, and cast Anchor on the King's shore, if their Company could have brought profit or service. Our Archbishop of that Province came with the first, being as restless as Tully was to leave Rome in the stirs of Pompey, Hinc ipse evolare cupio, ut aliquo perveniam, ubi nec Pelopidarum nomen, nec facta audiam, Lib. ep. fam. He had been translated from Lincoln to this Dignity seven months before; He that gives a Promotion to a worthy man obligeth all men: and this was marvel­lously well taken by all the Clergy of the Diocess. Until that day he had not seen the place, from which he was entitled; which he had proposed to be the Scene wherein he would do the part of an Archbishop in great splendor. His Means were sufficient; his Inclinations very hospital; Provisions abundant in that Country: the Gentry addicted to Liberality, or rather Profuseness: no man was ever so cut out to please them, since Alex. Nevil's days for magnifi­cence. But God prevented it, that he could never settle his Houshold in York­shire, as he desired. He found every thing looking with a face of Confusion, the gallantry of the South poured into the North, not to begin a War, but rea­dy for the defensive part, as was expected. There are Mischiefs approaching when common bodings misgive them: which were not discerned soon enough, through fatal Security, before they were ripened. As Budaeus writes of France upon the first breaking out of Wars at home, That France wanted eyes, and ears, and, which is strange, they wanted a Nose; Qui cladem adventantem odora­ri ante non potuimus, quàm ab eâ oppressi, Lib. 4. de Asse, fol. 110. The Presbyte­rians, those Scalda-banco's, or hot Declamers, had wrought a great distast in the Commons at the King, and at all that had his ear and favour. The Age grow­ing Learned, and Knowledge puffing up, Scholars grew more impudent and malapert with us, and in every state, than did become their Function. Our much Peace, which had lasted almost two Jubilees, was seeded with great Vice in our manners. Young men lived idly, which made them want, and there­fore were ready for Bustles and Commotions to boot-hale and consume: they that proposed to themselves no laborious kind of Life, expected Alterations, and then to have enough to lavish. And not a few of these were of good Hou­ses decayed, that, as one says, Had ancient Coats of all colours, but lack't Argent and Ore. Tempestuous weather was sit for their Harvest. And when Wars broke out, they crept out of their Cranies, like the Cimici in the Houses of I­taly, not of rotten Bedsteds. But the Parliament, our continual Hectick, did lend their Arm to all Mischief, to usher it in. They could not bow the King to all their Votes, and abase him to be contented with a shadow of Soveraign­ty, therefore they ranged every thing to a War, as palpably, as if their Drums and Colours had been in the Fields. Bacchae Bacchanti si velis adversarier, Insanam insaniorem facies: feriet saepiùs. Plauti Frag. Their Motions now were not Muti­nies [Page 183] à mutiendo, but Vociferations, as lowd as an Herald could proclaim them. But God will never suffer the abuse of fiduciary Power (which a good, but an improvident King had past away) to go unpunisht in themselves, or in their Children. Perditissimi est hominis fallere eum, qui laesus non esset, nisi credidisset. Cic. Off. l. 2. The King deserv'd the better from them, that reposed upon their du­ty both his own honour, and the weal of all his Subjects. The more publick the Person is, the more he must betake him to trust many. Nay, none so private, no Action that comes abroad so mean, but you must believe in the fidelity of some. As Russinus very well upon the Creed, Nihil est quod in vitâ geri possit, si non credulitas ante praecesserit. The City of London came in for a great share, to encourage the drawing of the Sword; provided that the War came not near their Lines of Communication. This City, the Epitome of England, marr'd all England: as S. Hierom plays upon the River Pactolus, that it hath golden Sands, but unwholesom water, Ditior caeno quàm fluento, that the Mud was the best part of their River, Ep. ad Mar. & Alex. So muddy Wealth was the best thing that the Chuffs of the City had: much else was but Dish-water: except some few of the old store, Sir H. Garrway, Sir Ri. Gurney, and their like, who were poured into the Kennel for their fidelity. But the worst of them all durst never have been so stout, if the Parliament had not held up their Spirit in their wickedness. And there was a Nation, that shall not scape me, that whistled to the Jades that plowed up the Furrows of our Land, and gave them Provendore, I mean the French: to whom yet I will ascribe what Magius the Patavine doth, Gens bellicosissima, ho­norisque appetontissima. It hath a stock of very noble Gentry, but sick of two faults, they abhor the Spaniards, hate the English, and wish the Confusion of both: which may turn upon themselves. They object how we assaulted them at Rhee: but forget what we did for them at Amiens, and Calis. They remember King Charles his Navy at Rochel: but take no notice of Queen Elizabeth, who advan­ced Harry the Fourth to the Crown, in spite of the Leaguers. These kindled the Brands that set their Neighbours House on fire: which lyes sleeping under the Ashes of our memory; and they may repent it when they want us. Now what banding here was on every side, to ruin the greatest Saint that ever ruled our Nation? God was in them that came about him with their homage in such a time of hazard. Magna negotia magnis adjutoribus egent. Paterc. And I am sure the Metropolitan of York was none of the meanest of David's Worthies for Plot and Direction. He was fit for the Service, and obliged to assist it. For as Sci­pio Nasica very well, No good man is a private man; most of all, if the weal pub­lick needs him.

172. But the King's Condition at York was not in such strength and readiness as it deserved: though the brave and resolute Spirits about him thought not so. They perswaded themselves that the very Name of a King would supply the want of Power: and that they were on the right side, as sure as God's Word could warrant them.

Causáque valent, causamque tuentibus armis
Ut puto vincemus.
Luca. l. 8.

For all that, the Parliament had made better preparation for a War. First, A most deluded People, made to believe that his Majesty had gathered a Popish Army to change Religion. Quod sibi probare non possunt, id persuadere aliis conantur. Cic. pro Rose. Com. But upon this false Fame their great Preacher St. Marshall tells them, pag. 6. of his Letter, That they may secure their Religion against their King with a good Conscience. Next they had the Nerves of War, all the Money of London at their command: and, which was the worst of all Infelicities, they had cheated his Majesty of his Navy, and seized on his Magazines. It was not sit that the King should stay out their Provocations, and when they had soaled, then see what was in their Belly.

Dubia pro veris solent
Timere Reges.
Sen. Oedi.

And it was not reasonable to abide their Courtesie, who had voted for Delin­quents all that did Service to their Lord and Master. They did all they could to disturb the tranquillity of a Soul most excellently composed, and to tire him out of his Principles. He held out the first Olive-branch, and sought Peace [Page 184]from them by a most gracious Message; who in right should have begun. But as Lasicius notes of the sullen-proud Russians, Ni prior ipse salutaveris, non salutabe­ris, Theol. Mosc. p. 64. They salute none that do not first uncover, and salute them. It was not once or twice that his Majesty sent, but he persisted, yet all in vain, to draw a dutiful Answer from them. And what's more tedious than to cast all day, and not to throw a good Chance? Since nothing would serve them but to rally the Sons of the Earth, the Titans of their Tumults, and to fill up an Army with them, the King retired into his deep Thoughts, what was best to be done.

Hic magnus sedet AEneas, secúmque volutat
—Eventus belli varios.
Aen. l. 10.

A Prince of so much Religion and Mercy was not to learn, That it was sit to be slow in an Enterprize of so high a nature;

For Kingdoms in their Channels safely run,
But rudely overflowing are undone;

says our English Horace. It is Marcianus his Maxim in Zonaras, [...], A King must never fly to Arms, if a noble, nay if a tolerable Peace may be had. Yet again, he did not forget that a prosperous Wind might blow away a Storm that was gathering, before the Shower fell up­on him. Fest inandum antequàm cresceret invalida conjuratio paucorum. Tacit. Hist. l. 1. Be sudden before a Conjuration strengthen it self, and give it no day. And Pliny brings it for the Advice of Apollo's Oracle, Biduo citiùs messem potiùs facere, quam biduo seriùs, Lib. 18. c. 3. Begin Harvest two days too soon, rather than two days too late. Alluding not to the Rural, but the Politick Harvest. Ano­ther, and a good Genius too, would say to the contrary: What! will you embroil the Land in a Civil War? Every Life that is slain in it, on either side, is the King's damage. And the blood of Christians shed in rebellion, is poured on the Devil's Altar. Every Field, and Town, and Castle that's spoil'd is the Kings loss; who hath the dominion of all the Earth that serves him, though not the Property. His Majesty knew the worth and good Governance of many in his List,

Pacisque boni, bellique ministri.
Aen. l. 11.

But who could promise for so many hot Bloods, as were upon the place, that they would not rob and ransack the Innocent, and make the Army odious by too much Cruelty upon the Nocent? All are not a King's Friends that follow him: so do Flies the smell of strong Drink: but they that will maintain his Honour with Obedience, as well as his Quarrel with Manhood. If the Head­stronger should be more in number—Such an If is enough to discourage any one to be the Captain of a Civil War. Nam in civilibus bellis plus militibus quàm Duci licet. Tacit. Hist. lib. 2. Their Commander dare not displease them; so much he fears Revolt, or Treachery. And his Majesty's great Wildom could not like it, that his Cavaliers were too consident and Secure. Contemnendis quàm cavendis hostibus aptiores. Idem Hist. l. 4. No man could perswade them that there was either number, wit, skill, or valour among the Rebels. But says a Master of Military Art, Veget. l. 3. Ille difficile vincitur, qui de suis & adversarii copiis rectè potest judicare. It was safer for the Royal Battalion to know that the Enemy multiplied fast, and pleased divers, by laying themselves forth abroad to to all shew of Sobriety and Holiness, though sincere Honesty had no Charge of them. And Despair will make Chicken-hearted Souldiers couragious. They that had drawn their Sword against their Soveraign, must throw away the Scab­bard. They must purple their hands with slaughter in the Field, or be hang'd in Ignominy. What would they do to break all the Bands of the Law in sun­der, the King's Name and Authority, which would not allow them their Book to save them? These things might be so deliberated in the King's Camp, or Ca­binet; I cannot definitely say it. For after the Archbishop departed from West­minster to the North, I never saw him more to confer with him; from whom before I learnt all things in effect that I knew. But as Tully writes L. de Senec. of L. Maximus, Illud divinavi, quod jam evenit, illo extincto fore unde discerem nemi­nem. After I mist him, who was wont to tell me, not barely what was done, [Page 185]but the reasons, the fitness, or incommodities of it, I have heard somewhat, but I understand little. And I make as much moan for the want of him, as St. Ba­sil did for Martinlan, Ep. 379. [...]. What skills it to hear many Discourse one after another, when this one had gathered as much Experience and Wisdom as them all? But the tidings came from the most interested in both Armies, That none was more active than this great Prelate, to keep Yorkshire in obedience to the King, to re­duce them that were perverted: none more assiduous in the Consultations of War with the Gentry to raise Money, Men, and Horse for the Army. This was hung up in Picture in the Hall and Change. And let them do their worst in those peny Tables, Sint modo carminibus non onerata malis, as Passeratius deprecates all bad Epitaphs, let them make good Verses to their Pictures, or let their Poets hang up for Company. But let this go together with his Loyalty, that there was not one man that served him as Lord-Keeper or Bishop, but either served or suffered in the King's Cause, except a brace whom Kilvert had long before perverted. They that were affected to the sin of the Parliament, saw so much opposition in him, and fierceness to bring them on their knees, that the same unhappy ones vowed his death, and were near to execution, who first refisted his Majesty at Hull.

—quae prima malorum
Causa fuit, belloque animos incendit agrestes.
Aen. l. 7.

Which is worth a story to observe, that these Professors of the new Discipline, made no scruple to break down God's double Defence, Touch not mine anointed, and do my Prophets no harm.

173. King Charles his coming to York was not a Progress of Delight, but an Escape from his Palace of West minster, for the Alarums of continual Mutinies, which he could not stand out with safety. As great a blemish to the Parliament that provided no better for him, as the flight of Harry the Third of France was to the Guisians on the Sunday, which is still called by them Dominica dolearis, when they would have block't him up with Piles of Wine-Casks in the Louver, to keep him fast for stirring. His Majesty's first care was, and ought to be, to have some Hold of good Defence for Retreat, if Blood-hounds sought him. And happy was that Fortress, of which he should make Election for so good a Service. All places are patent to a Monarch that are under his Laws and Scepter, though he were a Tyrant. Then what inferiour Officer would not be glad to give the Keys of his Government upon his Knees to as great a Saint as Josiah? Tribonius writes well to that matter in an Epistle to Tully of Caesar, Lib. 12. Ep. Fam. Eum, quem necesse erat diligere, qualiscunque esset, talem habemus, ut libenter quoque diligamus. And certainly he that should repulse the King in his first design, must both be his first and his greatest Enemy. Initia ferè dare formam negotiis, Thuan. An. 1558. The first Success gives Spirit to an Army, and Honour to their Chief. Which the solid man Tacitus teacheth, Hist. lib. 2. Ut initia belli provenissent, famam in caetero fore. And if the first Expedition be unfortunate, it is as ominous, as a sinister hour at the birth of a Child, when an Astrologer Calculates a Nativity. So unauspicious it was that his Majesty did stumble, I may say, at the Threshold, when he came out of Doors. He goes to Hull, where he had stowed up Shot, Powder, Arms in his Magazine. The Gates are kept shut, the Walls manned, Sir John Hotham and his Son capitulate that they keep it for the Parliament. Dirarum nidis domus opportuna volucrum. Aen. 8. A strong Cage it was to keep these unclean Birds from the Royal Eagle. Great Ordnance, great Provision, great Wealth were within. No man would have sealed up a Box so fast, if it had been empty. Yet the Hothams were so kind, that they offer'd Entrance to his Majesty's Person, with a few of his unarmed Servants: which was no better than to receive him to be their Prisoner. Intem­pestiva benevolentia mhil à simultate differt, says Politian. Ep. p. 26. Nothing is more hateful than a malicious Courtesie. But they look't to be born out in all they did by the strength of their great Masters; and had cast it up, that when Crimes are carried in a happy strain of Luck, they lose their Infamy; that shame sel­dom or never follows victory. The Names of Delinquent or Traitor never [Page 186]scar'd them. Haec acies victum factura nocentem est. Silius. He must be the De­linquent that is at the Conquerour's Mercy. Unlucky Town of Hull for thy Commanders sakes! Perhaps some other Garrisons would have been as bad as it, if they had been tried. Perhaps so. But no Dunghil smells ill till you stir it. Hull had the opportunity to be renown'd, if it had yielded to be the King's Har­bour. Now her Infamy is like that of the Village of the Samaritans, which would not receive the Lord Christ, Luke 9.52. I do not condemn all that were within her Walls, who could not help this Insolency, but with groans and tears, if they durst do that. I will plead for such (as I know there were such) as Isocrates did for the Plata [...]ks, forced by the Thebans to do unkindness to their Friends the A­thentans, [...], The Theban, constrained their Bodies, but their Hearts were with you. Their Le­cturers were the Corrupters of that Corporation, who had preach't the People from Charitable to Censorious, from neighbourly Love to Faction, from Sub­jects to Rebels, from Sheep to Swine. Quá magis viá irrepunt vitia quàm publicá? Prin. l. 36. c. 2. If you would have some great harm done, imploy those, who are heard so often in publick, and they shall do a mischief sooner than all the Brotherhood of the Guild beside. Absalom sent Spies throughout all the Tribes of If­rael, saying, as soon as ye hear the sound of the Trumpet, ye shall say Absalom reigns in Hebron, 1 Sam. 15.10. Spies, says Grotius upon the place, and in all the Tribes. Some of these must be Levites, for none but they dwelt among all the Tribes. Genus hominum ad turbandas res maxime idoneum, ubi suis indulgent affectibus. These are they, that will sooner rail against me for this observation, then leave off their girdings at the Civil State, and keep close to that matter only which Christ hath taught them in his Gospel. Their bald Rhetorick, sit for great Ears, and gross Brain [...], made the King wait attendance two hours at their Gate, and had his Commands, nay his Prayers despised. O that a King should give the stoop to such as these?

—Meumque
Objeci caput, & supplex ad limina veni.
Aen. 8.

So great a heart in another Prince would not have turn'd away, without Cho­ler and Fire flashing upon them. But he was a Soveraign over all his Passions, and opened not his mouth. Nullius hominis quàm sui simillimus, as was said of Pi­cus Mirandula; He had no pattern of a meer Man before him, and none that saw him for a Pattern was ever like him for Patience. So let Cerberus that kept the Gates of Hull. keep them still. It is a greater honour to come off with Judgment, than to go on with Courage in a desperate Service. So the King re­tired from them, who were worthy to be torn up from the Society of Men. But the Hothams came forth of their Dens to raven for a Prey: they had the forehead to appear and not blush, unless blood did rise in their Face, when they did mind to shed it. And the Archbishop escap't them as narrowly, as David did Saul, when Michol let him down throw a Window, and put an Image in his Bed to cosin her Fathers Messengers, 1 Sam. 19.13. My Relation I deliver out of the mouth of Mr. Roger Nightingale, a Gentleman of the King's Chappel, who was in Cawood-Castle with the Archbishop, When the pious and learned Dr. Ferne, requiting his Patron for the Archdeaconry of Leicester, came to him late at night with a solicitous counrenance, and warned him to change that Lodging, and that Country, as he tendred his Life, for the younger Hotham was making ready to come with force enough by five of the Clock the next Morning to take the Castle, and had drawn his Sword before some Gallants, with a Vow to cut off the Archbishop's head. The Family was much amazed; for Cawood was unprovided, ruinous, undefensible: Young Hotham was a rough piece, provoked by the Archbishop's language a­mong all his Alliances for the disloyalty ut Hull; and above all, as Vellicius says of Clodius, Malorum propositorum executor acerrimus, One that never promised an ill turn, but he pay'd it. So after midnight the Person whose Life alone was threatned, made haste out of the House, with some few Horse in his Company, conveyed away such of his Goods, as could be saved in so short a time, left the Charge of the Place with Mr. Nightingale, who stoutly undertook it, and was Summon'd with a Trumpet at the hour expected, and having no Colours, hung out a Sheet for a Parley with the Assailants. Whose Leader fell into a rage, when he heard from the Window, that the man lay not there that night, [Page 187]whom he called out to speak with; but upon condition to save the Lives of all the persons in the Castle, (which was faithfully kept) and to allow them Carts to carry away all their Furniture but Arms, the place was surrender'd up. The last Article was broken, and nothing was saved from the top to the bottom from the plunder of the Souldiers: But God provided that his Person was saved, whom the Lyons Whelp would have murder'd in cold Blood: Quàm pome furvae regna Proserpinae, &c. Horat. Od. lib. 2. How near was the Sword to the Thread of his Life, to cut it off? Venerable Bede relates a strange Passage, ‘That Felix (well might he be named so) a Presbyter of Nola, ran under a Stair-case, from one that follow'd him with a naked Weapon, and no sooner was Felix got in, but a Spider spun a Webb before the entrance of that dark place, which made him lurk there unsuspected.’ But Solinus, pag. 11. would make us believe, that Castor and Pollux called Pindar the Poet out of his House, to speak with him, which fell down, by a fault in the Foundation, as soon as he was come out of doors. I am sure it was worthy Dr. Ferne who called the Archbishop out of Cawood, else he had been sacrificed to the Fury of a wicked Doeg; and I am as sure that the Doctor thinks himself happy, that he saved so precious a Life. Now, what became of Hothams, Father and Son, whom their Patrons brought out of Hull to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill, is known to all; for there is none for whose sake you do a wicked thing, but they despise you in their Heart, and when their turn is served, they will cast you off, as one that deserves no better than Scorn: As David served himself a while of Joab, and left order at last to cut him off.

174. In a midnight Affrightment the Archbishop left his House and Dio­cess, as he thought for a while, but it was for ever. He went away without a Sumpter, nay, not with so much as change of Apparel; and for Coyn, it was so near to Cantabit vacuus, &c. he was sure that no Highway-men would stop him for a Booty. All that he could gather while he was among his Tenants in York-shire, was little enough to furnish the King: But his good luck was in his passage, to find His Majesty gathering a rowling Army, the Drums beating for Volunteers, in which Service he left some of his stoutest Followers behind him, and kept a slender Attendance, to carry him to the furthest parts of North Wales. At his parting, upon his bended Knee, with Tears running down his Cheeks, and hearty Prayers for His Majesty, he received his Gracious Hand and Manual Seal for his safe Passage and Convoy, which brought him to his native Soil, beyond Pen-man-maur; where let him keep for a while, till I have shewn the great Sin of our Land, the Troubles of a Civil War, wherein the King was involved without any Fault of his. Every Digression is not a Transgres­sion. When His Majesty saw he had no Power to stop the daily Uproars about his Palace of Whitehall, which did emperil and threaten his Life, because the Commons gave them Thanks, upon all occasions, for their readiness to assist them; the Lords of the Privy-Council, and his trusty Servants, could see no other in it than a Spark of Rebellion, and a Seed of War. Neither did they cast about mistrustful and unfaithful Doubts, for he that had his Senses could not err in that apprehension: Potest est bellum sine tumultu, tumultus sine bello esse non potest. It is the Judgment of the Senator Cicero Philip. 8. A War may be pro­secuted without a Tumult; a Tumult cannot continue without a War. But the King minded not so much that his Life, as that his Honour was at the Stake; for he hated Rebellion more for the Indignity, than the Danger: Yet it becomes a Prince, more for our Good than his, to preserve both his Person and his Dig­nity. Upon mature Judgment, he travels by easie Journeys, with his Houshold, into the North, where he finds the Parliament professing Hostility against him by their Command and Overt Act, denying him way into the Town of Hull, and the use of his Magazine; a Confront no less outragious than if they had gi­ven him Battel. Is not every foot of Ground in the Land, upon which Man and Beast treads, subject to the King's Dominion? Is not his Crown reach'd at, when any part of it is held against him? This is Gospel, and it will be Law, if ever this Case come to a sober reckoning. Subjection being quite dis­claimed, and that with a Martial Defiance, it was in vain to dispute what Re­dress there was for it, when there was none, but to look to the Array, and to muster stout and loyal Souldiers: Yet with what unwillingness did his Wise and Pious Heart go about it? How many Offers of Accordance did he make in that very Instant? How many Messengers were posted to London? which [Page 188]was no better than to dry-ditch the business; for every Offer of Grace made his Enemies haughty, the King's Reputation less, his Friends suspicious, that he could sooner entreat for, than defend his Cause. Paper Mercuries, well wor­ded, are fine things, but not forcible: [...] [...]. for Ulysses sake, so much abused, says Homer; For K. Charles so much rejected, say I, let no Prince hope to bend the stubborn and revolted Subject with Goodness and Mildness; break them to pieces, and quell them with Power; there is no other Art to work upon such churlish Metal. Forasmuch then as the King saw that he but abused advantage of time to knock at a Door, that would never be opened, he opened the Temple of Janus, that was close shut before, and let out War, if it might be called so, who brought scarce 600 into the Field; but had his Array been forty times more, he would not have look'd how strong he was, but how innocent, and the more innocent, because most unwilling. Well did the Orator state it, lib. 4. ep. 7. Sapientem & bonum virum initia belli civilis invitum suscipere, [...] non libenter persequi. Which was consonant to the Hearts-affection of our King, as he took it upon his Death. And to speak to common Reason and Charity a man whose Paths were Piety, his Governance Mercy, his Bed Chastity, his Repast Sobriety, his Addresses Humility, how could he set a Ditty to any other Prick'd Song, but the Tune of Peace?

