The old Kings of Italy of the Aborigines.

• 1 Janus,
  A. M. 2637.
  the first King of the Aborigines, who lived in the same time with Boax and Ruth. He received Saturn flying out of Crete from Jupiter, and left him his Kingdom at his death. He is sayd to be the founder of the Citie of Gen [...]a, and to have given name to the Hill in Rome called Janicula, on which it was supposed that he had his dwell­ing.
• 2 Saturn, who taught the people the use of dunging of their lands, and for that cause was honoured by them as a God, under the name of Stercutius, as St. Austin hath it. He reigned first together with Janus, and afterwards by himself alone, the whole time of both their reigns was 33 years.
• 3 Picus,
  2670.
  well skilled in divination by the flight and chattering of Birds, and therefore feigned by the Poets to be turned into a Pye. He entertained Evander and his Arcadi­ans, giving them the Hill (called after Aventine) to build upon. 37.
• 4 Fannus,
  2707.
  the sonne of Picus, and the husband of Fatua, in whose time Hercules came into Italy, vanquished the Giants of Cremona, and killed the Giant C [...]cus who had fled out of Spain. 44.
• 5 Latinus,
  2751.
  the sonne of Faunus, who entertained Aeutas comming from the wars and de­struction of Troy, and gave him his daughter Lavinia to wife, with his Kingdom, after him in Dower. 36.
• 6 Lavinia,
  2787.
  daughter to Latinus, and Queen of the Latins, maried to Aeneas, whom she out-lived, he being slain in his Wars against Mezentius the King of Tuscany, the sonne or successor of that Mezentius (an ungodly Tyrant) whom Aeneas had before slain in his war with Turnus and the Latins. 7.

Kings of the Latins of the Trojan or Silvian rate.

• 1 Aeneas,
  A. M. 1787.
  the sonne of Anchises, and Husband of Lavinia, slain in his wars against Mezen­tius King of the Tuscans or Hetrurians, as before is said. 3.
• 2 Ascanius,
  2790.
  the sonne of Aeneas by Creusa his former Wife, for fear of whom Lavinia be­ing great with child, fled into a Wood, and was there delivered of a son called Silvius. He removed the Seat Royall from Lavinium to Longa Alba, a City of his own buil­ding. 38.
• 3 Silvius Posthumus,
  2828.
  the sonne of Aeneas by Lavinia, preferred unto the Kingdom by the love of the people before Iulus the sonne of Ascanius (the founder of the Julian family) from whom all the Kings of this Race had the name of Silvii; Iulus being honoured with the chief Priesthood (an office next in dignity to that of the King) which he trans­lated afterwards unto his Posterity. 29.
• 4 Aeneas Silvius.
  2857.
  31.
• 5 Latinus Silvius.
  2888.
  50.
• 6 Alba Silvius,
  2938.
  so called because of his beautifying and repairing the City Alba, then in some decay. 39.
• 7 Capetus Silvius.
  2977.
  24.
• 8 Capys Silvius,
  3001.
  said to be the founder of the Citie of Capua; which shewes that he ex­tended his dominion further than the Province of Latium. 28.
• 9 Capetus Silvius.
  3029.
  13.
• 10 Tiberinus Silvius,
  3042.
  from whom the River Tiber derives that name, being formerly called Albula. 8.
• 11 Agrippa Silvius.
  3050.
  40.
• 12 Alladius Silvius,
  3090.
  who to make himself the more terrible to his subjects, studied a way to imitate the Thunder, but was killed at last by a reall Thunder-clap from Heaven. 19.
• 13 Aventinus Silvius,
  3109.
  vvho gave name to the Hill Aventine. 37.
• 14 Procas Silvius.
  3146.
  23.
• 15 Amulius Silvius,
  3169.
  the younger sonne of Procas, setting aside his Brother Numitor, ob­tained the Kingdom for himself; slain at last by Rom [...]lus, and Numitor setled in the Throne. 42.
• 16 Numitor,
  3211.
  the 21 King from Janus, and the last King of the Latins, restored by Romulus to the Throne; and after the short reign of one year onely, deprived by him both of life and Kingdom. After whose death the Latins, or Albans, had no more Kings, but kept themselves as a Free-estate till subdued to Rome. 1.

Concerning this it is to be understood, that Amulius having chased his elder brother Numitor out of the Country, and possessed himself of the Throne, caused his brothers daughter Rhea (for preventing any issue by her) to be shut up in the Temple of Vesta. Where she proving the mother of two sonnes, was according to the Law buried quick, and her children by the cruel Tyrant cast out to be devoured of wild Beasts. They were found by Faustulus the Kings Shepheard, nurst by his Wife, for her infamous life called Lupa (whence came the Fable, that they were suckled by a Wolf) and being grown to mans estate, slew the Tyrant Amulius, placing their Grandfather Numitor in the Royall Throne, whom not long after they deprived both of life and kingdom. Of these, the eldest was named Romulus. and the younger Rhemus, who leaving Alba to the short possession of their Grandfather Numitor, layd the foundation of the most famous City of Rome: which Romulus first hanselled with the blood of his Brother Rhemus, who had disdainfully leapt over the walls of his new City. This City he made an Asylum, or place of Refuge for all commers, of what desperate estate soever, and having ranked them into order, made himself their King A people of so base a nature, that their neighbours refused to give them any of their daughters in mariage: So they were destitute of Wives, and consequently not like to continue a people long; till on a proclamation made of some plaies and pastimes, many of the Sabine women flocked thither to behold the sports; whom the Romans seized on, and forced an unwilling consent from them to become their Wives. From such a base and low beginning did this City rise to be the Empress of the World.

The Kings of Rome.

• 1 Romulus,
  A. M. 3213.
  the founder of Rome: He made peace with Tatius King of the Sabines, comming against him to revenge the ravishment of their women; incorporating him and his into his new Citie, and by that means adding thereto a fair and goodly Ter­ritory, 37.
• [Page 40] 2 Numa,
  3251.
  the first Author of the Roman Ceremonies. 43.
• 3 Tullus Hostilius,
  3294.
  who enlarged the borders of Rome by the conquest of Alba, the mother-Citie of the Latins, and vanquished the Fidenates. 32.
• 4 Ancus Martius,
  3326.
  who built Ostia on the mouth of Tiber, to be an Haven to the City.
• 5 Tarquinius Priscus, who subdued many of the Tuscan Nations, encreased the number of the Tribes and Senators, and added the triumphall ornaments. 38.
• 6 Servius Tullus,
  3388.
  who first caused the people to be inrolled, and brought into cense. 44.
• 7 Tarquinius Superbus,
  3432.
  sonne to the former Tarquinius. He vanquished the Gabi [...], and took the Towns of Ardea, Ocriculum, and Suessa Pometia; but for his own insolent behaviour, and a Rape committed on Lucretia the Wife of Collatine by his sonne Sex­tus, he and his whole Race were driven out of the Town, Anno Mund. 3457. V. C. 268.

After this, the Romans loathing the name of King, caused two Officers to be chosen out of the Patricii or chief Citizens, to whom they gave the name of Consuls, à consulendo, from counselling of, and consulting the good of the Common-wealth, ut consulere se suis civibus meminerint, saith the Historian, their name being a memento of their charge or duty. And in this office they resolved to have alwaies two, and those but onely for a year, Ne vel solitudine vel morâ potestas corrumperetur. And though some had the fortune to be Consuls two or three years together; yet every new year they were a-new chosen, and so their Offices reckoned as severall; neither do we find any to have been elected for less than a year, unless upon the death or deposition of a former, untill the Civill wars. But then cùm belli civilis praemia festinari coeperunt, when the services done in the Civill wars required a quicker turn in requitall, the Consulship was given only for some part of the year, and ordinarily for two Moneths: tbe first Consuls being named Ordinarii, in whose names the writings made for the whole year were dated; the other Minores, or Honorarii, which only served to make up a number. For so ambitious were the Romans of this honor, that when Maximus died in the last day of his Consulship, Caninius Rebilus peti­tioned Caesar for that part of the day that remained▪ whence that so memorated jest of Tully, O vigilantem Consulem, qui toto consulatùs sui tempore somn [...]m occulis non vidit. And when Cecina was by the Senate degraded from this honour on the day in which he was to have resigned it; one Roscius Regulus obtained the office from Vitellius for the day remaining: but as the Historian noteth, magno cùm irrisu accipientis, tribuent is (que). Now as the Romans did thus exceed the first num­ber of Consuls, so sometimes fell they short of it. The first that was sole Consul was Pompey, in the beginning of the Civill Wars, viz. A. V. C. 703. The next, one Varanes, A. C. 410. This Office, from the first institution to the finall period of it, continued at the least in name (for the Emperors had of long time assumed the Power and Prerogatives appertaining to it) the space of 1084. yeers, though not without many intermissions of the Name and Title, by the severall interposings of the Decemviri, the Dictators, and the Consular Tribunes, of which more anon. The last Consull was one Basilius, in the time of Justinian, A. Ch. 542. The two first, Colla­tinus the husband of Lucretia, and Junius Brutus, by whose instigation the people had took Arms against the house of the Tarquins. A man so zealous in defence of the common liberty, so re­solutely bent to make good what he had begun, and so extremely opposite to the Royal Race, that he not only caused Collatine to resign his Office within the yeer, because he was of the blood of the Tarquins▪ but executed his own sonnes for holding correspondence and intelligence with them.

But though the Government were changed, the old design was followed which the Kings had laid for the inlarging of their Empire; but followed with so slow a pace, by reason of their factions and divisions, that it was full 500: yeers before they could be Masters of Italie. A matter not unworthy of our consideration, that the Italians should hold out so long a time a­gainst the puissance of the Romans; when in less than half that time ensuing, they did possess themselves of almost all Europe, and many goodly Kingdomes and Provinces both in Asia and Africk. So different a thing it was (as is said by Florus) dare caput Italia, to contract the many limbs of Italie into one body, and unite them under one head.

But to proceed; after Italy was fully conquered by them, they fell upon the Carthaginians, as their neerest Neighbours; whose overthrow, in the end of the first Punick War, A. V. C. 512. gave them the full possession of Sicil (except the State of Syracusa,) and the Isle of Sardinia. After that being molested in their Trade by the Illyrian Pirates, and finding them countenanced therein by the Queen of that Nation, they made a fortunate War against her, and brought that puissant people to become their Tributalies, A. V. C. 525. The second Carthaginian war, mana­ged by Annibal in the bowells of Italie▪ had almost put a period to the glories of their Com­mon-wealth. But that being also ended to their advantage by the conquest of Spain, they quar­relled Philip King of Macedon, who had aided Annibal, compelled him to accept of peace on their own terms, and after outed his sonne Perseus of all his Dominions, making Macedon a Province of Rome, and all the rest of Greece but their Tenants at will. Nor was it long before they picked a quarrell with Anti [...]ch [...]s the great King of Syria, made him abandon his possession of the Lesser Asia; and finally prevailed so successfully in all their actions; that there was nei­ther King nor Common-wealth that could stand in their way, untill the State being burdened with its too much greatness, began to totter of it self.

[Page 41] Two things there were which much conduced to the advancement of the Romans to their power and greatness, besides the providence of God which had so disposed it; which were the great encouragements which they gave their Souldiers, and the Triumphant manner of reception which they used to bestow upon their Gener [...]ls, when they returned home with honor and victo­ry. For when any of their Generals did so return, he was permitted to enter sitting on a glorious Chariot, the spoils which he had got in war being carried before, the prisoners he had taken follovving bound at the heels of his Chariot; his Souldiers compassing him about vvith their severall Crowns, according to the quality of their well-deservings; and all the Fathers of the City, attended by the Priests and principall Ladies, going out to meet him. The first beginning of vvhich custome is ascribed to Romulus, who in the war which Acron King of the Ceninenses made against him in revenge of the rape committed by the Romans on the Sabine women, seeing his people give ground, called for help to Jupiter, and vowed if he overcame King Acron, to offer up his Armour to him. Acron being vanquished, the Conqueror cutteth down a fair young Oak, and hangeth on it all the Armour of the vanquished King; then girding his Gown close unto him, and putting on his head a Garland of Lawrell, he laid the Oak upon his shoulders, and marched towards the City; his Army following him, and singing an Epinicion or song of victory. To this we must referre the originall and beginning of Triumphs. But nihil est inventum & perfectum eodem tempore, as the saying is. Tarquinius Priscus long after Romulus, added here­unto the Purple Robe, and the Triumphant Chariot drawn with four Horses. The other pomps came afterwards as they grew both in power and pride. Now of these Triumphs there were two sorts, the Greater, which vvas properly called a Triumph; and the Lesser, vulgarly called the Ovation, which differed from one another in many Circumstances. For, 1. The Trium­pher made his entrance in a Royall Chariot, and was met by the Senators in their Robes; but the Ovator made his entrance on foot, and vvas met only by the Knights and Gentlemen of Rome. 2. The Triumpher had a Lavvrell Crovvn, and entred vvith the noise of Drums and Trumpets; but the Ovator had onely a Garland of Fir, with Flutes and Haultbo [...]es playing be­fore him. 3. The Triumpher was attired in a Garment of State, which they called Vestis tra­beata; but the Ovator in a plain Purple Gown only. 4. In a Triumph the Souldiers cried out, Io Triumphe; but in an Ovation they ingeminated onely O, O, O, from the often doubling of which word, it had (as some think) the name of an Ovation, 5 ^ly. and lastly, the Triumpher used to sacrifise a certain number of Oxen; but the Ovator a Sheep only; from whence the name is properly to be derived.

