ΣΙΝΙΟΠΠΑΓΙΑ, THE Sifters Sieve broken. OR, A REPLY To Doctor Boughen's sifting my Case of Conscience touching the Kings Coronation Oath.

WHEREIN IS cleared,
  • That Bishops are not Jure Divino.
  • That their sole Government, without the help of Presbyters, is an usurpation, and an innovation.
  • That the Kings Oath at Coronation, is not to be extended to preserve Bishops, with the ruine of Himself and Kingdome.

Secundùm honorum vocabula, quae jam Ecclesiae usus obtinuit, Episcopatus Pres­byterio major. Aug. Ep. 19.

Communi Presbyterorum consilio regebantur Ecclesiae: Hieron. in Tit. 1.

Let the Peace of God rule, and sway in your hearts; to the which also, ye are called in one body, Col. 3.15.

By John Geree, M. A. and Pastor of St. Faiths under Pauls, in London.

LONDON, Printed for Christopher Meredith, at the sign of the Crane in Pauls Church-yard, 1648.

TO THE RIGHT VVORSHIPFVL Sir Francis Nethersole, of Nethersole, Knight: Grace and Peace.

Much Honoured Sir,

THough the great re­spect, which you have been pleased to vouchsafeme, might be engagement suf­ficient to this Scholastical grati­tude; Yet the suitableness of the subject, added much to my incli­nation, in this way, to let the world know, that I am in the number of those, who are grateful [Page]honourers of your Learning, and Godliness. The Book I present to you, is Polemical; But the in­tention of my contention is Ireni­cal. As it is Polemical, your learn­ing renders you able to judg of it. As it is Irenical, your piety (which bears the old stamp) will incline you to imbrace it; for all that know you throughly, will give you testimony, to be a lover of peace, as it is a thing commanded of God, not as it is popular, and pleasing to men; And that you have been a perswader of it; not for private, but publique in­terest; not because it is easie, but holy; having had as deep a sence, as any, of the sad sufferings of your dear Countrey, in her honour, strength, wealth, and Religion, [Page]by the present unnatural War.

Sr, In this Paper-Combat, I have met with such an Adversa­ry, as makes me need, not onely candor, but succour; yet not a­gainst his subtilties, but calum­nies; Neither this, to those that know me, but to strangers: for his personal criminations, are such gross mistakes, that they will ren­der him ridiculous, to all that un­derstand my judgment and car­riage in these present distractions. But yet they may make me odi­ous, where I am unknown; as I am to most of those of qua­lity, whom this Reply should sa­tisfie. Sir, If your name and testi­mony, free my person from pre­judice with such, that they may ponder the Argument in an equal [Page]ballance, I have enough; for I never desire more from any Rea­der, then what the weight of un­prejudic'd Reason inclines him to give. Controversies are of them­selves troublesome; especially when they come to Replies, and Rejoynders. Therefore, that I may not add to your trouble, with a long Epistle, praying for an in­crease of your graces, and blessing on your self, yours, and all your good endeavors, especially those, for an happy Peace; I take leave, and remain

Yours to serve you in the Lord Jesus, John Geree.

The Preface to the Reader.

PARAG. I. Detecting the false unjust, and uncharitable dealing of Doctor Boughen, in his Sifting my Case of Conscience Resolved. Whereby it may appear, whose Sieve he used civiov Graecè cribrum est a­pud Hesychium & [...] cribrare apud e­undem. Cam. Myroth. Evang. in luc. 22.31. [...] Cribrari to Sift this Resolution.

Christian Reader,

I HERE Present unto thee a Reply to an Answer made to a Book of mine, by a man I know not; and it seems I am not known to him. For in it, he chargeth me not onely with error in judgment, which is incident to man, Humanum est erra­re: But also imputes to me pravity of intention, both to King and Kingdom, which is Diabolicum, the Character of those, whom Satan possesses, filling their hearts with such corrupt affections. Now to manifest my innocency, and (at the best) the Doctors great mistake in these accusations, I know no better way, then that which Paul took, in a case of malitious accusation before Festus, and King Agrippa, Acts 26. verse 4. To lay open what my manner of carriage hath been, in this present National difference; all the irregularities whereof, on one side my Opponent layes throughout his Book to my charge. Thou maiest therefore understand; That in these late unnatu­ral distempers of our Church and Nation, I have been a zea­lous Studier of Peace, and an hearty mourner, not onely for the sins, but the hard and irregular sufferings of either partie. And have been conscientiously tender of that duty, wherein, [Page]either by the Word of God, or the legal oaths of this Nation, I stood engaged to my Soveraign. Hence have I, both suffered for him, and with him. And in my sympathie, I was pierc'd the deeper, because I could not but look upon his sufferings, as reflecting scandal on our Religion, and Nation. Neither knew I how to excuse those, whom I was bound in conscience, in so great a degree, to love, and honour in their places (as wel as his Majestie;) that not to be able to clear them, was (I truly pro­fess) as Davids sword in my bones. Psalm. 42.10. This made me restless in my spirit, while there was any thing (within my sphere) for me to do, whereby any, the least, probability appeared to further accommodation. For I stood in dread of a prolonged Civil War, not onely because it would hazzard the Honour, and Weal of King and Parliament, in whose Ʋnion and mutual safetie, was involved the Glory, Strength, and Liberty of this Nation; But also, because I fore-saw what sluces it would set wide open to all excess of riot. And the further the War proceeded, the more was I confirmed in my sad prognosticks of it; For it seemed evident, that though the pretences for War were specious, viz. Truth, and Purity: Either of which, is more precious then Peace; yet unless, by some happie ac­commodation, War were shortned, we were in great danger to be no smal losers, both in Truth and Holyness. Hereupon I drew up a Treatise of accommodation, pressing it with Argu­ments, by mutual condescention. Which so far had the appro­bation of some peaceable men of quality, that had not some cross accidents prevented, it may be, it might have seen the light.

While my thoughts were still busied about peace, we had in­telligence, where I lived, that the King, sending from Oxford to the Parliament, for a Treaty for Accommodation; had by the Earl of Essex, the Lord General, a short answer returned, with a Copie of the National Covenant enclosed in it. The English whereof was interpreted to be, that unless the Cove­nant were taken, no accommodation could be expected; there­upon I took a serious view of the Covenant, to see what was in it, that might cause unanswerable scruple. The result of my thoughts was, that except the second Article about Episcopacy, [Page] (mutatis mutandis, those things being altered, that upon Ac­commodation must have admitted alteration) there was no­thing, that might greatly scruple, a minde moderate and peace­able. And for that second Article, considering the government of the Church by Bishops, was never determined by our Church to be Jure Divino; And that we acknowledg, as Sisters, those Churches that have admitted Presbytery; And sith what is Humane, is, upon good and weighty motives, alter­able; And what more weightie motive can be to induce a Prince, to consent to alter what is alterable, then to preserve three flourishing Churches and Kingdoms, from blood and ashes? The onely difficulty, I apprehended, in reference to his Majesty, in that Article (supposing him to be of the same judgement, with this most learned Father, touching Episcopacy, in his Basilicon Doron) rested in his oath at Coronation; which I had read urged strongly, but modestly, in an Anony­mus Book, written on the Royal side about this War; and after­ward prest with more violence, in a Treatise against the Cove­nant.

On these Books, therefore I resolved to make an assay, whe­ther what was objected in that particular, were solveable. And on this occasion was the Case Resolved first compiled. Which having finish'd, I communicated to one of the Kings Chaplains (as learned, rational, and sincerely affected to his Majestie, as Doctor Boughen, though not so froward) who agreed with me in desiring, and endeavouring accommodation. He presented it to a Counsellor of State, (a lover of peace, and in good esteem with his Majestie;) What use he made of it, I know not. But mine own Copy lay dead in my hands, till the King went from Oxford into the Scots Army; By whom be­ing brought to New-Castle, his Majestie had divers disputes with Master Hinderson about this very subject; which occa­sioned me to re-view my notes, and shew them to a learned friend, who judging them not contemptible, told the Scots Ministers of the Assembly, of such a Tract that he had seen; whereupon they earnestly desired it, either in Print, or in Writ­ing. On this occasion, after some moneths, if not years, it saw the light. And some Copies being given to the Scots Com­missioners, [Page]they presented one to the King, who read it, and (if my Intelligencer fail me not) though he received not satisfacti­on by it, yet his censure of it, did neither discover passion, nor contempt, but the contrary.

But Quorsum haec? That the Reader may know, with what an innocent, and upright heart, my Case of Conscience Resolved was composed. The main intention of it being nothing, but a good accommodation, for the honour and safety of Sovereign, and Countrey. That thereby, not onely the uncharitableness, but the impertinency; falseness, and injustice, may appear, of those bitter calumnies, that are every where scattered in the Answerers Treatise, like Ʋlcers in an unsound Body, of which his two Epistles are not free, which come first to receive Animadversions.

PARAG. II. ANIMADVERSIONS on Doctor Boughen's two Epistles, clearing the Author of the Case Resol­ved, from imputations of sleighting Authority, and retorting them on the Accuser.

DOctor Boughen dedicates his Book to the King, and gives his reason, because, It is a Justification of his Coronation-oath, of his Crown and Dignity; And the fairest Flower of it,Spreamacy.

Touching the Oath, we shall consi­der in the body of the Book it self. But what speaks he of defending the Kings Crown and dignity? As though that were endangered, by the Case Resolved. Whereas the occasion and intention of that Treatise, was, (as the Introduction expresseth, and the matter evidenceth) to prevent that great hazzard of both, which since they have undergone. And was written by one, as well affected to his Majesties Crown and dignitie, and, I doubt, more sincerely then D. B. is. Nor hath he more need to defend the Kings Supreamacy, from any dan­ger that it was in by my Book; For I doubt not, but (when I come to the last Chapter of his Book, wherein the point of Supreamacy is handled) to make it evident, that I have detracted nothing of that Supreamacie, which the King doth challenge; Nor, what I had not warrant for, from his Majesties own Pen; No, nor, but what this An­swerer himself is forced to relinquish, while, and where he makes a Mimick shew of opposition.

There is one passage more in this Epistle, which I cannot [Page]pass by. Where he hath spoken of one, That during the Eclipse of Heaven, durst acknowledg our Saviours King­dom, &c. He interrogates (with reference to the King) and shall I be ashamed to do the like? Give me leave Sir, to answer your question. No wise men will think you need be a­shamed of Dedicating a book to his Majestie, though under an Eclipse. But they may doubt, whether you may not be a­shamed of making a question of it. 2. And more, whether you may not be ashamed of representing the Author, you answer, as an enemy to the Kings Crown and Dignity; when the Treatise it self bespeaks him quite the contrary. 3. But most of all, whether you may not be ashamed of de­dicating a Book, better stored with railing then reason, to so rational a Prince.

In his Epistle to the Reader, he tells him, How being moved by a Friend, to consider of my Case of Conscience, &c. he was willing to undeceive his seduced Countrimen; and so yeelded to his request, and found the Treatise small, but dangerous. It aims at the ruin, both of Church and Kingdom. It per­swades the King, that his oath at Coronation, is a wicked oath, and that he ought to break it; yea, he affirms it to be vincu­lum iniquitatis, the bond of iniquity. No sooner read I this, (saith the Doctor) but my heart was hot within me; and while I was musing on this, Psalm. 39.4. and the like Blasphemies, the fire kindled within me, and at the last, I spake with my tongue; Why should this Shimei blaspheme my Lord the King? &c.

Bloody words; but the Prudent Reader will remember, Si satis sit accusari, quis erit [...]innocens? If accusation be suffi­cient proof of a crime, who shall be innocent? And I doubt not, but, by a fair Apology, to stop the mouth of this Slan­derer; 2 Sam. 16.4.6, 7, 8. and prove him to play Ziba's, while I clear my self from acting Shimei's part. For first, whereas he saith, that 'this Treatise aims at the ruine, both of the Church and King­dom. This is most notoriously false; the scope of it being expressed in the very entrance of it, to be the preservation of both, by Union and Accommodation. For want of which, how both have been hazzarded, is evident to every prudent observer of things. Again, for that he saith, That I tell the [Page]"King, that his Coronation-oath is a wicked oath, yea, affirm it to be, vinculum iniquitatis, the bond of iniquity: This is, in part, false, in part uncharitable, and crafty wresting words, to draw blood out of them; For there is no such expression in all my Book, as that the Kings oath at Coronation, is a wicked oath. And though I use the tearm, vinculum iniquita­tis, yet by the expressions annexed, if he had set them down, there would have appeard no such vileness in it, as he interprets it; the words are thus; [The bond of the Kings oath, may be taken off two wayes, either by clearing the unlawfulness of it, that it was vinculum iniquitatis, and so void the first day, &c.] Now here the Reader may observe, that vinculum iniquitatis, was used by me, onely to note the unlawfulness of the oath in that particular; and its an usual phrase, to note the un­lawfulness of the matter in any oath; yet I did not English it, because it might seem harsher in our Language. Besides, I did not assert, that the Kings oath was unlawful in that point, unless it did engage him to maintain Episcopacy, as then it stood, which the King hath declared it did not, in that he hath offered their regulation by Presbyters. How false then is the Doctor in this also, in positively affirming, that I make the kings oath, vinculum iniquitatis? When I do it, onely upon a supposition, which the king denies; yea, and which I did imagine the king might deny; and so declined that way of in­validating the bond of the kings oath, as appears plainly in my Treatise. But whether that argument that I brought, did prove it unlawful, to swear to maintain the Bishops in the power they then executed, will appear, when I come to discover the sillyness of the Doctors Answer. And if the oath be proved in that sence unlawful, then I hope tits no offence, but necessary in dispute, so to call it; unless we be to flatter Superiors in what ever they do; and so not honour, but Ido­lize them, and lay snares for their feet.

But with musing on these, and other blasphemies, fire was kindled in the Doctor. What were these other blasphemies? Those he names not, nor are we ever like to know. But that the fire was kindled, is evident by the fruits of it; but such a fire, that I doubt not, but that the Reader will judge, that he [Page]might for it, more pertinently have cited James 3.6. then Psalm. 39.4.

After, to present me more odious, he cites a place out of Doctor Burgess's fire of the Sanctuary, touching imprecations, and Seditious raylings against the Rulers of the people, and rude, bitter, unseemly speeches uttered against them. Also out of Master Wards Sermon before the Commons, about suffering vile men to blaspheme, and spit in the face of authori­ty. And affirms, all this Master Geree hath done undeserved­ly. Hath he used imprecations, or bitter railings against the Prince? Hath he used rude, bitter, unseemly speeches a­gainst him? Hath he blasphemed, or spit in the face of Au­thority? Convince all these, or any of these; and you shall finde him ready to repent, and ask God, and his Prince forgiveness. But if he hath not done all, no, nor any of these, then is Doctor Boughen a malicious Slanderer; and whose agent he is, in these accusations, he may easily see, if he be pleased to view, Joh. 8.44. and Revel. 12.10. But hath not Doctor Boughen in truth done that to the Parliament, which he falsely accuseth me to have done against the Prince? And is not the Parliament an Assembly of Gods, Psalm 82.1? And neerest in honour and Authority to the king? Nay, hath not he done worse to the king, then any thing that he laies to my charge? For is not perjurie worse, then through incogitancie to swear to some thing that seems good, but is not lawful? (which is all that can be objected to me to have said in reference to the King.) And doth not Doctor Boughen (while he saith, to abolish Episcopacie is no more against the kings oath, then to take away their Votes in the House of Peers, pag. 87. and that he cannot consent to abolish Episcopacy without perjurie, pag. 123. charge the king with perjurie, in consenting to a Bill, for taking away the Bishops priviledg, of Sitting and Voting in the House of Peers? Then let him consider, who is neerer Simon Magus, and who hath more need to pray forgiveness in this particu­lar. As touching Simon Magus; I am sure I never pro­fer'd money for any Ecclesiastical Gifts, nor Livings, and so am free from Simony. And to clear me from being a Ma­gician, [Page]I Printed a Book against judicial Astrologie at the same time with the Treatise, which the Doctor would An­swer; which hath nettl'd Lily, and Booker, (no great friends to the king) neer as much, as my Case Resolved, did Doctor Boughen.

He closeth with two things. First, He that answers a "Book, is bound to confute all, but what he approves. This I deny, unless he mean all that is pertinent and weightie: For impertinent triflings and railings (of which the Doctors Book hath too much) deserve no answer, nor the waste of Paper. The other is, The guides he wisheth the Reader to "be led by in judging, viz. Reason, Scriptures and Authority. And therein, I fully close with him, so far as Autority, the third, is guided by the two former, Scriptures and Rea­son: And so far onely it deserves respect. And thus far for his Epistles.

Reader observe, that in this Treatise, D. B. stands for Doctor Boughen, And D. D. for Doctor in Divinity.

The Contents of the several Chapters.

  • CHAP. I. ANimadversions on Doctor Boughen's first chapter, where­in he playes with the Introduction to the dispute; and here­in is discovered his subtilty in the whole, and ridiculous trifling in this part of his book. Page 1.
  • Chap. 2. Wherein is cleered, that the National Covenant is not to abolish Episcopacie, root, and branch: Nor is Epis­copvcie of Christs institution: in answer to Doctor Boughen's second chapter. pag. 6.
  • Chap. 3. Wherein it is cleered, That Prelacy, as it stood in England, was an usurpation on the office of Presbyters: In an­swer to Doctor Boughen's third Chapter. p. 15.
  • Chap. 4. Parag. 1. Wherein it is cleered, That Episco­pacie is not to be upheld by our Protestation, and that there may be ordination without it, in answer to Doctor Boughen's fourth Chapter. p. 20.
  • Chap. 4. Parag. 2. Wherein is shewed, That the National Covenant doth not engage to uphold Episcopacie: In answer to Doctor Boughen's fifth Chapter. p. 31.
  • Chap. 4. Par. 3. Wherein for a ful answer, to what Doctor Boughen hath said to prove Episcopacy Christs institution: This Question is resolved, Whether a Bishop (now usually so called) be by the Ordinance of Christ, a distinct officer from him that is usually called a Presbyter The one a successour of the Apostles, endued with power of Ordination, and other juris­diction: The other, the successour of the Presbyters, ordained by Timothy, and Titus: Endued with power of administring Word and Sacraments. p. 36.
  • Chap. 4. Parag. 4. Wherein is shewed, the impertinency [Page]of Doctor Boughen's sixth Chapter against perjury. p. 50.
  • CHAP. V. PARAG. I. Shewing, That the Clergies rights are as alterable by King and Parliament, as the Layties; In answer to Doctor Boughen 's tenth Chapter. p. 53.
  • CHAP. V. PARAG. II. Wherein is shewed, That the distinction, that is between Clergie, and Laytie, and their priviledges in this Kingdom, hinders not, but the priviledges of the one are alterable by King and Parliament, as well as of the other, in answer to Doctor Boughen's eleventh Chapter. p. 57.
  • CHAP. VI. Answering Doctor Boughen's Exclamation, for the re­moveal of Bishops out of the House of Peers. p. 61.
  • CHAP. VII. Shewing, that the Monarchical jurisdiction, and great reve­nues of the Bishops may be divided to the advantage of the Church: in answer to Doctor Boughens thirteenth Chap­ter. p. 67.
  • CHAP. VIII. Shewing, that abuses are a forfeiture of some priviledges: in answer to Doctor Boughens fourteenth Chapter. p. 73.
  • CHAP. IX. Wherein is shewed, that the converting of Bishops Lands, to maintain preaching Ministers, would not be Sacriledg, but a good work: in answer to Doctor Boughens fifteenth Chap­ter. p. 82.
  • [Page]CHAP. X. PARAG. I. Wherein is shewed, what is the true intention of the Kings oath, for the maintenance of Episcopacy: in answer to Doctor Boughens 7. Chapter. p. 24.
  • CHAP. X. PARAAG. II. Shewing, the right sence of the Kings Coronation oath; that what he undertakes for the Bishops, must not be conceived, to cross what he hath promised to the people: in Answer to Dr. Boughens eighth Chapter. p. 98.
  • CHAP. X. PARAG. III. Shewing, that the Clergie are equally under the Parliament, as well as the Layty: in Answer to Dr Boughens ninth chap­ter. p. 103.
  • CHAP. XI. Shewing, that the King is not bound to protect the Bishops Honours with the lives of his good subjects: in Answer to Doctor Boughens 16. chapter. p. 108.
  • CHAP. XII. Wherein it is cleared, that though the King be the Supream Magistrate, yet that supreamacy which is over all Laws, is in this Kingdom, not in the King alone, but in the King and Parliament: in answer to Doctor Boughens seventeenth Chap­ter. p. 118.

Imprimatur,

JA. CRANFORD.

CHAP. I. Containing ANIMADVERSIONS on Doctor BOUGHENS first Chapter, wherein he playes with the Introductions to the dispute; and herein is discovered his subtilty in the whole, and ridiculous trifling in this part of the Book.

WE have heard your malicious charges against the Author of the little Treatise, which you undertake to answer. Now I must minde the Reader, of a Serpen­tine subtilty, that you use, to deceive him into a belief of your foul slanders, if he be not cautelous; which is, not to set down the treatise entire, nor to take it in order as it lyes, lest the view of it, if it had been entirely set down, should clearly have cryed false on your slanders; but here and there pack some of it in your margent, in what method you please. I shall therefore take this course, to set down the first Treatise by parts entire, A case Resol­ved. that the Reader may the bet­ter judg, whether is true, my Apology, or your Calumny; and when I have set down any entire part of the case resolved, I shall indeavour to cleer what you have objected against it, in any part of your prolix Sieve.

First therefore, the Introduction into the dispute, runs thus in my printed Treatise.

Case Resolved.

VVHether the King, (considering his oath at Coronation to protect the clergy, and their priviledges) can salvâ conscientiâ consent to the abrogation of Episco­pacy? Aff.

When I consider, first, that there is no hope of the Kings or kingdomes safety, without an union between our King and Parliament. Secondly, that such an union is tantùm non impossi­bile, unless the King condescend in point of episcopacy: Thirdly; for the King to condescend renitente conscientiâ, though it might gratifie us, it would be sinful in him; and so he should forfeit inward, to procure outward peace; and be represented to himself, in the glass of conscience: to ad­venture the heavenly, to retain an earthly crown. Fourth­ly, the oath taken at the Kings Coronation hath been prest by some learned pens, with that probability, that may stumble a right intelligent Reader; neither have they, that I know, re­ceived any satisfactory answer in print. Now I conceive, it may be a work worth some paines, to resolve this case, and cleer those objections, that, while they stand unanswered, cast an ill reflection, both upon the King, in condescending to abrogate Episcopacy, and the Parliament, in pressing him to it.

This is the introduction; wherein the Reader may see the scope of the Book, to be safety, and union of the King and Parliament; and not the ruine of the King, and Kingdome, as Dr. Boughen unjustly suggested in his Epistle to the Rea­der. Again, the grounds of undertaking the resolution, are so weighty, and the candor towards Antagonists, in giving them due testimony, so cleer, that one would think it a fitter object for envy, then carping; but Dr. Boughen can finde a knot in a bulrush; and therefore, because in the title it is said, that in the Book it is cleared, that the King may without im­peachment ;to his Coronation oath abrogate Episcopacy, the [Page 3]Dr. saith, Doctor Boughen pag. 1. chap. 1. par. 1. I full magisterially determine before the case be so much as proposed. Is this the fashion, first to resolve, and then to propose the case? This may be the course of Hereticks, not of Catholiques. But you are resolved to main­tain, that a Christian may swear, and forswear, without the least prejudice to his soul. Thus the Dr. wherein he hath given a specimen in the porch, what stuffe we are like to meet with in the building; and gives me just cause to be­wail my unhappiness, that having at first to deal with lear­ned, and rational men, am now fallen into the hands of a passionate trifler: for doth not every intelligent man know, that though titles of Books be first set, yet they are last made, and usually last printed, and contain in them the Summe of the Book? wherein, I doubt not, he will finde, not a magisterial, but so rational a decision, that he will, in an­swering it, haerere in luto, before I have done with him: For the accusation wherewith he closeth his paragraph, being groundless rayling, I know where it will reflect shame, with the impartial Reader, and therefore it needs no other answer, but a peremptory denyal; nothing being more ab­horrent from my soul, or the scope of this Treatise, then either to maintain swearing, or forswearing. "But parag. 2. He affirmes my practise is accordingly, because those of my perswasion have taken up armes against their Soveraign, and hold the Parliament subordinate to no power under heaven. But here, his assertions are not onely impertinent to the case, but known to be false, by those that know me; but then he comes in with a second scornful expression, that I have taken the oath of a canonical obedience; and yet indeavour the abrogation of Episcopacy. But how knows he, that I have taken the oath of canonical obedience? sure I am, having never had institution, nor induction, it was never profer'd me: but because he (it seems) hath been so ready to swear, all must be in that bond: but what if I had taken the oath? I know no engagement to inhibit me to seek the abrogation of Episcopacy, from the oath, sith I was never forbidden by the Diocesan, to seek it; nay I can assure him, that Dr. Bishop of Gloce­ster. Smith, who imposed hands on me, and in whose dioces, while [Page 4]he liv'd, I exercised my Ministry, was of Ieromes mind, that a Bishop was an humane creature, as he exprest himself in conference to a friend of mine, and so not unalterable. For his 3 Parag. Touching Smectimnuus making a Bishop and an Elder all one, a and thence his wonder, how they indure my proposition, being he knows that Author speaks of Bi­shop and Presbyter in a Scripture-sense (which anon will cut his combe;) and I speak of a Diocesan Bishop, as now he stands; as he confesseth Parag. 4. That his quirk about Smectimnuus, and the Masters of the Assembly, is ridiculous trifling, fitter for a boy disputing in Parvis, to lengthen out an argument, then for a D.D. writing a book, in a case of moment.

But now to the motives, which he saith I produce for the abrogation of Episcopacy, he should have said for writing this case about it. For the first, no hope of the Kings and king­doms safety, without union between the King and our Parli­ament, he doth not deny it, but yet he divides them se­ditiously: Our King, and your Parliament. I acknowledg him as my King, pray and act for him in my sphear, as my Soveraign: the King hath written to them as his Parliament, yet the Dr. divides them, though he cannot deny, no safety without union: For his petitions made in Scriptures phrase, they are from him, as his heart is which I leave to God; and in a good sense say, Amen. For the Second ground, there is no probable means of union, without the Kings condescention in point of Episcopacy. This, parag. 6. and 7. he denies not, but adds some things out of his own distempered minde, viz. un­less he lay down his lands &c. Which he cannot prove, though I am truly sorry, that he hath any colour to set them off as credible to any. For the third, If the King should do it reni­tente conscientia, it would be sinful, &c. To this Parag. 8. he saith, that I perceive, and in a manner confess, that this he must do; for you say, it would be sinful to himself. Thus you per­swade our Soveraign into sin, &c. Was there ever a more false, or irrational passage dropt from a D.D. pen? do I say it absolutely, when I only say, if he should condescend, reni­tente conscientia? or do I perswade to sin, when I shew such inconveniences of sin, as cannot be ballanc'd? But by [Page 5]way of amplification, we have another piece of Divinity, worthy such a D. D. Every reluctance of conscience makes not a grant sinfull, but when my conscience checks me on just grounds. Is this catholike doctrine? I am sure, it is not orthodox; for it is point-blank to Saint Paul, speaking of those that act against conscience, for want of light in indiffe­rent things; and so not on just grounds. Rom. 14.17. compared with verse. 25. The kingdome of God is not in meat, and drink; But he that doubteth, is damned if he ea­teth, because he eateth it not of faith; for whatsoever is not of faith, is sin. For the last, that the Coronation oath is prest by learned pens, &c. "he first takes notice of my confession, Parag. 9. Wherein he might observe my candor to my An­tagonists, and therein read my intentions, that, not out of distaste to persons, but out of love to peace, and with a quiet and well affected heart, to those I oppose, I wrote the re­solution of this case; but the Doctors blood-shot eye, can see none of this. He hath not so much ingenuity as the Heathen, virtus in hoste. No, he was resolved to carry on his Book with railings and scoffs; and I am resolved, neither to envy, nor to imitate him; being well assured that such dealing will prejudice both the work and Author, with any pious and prudent Reader. Next he trifles about an expression touch­ing the Kings condescention, (I beseech you, do you dream? who told you, that his Majesty had condescended to this impi­ous and anti-christian demand? saith he.) Whereas he knows, the context of my words evidence them to be spoken hypothetically, not catogorically. But we must give him leave to catch at shows, that wants real exceptions. For his other expressions, "That desire of abrogation of Episcopacy, is impious and anti-christian; This will appear but froth, un­less he can make his Diocesan Lord Bishop an Ordinance of God, which will now come to tryal.

CHAP. II. Wherein it is cleared, that the Covenant is not to abolish Epi­scopacy, root and branch, nor is Episcopacy of Christs in­stitution, in answer to Dr. B. Second Chapter.
Case of Conscience Resolved

NOw the bond of the Kings oath, may be taken off two wayes; either by clearing the unlawfulness of it, that it was vinculum iniquitatis, and so void the first day; For qu [...] jurat in iniquum obligatur in contrarium. And if Pre­lacy in the Church be an usurpation contrary to Christs insti­tution, then, to maintain it, is sin; and all bonds to sin, are frustrate. And truly, as Prelacy stood with us in England, ingrossing all ruledom in the Church, into the hands of a few L. Bishops, I think, it may be cleared to be an usurpation, by this one argument.

That power that dispoyls any of Christs Officers of any priviledg or duty indulged or injoyned them by the word of God; that power is an usurpation against the word of God. But this did Prelacy, as it stood in England: therefore English Prelacy, was an usurpation against the word of God.