175. What Pardon can we expect from the Censure of a better Age, that we did not stop the Fury of Malecontents, before any drop of Blood was shed? I appeal to Fidelity, Homage, Duty, why did we no instantly raise an Host of Horse and Foot, which Rebels would not dare to encounter? And because Help from remoter Countries would be too flow for sudden action, why did not the adjacent Counties come in all as one man, where the Royal Standard was pitch'd? Water which is to be setch'd far will not quench a Fire. There are some Vertues which lose their Name, unless they operate as soon as their fit Ob­ject is before them. To be loyal, to be thankful, to be just, to be remorseful, should be done ex tempore. And I appeal to Prudence, who doth not know, that if you endure the Feaver of a Civil War to have one Fit, it will have more, and consume the Body-politick before it be cured? Semper erit paribus bellum, quia viribus aequant, Manil. lib. 1. Which Sir Walter Ral [...]igh well translates, Hist. p. 179. Equals from Equals will receive equal harms. When a domestick War sei­zeth on a Country rich in Plenty, and full of Surfeits with continual Ease, it never leaves purging those Superfluities till all be wast d. It was an Imposture which many were willing to put upon their own Cenference by this Excuse, that they did nothing against Allegiance, because they took not the contrary part. First, None can sin against themselves, but that they incurr a great Guilt; and those betray­ed their Liberties and Livelihoods to the Rage of Tyrants, for not defending themselves; themselves, I say, for while they fight for their King, they fight for themselves; if he fall, they are ruin'd, in whose Weal their own is compre­hended. And their not listing themselves in the King's Battalion, was a Tres­pass: It is called [...] by one word in Greek, when the Subjects make not rea­dy to follow their Soveraign in Arms: And note the Punishment of it, 1 Sam. 11.7. Saul hewed a yoke of oxen, and sent them throughout all the coasts of Israel, by the hands of his messengers, saying, Whosoever cometh not forth after Saul and Samuel, so shall it be done to his oxen: and the fear of the Lord fell on the people, and they came out with one consent. Not the care of Wife and Children in a Family, not a weak Body, not a grey Head should free a Subject from such a Service. To the lat­ter, which may look more excusable than the rest, Symmachus gives an Instance, p. 10. Epis. Nullam Nestor tertio aetatis curriculo militiae vacationem poposcit. Where was the English Piety, or where was their Bravery at this season, that so few ad­ventur'd themselves to draw their Swords for the Lord's Anointed, when so ma­ny invited themselves unbidden to do a Mischief? I go further: They were basely backward to come forth into the Field, when they should have stood man­fully to their own Cause; for it was not the King's Cause alone, it was the King­doms Cause, and the King was in the Cause: Non magni partes, sed magnum in partibus esse, Lucan. lib. 5. Put King Charles into the Verse for Pompey, and the sence is the same. I have no Name scurvy enough for it, that without some special feelings and ends of their own, few lead on to remove an Evil for the common Relief, but would thrust every man before them into the danger of an Action; if they can share in the Profit of an Event, they mind not the Glory: [Page 189]And that which in Reason should have drawn the Peasants on, held them back, the small Band of Souldiers that march'd after His Majesty. This Objection was every man's Fault, that did not make the thin Files more by one. And it was every ones Infidelity, that would not trust in the Lord of Hosts to maintain the Right. He gives power to the faint, and to them that have no might he encreaseth strength, Isa. 40.29. What Cowardice was it to think all was lost, before they struck a stroke? Turpiter desperatur quicquid fieri potest, Liv. lib. 10. If God had given the Multitude Faith to remove this Despair, and to have obeyed the King in the first Onset, Rebellion had sunk into the Ground like Snow, and nothing could have been added to our Prosperity with wishing.

176. And yet I will not say that the Sin of Omission was bad in all alike; some did not discharge Allegiance out of Imprudence and Frailty, but take them by the Poll, and more offended out of Design and Subtilty; such as turned their Sails to the changableness of the Wind: Utcunque in alto ventus est velum vortitur. So Plautus, of such crafty Time-servers. That [...] I condemn'd, when sub­jects did not give up their names to the king's militia, was worse in them by far, that kept at home, till they saw how fortune went abroad, who would be of no side in the open dispute, that in the end they might be of the victor's side: they would wear the king's colours in the pale purple, if the day were his; or Essex's Badge in Orange-tawny, if Treason proved prosperous. These Neutralists are of a Spaniel Brood, that will fawn as much upon a Stranger as upon their Master, and are welcome to none, because they undertake Impossibi­lities, to be gracious with all. As Curtius doth instance in Amyntas, lib. 4. Sem­per [...] ancipiti rerum mutatione pendens; he would please the Macedonians, and not displease the Persians, and was distrusted by both. And Livy gives us an Exam­ple in Servilius, lib. 19. He was forward to plead for the Authority of the Senate, and not backward to justifie the opposite Liberty of the People: Ita medium se gerendo, nec ple­bis odium vitavit, nec apud patres iniit gratiam. I would not have my L. Bacon ill interpreted in his Essay of Faction, whose words appear more crafty than honest: Let a man be true to himself, with an end to make use of both Factions. He speaks not of two Camps in the Field, one headed by the King, another by Cade, or Watt Tyler, but of two great parts in the Court, that have Clients adhering to them, and should'ring one-another out of Favour, if they can; for he expounds it thus upon that very Contrast: Mean men, in their risings, must adhere to one side, but great men, that have Strength in themselves, were better to maintain themselves neu­tral and indifferent. But he that comes not to quench the Flame when the King's House is set on Fire, watching what will be the Fate of the Incendiaries, he de­serves to undergo a Saxon Ordeal, to pass through hot Plow-shares to reveal his Double-deasing. Solon's Law in Plutarch hath escap'd no man, I think, that hath written Politicks, [...]: In a publick Seditum, be that looks on, and will be of no side, till the Fray be done, is to be branded with Infamy. I will degree this noxious Neutrality one Peg higher, when a cunning Fox, that would save all, curried Favour both with King and Rebels, lent his Sword to him, and his Pistols to them: Dubiis Mars errat in armis, Georg. 2. Like the god of War, that fights on both sides. What say you to two Kins­men, what say you to two Brothers shewing their Prowess one against another, he for Caesar, and he for the Republicans; this a Gibelline, and that a Guelph? that upon the last Revolution of the Quarrel, the faithful Brother may merit to compound for the Peace of the false; or, if God would have it so, the false for the faithful. This was the Mystery of Iniquity, when the same Family had such a reciprocal Interest in our publick Miseries, that their Cards were so well packt, that they could not be Losers. An Example which Sir Robert Dallington hath given for such juggling, is worthy to be remembred, Aphor. lib. 2. c. 2. ‘The Duke of Ferrara would not enter into League with Charles the Third of France; but suffer'd his Son Alsonso to sight under the Duke of Millain, as his Lieu­tenant-General, that the Son might make the Father's Peace if the Leagues prevailed, and that he might free his Son if the French had the better.’ What Reward should these have? But as the Scripture speaks properly, Let them be divided in twain, and [...] their portion with Hypocrites. A Syren, half Flesh and half Fish, is painted with its Eyes always cast upon its Looking-glass, because such amphibious and all-part-pleasing Creatures have their Eyes upon nothing but their own Preservation. And Theophrastus, in his Character of a glavering Sycophant, pinns this Knave upon his Back; [...] [Page 190] [...]. He will please his Client, and strike in with his Client's Adversary, because he would be of that gender, which is the common of two, and so become unprofitable to both in proper construction. I need not be long in this, for an ingenuous Pagan, how much more a Christian, will easily learn this Lesson, to be hot or cold; the luke-warm Quality, that partakes of both, is fit to make a Vomit. Salmasius writes upon Solinus, That Tityrus was a Mungril Beast, be­gotten between a Goat and an Ew: But there is no Creature of that composi­tion to be presented at the last day, before the Judgment of God: They that are at the right Hand must be pure Sheep, harmless, gentle, without any Goatishness in them; and surely those Tityri will be found among the worst of the Goats, that are rejected to the left Hand.

177. After Caterpillars, the Locusts succeeded; such as you may find Rev. c. 9. v. 2, 7. The bottomless Pit (that is, the endless Parliament) was opened; and a smoak went out of the pit, (a Cloud of Ordinances to make War with the King) And there came locusts out of the smoak, no ordinary ones, but such as had stings like scorpions, who were like borses prepared to battail, and they had as it were crowns like gold (for they took the Soveraignty of Kingly Power upon them). I do not interpret, but allude unto the place; They that commanded in the bottomless Pit, had Wealth enough to maintain an Army, all that London and the Land was worth. But to maintain their Cause, that is, to sight against their Lawful King, all their Money could not purchase them so much Scri­pture, Law, or Reason, as would justifie them with one Argument. Their Preachers over-stretch'd their Sinews to defend them, and could not, but left it to the Sword-men, to hold it out at the Arms end: Yet they abused so much Divinity, as would serve to cover some of the deformity of the Sin, with a few torn pieces of Jeroboam's Garment; for I am perswaded of some of them, that if they had look'd upon their Impious Act, without a Disguise, they would have run mad at the astonishment of their Guiltiness. All this Mischief was their Pulpit-ranters Work. The great Sedition rais'd against Moses and Aaron, Numb. 16. is called the Gainsaying of Core. Wherefore should Core carry the Name, since Dathan and Abiram, great Princes, had their Hands in it? Because that mucinous [...] did more harm by his prating, than all the Factious in the Conspitacy beside. The [...] of this Design gave great Wages to their Chaplains, but the Work which they perform'd was not worth the half of it, between Knave and Knave: The Crime was so black, that they could not lay any white upon it, to make it colour like Justice and Innocency. They dodg'd St. Paul, Rom. c. 13. and St. Peter's Text, 1 Ep. c. 2. v. 11. with as many turnings as ever old Hare gave to a brace of Grey-hounds, but they could find nothing out of the Scriptures to make them look like theirs; nor any Quotation out of pure Antiquity in the best Ages of the Church, to adjust their execrable Action: And must not that Cause be very bad, which could not put on a good outside, either from the Authority of God or Man? Only as they enforced accumula­tive Misdemeanors against the Earl of Strassord, to indict him of Treason, so they rak'd up accumulative Misgovernments in Charge against the King, to al­low themselves the committing of Treason. All their Shifts and Shufflings shall be cursorily examin'd; though their Persons are in a Sanctuary, so are not their Opinions: There is a Writer, Gisbert Voetius of Utrecht, learned indeed, but bitter minded against our King, and the old Settlement of our Church; this man the Assembly of Divines did easily gain unto them, and for their Interest he states a Question, Disput. tom. 2. p. 852. How Subjects may quell their King, and pull him down by force of A [...]: Which is intended for our English Case, cut out into as many Exceptions almost as there he words in the Thesis, and all the Particulars wrongly applied to our ungodly Distempers. His Hammer strikes thus upon the Forge: Primo quaestio est an à Proceribus, Statibus, Ordinibus, Magistratibus Superioribus Infericribus, qui pro ratione regiminis publicâ auctoritate instru­cti sunt? (palea.) 2. Regi & Principi limitato & conditionato? (palea.) 3. In extremo necessitatis casu? (palea.) 4. Post omnia frustra tentata? (palea.) 5. Se­cundum leges, & pacta fundamentalia principatus? (palea.) 6. Defensivè armis re­sisti? (palea.) 7. Ut respub. ab interitu conservari possit? (palea.) First When had our Peers, our Magistrates, superiour and inferiour Power to bring His Ma­jesty by Fear or Force into Order? Never. 2. When was his Empire limited or made conditional, otherwise than to charge his Conscience before God to keep his Laws? Never. 3. Were we brought by ill administration to the brink [Page 191]of extream Necessity? No such thing. 4. Or, were all dutiful means tryed to obtain the King's Consent to honest Demands? Widest of all from Truth. 5. Or, have we Pactions sundamental between the King and People, to con­strain him to concur with their Proposals? 'Tis a meer Chimera. 6. Did the Parliament wage the defensive part of the War? Quite mistaken. 7. Was there no other way, but by such a rout of Russians to keep our native Country from Ruin? Nay, was it in the least danger of Ruin? Not at all: not till these [...], these Club-Lawyers, silled the whole Land with Blood and Burning. What cutting and carving hath this Dutch Workman made, to bring us to wor­ship the Idol of Rebellion! And when all is said, we know that an Idol is no­thing in the World. 1 Cor. 3.4. and as it follows, there is no other God but one, and none but that one God above the King, against whose punitive Justice, and none beside, K. David offended.

178. Many things were alledged to commence and continue this fatal War: Quae prima querar? Quae summa gemam? Pariter cuncta deslere juvat, Sen. Her. Fur. One thing made a loud cry, far and wide, That His Majesty had left his Parlia­ment, and that the Members fate in great danger. This was a Scandal taken, which did raise such Enemies, whom nothing else could have tempted from their Loyalty. He lest his Parliament; yes, but consider it intelligently, not till he had granted as much as was abundant for our Liberty, Peace, and Wel­fare; not till he had yielded up more Branches of his Soveraignty and Revenue, than all his Predecessors had granted in 300 years before; not till he had trusted them to spend out that Parliament at their own leisure, and yet they would trust him with nothing: An Affront of deep Indignity! Dare they not trust him that never broke with them? And I have heard his nearest Servants say, That no man could ever challenge him of the least Lye? But as Probus said of Epaminondas, Adeò veritatis diligens, ut ne joco quidem mentiretur. Was it square dealing to protest against him, that would pay them all due Debt, if they would let him? I am sure, when he left them, he left a great many traces of Fame, and Glory, a great many Benefits of Obligation, behind him. And this Case will prove the same, or much like to the Objection of the Pontificians. They say we made a Schism in departing from the Church of Rome. We say, that the Schism was on their part; for they that give the Cause, for which it is necessa­ry to abandon Communion, they are the Authors of the Schism: We conti­nued in the Fellowship of Christ's Church, and retreated from the Errors of an incorrigible corrupted part, and from the Affrightments and Censures of them, that were turned our open Enemies. Say over the same to this Parliament, and it will be the King's Apology. They made the Schism that offer'd him Bills, unfit to be pass'd, with Clamoring, Menacing, and undutiful Violence, which he must sign, or fly far enough: Sed qui mali sensu, aut metu extorquere assensum velit, eo ipso ostendit se argument is diffidere, Grot. lib. 6. de Christi Relig. They made the Schism that used his Royal Name with Irreverence (a King must not be contented with mediocrity of Respect) but their Manners were gross and Plebeian. They made the Schism, that heard the highest Indignities against his Crown with Patience, when Sir Harry Ludlow spake Treason, and was not question'd. To cut off a great deal, they received his ample Concessions with no Thanks, and degreed to further Demands, and more unreasonable, that fill'd the Palace, the Hall, their Stairs, their Doors, with such as forbore not to bring in doubt the Safety of his Sacred Person. When so many were chased to such a barbarous Boldness, what wise man would stand it out, and not prevent it? What secu­rity hath the Earthen Pitcher against an Iron Pot? He that fears the worst, pre­vents it soonest.

179. The High Court of Parliament, one House or both, under the Saxon Monarchs, or in a few Descents after, was created to assist the King to be his great Council. When he pleased he call'd it, when he pleased he dismiss'd it. In succession of days, none fate there before he had taken an Oath to bear true Ligance to him and his Heirs, and to defend His Majesty against all Perils and Assaults. Never was it intended to obtrude upon him with force, to compel him to take out his Lesson which they taught him, as in a Pedagogy, but to propound and advise with due distance and humility. Introducta in alicujus utili­tatem in ejus laesionem verti non debent, if I may believe the Civil Law. That which was instituted for the Soveraigns benefit in common sence must not be elevated above him to unthrone him. A right Parl. is the Mind of many gathered into one Wisdom; [Page 192]this look't rather like the petulancy of many breaking out into one frowardness. The form, that gives essence to every thing, was gone, when they that silled the places of Counsellors, would transcend, and give Law to Majesty. If yet they dare criminate him upon Schism, tell them that Christ came to the lost Sheep of the House of Israel, yet when they took up stones to stone him, he went away through the midst of them. There is King Charles his Pattern. Wherefore then did they hunt after him in warlike Terrour, as if they would fetch him in by Proclamation of Rebellion? Had he seen the Tyde ebb but an inch, I should guess by the sweetness of his Patience, that he would have tarried with them, and hop'd for better. But moderate men did see no likelyhood. And why should a gracious Prince imbrier himself any longer in Thorns, and do no good, but leave his Wooll behind him? There are a sort of People in Gusman's Hospi­tal, that when a Friend stays long, whom they had waited for, look often out of the Window to spy him, as if he would come the sooner for that imperti­nency. Plautus hath drawn it up elegantly in his Stychus: Si quem hominem ex­pectant, eum solent provisere: Qui herclè illâ causâ nihilo citiùs veniet. Would you have a wife King one of this ridiculous Hospitals? And it was not wisdom on­ly, but heroick Magnanimity, that he would not seem to deserve any thing by those Favours, in passing their ill-fram'd Bills, which he verily thought would be pluck't up by the Roots, when the Day of the Lord should come to redeem us. Matter so corrupt, and the manner so compulsory, must needs fall to the ground, upon review in sober Times. Quae in pace latae sunt leges bellum abrogat, quae in Bello pax. It is Livies. Else cast it into this Answer: His Majesty dis­cern'd that he, himself had marred both Houses, and he would do them no more harm to concur with them in their Excess of Disobedience and Profaneness. For what made them stretch themselves beyond their Power, but the King's Act, which gave them liberty to sit beyond lawful measure. A Session sitting long grows sour and stale, and is like to Theophrastus's Date-tree, [...]. When it is young the Fruit it bears is with­out a stone in it: but if it grow long, a Date-stone is so hard, that it will break good Teeth to crack it. So this Convention, being durable against Disso­lution, wax't very corrupt, surly, and tyrannical. There were worthy Men a­mong them, some very learned in the Laws, other Gentlemen well experien­ced in the Nature of the People; of whom some were tired out, and gone: and much that remained was Lumber and Luggage, tumbled together in a waste Room: which brought up at last their final farewel and expulsion, so generally applauded, as Ballads and Pasquils did testifie. Behold Sidonius his Judgment Lib. 1. Ep. 7. upon Arvandus, a great Officer in his days, Non eum aliquando ce­cidisse, sed tamdiu stetisse plus miror, qui primam praefecturam gubernavit cum maximâ popularitate, sequentem cum maximâ populatione. So our imperious Masters were flatter'd at first for Popularity, and hated in the end for Depopulation. And to put a signal Remark of Disgrace upon them (it is not forgotten before) they were carried out of their House like empty Casks with a Brewers sling.

180. Some Pieces of Apology are patch't into this old Garment, which in my Judgment make the Rent worse. When things were gone so far out of Or­der, it was a hard thing for a man to speak truth to himself. Hear them how­soever: for sometimes there is likelyhood in that which is a lye; and sometimes Truth in that which is unlikely. It is not amiss to alledge, that the Authority of Parliaments hath been venerable from times of old; but it is most certain that the Majesty Royal was evermore venerable. For the King is God's Repre­sentative, and the most part of their Patriots but the Representatives of the People: But they would teach us, That the Judgment of the whole Land speaks in the mouth of their Parliament. I cannot be their Disciple in that; I am sure their sense was not the sense of thousand thousands abroad: and the Parliament indeed supplies our Political Capacity, but they do not carry with them our Personal Wisdoms. Says another, Were we not frank of our Loyalty, when we pro­mis'd we would make his Majesty a great King? This Spot at first made a shew of a good Card: but to their shame I rejoyn, there was a great disparity between the Promises and the Sequels. Antisthenes (so Laertius) came to see Plato be­ing sick, just after his Physick had wrought: Says Antisthenes, I see your Choler in the Bason, but not your Pride: so every plain man might read the slattery of the Promise, but not find the fraud. They make him a great King? It was God that made him a King, and in that Title made him great. Inde potestas illi [Page 193]unde & spiritus. Tertul. Apol. And by what sign did it appear they would make him great? or what did they not do, to make him a great Underling? To give him Law, to subject him to their Votes, is the greatness of a Tympany, which swells and kills: The Sophistry in which they gloried most was extract­ed out of the Jesuits Learning, That they were faithful to the Regal Office (which remained in the two Houses albeit his departure) but contrary to this man in his personal Errors: and if they obey in his Kingly Capacity, and Le­gal Commands against his Person, they obey himself. All this, beside words, is a subtle nothing. For what is himself, but his Person? Shall we against all Lo­gick make Authority the Subject, and the Person enforcing it a have Accident? It sounds very like the Parodox of Transubstantiation, where [...] [...] qualit, [...] of Bread and Wine are feigned to subsist without the Inherence of a substance. With these Metaphysicks and Abstractions they were not Legal, but Personal Traitors. If an Undersheriff had arrested Harry Martin for Debt, and pleaded that he did not imprison his Membership, but his Martin ship, would the Com­mittee for Priviledges be sob'd off with that distinction? Learnedly [...]aravia de ob. Christ. p. 51. Eundem hominem partiri Jurisconsulti nesciunt, ut idem homo sibi im­peret & par [...]at. Whatsoever a man's relations be, they are so conjoyned to the Suppositum, that you cannot treat with him, partly in honour, partly in dis­honour, as in terms of opposition. And sometime there is not so much as a notional Difference between Imperial and Personal Respect. St. Paul instructs the Christians at Rome, That every Soul should be subject to the higher Powers. The higher Power under which they lived, was the meer Power and Will of Caesar, bridled in by no Law. Pliny in his Pan [...]g. speaks it openly to Trajan: Ipse te le­gibus subjecisri Caesar, quas nemo Principi scripsit. This was too much. For Kings, should not Rule without limitation of Laws; as Claudian to Honortus,

Primus jussa capi, tune observantior aequi
Fit populus.

But if they fail, who shall judge them but God? To obey the King is God's Law, to obey our Laws is the Ordinance of Man: therefore the Bodies and E­states of the Subjects are obnoxious to the Common Laws, and the King to nothing but his Conscience. It is God only that avengeth the violation of Conscience; it is above the Judgment of Men. But I return to St. Paul. There was no distinction then in the Roman Empire between a Legal and Personal Ca­pacity, yet Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers. Put them together, for you cannot put them asunder, [...], let it be the Power in the abstract; the word [...] (for st. Peter was not mistaken) puts it into the concrete: and the Duty required is, That every Power be subject to that Power which is higher than it self. This distinction, which I have erased, being too learned for every Shop-keeper and Headborough to understand, they fell to this plain Expression That they were in danger of the King's Forces, and gathered such Souldiers, as they' could make ready, to defend themselves. And they that suffer more than Nature can bear, will be compelled to do more, than Duty can justifie. It is the word of the Hellenists, Ecclus. 4.35. [...], when a capricious man thinks all his Imagi­nations to be Certainties. These that fly to the excuse of a Defensive War are such. For can this be perswaded to any man, when all England did see so ma­ny Brigades, provided for the Service of the Earl of Essex, when the King had not Two hundred about him, and those disposed in no Military Titles or Orders? And says his Majesty at the hour of his Death, Read the dates of their Proclamations and mine. they are in print, and let every eye be judge from whom the first Alarum unto War proceeded. A Defence is to avoid Blows, not to give them: and is it a Defence to parsue another from place to place? Then a Falcon is upon the Defence that [...] after a Pheasant. But they never spoke truer than when this Conse [...] came out, That they made themselves strong, to bring the King under their power, for they were bea [...]y afraid, and durst not trust him. They were safe for the present: not secure for the future: having a Conscience of Guilt, which trembled in them, knowing that their Manners were the just oc­casion of all the Evil that could be done unto them. Yet who brought them into this strait? Says Porc. Latro in Salust. Serae sunt hominum lamentationes, quae suo vitio desidiâque contigerunt. The style of good Christians was wont to be, Let them that have failed in the first duty of Innocency, lay hold of the next duty of Re­pentance. [Page 194]If they have offended, let them crave Mercy through Christ, and not command it with the violence of the Devil. If they will not trust the King's Mercy, because they have provoked him so far, whose Fault is it but their own, if they become Rebels? He that dares not trust the Sea, and will not traffick, whose fault is it but his own, if he prove a Beggar? O, they dealt with a King, that knew it was no time for Vengeance, but for Pardon. Howsoever, the gate of his heart was wide open for Penitents at all times. If Cicero had said more to Caesar, it would not have transcended King Charles his Clemency, Nemo nunquam te placavit inimicus, qui ullas residisse in te simultatis reliquias senserit. Pro Deiot. I have sifted the dreadful War advanced by this Parliament, with truth impartial: there needs no falshood to make their Practices seem worse than they were. The Van of their Army was Treason, their Main Body Rebellion, their Rear Murder. So I found them, and so I leave them.