Now there were three Cases in which the Conqueror was to be content with this lesser Tri­umph. 1. If the number of the enemies whom he slew in battell exceeded not 5000. men; or that he had not so much overcome them by force, as perswasion or subtilty: 2. If the War had been slight, cursorie, or not lawfully mannaged; And 3 ^ly. If it were against an ignoble E­nemy. And of this last we have a fair instance in P. Rupilius, who having got the victory in the Servile War, (a victory of great importance to the State of Rome) was yet content with an Ovation; nè Trimmphi dignitatem Servili inscriptione violaret, as it is in Florus. As for the grea­ter Triumphs they were indeed very full of magnificence; the pomp whereof, who list to see, may find it in the Triumph of Paulus Aemilius described by Plutarch; though by that which hath before been said, we may conjecture somewhat at the glories of it. And yet this honour was not alwayes vouchsafed to those who had best deserved it, there being many vvays vvhereby it might be forfeited or denied in a factious State, and jealous of the over-greatness of the Men of War. For, 1. Sometimes it vvas denied a victorious Generall, by the strength of a contrary Faction: and so Pompey denied Metellus the honour of a Triumph for the conquest of Crete. 2. Sometimes the Conqueror himself vvas vvilling to decline it for fear of envy: And so Marcellus in Plutarch, after his conquest of Sicilie, having triumphed tvvice before, refused that honour, his reason vvas, [...], for fear his third Triumph might be­come a matter of envy. 3. Sometimes the Souldiers having been ill paid, or othervvise not vvell treated by their Commanders, opposed them in their sute for it: and this vvas the case of Paulus Aemilius, vvho questionless had missed this honor, for not dividing amongst them the spoils of Greece, as he once had promised, if Servilius and others of the Senate, making it their ovvn case, had not stickled hard for him vvith the Souldiers. 4. It vvas sometimes denyed, because the Generall had borne no publick Office in the Common-vvealth. For so in Lavie, vvhen Lentulus coming Proconsul out of Spain required a Triumph, the Fathers ansvvered, that he had indeed done things vvorthy of that honor, but that they had no president for it, ut qui ne (que) Consul, ne (que) Dictator, ne (que) Praetor res gessisset, Triumpharet. 5. Sometimes the Generals them­selves omitted it, for the furtherance of some of their other purposes. And so Caesar coming towards Rome, a Victor, at the same time the Consuls were to be chosen, laid aside his demand of the Triumph, to sue for the Consulship; it being the custome that such as demanded the Tri­umph should abide without the City, and such as sued for the Consulship must of necessity be within. 6. Sometimes it was denied, when the War had been undertaken without the Com­mand of the Senate; in which respect the Triumph was denied unto Manlius on the conquest of Galatia by him, to the great inlargement of their Empire; quia causam Belli Senatus non appro­bavit, because he had no Commission from the Senate for it. 7. Ther [...] was no Triumph granted [Page 42] if the War had been Civill, because in all such Wars whosoever was Conqueror, the Common-wealth was a loser by it. And therefore Pompey and Metellus having vanquished Sertorius, and his party in Spain, would have it called a Forrain, not a Civill War, because they would not lose their Triumph. Externum magis id bellum quàm▪ Civile videri voluerunt, ut Triumpharent. 8. If the victory had not been obtained without great loss on the Romans side; in which re­gard Valerius after his conquest of the Galls was denied this honor; quia magis dolor civibus a­missis, quam gaudium fusis hostibus praevaluit, saith Alexander ab Alexandro. 9 ^ly. and lastly, The Triumph was denied a Generall, if the service had not been performed in his own Pro­vince: And so we find that when Livius and Nero being Consulls had vanquished Asdrubal, Livius onely had the Triumph, though Nero was the man that had won the day, because the field was fought in the Province of Livius, to which Nero came but as an Accessary, or As­sistant.

And these are all, or at the least the principall causes of hindering or omitting this great honor, indeed the greatest that the Free-State could be capable of. But after when the Com­mon-wealth was changed into a Monarchie, it began to be laid aside for altogether, as too great for Subjects; and was first purposely neglected by Vipsanius Agrippa, the Establisher of Au­gustus in the Roman Empire, who when he had a Triumph decreed unto him, for quenching cer­tain Rebellions in Asia, and his quiet setling of that Countrey, to give Posterity an example, refused to accept it. And this example being (as it were a rule) to others, occasioned that this custom was in short time quite layd aside, and that no man under the degree of an Emperour Triumphed solemnly; all others from thence forth, content with the triumphall Ornaments, [...], in the words of Dion. And though Belisarius having subdued the Kingdom of the Vandals in Africk, is said (600 years after the death of Agrippa) to have had the honour of a Triumph, yet in propriety of speech, it was nothing but an honourable presenting of himself and his prisoners before the Emperour; and was so far from the magnificence of a Roman Triumph, that it wanted many of the solemnities used in an Ovation. Nor did the Emperours themselvs much affect this honour, either because too popular, or too chargeable, or that they thought it was beneath the Imperiall Majesty; the last (as I remember) that made use thereof to set forth his glories, being Valerius Probus, after his victories over the Germans, and the Blemyae, a people of Africk, in or about the year 284 of our Saviours birth.

In the next place look we on the incouragements and rewards of the common Souldiers: be­sides the setting out of Lands and dwellings for the poorer sort, in which they might rest them­selves when they were past service; and besides the large donatives which the Generall in his Triumph did bestow upon them; they had their murall Crown, for him that first scaled the Walls; a navall Crown, for him that first borded the Enemies Ships; a Camp Crown, or C [...]ro [...]a Castrensis, for him that had forced a way into the Tents or Camp of the Enemy; a Citie Crown, or Corona Civica, for him that had preserved the life of a Roman Citizen. Not to say any thing of those Chains and Bracelets which souldiers of inferiour merit were adorned withall. By which en­couragements, and the good conduct of their Counsels in the Senate, the Roman affairs succeed­ed so prosperously, and their Dominions were enlarged so immensly, that never any Common­wealth had so large a growth.

And yet the greatness of this state is neither totally nor only to be attributed to the Consular Government. For though the walls of this great building were raised by the Consuls, yet the foundation of the same was layd by the Kings, and the roof thereof layd on by the Emperors. Nay, be it spoken to the honour of Monarchicall Government, whensoever any great and im­minent danger did seem to threaten them, they were fain to lay a [...]ide their confidence in the rule of their Consuls, and betake themselves to the command of one Soveraign Officer, whom they called Dictator. Of which, and the other changes hapning in the state of Rome, take this short abstract from Corn. Tacitus. ‘ Urbem Roman à principi [...] Reges habuere, &c. The City of Rome was in the beginning governed by Kings. Liberty and the Consulship L. Brutus brought in. The Dictators were chose but for a time; The Decemviri passed not two years, neither had the Consular authority of the Tribunes of the Souldiers any long continuance, nor Cinnas nor Syllas dominion. Pompey and Crassus quickly yeelded to Caesars forces; Lepidus and Antony to Augustus.’ So Tacitus in brief of these publick changes: Of which, as to the Decemviri, which were instituted only on a particular occasion for the reforming of the Laws by those of Athens, and the Military Tribunes of Consular Authority ordained to divert common people from seeking after the Consulship; I shall here say nothing. But as for the Dictators, being Officers of a Supreme power, and such as made way for the Emperors in the close of all, I shall inlarge a little further. They were called Dictators à Dictando, because they prescribed what they pleased unto the people, which they were bound to execute and not dis­pute. Hence that memorable jest of Julius Caesar, who being told that Sylla had resigned his Di­ctatorship, though by decree of Senate made perpetuall to him, returned this Answer, that Sylla was an unlearned man, dictare nesciit, and therefore knew not how to dictate, or to play the Di­ctator. They were also called Populi Magistri, or the peoples Masters, because from them lay no Appeal unto the people (as did from all the rest of the Roman Magistrates) during the whole time of their command▪ which ordinarily continued for fix moneths; yet so, that if they [Page] did in the mean time settle the affairs of the Commonwealth, they resig [...]ed it sooner; if the necessities of the State required a longer continuance in it, they were chosen again. The names of as many of them as I have met withall, I have here sub-joyned, together with the ser­vices they did the publick in the time of their Office.

The Dictators of Rome.

• 1 Titus Largius,
  A. V. C. 253.
  chosen upon occasion of a generall War, made by the Latins upon Rome; the first that ever had this Office.
• 2 Aulus Posthumus,
  257.
  chosen to pursue that war, which he ended with the slaughter of 30000 of the Latins.
• 3 L. Quinctius Cincinnatus,
  295.
  chosen to this office from the Plough, overcame the Volsci; cho­sen again An. V. C. 314, to suppress the sedition raised by Sp. Melius.
• 4 Aemilius Mamercus,
  316.
  overcame the Veientes and the Fidenates, and was thrice in eleven years called unto this Office.
• 5 Pub. Servilius,
  338.
  who finally vanquished the Fidenates, and the Lavicani.
• 6 Furïus Camillus,
  354.
  who finally destroyed the City of the Veii, and being chosen a se­cond time, A. V. C. 362. preserved his Country from the Galls: thrice chosen after this upon new occasions.
• 7 Tit.
  375.
  Quinctius Cincinnatus, chosen in the War against the Latins.
• 8 L. Manlius,
  385.
  elected in the time of a grievous Pestilence to find a way for the appeasing of the Gods.
• 9 C. Sulpitius.
  396.
• 10 Martius Rutilius the first Dictator chosen out of the Commons.
  418.
• 11 L. Papyrius subdued the Samnites.
• 12 Cossus;
  438.
  by whom the Samnites were again vanquished.
• 13 Aemilius, who also overcame the Samnites.
• 14 Lentulus, who triumphed also over the Samnites.
• 15 I. Bubulcus,
  451.
  who finally subdued the Aequi and the Volsci.
• 16 Corn. Rufinus.
• 17 Q. Hortensius,
  467.
  chosen for appeafing a difference betwixt the Senate and the Common▪ who had fortified themselves in Janiculus, one of the Hils whereon [...] stood.
• 18 Cl. Glizias,
  505.
  forced to resign his office to 19 Atilius Colatinus, the first that exercised his office out of Italy; he was chosen in the first Punick War.
• 20 Fabius Maximus,
  536.
  chosen in the war against Annibal.
• 21 M. Junius,
  537.
  chosen upon the great defeat which the Roman Forces had at the battell of Cannae.
• 23 L. Manlius Torquatus,
  545.
  chosen upon the death of Marcellus the Consul sl [...]in by Annibal.
• 24 L. Sylla (descended from that Corn. Rufinas,
  672.
  who had been formerly in this office) ha­ving by force of Arms suppressed the faction of Marius and Cinna, made himself ma­ster of the City, and caused himself to be chosen Perpetuall Dictator, which office having exercised with a great deal of cruelty, he resigned with as great a con­fidence.
• 25 C. Iulius Caesar,
  707.
  descended from Iulus the sonne of Ascanius, who was the second King of the Trojan Race, having conquered Britain, and added all [...]ause Transalpine to th [...] Roman Empire, and finding himself unworthily requited by the faction of Pompey, passed with his Army after him into Greece; and having vanquished him in the fields of Pharsalia, and made himself absolutely master of the Roman Empire, took to himself the supreme Government thereof under the title of Dictator, which having managed for the space of five years, he was murthered in the Senate house by Brutus and Caessius.

Before the time of these Perpetuall Dictator [...], the Romans having some enemies or other that opposed the progress of their fortunes, had not the leisure to contend with one another in a pub­lick way, or if they did, their differences and seditions were soon composed. But being grown so great as to fear no Enemy; and the Estate so vast, that it was grown too nighty for a po­pular Government; then they began to practise on the peoples patience, and to project the sha­ing of the Empire amongst the great ones. Concerning which, take here this short Epita [...], which I find in Tacitus. ‘ Rebus modicis aqualica [...] facile habebatus, &c. While (saith he) our Dominions were but small, Equalitie was easily maintained among us. But after we had subdued the World, and destroyed all Kings and Cities that stood in our way, or might world our annoyance; vvhen vve had leisure to seek after Wealth vvithout perill, there arose hot contentions betvvixt the Nobilitie and the Commons. Sometimes the factious Tribunes car­ried it avvay; sometimes the Consuls had the better; and in the City and common Forum, some little skirmishes (the beginning of our Civil Wars) were sometimes seen. Afterwards C. Marius one of the meanest of the Commonally, and L. Syll [...] the most cruel of all the [Page 44] Nobility, by force of Arms overthrowing the Free-State, reduced all to an absolute Govern­ment. To them succeeded [...]n. Pompe [...]us, a little closer in his projects, but nothing better mind­ed to the Common-wealth: Et nunquam postea nisi de Principatu quaesitum, and never after that was any other point debated, than who should get the Soveraignty unto himself.’ So Tacitus, and he stateth it rightly. For after Pompey had revived the controversie, and had found Caesar a better disputant than himself; Augustus, Antony, and Lepidus (on the death of Caesar) made good the Argument; attracting all power unto themselves by the name of Triumviri; till Augustus having out-witted Lepidus, and vanquished M. Antony at the battell of Actium, became sole Soveraign of the State, by the name of Prince; Et cuncta bellis civilibus fessa, nomine Principis sub imperium accepit, as that Author hath it.

But touching those great alterations in the State of Rome, the contentions for the chief command, and the Reduction of it to a Monarchy by Augustus Caesar; I published a Discourse in the year 1631 (but written many years before) under the title of AUGUSTUS, or an Essay of those Means and Counsels whereby the Common-wealth of Rome was altered, and reduced to a Monar­chy. Which being but short, so pertinent to the present business, and so well entertained when it came abroad; I hope it will not be improper or unprofitable to sub-joyn it here. The Reader may either peruse it, or praetermit it, as his fancy guides him. And here it followeth in these words.

THey which have heretofore written of Common-wealths, have divided them into three Spe­cies. The Government of the King; secondly, of the Nobles; and thirdly, of the People. Either of these is again subdivided into good and evill: The evill form being only the good cor­rupted; the bad nothing else but the good refined. So is the Government of a King divided into a Monarchy, and a Tyranny; Of the Nobles, into an Aristocracy, and an Oligarchy; Of the People, into a Republick, and a Democra [...]y. All these, as well in generall, as in the severall cou­plets, have a secret Inclination to change the one into the other; and to make a Pythagorical transmigration (as it were) into each other being. I need not stand on many instances. The Common-wealth of Rome (into whose stories whosoever looketh, will judge them rather to contain the acts of the whole World, than a particular Nation) will serve for all. Romulus at the foundation of his City, reserved unto himself the chief Soveraignty, leaving it entire to his Successors. Numa, Ancus, Tullus, Tarquin the Elder, and Servius, governed themselves so moderately, and the people so justly, that they affected not Tyranny; nor the Commons Liberty. They appeared more desirous to fill the Coffers of their Subjects; than their own Treasuries: And when necessity compelled them to a Tax, they rather seemed to sheer their sheep than fleece them. But Tarquin the second, commonly called Superbus, a man of insupportable Vices, having by violence enthronized himself in that Chair of State, which (had not his ambitious spirit been impatient of delay) would have been his rightfull Inheritance; made his Government answer­able to his enterance, cruel and bloody. How many men, eminent as well by their own vertue, as their Parents Nobilitie, did he cut off? How many did he for no cause promote, to make their fall the more remarkable? What part of the Senate was free from slaughter? What corner of the City from lamentations? Yet this was not all. The miserable Romans were visited with three Plagues at once; Pride in the Father, Crueltie in the Mother, and Lust exorbitant in their sonne Sextus, a true Copy of the old Originals. Either of these had been more than enough to exercise the peoples patience: But meeting all at one time, it seemed that nothing could now be added to the wretchedness of the one; and the wickedness of the other. Brutus (a name fatall to Tyrants) did easily perswade the Commons to shake off this yoak. For they, as well de­sirous of Novelties, as sensible of Oppressions, had long since murmured at the present State; and wanted nothing but a head to break out into actuall Rebellion. So the People got the Freedom, and the Kings lost the Soveraignty of the City. A. V. C. 244.