The Major is cleer of it self. The Minor is thus proved: Presbyters are by Christs warrant, in Scripture, indued with power to rule in their own congregations, as well as preach; See 1 Tim. 3.5. & 5,17, Heb. 13.17. 1 Thess. 5.12. Now as Prelacy stood in England, the Presbyters were not onely excluded from all society of rule; but, which was more pre­judicial to the dignity and liberty of the ministery, were subjected to a lay-Chancellor; and was not here usurpation against Gods direction?

Now what saith Dr. Boughen? you say true (saith he) that the oath which is Vinculum iniquitatis is void the first day, &c. And hitherto your argument is good; and in it, he will joynissue, &c. Cap. 2. Parag. 1. See what a work [Page 7]this passage hath on the Doctor, taken together, and con­sidered when the blood was down; now all goes current; yet this is the place, for which he spit so much poyson of aspes in his Epistle to the Reader. I hope, the Reader will observe; and by appealing from the Doctor in passion, to the Doctor out of passion, see how injuriously he hath traduced me, for one that blasphemes and spits in the face of authority. Well now, upon this the Doctor will joyn issue, and will readily acknowledg, that if Prelacy in the Church be an usurpation against Christs institution, then to maintain it, is to sin, and all bonds to sin are frustrate; but yet Parag 2. He adds, he hopes I use no tricks, but by Prelacy mean Episcopacy properly so called. Doctor, I do use no tricks, a good cause needs them not; but I doubt, you will be found to use tricks presently, and that poor ones; that is, to change the state of the question: For when I implead Pre­lacy as unlawful, I implead it not absolutely; but as it then stood in England. But the Doctor proceeds, and thinks that my medium is an arrow for his bow; and makes a triple assay to hit me with it, but is unlucky in all, as will presently appear; first thus, If Supremacy in Parliament be an usurpation contrary to Christs institution, then to maintain it, is to sin; But supremacy, &c. ergo it is sin.

The major you prove, by 1 Pet. 2.13, 14. Submit your selves to every ordinance of man, whether it be unto the King as supream, or unto governours, as those that are sent by him. I answer, the Apostle gives no other supre­macy to the King here, then I give him Pag. 9 of my case; that is, to be the Supream Magistrate, from whom all power of execution is legally derived; and this is competible with that supremacy which I give the Parliament. Oh, but saith the Doctor, every rational man cannot but understand, that there cannot be two supreams in one Kingdome. But Master Doctor, Rational men will see a difference between a Supre­macy, and the Supremacy; that is, Supremacy absolute, and in a kind. There be more Supremacies secundum quid, in some respect, though not more in one kingdome absolutely; and [Page 8]this I shall make you confess to be my meaning, in asserting more then one supremacy in a kingdom, and to be a truth, or I shall make you deny, not Reason onely, but your own words, when I come to answer your last Chapter.

His second Argument is against Ordination by Presby­tery, but in that he begs the question, and therefore he refers us for the proof, (that Ordination by Presbyters is against Christs institution) to another place, where we shall meet with it.

Thirdly, He argues, If Episcopacy in the Church be no usurpation, but Christs institution; then to endeavour the extirpation of it, is sin. But Episcopacy is Christs institution,ergo. This he doth but propose here, and endeavours to prove hereafter, where his proofs shall be examined.

He proceeds, parag. 3. "That you, your Assembly and Parliament, have made and taken an Oath to extirpate Epis­copacy, is too notorious to be denyed.

Sir, your are the confidentest man, not onely in uncer­tainties, but falsities, that I have heard. It's neither true, that I made the Covenant; nor notorious, that I have taken it: neither is it true, that the Covenant is to extirpate Epis­copacy; but onely, (according to my argument,) Prelacy, as it then stood, that is, by Arch-Bishops, Arch-Deacons, and the rest, in your &c. Oath, as is plain by the expression of the second Article. And therefore you must prove, not onely (as you say) Episcopacy, but Episcopacy as it then stood, not to be contrary to the institution of Christ, before you can prove the Covenant in that clause to be a bond of iniquity; or exempt the Kings oath from unlawfulness in that clause, if it binde to maintain Episcopacy as it then stood.

But say you, The Order of Bishops is Christs institution. And yet ye have sworn to up with it, root and branch.

The former you endeavour to prove; and the latter you take for granted, which is very false, for there is no such ex­pression, nor hint, in the Covenant, as root and branch.

But Christ you say, was the root of Episcopacy, who is called the Bishop of our souls, from him it takes its rise. You are good at affirming, but where's your proof? Why, [Page 9] its evident in the Apostles, strictly so called, who had their orders immediately from Christ, parag. 4.

A goodly argument, as though an Apostle, and one of your Lord Bishops were birds of a feather: Whereas toto caelo differunt; An Apostle was an Officer extraordinary, im­mediately called and inspired of God, and his office to in­dure for a time, and your Bishop is an ordinary officer, called by man, who you would have to endure for ever. But to them, say you, he gave power to ordain Apostles. False and Atheological. An Apostle cannot be created but by God, and had his knowledg by inspiration from God; this is con­fest by Divines on all sides. See Bilson perp. Govern. chap. [...]. pag. 106.

But you will prove they had power to ordain Apostles, Mat. 10.8. [...], which the Greeks under­stand thus; a gift ye have received, a gift give.

But what Greeks? Will they understand things against the letter of their natural language? The English of the words to every smatterer in greek, is, freely you have recei­ved, freely give; and the meaning is plainly, that they should not make merchandize of their gift of miracles; For the whole verse runs thus, Heal the sick, cleanse the lepers, raise the dead, cast out devils; Freely you have received, free­ly give. But what is this to power to create Apostles? which speaks onely of their dispensing their gift gratis. And so the Authors in your margent, such as I can meet with, for the most part, take it; ut sit ministratio gratuita muneris gra­tuiti, that there might be a free administering of a free gift, Hil. in Matth. Can. 10.

Ergo ne quid in ministerio nostro venale sit, admonemur; Therefore we are admonisht, that nothing in our ministry be set to sale. Ego minister & Dominus abs (que) pretio hoc vobis tribui, & vos sine pretio date, ne Evangelij gratia corrumpa­tur, Hieron. in Mat. 10.8.

Now what are these to your purpose? Only Gennadius from this proves ordination should be without price; but this must be but by way of allusion. For do you, Mr Doctor, think that the Apostles had power to create Apostles, given them [Page 10]here, whilst Christ was alive? I hope your second thoughts will be wiser. That Christ renewed the Commission of the Apostles, Joh. 20.21. As my father sent me, so send I you, is granted: but that they (as you affirm) upon the strength of this commission ordained some other to be Apostles, con­ferring on them the same honor and power which they had re­ceived from Christ. Is an assertion, I know not whether fuller of boldness, or ignorance; yea, in part a very Bull. For first one part, and one of the principlest parts of their honour, was, to be called immediatly by Christ; which they could not confer on others, unless you can make Christ and the A­postles individually one, which is impossible. Besides, that there were many other honours peculiar to the Apostles themselves, not communicable to their successors: You may read in Bilsons perp. Govern. chap. 9. pag. 106.

But you say, this is evident in S. James Bishop of Jerusa­lem, Epaphroditus Bishop of Philippi, and in Apollos Bishop of Corinth. But for S. James, that he was an Apostle Scriptures witness indeed, Gal. 1.19. but that he was or­dained of the Apostles, in that Scriptures are silent; nor hath Jerome any such words, but that he was called an Apostle; illud in causa est, omnes qui dominum viderunt, & eum postea praedicassent, suisse Apostolos nominatos. He was therefore called an Apostle, because all that had seen the Lord, and af­terwards preach't him, were called Apostles, Jerom. in Gal. 1.19. But to make a man truly and properly and Apostle, was required somewhat more, scilicet, immediate inspiration and mission by Christ, as may be gathered from S. Pauls proving his Apostleship from these, Gal. 1.11, 12, 15, 16, 17. And James was an Apostle truly, and properly, yea, a chief Apostle, Gal. 2.2.9. And so he is mentioned in the Scripture, as an Apostle in Jerusalem, not a Bishop of Jerusa­lem. See Act. 15.2, 13, 23. Here Iames is contained under the name Apostle, with the rest, without any hint of prece­dency there, as Bishop. And therefore, whereas he is called Bishop of Ierusalem, sometimes by the ancients; that is to be taken but in an allusive, not a proper sense, because he ex­ercised his Apostolical function there, while others exercised [Page 11]theirs else where; and some of the Apostolical power was emulated in the Fathers times by Bishops. But a Bishop there properly he was not, for that were to degrade him: an Apostle being an office extraordinary, and so higher then the ordinary office of Bishop. And such degradation is not onely injurious. But if the resolution of the Chalcedon Counsel be true, cited by Bilson, pag. 280. To bring back a Bishop to the degree of a Presbyter, is sacriledg; Then cer­tain, to bring down an Apostle to the degree of any ordina­ry Officer (as a Bishop is) cannot want guilt. "And for Apollos, if he were Bishop of Corinth: I pray you, why did not Saint Paul write to him, when he blames them for not excommunicating the incestuous person? and blame him for that neglect of discipline, and enjoyn him to see it done, and not the Church? Or why doth he say, that the censure was inflicted by many, 2 Cor. 2.6.? if Apollos were their Bishop, who alone had power of excommunication; If he be con­tained under the title of Apostle, 1 Cor. 4.9. (which Calvin approves not;) yet is he called Apostle, in a large, not strict sense, as contradistinct to other Church-officers, Ephes. 4.12. For Epaphroditus, indeed he is called, in the Epistle to the Phlliippians, Your Apostle; but that is most generally taken, as Walo Messalinus confesseth, by Greek and mo­derne Interpreters; to hint, not the name of a Church­officer, but a messenger from the Church to Saint Paul, as our last translation takes it; and the words following, imply part of his message; he that ministred to my wants. And though Walo Messalinus dissents, yet he confesseth his ex­position not to agree so well with propriety of speech. But these (you say) are confessed to be Apostoli ab ipsis Apostolis ordinati. First, this is false; for neither Calvin, nor Messali­nus, speak of their Ordination. And the very phrase, an Apostle ordained of Apostles, shews, that the title, Apostle, is taken improperly.

But Parag. 5. you say, Apostles they were at that time called, but afterwards the name Bishop was setled on them. For this you cite Theodoret. The same persons were some­times called, both Presbyters and Bishops; but those who are [Page 12]now named Bishops, were then called Apostles; but in process of time, the title of an Apostle was reserved to those that were [...], Apostles properly and truly so called. And the name of Bishop came appropriated to those who were lately called Apostles.

For answer to this, First, I observe you have given us a clear confession out of Theodoret, that Bishops and Presby­ters were all one, divers names of the same office.

Secondly, those that Theodoret affirms, that being in his time called Bishops, were formerly called Apostles, were not [...], Apostles truly, but onely called so, be­cause they had preheminence over others in his times, as the Apostles had over others in the first time of the Gospel.

Thirdly, he gives us no proof, that those that are now called Bishops, were formerly called Apostles: and his con­jecture is not infallible; Nay, is it not apparently false, that the name of Bishop came appropriated to those that were lately called Apostles, (but were not so [...]?) for was not the name of Bishop continued common to Iames, Peter, and others that were [...], Apostles truly so cal­led? Continued. I say, by the Fathers, calling them Bishops, allusively. But though the name of Bishop was given to Apostles, by the Fathers: It cannot be shewen, where those that are now called Bishops, were called Apostles, (as A­postle signifieth a Gospel officer) by the Scripture. If they were, let the Doctor produce the place, where in Scripture any ordinary officer was stiled an Apostle; which if he can­not do, Theodorets assertion, in one part, contrary to the plain expressions of the Fathers: and in the other, without ground of Scripture, cannot have much force on any unpre­judiced Reader.

The Doctors inference is observable, Hence is it, saith he, that Timothy and Titus, are called Bishops and Apostles. Bishops in the post-scripts of the Epistles which were written to them by S. Paul, but Apostles by Ignatius, Theodoret, and many others. Whence plainly it appears, that the post scripts of the Epistles, were not Saint Pauls, but some other, later then Ignatius and Theodoret: And so have no [Page 13]force to prove Timothy and Titus Bishops.

Parag. 6. You add, Bishops then they were called, &c. That is, They were so called by men, that spake of officers in the Scriptures, according to the stile of their own times, but in Scripture-sence, they were a degree above Bishops, Apostles, or Evangelists; and in that sence speaks Walo Mes­salinus, whose name you abuse.

Parag. 7. You argue, They that have the same name and office with the true Apostles, are of the same order with the true Apostles. But Bishop Timothy, and Bishop Titus, and Bishop Epaphroditus, have the same name and office with the true Apostles.

This argument you seem to glory in, but with how little reason, the Reader shall see. For whereas you say, Bishop Timothy, and Bishop Titus, and Bishop Epaphroditus, had the same name and office with the Apostles: This is manifest­ly false. First, for the name, neither have Timothy, nor Titus, the name of Bishop, or Apostle, given them by Scri­pture; and for other authors, as Ignatius and Theodoret, that call them Apostles; you must remember Theodorets di­stinction, of some that were [...], and others that were called so only allusively. The true and proper Apostles, were the twelve, and Saint Paul, and such like, that had ex­traordinary mission and inspiration.

Now in this proper sence, Timothy and Titus were not called Apostles, but by way of allusion: and to have the same name, and not in the same sence, argues nothing. For your proof from Salmatius, for Epaphroditus being called Apostle, (besides, that in giving such a sence of Phil. 2.25. he differs from many others, whose opinion is more pro­bable) he onely calls him an Apostle, allusively, not properly: and as you fail in the proof of the same name, so fail you more, in proving they had the same office; for this you prove, onely from one part of Apostolical power, Ordination, and Jurisdiction: Which they had from the Apostle Paul, in particular places; whereas the Apostolical office had power immediately from Christ, for such jurisdiction, all the world over, Matth. 28.19. And whereas, the Apostle, [Page 14]makes Apostles and Evangelists distinct offices, Ephes. 4.11. and bids Timothy do the work of an Evangelist, 2 Tim. 4.5. The Apostle shews plainly, that Timothy was in that rank. And thence it's clear, that Timothy and Titus, had not the same office with Apostles, but were in an inferiour order of Evangelists. So your argument falls to the ground.

For your close, " that Bishops, and onely Bishops, succeed the Apostles in ordination and jurisdiction: It's true of Scri­pture-Bishops; but for your Bishops, we shall not believe it, till you better prove it.

Parag. 8. You proceed, Since then Apostleship and Epis­copacy, are one and the same office; He that is the root and Author of the one, is the root and Author of the other.

But I have, in part, shewed already, (and shall more fully hereafter) that Apostleship and Episcopacy are divers offi­ces. Episcopacy, if it hath any place in Saint Pauls Cata­logue, Ephes. 4.11. being under Pastors, which is two de­grees below an Apostle: but you further infer, in cove­nanting to take away Episcopacy root and branch, you have done no less then covenanted to take away Jesus Christ.

Answ. Were Christ the ordainer of Episcopacy, as he is not, your inference is but a childish mistake; for neither doth the Covenant speak of root or branch, nor, if it did, would it follow, that Christ should be rooted up; for there is a root, properly of Propagation, and a root metaphorical of Institution, which is by appointment the original of a thing. Christ, if all were true that you say, is but a metaphoricall root, a root by Institution, whose eradication cannot be in­ferr'd, if Bishops, root and branch, be pluckt up. If a man undertake to take away all the trees in an Orchard, root and branch, will it follow, he must root up the Master that planted it too? Nothing less; so, nor in this case.

After this you fall a raving, shooting arrows, not caring where you hit, telling of Parsons and Ʋicars, sequestred by my instigation. Which is a rash, if not a wilful slander. And now I hope its clear you have done little to discharge the Kings oath of sin, or to prove the Covenant a bond of iniquitie.

But Parag. 9. You think you put a shrewd quaery, if root and branch must up, how comes it, that some branches may be preserved, as Presbyters ordained by Bishops, &c.

Still you run on in your mistake, whereas the Covenant hath no such terms as root and branch. What? a Doctor present such plain mistakes to a Prince? Nor, if there were such an expression, were there any force in your objection; for do you not know, that many of our Divines distinguish between the Church of Rome and the Papacy, which they compare to a wen on a body. So may we, between the Mi­nistery of the Church of England, and your Prelacie, which is but a high-swoln wen. Now I hope that a wen may be cut out, core and all, and yet the body be left sound, yea, more sound: so for this.

CHAP. III. Wherein it is cleared, that Prelacy, as it stood in England, was an usurpation on the office of Presbyters, in answer to Doctor Boughens third Chapter.

IN your third Chapter, parag. 1. You represent me say­ing that the Kings oath to maintain Episcopacy, is sin.

Where do I say so? I say, if the Kings oath be to main­tain Episcopacy, as it stood in England, then it is sin, and if you leave out this limitation, (as it stood,) you trifle and change the state of the question; and I must minde you of a true rule in dispute, Qui verba supprimit quaestionis aut im­peritus est, aut tergiversatur, qui calumniae magis studeat quàm doctrinae: He that suppresses words of the question, is either unskilful, or wrangles, and indeavours, rather to calum­niate, then teach. Which latter you plainly do; for hence you infer, that I condemn all the Kings and Queens of this Land, that have taken this oath. But first, you must prove, that they have taken the oath in this sence, to maintain Epis­copacy, as it then stood: which sure our present Soveraign, [Page 16]hath declared he did not, (and so we may judge of the rest;) for he hath offered, to reduce Episcopacie to that power which it had in ancient times, In his message from the Ile of Wight, Nov. 17. 1647. to exercise no juris­diction without its Presbytery. Whereby the King doth ma­nifest, either he is not by his oath, bound to maintain Episco­pacie, as it then stood; or else, that notwithstanding his oath, he may alter some of Episcopal jurisdiction, at the motion of his Houses. Either of which will cut your combe, especially the latter.

Secondly, you say, I condemn all those Fathers and Coun­sels, that justifie the necessity of Bishops. Thirdly, and last of all, you say I condemn the whole Church of Christ, which from her infancy hath been governed by Bishops.

Where you still leave out my limitation, as it then stood, which added, your inferences will appear most false. Since it is apparent, that both Counsels and Fathers, and ancient Churches asserted, and were governed, not by Episcopacie without, but with the joynt help of Presbyters.

Hear what Bilson saith, in his Epistle to the Reader, be­fore his perp. Govern. God forbid, I should urge any other, but such as were Pastors over their Churches, and governours of the Presbyteries under them. And again, That Elders at first did govern the Church by common advice, is no doubt at all with us; this is it which is doubted, &c. that those Elders were Lay-men, pag. 158, 159. But had our Bishops, as they then stood, any Presbyteries joyned with them? Pres­byters they had; but had they any Presbyteries, wherein the Presbyters met for acts of government, that the Bishop did govern? And therefore " your interrogations about blasphe­my, &c. are but the meer calumnies of a tergiversator, altering the state of the question.

And, as ignorant and impertinent trifling is your second parag. Wherein you talk of the abuses of particular persons, as some Princes or Parliaments. Whereas my argument runs not on the men, but the office it self, as it then stood, excluding Presbyters from part in government, which was not the act of any extravagant Bishop, but the ordinarie custome of them all: so, not the men, but the office it self, [Page 17]was in an abusive posture, in excluding Presbyterie from participation in government; which is the thing to be proved.

Which thing, you confess, I endeavour to prove by Syllo­gism, which you set down, parag. 3.

That power which despoyls any of Christs officers, of any priviledg or duty indulged, or injoyned them by the word of God, that power is an usurpation against the word; But this Prelacy did, as it stood in England. ergo, English Prelacy was an usurpation against the word of God.

Parag. 4. You think, to retort this argument on the Par­liament, to prove them, as well to be an usurpation, because they have sequestred and dispoyled many of you Presbyters, of preaching and ruling in their Congregations.

But herein I must tell you, you bewray your own, not the weakness of my argument; for my argument runs not upon any particular officers, whether justly or unjustly despoiled. But of all the officers, as they are officers; of which Episcopa­cie was guiltie, excluding all Presbyters from partnership in government. And had you had your wits about you, that can put the [dul man] upon others, this you might easily have seen, and that any in the Syllogism, notes not particulars in any office, but the kinds of officers prescribed by Christ.

But Parag. 5. You would teach me to speak, had you said (say you) that power, that wrongfully dispoyls any of Christs officers, and then you tell me, I have not learnt, it seems, to distinguish, between justly and unjustly.

But it seems, you, though a D. D. have not learnt to un­derstand plain sence: For in that sence that my words should be taken; can, I pray you, any kinde of officers be wholly dispoiled of a privileledg, or abridged in a dutie lest on record by Christ, justly? Sure then there must be some power, that can controul Christs institution, without in­justice or usurpation.

You add as wise an amplification, that Gods word and mine, are two; Gods word saith, Non est potestas, nisi a Deo, there is no power, but of God, Rom. 13.1. But you say, (say you of me) that there is a power which is an usur­pation [Page 18]against the word of God.

It seems then, you think, that there is no usurped power in the world, or Church, no not the Popes claim to both the swords. Sure, you are a learned interpreter of Scriptures, whereas its plain, the Apostle speaks onely of all kinds of lawful civil powers, not denying, but some may usurpe a power that belongs not to them, as the Pope doth; and its in question, between you and me, whether Prelacie did, or no.

You add, " I cannot distinguish between the office and the abuse. Will you then acknowledg, it was an abuse in Epis­copacie, to ingross all government? If you do, you grant the question, if not, you trifle. Do you not know, Master Doctor, that these be two things, an usurp'd power, and an u­surpation in power. If Episcopacie have no inflitution from Christ, its an usurp'd power: an office without institution, that question I wave. If there be institution for Episcopacie, yet if Presbyterie should govern with it, and be excluded, this is not an abuse of persons, but an incroachment of one office upon another. This I accuse prelacie of, as it stood; one would think, this were plain enough to a vulgar capaci­tie; yet you run on in your mistake.

And Parag. 6. Mention divers examples of par­ticular officers, and abusing their power in unjust censures, or using it in a just way. Which is meer trifling, as I shall make it appear, by your last instance about Bishops, depriving Ministers. For I question not now, the Bishops, or you, for calling Truth Heresie: nor for the abuse of power, in suspen­ding, or depriving for unjust causes; but for doing it solely, without the counsel and consent of a Presbyterie, wherein, I shall hereafter, clear to you, they usurp more, then the practise, and counsels, of former Bishops allowed them. This is the plain state of the business: and its ridiculous, to undertake the answer of a Treatise, and mistake the plain state of the question.

But Parag. 7. You come to the Minor, and thats trifling still, on the same mistake; but to seem to say something, at last you say; It is as false aspeech, to say, Prelacy dispoiles [Page 19]any, as to say, Judicatory wrongs any; Where still you be­wray your ignorance, in comparing an act to an office; but may not one Court dispoil another? Did not you, or some Prelates think, these Courts did dispoyl them of their rights heretofore, that granted Prohibitions in point of tythes, &c. and so the Civil power incroach on the Ecclesiastique? Why else, were some Judges so frown'd on by some Prelates, for such prohibitions?

Parag. 8. You come to my proof, which I set down. Presbyters are, by Christs warrant in Scripture, indued with power to rule in their Congregations, as well as preach; you adde in your own character, to as well, as much: why, you know best, others may guess. For proof I bring four Scrip­tures; the first from 1 Tim. 3.5. If any cannot rule his own house, how shall he take care for the Church of God? Here is care (saith the Doctor) to be taken for the Church, but no rule given to the Presbyter in the Church, unless you will allow as much power to rule in his Parish, as he hath in his own house: Is it so Doctor? is there none given, because none is exprest? Is there not rule in the Church implyed? Hear Theophilact, [...]: Theoph. in 1 Tim. 3.4. Again in ver. 8. [...]. for the house is but as a little Church. If therefore he know not how to rule a little and easily circumscri­bed and known Church, how shall he govern so many souls, whose mindes he cannot know?

To the same purpose, Chrysostome, [...], &c. for the Church is a certain house; but if the Rector of the Church have assistants in government, so hath the husband the wife in his house. (Now what the Rectors fellows in government are, whether lay-Elders, or no, let the Doctor inquire:) He concludes, it is far more easie to govern an house, then the Church; therefore he that cannot govern an house, &c. So you see, that place gives, by implication, government to a Presbyter: If you object what Chrysostome after hinteth, as though the things here spoken, were meant of one of your Bishops; first, you your self judge the contrary: next, it will do you no good; for he saith, the Apostle passeth from Bishops to Deacons, not men­tioning the order of Presbyters, because between a Bishop and a Presbyter, there's almost no difference; for the care of the [Page 20]Church is committed to them, to wit, Presbyters; and what he said of Bishops, belongs also to Presbyters, Bishops being only in ordination above them: Thus Chrysostome, Presby­ters then were not excluded from governing. So Theophylact gives the same reason, why Presbyters are not mentioned: Quia quae de, &c. Because what he spake of Bishops, belongs to Presbyters, for to them the office of teaching and government of the Church is committed, being only inferior in regard of election: And for what you object about Deacons, " that we allow them no rule in the Church; It's false, they have rule in their sphear, that is, in disposing the treasury, though not persons of the Church, they being not over persons, (which the Presbyter is) but the Treasurie.

The next proof is for the Doctor, happily misprinted, 1 Tim. 5.21. instead of verse 17. which I believe the Doctor could not but suspect; but he was loth to meddle with it: yet if he mean to replie, I must now minde him of it, 1 Tim. 5.17. It is thus written, Doctor; Let the Elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour, especially they that labour in the word and doctrine. These, you will grant, were Presbyter-Bishops; for to allow any other at Ephesus, would marr the market; and see, here is ruling distinct from teaching, ascribed to Presbyterie.

Parag. 10. You come to the third Scripture, Heb. 13.17. Obey them that have the rule over you, and submit your selves, for they watch for your souls, &c. Here rule is given to Pres­byters: Now here the Doctor is pitifully puzled, and comes off poorly. He asks, who are these rulers here mentioned; are they Presbyters only? Again, that he speaks of Presby­ters, I deny not, but that he speaks of Presbyters onely, that I deny. Good Doctor, am I to prove that Presbyters only are rulers, or that Bishops are not the only rulers, as they were with us? If then, Presbyters be here meant, and they be rulers, the Holy Ghost ascribes power of ruling to them, which is the question; so now I have confitentem reum. And your simile, Parag. 11. " of commanders in an Army, helps me, not you; for though Captains and Lievtenants be not sole rulers, they are co-rulers in an Army, (you know) both over [Page 21]their Companies, and other Officers in a Counsel of war; So if there be Bishops in the Church, which you here beg, yet they are not to be sole Governours, as they stood with us. What you have concerning Timothy, Parag. 11.12. though I deny not the things, it will not serve your turn, sith Timo­thy was not a Bishop in your sense, but an extraordinary Officer, an Evangelist, a distinct office, Ephes. 4.11. and ascribed to Timothy, 2 Tim. 4.5. he had therefore an office, and power above a Bishop of your fancle, though afterwards from the custome in the Church, and some acts that Bishops did like his, (but not solely) he was allusively, only, if not abusively, as Walo Messalinus hath it, [...], called a Bishop. But this digression about Timothy, was but to bafflle the Reader, and to take him off the plain evidence of the former Scriptures; for the close, that such power was not in Presbyter-Bishops, par enim in parem non habet potestatem; Your rule holds, while they are single; but a company of one kinde is above one single one of the same rank; a Presbytery is above any one Presbyter, as well as a Synod of Bishops above one Bishop; and so a Presbytery may exercise power over one of their Presbyters, as well as a Synod of Bishops over one of their fellow Bishops.

You come to the fourth place, 1 Thess. 5.12. Parag. 13. We beseech you brethren, that ye know them which labour among you, and are over you in the Lord, and admonish you.

In answer to this, if the Doctor go not against his own conscience, he hath but little science. First, he saith, that a great friend of Presbytery, saith, this place is paralel to that, 1 Tim. 5.17. And so say I too: And then if it be not cited (as you know who cited Scripture) with mutilation, there will be ruledom for Elders.

The Elders that rule well, But you leave out these words, and onely take the latter; That these Presbyters are worthy of double honour, who labour in the word and doctrine. Whence you gather, ruling is nothing, but labouring in the word and doctrine. A collection, just like that, Matt. 4.6: of Christ casting himself off the pinnacle, from Psalm. 91.11. [Page 22]lamely quoted. You add, Theodoret Those that are over you in the Lord, that is, they that offer up prayers and supplicati­ons for you. These words of Theodoret, you bring cunningly, as though they onely expounded the words, that are over you. Whereas, it is all he saith, to the expression of admo­nishing; whereby its plain, Theodoret by his exposition, rather denotes the person intended there, to be the Minister, then describes his whole work. I appeal to your own con­science, whether you think, the genuine meaning of [...], be, to pray for people; but in Calvin, whom you cite afterwards, how egregious is your fraud? for though the words you cite are in him, yet they are in opening that other part of the text, for their works sake; but when he comes to that wherein government is, how plain is he to my purpose? Qui praesunt in domino. Hoc additum videtur ad notandum spirituale regimen. Which are over you in the Lord. This seems to be added, to note the spiritual government, praeesse in Domino dicuntur qui Christi nomine & mandato Ecclesiam gubernant. They are said to be over them in the Lord, who govern the Church in the name, and in the command of Christ. You abuse Calvin as much, in misciting his institutions, lib. 4.2, 3, 5, 15. where he speaks not of 1 Thess. 4.12. but of Ti­mothy and Titus, to whom in the government of the Church, he ascribed a Presidency, not a Monarchy, as his words shew. Falluntur si putant, &c. They are deceived, if they think that Timothy, or Titus did usurp a kingdom in the Church, to dispose of all things at their own arbitriment. Praefuerunt enim tan­tùm, ut bonis & salutaribus consilijs populo praeirent, non ut soli exclusis alijs omnibus agerent quod placeret. They were over others, onely that they might go before others, with good and wholesom counsels; Not, that all other being excluded, they alone might do what they pleased. So that this is spoken of those that you call Apostles, not Presbyter-Bishops.