181. Sufficient is delivered to silence the Excuse of the Parliament, that a just Fear put Swords into their hands to defend themselves. An Ethnick must submit to this Rule, which I will quote the second time, Nulla necessitas excusat, quae potest non esse necessit as, Tertul. exhort. ad castitatem, c. 24. and a Christian hath learnt this Rule, That nothing is more formidable, than to fear any thing more than God. They provoked a King to his face in a Civil War, than whom no Prince did better deserve the Purse, the Prowess, the Persons of his Subjects to help him on, both to Safeguard and Victory. He failed in both, through that which Budaeus in one word calls [...], cum populus Imperatori infensus vincere nolit, Lib. 2. Pand. fol. 10. The common Peoples love to him, I con­ses, was cold and lazy. They had not studied him, and the great Graces of his unspotted Life. Qui exemplo potuit esse his, quos nos habemus in exemplo. I borrow it for him out of Sidonius. He might have been an Example to those, who were held the best Examples of the Times he lived in. But they fretted at some im­prosperous Expeditions, which his Ministers had made into Spain, France, and Germany, and look't downward upon those dishonourable Actions, not upward upon his Vertues. So he lost them. For evil Successes are not ordinarily for­gotten, though prosperous ones vanish in the warmth of their fruition. No doubt but he had framed his Imagination to things of great entertainment, for the good of his Nephew in the Palatinate, and the Protestants at Rochel. But who can foresee what Chance the Dye of War will cast? Centum doctum hominum consilia sola baec devincit Dea Fortuna, Plaut in Pseud. An Heathen could go no further, but we understand more. And though foreign Enterprizes miscarried, there was great Prosperity at home, Wealth, Trade, Peace, Plenty, all Pro­fessions floarithing. But did he follow Polybius his Counsel to Scipio AEmilianus, ne­ver to go abroad but to oblige some before he return'd, it being the chief hap­pines, of a Prince to get Frineds. Truly he did many Acts of Liberality, with a look that did not take much, and with a blind hand. He was not made to set his Face cheerfully, nor to attract with delightful Expressions. Whereas Heyward nicks it right in his Hen. 4. That the Multitude are more strongly drawn by unprositable Courtesies, than by churlish Benefits. But our King's Motto might have been drawn from Illustrius the Pythagoraean in Laertius, [...]. Act great things, but promise little: which was the right temper of this dispassionate Philosophical Man, who cared not for Opinion, but would please himself in that which was just, though it were displeasing to others: and delighted to live much to himself, and his own thoughts: As if, says a late Pen, he had rather been guest at, than known. You shall read nothing more apt to excuse him, than that of Cicero to Cato. Ep. l. 15. Ea studiosè secutus sum, ete quibus vera gloria nasci possit, ipsam quidem gloriam per se nunquam putavi expeten­dam.

182. The same Parliament did for a while so much acknowledge his Ver­tues, that they would have praised him into a Fool. For these were their words: That they know him to be good of himself; and therefore did strive per force to fetch him from a debauched Army and evil Counsellors. Wo be to him whose Head is bucketed with Waters of a scalding Bath. These Flowers of Flattery, that would wither before to morrow, were they worth the prince of a Crown? The King's Army consisted of as valiant and brave Men, as ever march't upon English Ground. If there were somewhat of the Libertine among them, there was nothing but the Hypocrite among the Enemy; whose Sacriledges, Robbe­ries, and Spoils I defer alittle to spread open, and the Foxes skin shall never be [Page 195]able to cover all the Lion. Few Soldiers in the heat of their Blood, in their Hunger and Watchings, in their Necessities, and revengeful Executions make perfect Saints. To have castra simillima regi, as Statius hath it, was to be wish't, more than hoped for. As for the Nobles, Commanders, Knights and Gentry, and many Scholars that jeoparded their Lives in that Service, I wish their due Honour may be set forth in a long-liv'd History, to which I will lend that of Curtius lib. 4. Fatebimur & regem talibus ministris, & illos tanto rege fuisse dignissimos, His Majesty's Council, the best Peerage of three Nations, that could never leave him, had more true Piety in their hearts, than their Pharisees would dis­semble. To continue their Allegiance to death, had more of Heaven in it, than was in all their simpering Preciseness. For Religion and Loyalty are like the Wax and Wiek, making one Taper between them to shine before God and Man: but for all that, they would bring the King away from his evil Council, and take him to themselves, the very Pink of the faithful. I must not say but it it is a mannerly Expression, if any thing be wrong, to remove it from the Sove­raign, and to charge them with it, who did execute the Order. David, though he knew Saul's bitterness, yet is willing to impute his Persecutions to Saul's Ser­vants, 1 Sam. 26.19. If they be the children of men that have stirred thee up against me, cursed be they of the Lord. There will ever be such Sycophants in a Court, that will whisper corrupt talk, endeavouring that none should get the start of them in the Royal Favour: but must all prudent Senators be cast off and sup­prest, if some Ear-wiggs peradventure had got into credit? Let the Shepherd put away his Dogs, and the Wolf will ask no more. Let the King once forfeit his Friends to an ignoble Trial, and he shall never see days of Comfort and Se­curity again. Did he ever protect any Servant from the Trial of the Law? That would not suffice our Judges in Parliament; but he must leave them to the Votes of an Arbitrary Censure. Then a wife man had better pay half his Estate for a Fine, than be a Privadoe to the King in his nearest Employments. And most miserable is he, that must not choose those whom he will trust, but have his Officers of greatest Dispatches thrust upon him by Compulsion. King Richard the Second had Counsellers and Guardians empowered to retrench him in his Government, whose Arrogancy when his great Spirit shook off, it is known what it cost him. Never think to see a King's House so purged of un­deserving persons, that none of them will creep into that trust they deserve not. Budaeus gave over that hope, Lib. 5. de Asse, p. 110. Ita est reip. nostrae status, ut clitella generosis equis, instrataque speciosa imponantur asinis. The best Steeds some­times shall carry the Panniers, and Jades and Asses be covered with the Foot­cloth. There was never man so wise, that did not love some Simpletons, whom you may call Fools: Nor never Prince so absolute, but did stamp some Honours upon base Mettal. Non est nostrum aestimare quem supra caeteros, & quibus causis extollas, says a good States-man in Tacitus. And our excellent Camden shifts in this answer for Queen Elizabeths sake, whose Affections were so strong to Robert Earl of Leicester, that he knew not whether it were a Synastria, a Star which reigned at both their Births, that made him a Gratioso to so brave a Lady. Make any unlikely answer, rather than defie a King with an Army, to pluck his best betrusted from him. Thuamus is an Author to be delighted in, whose observati­on it is, Lib. 11. That Maurice of Saxony made his Apology for raising War against Charles the Fifth, that he intended no offence to Caesar, but to divorce him from Alva, and Granval, his evil Counsellors. A Stale and thread-bear Cheat, and yet the Devil to this day cannot find out a better. Take away those, whom they call Evil Counsellors, place as good, or better in their room, (it is not impossible) it were a marvel if they did eat a bushel of Salt in Court, and not be scowl­ed upon with Envy, as much as they that did forego them. Let any Tree grow tall in favour, and the Shrubs will complain, that it drops upon the underwood. A great disheartning it is to our Grandees, to see so many of worth and clear integrity ruin'd by a publick hatred; which made Pausanias pity Demosthenes, and the chief Burgesses of Athens, in Att. [...]. A great Actor in the Affairs of the Commonwealth feldom goes to his Grave with Honour and Peace. I am not of their Spirit then, that would remove the King's Counsel from him: but some are of my mind, that in ma­ny great Dispatches, they did heartily wish that the King himself had been re­moved from his Council. For he was more happy, when he took the way which he spun out of his own Brain, than when he alter'd his Opinion to fol­low [Page 196]the Judgment of his Counsellors. But it was his humble temper, to like that wisdom in others, which was greater in himself.

183. It is not too late to unblind some of the People, provided they beware of them that spit Holy Water, as other Jugglers have a slight to spit fire. The Pope's Cruciada drew thousands of Soldiers to adventure into the Holy War; and our cunning Popelings made their Muster exceed, by carrying the Figure of Religion in their Colours. Therefore it is good to take off this great Charm, that bewitcht the heedless into Rebellion. Which Inchantment was a common cry, That Religion lay a bleeding: reform the Church either now or never. This is the time to pull up Popery and Prelacy: and Fortune is an Hand-maid to no Mistress but Occasion. Therefore let the faithful live and die together for God's Cause and Christ's Kingdom. Pack away Bishops, Liturgy, Courts Ecclesiastical, Canons, Crosses, Organ Musick, Ceremonies: Change for every thing, for any thing. Seraque terrisici cecinerunt omnia vates. Aen. 5. Survey all this calmly. They that undertake to alter so much at once, is it like­ly they will mend it all at once for the better? A better Head-piece than theirs gives them a wiser Principle, Synes. de provid. [...]. Things may admit a general change of a sudden for the worst, but not for the better. Then to clap Religion into a quarrel is a formal foolery, that every Child can look through it. Ex cupiditate quisque suorum religionem velut pedissequam habet. Leo. Ep. 23. Now look back in­to King Edward the Sixth's days, who those Bishops and Divines were, whom God stirred up to frame our happy Reformation. Their Sanctity, Learning, Humility, Martyrdom, compel us to believe that they sought the Truth: and the hand of God upon their works: that none did ever prosper in this Land, with their new frame of Worship to deface their Foundation, will perswade us that they found the Truth. Let these words of the Orator be dedicated to their blessed memory, De arusp. resp. Sat is superque prudentes sunt, qui illorum prudentiam, non dicam asscqui, sed, quantà suerit, perspicere possint. We know who jear at this, and think they are far before all our Predecessors, to chalk out the right Line of Gospel Purity, the Presbyter Divines and their Elderships. As Cato the Censor strived to keep the Athenian Philosophy and Learning out of Rome; for, says he, Quandocunque ista gens literas suas dabit, omnia corrumpet. Plin. l. 29. c. 1. So we have had Cato's and prudent Senators, who have spared for no pains to crush the tur­bulent Presbyterians, yet they have continued to surprise the Judgments of unquiet Opiniators, and they flowed in by shoals in our Civil Wars. Schismatica pravitas semper bello ardente maximè luxuriat, says Camden Eliz. Anno 1588. and he speaks it of these men. These are they that are striving to wind up higher in Reformation; which makes me insert what I read since I wrote this, As if Re­ligion were intended for nothing else but to be mended: Sirs, shall we change and change till all be satisfied? that's to put us off for Peace to the Greek Ca­lends. When you tell us which in your Brains is the best and final Reformation, we will tell you another thing as impossible, which is the greatest number. They troubled Queen Elizabeth and King James with their Platforms of Christ's King­dom, and were repulsed: for who could give an eaven poise to such uneaven Hu­mours? chiefly perceiving that a Monarchy would not consist with their Con­sistories, their Pretences running one way, and their Practices another: and in­deed their Encroachments are not only upon Royal Authority, but upon the Civil Magistrate, whosoever he be. Now they would enforce their Scottish or Geneva Changeling upon King Charles, who was swift to run to any good; and when he stopt, it was because Religion and Reason could go no further. This stinking Elder, lately shot up, he could not Authorize. Who can forget Pisistra­tus, how he toss'd and turn'd the Athenian Commonwealth over and over, and yet would perswade them, that he changed not their Native Laws, but reduced them to those that Solon was the Author of; which none could disprove, so much they were forgotten. So they that put on this Change, were impatient to hear that it was a Mushroom of late growth: but boasted it was the constitution of the Apostles, but lasted so short a Time, that History cannot make it out to ju­stifie it. The discreet King was sure that the Gospel was planted over much of the Heathenish World by Bishops; that they rooted up Idolatry, supprest Here­fies, edified all places with the glorious Vertues of Faith and Charity, and that [Page 197]God would not go along with a corrupt Hierarchy, in such manifold and great Mercies: And should he set up another Government, from whose alteration he knew not what would proceed? was it not Prudence to owe unto Ignorance still, rather than to try it? Nihil in specie fallacius quàm prava religio, says Posthu­mius, in Liv. lib. 9. Religion, though the best thing, yet the name of it is the greatest Cheat, if you take not heed of Hypocrisie.

184. But who can dispute with them that will fly to Inspiration, and when they have no other Argument, will boast, that they have talk'd with GOD? [...], Wisd. 7.14. which is in our Margin, They have enter'd friendship with God. Then all that Reason shall say to the contrary is prophane, and underneath them. There is an Objection to be answer'd with Grief, That some learned and painful men did promote this Discipline. I will say to their Praise and Pity, as much as Tully did of the Gracchi, Orat. de acus. resp. Quòd dolerent boni omnes, illa tanta ornamenta, and meliorem mentem voluntatem (que) non esse conversa. Their Pains in some were very laudable, in some little more than Lungs and Language. A little Gold comes to more in payment than a great deal of Cop­per Money. Pliny, lib. 16. c. 27. speaks of some Vines that bore thrice a year, yet the Vineyard-dresser lost by it: Insana vitis trifero proventu, sed evanida luxu­rians. There were Auditors that extoll'd such Preachers, and would say, They could profit by no other. So Amnon pretended he could eat no Meat, unless his Sister Tamar dress'd it. The Plot came to light in our days, that these were they that rung the Pan in the Pulpit, and then the Bees swarm'd to Rebellion. But that which is of God, must have its Foundation in Humility, its Rising in Obedience, and its Continuance in Peace. View the Success of Presbyterism, where it takes a little root here and there, what Shoots do grow by it, or out of it! Anabaptists, Antinomians, Familists, all Mr. Edwards's Gangreen, beside Quacks and Quakers, Mahumetan Dervises, of a raging, not a ravishing Spirit; among all these the Independents, their young Brothers, by Burrough-Tenure, have got the Estate from them. I will borrow a strain of his Wit, that said there went but a pair of Sheers between them, That the Independents would not have a King, so much as in name; the Presbyters would have no more than the meer Name of a King. But, O how these blasphemed the Name, and slander'd the Footsteps of God's Anointed! who laid our good King forth as a Papist to their Rabble, since he would neither be for the Consistorians nor Congregationers: Nihil est audere relictum, Manil. lib. 5. Blessed Saint! how firm was he to the Antipapal Doctrine of this Church, which he maintain'd against the Marquess of Worcester in the greatest agony of his Troubles, and trusted his Soul upon it at the agony of Death. Most of all that Calumny came from Hell, that he gave privy leave to the Irish Hell-hounds, to commit that horrid Massacre upon so many Innocents, Men, Women and Babes: Did not Muscerry and Philem O Neal tell the contrary at their Execution, and pawned their Salvation upon it, when it was no time to dissemble? They, the Parliament, contributed much to that Assassinate, who cut off Strafford for an evil Counsellor, the only man of Cou­rage and Counsel, to have prevented the Troubles of Ireland. A Passage shall decide it clearly, that came to my own knowledge; I was so scrupulous to for­get nothing of it, that before I stirred I wrote down the Speaker, the Words, the Place, the Year, the Day.

On July 24. ann. 1654. at Rygate in Surrey, I had Conference about this De­famation, with that excellent Primate of Armagh, Dr. Usher; says he, Stop their Mouths with this that I shall faithfully tell you. Sir William Parsons, our Chief-Justice, was much trusted with the King's Affairs in Ireland; he deceasing, his Friends and Executors sent his Papers to me, to look them over: In his Cabi­net I found a Letter written by the King, to warn him to look well to the Mee­tings of the Popish Irish, for he had received certain Intelligence out of Spain, that they were upon some great Design of Blood and Confusion. And did His Majesty hold any Intelligence with those Miscreants, who fetch'd his Intelligence as far as from Spain to prevent them? Nulla sunt certiora quàm quae ex dubiis fact a sunt certa, Quintil. lib. 5. The reliquation of that which preceded is, it looks not all like Popery that Presbyterism was disdained by the King; his Father had taught him, that it was a Sect so perfidious, that he found more Faith among the Highlanders. Experience taught, that it was not suitable to the Eternal Gospel, for the Fautors of it did scarce Summer and Winter the same form of [Page 198]Discipline. His hatred of Sacrilege taught him, that upon the abdication of Episcopacy, there was no likelihood, but the Patrimony of the Church, which is the Patrimony of Christ, would be distributed by the Lords and Commons, to their own, but certainly to prophane uses.

185. At the same time that a murmuring was raised for preserving or advan­cing Religion, as much was pretended upon another score, to recover Liberty; Populo supervacanea est calliditas, Saluf. p. 75. The dull-headed People knew not all what this meant, but rush'd on towards it; and when the Beast did imagin it was loose from the Chain of Monarchy and Laws, who could tye it up again? They that say, the whole Earth turns about, will allow us to sit still; but let these earthy Clodds follow their own motion, Rest and Safety are out of hope to every man. St. Paul says, that a Liberty to sin is the greatest Captivity; so a Liberty to be lawless is the greatest Bondage. The Hedge of common Sase­ty is Law; the Hedge of the Law are Penalties; the infliction of Penalties is the power of the Supreme Governour. Can the Subjects be at more Freedom, if this Authority be taken away from one supereminent person? Whereunto that ingenuous Gentleman Mr. Wrenn says very well, Monarchy Asserted, p. 79. It can be nothing but Madness, voluntarily to expose ones self to Misery, for the taking away of a Power, in the room of which another equal Power, must necessarily be substitu­ted. Yet it may be that Monarchy is excellens sensibile, the Splendor of it is an Eye-sore, and one would better endure the faint Beams of lesser and lower Pla­nets. To this I will reply with Capito Cossutius, when the Roman Senate deprived Nero Caesar, To overthrow Soveraignty Liberty was cried up, but if Sove­raignty be overthrown, Liberty will be set upon, Bolton, p. 258. Let Judgment be pass'd upon the state of our own Monarchy; the worst Enemy to it hath given this Testimony upon it, Oceana, p. 97. It was a Throne the most indulgent to, and least injurious for so many Ages upon the Liberty of the People, that the World hath known. And indeed how could it be otherwise? For the People preside in the House of Commons, to debate the Grievances of all Counties, Cities, and Burroughs, and to raise Levies of Moneys with Indifferency, which is Democratical. The Lords Spiritual and Temporal joyn their Wisdoms to debate the Proceedings of the Commons, and are engaged in Honour to settle all things in Honour and Safety: which is Aristocratical. And His Majesty gathering up the results of their Prudence, governs upon no other grounds, and can neither abrogate the Laws already enacted, nor enforce a new Law, which is not pass'd, and preser­red unto him by both Houses; which is the most inoffensive Regulation of Mo­narchy to please GOD and Man. The most ancient Observator of the Tem­per of these three Governments, made up into one with such Concinnity, is Polybius, lib. 6. thus he; Some people are under a pure Monarchy, some under an Opti­macy, some like a Democracy; [...]. The best Government, without compare, must be that which hath collected the Properties of all the three into its Platform: This is that equal Hand (and it is our case) that sets the Instruments in Tune one to another, and the Voices to them all. But it was exclaimed, that our Monarchy kept not the bounds of Law, untuned the Harmony, as the Remonstrance, Decem. 15. expres­seth it in a raging stile, Injustice, Oppression, Violence broke in upon us without any re­straint or moderation. And wherefore so much Outcry for Peccadilloes, and ve­rily occasion'd by the Undutifulness of former Parliaments, and subsequent Ne­cessities? In some remediless Occurrences, the wisest that sate in the House thought it would be more profitable to be insensible of them, rather than too sharp, because His Majesty had rectified the principal Grievances, and was pre­pared to go on in the same Compliance and Serenity. Now when the Pox was coming out, Violence was the way to drive it in again: And let the Censurers of Evils foregone look with Charity upon them, and with Concessions of Hu­manity, and they will find some slight Taxes levied, which impoverisht no man, the course of the Law still open to all; it may be, and will ever be, in the win­nowing the Chaff from the Corn, there would be a little loss of Wheat. Then all they that have howled against the Oppressions of the Soveraign, if the Door of your Conscience be not too narrow to let out so great a Sin, open the Wic­ket, that this Slander may fly away into the Desarts of Forgetfulness, yet rather of Repentance. But if you could make your Proofs true, That you wanted your native Rights and Liberties, this will not justifie a rebellious War. The Princi­ple of the ancient Church is strong, If the Magistrate command things contrary to [Page 199] God's Law, suffer, and resist not. Much less do not resist, though he command things contrary to his own Laws; for, to break his Scepter, you wring the Scepter out of the Hand of God; He alone is above him, you are under him. Men that have Leisure and Learning, may read Chrysantus's Oration in Xenoph. Cyr. Pa. lib. 7. I will spend but one Passage of it here: Fellow Souldiers, says he, we have obtained many Victories under our Lord Cyrus, and are become the Conquerors of great Kingdoms, and which way got we all we have? [...]? That is, by our Governour: There can be no greater Good, than to preserve our selves in that Obedience. Audi'n' haec Amphiarae sub terram abdite? Can the Ghost of John Pymm hear this, whom no good man's Patience can forgive, for making that dirty Remon­strance?

186. Begin once again to detect this popular Cheat. The Ringleaders of the Impious War caress the People, That if they will stick to them against the King, and leave the Power in their Hands, they would possess them in the best Liberty that they could imagine to enjoy. These petty Tyrants grew very kind of a sudden, but to be suspected, as Appius Claudius the Decemvir was, when he courted the Citizens, Nunquam gratuita in tantâ superbiâ comitas esse solet, Livy. So our King-quellers did not sell their Complement for nothing; they had got a Forrest of Fools in an Army after them; instantly all Laws were dead that kept men living, Liber­ty quite defunct, and will never have a resurrection, but under a Monarchy in the true and lawful Successor; the Laws, the sworn Judges, the Verdicts of Ju­rors, the maintenance of all these under the Care and Justice of the King, these are the Preventions, that the Freemen of this Nation are not in the least fear of Slavery: Be thankful for this Liberty, and ask for no better, for the Restraint which a man hath by coming under a Law, comes home to him again by the Benefit and Protection of the Law. Tully says more, and yet no more than Truth, Orat. pro Caecinná. Mihi credite, major haereditas venit unicui (que) nostrum à jure, & legibus, quàm ab iis, à quibus ipsa bona relicta sunt. Every man is more be­holden to the Laws for his Lands and Chattels, than to his Parents that did be­queath them, for the Law gave the Parent Power to make his Will and Testa­ment, that his Estate might be settled upon his Children, and the Law allows the right Heir to enjoy it: As a Vineyard yields us Wine, but unless that Wine be laid up in found Vessels, and those Vessels hoop'd, that it leak not out, that which we got in the Wine press will be lost in the Cellar. Therefore we did but put a Knife to our own Throats when we advanced an Army, which our soft Laws (meerly made for Peace) were not able to regulate, and were sad Lookers­on, when we saw our Martial Grandees cut and carve what they pleased to them­selves, for every one had an Eye to the Pole-star of their present Interest. And lo, into what we are fallen: Pro communi imperio privatam sibi quisque servitutem peperit, Salus. p. 174. When the over-flowing Romans meant to make a Prey of a Nation not yet vanquish'd, their Phrase was, That they would go and civilize them, reduce the Gauls or Britains from Barbarism. [...], says Plutarch, When they coveted a Nations Wealth, they did polish them into Bondage. So the Parliament-Militia robb'd us of all we had, upon Promise to call us to the Cap or Coxcomb of Liberty. Look into two or three Particu­lars, and see what these Hucksters sold to a besotted Nation, in exchange for the great Charter of our ancient Freedom: First, They ask'd at once, and had it, the fifth part of all Land-Rents, and the twentieth part of all Goods and Mova­bles, and gave us a Ticket of publick Faith, that is, of punick Faith, to repay it. Euclio in Plautus deserved to be sequestred, for speaking so plainly to this Cou­sonage, Fidei censcham maximam vulgo fidem, cà mihi sublevit os poenissimè. They that brought not this Sum into the mass of the common Treasure, were plunde­red of all they had. Woe be to the wealthy. [...], as Plutarch speaks of the Rapin which the thirty Tyrants made in Athens, It was more dange­rous to be Rich, than to be the worst of evil-doers. At the same time a Payment was laid upon our Necks, a Pick-purse Trick, which they had learnt of the Provinces that revolted from the King of Spain, it is but one word, and much in little, Excise upon all Merchantable Wares, beside Coals, Beer, and other things of Trade and Use at home. A word so odious to our Country, that if our Kings had put it in use, their Ministers had been served like Adoram, Grand-customer to Rehoboam, whom the Israelites stoned with Stones, that he died. Yet, after all these exacti­ons, they will tell you with Pseudolus, Ratio constat, argentum [...], Take out your Tables, and write down Liberty.