2 Brutus, although he wanted no fair title to the Crown, yet either perceiving how odious the name of King was grown; or perhaps willing to be rather the first Consul, than the last Prince; instituted a new form of Government: Wherein the sway of all was referred to the Fathers of the City; out of whom two were annually chosen as chief of the rest. And here in certainly he dealt very advisedly. For had he sought to confirm himself in the Kingdom, what could men judge, but that, not love to his Country was the cause that stirred him to take Arms, but desire of Rule. Again, besides that secure Privacie is to be preferred before hazardous Royalty; what hope had he to keep the seat long, having by his own example taught the people both the Theory and Practice of Rebellion. Under this new Aristocraty the Roman affairs succeeded so prosperously, their dominions were inlarged so immensly, that it may well be questioned, whether the Roman fortune caused their greatness, or their valour commanded their fortune. For the Governours not seeking wealth but honour, or not their own wealth but the publick, did so demean themselves both in Peace and War, that there was between all, a vertuous emula­tion, who should most benefit his Countrey. An happiness which was too great to continue long. The people had as yet no written Laws: Custom bearing most sway; and the rest of the Law locked up in the breast of the Judges. To avoyd such inconveniencies as might hence ensue, there were some men, conceived to be as sound in judgement, as honest in their actions, [Page] deputed by a generall Commission to take an abstract of the Grecian Laws; according to the tenor whereof, A. V. C. 3 [...] the people were to frame their lives, the Judges their sentences. Here followed the Oligarchy or Decemvirate State of Rome, but long it lasted not. For these new Lords joyning forces together, made themselves rich with the spoil of the people, not caring by what unlaw­full means they could purchase either profit or pleasure. Appius Claudius, one of the Decem­viri, was the break-neck of this Government. He unmindfull of Lucretia and the Tarquius, lust­ed after Virginia, a woman though of low condition, yet such a woman in whom beauty and vertue strove for the preheminence. The issue was, that she (to save her honour) was slain by her own Father in an open Assembly of the people; Appius forced to make away himself in prison; and the rest of that Magistracy abdicating their Offices, the Consuls were for a time restored.

3. The people fleshed with this victory, and calling to mind how their Ancestors had in like manner banished the Kings, began to know their own strength, and stomacked it exceedingly, that they on whose shoulders the frame of the State was supported, should be so much under the Command of others; that they who were Lords abroad, should be below the condition of Slaves at home. Hereupon they raise a tumult under the Conduct of their Tribune Canuleius. Nor could they by any perswasions be induced to lay down Arms, till they had obtained a De­cree, A. V. C. 308. That from thenceforth, the Nobles and the Commons might promiscuously be maried. And this was the first step to the Republique. The gaining this new Privilege, put them in possibi­lity of obtaining greater. They now sue to be capable of the Consulship. The Fathers con­sulting of this demand, wisely fore-saw, that to grant their Petition, or to deny it, was alike dangerous. For were it utterly dashed, it was to be feared the People would again forsake the City; and yet make their stay more insolent and insupportable, if it were granted. C. Claudius, one who by his honourable behaviour, was by both parties had in an equall degree of reve­rence, quickly proposed a middle course, whereby the fury of the multitude might be appea­sed, without blemish to the Consular dignity. He constituted six Annuall Officers, equally cho­sen out of the People and the Nobles, A. V. C. 310. calling them Tribuni Militum Consularis potestatis. This Office continued, but not without many Interstitiums, the space of 78. yeers. Which time ex­pired, and some experience being had of the peoples Government; the Lords of the Senate did decree, That one of the Consuls should from thenceforth be chosen by, and out of the Com­mons; that they should be capable of all Magistracies; A. V. C. 388. yea, even of the Dictatorship. So that now Vertue was as speedy a Ladder to climb unto Honors, as Nobility of Birth; and a Good man as much respected as a Great. A rare felicity of the times.

4. The People being thus mixt with the Nobles, as well in Mariages, as Honors; one would have thought that this Common-wealth, being thus equally poysed, had been immortall. But as in the Naturall Body, there can be no exact and Arithmeticall proportion of the humors and elements, without some predominancie: So in the Body Politique, can there be no equall mix­ture of Plebeians and Patritians, without the supremacy of the one or the other. The people had presently after the institution of the Consuls, raised a Commotion, and with-drew them­selves into Mount Aventine. Nor could they be intreated to return into the City, till there were granted unto them peculiar Officers called Tribuni Plebis, or Protectors of the Commons. These being not long after by the Common Councell▪ pronounced to be Sacrosancti, A. V. C. 26. and invio­lable, began to heave the Popular State too high, and thrust the Aristoeraticall too low, not re­garding to lose the love of the one, so they might get the applause of the other. Insomuch, that matters of judgment were devolved from the Fathers to the Commons; and the authority of the Senate trod under foot by the people. Nay, they proceeded so far, that Marius being Tribune, threatned to send Cotta the Consul unto Prison. And Sulpitius in the same Office, made the Consuls forsake the Senate-house, and slew one of their sonnes, whose heels were now nimble enough to flie away. And now were the Romans governed by that form of rule, than which there is no lower. So that as well by an inevitable necessity in Nature, as the ordinary course of Policies, there must be a reverting to the first, and Monarchicall Authority. For question­less it fareth many times with a Common-wealth, as with the Sun, which runneth through all the signs of the Zodiack till it return to the place where its motion first began. And the Plato­nick year of reducing all things to the same beginning, continuance, and period; how false soever in the Books of Nature, is in some sort true in the change of Government.

5. The way down-hill is easie and ordinary, but to ascend unto the top requireth both wit to frame the steps, and courage to give the attempt: So was it here also with the Romans. They had naturally, and almost insensibly faln from a Monarchy to a Pop [...]lacy, or Democracy: But to ascend from a Populacy to a Monarchy, required many steps and degrees in many, much industry in all. Mari [...]s and Sylla, well skilled in feeding the humors of the people, were the first that attempted, and severally mounted to such a height of command, as never durst any promise to them, nor they hope for themselves. Marius was of an harsh and stern nature, equally cruell to the Enemies in war, and the people in peace; one whose birth the Romans might have had just cause to curse, had he not saved them from the Cimbri. Sylla was one whose carriage none could enough commend before, or sufficiently condemn after his prosperity. A man whose Peace was far more bloudy than his Wars, a better Subject than a Prince. These two gave way each to other, and both to death. Next these, as well in faction and designs, as blood and [Page] alliance, succeeded Caesar and Pompey: Two men never truly paralleld since their own times. Caesar had a wit to invent so pregnant, a heart to execute so stout, and to both a Fortune so favourable, that he durst undertake what no man dared; and his performances common­ly were answerable to his undertakings. Pompey, a man greater than his own or his friends wishes, had triumphed over all the parts of the known World; and could he but have brook­ed an Equall, he had never met Superiour. Had these two lived in divers Ages, or exerci­sed their valour on the common Enemy, the World had been too little to yeeld them imploy­ments. But turning their forces one against the other, Pompey overthrown in the Field, was basely murthered in Egypt: and Caesar victoriously Conquerour in Thessalie, was barbarously massacred in the Capitoll. And though none of these four Worthies could settle the Monarchy in himself; yet this shall be to their eternall memory recorded, that they first opened the passage to others, and first moved the stone, which rowling along tumbled the People out of the Government.

6 After the overthrow of Pompey, and death of Caesar, the Common-wealth might have recove­red Liberty, if either Caesar had left no heir, and Pompey no children; or rather, if Antonius, a man of an unquiet and turbulent spirit, had not begun new troubles. For he, knowing the affection of the Common people unto young Octavius, Caesars heir; and hearing the continuall report of his approach to Rome for his Inheritance; did by Decree of the Senate restore Sextus the sonne of Pompey to his blood and honours; Hoping that they two, inheriting their Fathers hatreds, would like Pellets in a Boys Pot-gun, drive out each other; and so he might remain Lord of the whole. But young Octavius was too old to be so fetcht over; and had more­over more desire to revenge his Fathers death on Brutus and Cassius, than turn himself upon an enemy, that neither had done, nor could doe him any hurt. At his first entrance into Rome, he declared himself Caesars heir; though some regarding more his welfare than honour, diswa­ded him from it. His retinue at his entrance was but small, his behaviour gentle and courte­ous: So that all had cause to love him, none to fear him. His first business was to Antonius, then possessed of all Caesars estate. His words as modest, as his Petition just. Antonies answer somewhat churlish, forbidding him to meddle in matters of State, adding that he was too young to take upon him the Name of Caesar; and so dismissed him unsatisfied, and with discontent­ments. AUGUSTUS (for by that name we mean to call him, though he was not yet so cal [...]ed) perceiving that Antonies answer, though in shew but a delay, was in effect a denyall; insinuated into the acquaiutance of Cicero, then potent among the Senators, and a capitall Enemy of An­tony; by whose means the Lords of the Senate began to cast great affection towards him. Next in a solemn Oration to the People, he let them know, how he intended to have distributed his Fathers wealth among them; and how Antonius did unjustly detain it from them both. Cer­tainly there is not any thing prevaileth sooner with the ignoble many than hope of gain. No sooner had he finished his speech, and given away that to them which he thought impossible to get for himself; but all was in a tumult. None was so sparing of his words, but he had some curse in store for Antonius: Every one vowing the destruction of that man, whom they suppo­sed to deprive them of AUGUSTUS Donative.

7 In this hurly burly Antony quits the Town, and is by the generall voyce of both houses, declared an Enemy to the State. An Army is given to Hircius and Pansa then Consuls. AU­GUSTUS, aged but 18 years, being proclamed Imperator, and made head of the League a­gainst the common Foe. AUGUSTUS, as he loved not to be absent from a necessary war; so he alwaies used to reserve himself from the dangers of it; and therefore he committed the whole enterprise unto the Consuls: Well knowing, that though the Officers and Souldiers took most pains to get the Victory; yet would the honour of it be referred to him, as Impe­rator; Whereas, if any thing fell out to the Army, not well; his being a Non-agent in the business, would bring his honour off without stain. The Consuls therefore proceeded in the War against Antony: who seeing little possibility of prevailing, resolved to sell the loss of his own liberty, and his Souldiers lives, at a dear rate. And indeed the fortune of the day was so e­qually shared, that as the Consuls might boast of the vanquishment of Antony, so Antony might triumph in the death of the Consuls.

AUGUSTUS had now as much as he could desire, more than he expected; a victorious Army at his service. He therefore applies himself so to them, that giving that among them which he had in present; and promising them greater favours, according as his fortune and their valour, should advance him, he bound them unto him in an eternall bond of allegiance; and made them the first step by which he ascended the Royaltie. The Lords of the Senate hear­ing of the young mans fortune, thought it best to strangle these hopes even in their Cradles; and to that end, Decree the honour of overcomming Antony, not to belong to AUGUSTUS, but to Decius Brutus; for whose defence (being besieged by Antony in Mutina) their Army had been levyed. Nor did they think this frost of unexpected unkindness, sufficient to nip the blossome of his hopes; but they denyed him the Consulship. These harsh proceedings compel­led AUGUSTUS (his honour now lying at stake) to enter Rome as Conqueror; and force the Fathers to grant him his desires. Having thus gotten what for the time he aymed at; he gene­rally shewed himself gratefull to all, and particularly to some of the Souldiers; paying them what was behind by promise; and openly protesting that without their aid he durst not have [Page] adventured into the Capitoll. So by keeping his day with the Military men, and shewing his noble and generous nature in a thankfull commemoration of their service, he added stronger bonds to such as were already his own; and won many dayly to his side, which before were ei­ther neutrall, or adversaries.

8. Antony in the mean time was not idle, but knowing that L [...]pidus was beyond the Moun­tains with a puissant Army, he posted thither; and so far prevailed with the Souldiers, that he was admitted into the Camp▪ where the Generall entertained him with all expressions of love and welcome Antony perceiving the facile, nature of Lepidus, soon perswaded him to lead his forces into Italie, promising him no less than the Lordship of the world, if he durst but shew his face to the Romans AUGUSTUS having continuall news of this combination and fear­ing much the prowess of Antony, now strengthened; conceived no course so fitting and conveni­ent to his ends, as to joyn friendship, and to enter into confederacy with them. And this he did, not for any good will to either, but because being destitute of means to resist-them▪ and al­so to revenge the death of his Father Julius, which he much laboured; he might with their forces oppress Cassius and M. Brutus, and after as occasion fell out, deal with them being seve­red. This League was solemnly confirmed by a bloody Proscription immediately following. Wherein to be revenged on their enemies, they betrayed their friends. A lamentable and ruth­full time, good and bad, rich and poor, being alike subject to the slaughter. Now was the time of Julius Caesars Government thought to be the Golden Age; and every one began to curse Brautus and Cassius as the Autors of these present miseries, whom they but lately honoured as the Restorers of the Common liberty. Nay the very Kings were deemed tolerable, and such as li­ved in their days, happy. The poor Romans had not changed the Tyranny, but the Tyrants: Yea, they had three for one into the bargain. Such is the condition of us men, that we know not our own happiness in the fruition, but the want. Two of these Triumviri glutted themselves with blood, taking pride in hearing the lamentable cries and groans of the people. Augustus on the contrary, shewed himself much grieved at this barbarous cruelty; so that his consent seem­ed rather forced than voluntary. But this Proscription, though in it self cruell and tyrannically produced some good and profitable effects in the Republick. For when by this Proscription, and the insuing Civill war, the stoutest of the Nobles and Commons were made away, few being left which durst endeavour to recover the old Liberty; Augustus did the more easily establish his Monarchie, and restore peace to the City. Moreover the prosecution of this cruelty so in­censed the people against Antony and Lepidus; that Augustus, whom most held excusable, found them always his fast friends; if not for love to him, yet in spight to them.

9. But to proceed; Antony and AUGUSTUS leaving the guard of the City to Lepidus, with joynt-forces march against Brutus and Cassius, both overthrown by Antony; whom AUGUSTUS did therefore put upon that service, as well to diminish Antonies forces, as to keep his own entire. As for himself, either he in policy suffered himself to be driven out of the field by Brutus, to make Antony more work; or else indeed durst not abide the battell. Such end had Brutus and Cassius, two men whom Fortune seemed to be in love with on the sud­dain, and did as suddenly forsake them. Brutus the more accomplished man; Cassius the more expert souldier. A▪ V. C. 711. I pass over AUGUSTUS wars in Italie, Antonies in Asia; the discontents between them, and their reconciliation by the means of Octavia, sister to the one, and wife to the other Emperor. As also how joyning forces together to oppress Sextus, then Lording it over the Sea, and proud with the conquest of Sicilia; they received him into the Confederacy, and joyned the Iland of Sardinia to his other Conquests. To recompence which kindness, Sex­tus invited the two Generals aboord his Admiral Galley: and after a bountifull entertainment, return'd them safe to their Camps. I scarce have ever heard of so great an over-sight, among so many able Politicians. And much I marvell with my self, upon what confidence AUGUSTUS and Antony durst so far trust their persons to a reconciled Enemy: or on what reason Sextus having both of them in his power, would let slip so slightly that advantage; greater than which was never offered to a discontented and ambitious person. This I am sure of, that he afterward repented it, and could have wished that he had hearkened to the voice of Men [...]s his old servant, who had perswaded him to make his best of that oportunity. The Kings of France and Aragon, of old enemies made new friends, had the like enterview at Savona: which that notable Historiographer and States-man Guic [...]iardin [...], describeth with much wonder and com­mendation. Yet in the like case, have many, and as I think, worthily condemned Lewis th [...] 11. of France, and Charles of Burgudy, the Arch-politicians of those days; in that Lewis at Peronne put himself into the hands of Charles his Enemy, who also after a short restraint, dis­missed him.