Thus it is apparent, how ungroundedly you confine the rule of Presbyters to prayer, instruction, admonition, advise.

But you say, "this is all the rule that you can finde belong­ing to Presbyters. All that you will finde, you should have said; for you might have found it in the name, Bishop, [Page 23]which is a name of authoritie, and rule, used by Heathens; sometimes for the Rulers of Countries, and Provinces, who are called Episcopi. And why else did that Presbyter, that had the chief honour in rule, and after, by manifest usurpa­tion ingrost all, appropriate the name of [...] to himself, but that the word notes rule? And this title is given to all Presbyters, Act. 20.28. Feed the flock, over whom the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops, Over-seers. This is said of all the Presbyters, without any hint of distinction: and doth not this note government? Let me ask you a question: have you not read Bilsons perp. government of the Church of Christ? Can you finde no rule belonging there to Presby­ters? Its then, because you cannot see wood for trees. pag. 140. He notes, government, to be comprehended under the titles of Shepherd, Watchmen, Over-seers, Rulers, Guides; and these titles belong to all Presbyters: And pag. 141. The government, spoken of, 1 Cor. 12.28. He makes common to Pastors, Prophets, and Teachers: and producing that of Jerom: Communi Presbytorum consilio regebantur Ecclesiae; He adds of his own; That Elders at first did govern by com­mon advice, is no doubt at all to us. This is it which is doubted and denyed by us, that those Elders were lay-men. pag. 158.159. And after, to prove that the Presbyters were not Lay, but Ecclesiastical; he produceth Jeroms words, with approba­tion, Bishops and Presbyters, were at first all one; and what doth a Bishop, save Ordination, which a Presbyter doth not? Bishops must know, that they are greater then Presbyters, ra­ther by custom, then truth of the Lords disposition, and ought to govern the Church in common, pag. 150.

And all this, he cites out of Jerome, for his own defence: That what Jerome spake, he spake of teaching, not ruling Presbyters. But what need I add particulars? the sume of his 11 Chapter, is, not to deny, but taking it for granted, that in Primitive times there was a Presbyterie that was joyned in government with the Bishops, without which, he neither could, nor ought to do any thing, in point of cen­sure; taking, I say, this for granted, he endeavours to prove, those Presbyters, consisted onely of teaching, not lay-Elders. [Page 24]Chapter 14. Setting out the use of Presbyters, in the fourth use, he hath these words, The government of the Church, was as first so constituted, that neither the Presbyteries should do any thing without the Bishop, nor the Bishop without a Presby­tery, pag. 307. Thus far Bilson.

How clear is that of Tertullian, for the rule of Presbyters? Nam & judicatur magno cum pondere ut apud certos de Dei conspectu, summum (que) futuri judicij praejudicium est, siquis ita deliquerit [...]ut a commucicatione orationis & conventus, & om­nis Sancti commercij relegetur, Praesident probati quique seni­ores, honorem istum non praetio, sed testimonio adepti. Thus it is as clear as the Sun, that ruling is injoyned as a duty, and given as a priviledg to the Presbyter; of which it was di­spoiled in England by Episcopacie; and therefore, to main­tain Episcopacie in that posture, was to maintain it in usurpation, against Christs disposition, and so unlawful.

But you require, Parag. 14. one place of Scripture, that allows Presbyters to excommunicate, or absolve, of their own authority.

I answer, in all the places where they are made Church-Governours, they are inabled in a regular way to pass all Church-censures; and of those places I have produced and asserted many; as also where the keyes of the Kingdome of heaven are given to the Ministerie in general, in the Apostles: and the place above cited in Tertullian, doth it not extend to excommunication, and that censure to be pass'd by Elders? But do you shew me, on the contrary, in Scripture a Bishop, that is, an ordinary Pastor, distinct from a Presbyter, indued with sole power of rule in the Church, I will be of your mind. Your instances, of Timothy and Titus, will not serve your turn, for that they were Evangelists. Bilson confesseth, more then once, the Scripture never calls them Bishops; They are called so by the ancients, because they did those acts, that by humane custome were afterwards appropriated to Bishops, in regard of presidencie; but they did them not as Bishops, which they are not called; but as Evangelists, which they were, and were called in Scripture. For your speech in this clause, of particular mens silencing, it's impertiment; and for the [Page 25]cause, it's delivered in your railing Dialect, which I pass by, and of the same railing strain is all your 15. Parag. only you tell us "by Scriptures we are made subject to Bishops; and I have told you, and you confess, in Scripture Bishops and Presbyters are all one, only you have a vain conceit of an A­postle-Bishop; of which more anon.

Parag. 16.17. You endeavour an answer to that, that the Presbyters were subjected to lay-Chancellors, but it is only by way of retorsion; direct answers you are not furnished with, but refer us to the Doctors Commons; and yet I doubt not, but you have taken the oath with an &c. that swears to perpetuitie, more then Chancellors; but how do you retort? first, we have set many lay-Chancellors for one as the Par­liament and Committees; ridiculous! when we speak of Ecclesiastical Officers, to retort touching those that are civil. But secondly, you retort, that though we complain of one lay-Chancellor, we subject Gentry and Commonalty to many Lay-Elders, and say not (say you) that there be preaching Elders with them, lest it be return'd upon you, that the lay-Chancellor is but the Bishops Officer in such cases of Judica­ture, &c. But I will say, that they have preaching Presbyters amongst them, and more then you can say for Chancellors; yet they are to be chosen by the people in general, over whom they are to be; and though you say, the Chancellor is but the Bishops Officer; Yet it is apparent in the woful expe­rience of many Ministers, that he is such an Officer, that without, and against the Bishops minde, hath convented and suspended Ministers, which is more power then the Bishop ought to have; Episcopus sacerdotibus ac Ministris solus honorem dare potest, auferre non potest; confest by Bilson, perpet. govern. pag. 107. where the Counsel of Hispalis 2 ca. 2. and Counsel of Afric. ca. 26. are cited; what you add about institutions by Chancellors, is nothing to me, who never yet had institution; nor hath it any sense in it, that it should be against Gods direction, to receive institution from a lay-Chancellor, as our land makes a Rectorie an inheritance, wherein the Civil Magistrate doth protect us.

You conclude, Parag. 18. That my first argument, you [Page 26]hope, is sufficiently confuted; You have done your best, it's like, yet it stands in full force and vertue; That if the Kings oath bindes him to maintain Episcopacie, as it stood in pract­ise, and as it is in your famous &c. oath; It is an engage­ment in that point to what is against Scriptures rale, and primitive practice; therefore an obligation to what is unlaw­ful, and in that point invalid. In the close, you cannot give off without calumniating, though never so irrationally. I say in answer, who ever they be, that hinder the Ministers of God from any part or dutie of their calling required of God, usurp upon them; and they that maintain them in that, maintain them in usurpation; this is a truth, without dero­gation from any authoritie; and so I close this second chapter.

CHAP. IV. PARAG. I. Wherein it is cleared, that Episcopacy is not to be upheld by our Protestation, and that there may be ordination without it, in answer to Doctor Boughen 's fourth chapter.
Case of Conscience Resolved

BUt though this way of invalidating the Kings oath be most satisfactory to some; yet to those that are not convinc'd of the unlawfulness of Episcopacie, it will not hold; and so it would cast the resolution of this doubt, about the oath, upon another question, touching the unlawfulness of Episcopacie, which is a larger field. I shall therefore endea­vour to shew, that though for argument sake, it be granted that Episcopacie be lawful, yet notwithstanding that his oath, the King without impeachment may, in this circum­stance, consent to abrogate Episcopacie.

To answer this passage, you descend cap. 4. but there begin with such notorious trifling, as I never saw in a man pretend­ing to learning.

For Parag. 1. You infer, if Episcopacy be lawful, then the Kings oath is not vinculum iniquitatis; egregiam lau­dem, &c. who knows not, that on that supposition the oath is lawful? You adde, but mine own conscience began to check me for this, because I say it is only satisfactory to some. You are mistaken sir; The reason why I disputed the oath on a second bottom, was, because though I thought you, and men of your affection, might interpret the Kings oath to maintain Episcopacie, in that usurping height wherein it stood, that by his oath you might keep up your own absurd &c. oath; yet I perceived that his Majestie, and other im­partial Judges, might interpret Episcopacie in a more mode­rate way, as it is now come to pass (his Majestie, offering to bring Episcopacie to that tenor, that they shall do nothing without their Presbyters;) and with such moderation many count it lawful, nay few count it unlawful; therefore I disputed the case under the second notion; though Episcopa­cie were lawful (understanding, as you may perceive by the scope, lawful only, not necessarie) yet the King might con­sent by Bill to abrogate it.

After having spent parag. 2. in impertinent slander, ac­cording to your custome, parag. 3. You ridiculously descant upon two phrases satisfactory, and not hold; though being applyed to divers persons, your own conscience tells you, there's no incongruitie in them. And then you tell what pity it is that I have to deal with learned, and rational men, and not with Ignoramus, and his Dulman: Sir, to ease your passion, I have to deal with both. In my first attempt with the first, which I ingeniously acknowledg; in this second with the latter, which I have in part, and shall more clearly evince, and that in the next Paragraph; For I having said, that the King, without impeachment of his oath, might in this circumstance consent to abrogation of Episcopacie: You ask, what I mean by circumstance, whether the Kings oath, or Episcopacie; and run on in a childish descant, unworthy of paper; when any but a Dul-man may see plainly enough, what I mean by (in this circumstance) that is, according to the [Page 28]grounds of the question in the former page. In this state of the nation, that no hope of safety without union between King and Parliament; no hope of union without abrogation of Episcopacie; for the Houses had abrogated it, and the sword was in their hands.

Next, Parag. 5. You confess! the King may abrogate what is lawful. I thank you Doctor; you have given me the question; for if the King may abrogate what is lawfull, then the reason why the King cannot consent to abrogate Episcopacie, is not his oath (in your judgment,) but because it is an ordinance of God, and more then lawful. Well; now let us try it there; prove Episcopacie to be the ordinance of Christ, I will yield you the cause.

This you say, Parag. 6. "You have proved already, cap. 2.6.7.8. And I there have shewed the weakness and sophistry of your proofs, and shall do it more hereafter.

But you proceed, Parag. 7. That Episcopacy is the onely order to which Christ hath given power to ordain Presbyters, and Deacons, &c. What you deliver here, is apparently false; for first, Christ gave power immediately to Apostles to do it, and the Apostles to the Evangelists; this power they exerci­sed in Ecclesiis constituendis, in constituting Churches. And these extraordinary officers dying, and their extraordinary offices ceasing, as almost all confess, what parts of their office were of perpetual use; as praying, preaching, administring Sa­craments, and the use of the keys, were left to those ordinary Officers, Pastors and Teachers, Eph. 4.11. And under them are comprized all ordinary teaching Ministers, without any distinction from God: the distinction that followed after, was but humane for order, and to avoid accidentall in­conveniences; as Ambrose and Jerome witness most plain­ly, and unanswerably, unless men set themselves nodum in foirpo quaerere; let the reader view the places in Bilson, where he brings them (to prove the Presbyteries were of preaching, not of lay-Elders) against lay- [...]lders, and let his view be impartial, and I doubt not, but he will approve what I assert.

You proceed, no Bishop, no Priest; no Priest, no Lords Supper. Now indeed, you reason like a Catholique, but a [Page 29]Roman Catholique; for just so, Bellarmine, and others of that leaven, argue against Protestant Churches, to un-Church them; with whom, though you may joyn; yet all those, that according to their profession, are true Protestants, and im­brace other reformed Churches as dear sisters, will not thank you, but disdain you, and your assertions, that do obliquely un-Church the most of them. And that which our Divines answer to them, shall stand good, maugre your teen, and skill. For they holding and proving, that a Bishop and Presby­ter, differ not by Gods law, but humane; And know­ing, that Presbyters are the Pastors meant, Ephes. 4.11. And that those Pastors are the successors of the Apostles, to exercise all perpetual acts of ministerie, whereof ordination being one, they must needs, by divine law, be invested with it. The Bishop, you plead for, was but primus Presbyter, a chief Presbyter, elected to guide and govern the Presbyterie, in acts of government. For all antiquitie acknowledgeth the Presbyterie did govern with him, and ordain with him.

Now if the Presbyters elect one to be President, though not for life; why shall not their act be as valid, as if the Presidencie were for longer continuance? Sure, while learned Bilson gathers from the Presbyterians grant, of a President in the Prebyterie, by Divine law, or light of nature, though not the same man perpetually, that their Presidens differ not materially from those Bishops that the Fathers speak of, to make good his cause against them: We may also infer, if the difference be so little, as he acknowledgeth, (as indeed it is not much) then may we sure infer, that if the Ordination of the one be compleat, the Ordination of the other, cannot be effentially defective.

Augustine is impertinently cited by you, Sine nostro officio est plebi certa pernities. Without our, (without the E­piscopal office) there is certain ruin to the people.

For though Augustine were a Bishop, and wrote to a Bishop, (as you say) yet by that, without our office, he plainly means the office of the Ministery in general, not of Episcopacie: For he makes it lawful to flee, in that Epistle, as Paul did, when there be others to look to the Church; [Page 30] Fugiant (saith he) ubi ab alijs, (qui non ita requiruntur,) non deseratur Ecclesia, sed praebeant cibaria consenvis suis, qui aliter vivere non possunt. Let them flee, where the Church is not forsaken of others, that have not such an eye upon them, but they will minister spiripual food to their fellow servants, which otherwise cannot live. Now what were those others? not Bishops, for there were not many of them in one City, or Countrey; but Presbyters.

But now you will prove it, by the Protestation and Co­venant. First, by the Protestation, You have vowed in the presence of Almighty God, to maintain the true reformed Pro­testant Religion, expressed in Doctrine of the Church of England.

Add, I pray you, against all Poperie, and Popish innovations. And you must remember again presently, upon the framing of the protestation, there was an Explanation put forth, be­fore it was taken, in the Countrey, or Citie; that under the Doctrine of the Church of England, the Discipline then in the Church of Egland, was not included. So, your Argument from the Protestation, is of no value.

But yet let us see what you can say for this, out of the Doctrine of the Church of England. First, the ordinary way to heaven, is by the Word and Sacraments▪ No man may preach and administer the Sacrament, but he that is lawfully called and sent; none are lawfully called and sent, but they onely, who are called and sent by those who have authority. Bishops, and onely Bishops, have authority to send in this kinde, Article 39.

Here you play leger-demain, for the Article holds forth the way of ordination, by the Book of Consecration, to be a lawful way, but not the only lawful way. For the Composers of those Articles knew very well, that there was another way of ordination in other Churches, whom they alwaies held as sisters; which they did not, with the Papists, condemn, though the Article approve the English; way and that being held forth as a lawful, not the onely lawful way; it hinders not, but others may be authorized to ordain, as in other Reformed Churches; and therefore, if the Protestation for the main­tenance [Page 31]of the Doctrine of the Church of England, were without exception against the Discipline, it will not prove your no Bishop, no Priest. The Book, you say, was compo­sed in the dayes of King Edward the sixth, by those holy men, who after were blessed Martyrs. But these men, I must tell you, were not of your minde, that the distinction of Bishops, from Presbyters, was any other, then what Jerome had taught them by humane custome, Dr Downam in answer to his reply is driven to this. If the Bishops better infor­med, concern­ning their fun­ctions, had now reformed their judgements, that is, to hold their offices not by humane, but Divine disposi­tion; In his an­swer to the Re­plyers Preface, who had prest him with the judgement of Whitguift and Jewel. nor held, the power of the keyes belonged onely to them; for in this Book of ordination, they charge the Presbyter, not only with care in Word and Sacraments, but the Discipline of Christ too.

And whereas, you add, That the Articles were confir­med, 13. Elizabeth, and subscription enjoyned; You should remember, it was with limitation, so far as they con­tained the Doctrine of the Church, not the discipline. You conclude, "thus far with the Protestation. But yet a little further, I pray you; For the Protestation adds, that the Doctrine of the Church of England is to be maintained against all Popery: Now you may finde in Bellarmins lib. de Clericis, your argument of no Bishop, no Priest, so no Sa­crament, so no Church; wherein all Protestant-writers oppose him, English and others: and therefore, surely, the Doctrine of the Church of England, rightly understood, condemns your position, which is a position in Popery, to overthrow Protestant Churches.

CHAP. IV. PARAG. 2. Where in is shewed, that the National Covenant, doth not en­gage to uphold Episcopacy: In Answer to Doctor Boughens fift Chapter.

IN your fift Chapter, you attempt to prove, that the so­lemn league & covenant engageth to maintain Episcopacy. I might tell you, this is nothing to me, nor to the matter; for [Page 32]whatever you fancie of the Covenant, they that framed it, will follow it in their own sence; and if any Covenanters be of that minde, as you are, that not your, but moderated Epis­copacie, that is, a Super-intendencie over a Presbyterie, be neerest the word of God, yet they were not so conside­rable, as to be able to make peace, without abrogation of Episcopacie; nor without peace, to preserve King and King­dom. If they could, then my Treatise were answered, by change of circumstances; that argues the lawfulness of the Kings condescention, chiefly in that circumstance. But to the matter it self, you have not, nor do you here bring any thing to satisfie.

First, Parag. 1, 2, 3. You come with your Crambe his coctâ, That no salvation, but by hearing and Sacraments, nor these without mission. The Apostles were sent of Christ, and they sent others, Titus and Timothie, to ordain Mini­sters.

To all which I have answered before, and in part cleared it, That the Apostles, and Timothy and Titus their assist­ansts, as Evangelists, were extraordinarie officers, and ceased; and that, the onely ordinary officers now are Pastors, and Teachers, Ephes. 4.11.

Touching whom, the Apostle gives direction, 1 Tim. 5. Titus 1. under the name of Bishops and Elders;) and these are Successors of the Apostles,) to all that power that is ordi­narie and neceslarie in the Church; and among these, ther's by Gods law, no prioritie, but of gifts, and order delegated by election. But for any Bishops, that are of the same order with the Apostles, its a strange and groundless notion. Almost all Divines tell you, that Apostleship was an extra­ordinarie office, that ceased; and though an Apostle may be said, allusively, to be a Bishop, yet a Bishop may not be said to be an Apostle; yet these things you over with again in this Chapter, and tell us of two sorts of Apostles, the Apostles of Christ, and the Apostles of the Churches, Philip. 2.25. 2 Cor. 8.23. Whereas, I have shewed you, that for Epa­phroditus, he is said there, either to be a messenger onely, from Philippi, to Saint Paul, (which is more evident, in the same [Page 33]phrase used of those, 2 Cor. 8.23. expounded by Bilson him­self, of messengers from the Churches, pag. 75.) or else that notes them to be, secundarii Apostoli, that is, as Salmasius takes it, Evangelists, and so extraordinary Officers: but more of this in the next Section.

Next, you proceed to the example of best reformed Churches, wherein we agree with you, to reform, is in pri­maevam formam reducere, but that form is in Scripture, that's our first Christian story, and there we finde no Bishop, but what is a Presbyter; others that are abusively called so, were not properly such, but Officers of an higher kinde, whose Office being extraordinary, dyed with them: For your par­ticular quotations; first, that of Zanchi, Exempla veteris Ecclesiae nobis debent esse instar praecepti, the Examples of the ancient Church ought to be to us as a precept, is to be un­derstood, of the Church under the Apostles, registred in the Scriptures; and so the Ministers of London, (whom you cite also) speak expresly, that Scripture-examples are obli­gatorie, and that will not serve your turn: But for the quo­tations out of Zanchy, that, in his conscience they were no better then Schismatiques, that counted it a part of reforma­tion to have no Bishop in degree of authority above their true fellow Presbyters: I have sought it earnestly in the place cited, but cannot finde any such thing, de vera reformandae Ecclesiae ratione; but in other places I finde the contrary. In a short confession of his faith, when he was seventie years of age, cap. 25. de Eccles. Gubernatione, he speaks to this ef­fect; He acknowledgeth only Pastors and Teachers to be left by the institution of Christ, as ordinary Ministers. The su­perintendency of one, taken up by men, as a remedy of Schism, he dislikes not; but from the tyrannie, into which that presi­dencie degenerated; he concludes, Quo proprius acceditur in ordinibus Ministrorum ad simplicitatem Apostolicam, eo magis etiam nobis probetur; at que ut ubique accedatur, dandam esse operam, judicemus: In the Orders of Ministers, the neerer we come to Apostolicall simplicity, the more is it to be approved, and diligence should be used, that every where such propinquity to the word should be attained: Here you have Zanchy di­rectly [Page 34]against what you would have him say; as also, on the fourth Commandement, de diversis Ministror [...] generibus, he cleerly agreeth with me, that Pastors mentioned Eph. 4.11. are the highest Officers now left in the Church; and those the same, mentioned 1 Tim. 3. & Titus 1. Bishops, or Pres­byters, which he proves to be all one; and that superioritie, that in process of time, one had above another, was but by humane grant; For what you cite out of Melancthons Epi­stles, touching Bishops; It is but one mans private opinion, and that, when they were in that case, that we a long time were, and still in the greatest part are, without any govern­ment setled; and undoubtedly, the Church had better be un­der a government that hath some rigour or tyranny in it, then under no government; so to shake off Bishops, as to be under no government, is, as Melancthon truly saith, inexpe­dient, if it were lawful; and such a liberty (as Luther said) is Libertas minimè utilis ad posteritatem, a liberty no wayes pro­fitable to posterity. But what is this to the Covenant, which re­sates not to persons, but to Churches' Now it is apparent, that the Churches of Germany have reformed Episcopacie so, that they have no such Apostle-Bishop, as you dream of, but Pres­byterie at the most, with the superintendency of one in their Presbyteries: neither hath that any weight, that you speak, of the Convention at Auspurg; for they were then but in a way of reformation, it was but the dawning of the day with them, and they could not see all things at the first; but we see, when they come to settle the order of their Churches, they set­led Presbyterie, not Episcopacie: And yet I deny not, that if the Bishops would then have been reasonable, they would have admitted their jurisdiction for peace-sake, as Melanc­thon saith, redimere pacem. And truly Sir, though I main­tain, that the King, for peace, may abolish Episcopacie: Yet I am of that minde, and wish others were so too, redimere pacem duriori conditione, as Melancthon said, to redeem peace with an harder condition; with Episcopacie so regulated, as at first, to preside and rule in his Presbyterie.

But onething I may not pass; for, whereas Melancthon saith, that they did grant to Bishops, & potestatem ordinis [Page 35]& jurisdictionis, the power of order, and jurisdiction; you enquire What is this power of Order: certainly a power that Presbyters had not, that is, a power, at least, to ordain Ministers: But here, Master Doctor, you bewray too much ignorance for a D. D. for in power of order, not only Protestants, but most Papists make Bishops and Presbyters one, for that is to perform, as officers, prayers, consecrate sacraments, &c. and power of jurisdiction, only they make a Bishops peculiar.

For what you prosecute, touching power of Ordination to be only in their Bishops, not Presbyters; I will speak more fully to that in the following Section; In the mean time I must tell you, that in quoting Salmatius, Parag. 15▪ Of this Chapter, you shew egregious negligence in reading, or, which is worse, deceit; for the words you cite out of him, touching Timothy and Titus, that they were Bishops indeed, of the same right, and of the same Order, whereof at this day they are accounted, who govern the Churches, and are over Presby­ters: This he brings only by way of explication of Theo­dorets opinion; but when he comes to deliver his own, He saith, pag. 63. That Timothy was rather super-Episcopus, above a Bishop, an Apostle. And again, pag. 69. He saith of them, per abusum igitur & impropriè Episcopi appellaban­tur, they were improperly, and abusively called Bishops. Thus also you use the London 1. D. who (you say) confess, that their government is not above 80. years standing: whereas they assert the institution of it by Christ, and the restitution only for 80 years; when they did likewise reform the cor­rupt doctrines in Poperie: And do not you speak against your conscience, when you say, Calvin would have crusht that government in the bud, that sometimes you make a Geneva invention? Who would think a D. D. should be such a citer of authors?

But to conclude this Section; if Bishops have no place in Scripture, the best reformation must be, to abolish Episcopa­cie; though well limited, they may be tolerated; and that they have no place in Scripture, is the work of the next Section.

CHAP. IV. PARAG. 3. Wherein, for a fuller answer to what the Doctor hath said to prove Episcopacy Christs institution; this Quession is re­solved: whether a Bishop (now usually so called) be by the ordinance of Christ, a distinct Officer from him that is usually called a Presbyter? The one a successor of the Apo­stles, indued with power of ordination and other jurisdiction; the other, the Successor of the Presbyters, ordained by Timo­thy and Titus, endued with power of administring word and Sacraments: Neg.

FOr the sounder and clearer resolving of this question, I shall proceed by way of Thesis, fetching things from the first original; barely proposing only what is confest by all, but proving those things, wherein there is any controversie, or whereon the controversie hath dependance.

Thesis, 1. first its agreed amongst all, that all the teaching Officers that can challenge Livine institution, are set down in an intire Catalogue, Eph. 4.11, And gave some Apostles, and some Prophets, and some Evangelists, and some Pastors, and Teachers; and therefore all that cannot derive their pe­digree from one of these, must be in the case of those, Neh. 7.64.

Thesis, 2. That of these Officers, some were extraordi­nary, some ordinary.

Thesis, 3. That Apostles, Prophets, Evangelists, were extraordinary officers, for the first planting of Churches; and Pastors and Teachers, ordinarie.

Thesis, 4. That the extraordinary officers were temporary, and the ordinary to be perpetual in the Church, Bilson perp. govern. p. 300. The office of Evangelists was extraordinary and temporary: Field of the Church, lib. 5. c. 22. And indeed, whatsoever is extraordinary, is temporary.

Thesis, 5. That Apostles were the highest of extraordi­nary [Page 37]officers: and Pastors, the highest of those that were ordinary. Apostles are named first, and all that are named before Pastors, are acknowledged extraordinary, Ephes. 4.11.

Thesis, 6. That in the extraordinary Officers, there were some gifts and acts peculiar to them, as such; as to the Apo­stles immediate calling, divine inspiration, infallibility in doctrine, universal charge; and in the Evangelist, to be an assistant to an Apostle, not to be perpetually fixt to any place, but for the finishing some special work, as Timothy at Ephe­sus, 1 Tim. 1.3. Titus at Creet, cap. 1.5. & 3.12.

Secondly, There were some qualities and actions, which though required in, and done by them, as extraordinary offi­cers, in an extraordinary way, yet are of necessitie; and are, in an ordinarie way, perpetually to be continued in the Church of God; as abilities to teach and rule the Church; and the acts of teaching, praying, ordination of Ministers, Church-censures, &c. See Bilson perp. govern. chap. 7. pag. 106, 107.

Thesis, 7. That these Pastors, Eph. 4.11. that are the highest ordinary Officers, are Successors to the Apostles in all that power, and authoritie, and all those acts flowing from it, which are necessary, perpetual, and ordinary in the Church of God. This also is clear; power and authoritie require a subject; divine power and authoritie, a subject of divine institution: Now no other remains of those of Gods institution, but Pastors and Teachers, which if they be not the same, Pastor is the chief. The other, as temporary, are ceased; therefore Pastors must be their successors, in all this power: and in them must the commands for execution be kept, without spot, or unrebukable, untill the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ, 1 Tim. 6.14. And to them must that Apostolical promise be performed, Matth. 28.20. Behold, I am with you to the end of the world.

Thesis, 8. The Pastors and Teachers, 1 Cor. 12.28. Eph. 4.11. are no other but Synonymaes with those Elders or­dained in every Church, Acts 14.23. and in every City, Tit. 1.5. This is clear; for those Elders that were here ordained, [Page 38]were officers of Christs giving. The Apostles would ordain no other: it had been sacrilegious presumption; but they were neither Apostles, Prophets, nor Evangelists; Ergo, if Christs, they must be under either Pastors or Teachers

Thesis, 9. These Elders, were, by the Holy Ghost, also stiled Bishops, and were indeed Bishops, aliud aetatis, aliud officii nomen; and of them it is, that direction is given under the name of Bishops, 1 Tim. 3. Herein Jerome is most plain, seconded by Ambrose, or Hilary, an approved Author, under his name; who though they differ from other fathers, who understand by Bishop, Hieron. in Ep. ad Ti­tum. 1 Tim. 3.2 Bishop distinct from a Presbyter, such as was in their times: Yet Jeromes reason preponderates all, because drawn out of the bowels of the Text, 1 Titus 1.5, 6, 7. Attend (saith he) the words of the Apostle, who having discours'd of the qualities of a Presbyter, after infers; for a Bishop must be blameless, &c. Therefore a Bishop and a Presbyter are the same. Again, if any yet doubt, (saith he) whether a Bishop, and a Presbyter, be not all one, let him read the Apostle, Phil. 1.1. Paul, and Timotheus, the ser­vants of Jesus Christ, to all the Saints which are in Philippi, with the Bishops and Deacons. Philippi (saith he) was a City of Macedonia: and certainly, in one City (as now they are called) more Bishops could not be. But St. Paul thus wrote, because at that time, Presbyters and Bishops were all one. If yet this seem ambiguous (saith he,) that Presbyters and Bishops were all one, it may be proved by another testimony: It's written in the Acts of the Apostles, when St. Paul came to Mi­letum, he sent to Ephesus, and called to him, thence, the Elders of that Church, to whom amongst other things he spake thus; Take heed to your selves, and to your flock over which the Holy Ghost hath placed you Bishops, to feed the Church of God, &c. Observe this diligently, (saith he) how calling the Presbyters of one City, Ephesus, he afterwards calls them Bishops: he adds Heb. 13.17. & 1 Pet. 5.1, 2. and concludes these things, that we might shew, that amongst the Ancients, Presbyters and Bishops were the same.