[Page 200] 187. Moreover, to make us swear our selves for ever into Prophaneness, Sin, and Baseness, the solemn League and Covenant pass'd by the Votes of both Houses, and by the great approvement of their Journeymen the Assembly; and this Flag of six colours was hung up in all the Houses of God in the Land; where the two Tables of the Law were put before, to hold out our Duty to God, and Love to our Neighbour, a new piece of Christianity is clapt upon the Wall, to renounce the King, and to ruine the Church. Tertullian lik'd not this Alteration, lib. de Cor. Mil. Credimus ne humanum testamentum divino superin­duci deberi? And the Caesarean Law gives a mortal Sentence upon it, as Elmin­shorstius quotes it, p. 148. upon Arnobius, Qui factionis susceperit sacramentum, vel dederit, gladio feriatur. O very wise Parliament. can you teach one how to piece Liberty and this Covenant together? for all that refuse it must be seque­stred, imprisoned, disossiced; the Clergy that will not submit, lose their Bene­sices, and the Law cannot keep them in their Freehold: Their Case is alike, as it was with the Orthodox under the Tyranny of the Arrians, as it is in Athanasius Apol. p. 329. [...]; Either subscribe, or relinquish your Churches. I read in Cembd. Eliz. p. 71. That the Queen called them to an account, Qui pensiones religiosis, è monasteriis ejectis, assignatas subtraxerant? It hat Provision did our Potentates make for Protestant sequestred Ministers? What? why Freedom and Choice, to beg or starve; but not a Denier allow'd to a single man. They talk'd of a fifth part to maintain the Wife and Children of a mar­ried one, with so many Clauses of Exception, Thirteen at least, says Dr. Thomas Fuller, that the allocation came to nothing but Charge and Trouble. Libe­ral—Thieves! the Earth is the Lord's in all its fulness, and you shall know the Church will be Christ's in all its emptiness: You all alter'd the Texts to good purpose, Act. 4, & 5. cap. there the Disciples did, and Ananias said he would, bring all he had, and lay it at the Apostles Feet, but now the Disciples of the Apostles must lay all they have at Ananias Feet: Yet since you say all this is done to deliver us from the Bondage of the King's Power, take out the Tables again, and write down Liberty. To abbreviate the mention of a thousand Wrongs and Evils, had we been a conquer'd People, trodden under the Feet of Turks, what could the Conqueror have done worse, to transform us into Slaves, than to set up that Tribunal of Blood, the High Court of Justice? The Privi­lege of the Free People of England is their Tryal per Pares, as well in Criminalas in other Causes. Some smack of it is so ancient, that I find in Grotius de Jure bel. & pacis, p. 248. That Cato the elder would never punish a Slave, till the Slaves of the Family, who did wear the same Chain, did cast him by their Verdict. Now the case is alter'd at Westminster-Hall, a Prisoner is tryed at the Bar, neither by the Law for Reason, nor by Jury upon Matter of Fact, but by the Consci­ence of some that are commissioned to judge upon Law, Reason, Right, and Fact. Suppose that the Conscience of Sultan Cromwel, and his Visier Bashaw, alias Bradshaw, sit among them, that Court must prove a Rock, against which an Innocent can­not chuse but split, and these high Justitiaries Gentlemen of the first Edition. Quid facturi sunt illi, si consules, si Dictatores fuissent, qui proconsulorem imaginem tam tru­cem saevamque fecissent? Liv. Dec. 1. lib. 5. They that raised such Storms among us, being Vapours in the lower Air, would have lightned and thunder'd, if they had been Exhalations in the middle Region; but that the Authors of the fore­named Miseries and Depressions durst say, that they took up Arms against the King for Liberty, take out the Tables, and write down Villany.

188. Our Observation must not launch now into the Whirl-pool, or rather plounce into the Mudd and Quagmire of the Peoples Power and Right preten­ded, That the Soveraignty is theirs, and originally in them; That they of meer Choice and Election cast themselves into such and such forms of Government at first, and may dissolve them by Force and Constraint, when they will, and do no man Injury, for they recall their own, which they did but lend during plea­sure, upon a natural Paction. Some things, discovered before, were very ill, which did disorder us to Rebellion, saying that this Invention doth disembogue it self into the roughest and blackest Sea of Treason: Like to Verres's stripping the Sicilians, his last Oppression was a more grievous Pillage than all the former. Secum ipse certat, & id agit, ut semper superius suum sacinus novo scelere vincat, Act. 7. The Axiom, which hath gone from hand to hand, in some dangerous Books, is, Rex singulis major est, Universis minor. Grotius said so, but it was Grotius the Advo­cate of Rotterdam, a Minister to a popular State, and Barnevale's Creature; but [Page 201] Grotius, the Ambassador to the French King, from the Swedish Crown, would be asham'd of such Politicks. So says as spightful an Author to the Honour and Safety of Princes as ever writ, Stephanus Junius Brutus, that's the Title of his disguise, whom learned K. James suspected to be a Papist, dissembling the person of an Hugonote, to make them all odious. But we are beholden to Gisb. Vootius, who hath pull'd off his Mask, Tom. 2. Disp. p. 852. he says, that Tronchinus ma­king an Oration in Geneva, at the Funerals of Simon Goulartius, made it known to his Auditors, that Simon Goulartius had assured him, that Hubertus Languettus, a Gentleman of Burgundy, and of good same till this Mischief came to light, did hatch the Monster, and send it forth. To spare the rest, all but one, the same is the Doctrine of Parsons the Jesuite in his Dolman, who follows it all the way, That Civil Government is radically in the People; that they may set up and pull down their Rulers for the publick good as they will. Let the Index of Expurgation look to it, whether the Temporal Soveraignty of the Pope come not under the Whip of this Doctrine.

[...]. Odyss. [...].

The People of Romania, Bononia, Ancona, Ferrara will be very insolent, if you buz such a Bee into their Brain; every light Offence taken will make them threaten. But whence do these People-pleasers draw this Maxim, That a King is greater than every Subject apart, but less than their Body taken altogether? Not from Scri­pture, for the Kings of Israel and Judah, in that Book, were above all the Tribes in their Aggregation. Hiram writes to Solomon, Blessed be the Lord, who hath gi­ven to David a wise Son over this great people, 1 Kin. 5.7. Hear the Queen of Sheba likewise, That Solomon was Minister Dei, non populi; God delighted in thee, to set thee in his Throne, to be a King for the Lord thy God, and made thee over them, to do judgment and justice to all, 1 Chron. 9.8. Shall I leave my fatness, says the Olive in the Parable, to be promoted over the Trees? That is, over every Tree in the Forrest: But these Dogmatists dare not recourse to Scripture, they must be tra­ced in prudential ways. Proteus, the man of all shapes, says Synesius, Ep. 136. [...], acted always among Men, not in Heavenly, but in Earthly Wisdom. Let it be Reason, and not Fallacy, wise men will be rea­dy to hear it. One Argument of the Adversaries is, That once upon a time, they know not when, Men were gathered out of Desarts and Savageness into a body, to live sociably, and it was their Courtesie then to set up such a King as did please them: He is but the Peoples Creature, therefore in his first ma­king, and always, at their mercy. This is a Tale put together of a thing out of the Memory of all Writers; which were it true, as it is unlikely, it will come to nothing. If the People did part with their Right to a King, to be gover­ned and defended in Wealth and Peace, their Act is irrevocable, the Bond in­dissoluble. Though Democritus thought his Atoms might concurr to make a World, yet the World being made, those Atoms could not fall asunder again to dissolve the World. Conceive we were in Polonia at this day, the Eligents, who make the King by their Vote, are tyed fast by their Oaths and Faith, to their own Act. Nor do they give the King his Power, but design his Person, because Election is not an Act of Power, but of Privilege. That a Monarch is not greater than the Universe of his People, whether it look like somewhat to the weakness of Sence, I know not, but it is nothing to Reason; for Compari­sons are to be made between things of the same kind. Mark then. A part of the Body is less than the whole Body in magnitude, but the Soul, though one part of Man, and no more, is greater in Virtue than all the Body. The intel­lectual Faculty is but one Faculty, yet greater in Dignity and Regency than all the Faculties of the Soul beside. The Sorbonists adhering to the Council of Con­stance, tell us, That a Pope is less than a whole general Council; they give him Honour and Place before any single Prelate, Metropolitan, or Patriarch, by Ec­clesiastical Constitution, yet he is inferiour to an Oecumenial Synod in totâ, because he comprehends not in his Office the Vertue of the Catholick Church, for that's an Usurpation: But the Vertual Power of the Kingdom is in the King, which discovers the odds of the Comparison. Our Politico's also object, that the People were before the King. Not before him, if Soveraignity grew first out of Paternal Right, (and so it did for certain in Adam, the first Father, and first King.) Yet grant them their asking, here is an Instance to silence them: All the Creatures were made before Man, yet God gave him the Dominion to go­vern [Page 202]them that were created before and after him. It is to no more purpose to cavil, That the King is made for the good of the People. Is that which is appointed for the good of another the less for that Cause? Quite contrary, 'tis therefore the greater. So is a Preceptor and Shepherd, the one above the Scholars, the other above the Flock. Saravia distinguisheth skilfully, de Obed. p. 228. Quod est propter aliud, si benesicium ab co accipit, minus esl, si dat majus est. They stretch their Wit further, and say, That the King gives his Oath to his Subjects, to mam­tam them in their known Laws. It well befits him. So God gave an Oath to Abraham and David, Quare juramentum, praes itum Inseriori, non ei subjicn Superio­rem, says the same Author. As for the matter of the Oath, to keep the Laws, it puts him not under the Wrath of Men, if he do not keep them, but under the Wrath of God. A King is to keep the Laws of Nations with other Princes, yet is not subject to them. God defend us from making Experiments, what would come to pass if the choice of a Governor or Governors were referred to the thousands and millions of England. Beware a Heptarchy again, beware an He­catontarchy. Things give better Counsel to men, than men to things. Look behind, enquire into Histories, what bloody meetings the World hath known upon such ambitious bandings between Gogs and Magog's Parties.

An quae per totam res atrocissima Lesbon,
—Non audita tibi est?
Metam. l. 2.

Is it forgotten how they have lifted up their Friends in a Fit, and straightway pluck'd them down in a Fury? As the Greek Emperor said to a Bishop, Ego te Furne condidi, ego te destruam. For as Painters delight in Pieces not being made, but in their making, so the Hare-brain'd Multitude run on to a Choice with Greediness, and when it is pass'd, they loath it with Fickleness. The Con­clusion shall be, That this Stratagem to unthrone a King by the pretended in­herent Right of the People, can come to no conclusion: For if there were occa­sion for all Cities, Counties, Burroughs, Hamblets, to come to try that Right, who shall warn them, that the opportunity is ripe to require their concurrence? Who shall summon them? Why A. rather than B? Who shall propound? Upon what place shall they meet? Who shall preserve Order and Peace? For every Hog, when you drive them, must have a String about his own Leg. Who shall umpire and stop Outrages? Such there will be, Saevit (que) animis igno­bile vulgus. An hundred impossible Dissiculties may be added to these, and he that can rowl them up all into Sence, deserves the Philosopher's Stone for his Labour. To divert the vulgar fort from meddling with things improper to, and so much above them, Budaeus remembers me how to call them to such a Choice, as is fitter for them, lib. 1. de As. In Pervigilio Epiphamae regnum ad sesqui­boram lusu sabae sortiuntur. Let them chuse the King of the Bean on Twelsth-night, and be merry with the Cake-bread.

189. The best of Kings had some that fell off from him, after the fust and second year of the War, when they saw his Enemies had got ground in some Skirmishes and Sieges, and were possest of the best part of his Navies, surrendred to them by a false Faitour. This was a colour for their Rhetoricians to impute Righteousness to the fortunate Part. And their Orders for Thanksgivings boast of it, that God did own their Cause, because of the Victories which had be­sall'n them. But Wisdom dresseth her self by her own Light, and minds not the shadow of Success: for after the first dark Cloud that comes, it can be seen no more. It is not strange that Self-lovers are so wary, and rash Springolds so sond, to like that which is most lucky. Thucyd. l. 1. notes it upon the variable turnings of the Peloponnesian Wars, [...], Men cannot leave, but they will bend their Fancies to the Casualties of Events. Nay, says Matth. de Prin. c. 25. There is no living for us without that Tropical Humour: Si tempora mutant ur, statim perit, qui in agendo rationem non mutat. But all such Errours shall be reversed, and the mistakes consuted, before a Tribunal Eternal, Impartial, which will deceive none. Go not about then to try right and wrong, as they are bandied among us. No man knows either Love or Ha­tred by all that is before them. All things come alike to all. There is one event to the righteous and to the wicked, Eccles. 9.2. If you Judge the merit of a Cause, or the integrity of a Man by prosperous Chance, Epicurus will have a strong [Page 203]tentation to say, Is there a God, whose wisdom sees and governs all things? Dionysius, when he had rob'd a Temple, and failed away merrily with his Booties scost at it, Videt is amici quàm bona à Diis immortalibus navigatio sacrilegis datur. Cic. de Nat. Deor. l. 3. Such a Scandal another of the voluptuary Sect took at a Courte­zan, that had forsworn her self, and look't more amiably after it.

—Obligasti
Perfidum diris caput, enitescis
Pulchrior multo, juvenumque prodis
Publica cura.
Horat. Od. l. 4.

We, that are bred under holy Discipline, know that it will be the worse for thee hereafter; for their Torments will appear more bitter in the next World, because they felt nothing but pleasure in this. The ways of God are past finding out; He permits that Evil which he hates, and he Corrects that Good which he loves. This is the Trial of Faith; Quicquid imponitur molit. All that is brought to her Mill, she will grind it into fine slour of Thanksgiving and Patience: and is af­sured, That as a Ball mounts higher, when it is thrown to the ground, so a good Cause when it is beaten will rebound higher to Heaven. Otherwise, says Manilius l. 5. Si sorte accesserit impetus ausis, Improbitas fiet virtus. If Sin get the better at hand-blows, Vertue shall hold up its hand at the Bar, and be condem­ned for Vice Joshuah's discomfit at Ai, Josiah's at Megiddo, the hundred Vi­ctories that the Saracens have had against the Christians tell us, how they that sight the Lord's Battels, are not priviledged from turning their Backs to their Enemies. It is an acute passage of S. Ambrose in an Epistle to Valentinian, That the Heathen had no reason to beast that the Idols, whom they worshipt, were true Gods, and gave them [...]icleries: for if the Romans prevailed, where were the Carthaginian Gods to help them? if the Carthaginians triumpht, where were the Roman Gods, when they were beaten? Success will neither serve Christians nor Heathen to make a competent Judge for the lawfulness of their War: For is it not most impious to prove a Cause, not till after the Victory? and to have no Inducement that they sought for the right, till all was done? Experience is stronger than twenty Rea­sons against it. As Paterculus said of one good man, Lusius Drusus, Meliore in omma ingenio, quàm fortuná usus; so let there be thousands of such in a body, their Innocency may be greater than their Fortune. The fallacy of Success is to be exploded out of the Morals of Justice: neither can such a contingent Medium produce a demonstrative Conclusion. It was bravely pleaded by the Rhodians in an Oration before the Roman Senate, Liv. lib. 35. You Romans were wont to account your Wars prosperous, Non tam exitu eorum quòd vincat is, quàm principiis, quod non sine causâ suscipiat is. I may say, hic rhodus, hic saltas. And this is sapience, to list them, who admire Success, among those whom Fortune favours.

190. Neither were the vain-glorious content to pride it upon Success, and to stamp it upon their Money, God with us, but sharpned their presumption against the King's Friends with Insultations and Revilings, that they were unregenerate, such as walked after the flesh, forsaken of God, and appointed to slaughter. Bit­ter, untrue, uncharitable. Such as knew not his Majesty's faithful Soldiers, thought vilely of them: such as faw their daily diligence at Common-Prayer, their sidelity for their Lord and King, their preparation for death, their adven­turing their Estates and Bodies in all hard Service without pay, nay without necessary Subsistence, did deservedly magnisie the Grace of God that was in them. Yet we do not justifie all. Some scores of them might have been spared, who were driven into the King's Quarters, by the Oppression of the Parliament, and came to save themselves, more than to defend the King: and it was a com­mon observation at Oxford, that, excepting the great Counsellors and the Cler­gy, they that sought least liv'd worst. Yet the loosest of these kept their Oath of Allegiance, which comes nearer to a Saint, than any Rebel of a good out­side,

—Qui nesciret in armis
Quam magnum crimen virtus civilibus esset.
Luc. l. 6.

[Page 204]But did they never read of an holy Commander, forced to take Arms in a good Cause, and guarded from his Enemies by Persons of an homely Character? Da­vid is the Captain, the Heir to the Crown of Israel and Judah by God's Ele­ction; his Cause, to escape the Tyranny of Saul, not to bid him War. And what were his Soldiers? 1 Sam. 22.2. Every one that was in distress, discontented, in debt, of a bitter soul, gathered themselves to David, and he became a Captain over them. There were sins very reproveable in either of our adverse Armies: put them thus into a comparison. Which did most offend God, Noah's planting a Vine, and being drunk, or the building of the Tower of Babel? The Casuists have an Answer at their fingers ends, That drunkenness corrupted the world, but am­bition confounded it. And is not confusion of a whole Realm more pernicious than corruption in a part? But how willingly did the sober Army allow, che­rish and make wealthy their Chaplain Peters? Is there such another spotted Leo­pard in all the King's Quarters? as Catulus said of Nonius, What a deal of dung doth that Cart carry? Have they no better excuse for themselves, than a pandanni Plau­ti trinum: Scelest us est, at mihi infidelis non est? or than Xenoph. makes for the A­thenians in his Oration upon their Republick, [...]. The Athenians (a baseness in them) loved those that were fit and useful for them, though they were wicked men. Yet it was not the Riot of the King's Army that caused it to be improsperous: that was re­ported, where nothing was examin'd and weighed, but out of spight believed as it was rumor'd. It was partly neglect of Duties for want of pay. But chiefly Presumption, that their cause was clearly loyal and lawful; that the name of the King was more than thirty thousand: that the Subjects of England did never suffer the Crown in fine to be opprest: that they would fight for it, though it hung upon an Heythorn-Hedge. They forgot that the English were new cast, and turn'd into another People, by scottish sawciness and contempt of Soveraignty. This Presumption kept the King's Forces sleeping, when their Enemies were waking: and what is Presumption but Hope run out of its Wits? The Rebels were well paid, well provided of all Ammunition, mightily courted by their Chiestains, as Tertullian could say, de Praes. c. 41. Nunquam [...] proficitur quàm in castris rebellium, ubi ipsum esse illic promereri est. Again, none are so adventu­rous, as they that dare not be Cowards for fear of hanging. The Law was be­hind the Parliamentarians; sight, or hang. Despair will inspire a faint heart, as a skilful Author notes it, Vegetius l. 3. Clausis in desperatione crescit audacia: & cum spei nihil est sumit arma formido. These are the Difficulties through which the King was to pass, and could not; which is no dishonour to his Goodness or Wisdom. [...]. Plut. No man need to be ashamed that he cannot do all things. And never wonder if the Counsels of men, well contrived, be frustrated by the secret Counsels of God, which an Ethnick expresseth in the style of his Religion, Destinata salubriter omni ratione potentior fortuna discussit, Curt. l. 3. To clear up this more: would they, that so much a­dore their Idol Success, would they have confest from their heart their own Cause to be wrong, if the King had beaten them? I believe the God of this World hath darkned them so much, that such a Confession cannot be gotten out of them. The Weavers of Kidderminster must not be brought to such a sight of their sin, that is, they must never repent, if they be true Disciples of Mr. Baxter's Doctrine. The best of Orators was the greatest of Dissemblers, in his Plea for Ligarius before Caesar. Tully had been a violent Pompeian, but the whole Empire, after the Pharsalian Field, being turn'd Caesarean, says the fine-spoken man, Nunc certè melior ea causa judicanda est, quam etiam Dii adjuverunt. Yet so much dissonancy there was between his Tongue and his Heart, that he triumpht in the murder of Caesar, the only Roman that exceeded all their Race in noble­ness, and was next to Tully in eloquence. Boast not therefore in Success, which is an advantage to make Insidels proud: but the abstruse ways of God's Provi­dence, which setteth up one, and pulleth down another, as he pleaseth, should make us Christians humble.

191. For all this, if the wise men of Goat-ham will appeal to Success, to Suc­cess let the matter be referr'd, and then every eye may see what was the Sum­mum bonum, the chief aim and drift of the rebellious Enterprise, Wealth and Spoil. So general is S. Paul's Rule, That covetousness is the root of all evil. Eng­land was never more wealthy than when this War broke out. In fourteen years, now spent, the great ebb of Coin, and decay of Trade is a deep wound [Page 205]in the State. There was Employment to get a living for all that were industri­ous: Cup-boards were full of massy Plate: all Pay was in Gold, if it were to buy the Ware but of a Pedlar. All this is sunk, vanisht, consum'd.

Sanctarum digestas opum, partaeque per omnes
Divitiae populos, magnique impendia mundi.
Statius.

Armies maintain'd east, west, north, and south have wasted it, which do not shear, but slay the miserable People. Our Shields of Gold are converted into Brass, as when Shisack rob'd Jerusalem and the Temple, 1 Kings 14.27. Bri­gades, and Garrisons of Beggars, are become the sufficient Men, that can lend hundreds and thousands. Here's right Quin. Varus in Paterc. Syriam pauper ingres­sus, invenit divitem; dives pauperem reliquit. Treasurers of the Army, Excise-men, Collectors of Taxes, Victuallers of the Navy, Committee-men, with their Scribes, Officers of all forts, abundance of decayed Fortunes, nay Scoundrels, not worth a Groat before, are swell'd into vast Estates, progging and prowling every way in purveyance for themselves. Will not these choose War rather than Peace against Foe or Friend? For the Wheel will run easily into any mischief, when it is well greased. Who are they, says Polybius, that prefer a Soldiers life be­fore any? Lib. 6. [...]. They that loved to eat upon other mens cost, and to live upon their Country­men. So sensible are all men of this fatal and general empoverishing, because we are so far from having the wound healed, that the Arrow is not pluckt out, but sticks still in our side. To bring but part of their Rapines to an audit, the Members of Parliament voted all rich Offices to themselves, which the Licinian and Aebutian Law among the old Romans would not have suffered, Ne quis Sena­tor commodum sibi & suis acquireret ex lege quam ferendam rogaret. But these Mem­bers gave vast Sums, Offices, Forfeitures of Delinquents Lands and Goods one to another: like Brutus and Cassius, that committed an horrid act to make their Republick free, and then invaded Provinces to themselves, without the privity of the Government, and took up all Moneys by their own power, which the Questors had gathered for the aerarium. And it will never be better, when free­dom is driven on in a popular uproar. Now lest themselves in the House, the Red-coats in the Field, or their Intelligencers abroad, should want pay, they voted fifty Subsidies at one chop upon the City of London; imposed a fifth and twentieth part upon all Lands and Moveables: gathered ninety thousand pounds a month upon the Substance of all the Subjects: then, beside Customs, super­inducted Excise upon divers Wares, which hath raised the prices of all things, never to be brought down: alas these are but flea-bits to the exaction of anip­money. Intestine War is a Market that will grow dearer and dearer, as I will transcribe an Example for it out of Meursius, Fortu. Atti. p. 55. Bellum Pelopon­nesiacum quo diutiùs duravit, eo majora vectigalia imposita sunt bello, sub Aristide mo­derata: magna sub Pericle: majora sub Alcibiade: aucta sunt sub Lycurgo: sub Deme­trio admodum crevere. Yet for every Peny of theirs, our Tyrants impos'd a pound; it is beyond the reckoning of Sums and Ciphers: for these godly Patriots, upon a mistake of Conscience at the worst, must have all the Cavaliers Estates, all the Kings and Churches Revenues, pay no Debts, no Tythes, no Lords Rents, no Copy-holds: War was their gains, and the Box swept in all. Every one that would be innocent, and live by the known Laws, was devoured. In the sad words of Salvian, Eo res devoluta est, ut, nisi quis malus sit, salvus esse non possit. Many that loathed the Rebellion in their hearts, listed themselves into it, being before reduced to beggery. [...], Diodor. l. 18. p. 594. who adventur'd to die every day, that they might live. They were lost, unless they could save themselves in the publick Ruin. Sed it a se res habet, ut publicâ quisque ruinâ malit occidere, quàm sua proteri, Paterc. lib. 2. Desperate men had rather be undone in the Kingdoms ruin, than in their private Fortune. Some Noddies thought that a general Innovation would set them higher than they were. Ve­ry sententiously the great Livy, lib. Omni praesenti statu spes cuique res suas novandi est blandior. Collect all into this misery; when every man may reap the Field that will, though he never sowed, what will become of the Harvest?