10. These solemn expressions of amity between the three Generalls, being thus ended, and Antony gone for Egypt; AUGUSTUS then began to contrive his establishment in the State, though with the ruin of his Colleagues. He beginneth first with Sextus, having by gifts and promises drawn Menas unto his side; who by reason of his inwardness with his Master, knew most of his designs. By the directions of this Menas, and the assistance of Lepidus, he quickly overthrew Sextus; who flying death in Europe, by the hand of AUGUSTUS, found it in Asia, by the command of Antony. After this victory, AUGUSTUS, either having or preten­ding a quarrell against Lepidus, entreth into his Camp, seizeth his person, and depriving him [Page] of all honors, confineth him to Rome. A man that half against his will, stumbling upon the Go­vernment, had beyond any desert of his, enjoyed ten yeers continuance of Empire and prospe­rity. An action of a very high nature, and such as AUGUSTUS durst not have ventured on, if Antony had been in Italy. He therefore advisedly removed him out of his way, before he would attempt the same. It hath been ever a chief Maxim in Court-policy, to remove that man out of the way, under pretence of some honourable charge, whom we intend either to cast from his present honors; or else to make less potent with Prince and People. For which cause also AUGUSTUS perswaded Antonies absence from the City, to bring him at the last into discredit and contempt. For well he knew that his dotage on Cleopatra, could not but draw him into many inconveniencies: neither could his neglecting the State, to riot with his Lem­man, be other than distastfull to the Lords and People. Next, he commanded his Sister Octavia to leave her husband Antonies house; yet privately he perswaded her to live there still, and bring up his children; that so the Romans seeing her noble demeanor and love to her husband, might the more heartily detest him, who so ignobly and unkindly had rejected her. To adde more fuell to this flame of hatred, he readeth Antonies will unto the people; in which many of the Roman Provinces were bequeathed to Cleopatra's children, and other things ordained to the common prejudice. Antony likewise preferred many Bills against AUGUSTUS, as that he had deposed Lepidus from the Triumvirate; that he had divided Italy amongst his own Souldiers only; that he had not restored the ships borrowed to make war against Sextus.

11. These discontents seconded with an ambitious hope of prevailing, made them both resolute to refer all to the decision of a Battell. Antony had a Fleet consisting of 500. ships, high-built, and trimmed up rather for a Triumph, than a fight. His Land Forces consisted of 100000. Foot, and 12000. Horse; AUGUSTUS had the like number of Horsemen, 80000. Foot, and 250. good Men of War, snug and close, built more for use than ostentation. The Rendezvouz is Actium, a place seeming to be marked out for notable designs: here being fsought also in our Fathers days that famous battell, wherein the Venetians gave the world to un­derstand, that the Turks Forces by Sea were not invincible. Antony was on the Offensive side, therefore much doubted whether it were better to give the Onset by Sea or by Land. Cleopatra, whose words were Oracles, perswaded him to the Sea-fight; not that she thought it more safe, but that if Antony lost the day, she might with more facility escape. To this resolution, when most of the Captains had for fear agreed; one of the old Souldiers thus bluntly gain-said it. ‘What a miserable security art thou possessed with, most noble Emperor? Where is that antient fore-sight wherewith thou hast formerly prevented all disasters, and turned the Ene­mies devises on their own heads? Consider with thy self, most noble General, what uncertain friends the Wind and Sea are? To how fickle an Element thou dost trust thy fortunes? Let the Egyptians, and Phoenicians, old Mermaids born and nurst up in the Sea, follow this kind of warfare: But let us thy true Roman spirits, try our valour on the firm Land, and there fight for thy Empire and our own lives. Perhaps thou dost mistrust our faith, look here Antony (with that he opened his bosome) and thou shalt see many an honourable scar got in thy service. We are now too old to learn new Treasons: Alter therefore thy resolution, and to please a woman cast not away so many of thy faithfull Followers.’ Certainly the unresistable powers of heaven when they decree a mans destruction overthrow those counsells by which he should escape it. Antony turneth a deaf ear to this Souldiers wholesome advice; and borrowing from Cleopatra two or three kisses (as if from the fountain of her lips he had derived all his courage) without any more ceremony prepareth himself unto the battell.

12. AUGUSTUS on the other side, seeing a necessity of a Sea-fight, was yet in this com­forted, that his Vessels were more usefull and better manned, though fewer than his Enemies. that his men to him were faithfull, and by reason of their many Victories, in good heart; From Antony there daily revolted some Kings and Captains of note, to the great encourage­ment of the one side, and disheartning of the other. The whole charge of the war he commit­ted to M. Vipsanius Agrippa, who failing in no duty of a good Captain, took from his Galleys whatsoever might be impediments to the valiant, or shelter to the Cowardly; all that was com­bersome to his own men, or advantagious to the Enemy. Things thus ordered, and the bat­tells ready to joyn, Augustus Caesar standing where he might see and be seen of all, is said to make this or the like Oration. ‘Fellows and Companions in Arms, I suppose it needless to hearten you, which never were acquainted with fear; or bid you overcome, which never yet knew what it was not to vanquish. Conquest hath always sate upon the edges of your swords, and victory been written in your fore-heads. Be not now backward to add this one to your other Triumphs. When after the death of my father Julius, of famous memory, I first dealt in matters of War, I rather found, than made you good souldiers. And during this twelve years service under me, neither have you been wanting in the duty of faithfull followers; nor (I hope) of a vigilant and gratefull Leader. Sure I am, I expressed my self as far as I could, and more I would, had I been able. Let not the number, nor the greatness of the adverse Gallies any ways affright you. The hugeness of their Bulks maketh them unapt for imployment; and the multitude one clogging and hindring the others, may as much further our Victory as theirs. They exceed us in multitudes of Men, we them in number of Souldiers. The meaning of the word Pilot is unknown among them. And for their Mari­ners, [Page] the best of them are but Carters, Reapers, and Harvestmen, raked out of the field; the rest the excrement of common prisons, wherewith their Vessels are loaded, not manned. The Gene­rall is indeed a sit Captain for such a selected company. It is the same Antony whom you once drave out of the Field before Mutina. I perswade my self, that neither he dares think of re­covering, or you of losing, your former glories. It is the same Antony who being shamefully chased out of Parthia, only in that he was not vanquished, proclamed himself Victor. It is the same Antony who intendeth to make Rome subject to the Egyptians, and to distribute the Pro­vinces, purchased with the blood and vertue of our Ancestors, amongst Iras and her fellow Chamber-maids. Nay indeed, it is not Antony at all, but the shadow only of that substance which now is hid in Cleopatra's Cabbin. Courage then brave men of Arms; be, as you have still been, Conquerors. To speak more, were to detain you from Victory. Only this, call to mind your antient valour. Remember that I am Caesar, you Romans.’

13 This speech animated the new Souldiers, and confirmed the old: So that with a generall acclamation they give the assault. Death, wounds, and blows dished in divers fashions, and served in by severall men, were the best delicates prepared for these uuwelcome visitants. Cleo­patra beholding the Battell, and doubting the success, through the thickest of Antonies Fleet, made away with the 60 Gallies appointed for her Guard. This disorder made the breach at which the Victory entred. Antony seeing her flight, left his Squadron also; and being taken into her Galley, hoysed sail for Egypt: Herein playing the part of a cowardly Souldier; whilst each of his Souldiers executed the office of a couragious Generall: For they so obstinately per­sisted in the Fight, A. V. C. 713. that AUGUTUS was fain to offer them mercy sooner than they would demand it; and divers times before they would accept it. At last they all sware Allegiance unto him. The Victory being thus gotten, AUGUSTUS (no loser of advantages) speedeth into E­gypt, which he reduceth into the form of a Province; making the people pay for fine twenty Millions of Gold. By receiving this mony he so weakned them, that they had no ability to raise an after-war; and by distributing part of it among his Souldiers, he confirmed them in obedience. As for Antony, he seeing his fortunes desperate, redeemed the honour lost in his life, by a noble and heroick death. And Cleopatra ended her life also not long after; a Woman more wel-favoured than fair; wel-spoken, rather than either. Antonies Courtiers had seen ma­ny Ladies more lovely, none more prevailing; men being chained to her by the ears, rather than the eys.

14 I willingly omit AUGUSTSUS entry into Rome; as also the state and magnificence of his Triumph. His Victory he used so justly, that none felt the fury of the War but such as were slain in the Battell To assure himself of Antonies adherents, was his first care: to which end he burnt in the Common Forum, the Coffers of Antony, unopened; wherein all his Letters from his friends in Rome had been inclosed; well knowing, that as long as any thought themselves suspected adversaries, they would never shew themselves true friends. To the Senators and Magistrates he made sumptuous Feasts; to the Common people he exhibited magnificent and plea­sing Stage-plays; and with all variety of pleasure, banished from both, as well sorrow for the old Proscription, as fear of a new. But this was only as a preparation to his many designs. There were two men most dear unto him, and privy to his Counsels, Mecenas and Agrippa: which in the object of their love differed only in this, Mecenas was a lover of AUGUSTUS; Agrippa of the Emperour. Mecenas was of the rank of Knights, a man of good and bad parts equally compounded. When his business required care, vigilant and circumspect; at leisure time, excessively vitious. Agrippa was the first of his house: a man alike fit for Camp and Counsell; one neither careless of a good name, nor covetous of a great. For although he on [...]y was the man which vanquished Sextus and Antony; yet well skilled in the humours of Princes, he gave Augustus the honour of all his Conquests; making the vertue, not the reward, the end of his actions. So by doing nobly, and speaking modestly of it, he was without en­vy, but not without glory. With these two AUGUSTUS withdrew into a private Closet, and then brake unto them in this sort. He made first unto them a long discourse of the Civill Wars, Then added, ‘That having by his own fortune, and the valour of his Souldiers, put an end to the troubles; he was unresolved what to do; Whether to resign the Empire to the People, or retain it still in his own hands. That in a business of such importance, he durst not rely altogether on his own wisdom; That he had made them his Judges, as men that could speak soundly, and durst speak freely: That he knew them to have more care of his ho­nour, than profit; but of the Common-wealth, more than both; That his Counsels, which course soever he took, would not be by them eliminated: He therefore intreated them to consider what was to be done, and to give up their verdicts.’

15 Agrippa after a short silence thus began. ‘I know, thou canst not but marvell, O Caesar, [...]that I, who under thine Empire, am sure to be beyond precedent exalted; should perswade thee to live private. But I esteem more thy honour, than my profit; the publick good, than my particular preferment. And yet perhaps my Counsell shall be as profitable, if not as plausi­ble as the contrary. I know thee to be no way delighted with lyes and flattery; and will therefore deal with thee freely and plainly. Thou hast indeed put a period to the Civill Wars; but to what end, unless thou dost restore unto the Common-wealth the Liberty for which the Wars were raised? What benefit can the people reap from thy Victory, if thou dost use it only as an instrument for their greater bondage? Dost thou think that the Romans having [Page] so many hundred years maintained their liberty; will now be willing to forego it? No, Cae­sar, no: Flatter not thy self with these hopes. Marius the younger, and Sertorius, were quickly cut off, when their ends were once known; and Julius thy Father of happy memory, did not long live, after his actions seemed to bring the Common liberty in hazard. And shall we think that there is no true Roman spirit surviving; No Brutus living to attempt the like against thee? Believe me Caesar, believe me, it is far better not to meddle with the Empire at all, than to be forced to abandon it. But say Divine Providence will so protect thee, that thou mayst out-live such practices; and shalt thou also not out-live thy glories? This pre­sent age perchance will not censure thine actions, because it dares not: But Posteritie, free from all respects of love or hatred, cannot but call them into question, aud brand thy enter­prise with Ambition, and perhaps Tyranny. If thy designs prosper, they will judge thee to have risen unjustly; if otherwise, to have fallen deservedly. How much better then were it, now when thine honour is without blemish, and thy reputation unstained, to resign thy authority? Indeed when Sextus lorded it over the Sea, and Antony over Aegypt, it might have been thought want of spirit, to have deposed thy self from the Government▪ But now to doe it, when thou art without Rivall in the Empire; now, when thou art sole Commander of the Worlds Forces; now when the People and Senate ly prostrate at the feet of thy mercy; were to strike dumb detraction, and to make the World admire thy Temper. Thou art at this present the joy and comfort of the World; there is wanting to thee neither Wealth nor Fame. Here then fix thy foot: For go but one step beyond this Non ultra, and thou wilt run into a boundless Ocean of perils, which have no end, but the end of thy life and reputation.’

16 ‘Not so, excellent Agrippa, replyed Mecenas. I never heard good Pilot find fault with Sea-room; or of more vessels cast away in the Ocean, than in the Streights, and narrow pas­sages. Our Republick is a Ship fraught with divers Nations. She hath been long tossed on the waves of Civill dissentions, long driven up and down with the Wind of ambition; and there is now no place so fit for her safety, as the unlimited Ocean of one mans power. This Empire at first rising seemed not to require a Monarch; but it is now grown too unwieldy to be without one. Take then upon thee, O Caesar, this Empire; or to say better, do not forsake it. I should never thus advise thee, did I conceive any possible inconveniences. The Senate doth allow thee a competent guard of valiant and faithfull Souldiers; whom then shouldest thou fear? Nay, ill may I prosper if I see any cause of fear, were thy Guard cashiered. Enemies thou hast none: For such as were, are either already slain by thy valour, or made thy fast friends by thy bounty and clemency. To omit Marius and Sertorius, I will a little touch at thy Father Julius. He too good a Souldier to be a Statist, was too heady and violent in establishing his Government. Nor could he cunningly temporize, and suffer the people insensibly, and by de­grees, to drop into bondage; but oppress them all at once. Again, he committed a great So­loecism in State, when discharging his Guard, he sought to retain that Empire by fair means, which he had gotten by violence. I know thee, O Caesar, to be of a more wary and cunning behaviour. Learn also to work out thine own safety, by Pompeys misfortunes. He after the finishing of the Pontick War, at Brundusium, disbanded his Army; and thereby merited to be accounted an honest and moderate man. Certainly, he shewed himself in the course of this action, rather vertuous than fortunate or politick: For presently he began to be contemned, and by this improvident weakning of himself, made an open passage to his own ruin. I com­mend his modesty more than his brain; neither did he himself, on better considerations, ap­prove his own doings; and therefore he resolved, had he been Victor in Pharsal [...]a, never to have committed the like Oversight. So it is, and so it will fall out with thee, O Caesar, if in this action thou propose him to be thy pattern. It is not safe, Agrippa saith, to take the Empire: less safe it is to refuse it. A settled and innative vice it is in man, never to endure that any man above our own rank should over-top us. Romes second founder Camillus, Scipio, that scourge of Carthage, were disgraced; and M. Coriolanus banished by our Ancestors; only because their worth had lifted them above the ordinary pitch of Subjects. Do not thou hope to fare better than thy Predecessors. Heretofore, perchance, thou mightest have sought the Empire, to satisfie thy ambition. The Empire must now be thy refuge and Asylum. Credit me, the Lords of the Senate, after so many years Obedience, know not how to Govern; neither canst thou having so long been a Governour, learn Obedience. True it is, that in matters of domesticall business, a man may stop and desist where he will: But in the getting of an Empire, there is no mean between the death of an Enemie, and the life of a Prince. Thou hast already gone too far to retire. Now thou must resolve to be Caesar or nothing. To say more were su­perfluous. Thine own discretion will suggest unto thee better Arguments. Onely this, I know that thou hast in thee too much Julius, not to be an Emperour.’