Thesis, 10. After the decease of the extraordinary Offi­cers, Apostles, Prophets, Evangelists, and their Office, with [Page 39]cause of it with them: the Church acknowledgd no other Church-Officers, as instituted of Christ, but only the two, mentioned 1 Tim. 3. & Titus 1. 1 Bishops or Presbyters. 2 Deacons. Clemens, mentioned Phil. 4.3. who is wit­nessed, by Tertullian, to be ordained of St. Peter himself, de prescrip. in an Epistle to the Corinthians, writes thus: The Apostles preaching through the Countries and Regions: their first fruits, whom they had tryed by the spirit, they appointed for Bishops and Deacons to believers. Here you see, by the Apostles were constituted but these two Offices, Bishops and Deacons, of whom he afterwards saith, that those that have humbly, and unblameably ministred to the sheep-fold of Christ, those we may not think may be justly thrown out of their Ministry: whence he infers, [...], &c. It's a filthy thing beloved, yea, very filthy, and unworthy that conversation which is in Christ Jesus, to hear, that the most strong, and an­cient Church of Corinth, for one or two persons, should make a faction against their Presbyters: He concludes, [...]. You therefore, who have laid the foundation of sedition, be instructed to repent, and be subject to your Presbyters; so, whom he called Bishops, he now calls Presbyters; and gives not, so much as any hint of any singular Bishops, but the company of Presbyters, or Bishops, over the Church of God, vid. Blond. Apol. pro sanct. Hieron. p. 11, 12.

Polycarpe, in an Epistle to the Philippians: Be ye subject to the Presbyters and Deacons, as to God, and Christ; and here you see but two offices: and therefore yet the Presbyters ruled the Church in Common. Blond. ubi supra, p. 14, 1 [...]. where many more witnesses may be seen. And in this, the Master of the Sentences consents too, lib. 4. Dist. 24. de Presbyteris; unde & Apud veteres, iidem Episcopi & Pres­byteri fuêre: quia illud est nomen dignitatis, non aetatis: and a little after, excellenter tamen canones duos tantùm sacros ordines appellari censent; Diaconatus, scilicet, & Presbyteratus, quia hos solos primitiva ecclesia legitur habuisse, & de his so­lis praeceptum Apostoli habemus.

Thesis 11. Amongst these Bishops or Presbyters, there was one, who by the consent of the rest, either by their free [Page 40]election, or for his priority in conversion and ordination, had a preheminence of honour above the rest, for order-sake; who had no new ordination, or none for a great while, but what he had from his fellow-Presbyters, who chose him, and ex­alted him, without any further ado, So Hierom, ep. 85. ad Evagrium, which he confirms from Alexandria; For (saith he) Alexandriae, &c. At Alexandria, even to Heraclas, and Dionysius, Bishops; The Elders did always name one Bishop, chosen out of themselves, and by them placed in excelsiori gra­du, in an higher degree of honour, (not office.) Now whether in their choice, they did only look at merit, or whether they did a good while, (till, as Ambrose or Hilary on the Ephesians. Quia prim [...]m Presbyteri Epis­copi appellaban­tur, &c. For he calls Timothy (who was crea­ted a Presby­ter by him) a Bishop, be­cause at first, Presbyters were called Bi­shops, that one with-drawing, another did succeed; but because the fol­lowing Presby­ters were found unworthy to hold that pri­macy, the way was changed, a Counsel pro­viding, that not order, of time but merit should make the Bishop, con­stituted by the judgement of many Presby­ters, lest an un­worthy man should rashly usurp it, and be a scandal to many. Ambrose saith, it proved incon­venient) advance him that was the next senior; it is argued both waies, though in my opinion, Blundel hath made it most probable, that according to Ambrose his expression, it went by senioritie for certain yeers; in his preface to the fore-cited Book. Some think, it went by senioritie in some places, and by election in others.

Thesis. 11. This preheminency that one had above the rest, was by Ecclesiastical custom, not by Divine institution: and advanc'd him onely to an higher degree, or dignity; not to another order, distinct from his fellow-Presbyters; so that, still he must derive his succession from the Presbyters, or Bishops, that were to be ordained in every Church, and is to finde his place in the divine Catalogue of officers, Ephes. 4.11. under astors, and not Evangelists, or Prophets. That this preheminence was not from any divine instituti­on, but Ecclesiastical ordination, Jerom is express: The Bi­shops must know, that they are greater then Presbyters, rather by custome, then Divine disposition, Hieron. in Tit. So Au­gustine, ep. 19. Although, according to the words of honour, which the Churches use hath obtained, Episcopacy is greater then Presbytery, &c. Yet: See bere, the precedencie of Bishops, is an honour of words, and a fruit of use. And this may be further cleared, from what was first done in conferring this preheminence. It was but a bare act of the rest of the Pres­byters, as appears by the example brought by Hierom, in the Church of Alexandria. They chose out of themselves, and set [Page 41]him in an higher degree: This they did of themselves, and by themselves, without any Divine command, (Let it be pro­duced, if there be any;) yea, without any example, in any of the Churches in the Scripture, and they did it by themselves, without the concurrence of other, and they could not set him in an higher order; Presbyters cannot make an Apostle.

Thirdly, this may appear, from that little difference that was between such a Bishop and a Presbyter, in the fathers times. Chrysost. Theophylact, Hilary, on 1 Tim. 3. Inqui­ring the reason, why the Apostle passeth from directions a­bout Bishops, to directions about Deacons, no mention being made of a Presbyter; Give answer; First, Hilary, or, Ambrose, Quia Episcopi & Presbyteri una ordinatio est, uter (que) enim Sacerdos est, sed Episcopus primus. Because, of an Elder and a Bishop there is but one ordination, both are Presbyters, but a Bishop is first. And Chysostom, Because, a Presbyter doth so little differ from a Bishop to wit, in nothing but ordination, saith he, In nothing but election, saith Theo­phylact. Now, where the difference is so little, that one di­rection for qualification will serve for both; there is plainly acknowledged a difference in dignity, or degree of excellencie onely, not in order or office.

That conceit then of Theodorets, that they that are now called Bishops, were heretofore called Apostles, and those that are now called Presbyters, were then, i. e. in the A­postles times, called Bishops, is it self too groundless a fancie for you (Doctor Boughen) to ground your distinction of A­postle-Bishops, and Presbyter-Bishops; as though our now Bi­shops were Apostle-Bishops, and so of an higher Order, and indued by that order from Jesus Christ to many peculiar acts, which a Presbyter could not do: And that they are not only an higher degree of Presbyter-Bishops, indued with power by humane wisdome to proceed and order those actions, which by divine right, belong to all their fellow-Presbyters, who are to joyn with them in these acts of jurisdictions: This distinction, I say of yours, it hath no bottom to bear it up. Vide Morton. Appl. Cathol. l. 1. c. 33. Crim. tertia.

For first, you see its directly contrary to Hierome, and Ambrose, or Hilary, and many others; who make Bishops in [Page 42]their times, to be the same with Presbyters, or Presbyter­Bishops, as you call them: Nay, it differs from other Fa­thers, who though they acknowledg not an Identity of a Bishop and Presbyter; yet they take that, which you say is spoken of a Presbyter-Bishop, 1 Tim. 3. & Tit. 1. of such Bishops as were in their time, which you would have to be Apostle-Bishops.

3. It hath no ground in Scripture. The Scriptures sets no other orders, but Apostles, Prophets, Evangelists, Pastors, Teachers, which are those Presbyter-Bishops, spoken of Acts 14.23. Acts 20.28. 1 Tim. 3. Tit. 1.

Now the three first are extraordinarie, and ceas'd; the lat­ter only remain. And therefore the Bishop, for what of him is divine, must be a Pastor, and that's the same with a Presbyter-Bishop; else, shew us some institution for him: To talk of Timothy and Titus, is vain, being it is witnessed by Scripture, confes'd by all, that they were Evangelists, which is extraordinary: Successors they may, and must, have in the work of ordination, but in their office they have not; but the same work is done by Pastors, succeeding them in those acts of Discipline, as well, as in those of teaching and administring the Sacraments: Neither need we be moved with the appellation which the Fathers bestow on them, call­ing them Bishops of Ephesus, and Crete; and saying, that St. Paul, in them, taught all Bishops. For when Scripture calls them Evangelists, and reckons Evangelists among ex­traordinarie offices, that Christ hath given; what authoritie is of force against this testimony? Therefore we favourably in­terpret the saying of those Fathers: that they call them Bi­shops, with relation to the custome of their times, who call­ed them Bishops, that did those acts that Timothy and Titus did, not that they were properly so: For they were of an higher order, and did these acts as Evangelists: which their successors are to do, as ordinarie Pastors: Neither will their being Evangelists hinder the use of their examples, or the pre­cepts given to them: For the same acts done by whatsoever officer, are to be done by the same rule; and therefore, as directions given to them for preaching, so for acting in go­vernment, [Page 43]are to be followed by other ordinary Officers; upon whom (by their decease) the power and care of their acts, are devolved, though of an inferior order: Timothy was to imitate Paul; an Evangelist, an Apostle: and every Pastor is to imitate these Evangelists, in such acts, as are common to Evangelists with them.

Thesis, 13. All Presbyters being of the same Order, and that the highest of those that are now in the Church, have by divine law, equal power in places where the Holy Ghost hath set them Pastors and Bishops, as to preach the word, and administer Sacraments, so to do all other acts of govern­ment, when called, requisite for the edification and perser­vation of the Church; and the Bishop, who is but primus Presbyter, made by man for Orders sake, can rightly chal­lenge no Monopoly, or sole interest, but only a presidencie, to guide, rule, and order that Presbyterie, wherein acts of jurisdiction are exercised, whether acts of ordination, or de­position; binding, or loosing; excommunicating, or absol­ving. This I prove by these reasons:

Argument, 1. Those who are truly and equally the suc­cessors of the Apostles, in ordinarie, and necessary acts of the Ministry; to those by their office, belong all the acts of ju­risdiction, that are necessary, and ordinary acts of jurisdicti­on: But Presbyter-Bishops are such successors of the Apo­stles; ergo. The Major is clear of it self; the Minor I prove thus: Pastors are truly, and equally successors of the Apostles, in necessary and ordinarie duties of the Ministry, as appears Ephes. 4.11. Apostles, Prophets, Evangelists, Pastors.

The three former were extraordinarie, temporary, and ceas'd; so the Pastor must be the successor, if they have any: But Presbyter-Bishops set over the flock by the Holy Chost, to feed it, are equally and truly Pastors: ergo. The minor is clear, from the definition of a Pastor, which is an officer set over the flock of God, to feed it, & definitio competit omni, & essentia non variatur gradibus. See Acts 20.28.

Argument, 2. Those that by divine law are equall in the power of order, those are equal in the power of government, or jurisdiction. All Presbyters, first and second, are equall in power of order; ergo. For the Minor, that all Presbyters are [Page 44]equal in the power of order; it may appear by the definition of the power of order: Lib. 5. of the Church, cap. 27 the power of order (saith Field) is that; whereby persons are sanctified, and inabled to the per­formance of such sacred acts, as other men, neither may, nor can do; as is the preaching of the Word, and administrati­on of the Sacraments.

Now all Presbyters, See Field of the Church, lib. 3. c. 39. as Field confesseth, are equal in the power of Order; yea, not only he with other Protestants, but many School-men, and other Papists also, as he there shews: For every Priest (saith Durand) in regard of his Priestly power, may minister all Sacraments; ea quae sunt ordinum, (saith Aureolus) omnes recipiunt immediatè à Christo: ita quòd in potestate nullius, imò nec Papae est, illa auferre: in 4. sent. Dist. 24. Art. 2. Sect. tertia ratio &c. And this also appears because they must all sit under the same title of Pastors, Ephes. 4.11.

For the Major. I prove it thus. Power of jurisdiction is, indeed, but a branch of the power of Order. A man by the power of order, is made a Minister of Christ, and so conse­crated to serve Christ, in all ministerial services required of such a Minister of Christ.

Now these services are to edifie the Church, either by food, or physick; to further their salvation by word, or rod of Discipline: Now both these being ministerial acts and orders, making a man a Minister: hence it follows, that they that are equall in orders, in actu primo, in regard of power, when they have a call, are equally inabled to the ex­ercise of discipline, or jurisdiction, as well as preaching, and consecrating Sacraments, both being acts of that office, to which he is advanc'd by orders. And thus much Field doth, ina manner confess: Three things (saith he) are implyed in the calling of Ecclesiasticall Ministers. First, An election, choice, or designment of persons, fit for so high and excellent im­ployment. Secondly, the consecration of them, and giving them power and authority, to intermeddle with things that pertain to the service of God; to perform eminent acts of gracious effica­cy, and admirable force, tending to the procuring of the eternal good of the sons of men, and yield unto them whom Christ hath [Page 45]redeemed with his most precious blood, all the comfortable means, assurances, helps, that may set forward their eternal salvation. Thirdly, the assigning, and dividing out to each man, thus san­ctified to so excellent a work, that portion of Gods people, that he is to take care of, &c.

Now here plainly, under assurances, means, and helps to set forward salvation, acts of Discipline must needs be con­tained, 1 Cor. 5.5, 6. and this flows from power of order, as its habit is, actus primus, induing a man with power.

There is in­deed, this dif­ference be­tween acts of jurisdiction, & other acts of order; the one every Presbyter may do alone; the other only in a Presbytery. So imposition of hands, 1 Tim. 4.14. was in, and by the Presbytery; so censures, 2 Cor. 2.7. by many. But a Minister may preach, bap­tize, admini­ster the Lords Supper alone; and this was the use of the ancient Churches, who had their Pres­byters, mentro­ned both in Scriptures, and Fathers. Now to streighten the Presbyter in this act of his orders, he hath recourse to that feeble shift; That the Bishop only is Pastor, and the other Presbyters are but, as it were, curates under him; which if true, it is enough to make a Bishop de­spair, as well as a Presbyter to be despised: for how can he discharge the cure of souls in an hundred miles circuit? But the contrary is evident, in the Presbyters of Ephesus, Acts [...]0.28. the Holy Ghost had placed them Bishops, to feed the stock of God: Neither is his objection, from the Angel of the Churches Rev. 2.3. weighty; for if there be not a Sy [...]ech­doche in the word Angel, which Rev. 2.10. Some of you, &c. seems plainly to manifest: yet its clear he had only a priority of order, not of charge: And the prioritie of order, was ground enough for directing to him, what belonged to, and was communicated to all; as now it is to any temporary president of a Classis; or as the things that concern the whole Houses, are directed to the Speaker of either.

The same is plain of the Elders of Alexandria, whose su­perintendent had no other charge from God, but only a pre­cedencie of honour, and order, from themselves: Besides, all Presbyter-Bishops set over charges by the Holy Ghost, are of those Pastors, Eph. 4.11. And I hope, no modest learn­ed man, will think that any President or Bishop, then, was the sole Pastor; or that these Presbyter-Bishops, set over the flock, by the Holy Ghost, could not act in their Ministr [...], without leave of him: and therefore those rules of restraint, mentioned in Fathers and Counsels, were but invasions on the liberties of Presbyters, who had their cures, not from the Bishop, but from the Holy Ghost.

Argument, 3. To whom the keys of the Kingdom of heaven are equally given; they have equall power of juris­diction: but to all Presbyter-Bishops, the keys of the King­dom of heaven are given, and equally given: ergo. The Major is clear; for the keys of the Kingdom of heaven contain all ju­risdiction; that's without all question. and the Apostles are hereby usually proved to be equall in jurisdiction, because the keys were equally given to them.

For the Minor; the keys are appendants to the office of the Minister. The Apostles with mission had the keys, John 20. and so the confession of the Church of England, agrees harmoniously with the rest in this, that the power of the keys is equally in all Ministers, Harmon. of conf. chap 18. p. 362. So at the ordination of a Presbyter; the key of Discipline was given to the Presbyter, as well as that of Doctrine, in the Church of England. And if there be an equalitie in that order, whereof the keys are an appendix, they must have the appendix following in equality likewise, that are equal in that order.

Argument, 4. That to which a man hath right, and, in acting, is restrained only by custom, novell constitutions or Ecclesiasticall Canons, that, by Gods law, he hath equal right to with others. But Presbyter-Bishops are restrained from, or limited in acts of government, (to which they have right) only by custome, novell constitutions of Emperours, or Ec­clesiasticall Canons: ergo, Jure Divino, power of govern­ment is in them equally with others.

For the Minor, that they have power of government, I have formerly proved, because it is an act of their office: for the exercise of it, sometimes in ordination, Paul witnesseth, 1 Tim. 4.14. and for government, Jerome gives clear testi­monie: Ecclesiae olim communi Pres by [...]erorum regebantur con­silio; and they did consecrate their Bishop in Alexandria from St. Mark, to Heraclas, as he witnesseth. So did they ordain with the Bishop; and without the Bishop, the Chorepiscopi, & the City Presbyters, till inhibited by the Counsell of Ancyra, held in the beginning of the fourth Centurie. Panormitanus is express: olim (inquit) Presbyteri in communi regebant Ec­clesiam, [Page 47]& ordinabant sacerdotes, & pariter conferebant om­nia Sacramenta, in lib. 1. decret. de consuet. cap. quarto. Here is the right and practise asserted. Now for prohibitions, if any, out of the word shew them; for the Fathers, they declare what the custome was in their times. Counsels and Emperors made laws only, limiting power to prevent inconveniences; and as Jerome saith, contra Luciferianos, many reservations were made, potius ad honorem sacerdotii quàm ad legis necessi­tatem. Decreto Hisp. Synodi 2. Presbyteris qui­bus cum Episco­pis plurima mi­nisteriorum, communis est Disp [...]nsatio (edicitur) ut quaedam novell is & Ecclesiasti [...]is constitutionibus, sibi prohibita noverint, sicut Presbyterorum, ac diaconorum, & virginum consecratio, &c. And therefore I conclude, the power of govern­ment, of binding and loosing, and of ordination, is by divine right, an appendant to the office of a Presbyter-Bishop: and as there is no proof for, so no [...]eed of your Apostle-Bishop: And so the chief corner-stone of your whole Book, which you relate to, from chapter to chapter, is found but un­tempered mortar, that is crumbled away when it comes to hard canvassing, and your building must down with it.

We are indeed, much prest in this question, with the au­thoritie of Fathers.

But I say, first, the most ancient, (as is to be seen in Blun­dell) Apol. pro sententia Hieron. speak but of two orders of Gospel-Officers in their time, which they sometimes call Bishops and Deacons; some­times Presbyters and Deacons: Only Ignatius is urged, as a great friend of Bishops; but indeed he is too great a friend, for he doth so far exceed in his expressions, and so differ in that, from other writers of his time; that for that, and many other things, all, or the greatest part of his Epi [...]les, lie under great suspition of subornation, or corruption, vid. Blond. Apol. pro sanct. Hieron, & Cooks censura patrum.

Secondly, the most rationall of the Fathers, as Hierome, and Augustine, have witnessed, (not speaking obiter, or popu­larly, but purposely, giving their judgment in the thing,) that the difference between Bishop and Presbyter, is the issue of custome and use, not divine institution.

Thirdly, the Fathers generally, give the Bishop but a Pre­sidency, not a Monarchy, in jurisdiction: They ascribe to him a Presbyterie, in which, and with which, he was to ordain, and censure; and without which, he was not to act in these [Page 48]things. And this plainly enough shews, that the Bishops Presidencie was but for order sake, not that power rested only in him; for that power that is restrained by Divine ordinance to one order, may not be interposed in by another; See Forbesii. Iren. p. 180. where he di­spures against the Papists thus: [...] ministerium so­lis Episcopis, à Christo tribu­tum est, id non potest Papa &c. committere Pres­byteris. At mi­nisterium confe­rendi ordines potest Papa, &c. committere Presbyteris, Ergo, &c. the Levites might not joyn with the Priests, in offering sa­crifice, because it was a particular above their sphear, appro­priated to the Priests; which neither in the absence of the Priest, nor by his leave, or commission, a Levite might do: But we know, at first, ordination was in the City and Coun­try Presbyters, and forbidden them only with a Proviso, unless they had the consent, or commission of the Bishops; which prohibition, doth plainly shew, that before they were used to ordain without him, and after might with his leave.

Fourthly, the Fathers differ more from the high Prela­tists, then from the Presbyterian: For the Presbyterian al­waies have a President to guide their actions, which they acknowledg may be perpetuall, durante vitâ modò se bene ges­serit; or temporary, to avoid inconvenience, which Bilson in his preface, (and again, and again, in his book of perp. gover.) takes hold of, as advantageous, because so little discrepant, (as he saith) from what he maintains: but now the high Prela­tists exclude a Presbyterie, as having nothing to do with ju­risdiction, which they put as far above the sphear of a Pres­byter, as sacrificing above a Levites; to wit, an act restrain­ed to an higher order: whereas the Fathers acknowledg a Presbyterie; and in divers cases, Counsels tye the Bishop to do nothing without them; and so its clear, the high Prela­tists are at a further distance from the Fathers, then the Presbyterians.

Fifthly, for that, wherein we differ from the Fathers, we have the Plea of one of the most judicious of the Fathers, Augustine, who being prest with the authoritie of Cyprian, answers lib. contra Cresscon. 2. cap. 32. His writings I hold not as Canonicall, but examine them by the Canonicall writings: And in them, what agreeth with the authority of Divine Scrip­tures, I accept with his praise; what agreeth not, I refuse with his leave. This is our apologie, in dissenting in this thing [Page 49]from some of the Fathers; wherein you see we follow a Fa­ther, and in that wherein Bilson makes use of him, to put off the authorities of some learned men of his age; and adds, God suffers the best of men to have some blemishes, lest their writings should be received as authentique, p. 15.2.

Lastly, if we differ from the Fathers in point of Prelacie, (wherein our opponents are in no better terms with them, then we;) yet I would have them to consider, in how many things we jump with the Fathers, wherein many of them have been dissenting, both in opinion, and practice; as touch­ing promiscuous dancing, especially on the Lords day. 2. Touching residency of Pastors in their Churches, which excludes also pluralities. 3. Frequencie and diligence in prea­ching. 4. Touching the abuse of health drinking or drinking ad aequales calices. 5. Touching Bishops not intangling them­selves with secular affairs, or businesses of State, in Princes Courts. 6. Touching gaming at Cards, or Dice, and such like, so that they can with no great confidence triumph in the Fathers, against us, in this one point, (wherein them­selves also are at a distance from them) while we keep closer to the Fathers, then they do in many others.

And thus; (Doctor) I shall leave it to the judgment of the indifferent reader, whether Apostle-Bishops be not a meer fancy of your own framing; and indeed, now, there be no other but Presbyter-Bishops; one of which for Ecclesiastical custome, for pious ends had some power added to his Pre­sidency, for order, which afterwards degenerated into ty­ranny.

CHAP. IV. PARAG. 4. Wherein is shewed the impertinency of the Doctors sixth chap­ter, against perjury, which the Author of the Case detests as much as be.

TO come now to your 6. Chapter, where you propose the question, whether the King, without the impeachment of his Oath at his Coronation, may consent to the abrogation of Episcopacie? And then tell us, Parag. 1. This question hath two branches: 1. Whether a Christian King be bound to keep his oath? 2. Whether he may not, &c. But did not your eyes dazzle, when you made this division? Did I ever question, whether the Kings oath was obligatory, so far as it was lawful, and in that sence that it was intended? and so dispute, whether the sence of it were not the same of that with the people, that ingageth only till alteration by consent in Parliament? Did not I express in the preface, that unless it did appear, that abrogation of Episcopacy might stand with the sence of the oath, the King ought not to consent? how falsly do you then affirm, that I perswade the King to break his oath? and how useless is this whole chap­ter? either taking for granted, what is not proved, that Episcopacy is a truth, and ordinance of Christ; or proving what is not in question, that oaths are to be kept, perjury to be avoided; wherein you are so vehement, that you fa [...]l in­to rank anabaptistry: pag. 34. asserting, that oaths there­fore must be avoided, lest we fall into condemnation; as though all oaths were unlawfull, for fear of perjury. You do also admixe so many foul and bold slanders, uttered with such bitterness, and such evident falseness, that any but a partial reader, will detest them; and therefore I think them unwor­thy any answer.

If I had said as that Court-Preacher, Herles answer to Doctor Fern. p. 3. that the King is not bound to keep any oath he took to the people, to be ruled [Page 51]therein by law. His oath was but a piece of Coronation-show, he might take it to day, and break it to morrow, &c. On such a man, you might have spent some of your zeal a­gainst perjury; but to me it is impertinent, as the judicious reader shall plainly see, by that which follows now to be set down, out of the Case resolved, which supposes the oath ought to be kept, and only enquires after the true sense, and intention of it; and this may satisfie this impertinent chap­ter.

The Case Resolved.

THe usual way of clearing this assertion, is thus: The King is sworn to maintain the laws of the Land in force, at his Coronation; yet no man questions, and the constant practice shews, that it is not unlawful after, to abrogate any, upon the motion, or with the consent of his Parliament: The meaning of the oath, being known to be, to maintain the laws, while they are laws: but when they are abrogated by a just power, in a regular way, they are then wiped out of his charge and oath. So the King by his oath, is bound to maintain the rights of his Clergie, while they continue such. But if any of their rights be abrogated, by just power, he stands no longer engag'd to that particular.

And this I conceive, to be a sound resolution: For the Kings oath is against acting, or suffering a tyrannous invasion on laws and rights, not against a Parliamentarie alteration of either. But here steps in my first opponent, and though he disputes modestly, onely proposing, what he holds forth, A nameless Author in a Book, implead­ing all War a­gainst the King to serious consideration; yet he objects subtilly, and his Dis­course runs thus. The oath for maintenance of laws, is made Populo Anglicano, to the people of England, and so may be taken off by a future act, because it is by their own consent, re­presented in Parliament. But the oath to maintain the pri­viledges of the Clergie, is made to such a part of his people, Clero Anglicano, and particularly taken by him, after his oath to the whole Realm, which were needless, unless it meant some other obligation. This seems (saith the learned Author) to [Page 52]make it a distinct obligation, and not releaseable, without the Clergies consent.

I answer, taking it for granted, that the oath is thus taken by the King; That oath was so framed, when Clerus Angli­canus, was a distinct Societie or Corporation, (as I may so say) à populo Anglicano, from the people of England.

This distinction between the Clergie and Laytie, we may observe in our Historians. Daniel, in the life of William the first, gives this for a reason, wh [...] the Clergie did so willingly condescend to him, because they had their [...]rovince a part, whence they supposed a security to their priviledges, how ever the Laytie were inslaved. The same distinction of the Clergie and Laytie, is observed by him in the life of Henry the second, pag. 83. And this was not onely in England, but other Nations. Secularium petentes fastigia, in legum lati­ones seorsum ab alijs quae civium universitatis proruperant, Omnem Clerum ab hinc decernentes exemptum. Civile schis­ma & principatum supremorum pluralitatem inducentes ex ipsis quam velut impossisilem humanae quieti certa [...] hujus in­ducentes experientiam demonstravimus, 170 1 Marsil Patav. defens. pacis, part. 2. cap. 23. Now being the Clergie and Laytie were distinct bodies, the Clergie holding their rights, by priviledge distinct from the laws of the land; an oath to maintain the laws of the land, secured not them: But as another body, they had another oath for their securitie. But now this distinction of the Clergy, from the Laytie, that they should be a distinct Province of themselves, being a branch of Poperie, is with it quite extinguisht. And La [...]tie and Clergie are now one bodie politick, and under the same rule; for all priviledges of the Clergie, that are contrariant to the laws of the land, were abolisht in the raign of H. 8. As undoubtedly that was, that any Society should be exempt from secular power; for that was to set up two Supremacies. And therefore, though the oath be continued in that order that it was, when the Laytie & Clergie were distinct bodies; yet now, that this distinction is abrogated, and they are made one, the oath to the Clergie cannot be stronger, or more in­violabse then that to the Laytie, for the preservation of the laws [Page 53]of the land, both subject to regular alteration. Thus far the case.

CHAP. V. PARAG. 1. Shewing, that the Clergies rights are as alterable, by King and Parliament, as the Layities; in answer to Doctor Boughen's 10. Chapter.

HEre you invert the method I went in, but without just ground; for I followed the Authors I answered, in that order, in which they came out in publike and to that I shal hold you; and therefore, now I must come to the 10. Chap­ter, reserving the seventh, eighth and nineth, to their due place. In your tenth Chapter, you'r hard put to it, and make a great noise to little purpose, First,

Parag. 1. You make an inference, and quarrel with it. Its lawful for the King to abrogate the rights of the Clergy. ergo, He may abolish Episcopacy. Its for all the world, as if one should say, Its lawful for the King to take away the rights of Lawyers, ergo, He may also take away Judica­ture.

But you are bad at Paralels, for there may be Ecclesiastical Judicatures, without your Bishops; which are but the issue of humane custome, as Jerom tels you.

Then Parag. 2. You raise a fort against a fort. Its lawful for the King to abrogate the rights of the Clergy, it is therefore lawful for him to abrogate Presbytery.

I answer, we speak not here of lawfulness in general, but with relation to the Kings oath; and sure, you do not think, that I conceive, the Kings oath makes it unlawful for him to abrogate Presbyterie, that is, Presbyterial government. But for what you say, touching the order of Presbyters, parag. 3. and the order of Bishops; there, I must tell you, that the King cannot take away the one, because, all confess it to be an Ordinance of Christ: But for that of Bishops, its an or­dinance [Page 54]of man, as I have proved, and so alterable. Your fourth and fifth Paragraphes, arae digression from this Que­stion.

Parag. 6. You say Well, bound he is by his oath to main­tain the laws of the land, while they are laws, &c. But how long are these laws in force? till abrogated by just power in a regular way. To this you subscribe, adding, but the just power is in his Majestie, by your own confession, to maintain and abrogate laws.