192. No wonder now if a right noble and harmless King was beaten, with all his Part, out of his strong holds; for his Enemies were hired unto it with as much pay and spoil, being well husbanded, as would have beaten the Turk out [Page 206]of Europe. The plunder and pillage that was made of private persons, would have payed twenty thousand men for five years. In conjunction with them, or out of conjunction; round or rattle, if he were rich he must be a booty, or a compounder. There was but one thing that escap't their Claws, which Plutarch hath exempted in the Life of Demetrius, [...], War will plunder no man of his Vertue, it is a Commodity (now grown an Incommodi­ty) not regarded. Every thing else must pay tribute to the Sword. Videbitis oppida in quibus nibil aliud est, quam cadavera quae lacerantur, & corvi qui lacerant, as Petromus of the like times, every one was a Raven, or a Carkass. Or much like the riffling of Ptolemais in Aegypt, by the woful experience of Synesius, [...] it was a night scuffle, no distinction could be made between friends and foes: which made some of the faction attrite, if not contrite, and sing their sorrows to a pitiful tune, that they did ever concur to give the power to such perfidious usurpers. o planet­blasted wits, to think their cargo could be preserved in the shipwrack of the whole kingdom! In vastitate omnium tuas possessiones sacrosanctas futuras putas? as Tully told Catiline to his face. In this havock and torrent of Spoil, none smarted more than the Clergy, and their Patrimony. Their persons were laid fast in Prison: their Churches were unroost and desaced. An abomination which the Switzers will not commit in their Wars. You may believe their Historian, Sem­ler lib. 2. Perpetua lex est, jam olim à nostris sancita, ut in omni bello nulla vis & injurta sacris locis inferatur. But what do we talk of Law? Vis colitur, jurisque locum sioi vendicat cnsis, Sil. l. 2. What Law is there to recover the Plate and Ornaments torn away from the Cathedrals? No Law can restore the Bishops Palaces crazed, to turn all the Fabricks into Coin. Four hundred years will not restore their Woods and Timber-Trees so well preserv'd, now not the Pre­lates, but the Kingdoms damage. What haste they made to rid these things out of the way, and to purse up all, and to barter presently with their Customers the Jews? for fear was upon them, lest what remained should return to the right Owners. For no time, not an Age can cross us in our just Claim here­after. Praescribere volentibus mala fides in aeternum obstat: a Maxim of Law in Dr. Duck's Book, p. 21. Long before him, and in plainer words, the Oratour in his best piece Phil. 2. speaking of, and praising King Deiotarus, Scivit homo sapi­ens jus semper hoc fuisse, ut, quae tyranni eripuissent, tyrannis sublatis, ii, quibus ea erepta essent recuperarent. God hath a Cyrus in store, we hope, to pluck away a­gain, that which was dedicated to him, from prophane Belshazzars. When the Phocians had spoiled the Temple of Delos, the Grecks were so offended at that Sa­criledge, that they all resolved in their Pan-hellenium, Quod totius orbis viribus ex­piari debet, Lib. 8. Justin. And when those Phocians were routed in a bloody Bat­tel, and ask't leave to bury their dead, the Locrians answer'd them, [...], Diod. lib. 16. p. 427. That it was the Common Law of Greece, to cast away the Carkasses of the Sacrilegious, and not to allow them Burial. Some of our Thieves, who rob'd God, are in­terr'd in Peace, some of them among Princes and Nobles: yet they and theirs cannot escape the Curse of an hundred Anathema's darted against them. Now it is discernable that the Parliament, and such as they raised to maintain their Cause, got an East and West-Indies out of the Clergy and Laiety, pulling a few Locks away at first, at last the Fleece of all the Flock: like Graecian Toss-pots, that begin with small Cups, and quaff off great ones when they are drunk. Some little remains, to be put to this, nay no little, but more than a thousand and a thousand drams of Gold, to be cast into the Heap of their Gains, wherein they suck't the Blood of the Rich, and quite starved them, who were poor al­ready, I mean they and their Horses lying upon the Charge of the Country; Vetelliani per omnia Italiae municipia desides, & tantum hospitibus met uendi, Tacit. lib. hist. 3. like to like, as the Devil to the Collier: they were our [...], as Ca­saubon puts it into one word upon Theophrastus; we call it Free-quarter. What a grief to be made servile to provide for such Guests, when the Family knew it was Judas that dip't his hand with them in the Dish? What an Expence it was to bring out all their Stores laid up for a year, and to waste it in a week sometimes, upon an hundred of their Orgoglioes? It is an Arabian Proverb, If thy Friend be Honey, eat him not up all: But these Horse-leaches seldom, lest an House, till they had thresht the Barn Empty, and drunk the Cellar dry;

[Page 207]
And had their mouth been a little widder,
They would have devoured bidder and shidder;

says Spencer in his Calendar. There are greater wrongs to be complained of than this, yet none more vexatious: and he that is unlucky to be made an Host to lodge such Guests at Free-quarter, let him set up a Cross for his Sign-post. Now if the Reader carry in memory, that Parliament Priviledges, Religion, Liber­ty, the Peoples innate Power, and the like, were the Colour and Pretence to take up Arms against the King, but the thing intended was Sacriledge, goodly Lands, Spoils of all forts, a Mass of Riches; will he not excuse an honest Vi­car of Hampshire, who changed one word in the last Verse of the Song, Te Deum, O Lord, in thee have I trusted, let me never be a Round-head.

193. The Condemnation of an impious, disloyal, and sacrilegious Rebellion hath filled up many Pages of this Book. Loqui multum non est nimium, si tamen est necessarium; which is St. Austin's by-word. As for the Dependance, it is not un­artificial which the Subject designed in these Papers; for that barbarous War run­ning on through many years of the Archbishop of York's life, and it being the saddest, and most remarkable Passage of the Age, it could not be lest out from the remembrance of any Occurrences made and traversed upon those infamous Times. The Hatred and Horror of it struck as deep into this Prelate's Heart, as into any mans. I do not believe that of Cicero to Torquatus, lib. 6. ep. Nihil praecipuè cuiquam est dolendum in eo quod accidit universis. A wise man, full of Observation, apt to make likely Presages from present Actions upon future Miseries, could not pass them by with Slights and Carelesness, as some others did. Of two things for cer­tain he was disappointed: Three years at the most never pass'd over his Head, since he had a good Purse, but he expended a valuable Sum upon some Monu­mental Work of Charity. His Mind was still the same, for all Ground is not barren that lies sallow. But being stript of those Revenues which suppeditated Oyl to the Lamp, the Light of his Spirit was eclipsed in this obscurity to be un­profitable. Another, and no less Calamity was, that his Papers of long study, and much commentation, with his choice Books, were either rifled, or, it may be, burnt with Cawood Castle, and being eager, if not ambitious, to restore his Notes again by diligence, and a mighty memory, yet in the noise of Wars, beating up of Quarters, and shifting of Lodging to sly from Danger, it was im­possible to contrive it. Arts did never profit in the distractions of Wars. Chi­rurgery may get experience by daily searching into wounds. Geometry may enhaunce its skill, by crecting Bulwarks and drawing Lines for new forts of Fortifications. But all Sciences beside will wither in the midst of Arms, and Barbarism will over-spread, till Learning recover Maintenance, Rest, and Peace. Aptly to this Isocra. [...]. In the concord and good management of things in Greece, the Philosophers and their Studies would fare much the better. Yet a man need not say his Life is under great Adversity for want of such Accessions; which are but Notes of good direction in the Margent of the Book, but belong not to the Text, which the Reader cannot span: whose Contents are the Church of Christ in its Doctrine, Piety, Regulation of Order kept inviolate; the King's Crown and Honour supported; the Laws maintain'd to us, as our Ancestors enjoy'd them; Liberty and Property defended from wrong and violence: these are the Contents of the great Charter, so precious to the pious and political man. And all these Pillars, which held up our Subsistence, were battered by the Sons of Anak, and ready to fall. In this disasterous season, who would not pity a great and aged Prelate, driven into the remotest corner of the Land, and least desensible: whither he carried the Prayer of Synesius with him, [...], I would presently lay down my life, and very contentedly, if I might see my Country the beautiful Shape of former Peace and Happi­ness.

194. Physicians use to prescribe to their Patients, when a tedious Languor hangs upon them, to remove their dwelling, and change the Air. But Pliny says, Longissima locorum mutatio est utilissima, the further removing from the Soil, where they did not mend, the more wholesom and healing. I would it proved so to this Archbishop, who lest Cawood-Castle in the North, to come to Aber-Con­way in Wales. It was the magnetick attraction of the Town, wherein he was [Page 208]born, that drew him thither. Summas in affectu partes jure sibi usurpat terra quae genuit. Sidon. lib. 3. ep. 8. And a greater than he, King James called it a Sal­mon-like instinct to see the place of his Breeding. Spotsw. Hist. p. 257. He had been near fifty years from the County of Carnarvan, and the Town of Conway, unless by incidentary Visits, where his Mother brought him forth. Now, by the circulation of a strange Destiny, he is carried thither, in a Rapture, or a Whirl­wind, to spend a few years, and to end his last days. An ulla est patria tam digna quae hanc reciperet virtutem, quam quae peperit? as Tully pleads for An. Milo. Even now it was, that every Hundred, almost every Tything of this Kingdom did need some wise and couragious Man to defend it. And who could better settle the distracted People of Wales than this person? and who did better de­serve his help, than his own Flesh and Blood? He came not so much for Re­fuge, as to be a Refuge to those true-hearted Mountaineers, his Kindred and Allies. He is well, who is the better for others: but he is happy, for whom others are the better. And they might give God thanks, that their Chief was come among them. Their Fault is, that there are many emulations (another would call them Factions) between the tops of their Families, who would ne­ver have been brought into one Body, to do the King Service, unless such a Man had interposed, who could wind in some with Patience and Bounty, and scatter others with Authority. Nothing liker to him than Pompo. Atticus in AE­milius Probus, Ita Athenis se gerebat, ut communis insimis, par principibus haberetur. Though indeed it was not common Love, but common Fear, that drew those Counties into Confederation: so true it is, what Philostratus hath in Protesilao, The communion of good things, as Plenty and Peace, often breed heart-burnings and en­vy: but when men share in Miseries, they begin to love one another, recompensing Com­passion for Compassion. It behoved him that was a wise Man, and potent in those remote places to watch two Evils, among them that cried up the King's Cause, Treachery among false Friends, and Disagreement among true ones, but such as had rather perish than be ruled. The Archbishop had as good a scent as any Vulture, to smell them out, who held Intelligence with the Enemy, of whom he secured a few, and the rest fled far enough out of guiltiness. To stop the o­ther Inconvenience, besides the general Love born to him, and his great Alli­ances, he found it best to appear in the strength of a strong hold, with such Men and Arms, as might incline the whole Body to obey his Counsels. For they that are beset with danger, had better go one way in concord, then ran ma­ny ways, though they were better, with crossness and discord. Which they might learn from those that were disciplin'd by the Parliament, nay from the Devils. Est quaedam concordia inter daemones, non ex amicitiá, sed ex nequitiâ prove­niens, as the School-men distinguish it. Moreover, this Prelate, well seen in all good things, inured all North-Wales round about to Piety, to brotherly Love, to Temperance, as well as to be fit to use their Arms. He bid that frequent Pray­ers should be had in all Churches, with Fasting. Put the Ministers to preach weekly, and none more often in the Pulpit than himself: invited well-prepared Christians many times to partake of the Lord's Supper, the best Ordinance of the Gospel, and little used there by most culpable negligence. This was the course he rook: [...]. Aeschyl. in Persis. Wisdom did turn the Rudder of his Projects. And this was the way to bring down God among them. Si vis tuto vivere, benè vive: nihil virtute securius; it is in a Dialogue of Petrarchs. And none could be more active in any place, that owned the King's Authority, than he was there, in providing Powder and Ammunition, in sorting good Commanders, in fortifying Conway Castle, and such like, to his Majesty's high content, and his deserved praise, as will come on in the sequel. So much did Wales gain by that which Yorkshire lost. As Tully solaced himself in his ba­nishment, Lib. 3. Ep. Duas res quibus me sustineam habeo, optimarum rerum scientiam, & maximarum rerum gloriam: so he that was driven by the evil Spirit of the Ho­thams into this Wilderness, had these Companions to travel with him, great Piety, great Learning, and great Glory.

195. Being entred into the care of so great a Province he wearied himself, and all that assisted in the Service with indefatigable diligence. His own share in collecting Moneys, gathering Forces, repairing the Castle, casting up Works, writing, sending, consulting, woing, and entreating, was his as much as the burden of all the Agitants besides. In which assiduity of watching, and an hundred vexations, his strength and healthful vigour, well maintained to that [Page 209]time, began to fail, and from that year came forward no more. [...], Chrysost. lib. 2. de Sacerd. Continual cares, says he, will pull down the spirit; the body much more. The male-contents at London heard of it quickly, how busie he was in arraying the Welch Militia, although no Bishop belide would run such hazard, but all fell quietly to their Prayers. Hereupon they that acted for the Parliament did him the worst despight they could, libelling, be riming him, setting him in out in Picture covered with a Helmet, Musquet on his Shoulder, Sword and Bandaliers about him. A trick which they had learnt of their Gossips the Low-Dutch, who traduce the greatest Kings in Europe in such paltry Tables, with their Mechanick Scurrility: [...]: Baubles to be laught at for the folly, and to be lamented for the bitterness. The worst was, that there were many clashes at Conway, and in the contines of it among themselves. The raw Soldiers now come into muster and pay, were malapart, and crowed over their own Friends, that had not the honour, as they call'd it, to serve on Horse, or to trail a Pike. They had not gotten John Baptist's Lesson by heart, Luke 3.14. To do no violence, to put no man in fear, to be content with their allowance. In some things the World is more civil than in Ages past: but the longer it lasts, our Wars are more licenti­ous and barbarous. Livy says Fabritius was as innocent in War, as in Peace. Just in boasts of greater things, lib. 25. Multa tune honest iùs bella gerebantur, quàm nunc amicitiae coluntur. Formerly they found honester Foes in the Field, than we find Friends in the City. When the rudeness of the common Soldier aba­ted by courteous treatment, the greater disliculty was to thrust back the Ambi­tion of divers, more than enough, that would be Commanders. Words of high Language past between him, and some Gallants, before they would sit down. Ambrosius vir optimae ment is, sed elatae, says Lud. Molin. Paren. p. 539. So this Ambrose was not to be out-braved with a Buff-Jerkin and a Feather. And though some of the Cava [...]iers love not his memory for it to this time, yet I shall give no scratch to Truth or Reputation, to declare my self in his Defence, that it was to be praised in him, that he repuised the English from being chief O [...]i­cers o [...]er the old Britains in their own Soil. And it was prudence to preserve the Bulkly's, that great Family of Anglesey, in the Vice-Admiralty of those Seas, rather than a valiant Gentleman born in Cambridgeshire: for they will venture fur­ther with their own Deputy-Lieutenants, Gentry, and Landlord, than with a Stranger. The Western-men were never so well in heart, as with their own Bevile, Greenvile, Ralph Hopton, Killigrew, Godolphin, &c. when they chang'd these for other Generals and Colonels, their Purses were shut, their Courage fell, and their Duties were slackned. In all these Contrasts the Archbishop prevailed, and broke through Mutinies and high Threats; which had been impossible, but that he was ever most obliging and merciful in his greatest Fortune. Bona sibi comparat praesidia misericordia: He that would never hurt any, when he might, was most like, if any, to be shot free.

196. Let it stick upon his good Name as a mark of Heroick Loyalty, that he fell to these works, upon his own cost and peril, before the King was aware, nor had yet requir'd it of him; which will bring in that of Xenophon l. 3. Hist. Hystaspas and Chrysantus were Cyrus his most faithful Ministers: Hystaspas would do all that Cyrus bad him: Chrysantus would do that, which he thought was plea­sing to Cyrus's Service, before he bad him. But when his Majesty heard of this Prelates Actions, he posted Letters often to him, and those so sweet and affe­cting, that they did recoct his drooping Age into Youth, and cozened him, that he saw no danger in the Camp, and selt no envy from the Parliament. Of those Letters there are many reserv'd, yet no more shall be produced than con­cerns the keeping of Conway-Castle, because it turn'd to a sharp quarrel, and pro­cur'd him obloquy.

[Page 210]

From Oxford, Aug. 1. 1643.

CHARLES R.

MOst Reverend Father in God, &c.

We are informed by our Servant Orlando Bridgman, not only of the good Encouragement and Assistance you have given him in our Service, but also of your own personal and earnest endeavours to promote it. And though we have had long experience of your fidelity, readiness and zeal in what concerns us; yet it cannot but be most acceptable unto us, that you still give unto us fresh occasions to remember it. And we pray you to continue to give all possible assistance to our said Servant. And whereas you are new resident at our Town of Aber-Con­way, where there is a Castle, heretofore belonging to our Crown, and now to the Lord Conway,which with some charge is easily made defensible: but the Lord Conwaybeing imprison'd by some of our rebellious Subjects, and not able to furnish it, as is requi­site for our Service, and the defence of those parts: You having begun at your own charge to put the same into repair, We do heart [...]y desire you to go on in that Work, assuring you that whatsoever Moneys you shall lay out upon the Fortification of the said Castle, shall be repayed unto you, before the Cusiody thereof shall be put into any other hand, than your own, as such as you shall recommend.

Upon the backside of this gracious Letter, this the Archbishop hath written with his own Hand:

I Jo. Archbishop of York have assigned my Nephew Mr. Will. Hookes Esq Alder­man of Conway, to have the Custody of this Castle, mention'd in his Majesty's Letter under his Signet, until I shall be repay'd the Moneys, and Money-worth disbursed by me in the repair thereof, by virtue of this Warrant. And in case of Mortality, I do assign my Nephew Gryffith Williams to the same effect.

197. New Motions, and sudden started Counsels were no new thing at the Court in Oxford. Now the illustrious Prince Rupert is made the Generalissimo, and the Powers of the War are given to him. The Lord John Byron is entrust­ed and furnish't with a part to secure North-Wales. Neither of them had success according to his Cause, or according to his Courage. What Charge his Maje­sty gave to them both to listen to the Archbishops Counsels, appears in the fol­lowing Letters.

From the King to Prince Rupert, Apr. 17. 1646

Right dear, and right entirely beloved Nephew, &c.

WHereas our most Reverend Father in God, our right trusty and entirely beloved John Archbishop of York, makes his abode in the remotest parts of North-Wales, and hath been heretofore, by reason of his great and long experience, very useful to us in the advising and directing of the Commissioners of the Peace and Array, in the several Counties of Carnarvan, Anglesey, and Merioneth, in all things nearly con­cerning our Service, Supplies, and Assistance: and that we have required the said Com­missioners from time to time to listen to all his reasonable Counsels and Advice to that ef­fect: We thought it sit to let you understand, that we have laid our Commands upon the said most Reverend Father in God, to do you (upon whom we have placed the care and government of those parts) the like Service in this kind, if you shall hold it fit to require it: the said Archbishop humbly desiring us it might be no otherwise imposed upon him, which we thought fit to signifie unto you. As also that esteem we have of his A­bilities, and entire Affections in our Service, which we desire you to encourage by all fair respects. So we bid you heartily farewel.

Another of his Majesty's follows to the Archbishop, Febr. 25. 1645.

WHereas we have appointed the Lord Byron to Command in chief over all our Garrisons and Forces in North-Wales, and hope that by his good Conduct in those parts, our Service and the Countreys Security will be furthered with all diligence: Nevertheless, for his better and more effectual proceeding therein, we have thought to fit desire the ready concurrence with him of your self, and all our Friends: knowing well how considerable advantage yours and their hearty and unanimous endeavours with him there, will bring to our Service and Affairs. And in that respect, as well as your common interest and duty, we command your suitable compliance; which we assure you shall be looked upon by us, as a fresh acceptable Testimony of your Affections to Us, and our Cause, and preserved in our Royal remembrance, with the rest of your Merits, against the time, when it may please God to enable Us to reflect thereon for your good.

Thus far his Majesty, to make way for the Lord Byron, a gallant Person, a great Wit, a Scholar, very Stout, full of Honour and Courtesie, yet favour'd the English Interest above the Welsh in those Counties, which did not take. And the Dye of War run so false, that he lost the Cast to one, who had not the Ames-Ace of Valour in him. Neither did the scatter'd Forces of those distres­sed Parts ever set them another Stake. Prince Rupert, observing the Royal Di­rections, wrote largely, as followeth, May 16. 1644.

To all Governours, and Officers, to all Sheriffs, Commission­ers of the Array, or Peace, all Vice-Admirals, or Captains of Ships in the three Counties.

WHereas I understand by his Majesty's Letters unto me lately directed, that the most Reverend Father in God, John Lord Archbishop of York, by reason of his great Experience and Imployments in the Affairs of this Kingdom, as well under my Grandfather of famous memory, as under his Majesty that now is, hath been intrust­ed in the three Counties, &c. from the first beginning of these Troubles, and gives his best Advice in Matters of Importance, which have relation to the King's Service, and the Peace, and safe keeping of those Counties from all Invasions by Sea or Land: And that he hath discharged that Trust reposed in him, faithfully and successfully during the time of his abode in those parts; My will and pleasure is, That according to his Majesty's intimation to me, you, and every one of you, in all matters of importance and moment, touching or concerning his Majesty's, or my Service under his Majesty, in those Counties, as also in all Matters of Questions, Doubts, and Variances, which may fall out either among your selves, or between your selves and the several Counties wherein you govern, or command, shall from time to come consult and advise with the said most Reverend Father in God, and follow such his Advices and Counsels in the Premisses, which shall be grounded upon the Laws of the Land, or the pressing Necessities of these times, and agreeing with our Directions and future Instructions from time to time.

RUPERT.

Nothing was wanting of Royal and Princely care to preserve the Archbishop in Conway-Castle; yet all would not serve. There was none whom Envy did more strive to hold down upon all occasions, which his great Deservings brought upon him. So true is that of Synesius de provid. [...]: Vertue doth not quench Envy, but rather kindle it. One violent Person unframed all good Order, who would submit to no Authority: a hot Man, for he was ever dry: and he did not conceal it, for he was always drink­ing.

[Page 212] 198. That Affront waited more leisure to break forth, and suffered him to take a long and a tedious Journey in Winter to Oxford, in obedience to these Lines, which he received from his Majesty Decemb. 16. 1644.

CHARLES R.

WE having had frequent experience of your good Affection and Ability to serve us, and having occasion at this time to make use of them here, We have thought fit, and do by these Presents require you to repair hither to Us to Oxon, with all conve­nient expedition. Desiring you to come as throughly informed, as you can, of the true condition of Our Affairs, &c.

Presently he set forward, (though the ways were much beset) and came in January with the first to the King, for he had many things to represent, and was not in his Element when he was consined in private Walls. He took up his Lodging with the Provost of Queens-Colledge Dr. Christopher Potter, a Master in Divinity, and a Doctor of Piety. He was received in the Court with much Grace, where he saw his stay must be short. For that City could not long re­ceive so many Nobles and Gentry, as came to make a Session of Parliament: neither could so many of the King's principal Friends be spared from their Coun­tries. Being then a good Husband of his time, and having private Audience with his Majesty, he gave him that Counsel to which Wisdom and Allegiance led him; as Thraseas Paetus, the famous Senator said, Suum esse non aliam quàm optimam sententiam dicere. One passage is fit to see the light, which had much of prudence in it, and too much of prophesie. He desir'd his Majesty to be in­formed by him, and to keep it among Advices of weight, That Cromwel, taken into the Rebels Army by his Cousin Hambden, was the most dangerous Enemy that his Ma­jesty had. For though he were at that time of mean rank and use among them, yet he would climb higher. I knew him, says he, at Bugden, but never knew his Religion. He was a common Spokes-man for Sectaries, and maintained their part with stubborn­ness: He never discoursed as if he were pleased with your Majesty, and your great Offi­cers: indeed he loves none that are more than his Equals. Your Majesty did him but Justice in repulsing a Petition put up by him against Sir Thomas Steward of the Isle of Ely; but he takes them all for his Enemies, that would not let him undo his best Friend: and above all that live, I think he is Injuriarum persequentissimus, as Porcius La­tro said of Catiline. He talks openly that it is sit some should act more vigorously a­gainst your Forces, and bring your Person into the power of the Parliament. He cannot give a good word of his General the Earl of Essex, because he says the Earl is but half an Enemy to your Majesty, and hath done you more favour than harm. His For­tunes are broken, that it is impossible for him to subsist, much less to be what be aspires to, but by your Majesty's Bounty, or by the Ruin of us all, and a common Confusion, as one said, Lentulus salvâ Repub. salvus esse non potuit, Paterc. In short, every Beast hath some evil properties; but Cromwel hath the properties of all evil Beasts. My humble motion is, that either you would win him to you by the Promises of fair Treat­ment, or catch him by some stratagem, and cut him short. Now if it shall be ob­jected, Who reports this saving the Archbishop himself, to magnifie his own parts, that he was so excellent in fore-sight, and as Ajax slighted his Rival,

—Sua narret Ulysses
—Quae sine teste gerit,

I satisfie it thus: His Servants, and they that daily listned to his Discourses, have heard it come from him, long before the accident of saddest experience, how some of them would live to see, when Cromwel would bear down all other Powers before him, and set up himself. The King received it with a smile; and said nothing. Darius destinatus sorti suae, etiam nullius salubris consilii patiens. Yet that Darius was the best of all the Persian Kings from Cyrus, and for want of heed to the best Counsels lost all. Our King was wise among wise men of the first magnitude: full of constant and great Vertues, all of them Pearls of a clear water, but had not the luck to hit the right, when he came to particulars. Yet I have heard some that were about him at Oxford protest, that he hath said in their hearing, I would some would do me the good Service to bring Cromwel to me alive or dead. All good Subjects were bigg with that wish, when it was too late. [Page 213] Curt. lib. 8. Male humanis ingeniis natura consuluit, quod plerunque non futura, sed trans­act a perpendimus: It is a sore Punishment upon Man's Understanding, that the Fillar of Fire is behind it, and the cloudy Pillar before it. The Fire lets it see the Harm that is done, that we may repent and bewail it; but the Cloud doth darken it be­fore, that oft-times it hath no forecast to prevent it. Which is all one, as if a Knife should cut better with the Back than with the Edge.