17 AUGUSTUS seemed to incline to this latter opinion; whether moved with Mecenas Oration, especially his instance in Pompey; or that he was before resolved to follow that course, is uncertain. Howsoever, seeming with great attention to observe their speeches, and gather­ing their severall reasons and motives together, he made this reply. ‘A most hard thing it is, for a divided mind, to make a well-joyn'd Answer. Divided I am, and troubled between your two opinions; loath to follow either, sithence in so doing I must offend one. Yet sithence there is a necessity of Resolution; I intend, though I likewell of thy advice, Agrippa, to follow thine Mecenas. In doing which, I am but an instrument of the Destinies, to put their [Page] will in execution. Often have I heard my Father Octavius report, how Nigidius, famous for his skill in Iudiciary Astrologie, told him once in open Senate, That he had gotten an Empe­ror for the Romans. As also, how M. C [...]cero, so renowned for Wit and Eloquence, dreamed that he s [...]w Jupiter place me on the top of the Capitoll, with a Whip in mine hand. Certain­ly, if the powers of Heaven promise me so great an Empire; I will not be wanting to my self▪ but will adde by my industrie to their influence. To further my designs, I do desire you, nay I conjure you both, that as you have been ever ready in your Counsels, so you would not now be backward in any necessary assistance.’ This said, they presently enter into a new conference, how to manage a business of this weight; what Senators to acquaint with their in­tent; how to dispose of the Army, not yet cashiered; with what Plummet were best to sound the minds of the common people, and to oblige all sorts unto him. This Consultation ended, AUGUSTUS continued his affability to the People, and respect to the Nobles. An opportuni­ty he had to express himself to both. There was at that time a Famine, which shrewdly raged among the Commons. To the poorer sort, he distributed Corn, gratis; to others, at a mean price. Riches and honours he communicated to both sorts; the better to wipe out of their me­mories, the antient freedome. Such parts of the City as were destroyed by casualty of fire, rui­ned by length of time, or defaced during the Civill Wars; he re-edified. Houses of Common-as­semblies he repaired; Temples, consecrated to the Gods, he spared no cost to adorn and beauti­fie. And finally, so freely diffused his bounty, that there was no part or member of the City, which had not some tast of it. Next, he dismissed his Souldiers, assigning them Lands and habi­tations in divers parts of Italy: That so the People might conceive his Resignation to be reall; and yet, if need were, his forces might be quickly reassembled. Nor were Agrippa and Mo­cenas wanting for their parts, to promote the cause; but carefully acquainted some of the Se­nate with it, who stood well affected to them; and cunningly prepared others, who had stood indifferent.

18 The foundation thus layd, and the Senate sate, AUGUSTUS rose from his seat, and spake to this, or the like effect. ‘When I consider with my self the infinite extent of the Ro­man Empire; I protest I stand at a maze: Marvailing how such, as heretofore have raised com­bustions in State, durst undertake the sole administration of it. What Nation in the World, hath not either begged their Peace at our Gates; or felt the fury of our Wars at their own▪ What Countries have we not harried with Fire and Sword, making the rising and setting of the Sun the bounds of our Dominions? It must questionless proceed from an over-weaning conceit in them, of their own abilities; who thought themselves so fit to undergo that bur­den, which none but the immortall Gods can carry. Of my self I will not say much; Onely, I hope I may say with modesty, that I am not inferiour to Cinna, nor it may be to Syl­la; Yet have I found in my self, by late experience, how unable I was to manage the affairs of State, even then when I had two Coad [...]utators. There is no Atlas of strength sufficient to bear up this Heaven; No Star of influence sufficient to animate this Sphear; No one form of vertue sufficient to actuate this matter. Neither indeed is it fit, that the Republique which ought to be immortall, should depend only on the life and wel-fare of one man. There never was, since the beginning of time, a City replenished with greater store of worthy and able men, either to consult or exercise. Never was there seen so grave and discreet a Consistory; Never so many of both sorts so fit to govern. I have by your Directions, and the Valour of your Souldiers, put an end to all homebred quarrels. I have been your instrument to reduce Peace internall and externall, to your City, and desire now no other Guerdon or recompence for any former services, than a quiet and a private life; free from all such dangers and incon­veniences, as are inseparably annexed to the Soveraignty. Now therefore, and may my acti­on be auspitious and fortunate to my Country, doe I resign my authority; committing my self, and the Common-wealth, into the hands of the Senate and People of Rome.’

19 This Oration ended, there followed a soft and silent buzzing in the house. Some suppo­sed this speech not to have so much truth, as art and cunning, yet smothered their conceits for fear of after-claps. Others were Creatures of his own making, and they hoping to rise in the fall of their Country, would not hear of a Resignation. Some few of the wiser sort, thought it not expedient to put the Reigns again into the hands of the Multitude. The rest out of a sluggish and phlegmatique Constitution, chose rather the present estate with security; than to strive to recover the old, with danger. All therefo [...]e with a joynt-consent proclame him sole Emperor; and solemnly entreat him to save the Common-wealth, otherwise running to inevitable ruin. He for a while, as vainly denied to accept the Government, as they vainly persisted to desire him. At last, wearied with the clamours of all in generall; and importu­nity of some in particular; he by little and little yeelded to their requests, taking upon him the Empire for ten years, with this Proviso, that if before that time expired, he could fully settle and order the present State, A. V. C. 725 he would give up his charge. This he gave out, not with a purpose of performance; (For at the end of every Decennium he renewed his Lease of the Government;) But that the people seeing so nigh a possibility of regaining their Liber­ties, might not practise against him. Whereas, had he for term of life received the supreme Authority, he had no doubt hastened his own overthrow. For well he knew, that not the Title of Dictator, but the Epithite Perpetuall, was the destruction of CAESAR: And yet a great respect was to be had also in the choyce of the Title; [Page] The name of King he refused, as being odious unto the Citizens. Neither would he be called Romulus, though he much desired it, lest they should suppose that he did affect the Tyranny. When the people called him Dictator, he rent his Garments, desiring them to discharge him of a name so hated; and being once called Lord, ( Dominus) he forbad also that Title by pub­like Edict. Princeps Senatus was the only Title he admitted, well knowing, that the like glorious attributes were heaped on his Father julius by them which least loved him, onely to this end, that growing more and more into hatred, he might the sooner be dispatched. Nor was he ignorant that the Common people led more by appearances, than truth, discorned names more plainly than executions; and that the onely course to make greatness stand firmly, was to receive extraordinary power under a Title not offensive. The name also of AUGUS­TUS conferred upon him by the Senate, (as if there had been something in him more than mortall) he refused not, as a Title expressing more dignity and reverence than authority. And having pleased himself in the choice of his Title, he next proceeded to the establishment of his power, which he thus pursued.

20. When first at the hands of the Lords of the Senate, he had for ten years received the Government; there was appointed unto him two Cohorts of Praetorian souldiers for the guard of his person; to whom the Senate allowed the double wages of a Legionary souldier, to make them the more vigilant and needfull in their charge. Over these he appointed two Prefects or Governors, ( Captains of the Guard we may best term them.) To commit the charge to one on­ly, might breed danger; to more, confusion. Agrippina to settle Nero in the Empire, prevailed with Claudius, to make Burrus, whom she had at her devotion, the sole Captain, and Nim­phidius, fallen from his hopes of setting Galba besides the quishon, desired the command of the Guard as the next step to the Soveraignty. In choice of these Captains, he observed two Rules. First, he ever chose them, Ex ordine Equestri, not Senatorio; lest that so high a digni­ty, joyned to so high a birth, might startle their resolutions to some designs against his quiet. Secondly, he made choice of two such, which were of contrary humors, and somewhat at odds, that so the ill intents of the one (if they should harbour any) might be thwarted and revea­led by the other; and both in a noble emulation should contend to be most forward in his ser­vice. The next course which he took for his own security, was a law he made to curb the wills and attempts of the great ones. For whereas it had been formerly unlawfull to question a Bondman in matters concerning the life and death of his Lord; AUGUSTUS passed an Act, that all such Bondmen should be first sold to him, or the Common-wealth. By means where­of he kept the Lords, before presuming on the secresie of their slaves, from all close and pri­vate Conspiracies against him. Having thus strengthened his person, he assumed to himself the Imperiall, Censoriall, and Tribunitian authority, together with the Sacerdotall dignity. As Emperor and Generall of the Men of War, he could press Souldiers, raise Taxes, proclame Wars; make Peace, yea, and put to death the very best and stoutest of the Senators; as Censor, it was in his power, to reform corrupt manners, enquire after mens carriage, to take in and put out of the Senate whom he listed, to place & displace the people from an honorable Tribe, to a less hono­rable. Yet would he not be called Censor, as a name too inferior; but accepted the Prerogatives of it, after the surrendry of Manutius, and his associate, two men so unfit for that Magistra­cy, that they could object no crime to old or young, of which themselves were not guilty. The Tribunitian authority enabled him to hinder any thing attempted against his liking: It preser­ved his person from all contumely and injury; giving him power to pvnish, as an exerable per­son, (yea, and without any formality of the Law,) whosoever had offended him either in word or deed. As for the Pontificall Dignity, it made him a little more reverenced, not more potent. Onely it added to his title the stile of Pontifex Maximus, or Chief Bishop; and made him of au­thority amongst the Priests, and in sacred matters, things that concerned Religion. The light of Reason taught him, that it was convenient for him, being a Prince, to have command on all his people; He had been els but half a Monarch, such as some Princes are with us, who quit their Clergie to be governed by a Forrain Head.

21. These severall Prerogatives annexed together, seemed not yet sufficient: and therefore he so cunningly dealt with the Senators, that they gave him a generall Exemption from the Co­active power of the Law. Which once obtained, he seriously bends his thoughts to settle the Common-wealth; and so to settle it, that by uniting all parties, and giving satisfaction to all Interesses, it might not be obnoxious to such frequent and tumultuous alterations, as it had been formerly. But herein, when he had consulted the antient Platforms, he found no small diffi­culty. The Form described by Plato, shewed rather how a Citie ought to be governed, than how it may be. Aristotle, though bred in the Free States of Greece, was a friend to Monarchie; but his discourses dark, and speculative, and not easily reduced to practice. Solon afforded the People too much Authority, the Nobles too little, the King none. The old Cartl [...]ginian Legislator attributed too much to Riches, too little to Vertue. The Persian Law-makers indul­ged the King too much, to the Subject nothing: And on the other side, Licurgus in his model­ling of the State of Sparta, ascribed too little to the King, and too much to the Senate. Zaleu­cus was rather the Author of some particular Laws, than the Framer of a Common-wealth. Phaleas and Hippodamus as unimitable altogether as Plato. Seeing therefore that none of the old Patterns did come home to his purpose; and withall considering with himself, that the [...]nixt Forms of Rule were not equally ballanced, and by consequence subject unto change, [Page] he resolved to frame his Common-wealth out of the perfections of the three good Forms, their imperfection being rejected, reserving to himself the Supreme Majesty, to the Senate eminent Authority, to the People convenient Liberty, all in a just and fit proportion. And to say truth, he did so mix the Soveraignty of one with the Liberty of all, that both the Lords and People, without fear of bondage or sedition, injoyed their accustomed Freedoms. The Consulls and Nobles of the City assembled as formerly they used; matters of State they handled by them­selves; Ambassadors of Forrain Nations they heard, and dispatched. The Commons assem­bled in the Comitia, to enact Laws and elect Magistrates, as in the free Common-wealth. Yet so that nothing was done without the consent and privity of the Prince, who for the most part, nominated the successive Magistrate, leaving the confirmation of him to that people. So that the change, as he contrived it, was not violent and at once, but by degrees, and by the silent ap­probation of both Estates, as seeming to consist more in the alteration of the Magistrate, than of the Laws.

22. But (to proceed more particularly) the first care he took, was to confirm Religion in the same state in which he found it. I mean Religion as the Romans used the word, for those particu­lar though idolatrous Forms of Worship, which to their severall Gods had been used among them. This, though he might have changed, as the Pontifex Maximus, or chief Bishop of the City; yet very wisely he forbare it. It is not safe for Princes that are setled in a long descent of Government, to be too active in such changes: But it is dangerous to attempt it in a Green State, and in an Empire not well quieted, and inured to bondage. Men are more sensible of the smal­lest alterations in the Church, than greater changes in the State, and raise more frequent broils about it. The Romans specially were exceeding tender in this point. The antient Aediles formerly received it into their charge, that they permitted no externall, either Gods or Cere­monies, to be introduced into the City. And by Aemilius it was enacted for a Law, That none should offer sacrifice in any publike place, after a new and Forrain fashion. Excellent therefore was the counsell which Maecenas gave him, when he first undertook the Empire; viz. ‘That he should follow constantly the Religion which he found established, and compell others also to do the like: For Forrain and strange Rites (saith he) will offend the people, work many in­convenient alterations in the Civil State; yea and most likely wil occasion many both seditions and conspiracies.’ Words which he spake not to the air, but to a Prince exceeding apprehen­sive of the best advice: Nor did AUGUSTUS ever shew himself more carefull in any one Art of Empire, than he did in this. That which Mecenas noted, we find true in these later Ages; in times more skilfull of obedienee, than the most quiet hour of AUGUSTUS Go­vernment. No one thing more hath caused so frequent and so generall Rebellions in the States of Christendom, than alterations of this nature. I cannot therefore but commend it, as a pious resolntion in a late mighty Monarch: Better some few corruptions should be suffered in a Church, than still a change.

23. Religion thus established, in the next place the welfare of the whole Empire consisted chiefly in reforming of the City; from which, as from the heart, life was conveyed to all the Provinces abroad. And in the Citie the corruption was most apparent in the Senate it self. With them therefore he beginneth, well knowing that crimes in men of eminent place end not in themselves; but by degrees become diffused among their Clients and Followers. Now in the Senate were many and desertless men, who had been taken into it during the Civill Wars; as they could court the People, and humour such as were most potent. Of these he expelled none by his own power; but making a speech to them in the Senate, of the antient order and present confusion of the house, he first exhorted them to look back on their former lives, and to judge of their own abilities and merits, for so honourable a room. Then he desired some of them to pick out such among them, as were in disposition factious, and in life faulty, but loath to conceive so ill of their own actions; which they did accordingly. Yet as it often happeneth, that the great Thief leadeth the less to the Gallows; and as Commines observeth, that after the Battell of Monliherry Offices were taken from many for flying away, and conferred on such as ran ten miles beyond them: So remained many in the Senate neither less vicious, nor less violent; only more potent to maintain their doings, than some others whom they had removed. AUGUSTUS therefore joyning to him Agrippa, proceedeth to a new review: And certainly it much concerned him in the setling of his affairs, that none should have a voyce in that famous Councell, but such as were of able judgments, honest repute, and well-affected to his Service and the Common-wealth. And enterprise which he esteemed so dange­rous, that he permitted entrance to no Senator till he were searched; himself wearing a Brigan­dine under his Gown; and being invironed with ten of the most couragious and best beloved of the whole company. Such as he found in either kind inexcusable, he discharged from their attendance, electing such in their places, which were either enobled for their wisdom, of no­ted moderation, or otherwise strong in their dependants. Yet so that greatness of Revenue was esteemed neither a fit Patronage for any if they were offensive; nor a just cause to challenge interest in the house. Such of them as were rich rather in the gifts of the minde, than those of fortune, he relieved with honourable Pensions; and finally he bestirred himself so resolutely, that all confessed that they had need of such a wise Physician, to cure that dull Consumption, where­into the Common-wealth was fallen.