I Answer, If, by power to abrogate laws, you mean, that they cannot be abrogated without him; I confess it: but if you mean it, as sometime you seem to import it, that it is in his power, without concurrence of others, I may well deny it; because he doth not assume to himself such power. Your 7, 8, 9. parag. I shall let pass, as having nothing of conse­quence to the case in hand, though they contain some extra­vagant expressions.

Parag. 10. You examine my words, that if any of the Clergies rights be abrogated, by just power, he stands no lon­ger engaged to that particular. Here you quarrel for want of adding, just power in a regular way, which was not exclu­ded, but included in my expression; and you your self con­fess, parag. 12. when you say, " just power goes alway in a re­gular way. But you think I left out that expression, in a re­gular way, because I am not able to set down a regular way, wherein the Clergies right may be abrogated.

Sure you are deceived; for that is the regular way, wherein all their canonical priviledges, that are contrariant to the laws of the Land, are abrogated, that is, by the King, and Houses of Parliament. See then how childishly you trifle, Parag. 10, 22. And with as little reason, do you break out, parag. 13. What? a Clergie man, and a Preacher of the Word of God, and altogether for ruine and destruction? Sure­ly this is your corrupt gloss; I am for paring off that which is humane addition, that the Ministerie which is of Gods in­stitution, may be more free, and shine more bright; and this too, to deliver the King and Kingdom, from a destroying war. Is this to destroy or preserve? Let the Reader judge. [Page 55]And therefore for your impertinent reviling from Corah and Judas, they will but reflect shame on your self; neither do I detract from my office, when I bring Ministers into the same rank with other Subjects, in regard of their humane, and alterable honours or priviledges; for I speak of none other.

Next, Parag. 14. You ask, what rights of the Clergie I would have abrogated. An idle question, to raise an odi­um; the question being in general, whether, as the laws that concern the rights of the Laytie, may be altered by King and Parliament, without breach of his oath; so also the laws that concern the rights of the Clergie, be alterable by the same power.

As impertinent, false, and absurd is your reply, Parag. 15. that I argue from any rights of the Kingdom, to all the rights of the Clergie; when the same sign, any, is used in both places, as your self set it down but three lines before. The Star-chamber, and high Commission Courts stood by law, yet these were abolisht; so may Bishops and their Courts, and yet ample liberties, and immunities may belong to the Clergy, and as usefull to the Church of God, and more suit­able to his Word, as hath been shewn; and therefore your question, whether it be lawful to take away all that the Clergy hath? is meerly to make shew of saying something, when indeed you are destitute of a rationall answer: for do I infer, that the King may take away all that the Clergy hath? or only such particulars, as upon consideration, to him, and his Houses of Parliament, seem inconvenient? let the rea­der judge.

Parag. 16. But you say, it cannot be done by a just pow­er, because justice gives every one his own, according to Gods command, Render to every one his due. Good Doctor, doth this prove any more, the injustice of altering laws, con­cerning Clergy, then concerning Laity? are not their laws, their rights and inheritances? but with this proviso, that they may be judged on by Parliament, whether convenient or inconvenient; and accordingly, either continue, or receive repeal, with the consent of the King, and no wrong done? for the laws are but their due, with that restriction; so the [Page 56]case is with the Clergy, till you disprove it, which though you would fain do, yet for ought I see, you are at your wits end, by your fillings up, parag. 17.18. with such things as contain nothing towards an answer, but somewhat to confirm my as­sertion out of Augustine, charity prefers publique good be­fore her own private interest: So some priviledges of the Clergy are to be submitted by them to publike interest, pro­moted by peace and union.

At last, you come to say something to the purpose that the only regular way to abrogate any of the rights of the Clergy, or Laity, is at their own motion, or consent made, and delivered by their representatives in Parliament, or con­vocation. Is this true, in the general? was it true of the abrogation of the Popes Supremacies, and such live immuni­ties of the Clergy? as their Sanctuaries for criminall offen­dors, &c. could not there be an alteration of these, regularly attempted, without it had proceeded from the representative of the Clergy? Sure then, I doubt, they had stood much longer then they did, to the prejudice of the Church and kingdom.

Reason it is, I confess, that if any of their Priviledges be in question, that they should be heard, and their reasons weighed; but if, after all they can say, it appears to the King and Parliament, that some priviledg of theirs is inconvenient to weal-publique, it may be altered without them, if they be froward; and yet we allow them the priviledg of subjects; for all other subjects have their priviledges thus subjected to the wisdom of king and Parliament; and yet this no tyran­ny, but good and needfull policy: and so also 20. & 21. parag. which are the last of this chapter, are answered.

CHAP. V. PARAG. 2. Wherein is shewed, that the distinction that is between Clergy and Laity, and their priviledges in this Kingdom, hinders not, but the priviledges of the one are alterable by King and Parliament, as well as of the other, in answer to Doctor Boughens 11. Chapter.

IN your 11. Chap. Parag. 1. You say, to grate the very bones of the Clergy; (I tell you) that this oath was so framed, when the Clergy of England was a distinct society, or corporation from the people of England. I do say indeed, that the Clergy, and Laitie, were distinct Corporations, but not for that end, that you mention, to grate the very bones of the Clergy, but to deliver the laborious Clergy rather from that tyrannie, that they were not so long since under, by a few usurpers, or abusers of power; and I do not only say, but prove, that the Clergy and Laitie, were such distinct cor­porations, as that they were under two Supremacies; and that I say, was popery; deny it, if you have the face: but first you ask, " when this oath was framed; which is but a cavill; sith you know it was framed before Henry 8. in whose daies the Pope lost his Supremacie here. We read of the oath before the Altar, according to the custome in William 1. Dan. histor. pag. 36.

But you say, his Majesties oath is grounded on the word of God, according to the promise, Kings shall be nursing fa­thers.

I answer, the question is not, whether the king doth well to maintain the rights and priviledges of the Church; he is bound to maintain the just rights and priviledges of Church and Laytie both: but the question is, whether, as notwith­standing his engagement to the Laytie; he may at the motion or (if it like you better) at the Petition of the Hou­ses, alter any law that concerns the people; he may not al­so, [Page 58]on the like petition, alter what concerns the Clergie? therefore you must speak to this, or you speak not ad idem, and proceed by the fallacie, ex ignoratione elenchi. I would have you also know, the Bishops are not the Church; that is a Popish fancie. Church is otherwaies taken, in the note you touch parag. 3. even for the whole body of the Jews.

Parag. 4. You seem to oppose my assertion, that now the Clergy and Laytie are one body politique, but by a weak reason, Why then are the Bishops thrust out of the House of Peers? as though every societie of the body politique, were to have a party in the House of Peers; neither were they thrust out, as you uncivilly express it, but excluded by a legal Bill.

After, Parag. 5. You confess, what before you made sem­blance to deny, that the Clergy are not a severall and distinct body, but a severall state, or Corporation, under the same body, which I willingly grant; but thence infer, if they be but a distinct member of the same body, then the heads of the body politique, under which they are, have the same power over them and their priviledges, as over the other part of the body, the Laytie. It is therefore needless, and useless pains to prove, that a Clergie-man, and others, may have di­stinct relations, Parag. 5. 6. 7. Who denies it? but its a false calumnie, that the Ministers and Stewards of God are cut out of all; for the thing aimed at in this treatise, is but to re­store to some of them, what others, without warrant from God, had usurp'd from them.

Whereas you inquire parag. 8. If this distinction be­tween Clergie and Laytie, be a branch of Popery? You must add so distinct, as to be under two Supremacies, for so it was before Henry 8. and so its exprest in my Case; and where I pray you, is such a distinction exprest to be continued, since Henry the 8 th? You cannot shew it; nor doth any thing that you bring, Parag 8. or 9. conclude it: distinct they were, but not so distinct, but still they and their priviledges, were under the power of the same Supremacie, as your self confess, Parag. 10, 11. where your insinuation against me, of set­ing up two Supremacies, is but a flash; for I shall shew in [Page 59]the last Chapter, that the Supremacie I give to the Parlia­ment, is not absolute, but [...], and two such are not inconsistent, neither doth such respective Supremacie, make the Parliament lawless, or subject to no power: and for your closing question, Where then are the two Supremacies that you erect?

I answer, I affirm it was so, but now it is abolisht, and so I charge not you with it; but infer, that being equally un­der one Supremacie, that one Supremacie hath equal power over the priviledges of both, which was the thing to be pro­ved. Neither do I deny what you affirm, parag. 12, 13. That there are two distinct jurisdictions in our Land, under the same head; Neither do I denie, de facto but a Bishop by the standing laws, is regularly the Kings immediate Officer to the Kings Court of Justice in causes Ecclesiastical: But the querie is, whether this be so unalterable, that the King and Parliament may not put it to a companie of Presbyters? Which you have not yet disproved. Whether covetousnes, and ambition be more amongst Prelates; then Presbyters, whom you accuse, God must judge. But whether they be not like to rest more among those, that would ingross all, then among those that would have jurisdiction, and mainte­nance divided, men may easily judge.

For what you say, parag. 14. of Timothy and Titus; I formerly proved them to be Evangelists, and what they had extraordinarie, to be ceas'd; what they have ordinary, to rest in Pastors, who are Presbyter-Bishops, the highest ordinarie Officers. For that saying of Cyprian, Ecclesia super Episco­pos constituitur: I would have you reconcile it with that, 1 Cor. 3.11. Other foundation can no man lay, then that which is layd, Jesus Christ. We acknowledg de facto, in Cyprians time, that the acts of the Church were ruled by the Bishops, but that, as Jeroms tells you, was by humane custome, not Divine disposition; nor was it without Presbyters, as you would have it: who therefore are as far from the govern­ment of his times, as we; what you quote after, may be but the heat of a Bishop, to whom we oppose Saint Ierem, on Titus 1. and Phil. 1. What you cite out of Ignatius, is spoken, [Page 60]as upon search I finde, onely of that Bishop, as he then stood Orthodox, in opposition to some cursed weeds, or Hereticks of the devils planting; but when the Bishop was an Heretick, as you know in many places it often fell out, would they have been blessed or cursed, that held with the Bishop, think you?

For what you add, " touching the privileges of Clergy; For the most part, you falsly calumniate me, that I seek to ruine them; you know, I call the alieanation of their means Sacriledg; neither do I envie any of their just priviledges; but this is that which I have in hand; whereas there be two sorts of priviledges, some Divine, some humane, I question onely whether those humane priviledges, separable from the offices appointed by Christ in his word, such as the Monar­chie of one above all other, may not upon advisement, for the good of the Republique, admit of alteration, as well as Lay­priviledges? Therefore you slander me grosly in objecting, that I would take away all honour from the Ministery, that the Scriptures by prophesie or precept have given to them. But you, on the contrarie, egregiously abuse the Scripture, in applying what the Scripture saith, by way of honour, or pri­viledg of the Ministerie, that is, of Apostles, Prophets, Evanglists and Presbyter-Bishops, (which onely are the Scri­ptures Bishops) to a few Diocesans; Creatures whom the holy page never knew: And so you-sleight the generalitie of Pastors, to exalt a few Lord-Bishops.

Constantines affection was pious to the Ministers of Christ. But the Bishops he honoured so, were men of ano­ther condition then those you plead for; they lorded it not in the Church, without the joynt help of their Presbyters in government. And further, if there were not some error of the times, in some of the honours which he gave; how came they so quickly to fall together by the ears for Primacie? And to give occasion to that observation, That when their Chalices were wooden, the Bishops were golden, but the Bishops became woodden, when their Chalices became golden. Sure the general abuse gives occasion to suspect some error in expres­sion [Page 61]of those affections. But I hope I have said enough, to let the intelligent Reader see, how far that assertion that I maintain (to prooure peace and safetie to Church and Kingdom, ready to perish by an unnatural war) is from de­tracting from any just or useful respect, commanded, from the people to the Ministers, if faithful; though the meanest Pa­stours; which I know, and people will finde, God will reward as done to himself.

But one thing is not unworthy notice, in parag. 8. Where you say, Paul willeth the Philippians to receive Epaphro­ditus their Apostle, or Bishop, and also chargeth them to hold such in reputation.

Consider, I pray you, had not the Philippians, then, other such as Epaphroditus? else why doth he give them charge of others of like quality? And may you not thence see, that Epaphroditus was no singular Bishop, but such an one as might have other Presbyters his fellows in like honours.

Case of Conscience Resolved.

VVHo knows not, that one of the priviledges of the Clergie, was, for the Bishops to sit and vote in the House of Peers? yet that is abolisht, as incongruous to their calling. And then why may not the removall of their Eccle­siasticall jurisdiction be consented to, as well, if it prove in­convenient and prejudicial to the Church? The abolition of the one, is no more against the oath, then of the other.

CHAP. VI. Answering Doctor Boughens explanations for the removall of Bishops out of the House of Lords, in his 12. chapter.

I Proceed now to examine your 12. Chapter, spent most upon the Theam, whether it be incongruous to the calling of Bishops, to sit and vote in Parliament? And here you [Page 62]are very passionate; but I must first tell you, your passionate follie falls more foul on King and Parliament, then me; for I do but render the reason given by them, in effect, in the very statute. Anno 17. Car. R. An act for disabling all persons in holy Orders, to ex­ercise any tem­porall jurisdi­ction or autho­rity. The words are these; whereas Bishops and other persons in holy orders, ought not to be intangled with secular ju­risdiction (the office of the Ministery being of such great im­portance, that it will take up the whole man;) and that it is found by long experience, that their intermedling with secular jurisdictions, hath occasioned great mischief and scandall; both to Church and State. His Majestie, out of his religious care of the Church, and souls of his people, is graciously pleased, that it be enacted; And by authority of this Parliament, be it enacted, that no Arch-Bishop, &c. shall have any seat or place, suffrage, or voice, or use, or execute any power or au­thority, in the Parliament of this Realm. Now, hath my phrase done any more, then express the reason given for abo­lition in this Statute by King and Parliament? while there­fore you rave so at me, doth not all more properly light on them? I may therefore say, as sometimes Moses, who am I? Your murmurings are not against me, but against king and Parliament.

But you question, whether they were not thrust out to make way for these civill broyles? The Incendiaries knew well enough, that those messengers and makers of peace, would never have passed a vote for war.

I answer, they should be makers of peace, but have they been so indeed of late? I pray, who occasioned the war by Liturgie, illegally put upon the Scots, but Prelates? who put on the king, to raise an Army against them, more then Pre­lates? You know Bishop Bath and Wells, to excite his Cler­gy to contri­bute. who called it, Bellum Episcopale, Who put on the king to break his first pacification with the Scots, but Prelates? Then oaths were no ingagements with them, when against Prelates: But now the kings oath must be cryed up, to keep them up: but you should remember, Quic­quid fit propter deum, fit aequaliter; which hints the hypocrisie of your pretences, of renderness of an oath in this case, if you had not the same tenderness in the other case.

Then Parag. 2. You tell an Apocrypha tale, of the out­cries [Page 63]of some Clothiers, that occasioned the making of that statute, as though men would believe your traditional tale before the express words of king and Parliament, contained in the act.

Parag. 3.4. You inquire, why it is incongruous to the call­ing of Bishop, to sit and vote in the House of Peers: and raise imaginary reasons, and confute them, looking over that in the statute: That Bishops and other persons, in holy orders ought not to be intangled in secular jurisdiction; and this is ground­ed on Scripture, 2 Tim. 2. comparing v. 4. & 7. and more expresly speak the Apostles; (and you make Bishops Apostles) It is not reason we should leave the Word of God, Act. 6.2. and serve ta­bles, [...]. Beza, and the vulgar, non est aequum. See how the grounds mentioned by king and Parliament in the statute, are grounded on Scripture.

But Parag. 5. You would prove, that there could be no incongruity between their calling, and voting in the House of Peers, by Scripture: For then Melchizedeck, that was both King and Priest, had never been a type of our Saviour. It doth not follow; for he was therefore a type, to shew, that Christ should be both king and Priest, but his kingdom was not of this world; he would not intangle himself with the affairs of this life, and divide inheritances.

Again, you bring the example of Moses and Eli, who were extraordinary persons, as though God doth not things extraordinarily, that are incongruous ordinarily, as to make Deborah, and Huldah, Prophetesses. But Joash thrived so long, as he followed Jehojada the high Priest: as though a good Bishop cannot give good counsell to a king, unless he sit and vote among Peers. You tell us also, how some of our Kings prospered by their Counsels. Is it not as easie to tell you, of a Bishop that preached, my head aketh, to usher, in the dethroning of a king? to tell, you how R. 2. was undone, by the unpolitique counsell of the pious Bishop of Carlile? which shews, that usually the best Bishops, are the worst States men.

Parag. 6. You add, a wonder it is, that my faction spies this incongruity, which was never discerned by the wisest of [Page 64]our fore-fathers. See you not, how you call king and Par­liament a faction, whose sense I exprest? If I had been so rude, what out-cries should we have had of blaspheming, and spitting in the face of authority? Of the same nature are other your foolish arguings. parag. 7.8. about the writ of summons to Parliament; as though the Supremacie being in king and Parliament, they cannot change the state of the Parliament, and so of the writ. And therefore all your strange language, doth not only question the integrity of king and Parliament, in their expression, and their wisdom in making; but their power in performing; which insolency, whether it deserve words to answer, let the reader judg and this same answer will also take off your 13. parag.

What you say, parag. 9. touching the sufficiency of Bishops for this work, is not of validity to infer the conclusion, which you would have, are they more able to vote in Parliament, then the Apostles to serve tables? have they not a sphear, as Ministers, that will swallow up all their abilities? why should they then, any more then the Apostles, leave their spiritual work for secular imployments?

What you add touching David, parag. 10. that he err'd for want of the presence and advice of the Priests, and suffer­ed; but after he calls for the Priests, and acknowledgeth his error, &c. This is true, and yet withall, his fault was not in not having the Priests, at first; but not using them as he should: they drove the cart whereon it was, instead of car­rying it on their shoulders; neither is it mentioned, that they discovered the error to him, but he to them, having it, as it seems, by divine revelations on his humiliation and prayer, 1 Chron. 15.2.

But may there not be the Counsell and advice of Divines, to a Parliament, in matters of God, unless they sit and vote with Peers, in matters secular? May they not in a Convoca­tion, or Assembly, advise in matter of religion, where they shall keep the sphear of Divinitie, and meddle with nothing Heretogeneal to their calling? So your reasonings, parag. 11, 12. are too weak to infer votes with Peers.

For your statute, Parag. 14. I know not what to say to [Page 65]it, because I know not where to finde it. But do you bring this to involve this king and Parliament under a curse? and blame me for a moderate and necessary expression of vinculum ini­quitatis? Turp [...] est Doctori, &c.

What you say, Parag. 15. Of the benefit of good Bishops, as Ministers of the Gospel: I assent to it, but neither of the places speak, as having them Ministers of State. A King and Parliament may have the blessing of faithful Bishops, by their preaching and prayers; without their votes and pre­sence among Peers: yea, more then with it, for that usually makes them too great, to preach in season and out of season, as Timothy was to do, 2 Tim. 4.1, 2. But you are mista­ken, when you say, that the Priests are, in Scripture, called the horse-men of Israel, and the chariots thereof: For that was spoken of Prophets, not Priests, viz. of Elijah and Elisha.

Parag. 16. You argue Alogically, the King can have no Subsidies granted without them, because none hath yet been granted; a non esse ad non posse non valet argumentatio. As ill do you abuse the Scripture against the King and Parlia­ment, as Removers of bounds, who have rectified it, con­fining Clergie men to their own sphear, Divinity; leaving seculars to secular-men: therefore your curse causeles shall not come.

To parag. 17. I say, I delivered not ex tripode, but out of the marrow of the act it self, that the votes of Bishops in the house of Peers was taken away, as incongruous to their cal­ling; and I infer nothing else to be taken away, unless it seems good to King and Parliament; whose wisedom and conscience, I dare far better trust then yours; and you abuse your Reader, to say, I argued from the bare fact, when I argue from the fact, with its ground, to the like, on the like warrantable ground. And that the abolition of the one, is no more against the Kings oath, then the other, which you confess; yet you say flatly, 123. If the King yield to let down Episcopacy, he breaks his oath; what then do you lay to his charge, implicitly, in consenting to the abolition of their votes, but perjurie? Is this you that can calumniate [Page 66]others without cause, as spitting in the face of authoritie, and yet do this, and present it to the King himself, to read his own doom?

But you distinguish between priviledges, that are the grants of God, and such as are of the favour of Princes, such as sitting and voting with Peers.

The distinction is good, and helps to clear what I intend; that the King may alter the Prelacie in question, which is but the gift of Princes, not God. See the erudition of a Christian man, on the Sacrament of orders. And Princes may revoke their own grants: but for that jurisdiction, which you say, is a grant of God; I confess it is: but by him setled on Pastors, the highest degree of Church officers now; and those are Presbyter-Bishops; and therefore the setling of it on them in general, is but restitution, no donation of any thing new to the Presbyters, nor unjust detraction from the Bishops, who had without the grant of God, ingrost all power into their own hands.

Case of Conscience resolved.

AGain when this oath was framed, the Church was in­dued, by the ignorance of the times, with divers unlaw­ful immunities; in all which respects the oath was invalid, being vinculum iniquitatis; and some were pared off, as light shined forth. And why may not the great revenues of the Bishops, with their sole jurisdiction, in so large a circuit, be indicted and convict to be against the edification of the Church, and it be found more for the glory of God, that both the revenue be divided to maintain a preaching Ministerie; and their jurisdiction also, for the better over-sight and cen­sure of manners? And then is there as good a plea, notwith­standing the oath, to alter this useless anti-Evangelical pompe, and domination of a few; as to antiquate, other immuni­ties, arising from the error of the times, not the tenure of Scripture. Were indeed the priviledgs in question, such as were for the advantage of the Church, to further her edifica­cation; or had the Prelates been good Stewards, and in­nocent [Page 67]in the use of them; then had the plea carried a fai­rer shew. But these having been so many forfeitures by a­buse; and these great promotions, and jurisdictions, being as unwieldy to a spiritual souldier, as Sauls armour to David; and so do not further, but hinder the work of the Gospel, whose strong holds are to be vanquisht, not by carnal pomp, but spiritual furniture, mighty through God 2 Cor. 10.4. I see no just ingagement to maintain such cumbersom greatness, adding onely glory to the person, not vigour to the main work of the Ecclesiastick.

Again, thus I argue: If the king may consent to alter the laws of the Nation, notwithstanding his oath, then so he may also the Clergies immunities: for those rights and im­munities, they either hold them by law, or otherwaies: If by law, then the Parliament, which hath power to alter all laws, hath power to alter such laws as give them their im­munities; and those laws altered, the immunitie ceaseth, and so the kings ingagement in that particular. If their immunity be not by law, it is either an usurpation without just title, which upon discovery, is null: Or, it was given by Papall power in times of darkness, which being an Anti-christian usurpation, is long since abolisht in this kingdom.

CHAP. VII. Shewing, that the Monarchicall jurisdiction and great reve­nues of the Bishops, may be divided to the advantage of the Church, in answer to Doctor Boughens 13. Chapter.

THis passage of my Case, you attempt to answer chap. 13. and tell us, that there's a great cry against the ju­risdiction of Bishops, as inconvenient, and prejudiciall to the the Church, against unlawful immunities, Anti-evangeli­call pom, pcumbersome greatness, and forfeitures by abuse, and these, you say, are cryed out of, but none of them proved.

I answer, the very expression were so clear, of things ob­vious [Page 68]to every impartiall eye, that proof seem'd needless: and sure I am, you would disprove it, if you could, it stands you upon, which not doing, it may pass for currant: yet one quirk you have in this 1. parag. on the word, unlawfull im­munities.

You argue, if they were held by law, then not un lawfull, but legall.

I answer, legall they were, because allowed by mans law, yet unlawful, because against Gods law.

Your next quarrell, is at the expression, when the oath was framed, the Church was indued by the ignorance of the times.

But you complain parag. 2. I tell you not when this time was; but what then? do you not know, it was in times of Poperie? and do you think there was as much true light at Westminster then, as now, as you intimate in this parag.? Sure if you do, you have not only a Bishop, but (as they say) a Pope in your belly.

Parag. 3. You take notice, that I conclude, the Kings oath is invalid in these respects, & vinculum iniquitatis; then you mention 5. particulars, 4. of which you say, you have quitted already; but I have therein disproved you: and do not you think, that to exempt malefactors from trial, that fled to Churches for sanctuarie; and the Clergies exemptions from secular punishments (which multiplied many slaughters by them, as Daniel witnesseth, in his story of Henry 2. pag. 83. (and yet Becket Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, asserted this, as one of the liberties of the Church, which the king had sworn to maintain, pag. 84.) I say, did not these, and such like, think you, flow from ignorance? but it grieves you more, that I should say, the oath in this respect, is vinculum iniquitatis, and say Parag. 4. I wilfully scandalize divers Princes of blessed memory, and charge them almost as deeply as St. Peter did Simon Magus, with the bond of iniquity, Acts. 8.23. Al-most (we say in the north) saves many a l [...]e; for is affirming that Princes (for want of light, which they want­ed means for) do ingage themselves with a pious zeal, but not according to knowledg, charging them with a crime, an­swerable [Page 69]to Magus his base self-seeking hypocrisie? or so inconsistent with a state of grace? If it should, what case do you put king and Parliament in, which more then once, charge them with perjurie.

But tell me sincerely, do you not think, in times of Poperie, many unlawfull things were given to the Clergie? and that many Canonicall priviledges were unlawfull? Sure either their immunities, or the reformation of them was unlawful; had you rather condemn the reformation, then the corrupti­on, for fear of obliquely blaming the ancient Princes? Do you not hereby cast an imputation on those latter Princes, whom you are more bound to respect?

Your parag. 5. is a scornful Ironie, hinting somethings false, somethings irrational; false it is, That what immu­nities were unlawful in Bishops, We would challenge; or inherit their anti-Evangelical pomp: and as irrational is it, not to apprehend, that divers scores of Presbyters marshal­led into Presbyteries, in the several parts of a Diocess, may not more easily see, and more speedily take course to redress errors, and applie general remedies for the reclaiming of the scandalous, then one Bishop over divers hundred Congrega­tions, some of them the better part of a hundred miles from him. The Diocesses of Bishops, heretofore were called Pari­shes; and indeed at first, few of them equal to some Parishes in England, and yet then they had Presbyters. Now their Diocesses are as large as Shiers, nay, it may be contain more Shiers, and Presbyteries discarded. Is not this prejudicial to the edification of the Church? Besides, have you not heard what Queen Elizabeth used to say? That when she bad made a Bishop, she had spoyled a good Preacher? And how few of that rank imitate the Apostles diligence, or charge, for preaching, 2 Tim. 4.1, 2. Is not this a sign that the great­ness is cumbersom? Yet we denie not, that there was preach­ing under the Bishops, but I am sure there was the less for many of them; they silenc'd Preachers, prohibited preaching on Lords daies, Afternoon, &c. And there was censure of manners, but yet Visitations were but once a year, and Pre­sentations to be but twice; and might not many a man fall [Page 70]into, and perish in sin for all this? Besides that, their censures were more nimble against me for strictness, then loosness or prophaness. I believe therefore, the intelligent Reader will not be scoff'd out of his belief of what I have hinted.

Your Parag. 6. Begins, as you call it, with distempered foame, ends with appeal to last judgement, which is one main thing which hath made quiet me under Prelatical oppression, having referred my self to him that judgeth righteously.

More of your foame you cast, in your fume, Parag. 7. First, you ask " Why we are fallen from abolition, to alteration? I answer, this alteration, will prove an abolition to them, quâ Bishops, do not you fear. Next this alteration, you jeer, not sparing to abuse Scripture to adorne your sarcasms; and yet I confess, htis alteration of the jurisdiction into more hands; and of the means of Bishops, to maintain more mouthes to preach the Gospel, is the best plea I have against Bishops.

I confess it is, and you shall never prove it anti-Evange­lical, or anti-Christian: But I by it, shall blow off all your aspersions, that you lay upon me, as an enemy of the Church, and Ministery, in my plea against Bishops, whereas this one thing shews, I seek the good of both, and that rationally.

Parag. 8. You trifle again about the word altar, the va­nitie of which exception, was before shewed. After you cast about your foame, which deserves no answer, but indignati­on; but whereas you would abuse Saint Augustine, to prove me an Heretick, citing out of him, that he is an Heretick, that for any temporary commodity, and chiefly for his own glory, and preferment, doth either raise, or follow false and new opinions.

Mine answer is, that I have proved my opinions grounded on Scripture, and so neither false nor new. And for any end of mine in it, besides the peace of the land, and the edifica­tion of the Church; I leave my self to him, that tries the heart and reins.

Parag. 9. You come to examine what I said, touch­ing the legalitie of your priviledges, that if they be held by [Page 71]law, the Parliament that hath power to alter all laws, may alter those laws, and so the immunity ceaseth. You here first grant, you claim no priviledges, but what is legal: but you cavil at that which is said, that the Parliament hath power to alter all laws; nay, you affirm, it is Atheisticall to affirm that the Parliament can alter the laws of God; but all this is but trifling; for you know, by laws, I mean only humane laws of their own making, and all laws are understood by me, divisim, not conjunctim, that is, they have power to advise upon any particular law whatsoever, or whomsoever it con­cerns; and if on advisement, it seem conducible to weal­publike, to alter it, they have power to proceed to alterati­on; and so the Londoners themselves (whom here you would jeer, or provoke against me) would not (I am sure they should not) deny the Parliaments power to alter any of their immunities, that are convinc'd prejudicial to the weal­publique.