199. Much Prayer and Fasting were indicted and observ'd at this time in Oxford: A mighty Expectation was raised, what the Parliament would bring forth, which opened there. But what Parliament shall we call it? The same that was summon'd to meet at Westminster, Nov. 3. 1640? The same: For they were the Members of them two Houses neither called by new Writs, or new chosen, but the best of the old Stock, summon'd hither by the King, to take to themselves their Right to be the High Court of Parliament: But the Parliament continued still at Westminster, and can one Body be in two places? Habent hoc publicae necessitates, ut impossibilia plerum (que) persuadeant, Quintil. lib. 6. c. 3. This was a Knot not easily to be unty'd, but a Scruple to distract the best Gown-men that had the soundest Judgment in the Laws: Nothing but high Necessity could resolve the Riddle, such a Necessity as could find no other way to save the King and his Kingdoms: That Necessity compelled to stride over the seeming Absur­dity, to have one politick Body (not one natural) in two places. They that sate at Westminster were a Parliament by the force of an unhappy Statute pass'd to them two years before: They that sate at Oxford were the same Parliament removed thither, because they could not discharge their Trust with their fellow-Members, nor abide in Conscience to hear the King's Honour traduced daily; therefore the Common Safety, which they had undertaken as Members of Par­liament, compelled them to such a way as was without President, because no Subjects had ever so much endanger'd the Crown of the King, and the Weal­publick. New Injuries require new Remedies. And we may learn much from a Passage in Quintilian, lib. 7. Tot saeculis nullam repertam esse causam, quae sit tota alteri similis. The Members therefore of these two Houses took their places in the fair Schools of the University: Sir Richard Lain, Lord-Keeper of the Great-Seal, be­ing Speaker in the House of the Lords, and Serjeant Sampson Evers in the House of Commons. An appearance there was beyond imagination, of the Peers and best Gentry: The words of the Oratour will set it out gracefully, Philip. 3. Talis Senatorum & dignitas, & multitudo fuit, ut magnâ excusatione iis opus sit, qui talie in castra non venerunt. The King was marvelously pleased with the frequency of so many couragious persons, whom he knew not well how to protect, least of all to reward them: As the same Author writes it of Tarquin driven out of Rome, lib. de amicit. Se intellexisse quos fidos amicos habuisset, quosque insidos, cum jam neutris gratiam referre possit. So the good King knew not Sheep from Goats, Loyal from rebellious, till he was neither in condition to chastise the one, or advance the other. After great Consult in Parliament, when the best Oratours had been fully heard, it was unanimously resolved, that this Share of Parliament should send a Message to the other Share, (with Leave obtained from their General the Earl of Essex) for His Majesty's Safety, to come to London, for suspension of Arms, to fill up the House at Westminster, with one Body, all Affronts on both sides to be obliterated, and Conditions for Amity for the future, and the Publick Good to be propounded. All which was uncivilly rejected, and nothing gran­ted, but to stand to the mercy of an insolent Clutter. Of the King's Parliament (which had agreed in a most reasonable Message, though proudly scorn'd) some voted, in the warmth of their Courage, that the Part at Westminster was an illegal and trayterous Convention. Some slaked the Flame with cool Argu­ments, That they were very bad Members, and greatly abused their Trust, yet they kept their Places by the consent of both Houses, and the Royal Consent had pass'd it into an Act: That this course would emperil the validity of all Parliaments past and to come: That the Blame would fall upon the King prin­cipally, whose confirmation of their continuance to hold out this Session was not revocable; Princeps ad contractum tenetur ut privatus, cum maximè in eo requiri­tur bona sides, Duckius de Jure, p. 44. That the King's Forces were thin, ill arm'd, ill paid, and it behoved not them that were low to use high words: [...], AEschyl. They that are declin'd, must encline to Moderation. The resolute Members answer'd, It was true, an Act of Parliament cannot be revoked, but by a Parliament. What did they make of this Body of Lords and [Page 214]Commons met at Oxford? They would draw a Bill, and offer it to the King, to repeal that stale Association. The King had ratified their Bill for continua­tion of a Session; but a Promise holds not, if such a Mischief break out upon it, as the Promiser cannot with Conscience and Safety hold Faith with them. It is a Maxim in the most ancient Laws of the World, Omnia debent idem esse quae suerant cum promitterem, ut promittentis fidem teneas, Senec. de ben. lib. 4. c. 35. The Success of the Enemy was not so prosperous as it was given out and seared, but were they ten times stronger, they would not abate them a jot of the Im­peachment of Traytors. The more Violence they did use to shake off that name, the more it would cleave to them. But let the times grow worse,

—Sors ubi pessima rerum,
Sub pedibus timor est.
Metamor. lib. 15.

And our last Breath shall be in Cicero's words, Phil. 7. Dicam quod dignum est Se­natore & homine Romano, moriamur. Death is not so formidable as to submit to Rebels. Which of these two Opposites did argue best, let Solomon judge, if he were alive, in which mind I dismiss it; for that which outgoes my Knowledge shall never undergo my Censure. As our English People say, Much Cry and little Wool; these two Houses produced small things in the close: Nothing more un­certain than what a Parliament will bring forth in the end. At the Colloquy at Ratisbon, Tanner granted, that the Pope might err in a Council, unless he used all due and ordinary means: But the Jesuit in effect granted nothing; For, says he, without all doubt and question he doth ever use those means. But if a Parlia­ment were all Popes, and made out their Consults with the Line and Plumbet of the best Diligence, Obliquity would fall out, because all human Light burns dim in the Lanthorn of thick misty Passions. It is observ'd, that His Majesty removed one Parliament to Oxon in the first of his Reign, this other in the nine­teenth, both rose up abruptly, and gave him small content. How is it that publick Councils were improsperous in those delicate Seats of Arts and Sciences? The Genius of the place is not pleased with those Areopagites, for they are not proper Visitors of its learned Foundations. Themistius hath these words in an Oration upon the Muses, [...], They all agree very well together, but the Muses like no other company.

200. Oxford wanted not Bishops at this time, many lodg'd in it; but they were excluded to sit and vote as Peers in Parliament, yet their presence serv'd for very good use. His Majesty had preferred Dr. Frewin, the President of Mag­dalen-College, to the Bishoprick of Lichfield and Coventry, whom none of his Predecessors did exceed in Prudence, Bounty, and Advancement of learned Scholars, who was consecrated by the Archbishop of York in the Chappel of his own College, and feasted the Nobles and Clergy in a fair Room built at his own Cost. It is not to be pass'd over, that he left the Presidentship of that Col­lege, a place of Security and Plenty, to take a Bishoprick, when those Dignities were voted out of the Church by the Disciplinarians, and their Revenues offer'd to sale to pay the Charges of their Army. Which was an act of as much Hope and Courage, as that Roman's in Livy, That when Rome was besieged by Hanni­bal, bargain'd for, and bought that piece of Land, upon which the Carthaginians had pitch'd their Camp. To return from this little Diversion into the great Road, When the Parliament had made a recess, His Majesty call'd a few able Statesmen to him in private, among whom our Archbishop was one, and being the first in precedency, was called upon to begin, and to say freely what might best be done, to bring His Majesty, and his faithful part, out of those Troubles, which the Lords and Gentlemen, that lately undertook it, had left no better than they found them. The Archbishop was very backward, and made many Excu­ses, desiring to hear others, that had been more assiduous in those great Affairs, which being not granted, he was honester than the Oracle of Apollo, as Eusebius objects it to the Pagans, lib. 6. Praep. Evan. c. 1. That the Oracle, much importu­ned in a certain case, and loth to give an Answer, burst out into this passion, Retine vim istam: falsa enim dicam si coges: An Evasion sit for the Couesels of the Devil. But the Archbishop took his mark from St. Ambrose, Ep. 29. to Theodo­sius, Ne (que) est imperiale libertatem dicendi negare, ne (que) Sacerdotale quod sentias non di­cere. So he broke into the matter.

Sir, says he to the King, my Opinion will be strange, and I fear, unwelcome: If it please not, yet do not impute it to Falshood or Fear, but to Error and Mistaking. Your Militia is couragious, but small, not like to encrease, and then not to hold out. Your Enemies multiply, and by this time your Army hath taught them to fight: They are in Treaty with the Scots, to make a Recruit; and the Princes and States beyond Seas, to their shame, give them countenance. Their Treasurers at Westminster boast, that it costs them large Moneys every month to keep Correspondence with their Intelligencers and Spies about you. Your Souldiers in their March and Quarters are very unruly, and lose the Peoples Affections every where, by the Oppressions they sustain. Out of these Premises I inferr, and I engage my Life to your Majesties Justice, and my Soul to God's Tribunal, that I know no better course than to struggle no further, since so it is the Will of God, and to refer all to the pleasure and discretion of that unkind and insolent Parliament at Westminster, but with the preservation of your Majesties Crown and Person, to which they have all taken an Oath to offer no Hurt or Violence, and have renewed it in many Protestations: As likewise with the Indemnity of your Adherents; for we save a Ship with the loss of the Goods, not of the Passengers. If any thing will soften them, it will be this most pacifick and gracious Condescention. The Heathens speak rudely, that Con­stancy in Suffering will tire out the Cruelty of the Gods; but certainly such a Sufferance and Self-denial as resigns up your Majesties Cause and Trust quite unto them, will make the worst of them asham'd of their pertinacy, and mel [...] the best into a shower of Repentance: But if your Majesty disdains to go so low, and will not put the good of the Church and Kingdom upon their Faith, to which Misery, I fear our Sins have brought us, I am ready to run on in the common Hazard with your Majesty, and to live and dye in your Service.

There was danger in so much Plain-lealing; for Xenophon, lib. 2. Hist. re­lates, that in a Case to this as near as can be, Archestratus was cast in Prison, for advising the Athenians to take such Conditions of Peace, as the Lacedemonians would give them, after their great Overthrow at Aegos-potamos. Yet some noble persons, at the prosecution of this Consultation, struck in with the Archbishop's Judgment, the most dissented, the King was not pleased in it, and the Burden lay upon the Fore-man that began it. Says the Son of Syrach, c. 7, 5. Boast not of thy Wisdom before the King. The Note of Grotius is extant upon it, Qui excellunt sapientiâ suspecti fermè regibus. But the Gallantry of the Array were quite out of patience to hear of it, their Heaven upon Earth was to see the day that they might subdue and be revenged of the Roundheads. The common Souldier, that subsisted upon Pay and Plunder, had as lieve dye as lose his Trade: Tanta dul­cedo est ex alienis fortunis praedandi, Liv. lib. 6. Now, because this was called the Archbishop's Judgment, though others consented, and suffer'd hard words, it will be to some purpose to unfold it a little, and to defend the Innocent: For he that lives may out-wear a Disgrace, not he that is dead: Therefore Arist. main­tains it in his ninth Problem, that it is more just to do right to the Dead, than to the Living.

201. First, let the magnanimous Junto be heard, who would try the hazard of War to the last, and had rather lose their Heads, than put them under the Girdle of a Presbyterian Conventicle: It is enough (quoth they) to lend our Ears to a dishonourable Advice; but shall we buy Peace with Dishonour? We will never rent it for so much: He that fears Death, doth not enjoy his Life. It was an Ignominy in the Athenians, which they will never blow off, Just. lib. 5. Imminente periculo belli major salut is quàm dignitatis cura fuit. Faint Hearts, that in a sore War had more re­spect to their Safety than their Dignity. We are not of Athens, but of England; and what are they under whose Authority we should truckle? Heady, arrogant, im­placable, that look upon their Speaker's Mace, as if it were the Scepter that sway'd the whole World. Adeo est natura multitudinis, aut servit humiliter, aut impotenter dominatur, Liv. lib. 23. One of the three things that disquiet the Earth, says Solomon, is an Handmaid that is Heir to her Mistriss, Prov. 30.23. But it will disquiet the Earth a great deal more, to have such Vassals exalted to be Kings, and while His Majesty lives, to become Heirs to their Master. We'll not cap and kneel to them, we'll meet them on Hounslow-health. Totidem nobis animae (que) manusque, Aen. 10. We cannot believe that God will suffer such Foes and Furies to prosper any longer; Fortune hath served them, and will soon be weary of that Service. Nulli fortuna tam dedita est, ut multa tentanti ubi (que) respondeat, Senec. [Page 216] lib. 1. de irâ, c. 3. We are great Sinners we confess, yet we are obedient to the Church, loyal to the King, faithful to our Laws and Country. Non potest baerere in tam bonâ causâ & tam bonis civibus tam acerba injuria, Cic. Orat. pro Caecinnâ. Our fellow-Subjects in London, and most about in all places, have been entranced or bewitch'd; Neighbour-Princes are drowsie and supine, not aware that their turn will come shortly, if they endure a Rebellion so near them, and not ad­vance to correct it. The Crown of England hath never wanted Aid in the most desperate plunges. Regum afflictae fortunae multorum opem alliciunt ad misericordiam, quod regale nomen magnum, & Sanctum esse videtur, Orat. pro le. Manil. But whatsoever becomes of us, God forbid the King should leave himself to the will of the Kirk, and John Knoxe's Scholars. The Indignities they shew'd to his Grandmother will never be forgotten. Trust these broken Reeds? Parthis fides dictis faclisque nulla, nisi ubi expedit, Just. lib. 21. They are lovers of their own Faction, fal [...]e to all the World beside. In fine, this is a Knot not to be unloo­sened with our Tongue, as if we were Boys at Blow point, but we will cut it asunder with our Swords. This was strong and rough. But to this one of the Lords of the Moderation would be like to reply, That it were pity such re­doubted Valour should not be reserved for Service of more likely Success.

—Quantum ipse feroci
Virtute exuperas, tantò me impensiùs aequum est
Consulere, atque omnes m [...]tuentem expendere casus.
Aen. 11.

Our Sins have brought us to this dejection, to ask Quarter of them, when it was our Right to have given Mercy and Life to them, when they had beg'd it. I expect these will shew no Generosity to their Betters upon the close. Omne [...]l justum censent, quicquid superior contra inferiorem decerneret; as Augustus said of the Pannenians, Dion. lib. 44. The baser their Carriage shall be to His Majesty and his Friends, the worse it will be for themselves, for it will make their Tyranny more odious. Do you imagine, when we yield so far, but that we foresee their own Pride and Demerits will in a little time cast them out of possession, and we are confident, ere long, all will revert into its former Channel. God se [...]geth us by them, to let the People feel the difference between the Reign of a sweet King, and the Violence of a sort of Mahumetan Bashaws. As in the like case God says, 2 Chron. 12.8. Nevertheless they shall be Shisach' s servants, that they may know my service, and the service of the Kingdoms of the Countries. Gentlemen, you see much Hope to raise up the King, but where? in that Courage that is within your selves. I cannot see it abroad. Trust not in Princes, nor in any Child of Man. The next-neighbour King, the French I mean, might and ought to assist His Majesty by alliance of Blood; and I think I say not amiss, that he is his greatest Enemy. I remember the words of a Stranger, that writes our History, Polyd. Virg. lib. 23. Hine colligere licet Aethiopem posse priùs mutare pellem, quàm qui terram incolunt Gallicam valde multum diligere Anglos. At home in our own Country the silly People every day fall away apace. Si labant res lassae iti­dem amici collabaseunt, Plaut. in Styc. And we our selves are in part guilty of it. Most look to govern Garrisons, and to take Contributions of the Villages to the quick, and to spend them lavishly; as Diodor says, lib. 5. That the Dogs at Cuma leave the scent of the Beasts they hunt, and stoop to smell at the Flowers of the Meadows: Therefore I say, before we be quite abandoned, and our Fortunes stoop lower, give this Sop to Cerberus, give them a Blank, and we shall bleed fewer ounce; of Wealth and Honour. I would I knew once the worst that shall be imposed on us: It is better to grieve for what we bear, than to fear at Un­certainty what we may bear. Doleas quantum scias accidisse, timeas quantum potest accidere, Plin. lib. 8. Grief is finite, but Fear is infinite. That Parliament dare not but receive the King with all outward Gratulations, they have made so much protestation to it already, and the Law of God and Nations extort it: For if the People rebel, and be tired out to submit, the King is still bound to keep his Oath, and to govern them by his known Laws. And if the King be wearied out in a Civil War, and let the People win the Day, the People must still perform their sworn Allegiance to the King. You hear my Judgment dif­ferent from worthy persons in a great case, [...]: It is an honourable Error to be mistaken in so great a matter. Marvel not that my [Page 217]words appear the fruits of a low Spirit; marvel that the Anger of God hath compelled us to it. I reckon not my self in the motion, but the King, his Po­sterity, and his Kingdoms. Wisdom is not the same thing at all times; neither is Truth always of the same stature. Hear Tully, because he never spake better, Orat. pro Planc. Hoc de sapientibus, & clarissimis viris accepi, non semper easdem senten­tias ab [...]dem, sed quascunque reip. status, inclinatio temporum, & ratio concordiae po­stulant esse deferendas. And it is noted in as great a Christian, as he was a Hea­then, That exactness of Honour, Justice, and Decorum cannot be kept even at all times, [...], Synes. ep. 67. So that the Counsels of the great Athanasius did give place to the variation of Times. The Leaders of both sides have spoken; but the negative did carry it. Perhaps I may say with the old Proverb, Chorus ejus major est, meus meliùs eccinit: yet I would rebuke him that should think the worse of those heroically resolved men from the fatal Accidents of succeeding Times. Doubtless we had compounded for less blood, less loss of Honour, less confusion with the Presbyters then, than with the Independent or Congregational Tyranny after. The first pinnion'd our Arms, the latter cut them off. The first were like the Philistines, which made the Children of Israel their Slaves; the other were the Chaldaeans that mur­der'd our King, pulled down every great Man's House, and the House of the Lord. The one gave us Vinegar to drink, and the other Gall. The one made us a miserable nation, the other have made us execrable Parricides to God and Man.

202. All being run over, and disputed in this Argument, the Archbishop controuled not the greater number, and therein the better, because the King was better satisfied to try his right by his Sword. It is fit to serve Kings in things lawful with undiscoursed Obedience, which Climachus calls Sepulchrum voluntatis:

—For we deny
When Kings do ask, if we ask why,

says our Master Poet Johnson. So the Archbishop took the Ball fairly, not at the [...]oly, but at the first rebound. It is a Motto of great sense and use, which Mr. Gataker cites Lib. [...]. Anton. [...], a good man is either right or rectified: as some Plants grow straight, some are help't by adminiculation to be straight: and some are wise at the first sight, some not until the second inspection into a Cause. Now our Prelate leaves Oxford at the opening of the Spring, with a Charge from his Majesty to look to North-Wales, chiefly Conway-Castle; with easie Journeys, and the safe-guard of some Forces, that march't the most of the way that he road, he came to Conway, and that was his last Journey in this World, where some few years after, like old Jacob, Gen. 49.33. He gathered up his feet into his bed, where he first set his feet upon the Ground.

Felix qui prepriis aevum transegit in arvis:
Ipsa domus pucrum quem videt, ipsa senem.
Claudias.

One year, and a tedious one, run out, in listning to things abroad, how the King's Forces and his Garrisons did speed. The bold Britains would believe them that reported the best, and the best was that they were Cadmaean Wars, Et semper praelia clade pari, Propert. It molested them not alittle, that they were jealous among themselves, how to keep their own. For we that live in the South slander them, if their common men be not Filchers and Thieves.

And though it were piped by a Mouse,
It must needs come to Fame's House;

says noble Chaucer. As many in those Counties, as had Plate, Coin, Jewels, Moveables that were precious, besides their Writings and Evidences, got favour of the Archbishop to slow them up in the Castle, each Person having an In­ventory of his own share. And some suspected to be corrupt-hearted to the Royal Cause, obtained that favour; the ground of much ensuing mischief. But it was the forecast of the wise Prelate to take Hostages, as it were, from such, and to be secured against their Revolt, being in possession of the best of their [Page 218]Substance. A Twelve-month after Sir Jo. Owen, a Colonel for the King, that had gone out with a Regiment of Foot, and returned after a year with a few of the shatter'd Remnant, though he had been unfortunate against his Enemies, would try his Valour upon his Friends, and contrived how to recover his Debts and Damages with the Spoil of Conway-Castle: slighting with the clack of his singers all sober Counsel, That all North-Wales was concern'd to have their Wealth in the custody of so trusty a person as his Grace of York, that their hearts were with their bag and baggage; if he made a prey of it, their whole Body would turn a­gainst him; that nothing would prosper after it in the King's behalf, that their Atlas in those parts, the Archbishop, had the custody under the Signet to remain quiet in it, till his cost bestowed on it should be refunded to him, which was not hitherto treated upon or offer'd, that the Prince, the General, had corroborated his Majesty's pleasure therein, and had commanded all Officers by Sea and Land to assist him in it. What Conditions could be assured to any man by Royal Faith, if these were broken? A violent Man, and a Furioso was deaf to all this, and purchast the favour of Prince Ru­pert to be made under his Hand (not equal to the King's Signet) to be Com­mander of the Castle, and by force he surprized it, and entred it: which in somewhat more than one year was taken from him by Colonel Milton, who re­lieved the Archbishop, and such as had Interest in it, to carry away their Goods which remained. All this fell into a hard Construction, derogating much to the Archbishops credit; and the infamy was not only hot, when it was fresh, but it cools not much to this time. Though Love hath a soft hand to touch where it loves, I will not so far defend the whole Process, but I confess he was more earnest than advised in this unlucky action. Camerarius penning the Life of Melanchthon, casts in a few sweet words thus, Out of my great opinion of him, Quaedam fortè cariùs existimem quàm mereantur: But I disdain to call bad good, and darkness light. Yet in justice I must patronize the noble Williams against Mr. Sanders. Hist. p. 889. in these Lines, That he fortified his Garrison against the King, and dissuaded the Country from contribution to the King. Those were Times, when he wrote, to outface Truth, and willing to listen to Slanders: no wonder if many took the liberty, and had the confidence to broach Fictions. And it is a great advantage against the Truth, when Lies and false Rumours have got the start to speak first, chiefly when they have spread long,

Mensuraque ficti
Crescit, & auditis semper novus addidit autor.
Ovid.

Thus much I will undertake, to inform all Readers with truth in the matter, and satisfie the greatest part of many men with a clear Apology.

203. He builds ill that lays not a sure Foundation, therefore my Entrance shall be from the very words, not a syllable varied, wherein the Archbishop laid forth to his Majesty, how he had suffered from Sir Jo. Owen, which he sent to Oxford by Captain James Martin, a faithful and undaunted Soldier; and by his dili­gence it was registred among other Complaints, when he could get no more. The Instructions follow:

1. Upon the Ninth of May 1645. Sir J. Owen Governour of Conway, about Se­ven of the Clock in the Evening, before the Night-guard was sent unto the Castle, the possession whereof was placed by the King in the Archbishop of York, and his Assigns, upon great and valuable considerations by his gracious Letters, and under his Majesty's Hand and Signet, bearing date at Oxford August. 1. 1643. did with bars of iron and armed men, break the Locks and Doors, and enter into the said Castle, and seize upon the Place, the Victuals, Powder, Arms, and Ammunition, laid in by the said Arch­bishop at his own charge, without the least contribution from the King or the Country, for the defence of the place, and the Service of the King and the said Country.