[Page] 24 In other things he seldom did proceed against them as of himself: But when that any of them had conspired his Ruin, he referred them to the judgment of their fellows. And this he did partly to reserve unto the Court the antient Prerogative; partly, not to be Judge and par­ty in his own cause: but principally following the example of his Father Julius, who counter­feiting a wretchless contempt of his adversaries, used when he was least suspected, under-hand, and by publike Officers to work their destruction. Many also of them whom the Senate had condemned, he would freely pardon. Conceiving truly, that the questioning of men of high calling, would produce as much terrour; though it argued not so much rigor as the punish­ment. Yet if extremity of Law was used towards some few, it was to settle quietness in the whole; and as it were a particular bloud-letting for the generall health. Those who had fol­lowed the factions of Brutus and Antony, he forgave freely. And not so only, but by mani­festing his words by his deeds, and adding trust and honours to his pardons: he made his Chair of State more setled, and immoveable. So Caesar by erecting the fal [...] and broken Images of Pompey, made his own statues stand more firmly. But the chief Act by which he brideled the Nobles, was an Edict by him promulgated, forbidding any of the [...], his leave not granted, to travell out of Italie. For well he knew that in an Empire unsetled, and Provlaces not quie­ted, the presence and authority of men of that rank, might raise greater troubles, than could be easily suppressed. Examples he wanted not; that especially of Cato, who after the over­throw of Pompey, stirred such a War against Caesar in Africk: that he never bought Victory a [...] a dearer rate. Yet not altogether to imprison them, he licensed them at their pleasure to visit Sicilia, and Gaul Narbonoyse; Provinces close to the continent of Italie, altogether unfurnished for Wars; and indeed such, as by reason of the variety of pleasures in them used, were more likely to weaken their minds, than to arm their bodies. Now to give the Senate some sweet meat to their sowr sawce; he as much honoured and reveren [...]ed that Order, as ever it was in the Free­state: submitting himself to their Judgements, and appearing of his own accord, at most of their dayes of Session. Out of those he chose 15 alterable every half year, to be of his privy Counsell; but then changing them for others, that so all of them might participate that ho­n [...]ur; and yet none of them be acquainted with too many of his secrets. At his entrance in­to the Senate, he used courteously to salute the Lords; and so likewise at his departure. He knew full well that it was noted for great pride in his Father Iulius; so much to sleight the Lords of that House, as he always did: never making to them any obeysance, no not then, when they came to tell him what honours were decreed unto him.

25. This Reformation of the great Ones, soon made the lower sort more carefull; both to ob­serve good order, and to learn obedience. Yet did not AUGUSTUS refer all to President, but somewhat to Precept. The Roman Knights he enforced to yeeld an account of their lives; an Ordinance full of health and wisdom: Idleness being the root of all private vices, and publike disorders. To the Commons in their Comitia and other meetings, he prescribeth Laws and Or­ders as himself listed. The old authority of the Tribunes, dashed in the Dictatorship of Sylla, he would not restore. He suffred them to intercede for the People, but not to prefer or hinder any Bill to the advancement or the prejudice of their Estate. Without this Curb, the Common sort would never have suffered him to sit fast in the Saddle. For had the people had their Tribunes, and had the Tribunes had their antient dignity and power, which they had usurped: there had been little or no hope of altering the form of Goverment. So different are the ends of the Common-people, especially if nuzled in a factious Liberty; from the designs of Soveraign Princes.

26 The City thus reformed in the principall errors and defects of it; he again exhibiteth un­to them divers pleasures: As Shews of Fencers, Stage-plays, Combats of wild beasts, publique Dancings, with variety of other delightfull spectacles. And this as well to breed in them a good conceit of the change, as fearing left their cogitations, for want of other objects, would fix themselves upon his actions, and the old freedom. Horse-races, Tilts, and Tornaments, he gladly cherished; but he permitted them onely to the Inhabitants of Rome: That so that City being the Seat-Town of his Empire, might be stored with good Horses, and expert Riders. Such of the Commons as were behind hand, he relieved: and when that any of them had made him Heir to their goods; he well knowing that no good Father did appoint to his Heir any Prince but a Tyrant, presently restored to the Children of the deceased the whole Patrimony. An action truly worthy of AVGVSTVS; as true a Guardian of Orpha [...]s, as a Father of his Country. Such Princes as gape covetously after other mens possessions, seldom enjoy the benefit of their own. The Treasures of Kings are then greatest, not when their own Coffers are full only, but their Subjects rich. Yet one thing more he seemed to leave unto the people, which they thought most pleasing; Liberty of speech: Wherein sometimes they were so li [...]enti [...]s, that they spared not Agrippa himself, so potent with the Emp [...]ror. But he, good man, never using the Princes favour to the prejudice of any, seemed not to mark their taunts and slanders: whether with greater moderation or wisdom, I cannot tell. Neither did AVGVSTVS scape their foolish Pasquils and infamous Libels. All which he winked at, knowing, that Contumelles of that nature sligh­ted and contemned, soon vanish of themselves; but if repined and stormed at, seem to be ac­knowledged. A temper which he learnt of his Father Julius, who was perfect at it. And certainly it was a notable point of wisdom in both of them. It is the misery of the best Princes, [Page] even when they do well, to be ill spoken of. And therefore many times such follies, are with more policie dissembled than observed, by the greatest Kings.

27 As for this Lavishness of the tongue, it is a humour that springeth for the most part, rather from a delight in pratling, than any malice of the heart: and they which use it are more trou­blesome than dangerous. Julius feared not the fat men, but the lean and spare. And so AV­GVSTVS thought, that not men liberal of speech, but silent, close, and sparing of their words, were most likely to raise tumults. Moreover, as long as the Common People retained Libertie of speech, they were the less sensible of the loss of Liberty in State. Whereas in the dayes of Domi­tian, when not only they were prohibited to commune together, but even their secret sighs and tears were registred; then began they to look back with a serious eye on the old and Common Li­berty. Neglect is the best remedy for this Talking vein. When the humour is spent, the People will cease on their own accords: till then, no forces can compel them. Tacitus taxeth Vitel­lius of great folly, for hoping by force to hinder the continuall reports of Vespatians revolt; that being the only way to increase, not diminish the rumour. And as much he extolleth (I will not say how fitly) the Reign of Prince Nerva, wherein it was lawfull for the Subject to think what he would, and speak what he thought.

28 These courses though he took to rectifie the Senate, and content the people, yet he stayed not here. There were too many of both sorts, dangerous and unquiet spirits, who stomacked his proceedings; and under pretence of the antient Liberty, were apt to any bold attempt, and suddain alteration. These as he winked at for the present, so he employed them (as occasion served) in his forreign Wars. Wherein he followed the example of his Father Julius, who when his Souldiers had displeased him, in their Mutinies and Tumults, would lead them presently unto some desperate and dangerous service. So weakning both his Foes which lay next unto him, and punishing those Souldiers which had disobeyed him. For though AVGVSTVS had thrice shut the Temple of Janus, and cherished Peace, no Emperor more, of so large a Territory: Yet when he saw his times, and that mens minds were active, and their thoughts disquieted; he could find presently occasion for some new imployment. In this a Body Politique may be compared most fitly to the Body naturall. When we are full of blood, and our spirits boyling, there is not any Physick better than Phlebotomie. But if a vein be broken in us, and we bleed inwardly, our estate commonly is dangerous, and almost incurable. So Princes, when their people are tu­multuous and apt to mischief; or that their thoughts are working, and hearkning after action: do commonly imploy them in some service far from home; that there they may both vent their Anger, and employ their Courage. For let them stay at home to confirm their practises, and grow at last into a Faction: the State will suffer in it; if it be not ruined. We cannot have a fairer instance of this truth than the proceeding of our fift Henry, and of the times next following: Whose, forein Wars kept us all quiet here at home; wasted those humours; and consumed those fiery spirits: which afterwards, the wars being ended, inflamed the Kingdom.

29 But his main work was to content the Souldiers, and to make them sure. Some of which he dispersed as before I sayd, all about Italy, in [...] Colonies: as well for the defence of the Countrey, as for their more speedy reassembly, if need should require. Abroad amongst the Provinces, were maintained upon the common charge 23 Legions with their ayds, besides 10000 of his Guard, and those which were appointed for the bridling and safety of the City. As to all of them he shewed an excellent thankfulness, for their faithfull services. So in particular to Agrippa, and to one other, whose name the Histories of that Age have not remembred. This latter had valiantly behaved himself at the battell of Actium: and being summoned to appear before the Lords of the Senate in a matter which concerned his life, cryed to AUGUSTUS for suc­cour; who assigned him an Advocate. The poor fellow not contented with this favour, baring his breast, and shewing him the marks of many wounds; These (quoth he) have I received AUGUSTUS, in thy service, never supplying my place by a Deputy. Which sayd, the Emperor descending to the Bar, pleaded the Souldiers cause, and won it. Never did Soveraign Prince, or any that command in Chief, lose any thing by being bountifull of favours to their men of War. For this act quickly spreading it self over all the Provinces, did so indeer him to the Military men, that they all thought their services well recompensed, in that his graciousness to that one man. And now were they so far given over to him, that the honours conferred on Agrippa, could not increase their love; well it might their admiration. Agrippa was of a mean and common Pare [...]age, but supplying the defects of his Birth with the perfections of his Mind; he became very potent with AUGUSTUS; who not only made him Consul, but his compa­nion in the Tribunition authority, and Provest of the City. So many titles were now heaped on him, that M [...]nus perswaded the Prince, to give him his Daughter Julia to Wife; affirming it impossible for Agrippa to live safe, considering how open new Creatures ly to the attempts of Malitious men; unless he were ingrassed into the Royall stem of the Caesars. On which cause questionless, for the stronger establishment of his new honours; Se [...]am [...] afterward attempted, but not with the like success, the like matth with Livia, Tiberius Daughter-in-Law.

30 The Senate, People, and Men of War, thus severally reduced to a Mediocrity of power and [...]ontent: The next labour is to alter the old, and establish a new Government of the City it self. To effect which, he dashed all former Laws, by which the Allies and Confederates of the [Page] State were made free Denizens of the Town. That he conceived to be a way to draw che whole Empire into one City; and by the monstrous growth and increase of that, to make poor the rest. Therefore this Privilege he communicated unto a few only: partly that in the times of dearth, the City might not so much feel the want of sustenance; and partly that so antient an honour might not be disesteemed; but principally left Rome replenished with so huge a multi­tude of stirring and unruly spirits, should grow too headstrong to be governed in due order. The greatest and most populous Cities, as they are pronest unto faction and sedition; so is the dan­ger greatest, both in it self, and the example, if they should revolt. This provident course notwithstanding, there were in Rome men more than enough; and among them not a few malecontents and murmurers at the present state, such as contemned the Consuls, and hated the Prince. To keep these in compass, AUGUSTUS (it being impossible for him to be still re­sident at Rome, and dangerous to be absent) constituted a Provost of the City, for the most part chosen out of the Senators: assigning him a strength of 6000 men, called Milites Urbani, or the City-souldiers. To him he gave absolute and Royal authority, both in the Town and Territory near adjoyning, during his own absence, To him were appeals brought from the other Ma­gistrates: and finally to his Tribunall were referred all causes of importance, not in Rome only, but the greatest part of Italy. Mesalla was the first Provost, but proof being had of his insuffi­ciency, the charge was committed to Agrippa, who did not only setle and confirm the City, but did the best he could to free the adjoyning parts of Italy from Theeves and Robbers, and stopped the courses of many other troublers of the present State. And yet he could not with that power either so speedily, or so thorowly reform all those mischiefs which in the late unsetled times were become predominant, as he did desire.

31 It is recorded that in the Civill wars of Marius and Sylla, one Pontius Telesinus of the Marian Faction, told his Generall, that he did well to scoure the Country, but Italy would never want Wolves, as long as Rome was so sit a Forrest, and so near to retire unto. The like might have been spoken to Agrippa; That he did well to clear the common Rodes and Passages, but I­talie would never want Theeves, whilst Rome was so good a place of Refuge. For though he did, as far as humane industry could extend, endeavour a generall Reformation both within the City and without: yet neither could he remedy, nor foresee all mischiefs. Still were there many, and those great disorders, committed in the night season; when as no eye, but that to which no darkness is an obstacle, could discern the Malefactors. For in the first Proscription, many men used to walk the streets well weaponed; pretending only their own safety; but in­deed it was to make their best advantage of such men as they met either in unfrequented lanes and Passages, or travelling as their occasions did direct them in the Night. To repress therfore the foul insolencies of these Sword-men, AVGVSTVS did ordain a Watch, consisting of 7000 Free­men: their Captain being a Gentleman of Rome. In the day time, the Guard of the Town was committed to the Provost and his Citie souldiers: These Vigils resting in their standing Camps. In the night season, one part took their stations in the most suspitious places of the City: ano­ther, in perpetuall motion traversed the streets; the rest lying in the Corps du Guarde, to re­lieve their companions. By which means, he not only remedied the present disorders; but preserved the City from danger of Fire also. Yea and secured himself from all Night-tumults, which carried with them (though but small) more terror and affrightment, than greater Com­motions in the day. Never till now were the common people Masters of their own, both lives and substance. And now was travell in the Night, as safe, though not so pleasant, as at Noon.

32 The People and City thus setled, his next study is to keep the Provinces in a liking of the Change. But little Rhetorique needed to win their liking, who had long desired the present form of Government: mistrusting the Peoples Regiment, by reason of Noblemens factions, Co­vetousness of Magistrates, the Laws affording no security, being swayed hither and thither by ambition and corruption. These Provinces when he first took the Government, he thus divided. Asia, Africa, Numidia, Betica, Narbonensis, Sicilia, Corsica, Sardinia, all Greece, Crete, Cyprus, Pontus, and Bithynia, being quiet and peaceable Provinces, of known, and faithfull obedience, he assigned unto the Senate. But the new conquered Regions, such as had not disgested their loss of liberty, with whom any Rebellion or War was to be feared, he retained under his own com­mand. Such were Tarraconensis, Lusitanica, Lugdunensis, Germany, Belgica, Aquitanica, Syria, Silicae, Egypt, Dalmatia, Mysia, Pannonia, &c. And this he did, as he gave out, to sustain the danger himself alone, leaving unto the Senate all the sweets of ease: but the truth was, to keep them without Arms, himself alwaies strong and in a readiness. The notable effects of which Coun­sell did not discover themselves only by the establishment of the Empire in his own person du­ring life, and the continuance of it in the house of the Caesars (though men of most prodigious Vices) after his decease: but in some of the Ages following also. For when the Family of the Caesars was extinct in Nero, the Imperiall Provinces being so strong, and perceiving the Con­sular so weak, assumed to themselves the creating, and establishing of the following Princes. Thus Galba was made Emperour by the Spanish and French Legions, Vitellius by the German, Vespatian by the Syrian and Panonnian: The Consular Provinces never stirring, either to prevent their attempts, or to revenge them. And when they adventured once to advance Gordian to the Throne, all they could doe, was but to betray the poor old man and all his Family to a tragick [Page] end. And yet he did not so impropriate those Provinces to the Senate, but that they also (as well as those which he reserved unto himself) were specified particularly in his private Register. In which (the better to manage the affairs of the Empire) he had set down what Tributes every of them payed, what Presents they sent in, what Customs in the [...] were levyed. That book also comprehended the wealth of the publike Treasury, and necessary charge issuing out of it: What number of Citizens and Allies there were in Arms; What strength there was by Sea, with all other circumstances concerning the extent, strength, riches, and particulars of his e­state. William of Normandy did the like at his first entrance into England, when he composed that Censuall Roll of all this Kingdom, which we call Dooms-day Book, or the Roll of Winton; according unto which, Taxations were imposed, and Ayds exacted. The greatest Princes have not thought it a disparagement to be good Husbands, to know the riches of their Crowns, and have an eye to their Intrado.