Parag. 12. To that which I say, upon the alteration of the law, the immunitie ceaseth; you in effect deny the con­clusion; for you answer not the argument convincing, but hold the Thesis: You add indeed, that an ordinance was never conceived sufficient to alter a law; but what's this to the purpose? who speaks of ordinances? my argument runs of laws.

If any think themselves absolv'd from the oath of allieg­ance, by an ordinance, let them bear their burthen; neither do I go about to absolve the King from his oath of protecti­on, (as you here calumniate me) but interpret the bond ra­tionally, which you cannot answer; and so vent your self in impertinent accusations.

But you conclude, Parag. 13. that suppose there be such a law, could it be just? &c. You are pleased to acknowledg our priviledges to be our rights, how then can they be taken from us without injury?

1. You alter the state of the question; for every injurie is not perjurie: the quaerie was, whether they could be taken away without perjurie.

2. I acknowledg them your rights, that is, such as you have [Page 72]a legal claim to, while the laws thus stand; but these your rights were of three sorts: 1. Some of your Canonicall priviledges (at least formerly) were corrupt. Such were abolish'd by Henry the 8. These were your rights, that is, you had claim to them by mans, not Gods law. 2. Some were essentiall to the callings, grounded on the Word of God. 3. Some were indulged by the Prince and State. The first sort were void to a Christian, by their anomie. The second unviolable, by the unquestionable authoritie of God, the Author of them. The third are under the Consult of Par­liaments, as other laws, which are the peoples birth-right, and they may alter both, if they see occasion: So the laws that concern the Clergie, make them neither worse nor better, then those laws that concern the Laytie, render them.

Case of Conscience Resolved.

THe Author illustrateth the force of his argument, by an example, holding forth an inconvenience: Where pub­lique faith is given for money, it is not releaseable by Parlia­ment, without consent of the partie; for if it be, it is in ef­fect, no ingagement, &c.

Answ. There's a great deal of difference between an en­gagement made to persons on valuable considerations; and that which is made gratis to an office, or societie, subservient to publique good: Of the former kinde, is the engagement to pay sums of money, of whom they were borrowed for publike good, which is indispensible without the consent of the lender. Of the latter sort is this engagement to the En­glish Clergie. Now engagements to a Societie, to main­tain their rights, indulged for the personall worth of present incumbents; or to promote the usefulness of that office: If in their matter they prove prejudiciall to the office; or the succeeding officers, by their ill demeanor, forfeit them, their engagement becomes alterable: There is no injustice done to make a law to over-rule, or alter this engagement. There's no question of power in the Parliament, to over-rule it; for [Page 73]in the former case of money, if the King and Parliament should ordain release of the engagement, the engagement was gone in law, not in equitie the order would be valid in law though injurious: So, if there be no injurie, the King and Parliament may cancel any obligation. And where there is forfeiture by miscarriage, or the priviledg to a Ministrie (which ought to hold nothing but for publike good) proves prejudiciall, the abrogation will be just, as well as legall, there will be no injurie done.

But take it at the worst, it is but for the King to get the Clergies consent; and I hope in this case, they will not be so tenacious of their wealth and honour, as to let the Crown run an hazzard, rather then they lay down their Mitres, and indanger the whole land to be brought to nothing, rather then themselves to moderation. I cannot but have a better conceit of the Major part of them, at this time, which will amount to a consent, and that, in this Authors judgment, takes off the scruple about the oath.

CHAP. VIII. Shewing, that abuses are a forfeiture of some priviledges, in answer to Doctor Boughen's 14. Chapter.

I Come now to answer your 14. Chapter, which you enti­tle, whether the lands of the Church may be forfeited by the misdemeanor of the Clergie?

But here I must minde you, and the Christian reader, that whereas there are two parts of the Clergie in England;

1. Parochiall Pastors, which stand by the ordinance of God, who appointed the ordaining of Elders in every Church;

2. Diocesan Bishops, which I have proved to be but hu­mane creatures, invented and set up, as Jerome saith, to pre­vent Schismes;

That which I have spoken of forfeitures, belongs to the [Page 74]latter, which are not Gods ordinance; though it may be, so they would keep within ancient bounds, and express an­cient worth, they might not be only tolerable, but usefull; yet if these abuse their power, and become an inconvenience, instead of curing an inconvenience; and any thing indulged to them for the honour of God, be abused, to his dishonour, in the hurt of the Churches, then they make forfeiture.

Now the Case thus stated; Your instance, Parag. 1. of Abiathars being succeeded by another, not the office abolisht, is not a pari, for that was in an office expresly Gods ordi­nance; so Episcopacie is not.

What you say, Parag. 2. about justice, out of Lactantius, who in that place distinguisheth between Jus civile, quod pro moribus ubique variatur, & vera justitia quàm unifor­mem, ac simplicem proposuit omnibus Deus. I acknowledg the truth of his speech, nor would I, nor do I maintain any thing against true justice.

But what you infer from thence, that where true ju­stice is wanting, there's no law, nor no Common-wealth, &c. It is evidently contrarie to his minde; for though this true and perfect justice, was wanting in all heathen societies, (for they had some constitutions, that swerv'd from it:) yet no man will say, there were no Common-wealths, but tyrannies, among the heathen, though they were not such compleat Common-wealths as they might have been, had they known the rule of Gods perfect justice.

Parag. 3. To that, that there's great difference between an engagement made to persons on valuable considerations, and which is made gratis to an office or societie subservient to publique good; You answer, that the setling of land upon a Corporation, is more firm, and that gift gives as good pro­priety as purchase; wherein you wilfully mistake the scope of my speech, or ignorantly; for the difference I speak of, is, in regard of the injurie in alteration; and that too, where and when there is miscarriage.

Now I hope, though I must return to a corrupt man what is his own; yet it is no injurie to deny courtesies, which are given gratis to men for their worth. Artaxerxes bestow­ed [Page 75]a great largess on the Ministers of the Sanctuarie, and he did excellently wel in it, and in the confirmation of it, (yet you simply make that expression, the Law of God and of the King, to relate to that one Decree of Darius, which you will plain­ly see, if you read Ezra 7.24, 25, 26. together:) But the question is, if the following Priests had set up themselves with that the Kings benevolence, and neglected the work of God, and had grown insolent against the Monarch; Whether it had been injurious in the succeeding Monarchs, to have re­called that gift given to good men, to make them more ser­viceable to God, and devout in their prayers for the King.

But Par. 4. You say, these lands and immunities were made to the office, and Episcopacy is a living office. But I answer, its an office that may dye, for the Diocesan-Bishop can finde his Register in Gods Book, he is later then the word written, and therefore this plea will not help him.

Parag. 5. To that, what is granted to personal worth, of present incumbents, and given to promote the usefulness of the office; You say, It is fixed till the office be found use­less and abolisht, but till then it is injustice to take it away, without which the usefulness of that office cannot be so well promoted.

I allow all this, and in as full words, pag. 4. of Case resol­ved; but I affirm, this office by its incroachments (excluding Presbyters) and Canonical priviledges, which it challengeth, is grown burthensom, instead of useful, and the incumbents for the general much degenerate, both neglecting the main of a Pastors office, preaching, and abusing their power to the hindring of it in others: And for that which you add, of the forfeitures of other Corporations, as that of Drapers, or Grocers, or the City of London it self. I believe, if the King had conquer'd, you would have been as ready as any, to have impleaded the Companies of London of forfeiture, for assisting in the War against him. And who knows not, that Corporations may, and often do forfeit and lose their Charters of priviledges, by abuse and misdemeanours? For what you say, 'of Parliaments power, Parag. 6. I would you would alwaies speak so modestly: By Parliamentarie [Page 76]power, when I speak so largely, I take it, as containing the three estates, the King the head, and the Lords and Com­mons, as the body; yet I abhor, to think of ascribing to them power, to make that which is unjust just, as I do disdain that comparison, of the witness brought by me against Episcopa­cie, to that brought against Naboth, by suborned Knights of the Posts; for the testimonies I brought, were out of the Scri­pturures of Truth.

But Parag. 7, 8, 9. We have a great out-cry made, but the best is, its a great deal of cry, and little wooll. The out-cry is at these words; If King and Parliament release the en­gagement, in the case of money, the engagement were gon in law, though not in equity. The Order would be valid in law, though in jurious. First, you question the validity of an Order of Parliament; but you should remember, I speak of an Order past by King and Parliament, and that amounts to a law, and later laws over-rule former. Then you bid men take heed of their purses, for I speak of sums of money. But this is but to make a noise, for you know my Opponent brought in the instance of money, and I did but answer a­bout it. But the greatest out-cry is at this, gon in law, not in equity, valid in law, though injurious; behold (say you) law without equity: God bless me from such law; I say so too; but the Divinity is good enough, by your leave: For were not the Statutes in Queen Maries time, laws, though injurious? And the Martyrs brought to a legal try­al, by the Statute-laws of the Land, though injurious ones? This is so plain, that no rational man can deny it; and all the shew you make to the contrary, is but from the word Jus, because, that properly signifies such a constitution as is just. But if an unequal Statute may not be called Jus, pro­perly, may it not be called Lex, or a Statute-law? your own word Your self say pag. 40. Lex non obligat sub­ditos in foro con­scientiae, nisi sit juste. The law binds not Subjects in the Court of con­science, unless it be just; But then this im­plyes, in foro humano it doth, which agrees to what I say, but that you have a minde to quarrel. pag. 94. l. 12. shews that you are not so igno­rant, as not to know it, nor so impudent as to deny it. And therefore your accusations here of Divinity without consci­ence, &c. are Sophistical and childish, or malicious; where­as, you say, I stretch my conscience, and justifie a power in the Parliament to do injury, and not onely so, but a power to make [Page 77]laws to justifie this injury; Its a most false slander: I say, there is in King and Parliament that Peerless power, that their agreement makes a law; but if they stretch this to un­just things, they abuse their power, and become injurious, and sin, yet we have no plea against them in law, that is, in foro humano, but in equity and conscience.

Parag. 10. You quarrel, in like manner, with those words. So if there be no injury, the King and Parliament may cancel any obligation, which your dulness or passion makes you not understand and so you play the ape with them. The meaning is this, The King and Houses being the su­pream power, what they ratifie, stands firm; and what they abolish, no man can claim by any constitution of the Nation; And in matters not injurious, they may lawfully put this power committed to them, into act.

Now Parag. 11. It may appear, that you well understood what I meant, in distinguishing between law & equity, in that you say, "What is according to law, true law, is lawful. Why do you say true law, but to note a distinction of laws? Some are made by lawful authoritie, and so valid in foro humano, in mans Court; yet that authoritie observes not the right rules of equitie, but abuseth power to decree unjust things, and so it is a law, but not a true law, that is, not a law for that intent that laws were ordained, to prevent injury, not decree it. I conclude therefore, that you make these rehearsals of law without equity, ad faciendum populum, against your own conscience; but the intelligent, will see and deride this beg­garly fraud.

Parag. 12. You harp upon the old string, that an office can forfeit nothing. And I grant it, of such an office that is of God, and of such priviledges as are necessarie or usefull; but neither is Episcopacie such an office, nor their large juris­diction, and great pomp, such priviledges.

Parag. 13. Runs on the same string, "touching an office instituted of God, which Episcopacie is not, though Ministrie be. And then kindly (as often formerly) grant the questi­on, that of priviledges perchance there may be a forfeiture, where they prove prejudiciall to the publike good; and so [Page 78]waves the question from that which is de jure, of right, which he hath been disputing all this while, to that which is de facto, of the fact of prejudice to the publike: in which question, how confident soever he be in the negative, I must mind him, that not he, and the Prelates, nor I, that are parties, but the King and Parliament must be Judges.

For what you say, out of the great Charter, Parag. 14. ' We grant to God, and confirm the Church of England free, &c. I answer, but the Bishops are not the Church; you do not, I hope, approve that popish language, they were then but a part, and an unsound part, being vassals to the man of sin. Yet William the Conqueror did ill, to appropriate Church­lands for covetousness, and for it might miscarry; so did they for the same cause, rob the Temples of the Heathen Deities; whence the proverbe, Aurum Tolosanum, in Aulus Gel. Noct. Attic. lib. 3. c. 9. Yet they did well, that conscientiously abolish'd both Idols and Temples. What you add, that in strictness of Reformation, Episcopacy was continued in Eng­land, as most useful for the Church. How this observation is connected, I know not: It is a suddain motion; I may also justly take occasion to give notice, that our Reformati­on hath been counted defective, for keeping up Episcopacy in its height; and not either abolishing it, or at lest bringing it within the ancient limits with a Presbytery; (which now is offered by the King.) And what other reformed Churches can the Author name, but it was part of their Reformation, to take away Diocesan Episcopacy?

Parag. 15. You express a needless grief, to hear from a Preacher of the Word, that the Bishops must lay down wealth, honour, and Mytres, or else the Crown must run an hazzard. Are you sorrie to hear a Preacher speak the truth? hath not the Crown run an hazzard in this respect, as well as others? But whereas you say, I give notice of what hath been the cause of my factious preaching, you falsly slander; for though I know no cause that I should have had to grieve, to see the Bishops stript of their greatness in a fair way; yet I have as seriously, and sincerely grieved for the hazzard of of the Crown, as your self; and have been as far from fur­thering [Page 79]it. For that you add, that few of the Bishops have gained so much by the Church as their breeding cost their pa­rents; It will be credible but to a few, except to those that know at what rates they made friends in the Court, to pro­cure them.

Parag. 16. You tell me, I might have done well to have directed this passage to the Parliament. Truly you say true, and those that know me, know I have not been backward, to press, and perswade a condescension on their parts, as well as on the Kings; and that in writing too: which on as good an occasion, as I had to print my Case, may see the light. But the Bishops have not been so innocent, as you make them; for schism, they did not prevent it, but partly made it, by cast­ing out both Ministers and people for their own inventions, that willingly, and peaceably, would have held communion in all Gods ordinances; partly occasion'd it by neglect of good Discipline, and rigorously requiring conformitie to humane ceremonies: for Heresies, they did foster them. How did the most of them connive at Papists? advance Arminians and Socinians, while they pretended against Socinianism? Blasphemie in one kinde they hinder'd not, in that they let blaspemous swearers pass without discipline, and enjoy the pri­viledges of Sacraments. Atheism they promoted, by hindring the preaching of the Gospel, which they were enemies to, for the most part, to uphold their dumb Ministerie, and for fear their idleness should be censured. They taught rebellion a­gainst the Lord, in teaching men to prophane his Sabboths: They hindred not, but occasioned blood-shed, in oppressing Scotland with illegal impositions, stirring up the King to war against them, and to break his Pacification with them, which was the egg that hath bred this cockatrice that is like to de­stroy all.

This I speak not of all, but some of them; nor out of a delight I have to rake in other mens sores; but to shew you, that Bishops grew not into such odium among the people for nothing; nor were they without miscarriages, that occasio­ned such a violence against them; and yet for my part, I grieve, that the peoples dislike of them had not acted in a [Page 80]more orderly and regular way.

Parag. 17. For Seldens distinction between the Abbot and the Abbey; it seems, he is better at relating distinctions, then practising them: And its good to observe that distin­ction, where the man is Gods instituted Officer; but that neither Abbot was, nor Diocesan Bishop is, but both hu­mane creatures.

Parag. 18. Your quarrell is at my expression, of bring­ing Bishops to moderation, which you, in a jeering way, say, is annihilation; but as wise a man, as you, may be deceived; for though that relation or title of Episcopacie, be taken a­way, wherewith man hath exalted them, yet they may re­tain that place that God hath given them, to serve him as Pastors, in some parochiall charge, as they did before their Episcopacie; which he that disdains, or thinks nothing, or that it is too low for him, I dare be bold to say, it is too good for him.

Parag. 19. For that you say, that the King suffers for the Bishops obstinacy; the more disrespective they, not to yield, that he may be enlarged, if that would do it; you know what Gregory Nazianzen (not inferior to any of them) did for peace; for what you relate here, and else-where, in an ac­cusatorie way, " of what is done to the Bishops and Clergie; I might object what hath been done to the Clergie of the other side, when under opposite power; but I have neither furthered nor approved the oppressions of neither side, but bewail them, and fear Gods judgments for them.

And therefore, in your Parag. 20. is slander out of malice or mistake, that I have preacht for the Bishops wealth, or Mytre, &c. but your opinion is at last, if others be so vio­lent to put him to it, the King and his posterity must perish, e're you will consent to part with your greatness and honour. Sure, if you count those that put the King upon this strait, his enemies, no wise man will count you (who will rather let him perish by the rigour of others, then relieve him by your con­descension) good friends: you love greatness so, that you will rather lose it with him, then release it, to contribute to his preservation.

Is this your boasted of affection and loyaltie? This shews what you pretend love to the King for; to uphold your own greatness, not his, further then it upholds yours.

Parag. 21. You conclude, that if the Bishops knew themselves guilty of the difference between the King and Parliament, God forbid but they should part with all they may, &c. And if they will remember the beginning of it in Scotland, with the occasion, they may see guilt enough, especially he that called it, Bellum Episcopale, who, it is to be feared, spake the minde of the rest. " But yet they cannot give up what is Gods, nor would I have them, but for God, and to God; for his glory, both to promote a blessed peace, and to set in its pro­per sphear Presbyter-Bishops of his own appointing, and sup­port more able of them to feed the flock of God, that may live divers years without one Sermon, for many a Diocesan Bishop.

Case of Conscience Resolved.

BEsides this argument, there be other insinuations brought in by the same Author, that it would be dishonourable to the Kings memorie, to be an unfortunate instrument to pull down Cathedrals, and impoverish them, &c.

Answ. To abolish Prelacie, and seize the revenue of Pre­lates to private or civill interest, undoubtedly could neither want stain nor guilt; such kinde of impropriation as hap­ned in the dayes of Henry the 8. was cryed out of, all the Christian world over. Illam bonorum Ecclesiasticorum dissi­pationem cum detestando sacrilegio conjunctam, tecum & cum bonis omnibus deploramus, scelus universo orbi commune, saith Beza, in respon. ad Sarav. de grad. Minist. pag. ult. But who knows not the great defect amongst us of congruous maintenance for Parochiall Pastors, by whom the work of the Ministrie is chiefly to be performed? And if those large revenues of the Prelates, were directed to supply with suffici­ent maintenance, all the defective Parishes in England, there would be no danger of sacriledg. And this would not be to ruine, but to rectifie the devotion of former ages, and turn [Page 82]pomp into use, and impediments into helps. A work, for which following generations should not need to pitie the king, as put upon it by misfortune, but rise up and call him blessed, whose many other disasters ended in so good and usefull a work. Had the motives of Henry the 8. been as honest, to cast off Papall jurisdiction, as the act was holy; and the improvement of Abbey lands, as conformable to divine law, as the dissolution of Abbeys, to the rules of Divine wis­dom: He might not only have been honourable in our An­nals; but, if I may so speak, a Saint in our Calender. It was the circumstances of actions, in themselves glorious, which made them a dishonour to him, though advantagious to the Church; which circumstances being avoided in the thing in question, God and good men will highly approve it, which is the only reall, and regardable honour: Thus far my first op­ponent.

CHAP. IX. Wherein is shewed, that the converting of Bishops Lands to maintain preaching-Ministers, would not be sacriledg, but a good work, in answer to Doctor Boughen's 15. Chap­ter.

I Come now to answer to your 15. Chapter, wherein you dispute the Case, whether it be lawfull to confer Bishops Lands on Presbyters; and first you say, the Church is like our Saviour Christ between two theeves, Independents and Presbyterians, but neither of them for our Saviour. But the best of it is, your tongue is no slander; for if preaching Christ, be being for Christ; I dare boldly affirm, that the most of either of those that dislike Episcopacie, are far more for Christ then you and your Prelates, a few only excepted; and of them, the more they be for Christ, the less violent usually for Bishops; especially for your Apostle-Bishops, which they account a fancie. After, you say, I like theft, so I and my fellow. Presbyterians may be gainers; but your [Page 83]position is false: I abhor theft as much as you do, nor do I look at the gain of my self, or Presbyterians, but of the Church of God, for I am no pluralist, whatever D. B. is; nor do I, nor many other Presbyters, expect any more means, if this should be, but that the Church may have more Presbyters apt to rule well, and labour in the word and doctrine, and be examples to the flock, we having found in experience, that scandalous livings occasion scandalous Ministers: And this we think is in the power of king and Parliament to do without theft. The revenues annext to Cathedrals, being intended for the best good of the Church.

But Parag. 2. You acknowledg I am against sacrilegi­ous alienation, but, I and Master Beza cannot prevent it. Who can help it? We have cleared our own souls: yet if the Prelates would have consented to resignation, when this case was first presented, I verily believe that dishonourable alienation had been prevented.

Parag. 3. You confess I would fain set a fair gloss upon a detestable fact. But every thing is not detestable, which you call so; that which would tend to have Christ more preacht, would be profitable to the Church, and acceptable to God. For Ordination, we have spoken before, and shewed, that Presbyters have as much power from God to ordain, as your Prelates, and are as good Bishops; onely the other, by custom, gradatim, have rob'd them. We shall have a choyce peece, when you come to examine Divine right. I shall wish the Divines to be more careful to provide patience to bear your railings, then perspicacity to discern your subtilties: For you are not like to trouble their heads with much of the latter.

Parag. 4. You say, If there be a diversion of the wainte­nance, who shall make the conveyance, and When its made, its not valid, without the proprietary, and that is God, &c. and what is separated to holy use, cannot return to common. Good, but what is given to God, may be improved to the utmost for God; and thats the aim, and would be the issue of the diversion [...]poken of, that Christ might more preach'd, even to those that have long sate in darkness, and in the sha­dow of death.

Nor is every diversion, (as you say, Parag. 5.) a turning [...]out of the right channel? But out of the former channel; and the latter may be better, and so righter, in regard of the chief intentions of the Donor. And this done, by the unquestio­nable authority of the Land, will I doubt not be approv'd by as wise, and as honest men, as you. Do not you your self, pag. 119. say, concerning Abbies and Pryories; That good and pious men have wisht that the abuses had been pruned off, and that the land had been disposed of, according to the Donors intentions? Whats that but diversion from the cor­rupt way of Abbeys and Pryoryes, to support other pious, and charitable uses?

Parag. 6, 7, 8. You tell us a story of the antiquity of endowing Churches, and the riches of them. And that the use and Dominion of Church-goods, belong'd to Bishops, and this not onely by custom, but by Canon: But withal you say, at his charge, as it were, the Presbyters and other Clerks of the Church Were fed.

Sure, you have told a good tale for your self; for by it, it appears, that the wealth wherewith the Church was endow­ed, was not given to any persons, but the Church, in which the Bishop had no propriety, but power of use, for what he him­self needed, and of disposing the rest to Presbyters, and other Clerks; which now the Bishop neglecting, and many Pari­shes in his Diocesses wanting preaching Presbyters, for want of maintenance, and many that preach'd wanting subsistance; and the Bishop, who you say, should maintain them, main­taining Princely I my self once saw the Bishop of Yorke, riding towards Lon­don, with fourty five men in his Livery. And I wondering at the number, was told by one of them, that there was above twenty left behinde, that wore their Lords Livery. State, a number of Serving-men, &c. To divert a great deal of the maintenance to preaching Presby­ters, would be a returning of it into the old channel, by your own confession.

But Parag. 9 The Bishops followed the steps of the A­postolick Church, for Act. 4. we read that the well minded, when they sold their lands, laid the prices at the Apostles feet, not the Presbyters. How could they, when there was, as yet, none ordained? But after, by the Apostles direction, there were Deacons set over this business of Church-treasures. Good, and those Deacons continued, and distributed [Page 85]Church-goods; some to the Pastor, some to the poor, some to other pious uses; but when your Prelates grew Lordly, the, like not that, and therefore by little and little they changed the Deacons office, and made themselves proprie­taries of the great revenues, and thereby great Princes; and you can abuse Scripture to confirm it, as the Papists do to ex­alt the Pope. But Paul, say you, commanded Timothy, that the Presbyters be well provided for, 1 Tim. 5.17. And to what purpose was this charge, unless he were to provide for the Presbyters of his Church? For very good purpose: as the Apostle shews you himself, 1 Tim. 4.11. These things com­mand and teach. He was to teach it, others to perform it; for though he set Presbyters on work, in some sense, yet it was not for himself, but Christ and his Church; and they who reap'd their spirituals, were to pay them temporals, 1 Cor. 9. And you dream, when you talk of Timothyes table, or allowing maintenance. Alas, he had no Palace then, he kept no Prince­like table to feed his Presbyters; these fancies will be ridi­culous to learned men, especially to Bishops, to lay the charge on them, to maintain all the Presbyters in their Diocess. Yet you say, in those times, Bishops and Presby­ters were used to live in the same house: What, all the Pres­byters in a Diocess? and in the Apostles time? Alas Sir, they were like their Master, they had no houses, but what they hired, nor no tables, but where they sojourned, as ap­pears by Divine story: With what face can you deliver such improbabilities?

But Parag. 10. You enquire, Whence the want of main­tenance for preaching Presbyters ariseth, and you answer, it is from the appropriation of tythes, at the dissolution of Abbeys. This is true in part, but not in the whole; for I believe, the greater part of Appropriations are held of Bishops, and Deans and Chapters; and if the Bishops be to maintain the Presbyters, and withhold the tythes, who is the thief now? At least, thus far, the attempt is just to restore their impropira­tions: And I must tell you this too; That there was scarce any Gentleman of any ingenuitie or affection to religion, but he made a far more considerable addition, out of his impro­priation, [Page 86]to the incumbent, then either Bishops, or Deans and Chapters; Though the one purchased them, when the other swore they came into them freely: Nay, some Gentlemen resigned their impropriations freely: I can hear of no Bishop that hath done so; though you say, they are bound to main­tain their Presbyters. You close with a jeer, but therein discover your ignorance: Impropriations were injurious, you confess; and if they be not valid in law, why do not you sup­ply the cure of some great impropriation, and recover the tythes in a legall way? if you cannot, my position is truth; and so not dissonant from the God of truth.

Parag. 11. You bring my words, that if Bishops Lands were bestowed on Presbyters: This would be, not ruine, but to rectifie the devotion of former ages, which you say, is somewhat like Cardinall Woolsey's pretence, who dissolved fourty small Monasteries of ignorant Monks, to erect two goodly Colledges for the breeding up learned, and industrious Divines; was not this to turn impediments into helps? was not this as fair a pretence as mine? yes, the very same, and I think, few godly and rationall men will disallow it: But you would prove by the event, that this was not accepted of God, because his Colledges were not brought to perfection. But vulgus res eventu metitur, its for vulgar capacities to judge of things by the event, not Doctors of Divinitie. And had Cardinall Woolsey, think you, no other sins to make God blast his design, but this pious attempt? Sure, no man that knows his story, will so judg; " but this gave occasion to pro­fuse sacriledg; but occasions are not alwaies culpable of ill e­vents, unless they becauses also, as this was not, but the cove­tousness, and igonrance, with other lusts, of ill-guided men.

Parag. 12. you enquire, what the meaning of these words is, this will turn pomp into use.

I answer not what you say; but so that wealth, which of late, served for the useless pomp of one only Princely Lord Bishop, would provide many able preachers for the use and edification of the Church.

But you proceed, and say, that the power of Bishops, which were the main impediments to schism and heresie, we [Page 87]have covenanted to root out, and have brought in all helps to irreligion and Atheism, &c. But this is but a false sugge­stion of yours; for though the power of Episcopacie (as Je­rome saith) was first erected to prevent schism; yet amongst us of late, as I have shewed, it was the great occasion of schism, & the fautor of divers heresies. That there have of late appeared more heresies and schism among us then formerly, is not because Episcopacie was pul d down, but because we were so long without Presbyterie setled, which is yet but lamely done; for where that is setled, it would far better prevent the rise and growth of heresie, then Episcopacie; as King James demonstrated to Mountague, Bishop of Bath and Wells; demanding of him, upon the occasion of Legatts Arrianism, what the reason should be, that Scotland was so free from schism and heresie, when England was far more pestered with both. The relation out of a learned Author, you may take as followeth:

When Legatt the Arrian, and Weakman, Scoti paracl. con­tra Tileri praen: from the rela­tion of a Cour­tier of good credit, lib. 1. c. 8 that affirmed him­self to be the Holy Ghost, were put to death; Mountague, Bi­shop of Bath and Wells, ask'd King James seriously, whence it was, that England did bring forth Sects, heresies, schisms, in­somuch, that many families, before we were aware, separated from us, and fled away; whereas no such thing was observed to happen in the Church of Scotland? To whom the King, as most skilfull in this cause, most wisely answered; That such was the Discipline of the Scotch Church, that it was impossible for such things to fall out amongst them: for first (saith the King) you must know, that every Church hath its Pastor al­waies resident, and vigilant in his parish; and this Pastor hath joyned with him Seniors and Deacons, which every week meet together at a set time and place, for the censure of manners, that almost the whole flock is known by face to the Pastor, and the con­ditions, disposition, and religion of everyone, is made apparent: no heresie therefore can spring up in a Parish, without notice ta­ken by the Pastor; and to prevent the rooting of any error in a Pa­stor, They have every week their Presbyteries, composed of all the Pastors in a Shrievalty, or Deanrie, in the chief City of that precinct; and this, not only to decide the more weighty que­stions [Page 88]touching manners; but also to try doctrine it self: Here do prophesie at least two; whereof the first doth only open the text and expound it: The second doth give the use, exhortation, and application: This finisht, the rest meet together, and the two speakers go aside, untill the Moderator of the Presbyterie asketh every ones opinion of the doctrine delivered. And if (to say no worse) they do but smell out any thing, either its forth­with buryed by common suffrage, or if the Presbytery be divi­ded in any question, yet at least, the whole matter is husht in silence untill the next Synod, which come twice a yeer. Hither come all the Pastors of the whole Province, accompanied with their Elders, as the state of every Church requires.