2. That being demanded by the said Archbishop to suffer two of the said Archbishop's men to be there with his rabble of Grooms and beggerly People, to see the Goods of the Country preserv'd from filching, and the Victuals and Ammunition from wasting and purloyning, Sir John in a furious manner utterly refused it, though all the Company cried upon him to do so for his own discharge, yet would he not listen to any reason, but pro­mised the next day to suffer all things to be inventoried, and the Lord Archbishop to take away what the would, Sir John acknowledging all the Goods and Ammunition to be his.

[Page 219] 3. The next day he receded again from all this, would not permit at the entreaty of the Bishop of St. Asaph, his own Cousin-German, any of the Archbishop's men to go and look to the Goods, nor suffer his servants to fetch forth for his Grace's use (who hath lin­ger'd long under a great sickness and weakness) either a little Wine to make him some Cawdles, or so much as a little of his own stale Beer to make him Possets, which all the Country conceive to be very barbarous.

4. The said Sir John continueth rambling from place to place, and detaineth still all the Goods of the Country, laid up in this Castle, as conceived to be owned by the Arch­bishop, who was like to be responsal for them; and had duly returned them in other years: and threatens to seize upon the Plate, and all things else of Value to his own use. Than which no Rebel or Enemy could deal more outragiously.

5. The Archbishop desires his Majesty would repossess him of the right of this Castle, according to his Majesty's Grant made upon valuable consideration. And that if his Majesty's pleasure be, that Sir Jo. Owen (or any other Man of more moderation and less precipitancy) should be there, he come under the Archbishop his Assignment, as right requires, and as Colonel Ellis and Mr. Chichely were content to do, and did. To the which the Archbishop (as Colonel Ellis and Sir Will. Legg can witness) was ever wil­ling to give way.

6. That howsoever, the Archbishop may have all his Goods and Chattels all his Cannon, Arms, Ammunition, Powder, Provision in Beef, Beer, Wine, Cheese, Butter, Oatmeal and Corn presently restored to him. And what is wasted and made away, may be answer'd to him by Sir John: As also that all the Inhabitants of this and the Neighbour Countries, may have their Goods presently out of the Castle, before they be pilfered and imbezeled.

7. Or otherwise, that his Majesty, and Prince Rupert his Lieutenant, will graciously permit and suffer, with their gracious favour, the said Archbishop and Inhabitants of the Country, to repair with their Complaints to the Assembly at Oxford, and the Committee there, against these, and many other Outrages and Concussions of the said Sir Jo. Owen, under colour of being Governour and Sheriff of this Town, not warranted by any of his Commissions.

Every Line of this Remonstrance is just, humble, pathetical, yet came to no­thing. The time was protracted from week to week, and at last an Answer, like to a Denial, is given to Capt. Martin, That it should be consider'd at more lei­sure. One Hector, a phrase at that time for a daring Russian, had the ear of great ones sooner than five strict men, that served the King unblameably before God and all his People. But when the Messenger return'd to Wales, and brought not the least satisfaction, not a complemental Excuse to pacifie the Archbishop, he said nothing, lest he should have said too much: But as Livy notes upon Fabius the Consul, when Papirius Cursor was made Dictator over his head, Apparuit in­signem dolorem ingenti animo comprimi: A great Spirit was chased with a great In­dignity.

204. Fifteen Months were run out after the Archbishop received this baffle to be postponed to Sir J. Owen (the time is truly digited) and a year of dark­ness and gloominess came upon this miserable Land. Nasby Fight was struck, the Lord Jacob Astly defeated, the Western strong Holds reduced to Fairfax, Chester surrendred, Oxford it self begirt; as Mindarus wrote to Sparta in his short Country Language, [...], all that was good was undone. Chester being possest by Col. Milton, the Door into North-Wales, he, full of Animosity a­gainst the Royal Cause, marcheth over Dee, through Flint and Denbyshires, unto the Town of Conway, where the Conawians would as soon fight for a May-poll, as for Sir J. Owen. The amazed People turn to the Archbishop, look upon his strong wisdom and grey hairs to stop the cruelty of the Conquerour, and to lighten the yoke of their Misery. And an aged Counseller is a Soveraign help at such a pinch. [...], Plut. [...]. Long time of Life, which robs us of all things else, pays us the Principal again with Use in Knowledge and Wisdom. The Archbishop's Grace calls some few to Counsel with him, who agree to parly with Milton (one that un­derstood his own strength, and their weakness). The Welsh made some high Demands, which were not heard patiently. They perceived Milton's mind was at the Castle, where the Archbishop's Wealth, and of divers far and near was deposited, which was ready to come every jot into the Colonels power; whom they perceived to be rather haughty than covetous, and they closed by insinuations with him, relating how Sir J. Owen had surprized the [Page 220]Castle, detained their Goods, and insulted over them, who had born Arms in the same Cause, therefore they offer'd to joyn with him to put him into the Castle, with condition that every Proprietary might obtain what he could prove by the Archbishops Inventory to belong to him, and for the Overplus, let it fall to the Colonels Mercy; whose Consent the Archbishop's Art and fair Language drew on. And not the least time being spent in delay, the Soldiers entred the Castle both by Scalada, and by forcing the Gates, assisted by the Archbishop's Kindred, and other Welch; and Milton kept the Castle, and kept his Word, to let the Owners divide the Goods among themselves, to which they laid Title, and could prove it. Let another take the Archbishop's room, and discharge it better. That which was lost, the Castle, could not be kept; that which was saved helpt the King's Friends to subsist, which his gracious goodness would allow. Yes, but Milton was a Rebel. And may not a Rebel be used to do acts of Justice or Charity? Licet uti alieno peccato, is often allowed in most conscion­able Divinity. Make the case that one of the King's Ships at Sea piratically board a London Merchant, and spoil him; shall the Merchant be debarred from imploring an Algiers Captain to get him his own again, if he could find that favour? Here's the case, and all the case, upon whose mis-report the Arch­bishop's good Name did suffer deeply. For whose justification more may be said, than they that love detraction are willing to hear. Says Sanderson, He for­tified his Garrison against the King: No such matter. Mliton took the Garrison, and kept it: but his Grace retired to his dear Kinswoman's House, the Lady Mostyn. Yet says another, He was forward in the action in his own person, which was to fall away from the King. It is replyed, He was ever slow to revenge an unjust wrong, but earnest to recover a just right: which Salust commends in Jugurtha's Wars, Non minus est turpe sua relinquere, quàm aliena invadere injustum. This made him thrust himself in among the Assailants, which in my censure of his Carriage did not become him. Else what harm was it to save his own stake and his Friends, without prejudice to the King's interest, whose Part could no longer hold any Garrison in England:

Non vires alias, conversaque numinasentis!
Cede Deo—
Aen. 11.

From his Fidelity to his Majesty he never went back an inch. He suffered in the imputation to the contrary as innocently, as the Prophet Jeremy did, c. 37.13. who when he had separated himself from the People, Irijah laid hold of him, and said, Thou fallest away to the Chaldaeans. So Athanasius was banisht by the good Emperour Constantine, being impeacht that he hindered the victualling of Alexandria, which might have endanger'd the ruin of the City. What did our Archbishop in this otherwise than his Excellency the noble Marquess of Ormond, whom Sanderson justly praiseth, That he thought it more honourable to surrender to the Parliament Forces, what the King held in Ireland, than to suffer the interest of the English Protestants, to fall under the power of the Irish Papists. Acti­ons are not rigidly to be perpended, into which one is thrust by necessity. A mild man, Nazianzen, pleaded pardon for them, who, being shew'd the wrack, set their hands to Athanasius's banishment; [...], Orat. de laud. Athanasii. Their Mind was true, their Pen was forced. In­tegrity must be more precious to a Man than his Life: but in some things to be reduced to obey Rebels is no departure from Integrity. He was a Lord Chan­cellour of France, whose Decipher agrees exactly with this great Prelate, some­times Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, Guido Rupifalcaudius citra ignaviam circum­spectus, & generosè cautus: & tempori ita cedens, ut consertis manibus integritatem fer­varet, Budaeus de As. fol. 36.

205. The Historian Sanderson's Ink drops another Blot upon the Archbishop's Honour, That he dissuaded the Country from Contribution to the King. I must ex­claim as Demosthenes did, when Aeschines run into a great Absurdity, [...]; why do you not take Hellebore, or Bears-foot, as we call it in English, to purge Melancholy? So quite is every thing mistaken. For the Welch in those Parts had now laid down their Arms, the Enemy being six to one that was broke in upon them. Omnes, quorum in alterius manu vita posita est, saepiùs cogitant, quid potest is, cujus in ditione, & potestate sunt, quàm quid ipsi de­bent facere, Cic. pro Quinctio. It was no time for the Subdued to shew their Teeth, when they could not bite. Besides, they paid no Contribution before, [Page 221]but for their own defence, neither carried Moneys out of their own Country: The scarcity of Coin is well known in that remote corner of the Kingdom; they have Meat and Drink good store for their Bellies, and home-spun Frieze for their backs, as the Modern Greeks have a Proverb in barbarous words, [...], God provides thick Mantles for clothing, where there are hard Frosts. But the Silver of the Welch, which they talk of is in the Mines of the Mountains, not in their Purses: or you may say their Sacks are full of Corn, but they are not so lucky as Joseph's Brethren were, to have mo­ney likewise in their Sacks mouths, Gen. 42.27. Yet suppose they had been able now to make a bountiful Levy, would Milton have suffered them to send it to the King? Or might it be, they could have done it by stealth, their Friends at Oxford were block't up, and could not come by it. Collect then, what un­likelyhood, nay, what impossibility there was to dissuade those Counties from Contribution to the King. 'Tis far better yet on the Archbishops side, he might go bare-faced through the World, and not be asham'd, but rather ad­mired for the good Service he did to his depressed Country-men in their great­est necessity. Livy says of the Corinthians, when they look't for hard bondage from the Romans, and quite above their expectation, a Praeco standing by the Commander of the Legions proclaimed Liberty to them, and to all the van­quish't Graecians, Mirabundi velut somni speciem arbitrabantur: So after the Arch­bishop had turn'd Milton up and down with fine Discourses, and wrought him like Wax, the People thought they were in a Dream, when their League was made upon these Conditions, That none of those Counties should compound for De­linquency, nor be burthen'd with Free-quarter, nor have the Covenant offer'd to them, nor be charged with Taxes, but only in Victual for Men and Horse in the Garrisons. As Valerius says Lib. 7. of Anaximenes saving Lampsacum, by turning Alexander's vow to destroy it, to be the obligation to save it, Salus urbis vasramenti beneficio constitit: So these Cambro-Britains were conserved by the cunning and dexterity of a Master-wit, and let Col. Milton come in for his share of easiness and leni­ty. Oxford had tolerable Articles of Immunity upon the Surrender: Exeter had better than it: but North-Wales had the best of all; and was never much opprest after, but by Vavasor Powel: he and his fellow Praedicants ransack't all that the poor Church had, [...], Soph. Antig. Those New-light-men, that thought they were near to be Prophets, were very rapacious and covetous. Let the Archbishop's carriage super totam materiam now be brought to the Touch-stone: except some unadvisedness to venture personally upon the Castle (and it was no worse) had been, I see nothing could make any noise, which made the entrance to a wrong, but a great suspicion. Dr. Harmer hath flourish't it over with fine Latin to bring off the Archbishop from obloquy: but I am better acquainted from sure Hands and Papers about every occur­rence, and leave him to his own elegancies. This was the Judgment of Col. Samuel Sands of Ambersly near to Worcester, which he gave to Mr. John Griffith, and the resolution of Col. Samuel Sands of Ewel in Surrey delivered to my self, That this matter was discoursed by many as good as themselves, and that all concluded, it was an Action very excusable, and full of prudence, and that the most of them were acquainted with the Apology which his Grace made to his Majesty. How unlike is it that this Man should be unfaithful to the King at this blunt only, and make his Life so unlike to it self in all his proceedings and stu­dies before and after? It is a motion which Tully makes, Orat. pro Sullâ, and a just Judge cannot deny it: Neque potest quisquam nostrum subito fingi, neque cujus­quam vita repentè mutari, aut naturâ converti. Vita torqueatur, ex illâ quaeratur. An excellent Rule of Reason and Charity to silence many Defamations. Take another Maxim, which is good in all Courts in and out of England. Qui in rea­tu decedit integro statu decedit, Bad. l. 2. in Pand. f. 3. The Archbishop was ne­ver brought to Answer for this imputed Misdemeanour; yet that will not drive the Nail home: but he that is impleaded, and yet no Judgment award­ed, dies an Innocent. Few consider how odious the voice of Slander is be­fore the God of Truth. In the two and twentieth Chapter of Deuteronomy, compare the 19th and 29th Verses, and you shall find, how he that defames a Virgin to be a Whore, is amerced in twice as many Shekels, as he that deflou­red a Maid, and made her a Whore. If the Slanderer have recourse for his own Apology to common Report and Fame, his Judgment marcheth after the Devil's Drum. Our time honoured Chaucer, in his pretty Fiction of the House [Page 222]of Fame, condemns the Giddiness of common Talk, in a very pleasant Art: That Aeolus brought two Trumpets to Fames House, one of Laud, another of Slander; That Fame would not suffer Aeolus to wind out the Praise of some, though most deserving; bad him cry up others of no merit; authoriz'd him to disgrace divers, that had done things worthy of Renown.

Speak of them Harm and Shrewdness,
Instead of Good and Worthiness:
For thou shalt Trumpet all contrair,
If that they have done well and fair:
Some new thing, I wot not what,
Tydings, either this or that.

When Aeolus's foul Blasts are over, which will not continue long, the Glory of this Archbishop, and his Innocency, will mount above the Envy and Credu­lity of his Foes; wherewith his Memory must be content, as Socrates was Cum ab hominibus sui temporis parum intelligebatur, posterorum judiciis se reservavit, Quintil. lib. 11.

206. What a long range of Displacings, Disfavours, Censures, Sequestrings, Im­prisonments, Hurries to and fro, and Revilings hath this famous Prelate met with in his troublesome Life, and rather pass'd by them than through them? No Cross could come so heavy to him, but he could cut it into small shivers, and play with them in his Hand, but never take the whole weight upon his Shoulder: As the Gloss says on Exod. 4. v. 4. when Moses put forth his Hand, and took the Serpent by the Tail, and it became a Rod in his Hand, Ut serpens, ad laedendum sit baculus ad sustentandum: So the Oppressures that in Three and twenty years, without intermission, exercis'd the Defence and Patience of one man, made him stand the stronger. Not a Stoick, but a Christian, may say, Though Miseries have a real Evil in them not to be denied, yet there is much of meer Opinion in their nature. That Industry which is the daily Vocation of a diligent man, would crack the Sinews of a Sluggard. That Solitariness which is one mans Comfort, is anothers Captivity. That Abstinence, which is Health to a sober man, would put a Glutton in fear of starving. And those Troubles which are Potions to a weak Constitution, are Wine and Myrrhe to the found and lusty. I reach not too high when I set forth this Archbishop to be an undaunted Suffe­rer, like Paul rather than Job, one that could wipe off Afflictions as easily as he could dry his Hands when he had wash'd them: Yet in the end one emi­nent Sorrow cut his Heart,

Exemplo (que) carens, & nulli cognitus aevo
Luctus.—
Lucan.

and no Comfort could ever cure it, but Death. Our excellent, but most unfor­tunate King, took a strange farewel of Oxford: Fermè fugiendo in media fata ruitur, says Livy; What God wills shall be done; he that shuns his Destiny meets it by flying from it. His Majesty, unwilling to stay to the last in a City begirt, (for it would be inglorious to fall into the Hands of his Subjects, like a Prisoner) by the perswasion of Monsieur Mountrevile, went privily out of Oxford, and put himself into the Hands of his Native Countrymen and Subjects at New-castle. What! says our Archbishop, when he heard of it, be advised by a Stran­ger, and trust the Scots! then all is lost. It was a Journey not imparted to above ten persons to know it, begun upon sudden Resolution, against that Rule of Ta­citus, Bona consilia morâ valescere. When Pope John XXIII. was told by his Friends, that many things would be charg'd upon him at the Council of Constance, says the Pope, There is a fault worse than them all, that I am come over the Alps, and have put my self upon this Council. Such was the Mishap of a brave Prince, that to avoid some approaching Harms, threw himself into their custody, that cry'd, Hail Master, and took Money for him. The Scots, to chuse, prefer a Monar­chy before any other Government, so they may govern their Monarch: But they are as stiff for a King as the Cappadocians in Livy, that refused the Offer of the Roman Senate to be made a free State, Negant vivere sine rege se posse. And [Page 223]they count it no small Honour, that no Nation at this day can reckon so many Kings, as they have had, One hundred and ten; but no five Nations have mur­der'd so many Kings. To which Impeachment Dr. Rivet, the Professor of Divinity at Leyden, gives this dogrel Answer, Sic sunt Scotorum praefervida ingenia, who were not Blood-hot, but Hell-hot with his Favour. The Scotch at Newcastle to whom the King retired for Safeguard, had a brave occasion to shew Faith and Loyalty, but they kept their wont, and sold their Master, as Judas did his to the Jews, to the Race of New-England, the Independent Salvages: O bar­barous! persidious! mammonish! sacrilegious! to make Bargain and Sale of him that sate in God's stead over them!

Nomen erit pardus, tigris, leo, quicquid adhuc est
Quod fremat in terris violentius.—
Juven. Sat. 8.

I roar it out to all People and Languages, are you not astonish'd at it? Which you will not believe, though it be told you, Habbak. 1.5. Crediderim tunc ipsam fidem, humana negotia spectantem, moestum vultum gessisse, Valer. lib. 6. whom Cromwel their Paymaster used as they deserv'd, and after that day would never believe the false Lesly, that made the Market, nor the turbulent Kirk, in any thing. Crom­wel was cunning in that Art, and could see through Lesly, and his treacherous Nature, that if Lesly had advantage to betray him, he would take ready Mony for him. Like Ptolemy, that betray'd Pompey to Caesar's Executioners; Qui Pom­peii caedem partium fato, non Caesari dederat: Haud dubiè idem in ipsum ausurus, si expediret. He would have serv'd Caesar so, if Caesar had been the Blot to hit, and by that to win the Game he play'd for, Florus, lib. 4. c. 8. There were Thou­sands and Millions of the Scots innocent of this Crime, Onus invidiae non exupera­bile terris, Manil. lib. 2. which struck Grief to the bottom of their Souls to hear it, that wash'd their Hands from the foulness of it, and cursed the Traytors to Damnation, who had left such an indelible Stain upon their Kingdom. But what an iniquous thing it is, that the Contagion of a part should infect the Honour of all the good People of a Country?

207. England deserv'd worse, and heard worse than these Jocky-Pedlars that chaffer'd away their King, and our Countrymen are received abroad in some places, to this day, as the Off-scouring of Europe. Our Gentlemen that travel know it, how the Spaniards shrugg'd and stopp'd their Noses at them, when they met them in Madrid. There is a Reason why the French give them no less Civility than they were wont; their Heads were in the Plot of our Civil Wars; they look'd on as unconcern'd Spectators, till our King was taken out of the way, and instantly confederated with our new States the Traytors, and consen­ted to all their Articles and base Demands: So much are they fallen from that Honour, which their own Thuanus gives them, an. 1559. p. 616. Afflict is Principi­bus fidum, ac tutissimum semper fuit apud Gallos persugium. This perhaps was true, when such sage Senators as Thuanus sway'd the Court: But how much of late is the case alter'd? But I hasten to the beginning and end of the saddest Tragedy that ever was acted since that of our Blessed Saviour. Our Innocent King, a Lamb dumb before the Shearer, being cheated out of the Presbyterian Guards which kept him, Cromwel and his Maniple of Miscreants seized on him: Crom­wel, that Imp of Satan, compounded of all Vice and Violence, and Titan-like Courage, devoid of all Pity and Conscience, the greatest of the Souldiery, and by his Arts greater than them all, waxen to be a Colossus, between whose strides the Seas flowed, his Countenance confess'd him a Tyrant, such as Domitian was; Saevus ille vultus & rubor, à quo se contra ruborem muniebat, Tacit. Vit. Jul. Agr. But he that blusheth always, can give no Testimony of Shame in his Face: He regarded not Parliament, Courts of Law, Patents, Charters, much less any Canons which Holy Church had ever appointed, no, nor the Scriptures of God, in comparison of some new Light shining in the Lanthorn of his own Head: But his way was to govern three Kingdoms by his Armies, the Armies by the Agitators, and the Agitators by himself, whom he shot dead upon the place, if they cross'd his Will; Superbus, & sanguinarius, & volens militariter imperare: It is as true Cromwel, as it was Macinus in Capitol's History. But that which sped him in all his Villanies was Perjury, like Ferdinand the Castilian, Ferdinandus grande perfidiae lucrum tulit, Thuan. anno 1502. a very Lysander in Plutarch, that [Page 224]couzened men with Oaths, as Nurses do Children with Plums and Cake-bread: He took as many Oaths (they were the Full-Moons of his Protestations) and kept as few as any that was ever baptised in the Name of Christ, unless Pope Alexander the Sixth did match him, Quo nemo speciosius juramentum juravit, qui minus praestitit nemo unquam fuit, Match. Resp. p. 76. He was so accustom'd to forswear himself, that he could not leave it in Toys and Driblets; yet would sooner keep Faith with Fernando the Portugal Jew, to provide him the best Sacks and Tobacco, than with his Cabinet, and all the fawning Folk that were about him. If I had ever met with a more odious Passage than that in St. Basil, ep. 246. I would afford it him, [...], a Morsel fit for the Devil's Stomach. This arch-juggler, to feel the Pulse of the People, suffer'd His Majesty's Ser­vants to have better access to him, than was under the Presbyterian Restraint; and he set out Declarations in print, That no sure Peace could be made, with­out due care taken for His Majesty, and his Posterity. You would think he had been as penitent, and as much changed as Apuleius was, lib. 4. Statis ja [...], dolis abjectis, asinum me bonae frugi Dominis exhibere; that he was grown weary of all his Roguerie [...] in his transformed shape. Yet these were but Tricks, to rock all those asleep, who he knew would oppose him, if they were prepared: Sonmo occupari ut possint lenes audiendae sunt naeniae, Arnob. lib. 7. But as soon as he had disposed his Forces to bridle all popitious and strong places of the Land, and to controul the Assurance that the City of London might make to save the King's Life, he sell to compass that which Plutarch in Solon's Life calls the most hated thing among men, [...], A Perpetuity or Eternity of falling out; and to implicate the souldiers in such a Crime as could not be pardon'd, to make Rebellion immortal. So Tolumnius put the Fidenates on such an Action, as they must fight with Rome to the last man, and never hope for Peace, Liv. lib. 5. Fidennates cruento se [...]lere interficiendi legatos implicuit, ne spem ullam à Romanis possint recipere. And together he found a means to forgive himself all the Mischief he had done, by getting himself above all Law and Power, that might question him. Matchiavel could find no fault in Cromwel, as he did in Pagalous, because he kill'd not Pope Julius the Second, when he had him in Perusium. Sic rei mag­nitudo omnia priora secler [...] obtegere potuit, & à periculo conservare, De Rep. l. 1. c. [...]. So he calls his Familiar Ireton to him, the common Sewer of Malice, Sator, sar­torque scelerum, & messor maximus, Plaut. and these complot to draw in above an hundred more, to sit in an High Court of Justice, (give them their Phrase) to bring the King in person to be try'd before them, the Indictment is studied and made ready, but St. John and Dorilaus: The great Bellows that blew out the fatal Sentence, was that Son of Perdition Bradshaw, the Rider upon the red Horse (for he sate in Scarlet) and had power to take peace from the earth, that men should kill one another: and there was given to him a great sword, (to cut off the Lord's Anointed, his dear Servant) Rev. 6.4.

208. These, with the Cubbs of the same Litter, shed the Royal Blood upon a Scaffold openly, for no Fault, God knows, but as Beda reports of K. Sigebert, slain by two Ruffians, who render'd this Cause for it, That his Meekness had made many Malefactors, and his Goodness had undone the Kingdom. O unheard of Im­manity, above Mariana, and all Jesuitical Positions.

—Quorum sceleri non invenit ipsa
Nomen, & á nullo posuit natura metallo.
Juven. Sat. 13.