32. Britain was left out of this Bead-Roll, either because from hence there neither was much hope of profit, nor much fear of hurt; or els because being more desirous to keep than inlarge the Monarchy, he thought it most expedient to confine it within the bounds appointed by Na­ture. Danubius on the North, Mount Atlas on the South, Euphrates on the East, and the main Ocean on the West, did both bound his Empire and defend it. Some Kingdoms have their limits laid out by Nature, and those which have adventured to extend them further, have found it fatall. The Persians seldom did attempt to stretch their Territory beyond Oxus, but they mis­carried in the action. And what was that poor River, if compared unto the Ocean? Many who loved action, or expected preferment by the Wars, incited him unto the conquest and plantation of these Countreys. Affirming, ‘That the barbarous people were naturally bad Neighbours, and though for the present not very strong nor well skilled in Arms, yet might a weak Enemy in time gather great strength. That he ought to pursue the War for his Fa­ther Julius sake, who first shewed that Iland to the Romans; that it yeelded both refuge and supply to the Malecontents of Gaul, and Enemies in Germanie. That he would lose the bene­fit of a wealthy Country, stored with all manner of provision, and the command of a valiant Nation, born (as it were) unto the Wars. That it was an Apostacy from honor, to lye still and add nothing to the conquest of his Ancestors. That he was in all equity bound as far as in him was, to reduce to Civility from Barbraism so many proper and able men.’ But to these motives he replyed, ‘That he had already refused to wage war with the Parthian, a more dangerous neighbour, and far wose enemy than the Britains. That he had waste and desart ground enough in his own Dominions for many a large Plantation, when he saw it needfull. That he had constantly refused, though with great facility he might, to conquer any more of the barba [...]ous Nations. That as in the Nat [...]rall body a surfet is more dangerous than fasting; so in the Body Politike too much is more troublesom than a little. That the Roman Monarchy had already exceeded the Persian and Macedonian, and to extend it further was the next way to make it totter and fall by its own weight. That he had learned in the Fable not to lose the substance, by catching at the shadow. And finally, that many puissant Nations lay in and about Britany, against whom Garrisons must be kept; and he feared the Re­venue would not quit the Cost. And so the enterprize of Britain was quite laid a­side.’

33. For the assurance of the Provinces already conquered, he dispersed into them 23. Legi­ons, with their Ayds, whose pay onely, besides provision of Corn, and Officers wages, amoun­ting to five Millions and an half of our English pounds, and somewhat more, were so suddenly paid unto the Armies, that we read seldom in the Histories of that Empire, of any Mutiny a­mong the souldiers for want of pay. An happiness whereof these ages have been little guilty. For the amassing of this treasure, and defraying of this charge, AUGVSTVS made not use onely of his own revenue. Wars which are undertaken, and Souldiers that are levied for the Common safety, ought in all reason to be maintained on the Common purse. The Grandour and se­curity of an Empire, concerns in all respects, as much the People as the Prince. For which cause he erected an Exchequer in the Citie, which was called Aerarium militare, or the Souldiers Trea­sury, whereto the twentieth part of every mans estate was brought, according to the true and perfect valuation. This was esteemed an heavy burden at the first, and indeed it was, but that the people felt the sweetness and effects of it in the Common safety. In that respect, the inte­rest was greater than the principall. Subjects that have a care either of the common peace or ho­nour, will not repine at payments and taxations, though more than ordinary. It is a poor con­ceit to think that Princes either are able or obliged, to maintain the wars without assistance from their people: or that the treasures which in these respects they give the King, they do not give unto themselves. I may perhaps repute him for a cunning Sophister, but never for a faith­full Subject, which coyns distinctions betwixt the welfare of the King, and the weal of the King­dom. These Legions he imployed as occasion was, either to curb the Natives, or secure the Borders. The Roman Empire seldom had such perfect peace, but that there were imployment, always for the Souldiers. If that they had in any place a short Cessation from the wars, yet they were not idle. Idleness doubtless is the greatest enemy to Martiall Discipline. Therefore he kept them at such times perpetually busied, either in paving Bogs, or in dreaning Marishe [...]. By means whereof, he made not only many of the barbarous Countries, both fruitfull in them­selves, [Page] and profitable to the Chequer: but thereby also he secured his own affairs, and disarmed his enemies. For many times the barbarous people trusting to such advantages, were apt too of­ten to rebell; and having got themselves within those Myres and Fastnesses, stood on their Guard, as in some fashionable or defensible Fortress. The surest means to keep a conquered people from all occasion of revolting, is to lay waste their Wood-lands, and make all parts passable. The opportunity of a safe retreat, makes not more Theeves than Rebells.

35. Those whom he placed over his Provinces and Armies, he neither would remove under three years Government, nor yet continue after five. A longer stay might teach them too much cunning in practising on the dispositions of the people, and perhaps prompt them to work in­to the favour of the Natives, and the Men of War; and so at last to establish in themselves a Soveraignty. Caesars long stay in Gaul, (a second five years being added unto that which was first allowed him) made him so potent with the People, and gracious with the Souldiers, that in the end he brought the Roman Empire under his subjection. And on the other side, to take them from their charges under three years continuance, were to have called them home, be­fore they were well learned in the Customes and the nature of the Provinces; so makiug them unable to instruct their Successors. As for the men whom he imployed in those Commands, he culled them always out of the most valiant and upright in Camp and Senate. A Prince more willing and desirous not to imploy men likely to offend, than after the offence to punish and chastise them.

36. Besides his forces by Land, he also maintained at Sea two invincible Armadoes: The one lay at Anchor neer Ravenna, in the upper Sea, to awe and defend Dalmatia, Crete, Greece, Cy­prus, Asia, &c. The other at Misenum in the lower Sea, to protect and keep under Gaul, Spain, Africa, Egypt, Syria, &c. Neither was this the only use of two such puissant Fleets, but in all probability they were to clense the Sea of Pirates; to have a care to the conducting of the Tributes and Customes into the Exchequer; and served also for transporting Corn, and other ne­cessary provisions, for the sustenance and relief of the Citie. In the ensuing Civill Wars, these two Navies proved to be of great importance: The revolt of them giving as great a blow to the one side, as a comfort to the other. The principall assurance of Otho in these Wars, was the immovable fidelity of the Misenian Fleet; and the siding of the other with Vespatian, brake the hearts of Vitellius best followers.

37. Now as he thus strengthened the Provinces in generall, so did he cast an especiall eye on three particulars, viz. Italie, Gaul, and Egypt; Italie rounded Rome the Metropolis of the Em­pire; and therefore he ought to be well assured of its good faith and allegiance to him. Nor was he ignorant that the Bellum Sociale raised by the people of that Countrey in the Free State, more shook and indangered the Empire, than the Invasions of Pyrrhus or Annibal. Therefore as formerly he planted in it two and thirty Colonies of old and trusty Souldiers to keep it sure unto himself; so now he did divide it into eleven Regions, each having peculiar Magistrates and Under-Officers. This not so much to ease the City Praetor, although he had imployment e­nough at Rome, but because it was thick set, and as it were overlaid with People, whose rising might indanger the Common-wealth. So by his Colonies he kept a Garrison upon them, as it were, that they could not revolt: and by his Officers and Justiciers (as I may call them) he set so strait a Watch about them, that they durst not practise.

38. Gaul, now called France, was both a large and fertile Countrey, stored with a people, valiant in all attempts, and in many desperate. A people with which the old Romans fought rather to maintain their own liberty, than to increase their Dominions, a Tribe or Colonie of which had sacked the City of Rome, and indangered the Capitol. A people finally with whom the Romans durst not make war, till they had almost all the residue of the world in subjection. Remembrance of their antient Reputation, and store of money might occasion many despe­rate practices against the quiet of the Empire. The readiest way to keep them in obedience, was to keep them poor; for without wealth high stomacks may well feed on the hope of Liberty, but digest it never. Licinius his freed-man, was the fittest fellow for such an Office, who is present­ly made the Task-master of the Province. The Galls used to pay a Monethly Tribute, which he much inhaunced (besides private and petty means of prevailing) by making fourteen Moneths in a year. The Solicitors of that people at Rome make complaint to AUGUSTUS. He sometimes yeelded unto them, sometimes excused his Freed-man; some things he would not know, many he would not believe, others he dissembled. Licinius to make up his peace, sent to the Empe­ror all his treasure, and that huge Mass of Gold and Silver by those unlawfull means heaped up together; which he not onely willingly received, but his turn being served, and the French not a little impoverished, he recalled Licinius, and sent Tiberius to settle the Province. So old and common a thing it is with great Princes, to suffer their Vice-Roys, and Under-Officers, to suck like Spunges, the Wealth of the Subject, till they are quite full, and then to squeeze them into their own Coffers.

39. But the Province whose tuition and defence he principally regarded, was Egypt; not so much for the valour and courage of the Inhabitants, as the naturall strength and situation of the place. Alexander of Macedon having annexed it to his Empire, never committed the entire Government and Jurisdiction thereof to one man, fearing lest he presuming on the wealth of the People, and site of the Countrey, would settle the possession in himself. And so AU­GUSTUS [Page] calling to mind as well the multitude, as the levity and inconstancy or [...] that it was very rich in coyn, and the Roman Granary (as serving the City four [...] yearly with Corn) not only trusted not the rule thereof into the hands of any of the [...] but expresly forbad any of that Order (without his speciall permission) to sojourn there. [...] is a principle in State, never to license men of great houses, and credit among the people, to have free access into that Country, whose revolt may endanger the whole Empire. Wherefore it was a weakness doubtless in the Counsell of King Henry the sixt, to suffer Richard Duke of York, to pass at pleasure into Ireland, where he had harbour and relief, and whence he brought supply both of Men and Money. But to return to Egypt, Germanicus entring once into Alexan­dria, only to see the Antiquities of it, and return, stirred such suspitions and distractions in the jealous head of Tiberius, that he spared not sharply to rebuke him for it. Vespasian also being by the Syrian Legions chosen Emperour, first assured himself of Egypt, as the Key of the Sea and Land, with a small power against a strong host easily defended. This place he resolved to make his Sanctuary, if his designs succeeded not luckily. And to this place he hastened, after the defeat of the Vitellian Army; that so detaining the ordinary provision of Victuals, he might by Famine compell the City of Rome to stand at his devotion The Government of this Province was by AUGUSTUS alwaies committed to some one of the Roman Gentry, as less able, by reason of his low Condition, to work against the Princes safety. Neither would he al­low his Deputy the glorious attributes of Lieutenant, Legatus, Proconsul, or Praetor: Captain or President of Egypt was their highest Title; there being even in Titles no small motives to Ambition.

40 AUGUSTUS having by these means reduced both the City and Provinces under his absolute command, and being now declining in strength, by reason of a sudden and violent sickness, began to call his wits to Counsell, how to dispose of the Estate after his decease. Male-child he never had any. His Daughter Julia, a woman of immodest carriage, never made fur­ther use of her Fathers greatness, than that she satisfied her Lusts with the greater insolence. Marcellus his Sisters sonne and Julias husband, was a young man of an ingenious disposition, and seemingly capable of the fortunes which attended for him. Him, being yet young, AU­GUSTUS preferred to the Pontificall dignity, and Aedileship; yet once upon his sickness, he privately determined to choose a Successor in the Common-wealth, rather than his own Family; and nor to leave the Empire to Marcellus, whom he held unable to undergo it, but to his com­panion in Arms, Agrippa, a man daunted neither with adverse, nor altered with prosperous fortunes. This Marcellus afterwards so stomacked, that he began to grutch at Agrippas great­ness, and to bear a vigilant eye on his plots and actions. Contrarily, Agrippa unwilling to of­fend him, under whose future Government he was in all likelyhood to end the rest of his days, with much adoe obtained leave to retire unto Lesbos, that so his absence either might allay, or remove the displeasure conceived against him by the young Prince. An action full of wisdom, and magnamity. For though AUGUSTUS chief end was, to discountenance the popular dependancies of his sonne, by the favours heaped on his servant: Yet did Agrippa know, that a Favorite ought to have so much in him of the Persian Religion, as to worship the Rising Sun also; and that he should resemble old Janus with the two faces, with th'one looking on the King regnant, with th'other on the Prince successive.

41 Marcellus being dead, Agrippa returning, married his Widdow, and on her begat two Sonnes, Caius and Lucius; whose actions afterward afforded such variety for censure, that there was wanting neither much reason to commend, nor little to condemn them. On these two, or at the least one of them, AUGUSTUS now grown aged, resolves to settle the Estate, and if they failed, upon such others, as by the liberty of the Laws, he might Adopt: Adoption, in the estimation of the Roman Laws, being indeed another Nature. Posterity, whether it be naturall, or only legall, is the best supporter of the Arms Imperiall. Such as both fortifies the Prince, and assures the Subject. Yet this he did not without much reluctancy, and a great conflict in his mind. ‘Sometimes his thoughts suggested to him, that the designed Successors draw to them all the attendance and respect, from the Prince in possession; That they have alwaies a lingring desire to be actually seated in the Throne; That they suppose the life of the present Prince, too te­dious; not caring by what means it were shortned: That sometime it is pernicious, yea e­ven to the appointed Successor himself also. On the other side, his better thoughts prompted him to consider in what a miserable distraction he should leave the Empire, if sudden death should take from him an ability to nominate his heir; The fear conceived in the whole Ci­ty, at his last sickness; That Pyrrhus of Epirus, was of all hands condemned, for leaving his Kingdom to the sharpest sword; That the Common-wealth falln into dissentions, could not be setled again without a lamentable War, and a bloudy Victory; That the people seeing him childless, would not only contemn him, but perhaps endeavour to recover the old li­berty, though with the ruin of the State; That it was the custom of Tyrants, to desire the e­ternizing of their deaths, by the downfall of their Countries.’ His mind thus distracted and perplexed, at last he brake in this manner. ‘Thou hast Octavian a Wolf by the ears; which to hold still, or to let go, is alike dangerous. Many inconveniences may ensue, if thou dost not declare thy Successor; More, if thou dost. The good of the Republique consisteth in know­ing the future Prince; Thine own welfare dependeth on the concealment. The Common good [Page] is to be preferred before any private: Yet ought Charity to begin at home. No, Octavian, no; As thou hast receiv'd, so shew thy self worthy of the title of Pater Patriae. Yea, and perhaps this designation may secure thine own Estate. For what will it profit the people to consult against thee when they shall see a successor at hand, either of thine own body, or thine own appointment, ready to take thy place, and revenge thy wrongs.’