The Moderator of the precedent Synod begins with a Ser­mon; and then, either a new Moderator is chosen, or (which seldom falls out) the old is continued. The question refer'd to the Synod, is either composed, or husht up again in silence, and re­fer'd to the National Synod, held once every year. Hither come, not onely the Pastors, but the King, or his Commissio­ner, and usually some of all degrees, sufficiently furnisht with judgement and authority to compose any controversie; so Here­sie is stifled in the very birth. So you may see, that Presbyterie is a better way to keep out, or under Schisms and Heresies, in King James his judgement, grounded on experience, then Episcopacy: For what you add, That the Pulpits and Presses, are lock'd up to all Orthodox men; Is false: if to any, it is my grief: I am not to answer for others faults.

Parag. 13. You say, Its true, and not true, that by Paro­chial Pastors, the work of the Ministery is chiefly to be per­formed. True you say, it is in the Fathers sence, not in mine. But my sence, I shall prove to you, is Scripture sence: For Pastors in my sence, are such as were ordained, Act. 14.13. and Tit. 1.5. in every Church, and were by the Holy Ghost, made over-seers of them to feed them, Act. 20.28. This you confess; for these places you understand of Presbyter-Bi­shops. And I hope you will not oppose Fathers to Scrip­tures; if you do, you know who must fall, Gal. 1.8. Its true, that the place of a Bishops jurisdiction, was sometime called a Parish; But that Parish was usually not so bigg as [Page 89]some Parishes in England now; If they were, how could six Bishops be assembled to the censure of every Presbyter, as the Canon was: sure thats above the number of all the Bishops that are in one of our Provinces, which grates hard on your Diocesans, shewing, how unlike they are to ancient Bishops. ' Nor are the ordering of the Church, or ordaining of Presby­ters, without the sphear of Presbyters, by any law of God, but humane custom: No, nor are these the chief works of the Ministery; No Doctor: Preaching, and sound Doctrine are the chief acts of the Ministery, which deserve most re­ward, as you may see, 1 Tim. 5.17. and 1 Cor. 1.17. and therefore, when Saint Paul reckons up Ministers, and their Ministerial acts, governing comes behinde teaching, 1 Cor. 12.28. Rom. 12.6, 7, 8.

But Parag. 14. You think to prove, 'That your Bishops do the chief work, virtually, from an axiom in philosophy, prop­ter quod aliquid est tale, illud ipsum est magis tale. But herein you shew your self as bad a Philosopher, as Divine; for doth propter quod, note out an efficient cause, or the final cause, think you? You are therefore mistaken in your axiom, which is false, being as if you had said, Presbyters are made Preachers, propter populum, for the people: ergo. the people are more Preachers: A wise conclusion. We have a rule in­deed, quicquid efficit tale, est mag is tale. And I will grant, that they that ordain Preachers, ought to be more Preachers themselves; but that, you know, is false in experience, in most of your Bishops; therefore you should know, that such Axioms, are true onely in natural, not in voluntary causes, as the Logicians will teach you. Neither are the Bishops the total causes of Preachers: Alas, at the most, they give them but Commission to use their gifts authoritatively, which gifts they have from God, and are the fundamental cause to make them Preachers. Nor can Bishops alone ordain Presbyters; that I have proved before. And what if I should prove it now by an axiom of philosophie? Generare sibi simile, To beget his like, is the affection of a living creature; And Pres­byterie, you know, is a living office, ergo, Presbyters may or­dain Presbyters. I believe, you will sweat to give a rational [Page 90]answer to it. What you add about ordinary Courts of ju­stice, and Parliament; Sir, though I count the Parliament the supream Court, yet justice is chiefly done by inferiour Courts, because it ordinarily lies on them, and the Parliament is onely to supply and rectifie their errors.

But you proceed, and Parag. 15.16. Compare the Mini­sters to souldiers in an Army, and to Mariners in a Navy, and your Bishops are as the General, they are as the Admiral. So then, the people are no part of the Ship or Army, or else you level the Presbyters with the people, whom the Holy Ghost calls their guids set over them: Such similitudes you use to make. But every Preacher is not fit to be a Bishop: thats your judgement; but the Holy Ghost saith none should preach, except he be sent, and none should be sent, but such as are fitted to take the care and over sight of the Church, and thats the Holy Ghost's Bishop: Whatever your opinion is, see 1 Tim. 3.5. Acts 20.28. Indeed, such a Bishop as you would have, Monarchically to govern a whol Diocess of a Shier or two, cannot be made ex quolibet ligno; but neither Scriptures, nor primitive times acknowledg any such Bishop; But such a Bishop as may joyn with others in the govern­ment of a Church: a meaner man may be without prejudice, for others maturitie in judgement, may help his want of ex­perience.

What you object, Parag. 17. about the Levellers Do­ctrine is sutable to this; Is but a capritious fancie of your own; for God hath comprized all ordinarie Ministers under the same name of Pastors; and therefore man can make no difference among them, but for orders sake. Neither do I go about to level all Benefices: you know there is a difference, in a great disproportion, which may be for men of different parts.

But Parag. 18. You exclaim, because I say, there will be no danger of sacriledg in my way. And first, you say, to over­throw Episcopacy, is to overthrow the Church, and for that its not enough for you to abuse a Father, but an Apostle too; for when Saint Paul saith, we are built upon the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets, Ephes. 2.20. Whats that, saith Beza, [Page 91]but Jesus Christ? So the Apostle, who is the best interpreter of himself, explicates it, 1 Cor. 3.9. and adds, Planè est An­ti-Christus, quî sibi tribnit quod unius Christi est: He is plainly anti-Christ, that arrogates to himself (or to any other) what is onely Christs. What think you of this? Again, those that take the Apostles to be the foundation, is it in re­spect of their persons, authoritie, or doctrine? Their doctrine, I believe Sir; and will you compare your Bishops, for do­ctrine, to the Apostles and Prophets: Who, as such, were in­fallible; Nay, do you not confess the doctrinal part of the Ministerie to belong to the Presbyter, as well as your Prelate, and to be more performed by them? and have you not made a fine proof of the fall of the Church with Bishops, out of this place?

But you add, Parag. 19. What, no danger of sacriledg in robbing Father and Mother? But you answer for me, that it is no sacriledg, because the means shall stil be setled on the Church: and thats a reason which you cannot answer: For sacriledg is an alienating of that which was justly devoted for sacred, to civil, or prophane use; therefore change, so there be a continuance of holy use, is no sacriledg: Nor shall we rob our Father; for, as you confess, holy treasure was first gi­ven to the Church in general: The Bishops had not propri­ety, but use of some, and with the rest they were to main­tain the Presbyters, which are wanting in many places, for want of maintenance. Now for those, in whom autho­rity lyes to take care for the edification of the Church: To dispose the Churches Patrimonie, so as may be best for edification of the Church, appointing it to maintain preachers, not pomp, will be counted neither sacriledg, nor theft, by rationall and good men. But you say, we rob the Church of her husband too; for though a Church have 1000 Presbyters, yet she hath but one husband: so that great Coun­sell of Calcedon; but that Counsell spake according to the corrupt customes of those times, not according to the tenure of Scriptures, who make all the Presbyters over-seers over their particular flocks, to dwell with them as men of know­ledg, and to take care for them; and that's to be in your [Page 92]sence husband, is it not? After you have made the Church a widow without a Bishop, you add, while a widow, she can bring forth nothing but a bastard brood, consider that; yes, I shall consider it, but to your shame: what if a Church continue, as often it hath, through covetousness and faction, long without a Bishop, are all the Converts, begotten by the word of truth preach'd by Prebyters, bastards? nay, what if Churches cast off Episcopacie, are all her Presbyters bastards? Do you thus gratifie the Papists, and abuse all the Ministers of our sister reformed Churches? many of which far out­strip you in all ministeriall qualification; your assertion there­fore is very considerable, to discover what a Popish spirit you are of.

For Parag. 20. Whether your conclusion will follow on the premises, or mine, I now leave to the judicious Reader. I would not have the King, for fear of the people, to do any unlawfull act: I disclaimed it in the very entrance of my Case resolved; but I only perswade to what, for ought I yet see, I have proved lawfull; and that to rescue a perishing king­dom, and prevent the hazard of his Crown; which, that it may be free, and flourishing on his head, is my daily and hear­tie prayer, as those that know me can very well witness, notwithstanding your ignorant calumniations, to the con­trarie.

Case of Conscience Resolved.

MY second Antagonist exceeds the first, both in subtiltie and peremptoriness; for he plainly affirms, that the King cannot desert Episcopacie, without flat perjurie; and hence falls foul, both on those that would force him to it: and also on those moderate Courtiers, that for peace sake, coun­sell'd it. He disputes thus; There's difference between laws and oaths: Where the supream Jus dominii is, there is a power above all laws, but not above their own oaths, in whom that power is; for law bindes only while it is a law, that is, till it be repealed: But an oath bindeth as long as it plea­seth him, to whom it is taken: The reason is, because the [Page 93]supream power may cedere jure suo, and obliege himself where before he was free; which if they do by promise, justice bindes them to performance; but if by an oath, (the matter being lawful) then are they bound in religion and conscience; for an oath adds a religious bond unto God. If this were not so, no oath were binding to them.

I answer; First, its a ground laid down by this Author in the same place, that no oath is obligatorie beyond the inten­tion of it; and then I first propound it to consideration, whe­ther the intention of this oath be not only against a tyrannous invasion on the rights of the Clergie, not against an orderly alteration of them, if any prove inconvenient; and to pro­tect them against violence, not against legal waies of change?

For first, this is as much, as is rationall for a King to un­dertake; and therfore in right reason, the oath should have no other sense, if the words of the oath will bear it, as the words of this oath will.

Secondly, this oath to the Clergie, must not be intended in a sense inconsistent with the Kings oath, to the people, first taken for their protection in their laws and liberties; for then the latter oath will be a present breach of the former, and so unlawfull. Now one of the Priviledges of the People is, that the Peers and Commons in Parliament, have power, with the consent of the King, to alter whatever, in any par­ticular estate, is inconvenient to the whole. And therefore he cannot afterward engage himself to any particular estate, to exempt it from this power; for by that oath, at least, cessit jure suo, in this Authors judgment; The Clergie and their priviledges, are subject to the Parliament, or they are not; I hope, they will not now claim an exemption from fecular power: But if they be under Parliamentarie power, how can it be rationally conceived to be the meaning of the Kings oath, to preserve the Priviledges of the Clergie against that power, to which they are legally subject? or how were the oath in that sense, consistent with the priviledges of the na­tion, formerly sworn to by the king? If the oath had such a sence in times of Poperie, when the Clergie were a distinct Corporation; yet when that exemption was abolish'd, as a [Page 94]branch of Anti-Christian usurpation: The change of their condition must needs change the intention of the oath, unless they will say, that the Crown stands still engaged to them, to maintain such priviledges as by Act of Parliament, were long since abolish'd, which is, to make his oath to them con­trariant to that taken before, for the maintenance of the laws: Its apparent then, to make the intention of the oath to be against a legal alteration by Parliament, makes it unlaw­full, and so not obligatorie. And if it be not intended against legall alteration, the king may pass a Bill for the abolition of Episcopacie, when his Houses of Parliament think it conve­nient, and petition for it, without violation of his oath.

CHAP. X. PARAG. 1. Wherein is shewed, what the true intention of the Kings oath is, for maintenance of Episcopacie, in answer to Doctor Boughen's 8. Chapter.

I Come now to answer the 8. Chapter, wherein you were pleased to take in hand this passage, beginning with my answer to my latter opponent, first; and yet you did not make an end with him, before you undertook to reply to my answer to my first opponent; which how judicious it is, let the Reader judge: for what advantage you did it, you best know.

The question is, you say, Whether the King may desert Episcopacie without perjury, a question too high for any subject; but you are enforced to make that a question, that is harsh to loyal ears, lest you may seem to avoid my subtile and saucie cavils, as unanswerable. Good words, Doctor: If the question be too high for a subject, have not I the same plea for medling with it, that you have, being led into it by my opponents? but the truth is, the question is fit enough for discussion, so it be done with reverence; whatever I am, I know you will confess, that both my former opponents [Page 95]knew as well their dutie to our Soveraign, as you your self, and were as observant of it: when men are to act by counsel or prayer for kings, unless they know, in Cases proposed, what is conscionable for him to do, or not to do, how can they rightly perform their duties? To balk such questions there­fore, on just occasion, is not dutie, but flatterie; and to leave kings and their Counsellors without needfull light: But you have a quarrell to me, for saying my second Antagonist af­firms, that the King cannot desert Episcopacie without flat perjury, and say, his words are far more mannerly; why did you not then set down his more mannerly words, but abuse your reader with a falsitie? but you will prove the thing, that Episcopacie may not be deserted without violation of oath, and the Church left to swine. No Sir, we would purge it of swine, and doggs too, which they exposed its choicest outward priviledges to; but how do you prove it?

First, Parag. 2. You go a begging, telling one of my confession, when I do but take the words of the oath from my Antagonists mouth, and dispute ex concesso, that the oath is as he relates it, To protect the Bishops, &c, and then you bring your observations, 1. Good Kings protect Bi­shops, 2. They ought to do it. 3. In right they ought to do it. But when I confess, that these words are in the oath, must I therefore approve all that is in the oath, yea, and take them in your sense too? I hope not.

Thus far I approve the kings protecting Bishops, within the limits of their calling set them of God; but our Prelates have excluded their fellow-Presbyters. But thirdly, as of right he ought to do; I take to be a limitation how far he engageth himself, that is, so far as a good king in right ought to do, and if he go no further, he is injurious to none, though he displeases many, as you say, Parag. 3.

Parag. 4. You add, the King hath sworn to be protector of the Church under his government, but that cannot be, un­less he protect the Bishops, who are the Ministerial spouse of the Church: This is a false inference, for though the Mi­nisterie be necessarie to the Church, yet not your Prelacie, which is but an humane additament: your proof is presump­tuous, [Page 96]to make any man a Ministeriall spouse of the Church, as well as it is for the Pope to be made a Ministerial head of it.

Yet you repeat it, Parag. 5. With our frequent dish of no ordination without them, which hath been often enough an­swered. You conclude, if Bishops be of the same order with the Apostles, you have Calvins acknowledgment, that the Church cannot stand without them: yea, and mine too, and yet never the nearer; for, Ante Leves ergo. &c. as soon shall you finde Harts feeding in the middle region of the air, as your Bishops among the Apostles.

You add, Parag. 6. that the Church cannot be with­out the Bishop, if we believe Cyprian, that the Bishop is in the Church, and the Church in the Bishop; you add, that the Church is in the Bishop, causally, &c. If you understand by the Bishop, the Ministerie, and by causally, as an instrument of its preservation; I grant it, without any inconvenience: otherwaies we can grant the Church to be causally in none other but Jesus Christ, the true head of it; nor is there any other that is fountain of it: its as flat Poperie to judg other­waies, as to make the Pope the head of the Church: nay worse: For Hart makes the Pope to be the head; not as the fountain of life, as your similitude imports: but only in regard of directing the outward functions; and yet for this, that mirror of learning, Doctor Reynolds, doth implead Mr. Hart of high treason against Christ. And I remember also there, a witty and rationall answer, that our learned Doctor makes to a place cited out of Leo. He grants Leo was an ancient: learned, holy, and witty man, yet a man, and a Bishop of Rome, &c. and applies to him a saying of Tully to Hortensi­us, when he immoderately praised eloquence, that he would lift her up to heaven, that himself might go up with her; so did Leo lift up St. Peter, &c. So Cyprian was an holy man, but a Bi­shop, so he might extoll Bishops, that he might lift up him­self with them. See confer, between Reynolds and Hart. cap. 1. divis. 2. therefore your premisses have not yet force to draw my consent to their conclusion.

Parag. 7. You grant, "that the oath is not obligatory be­yond [Page 97]the intention, that is, say you, according to the common plain and literall meaning of it; good: as the plain literall meaning is to be found out of the grammar of it: and other circumstances, that may convince Reason of the intention of it.

You add, Parag. 8. That the oath is to the Clergie, The King must have respect to them and their intention.

I answer, not mentall, but what the words of the oath import, considered with its circumstances; nor so much to the intention of the now giver, as the first framer.

Now, I beseech you, if the King should have ask'd the Bishops, at the giving, whether if a Case should fall out, that he must not only venture (which he hath done,) but lose his Crown, rather then fail to save them, whether they would have said, yea, that is the meaning: Truly I believe not, and if they had, the King and Peers, and people, would have hiss'd them out rather, then the one would have perswaded, or the other would have yielded to have taken it with that sense and intention.

Parag. 9. You enquire,, whether what hath been done, hath not been a tyrannous invasion?

I answer, there hath been too much tumult, and Ministers have suffered too irregularly on both sides; but when the Houses present a Petition to the king, with a Bill, for aboliti­on of Episcopacie, that only is the regular way, that I de­fend the king not to be ingaged against.

Parag. 10. You say, it was his duty to protect you while it was in his power.

I answer, it was, and is his dutie, so far as it was intend­ed in the oath, but was not to hazard the destruction of him­self and kingdom, for your Prelates; yet I advise not the breaking of his oath, as you would hint; but I limit the in­tention of the engagement of the oath, as in reason it ought to be. If you be not against an orderly alteration, (as you say, Parag. 4.) You grant the question, for then if the Parliament lay down their swords, and come with a Petition to desire his assent, notwithstanding his oath, he may assent, which was the thing to be proved.

For my part, I abhor force upon a king; but if he might sign a Bill without force, I see no reason why danger of force can make it unlawfull.

To Parag. 12. I say, if the king hath done his best to pro­tect them against violence, they can require no more, he hath done as much as his oath doth require; now he may take care to preserve himself, issue, and people. And for his Ministers, let them answer for themselves.

CHAP. X. PARAG. 2. Shewing the right sence of the Kings Coronation-Oath, from this, that what he undertakes for the Bishops, must not be conceived to cross what he hath promised to the people; in answer to Doctor Boughen's 8. Chapter.

I Proceed now to answer your eight Chapter, whose very Title is ominious, Whether the Kings Oath taken to the Clergie, be injurious to his other subjects, and inconsistent with his oath to his people. Hereby you would insinuate, that I affirm it is, whereas I affirm, it cannot be conceived so to be, and therefore we must not put a sence upon it to make it so to be; and from this ground, I impugne your false sence of the oath, namely, that it takes away all power from the King, at the suit of his Parliament, to alter any of their ju­risdictions, whereof they shew the grievance. Its therefore a calumnious insinuation of yours, that I do set the liberties of the people against the Clergies; Its your false inhansing your priviledges above those of the people, alterable by King and Parliament that is guiltie of the incompatibilitie of their pri­viledges, if such an evil be; and therefore I say Amen to your prayer, closing. Parag. 1.

Parag. 2. I agree that Gods law is unalerable by man: And I desire no more from you then that, what is seled by man is alterable by man. For I plead for alteration of no priviledg, but what is from humane indulgence, and that such [Page 99]an one too, that the Church may better want it, then have it in her Clergie.

That of Par. 3.4. Touching justness of laws, may pass with some Animadversion of that of Ocham, that laws, ne­mini notabile afferant nocumentum: If by nocumentum we understand dammage. For the law to pull down the houses in Rome, that stood in the Augurs way, (their prin­ciples granted) was just, yet it brought notable dammage to the owners, but the publike good was to carrie it away: So laws among us against Monopolies undid some; yet the publike emolument made the law just.

Parag. 5.6. Are ignorant, trifling, or worse: For first, you quarrel at the phrase, the protection of the peoples laws; who say you, made them Law-makers? Not I Sir, but when King and Parliament have made them, they have propriety in them. The priviledg of them is usually called part of their birth-right. A man may call an house his own, because he possesseth it, and hath the benefit of it, though he made it not. So I call the laws the peoples: But yet the following cavil is worse: For whereas I say, one of the priviledges of the people is, that the Peers, and Commons in Parliament, have power, with consent of the King, to alter what ever, in any estate, is prejudicial to the whole; I had thought (say you) this had not been a priviledg of the people, but the Par­liament Representers, not the people Representees, &c. And again parag. 6. How the Lords will take this, I know not; Can they endure their power to be derivative? &c. Which all are but trifling and odious mistakes: For he might well know, that by People, I mean all, in distinction from the King, of what state soever, Peers, or others: Nay, doth not he himself take it so? witness his own expression, pag. 49. lin. 1.2. 'Ʋnder this word People, are comprehended the No­bility, Clergy, and Commons of this Kingdom. How trifling then are his exceptions, as though I set the people against the Parliament? When under People, I comprehend, as himself doth, all the Members of the Parliament.

And yet more absurd is your trifling, parag. 7. in arguing against those words, That the Peers and Commons, have [Page 100]power to alter whatsoever is inconvenient, because it is in the Kings consent to confirm, or cause a law. Sith I add in the same place, as you confess in parag. 8. with the consent of the King, and so ascribe not power of alteration without him, but with him: sure (as they say) the [...]agle is hungrie, when she catches at such Flies.

As impertinent are your questions and answers, parag, 8.9. But parag. 10. You proceed to number up the inconve­niences that will arise to the people, by stripping the Clergy of their immunities. But you must tye your self to the immu­nities in question, else you say just nothing to the purpose. ' First, the curse for sacriledg; but I have freed the alterati­on intended from guilt of sacriledg, and therefore that is the curse causeless, that shall not come: If no more be done, then by my case, I prove lawful. If any do proceed further, and commit sacriledg: Whether many, or few, young or old, wittingly, or ignorantlie, I excuse them not, but joyn in your censure, parag. 10.11.12.

But parag. 13. When the Church is stript of her means, 'what kinde of Clergy shall we have? Jeroboams Priests, the lowest of the people (say you.) And have we not had many such, under the Bishops, in their, and other Lay-impropriati­ons? Nay, was it not a design to fill all the Parishes in the Episcopal Cities, with the Singing-men of the Cathedral? Which was in a great part effected: and were not they of the lowest, and many times of the worst condition of the people? This is like to continue, and increase, if the Church be farther spoiled. But if the Bishops, and Deans and Chapters lands be imploied to maintain Parochial Pastors; this will help to fill the Church with able and learned Prea­chers, and encourage men to dedicate their Children to the Ministery, and them to imbrace it: because if they be learned and unblameable, there will be more opportunitie of compe­tent, though not of so great promotion, which was compe­tible but to a few.

So the second inconvenience, pressed, parag. 13.14.15. is avoided also. parag. 16. All the inconvenience (you say) that Master Geree presseth, is, that we are not subject to the [Page 101]Parliament. But how far forth we are, and are not, we shall hear anon.

Parag. 17.18. You tell me, I speak much of a first and 'second oath. I answer, if that be an error, I was led into it by my first Opponent, that distinguish'd between oath and oath; and the oath to maintain the priviledges of the Clergie, he saith expresly, is taken after the oath to the whole Realm: neither do I see any thing in your Analysis of the oath here, or the delineation of the oath, in the beginning of your Book, that invalidates the expression of my Opponent in realitie, though in some formalitie it doth. For there I see, that the King had particularly, and distinctly, engaged himself to the whole Realm, before he came to the Bishops, which are the onely part of the Clergie, about whom our controversie is; and what he last promises to them, confirmed by his oath, must not contradict what he hath promised to the other: which promise must be understood to have a prioritie in order, in the bond of the oath, as well as in the bond of the promise.

Parag. 19. You speak of sending us to Magna Charta, to know who the People and Commons of this Kingdom are, &c. whith only fills up so much paper, being nothing to the que­stion in hand.

But Parag. 20. You reckon up the Priviledges of the Church, as you have gleaned them out of Magna Charta, and Sir Edward Cook, in number 8. The second is, that no Ecclesiasticall person be amerced according to the value of his Ecclesiasticall benefice, but according to his lay-tenement, and according to the quality of his offence. The latter clause is reason, the former a priviledg without reason, and prejudiciall to the Civill state, and gives many Ecclesiastical persons leave to sin impunè. The fourth, That all Ecclesiasticall persons shall enjoy all their lawfull jurisdictions, and other rights, wholly without any diminution, or substraction what­soever. I pray you, if the Kings Coronation-oath engage so to the confirmation of this priviledg, that the king cannot consent to allow it by Act of Parliament; how can that act be justified, that enables the Crown of England to appoint [Page 102]what persons else they will, to execute all Ecclesiasticall ju­risdiction in this kingdom? If that statute were lawfully made, notwithstanding this oath, why then may not another statute be made against their standing, sith by the former they may be made unusefull? and yet the former, you brag, you "have engaged your selves to maintain, in your oath of supre­macie, Parag. 9.

The fifth priviledg you name, is, that a Bishop is regu­larly the Kings immediate Officer to the Kings Court of ju­stice, in causes Ecclesiasticall. Whence I gather, that by our law, a Bishop is a kings creature, no Apostle; for he was the immediate Officer of Christ; though subject, in do­ing or suffering, to the Civill Magistrate, though heathen.

You conclude, that it is provided by act of Parliament, that if any judgment be given, contrary to any points in the great Charter, it shall be holden for nought, &c.

True, unless it be upon some particular statute of a latter Parliament, with the king, enacting things to the contrarie.

Parag. 21. You say, that I go forward, as if it were certain, that this to the Clergie, was a severall oath from that to the people.

I answer, I disputed upon my opponents proposals; and learned opponents do not use to make their cause worse then it is, nor indeed doth he; for though the king swear but once, yet he ptomiseth the things he sweareth, severally, and the promise of this to the Bishops, in question, is last; and therefore, in competition, must give way to other engage­ments: neither do the statutes, for confirmation of Magna Charta, binde the hands of succeeding Parliaments. Whose hands, as the leaaned Chancellor Bacon observes, cannot be bound by their Predecessors, if they see reason of alteration; a supream and absolute power (saith he) cannot conclude it self. Hist. of H. 7. p. 145.

CHAP. X. PARAG. 3. Shewing, that the Clergie are equally under the Parliament, as well as Laytie, in answer to Doctor Boughen's 9. Chap­ter.

I Now come to answer your ninth Chapter, which is an an­grie one; which makes me think that you were sorely puz­led: My Dilemma is, They are subject to the Parliament, or they are not. He answers, subject they are to the Parlia­ment, consisting of head and members; not to the members alone, without the head; for we are subject to the members, only for the heads sake. Truly, this grant is all that I de­sire, or need; for the Parliament, I propose the Dilemma about, is that which consists of head and members united; to which if they be subject, then may these joyntly determine of any of their priviledges, in their own nature alterable, as they do of those of the people. Indeed, the King and Parlia­ment ought not to take away any priviledges that are for edi­fication, but such as prove impediments rather; but, of that they are to be Judges, in the application of their power, and that's all needfull to be said to parag. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.

And yet I leave it with confidence to the judicious Reader, as also, what I have said in the former Paragraph, touching a former and latter oath.

But whereas you ask, Parag. 6. with what face I can say, that the Kings oath to the Clergie is inconsistent with his oath to the people, parag. 6. I wonder with what face you can aver it, when as I directly say, it must not, and there­fore take off an interpretation of it, that would make it in­consistent: whereas you say, the nation is weary of the Presbyterian government in three years; its but a piece of none-sence, sith this three years, (except a little liveless shew in the City of London, and some few places more) the truth is, and our miserie is, that we have been under no Ecclesi­asticall [Page 104]government at all.

Parag. 7. You mention my words, if the oath had such a sence when the Clergie were a distinct Corporation, on which you spend your judgment, if you know what sence is. Truly Sir, you are the worst at picking out sence, that ever I knew, of a D. D. My meaning is plain, if the oath had a sence to exempt them from power of Parliament, it must be when they were a distinct Corporation, under another Supremacie, which now you disclaim.

Parag. 8. You mistake, " in saying I am zealous in di­stinguishing you and your Priviledges.

I answer to the distinction brought by my opponent, that it is not such, but that the Priviledges of Clergie and People (I mean such as are alterable) are equally under Par­liamentarie power, for alteration on just grounds. And the kings oath to you is as obligatorie, as to the people, in the right sence, and intention of it, which the review of the Co­venant saith, is all the obligation of an oath.

Parag. 9. You speak about the change of the condition of the "Clergie, as though the intent were to make it slavery. Sure Sir, its far from my intent: The English Laytie are not slaves. He that saith, the Priviledges of the English Clergie, that they hold by law, are inviolable to them, while the law remains; but that the laws concerning them, are alterable; makes them not slaves, but equall in freedom to any English Lay-subject.

But Parag. 10. You would pretend to a little subtiltie; for you say, the change of the Clergies condition, from Popery to Protestancy, was for the better or for the worse.

I answer, undoubtedly, for better, morally; for now we are in Christs way. Let every soul be subject, &c. Rom. 13.1. Then we were in Anti-Christs way but yet in a civill respect, we have not such exemptions or liberties as we had: we are more under uncivil power, but this is for the better; for that libertie that is without Gods leave, is not indeed a priviledg, but a snare to the partie holding it. I confess with you, that the intent of the Kings oath, was to protect his subjects in their severall places, dignities, and degrees, and not to suf­fer [Page 105]them to oppress one another; but not to deny any Bill, that upon advisement, shall be presented, and manifested to conduce to the weal publique.

You proceed, Parag. 11. The intention of the oath, is to maintain the ancient, legall, and the just rights of the Cler­gie.

I have answered, it is to maintain them against illegall oppression, but not against legall alteration, that you should prove, but do not. The continual practice of the nation is with me, wherein by divers statutes, many Canonical Pri­viledges have been altered, as 25. H. 8. all Canonicall Pri­viledges, contrariant to the Kings Prerogative, and civil laws, and 1 of Elizabeth, in giving power to the Crown to exercise all Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction, by whom she will appoint; and this is all that I affirm, that Priviledges are alterable by an orderly way in Parliament, and therefore you may take the Ghostly Fathers place to the man of sin, which you would be­queath to me; you are fitter to serve the Pope then I; you hold, no Bishop, no Church: but such passions I look at, but as winchings when an argument pincheth.