O Sons and Daughters of Jerusalem, droul out an Elegy for good King Josias, Tristius lacrymis Simonidaeis, Catullus. O most facinorous Fact, next above that of the Priests, that to poyson the Emperor Henry the Seventh, forbore not to poyson their own God in the Sacrament. O ruthless Monsters, that could stop their Ears at the Prayers of so many Nobles male and female, that kneeled unto them to spare their Soveraign, who would never have been moved, if the Peo­ple had wept Blood! O day of wailment to all that are yet unborn! [...], Synes. Ep. 58. As apt as ever words did light in my way. It was the day that they crucified Christ upon the Cross again. O ye Kings of the Earth, wherefore do ye not revenge it? [Page 225]When Bessus kill'd Darius, Justin puts you in mind, Communis Regum omnium est causa, lib. 13. every Monarch in Europe was wounded with that stroke: If those Royal persons will not regard it, to whom should the Crown of England make its moan? Let the words of Tully be mark'd, Act. 7. in Verrem: Si in aliquâ deser­tissimâ solitudine ad saxa & scopulos haec conqueri vellem, tamen omnia muta & inani­ma tantâ ac tam indignâ rerum atrocitate commoverentur. But wherefore do we quarrel the remissness of Princes abroad? Since there is not among our selves that hath the Courage of a gallant man, to meet with Cromwel, who jetts up and down, and strike him to the Heart, and expire upon the Murderer; since the Law cannot punish him for so confess'd a Treason, is not the Equity and Vigour of the Law in every one that can attach him? Si quis eum qui plebiscito sacer sit occiderit homicida non est. That's Law with Budaeus, lib. 2. Pand. fol. 28. Private Revenge is infamous and unlawful; but he is actually condemn'd that hath kil­led the supreme Magistrate, and every man is a Magistrate to cut off that Male­factor, when there is no Magistrate or Bench of Justice sitting, to try the Tray­tor. But it is our Shame, that every one wisheth that were done by another's Hand, which he dare not for fear do himself. Metellus Macedonicus was dragged to Prison by Catinius Labeo, Tribune of the People: Says Pliny, lib. 7. c. 44. Indignationis dolori accedit, inter tot Metellos tam sceleratam Catinii audaciam semper fuisse inultam. The Cattive Cannibal Cromwel lives, and is mighty, cockers his Genius, and abounds in Luxury: [...]. Odyss. 1. Here Cyclops, drink Wine, says Ulysses, since you have eaten so much Man's-flesh. Says the learned Dr. Duport, Ironicè & moraliter dictum, ut somno vinoque conscien­tiam sopiat, qui homicidium commisit. But our Cyclops will never be able to cast his Conscience into a sound Sleep; the Furies of Hell will often lash him and awake him. Nero was the Murtherer of his Mother Agrippina, and though afterward he drowned himself in all sort of Pleasure, he could not avoid the Torment of heavy Remembrance. So Sueton. par. 24. Ne (que) tamen sceleris con­scientiam (quanquam & militum, & senatus, & populi acclamationibus confirmaretur) aut statim, aut unquam postea serre potuit. Had Zimri Peace that slew his Master? Richard the Third seemed to see many Devils haling him, and tormenting him, the night before he was slain in Bosworth Field, Pol. Virg. Hist. p. 25. The same continual Excruciation must be in the Breast of brazen-fac'd Bradshaw; God will run him into Phrenzy with the sight of his Sins, as our Acts and Monuments record, That Judge Morgan fell mad, after he had pass'd Sentence of Death upon Lady Jane, and cried out, Take away the Lady Jane from me; and died in that Horror. But whither am I carried? Silence in such a Subject before me would condemn me, and Writing enrageth me. Our Criticks blame Euripides, that he is [...], too long in his Bewailings. I could not contract Laments into a less compass, upon the most deplored end of a thrice-honour'd King, a most pious Saint, a patient and a crowned Martyr; of whom our Prelate Williams preacheth in a Fast-Sermon, p. 55. That he was as like Virtue it self as could be pattern'd in Flesh and Blood. What Velleius writes of Aemilianus is too much for a man, but scarce any one came nearer it than this man, Qui ni­hil in vitâ nisi laude dignum aut fecit, aut dixit, aut sensit. But I will challenge to King Martyr Charles, what a Christian Historian writes of a very Christian King of ours, Malmsb. lib. 1. c. 4. It is King Kenwolf, to whom Beda dedicates his Ecclesiastical History, Nihil quod livor dignè carperet unquam admisit. And let his Death be bewailed his Memory be resresh'd with glorious Praises, and im­mortal Fame to the Worlds end.

209. The Thread of his Life so dismally cut off, who was the Darling of all that were holy, and fear'd God, who was the Breath of our Nostrils (as Naz. writ to Basil, [...], You are more my Breath than the Air I breathe in.) This the heaviest Judgment of God that could befall us, turn'd all England into such a Mourning, as no Relation can describe, or Fancy imagine. Tears burst out, Groanings bellowed forth, Hearts melted like Wax, few but forgat to eat their Bread, Melancholy struck abundance dumb; the saddest [Page 226]Event was, that Frenzies seized on some, and sudden Death on many. It pierced the Archbishop's Heart with so sharp a point, that Sorrow run him down the Hill with that violence, that he never stay'd till he came to the bot­tom, and died. As soon as this Blow was given, many conceived Despairs, and are big with it yet, that the Slavery under which the three Nations are fallen is irrecoverable, till the last and terrible day of the Lord. In which dole­ful Sadness Lord Primate Usher, I am witness of it, continued to his End. We English are observ'd to be too credulous of vain Prophecies, such as are Fa­ther'd upon Merlin, and no better Authors. I remember an old Scotch man called Mony-penny, (if it were his right Name) taught me this Rhime, when I was Fourteen years old:

After Six is One,
And after One is None;
But Hey-ho and Weal-a-day
To the day of Dooms-day.

His Grace of York turn'd that Prophetick Conceipt into a Religious Practice: Dr. Floyd, a Religious Divine, Preaching a Sermon at his Funeral, extolled the most Reverend Father's Devotion, That from the heavy time of the King's Death, he rose every midnight out of his Bed, and having nothing but his Shirt and Westcoat upon him, kneeled on his bare Knees, and pray'd earnest­ly and strongly one quarter of an hour, before he went to his Rest again. I will inform Dr. Floyd in two things, which he knew not: First, He observ'd the season of Midnight, because the Scriptures speak of Christ's coming to judge the Quick and the Dead at Midnight. It is true, according to the mo­tion of the Sun and Stars, it will be Day as well as Night in some Climate of the World, but very like to be Night, that is, cloudy Darkness over all the Earth. Secondly, The matter of his Prayer was principally this; Come Lord Je­sus, come quickly, and put an end to these days of Sin and Misery. So much I learnt from himself, and so report it. His days were consumed in Heaviness, as his Nights in Mourning: Facetiousness, in which he was singular, came no more out of his Lips, he ceased from Discourse, from Company, as he could, and nothing could hale him out of this Obscurity. Such another Condoler for his King worthy Spottswood remembers, Hist. p. 106. That Will. Elphelston, Bishop of Aberdeon, hearing of the unfortunate Death of K. James the Fourth at Floyden, was never afterward perceived to laugh, nor willingly did he hear any thing that sounded to Mirth or Gladness. Mourning for the Dead profits not, yet a tender Nature is liberal of it, and will pay more than it needs. Says Sophocles, If Tears would call the Dead again, [...], they would be more valuable than Gold. But a Bucket of them will not empty the dead Sea of Grief. Wise Solon in Laertius taking on heavily for his Son's Death, says his Companion to him, Grief will do you no good. And that makes me grieve the more, says Solon, because it will do me no good. It is a very weak Passion, and yet often too strong for Reason. The Archbishop remained very silent in his dejected Heaviness, and enquir'd after no News, except that sometimes he would lift up his Head, and ask what became of the King's Tryers, Baanah and Rechab especially, Cromwel and Bradshaw, looking for some remarkable Judgment of God to come down upon them; which they have escap'd, for the greater tryal of good mens Patience: And a Dream of Felicity is granted to them here, that passing from Extremity to Extremity, their Pain may be the sharper when they awake to Judgment. Caesar writes like a Dicta­tor of Reason, de bel. Gal. l. 1. Consnesse Deos immortales, quo gravius homines ex commutatione rerum doleant, quos pro scelere eorum ulcisci velint, his secundiores inter­dum res, & diuturniorem impunitatem concedere. Synesius hath said a little more, Ep. 44. [...]. He that holds out long unpunish'd, after a foul Fact, is to be esteem'd most unhappy, and so base, that neither God nor Man regards him. Let these Regicides be reprieved, and each live with himself, he cannot have worse Company than himself, till he descend into Hell.

[Page 227] 210. Abite lemures pessimi: I thrust these Infernal Goblins out of my way with the Censure they deserve; and I resume the mournfful Arch­bishop, who is now come to the end of his days, and I of my Copious Labour. Two Years, and almost Two Months, he consumed in a seque­stred and forlorn Condition, scarce any Witness could tell what he did all the while, but that he prayed, and sate at his Book all Day, and much of the Night. That little which he spake at Meals would afford great Essays of Wisdom, and observable Predictions, if it were remembred. As Nazian. said of St. Basil's common Talk, Quae ab eo velut obiter fiebant multò praestantiora sunt,—Quàm ea in quibus alii elaborant. But let all pass which he conceal'd to himself in the dark times. I remem­ber my Rule, though I forget who taught it me, though it be not according to Nature, it is according to Honesty, Vacuum potius relinquere quàm non ve­rum. There was an Idol in Lacedaemon, (Pausanias knew it well, p. 195.) called [...], which they worship'd that were young, to delay Old-age: But no Times did precipitate Age and grey Hairs upon Men more than these wherein we live. Says the Master of the Sentences among the Hea­then, Il. 4. [...].’ Men grow old apace, that are in Misery. Assuredly every month spent away the Archbishop's ruin'd Tabernacle now, more than a year before: And all Infirmities fly to Old-age, as Offenders to an Altar. Dr. Floud, the Panegy­rist at his Grace's Obsequies, tells us, That he had some Prognosticks of his Death not long before it, and told it to some persons with Assurance, and much Grief; and sometimes when he had said Grace after Meal, and was ri­sing from the Table, he would say, I am ready for the LORD. His Death came from a sudden Catarrh, which caused a Squinancy, by the inflammation of the interiour Muscles, and a shortness of Breath follow'd, which dissol­ved him in the space of twelve hours: In which time the virtuous Lady Mostyn, where he sojourn'd, spake to him of his preparation for Heaven: Says he, Cousin, I am already prepared, and will be better prepared. So he called for the Minister that was the nearest, to read the Visitation of the Sick, and twice over to him, the greatest part whereof, especially the Psalms, he rehear­sed distinctly himself, and received Absolution: When the Pangs of Death approach'd, many other Prayers were read, and short Sentences of Devo­tion repeated aloud in his Ears; and those words being often said, The Lord be merciful to thee, the Lord receive thy Soul, at that instant first he closed his Eyes with one Hand, and then lifting up the other, his Lips moved, and re­commending his Spirit to his Redeemer, he expir'd. [...]. Synes. Ep. 57. He is gone before me, whom I desir'd not to outlive: A Squinancy, whereof he dyed, was the Death of the only Pope that was born in England, Hadrian the Fourth: But the whole Conflux of the Disease that took him away, was in all circumstances the same with Padre-Paulo's the Servite, as the Author of his Life sets it down, that his Feet could receive no warmth, (the same Sym­ptom that laid hold of this Prelate) and that a Catarrh destroyed him. There are many Diseases dangerous and mortal; this is often cured by the launce of a sorry Chyrurgion, of whom there was none in that place.

Ego timeam terres trementes, quem crassior saliva suffocat?

Sen. de Nat. l. 6. c. 28.

[Page 228]The day of his farewel out of this Life was upon the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin, which was his Birth-day, the 25th of March, 1650. Dureque ad miseros veniebas exulis annos? says the banish'd Poet at Tomes, upon his Nativity-day, lib. 3. de Trist. El. 13. Pompey was slain as near as could be to his Birth-day, Pridie Natalium, in the Observation of Plutarch. William Earl of Penbrook died suddenly upon his very Birth-day, Sanders. Hist. p. 141. Macrobius tells a Wonder, Saturn. lib. 1. that Antipater Sidonius had ever a Feaver upon his Birth-day, and in his Old-age died of a great Fit the same day. This Holy Father had compleated the just number of 68 years: Satietas vitae maturum tempus mortis assert, Cic. de Sen. He was weary of Life in those hateful Times, therefore Death came welcome to him; and the more welcome, because he lamented his own Condition, that he could contribute nothing to raise up the Ruins of the Church and Kingdom. Tum cecidit, cum lugere rempub. potiùs possit, quàm servare, says the same Eloquent of Hortensius in his Brutus. When Satiety of Years was come about, a Body wasted, a Mind oppress'd with De­solation of the Publick-weal, it had been a Punishment not to dye, after that neat Similitude of Epictetus, lib. 2. c. 6. [...]. It is an Injury, or in his word a Curse, upon Corn, when it is Sum­mer-ripe, not to be cut down with the Sickle. So this worthy Father of the Church died in his Maturity of Age at Glocketh, in the Parish of Egloways­rose, in the County of Carnarvan; his Body was interred, where his House of Pentrin stands, in Llangeday, the Heriot which every Son of Adam must pay to the Lord of the Mannor of the whole Earth: If you look for more of him, it is in another and a better World.

[...],
[...],

Says the Epigram, Anthol. l. 3. If you look for Menender, (it is [...]all one if I said Archbishop Williams) look for him with GOD, and the Saints above. Or, if a little more will suffice, read this Inscription upon his Tomb, in the Chancel of Llangeday-Church. Plato, in the Twelfth Book of his Laws, would have no Epitaph exceed the length of four Verses; this shall not hold you four minutes.

211. HOspes lege, relege. Quod in hoc Sacello, paucis noto, haud expectares,
Hic situs est Johannes Wilhelmus, omnium Praesulum celeberrimus:
A paternis natalibus è familia Wilhelmorum de Coghwhillin ortus,
A maternis è Griffithis de Pentrin.
Cujus summum ingenium, & in omni genere literarum praestantia
Meruit ut, Regis Jacobi gratiâ ad Decanatum Sarum
Post Westmonasterii eveheretur.
Ut simul, atque uno munere, tanto Regi esset à consiliis secretis, & deliciis,
Magni Sigilli Custos, & Sedis Lincolniensis Episcopus:
Quem Carolus primus infula Episcop. Eboracen. decoraret.
Omnes scientias valdè edoctus: novem linguarum thesaurus:
Theologiae purae & illibatae medulla: prudentiae politicae cortina:
Sacrae, canonicae, civilis, municipalis sapientiae apex, & ornamentum.
Dulciloquii cymbalum, memoriae tenacissimae, plusquàm humanae:
Historiarum omnis generis myrothecium.
Magnorum operum, usque ad sumtum viginti mille librarum, structor.
Munificentiae, liberalitatis, hospitalis lautitri,
Misericordiae erga pauperes insigne exemplum.
Postquàm inter tempora luctuosissima
Satur esset omnium, quae videret, & audiret:
Nec Regi aut Patriae, per rabiem perduellium, ampliùs servire potuit,
Anno aetatis 68 o, expleto, Martis 25 o, qui fuit ei natalis,
Summâ fide in Christum, inconcussâ erga Regem fidelitate;
Animam, anginâ extinctus, piissimè Deo reddidit.
Nec refert quod tantillum monumentum, in occulto angulo positum.
Tanti viri memoriam servat.
Cujus virtutes omnium aetatum tempora celebrabunt.
Abi viator, sat tuis oculis debes.

212. That which my Prayers and Studies have long endeavoured, the dispatch of this Labour, is come to pass by the good Hand of God this Seven­teenth of February 1657. which is some hearts-ease, but with respect, that I wait the Consolation of the Lord in better times. Which Benefit, not I per­haps, but such as are younger may live to see: as the old Father said to his Son in Plaut. Trin. Mihi quidem aetas acta fermè est: Tuâ isthuc refert maximè. I need not admonish my Readers, for they find it all the way, that my Scope is not so much to insist upon the memorable things of one Man's Life; as to furnish them with reading out of my small store, that are well-willers to Learn­ing, in Theological, Political, and Moral Knowledge. Yet in those Obser­vations I have not set down a Cyrus, a feigned Subject, but wrought them in­to the true Image of this Prelate. So Nazianzen informs us, that when Atha­nasius drew out the Life of Anthony the Hermite, [...], He drew out the Instructions of a Rural Hermetical Lise in his Behaviour. Some are cheated with Wit now-a-days after the French fashion, and had rather Men should be commended in Romances of Persons, that were never extant, than in such as lived among us, truly deserved Glory, and did us good. My Subject is real, and not umbratick; a Man of as deep and large wisdom as I did ever speak with; and I fear not to say of him, as Laelius doth of Cato major, Aut enim nemo, quod quidem magis credo; aut, si quis usquam, ille sapiens fuit: He was constant to that Religion wherein he was ca­techized, and instructed in it more perfectly in Cambridge. A punctual ob­server of the ancient Church Orders, whereof he was a Governour, and a great decliner of innovations, holding to it, that what was long in use, if it were not best, it was fittest for the People. He tasted equally of great Pro­sperity and Adversity, and was a rare Example in both, like Lollius in Horace, Secundis rebus dubiisque rectus: not elevated with Honour, nor in the contrary state cast down. His Enemies lik't nothing worse in him than his Courage, and he pleased himself in nothing more: Of a stately Presence, and a Mind suitable to it. Some call'd it Pride and Haughtiness, a Scandal laid upon St. Basil, says Nazianzen, [...], They twisted him that he was lofty and supercilious. Under­lings will never forbear to object it to Men in places of Preheminence, when there is more of it in themselves. Well said Petrus Blesensis, Melior est purpurata humilitas, quàm pannosa superbia. Yet I concur with others, who knew this Lord, that Choler and a high Stomach were his Faults, and the only Defects in him. And it had been better for him, if he had known a meek temper, and how [Page 230]to be resisted. Otherwise his Vertues were super-excellent. A great Devotee to publick and private Prayer: There did not live that Christian that hated Revenge more than he, or that would forgive an Injury sooner. Most Mu­nificent, Liberal, Charitable above his Means, for he died in a Debt of 8000 l. though his Heir, Sir Griffith Williams, had enough in Mannors and Moveables to pay it. He loved to do things Praise-worthy. Nulla est tanta humilitas quae dul­cedine gloriae non capiatur, Valer. lib. 8. cap. 13. Justice, Charity, Temperance, tender Bowels of Compassion, enchased all his Life and Carriage with wonder­ful gracefulness. His Skill in the Tongues, his Skill in the course of all Acade­mical Arts, in all History, in all the parts of Divinity, must needs be excel­lent: for he had a piercing Wit, a sound Judgment, a strong Memory, and with all these concurred indefatigable Industry. Yet by the employment of a great Office, but much more by the Iniquity of troublesome Suits, Imprison­ments, fatal Wars, and most of all by the embezelling of his Notes and Papers, Posterity is little beholding to his Pen; but it owes greatly to his good Works. Et post mortem non opuscula sed opera pensanda, Sidon. lib. ep. 8. ep. 1. I will part with him now, as Xenophon did with Socrates in his Apology for him, [...]. That is, to a word, considering the Wisdom and Gallantry of the Man, I cannot choose but remember him, and when I remember him, I can­not but praise him. Se quisque ut vivit & effert. Manil. l. 2. But Praise be given to God for all his good Gists. Amen.

FINIS.

THIS Manuscript was writ by the Reverend Author above. Forty years since, in a small white Letter; it was printed in haste, to prevent a surreptitious Copy, and in the Absence of a Friend best acquainted with it; whereby the Greek Quotations are often false accented, besides other Mistakes in English, which the Reader is desired to excuse and amend.

Praesul noster quidam laesae Ma tis. insimulatus, & de quibusdam interrogatus, noluit tamen scripto Commisis subscribere, quia nescivit quomodo postea interpungerent.

Gatak. Cinn. Fol. Pag. 145.

ERRATA.

In the First PART.

PAge 1. Line 34. read grudged. p. 3. l. 1. r. Halicarnaseus. l. 41. r. many. p. 7. l. 33. r. Ma­nilius. p. 9. l. 15. r. mighty. l. 38. for Arlis, r. Aristotle. p. 13. l. 24. r. History. l. 62. r. Mag­deburge. p. 15. l. 18. r. in this Charity. p. 16. l. 10. r. contrast. p. 17. l. 30. r. Greek. p. 18. l. 48. r. when. p. 20. l. 54. r. do right. p. 24. l. 5. r. Humecta. l. 32. r. Experience. l. 40. r. Palatinate. p. 32. l. 38. r. Assassinates. p. 34. l. 10. for sear, r. seize. p. 39. l. 56. r. Bugden. p. 40. l. 60. r. to be rich. p. 50. l. 26. r. ply. p. 54. l. 10. dele come. l. 57. r. Burr. p. 56. l. 34. lege [...]. p. 58. l. 12. r. Landskip. l. 62. r. Cato Utica. p. 61. l. 41. r. actually. p. 65. l. 45. r. Briars. p. 72. l. 35. r. Marry. p. 73. l. 21. r. those Lords. p. 83. l. 4. for we, r. ye. l. 7. r. Septimius. l. 33. r. Con­tinementum. p. 86. l. 25. for whom, r. when. p. 87. l. 45. r. Anastasius. p. 94. l. 20. r. unnatural. p. 97. l. 56. r. Patri. p. 102. l. 26. r. ad Iter. p. 103. l. 18. for solus, r. solius. p. 111. l. 61. r. Pla­cita. p. 113. l. 43. r. Treaty. p. 123. l. 56. r. from the Womb. p. 124. l. 56. r. Verdure. p. 125. l. 26. r. in that order. l. 44. r. Undertakers. p. 126. l. 15. r. are not. p. 128. l. r. design. p. 132. l. 64. r. but an Eye. p. 151. l. 13. r. onerated. p. 153. l. 45. for World, r. Work. p. 159. l. 5. r. Majesty. p. 160. l. 19. r. formosa. l. 20. r. his Son. l. 33. r. Deiposories. p. 161. l. 55. r. thus much. p. 167. l. 30. r. effected. p. 168. l. 20. for ye, r. yet. p. 171. l. 60. for strong, r. strange p. 175. l. 13. r. Her­bert. l. 47. r. not expected. p. 177. l. 11. r. Petitio. p. 186. l. 32. for him, r. them. p. 189. l. 7. r. every. p. 191. l. 44. r. Want. p 200. l. 11. for Gods, r. Goods. p. 210. l. 50. r. he had. p. 211. l. 31. r. roosted. p. 212. l. 22. r. Hassia. p. 221. l. 20. r. auferri. p. 224. l. 36. r. froward. p. 226. l. 6. r. detested. l. 31. r. 68.

In the Second PART.

PAge 6. Line 10. réad the Stoick, fate. p. 13. l. 44. r. Fathers Heart. p. 14. l. 41. r. could not. p. 15. l. 53. r. a Admiral. p. 22. l. 9. r. be long. l. 55. r. Lordship. p. 29. l. 50. lege [...]. p. 30. l. 24. r. Therefore I return. p. 42. l. 17. r. he had left to be. l. 62. r. thick a Wall. p. 44. l. 34. r. Simler. p. 46. l. ult. r. Monstrare. p. 47. l. 47. r. false in much, bitter. p. 61. l. 18. r. Stings of Wit. p. 65. l. 24. r. appearing. p. 68. l. 57. r. Saunderson. p. 72. l. 7. r. to their. p. 87. l. 25. r. Gharles V. l. 56. r. advancer. p. 93. l. 20. r. Sub-Dean. p. 107. l. 21. r. hebetantur. l. 33. r. Deficilis. p. 108. l. 17. dele not. p. 112. l. 32. r. inexpiable. p. 120. l. 52. r. Hatton. p. 142. l. 35. r. pejor. p. 161. l. 17. r. Longinus. p. 162. l. 17. r. Pessimc. p. 169. l. 24. for Sacred, r. Civil. p. 182. l. 10. dele not p. 187. l. 45. for est, r. esse. p. 193. l. 11. r. Paradox. p. 203. l. 38. r. Saltus. p. 216. l. 4. r. inchan­ted. p. 219. r. Mitton. p. 224. l. 37. r. by St. John and Dorislaus. p. 227. l. ult. r. Terras. p. 228. l. 4. r. Tomos. p. 229. l. 7. r. lautitiri.

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