40 Thus resolved, he adopteth Caius and Lucius; desiring, though he made shew to the con­trary, they should be Consuls Elect, and called Princes of the Youth. Yet wisely forecasting the dangers incident to himself if they should make their abode in Rome; he sendeth them with ho­nourable charge into the Provinces abroad; as well to exercise them in feats of War, as to take away all cause of faction in the Court, and sedition in the City. Which mystery of State as it was antiently practised by most Princes, so at this day by the Grand Seigneur; who alwaies sendeth his eldest sonne unto Amasia, as Governour thereof; from whence till the death of his Father, he never returneth. In these journeys dyed the two young Princes, a misfortune which AUGUSTUS bare nobly; neither banishing grief with a Stoicall Apathy; nor spending the time in womanish lamentations. Having performed due rights to the dead, he adopted his Wives sonne Tiberius: A man for the conveniency and ripeness of his age, not unfit, in feats of Arms not unexpert, in humane learning not ignorant; but withall suspected to be cruelly given, and possessed with the hereditary pride of the Claudian Family. A strange medley of vertuous and vicious qualities. Tiberius, such was the will of his Father, to establish the succession, with more stayes than one, adopted Germanicus, his Brother Drusus sonne; then commanding over eight Legions in Germany; which done, he speedeth to his charge in Illyricum. This man AUGUSTUS appointed to be his Heir, as it was afterwards (and not improbably) conje­ctured, neither in care to the State, nor in love to the party; but to win honour to himself, and to make the Roman people again wish for him; when they should see that infinite dispro­portion in all royall and Kingly qualities, between the old and new Emperors. A fetch after i­mitated by Tiberius, in the adoption of Caius Caligula.

43 The last (though not the least) help of the Empires establishment, was the long life and reign of our AUGUSTUS: as having ruled the State 16 years before, and 34 years after his confirmation in the Soveraignty, by the Senate and People. All the young men in the City were born after the first Decennium of the Monarchy. Most of the old men during the Civill Wars. Few had seen what was the antient form of Government in the Common-wealth: Many did not desire it. For at the present, enjoying Peace both at home and abroad; and hearing what sad and tragicall reports their Fathers made of the former troubles and proscriptions, they content­ed themselves with the new Government; as more esteeming a secure and happy subjection, than a dangerous and factious liberty. By which long time of Empire, and the policies already reci­ted, besides many others, which I can neither learn by relations, nor gather by presumptions; did AUGUSTUS so firmly settle the Roman Monarchy, that it continued some hundred of years without alteration; though all his immediate Successors were in a manner Monsters, incarnate devils, and indeed any thing rather than men. Tiberius, Cains, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, both by their own Tyrannies, and their Bondmens Extortions, would have ruined any Monarchy not founded by AUGUSTVS.

44 To speak concerning the domestical affairs of this Emperor, is beyond my Theme. As either how far he suffered himself to be ordered by his Wife Livia; or whether he used variety of women, not so much to satisfie a disordinate appetite, as by so many women to fish out the secret designs of many men. He was too exact a Statesman to be perfect in Souldiery; and in all his Wars was prosperous by Fortune rather than by Valour, or his Captains Valour than his own. The Common-wealth which he found weak and in Rubbish, he left Adamantine, and in­vincible. In behaviour he was affable and gracious; in his discourse sententious; to the good, of a most sweet disposition; to the lewd and dishonest, harsh and unpleasant. Friendship he contracted with few, and that slowly; but to them, whom he once loved, constant and bounti­full to the last. Finally, such a one he was, of whom I will only say what I find spoken of Severus; It had been an ineffable benefit to the Common-wealth of Rome, if either he had never dyed, or never been born.

Thus having drawn the Picture of this puissant and prudent Prince (though I confess with too much shadow) I now proceed unto the Catalogue of the Roman Emperours: in which I shall take notice of such of their Actions only as had relation to the Publick, either in the im­provement or decrease of their Power and Empire; or point to any signall matter which con­cerns the Church.

The Roman Emperours.

• 1 Julius Caesar,
  A. M. 3918.
  the last of the Dictators, and the first of the Emperours, in memory of whom the following Emperours were called Caesars, till the time of Adrian, when it became the title of the heir apparent, or designed Successor; the first who had it in that sense being Aelius Verus, though he lived not to enjoy the Empire.
• 2 C. Octavianus Caesar,
  3923.
  to whom the Senate gave the name of Augustus, who added unto [Page 45] the Roman Empire the Provinces of Noricum, Pannonia, Rhoetia, a great part of Spain, and the whole Kingdome of Egypt. In his time the Lord CHRIST was born. 56.
• 3 Tiberius Nero,
  A. C. 17
  the sonne-in-Law of Augustus, subdued many of the German Nations, and added Galatia and Cappadocia to the Empire. In his time CHRIST suffered. 23.
• 4 Ca [...]us Caligula,
  39.
  sonne of Germanicus (sonne of Drusus, the brother of Tiberius) and of A­grippina Neece to Augustus Caesar by his daughter Julia. 3.
• 5 Claudius Caesar,
  43.
  Uncle to Caligula, brother of Germanicus, and sonne of Drusus by An­tonia Neece to Augustus by his Sister Octavia, added Britain and Mauritania to the Roman Empire. 13.
• 6 Domitius Nero,
  57.
  son of Aenobarbus, and Agrippina daughter to Germanicus the last of the Caesars; he made the Celtian Alpes a Province of the Empire; and brought the Armeni­áns to receive their Kings from the Roman Emperours; and was the first that raised any publick persecution against the Christians. An. 67. 13.
• 7 Sergius Galba,
  70.
  chosen by the French and Spanish Legions.
• 8 Salvius Otho, made Emperour by the Praetorian Souldiers.
• 9 Aul. Vitellius, elected by the German Legions.
• 10 Flavius Vespasianus,
  71.
  chosen by the Syrian and Iudaean Armies, subverted utterly the Com­mon-wealth of the Jews, by the valour and prowess of his sonne Titus; and brought Achaia, Lycia, Rhodes, Samos, Thrace, and Syria Comagene, under the form of Roman Provinces. 9.
• 11 Titus Vespasianus,
  80.
  the fortunate Conqueror of the Jews.
• 12 Fl. Domitianus,
  82.
  who raised the second persecution against the Christians. An. 96. 15.
• 13 Nerva Cocceius,
  97.
  a noble Senator, but no Roman born, as all the rest had been before him, but not many after him.
• 14 Ulpius Trajanus,
  99.
  by birth a Spaniard, adopted by Nerva, he made Dacia a Province of the Empire, carried the Roman Armies over Euphrates, subduing Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria; and raised the third Persecution against the Christians. An. 110. 19.
• 15 Aelius Adrianus,
  118.
  who utterly exterminated the Jewish Nation, and continued the Persecution begun by Trajan. 20.
• 16 Antoninus Pius,
  138.
  whose friendship was sought by the very Indians. 24.
• 17 Marcus Antoninus,
  162.
  surnamed the Philosopher, associated L. Verus in the Government, by whose valour he subdued the Parthians; he raised the fourth Persecution against the Church. An. 167. 19.
• 18 L. Antoninus Commodus,
  181.
  sonne to Marcus, the first Emperour that had been hitherto born in the time of his Fathers Empire. 13.
• 19 Aelius Pertinax,
  194.
  made Emperour against his will.
• 20 Didius Iulianus, who bought the Empire of the Souldiers.
• 21 Septimius Severus,
  195.
  took Ctesiphon from the Parthians, subdued the Province of O [...] ­roene; and raised the fifth Persecution. An. 195. 18.
• 22 Bassianus Caracalla,
  213.
  sonne to Severus.
• 23 Opilius Macrinus,
  220.
  made Emperor by the men of War.
• 24 Varius Heliogabalus,
  221.
  the supposed sonne of Caracalla.
• 25 Alexander Severus,
  225.
  Cosen of Varius.
• 26 Maximinus,
  238.
  a fellow of obscure birth, who being advanced to the Empire, raised the sixt Persecution. An. 237.
• 27 Gordian,
  241.
  elected by the Senate against Maximinus. 6.
• 28 Philip,
  247.
  an Arabian, supposed by some to be a Christian. 5.
• 29 Decius,
  252.
  slain in war against the Gothes; the Author of the seventh Persecution raised against the Church. An. 250. 2.
• 30 Gall [...]s Hostilianus. 2.
  254.
• 31 Aemilianus the Moore.
  256.
• 32 Valerianus,
  256.
  the Author of the eighth Persecution. An. 259. He was taken prisoner by Sapores King of Persia, and made to serve him for a footstool.
• 33 Gallienus, sonne to Valerianus, in whose time the 30 Tyrants ingrossed unto themselves severall parts of the Empire.
• 34 Claudius II.
  271.
  who after a short and troublesome time, left it to
• 35 Quintillus his Brother,
  272.
  who enjoyed the same but 17 daies.
• 36 Valer. Aurelianus,
  273.
  restored again the antient discipline, suppressed all the Invaders of the Empire, and vanquished the Gothes, but was a great persecutor of the Church An. 278. 6.
• 37 Annius Tacitus,
  279.
  descended from Tacitus the Historian.
• 38 Florianus, an Emperour of two moneth, only.
• 39 Valerius Probus.
  280.
  6.
• 40 Aurelius Carus,
  286.
  together with his two sonnes Carinus and Numerianus.
• 41 Dioclesian,
  288.
  first associated Maximianus by the name of Emperour, or Augustus, and after­wards [Page 46] Galerius of Dacia, and Constantinus Chlorus by the name of Caesars. He had con­tinuall Wars against the Persians, and raised the tenth Persecution against the Church, An. 295. Which held so long, and was so vehement withall, that as St. Hierom writes, there were 5000 slain for every day in the year save the first of January. He afterwards resigned the Empire, and lived in private at Salona. 20.
• 41 Constantinus Chlorus,
  308.
  a friend to Christians. 2.
• 42 Constantine sonne of Chlorus,
  310.
  surnamed Magnus, or the great; the first Emperor that countenanced the Gospel, and embraced it publickly, which he is said to have done on this occasion. At the same time that he was saluted Emperor in Britain, Maxen­tius was chosen at Rome by the Praetorian Souldiers, and Licinius named Successor by Maiminus, the associate of his Father Chlorus: Being pensive and solicitons upon these distractions, he cast his eyes up towards Heaven, where he saw in the Air a light­some Pillar in the form of a Cross, wherein he read these words, [...], in hoc vince; and the next night our Saviour appearing to him in a Vision, commanded him to bear that figure in his Standard, and he should overcome all his Enemyes. This he performed, and was accordingly victorious; from which time he not only favoured the Christians, but became a very zealous professor of the Faith and Gospel. I know Zosimus an Heathen Historian, partly out of malice to the Christians in gene­rall, and partly a particular grudge to the Emperor Constantine, reporteth otherwise of the causes of his Conversion: But the authority and consent of all Christian Wri­ters, who deliver it as before is told, is far to be preferred before the testimony of one single Heathen had he not been biassed (as he was) by his disaffections.

Before this time it is observed, that few (if at all any) of the Roman Emperor [...] died a natu­rall death, as after they generally did. From Julius Caesar unto Constantine there were 40. in all: Of which, Julius was openly murdered in the Senate; Augustus made away in his wife La­via, as Tiberius afterwards by Macro; Caligula was slain by Cassius Chaereas; Claudius poysoned by his wife Agrippina; Nero and Otho layd violent hands upon themselves; Galba and Vitellius massacred by the Souldiers; Domitian by Stephanus, Commodus by Laetus and Electus, Pertinax and Julianus by the Souldiers of their Guard; Caracalla by the command of Macriuus; Macri­nus, Heliogabalus, Alexander, Maximinus, Maximus, and Balbinus, successively by the men of War; Gordiauus by Philip, Philip by the Souldiers; Hostilianus by Gallus and Aemilianns, and they by the Souldiers; Valerianus dyed a prisoner in Parthia; Florianus was the author of his own end; Aurelianus murdered by his houshold servants; Gallienus, Quintillus, Tacitus, and Probus, by the fury of the military men. And yet I have omitted out of this Accompt such of the Emperors as were tumultuously made by the Army, without the approbation of the Se­nate; as also the Caesars, or designed Successors of the Empire; most of which got nothing by their designation and adoption, but ut citius interficerentur. Some of these were cut off for their misdemeanours; some for seeking to revive again the antient Discipline; and some, that o­thers might enjoy their places. The chief cause of these continuall massacres, proceeded ori­ginally from the Senate and Emperors themselves. For when the Senators had once permitted the Souldiers to elect Galba, and had confirmed that election; Evulgato (saith Tacitus) imperii arcano, principem alibi quàm Romae fieri posse; more Emperors were made abroad in the field by the Legions, than at home by the Senators. Secondly, from the Emperors, who by an unsea­sonable love to their Guard-souldiers, so strengthened them with privileges, and nusled them in their licencious courses, that on the smallest rebuke, they which were appointed for the safety of the Princes, proved the Authors of their ruin: so truly was it said by Augustus in Dion, Metuendum est esse sine custode, sed multò magis à custode metuendum est. The last cause (be it causa per accidens, or per se) was the largess which the new Emperors used to give unto the men of service; a custom begun by Claudius Caesar, and continued by all his Successors: insomuch that the Empire became saleable, and many times he which bad most had it. As we see in [...]on, when Sulpitianus offering twenty Sestertiums to each souldier, was (as if they had been buy­ing of a stock at Gleek) out-bidden by Julianus, who promised them five and twenty Sestertiums a man. So that Herodian justly complaineth of this Donative. Id initium causa (que) mi­litibus fuit, ut etiam in posterum turpissimi contumacissimi (que) evaderent, sic ut avarit [...]a indies, ac princi­pum contemptus, etiam ad sanguinem us (que) proveherent. That is to say; From this occasion and beginning the souldiers every day grew more shameless, and less regardfull of their Prince; so that their covetuousness increasing, and the contempt they had of their Emperors waxing more and more, ended at last in the frequent shedding of their bloods, in hope to have a better Market of the next Successor: So as the Emperor Constantine wanted not good reason, besides their siding against him for Maxentius, to cashier these Guards, as grown more dangerous than useful to Impe­rial Majesty. And so accordingly he did levelling their standing Camp to the very ground, disban­ding the whole company, or putting them under other Officers and to other Services; by means whereof they were not able to create the like disturbances, or dispose of the Empire as before. And for the Captains of these Guards which before were two ( Praefecti Praetorio in the Latine) he increased their number unto four, (one for each quarter of the Empire) giving them a Civill Jurisdiction in exchange for the Military Command which they had before; and casting them behind in place after the Patric [...] an Order of his own devising.