For Parag. 12. I consent to Sir Edward Cook, in his opi­nion, of the Kings engagement, to maintain the rights and in­heritance of the Church; nor is he against my limitation, for its known what his opinion was, of the power of Parlia­ments; That they might alter what ever they saw inconve­nient to publikeweal.

In your parag. 12. You wilfully slander me, that I would "perswade the Laytie, that the Clergies weal is their woe. I only affirm, that if all such Priviledges of the Clergie, that are in their nature alterable, be made unalterable by the kings oath; (that let the kingdom sink or swim, the King cannot consent by Act of Parliament, to alter them,) then are they inconsistent with the people; and this I say again. And I am carried thereto, by evidence of truth, and not any ca­ninus appetitus after wealth and honour. Those that know me, will but laugh at your rashness, in these mistaken calum­nies.

The former part of your 14. Parag. is passionate non­sense, [Page 106]the latter part is a contradiction; for you say, if this oath be not against legall alteration, in the true and literal sense, &c. The King may not, without violation of his oath, pass a Bill for the abolition of Episcopacie. What (I pray you) is legall alteration, of any thing here in Eng­land, but alteration by consent of the King and Parlia­ment? How can this oath then, if it be not against a legall alteration, be against an alteration by Bill in Parliament? which is the only legall alteration of Priviledges, founded on law in England; you are the strangest opponent that ever I met with, you make nothing of giving the cause, and rail­ing at me for carrying it.

To as little purpose is all you conclude with, parag. 15. Whereas I say, he may pass a Bill; you wonder, I say not, he must pass a Bill; you add, I say that which is equivalent. He cannot now deny consent without sin; but yet Sir, this must arise, not from any authoritie of the Houses, but from the condition of the King, to preserve, or restore peace to his kingdoms: For the kings negative voice, I alwaies asserted it, as well as you, both in word and writing; but I affirm, he hath power of an affirmative voice, to confirm any thing that is for good of his people, which he hath not, nor ought not to swear away.

It may be, you will say, true, if abolition of Episcopacie were for the good of the nation.

I answer, that's to pass to another question, and to grant this in hand; but besides, the King and Parliament are to judg of the goodness of it, for the nation; and if they erre, they are answerable to God alone.

Case of Conscience resolved.

SEcondly, I answer, from the expressions of the oath it self, as they are set down by the same Author, pag. 74. To protect the Bishops and their Priviledges, to his power, as every good king in his kingdom, ought to protect and de­fend the Bishops, and Churches, under their government.

Here you see, the engagement of the king, is but to his pow­er, [Page 107]as every good King ought in right to protect, &c.

Now such power is no further then he can do it, without sinning against God, and being injurious to the rest of his people. When then he hath interposed his authoritie for them, and put forth all the power he hath to preserve them; if after all this, he must let them fall, or support them with the bloud of his good subjects, and those unwilling too, to engage their lives for the others priviledges; I think none need question, but that he hath gone to the extent of his power, and as far as good Kings are bound in right; for it is not equall, to engage the lives of some, to uphold the ho­nours of others. That were to be cruel to many thousands, to be indulgent to a few. Suppose a king put a Commander into a City, and give him an oath, to maintain the Priviled­ges of it, and keep it for him to his power; and this Com­mander keeps this town till he hath no more strength to hold it, unless he force the Townes-men to arms, against that privi­ledg which he hath sworn to maintain. If this Governor now surrender this town upon composition, doth he violate his oath? I think, none will affirm it: Such is the case with the king in this particular: when he hath gone as far in their protection, as is consistent with the weal of other his liege people, which he is sworn to tender; he hath protected them to his power, and his obligation is no further by the words of the oath.

The only objection, as I conceive, which lyeth against this, is, that though it be not in the Kings power to uphold them, yet it is in his power, not to consent to their fall.

Answ. If the king should be peremptorie in denyal, what help would this be to them? Such peremptoriness in this cir­cumstance, might indanger his Crown, not save their Miters. Besides, though it be in his power to deny assent to their abo­lition, in a natural sence, because voluntas non potest cogi; yet is it not in his power in a morall sence, because he cannot now deny consent, without sin; for if he consent not, there will evidently continue such distraction, and confusion, as is most repugnant to the weal of his people, which he is bound, by the rule of government, and his oath, to provide for.

CHAP. XI. Shewing, that the King is not bound to protect the Bishops ho­nours with the lives of his good subjects, in answer to Doctor Boughen's 16. Chapter.

I Proceed to the answer of your 16. Chapter, entituled, how far forth the King ought to protect the Church and Bishops. You begin, it is confessed to my hand, that the King is en­gaged, to his power, to protect the Bishops and their Privi­ledges, as every good King ought in right, to protect the Bi­shops and Churches under their government. It is confes­sed, that these are the expressions of the oath, as it is set down by the Reviewer; but you should conceive, that I pro­pose these two clauses, as limitations of the kings engagement, that is, 1. To his power. 2. only so far forth, as in right he ought; and I do not say, the engagement is put upon him by the Author, as you ignorantly suggest, but that these are the expressions of the oath, delivered by the Author; but he is not, in right, bound to protect their priviledges against an or­derly alteration by act of Parliament, if any appear inconve­nient to the whole body, for that is not right.

Parag. 2. You confess, the King is not bound further to ex­ercise his power in protection of Bishops, then he can do it with­out sinning. And I after prove, he cannot so protect them, as to denie a Bill in that circumstance of affairs he and the land were in, without sin; what you answer to my proof, will be seen in the sequel of this Chapter. How I have an­swered your proofs, that he cannot let fall Bishops without mischief to his people, &c. in your eighth Chapter, let the Reader judge.

In that you say, parag. 3. That the Kings interposing the power he hath, vexeth my confederacy; Is I doubt your wil­ful ignorance; for the frame of my Book might clearly e­nough hint unto you, that I, neither was of, nor liked any [Page 109]confederacie against the King.

Neither have I, as you say, parag. 4. Confest that what the King hath done, is right. Right it is indeed upon his principles: But I do not think, the King is bound in right to maintain Bishops, in statu quo, in the state wherein they were; and he is willing now to regulate them by their Pres­byters. But whatever I confess in justification of the King, is not (as you say) the justification of an enemy; unless he that pleadeth, prayeth, suffereth for the King, and his just and Kingly libertie, be his enemy, because he is against the usurping power of Bishops.

Parag. 5. If after all this, he must perforce let the Bishops fal, you and your schism have much to answer for. Still a Slanderer; its none of my schism, to force the King to let them fall; for though I prove, he may let them fall; and that it is for the advantage of the Church, that they should fall; yet I was alwaies against forcing him to it; for, I think, it is much more reason, that his conscience should be left free in its determination, then my own, or any private mans, in as much as God hath set him in so high a degree of eminencie in his Kingdoms.

But that you say, the sword was never drawn on the Kings side, to maintain Religion established: They never learn'd to fight for Religion; It is an ignorant speech, misbecoming a D. D. For what juster cause of War, or more weightie, then to maintain Religion establish'd? Its true, we may not fight to set up a Religion (which is true) against the laws and authoritie of the land where we live; that were against the direction to Christians, under Heathen Emperors, Rom. 13.1.2. But to joyn with authoritie to maintain Religi­on establish'd, (supposing it true) with the last drop of our blood, is the most glorious quarrel; and so I doubt not, but the Royal partie learned, though not from you, yet from better Divines. For your clinch about good subjects; Its frivolous; for the War costs blood on both sides, and the King loseth on both sides, for all are his subjects, and I doubt not, but he hath good Subjects on both sides, in regard of meaning, and intention, though its true, one side must [Page 110]needs be in a grand error.

Parag. 6. You confess, it is an hard case for one man to engage his life for the maintenance of anothers priviledges. But who did so? Not a man (say you) engag'd himself, but by the Kings command, which you after prove, and state the question us you please. But this is but to shuffle, and alters the state of a question, to elude the force of an Argument, which you cannot answer: That which I said, was, it was not e­qual for the King to engage, by his command, the lives of some, to maintain the priviledges of others, which I spake upon this supposition; That if the King had condescended in point of Episcopacie, the War would have been at an end, Laws restored to exercise, &c. For both City, and the Scotish Nation, would have closed with him: and for this cause alone, viz. to maintain power of Bishops, I say, it would not have been equal to have engaged the lives of o­thers; nor were they willing, as I have been informed, Nobles, nor others. It may be, the King thought condescen­tion in this, would not have set him and his people, in quiet possession of their rights; but I cannot but wish, that it had been tryed, that nothing lawful had been omitted, by which there was any hope to have saved a great deal of misery, that his Majestie, his Royal relations, and the whole Nation hath suffered.

But Par. 7. You deny them to be others priviledges, and affirm them to be the peoples, because they reap spirituals from them. But truely I must tell you, that the people reaped but little in spirituals from many of the Bishops, who seldom preached themselves, and rob'd many people of their spirituals, by si­lencing their Ministers; and though there were no Bishops in England, the people may reap spiritual things from the Clergie, as plentifully, if not more, then ever they did; as well as without them, they do in other reformed Churches. But what you add, " That in the suffering of the Clergie, all Families suffer, you substitute Clergie for Bishops. Other of the Clergie may be in better condition by the removall of Lording Bishops; but in your proof that one of the Tribe of Judah, of the most remarkable Family, turn'd Priest: [Page 111]That is so gross an oversight, that it is most unbeseeming a D. D. for its expresly said, that young man was a Levite by birth. And the argument of Micah, plainly proves him so, or else he had been in no better case with him, then with one of his own sons, whom he had consecrated, if that would have made a Priest. See Judg. 17. v. 5.13. The Levite indeed turned Priest, which was his wickedness; for a Levite was not to do the Priests office. There is indeed an ambi­guous expression, touching this Levite, v. 7. A young man of Bethlehem Judah, of the family of Judah. But if you had consulted Interpreters, you would have found them general­ly agreeing that he was a Levite, though differing in their opinions, how he was of the family of Judah. Some saying, by his Mother, some referring it to the City, to distinguish it from another Bethlehem in Zabulon, &c.

You add, parag. 8. What if Magna Charta do obliege all to stand up for the due observation of these priviledges? then we must acknowledg that we are bound to obey his Majesty commanding, &c. Still you alter the question; for the que­stion is, Whether it can be supposed equal, that the King should stand bound to engage the lives of many, for the pri­viledges of a few Lord Bishops. I hope, you think it not the meaning of Magna Charta, that every one should engage their lives for every paltrie priviledg of another. But its well you can now confess, that Magna Charta is a great and justly magnified Charter. If you and your Prelates had been of this minde formerly, and not been so deep in breaking, and countenancing the breach of it in others, by illegal im­prisonments, impositions, fines, both of Laytie and Clergie: England might have scap'd this cannensem calamitatem, this mine-threatning calamitie, under which it is readie to expire; to which the breaches of Magna Charta gave the first occasion, and the fairest colour.

Parag. 2. You make an objection touching Abbots and Priors provided for by the same Charter, yet since taken a­way by act of Parliament, which you confess. But first, you you would have us observe, how they prospered that did it. Secondly, that Master Beza and my self call it sacriledg. [Page 112]We do so, and that we judge the cause why they prosper'd not that did it, because they did it with that sinful circum­stance of devouring holy things, which shewed also their want of sinceritie in it. Thirdly, you say, that they are for it sti­led enemies of our Sovereign. But they did not hear it, they were born long after the Statute of 25. Edward 3. Fourthly, you cite the Counsel of Chalcedon, that no consecrated Mo­nastery may be turned to a secular dwelling. I answer, Counsels may erre, and so may that of Chalcedon; if the pro­fit of the house had been imployed for pious uses; I see no ground of complaint or censure. Fiftly, you say, you hope I will make a difference between our Saviours institution, and mans invention. Truely I do, and have proved Diocesan-Bi­shops to be no institution of Christ, but man, in the fore­going Discourse. And lastly, I joyn With the wishes of those pious men, and move (as you know) not a devouring but a di­version of Chathedrals maintenance; (Besides what is re­quisite to maintain needful preaching there,) to procure and encourage able Parochial Pastors (who are the undoubted Ordinance of Jesus Christ) all the Land over.

Parag. 10. You do but beat the same bush again, in ci­ting again Magna Charta. I confess, the kings engagement to maintain the Priviledges of the Clergie, so far as he is bound by right; nor is any act of the king, or the Houses without the king, valid against it; but king and Parliament joyning, they may over-rule some parts of it, and upon just ground warrantably, as appears in all experience, as in paring Episcopall Canonical priviledges, niminishing their jurisdi­ction by the high Commission annext to, and set over Bishops, &c.

Parag. 11. You enquire, Whether it be equall to engage the lives of some, to destroy the honours of others? This is impertinent to my Case, and though I count not your Bi­shops, plantations of Gods right hand, yet sith they had foot­ing by law, it hath been my grief, that force hath been used to pluck them up, for me they should have stayed for his day; who hath said, every plant that my heavenly Father hath not planted, shall be plucked up; but when I have made complaint [Page 113]of this, it hath been replyed to me by many, that this was not the cause of the engagement in war, though I believe the most considerable part of the people had an eye on this; but this is on the by.

Parag. 12, 13. You take into consideration my Case, of a Captain, engaged by oath to maintain the Priviledges of Townes-men, and keep a town to his power, whether he may not, notwithstanding his oath, make his composition, (if he cannot defend it without the Townes-men, and they will not fight) without violation of his oath? I think, none will affirm it. You do not only deny it, but take the Name of God in vain, to make a jeer at it, doth that become a Divine? But let's hear your reason; because there's no town in England can have such a priviledg, as not to bear arms against the Kings enemies. Suppose it be so, I am no Lawyer; yet you know its not unusuall in cases, to suppose things that are not, so they be not impossible, as this is not; for the king may grant such an immunitie if he please, that none shall be compell'd to bear arms, and therefore it was but a shift; that error in the Case may be easily mended, and it will pinch the Do­ctor as hard as ever it did; for suppose that so many of the souldiers in the town are slain, or taken prisoners, that the Governour can defend it no longer, then I hope Mr. Doctor will yield that he may make his composition; so was it with the king, at the publishing my small Treatise; and now, not­withstanding my former fails (as he saith Parag. 14.) for want of skill in law; the difficulty is returned on the Doctor, get out how he can.

I make an Objection, that though the king cannot in such a state uphold them; yet it is in his power not to consent to their fall; this, I say, is the only exception. The Doctor saith, "its a just one, though not the only one; yet he shews no other: but then he is angry for the phrase, peremptoriness, in denying assent to the fall of Bishops, used to the King as uncivil. I am no Courtier, (I confess) and may fail in phrase; yet peremptoriness in a candid sense, is no more then reso­luteness, so I mean it: but I will strive hereafter, even in ex­pressions, to cut off occasion from them that seek occasion. [Page 114]But you say, his not consenting to the fall of Bishops, may keep him from sin. But you beg the question; for I argue by my instance, in a Governour of a town, that there is no sin in resigning upon composition; and your proof, that it is a sin to consent to abolish Episcopacie, because an ordinance of Christ, waves the bonds of the oath, and argues from the thing; the vanity of which I confuted, when I met with it, Chap. 4.

Parag. 16. You answer, though the King cannot save your Mitres, but endanger his own Crown, yet (say you) he shall avoid sin and save his soul, for without con­sent, no sin. Neither in consent is there sin in this case, as I have proved; and then a king, I hope, may do all that may be done, without sin, to save his Crown: but in the mean time, the land may see how tender you are of the king, that rather then you will consent to his signing a Bill when it may save his Crown, he shall lose it. It's a sign you love the Crown for your Mitres sake; and if there must be no Bishops, then let there be no kings neither. Rightlike him in the Tragedie, [...].

Parag. 17, 18. You examine, that I say in a naturall sence, it is in the Kings power to consent to the abrogation of Episcopacie, not in a morall sence, because he cannot now deny without sin; the distinction you acknowledg, and say, it should be the Kings care, that he incline not to sin. I say so too, he must venture all, rather then sin; and if I thought it were sin, I should chuse death, rather then per­swade him to it; but you confidently conclude, the King breaks his oath, and sins if he consent. This I deny, the oath engageth not to dissent in this case, as I have proved: yet were Episcopacie an institution of Christ, I confess also, it were sin to abolish it: but I have proved it a brat of hu­mane power; and what man sets up, you confess man may pull down.

But I prove, that the king cannot deny his assent to abro­gation of Episcopacy now, without sin, for else such confu­sion will follow, as is most repugnant to the weal of his peo­ple; this confusion we have felt: but what saith the Doctor to this, Parag. 19. Thus shall sin vary at your pleasure, sin [Page 115]it shall be now, that was none heretofore. Why Sir, is that strange, that circumstances should change the morality of actions? I am ashamed, that a D. D. of mine own mo­ther Universitie should discover such ignorance in Divinitie. Was it not a thing unlawful in the Apostles time, after the Decree, Acts 15. to eat things strangled, and bloud, where offence was taken; but cannot you without scruple, now eat a good blood-pudding, or a strangled capon? truly, if you cannot, you would get more scorn, then followers, for such a silly fancie.

But you proceed, Parag. 20. Where there is no law, there is no transgression. Is there no law, for a King to tender the weal of his people? yes, sure that that requires him to be honoured as a father; and therefore, if he withholding his assent, occasion the keeping up confusion, repugnant to the weal of his people, undoubtedly there's a law broken, unless there be some superior law to check this. Oh, but Judge Jen­kins saith, its against the oath of the King and Houses, to al­ter the government for religion. But I pray you ask, the Judge whether it be against their oaths, to alter the religion, from Popery to Protestancie? and withall, whether is greater, the religion, or the external government of it? and if without perjury they alter the greater, why may they not the less? for the trouble, that the learned in law shall be put to on al­teration: If you compare it with garments rolled in blood, let the Reader judg, whether you be a prudent esteemer of matters.

But you retort, Parag. 21. If the King do consent to abrogate Episcopacie, there will follow confusion, repugnant to the weal of his people. Your reason is, that there are as many for Episcopacie (Common-Prayer is another business) as against it, though not so mutinous.

I answer, the danger of confusion is not from the num­ber or quality alone, but also from the power of opposers, which then was very great, and the adverse party weak; there­fore your retortion was feeble. I confess, the sins occasion'd by this confusion endanger temporal and eternal weal of [Page 116]people; that's it that makes me so study the healing of it.

Parag. 22. You infer, that I mean to continue these di­stractions, unless Episcapacie be abrogated▪ But you are mistaken in me; though I have no good conceit of Episco­pacie, yet I had rather it had continued, though to my bur­then and suffering, then have seen so much sin and misery by an unnatural war; but your expressions carry it, that your minde is so. Episcopacie may be held up: Scelera ipsa ne­fasque hac mercede placent. You are as much mistaken in objecting ambition, or avarice to me, as a cause of these evils: I have by Gods grace, followed the dictate of my conscience, above these twenty years, against my civill in­terest: and I hope, I shall not now become such a slave to lust, to do such a horrid thing, to serve it.

You close this Chapter, Parag. 23, 24. with paralel­ing our present times with the conspiracie of Corah; and when you can prove by Gods Law, such a difference be­tween Presbyters and Bishops, as God made between Priest and Levites, it will give a pretty colour to the business; but as long as Gods Word tells us, that Presbyters are Bi­shops and Pastors, nor hath he left any distinct orders among Pastors, you may please your self, and credulous followers, with your conceit, but shall not convict those of any guilt, that for peace-sake, move, that man would abolish that difference of order which the wit of man made, and the corruption of man hath made hurtfull. God make the Scepter of the King flourish, but as for your Episco­pall Mitres, they have been so stained by those that wear them, that well may they get power, but I believe they will never get beauty and glory in our Israel a­gain.

Case of Conscience Resolved.

THirdly, I answer, that this Opponent in this Dispute, argues upon this ground, that the supream jus Dominij, even that which is above all laws, is in the King: which un­der favour, I conceive, in our State is a manifest Error. There's a supremacie in the King, and a supremacie in the Par­liament. But the supremacie, or the supremum jus Dominij, which is over all laws figere, & refigere, to make or disanul them at pleasure, is neither in the King, nor in the Houses apart, but in both conjoyn'd. The King is the supream Ma­gistrate, from whom all power of execution of laws is legally derived. The Parliament is the supream Court, by which all other Courts, which derive their power for execution of laws from the King by his Commissioners, are to be regula­ted; and the King and the Parliament are the supream power to make and disanul laws. Sith then this supremum jus Dominij, that is over all laws, is not in the King: He can­not lawfully make any engagement to any against the laws, and legal rites of others; for that were not cedere jure suo, sed alieno. This oath then to the Clergie cannot engage him against the legal priviledges of the people, or the Parliament, which he is bound to maintain; one of which is, to be readie, by confirming needful Bills, to relieve them, from whatsoever grievance they suffer from any. And thus, I think, the Case is sufficiently cleared, that notwithstanding the Kings oath to the Clergie at his Coronation, he may consent to the extir­pation of Prelacie out of the Church of England.

CHAP. XII. Wherein it is cleared, that though the King be the Supream Magistrate, yet that supremacy which is over all laws, is in this Kingdom, not in the King alone, but in the King and Parliament; in Answer to Doctor Boughen's 17. Chapter.

I Come now to your last Chapter, entituled, Whether there be two Supremacies in this Kingdom? But why not as wel, three? You know I make three supremacies, but two fitted your Bow better, which you had prepared to shoot your Ar­rows in, even bitter words: But I shal let you see, that as there is more vapour, so more vanitie and lightness in this, then in any other Chapter; and some of it against your own words, and I believe more of it against your own light. First, you begin to tell me, That I blame them that set up two suprema­cies, and yet cannot see the beam in my own eye, and then ca­lumniate at pleasure.

Yet all is but winde: I blame them that set up two abso­lute supremacies, that had power to make laws independant­ly one of another: onely the Clergie had the better end of the staff; for the Laytie must be subject to their laws, but they would be exempt from the Layties. This I condemned out of Marsilus Patavinus, as an enemy to quiet, because such were alwaies apt, and usually in act, clashing one against ano­ther. But the supremacies that I speak of, cannot cross one another, so no danger of disturbance. Again, Doctor, in sober sadness, do you not know a difference between a supre­macy, and the Supremacie? A D. D. cannot be so ignorant. You cannot chuse but have learned the difference between absolute summum, and summum secundùm quid. Chiefs, in some respect, may be many, chief absolutely, but one; and when I say, a Supremacie, did not that hint to you onely a Supremacie secundum quid, in some respect onely? and yet [Page 119]more expresly, when I call it the supream Court, that is, su­pream, not absolute: but in respect of judicature, there lies an appeal from all Courts to it by petition, but from it to none. Is not this a Supremacie? Nay, do not you your self ascribe as much to it, when you say, This I say, that the Parliament is Curia Capitalis, the supream Court of this Kingdom? Your own words, pag. 136. if Supream, there's supremacie, quicquid dicitur de in est in; it cannot be denominated su­pream, but there is supremacie in it, in some respect; deno­minatio fit ab inhaesione; did you not then cavil against con­science at a supremacie in the Parliament, and raise dust to darken the light?

Parag. 2. After a light quirk, misbecoming a D. D. you ask Whether this be not against the oath of supremacy, Where­in we swear, that the Kings highness is the onely supream Governour of this Land, &c? How are my positions against this oath? Do not I ascribe to the king, to be the onely Su­pream Magistrate? You that could play with summum, and supremus; Can you tell us a difference, between Magistrate, and Governour? If not, he that asserts the King the su­pream Magistrate, reacheth the sence of that oath, which maketh him supream Governour. Therefore I need fear no humane penalties against perjurie, for this; No, Doctor, I hope once, the Lord will not hold him guilty, will more make me dread perjurie, then all other penalties.

Parag. 3. you say, I clip his Majesties wings, and say that the supremum jus Dominij, which is above laws, figere, & re­figere, is not in the King, to say it is in him, is in our State a manifest error. Whats become of the oath of Supre­macy then (say you)? Safe enough say I, The King remains still supream Governour; he is said to be onely so in govern­ment, which notes execution of laws, and so doth the phrases Ecclesiastical and Civil; but (you say) in your estate it is no error. Sure Sir, in King Charles his Kingdom of England it is an error; in which assertion, I should not have been so peremptory at first, nor now, had I not received this light from his own pen, in his answer to the Parliaments 19. Pro­positions, sent to him in York-shire; where first, he tels them, [Page 120]that the experience, Col. of Remonst. and pag. 320. 321. and wisedom of their Ancestors, hath so moulded our government, out of a mixture of all the three, viz. absolute Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy, as to give to this Kingdom, as far as humane providence can provide the conveniences of all three, without the inconveniences of any one, &c. And then a little after. In this Kingdom, the laws are joyntly made by a King, by an House of Peers, and by an House of Commons, chosen by the people, all having free votes and particular priviledges. The government, according to these laws, is trusted to the King, &c.

Have not I now followed my copy right? the supream power to make laws, is Aristocrati, cal in three States, free to vote, and the King the supream Magistrate to execute laws. One would think, if this would not make you blush for what is past, yet it may stop your mouth for future; and I need not say no more on this point; yet I will give a little touch to shew the vanitie of your flourishes.

Your Parag. 4. Is a meer flash, attended with the sparkles of light calumnies; For I have not made one of two, I yet leave one absolute Supaemacie, as you confess in the next parag. the Supremacie to make and unmake laws. This is nei­ther in King, nor Houses apart, but conjoyned.

Here then we are fallen back to one Supremacie. Why did you then trifle so much about two? But this (say you) is to skip from Monarchie to Aristocracie; just as his Majestie hath told you, in this government there's a mixture; its A­ristocratical in Legis lation, Monarchical for execution; and therein is the excellency of it; the one being fittest for Law-making by solidity; the other for execution by cele­ritie; and yet this D.D. jeers, as though this was never seen before, because he wanted eyes: But now comes a precious one. He believes it well appears, That supremacie over all Laws, to make or disanul them, is in the King alone, at the Pe­tition of both Houses. Ridiculum caput; for its as much as to say, its in the King alone with the help of others; a no­torious Bull. That power is in a man alone which he can execute without the concurrence of others; but this the King cannot do, without the Houses manifesting their con­sent, [Page 121]and desire by Petition. Besides, have you forgot the statute, your self quoted, pag. 85? That no Act of Par lia­ment be passed by any Sovereign of this Realm, or any other authority whatsoever, without the advice and consent of the three Estates of the Kingdom, &c. Oportet te esse memo­rem.

But you will come to Scriptures, Fathers, and moderne Authors, as Parag. 6. 'Peter ascribeth supremacie to the King, 1 Pet. 2.13, 14. But that is clearly, as I have said, as Supream Magistrate, to whom others are subordinate, and this admonition must be with limitation too, where Kings are supream. You do not think that the Apostle doth level all Kings, and give them all one equal supremacie; No, the Apostle had no power, nor would not attempt, to alter the constitution of Nations. Now Grotius will tell you; some Kings are not supream. Those of Athens were under the power of the people, those of Lacedemon, under the Ephori. See Grot. de jure bel. & pac. lib. 1. cap. 2. parag. 8. The sentences out of Fathers, which you quote, parag. 6, and 7. speak of absolute Monarchs, which you ignorantly, or flatteringly, say ours is; but our King denies it, calling our government, a mixture of all the three, and a regular Monar­chie, Collect. of Declar. &c. pag. 320. 321. And that sen­tence cited by you out of Grotius will confute you; Thats the supream civil power, cujus actus alterius juri non sub­sunt. Whose acts are not subject to another mans censure; For those acts that any do by the Kings authoritie, are the Kings acts; and the Parliament hath power to disanul these acts, and punish these agents, as the King informeth, Collect. of Remonstr. pag. 321. to shew, the compleatness of our government. Our Law indeed (saith the king) can do no wrong; that is, he cannot work, but by Agents: and the law takes no notice of him in it, but of the Agents, to punish them.

But you proceed, Parag. 8. I [...]ow (say you) you relye more upon the laws of the Land then upon the Word of God. But I believe therein you speak against your conscience; what you produce, that the king is the supream Head, is no [Page 122]more then what I ascribe to him, to be supream Magistrate, and in that he is alone, and the head one; and therefore the Bull of two Supremacies, you speak of, is but a Calf of your own fancie.

What you say, Parag. 9, 10. 13. Touching the Parliament being subjects, and petitioning to him as subjects, and that Bills are not in force without him. I confess: but these onely denie that supremacie in the Parlament, which I never asserted: but do not assert the supremacy in the king, to make, or un-make laws, without them. Therefore all this is trifling.

Par. 11. You ask, What supremacie can be in that Court, that cannot lawfully Convene, till the King summonthem? There is this; The supremacie of a Court, as you confess, to be the supream Court; that is, there is no appeal from them, but appeals from all Courts to them: and you know, they can reverse decrees in Courts, which the King cannot; he can pardon, not reverse sentences. They can reverse Ver­dicts but not pardon offenders.

You add Parag. 12. The King is to regulate them for the time. I acknowledg it: this Parliament onely excepted, by a particular Statute, made in this Parliament with the Kings assent. And for the manner, The king himself saith, they are free, and have priviledges of their own. For the great Lawyers judgement, you speak of, in Richard the 2. time, That if any in Parliament proceed upon other Articles, or in other manner then is limited by the King, &c. they are to be punished as Traytors.

I wonder, you will mention it, sith that great Law­yer was flattering Tresilyan, who by such ill Counsel helpt to over-throw his Sovereign: and in a Parliament, held in the 13, year of Richard 2. was for this, by the Lords in Parliament, condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered, which was presently executed on him, as our Historians shew.

Your Collections, Par. 14. were disproved before: what you say ' for the Kings regulating Courts of justice. You mistake, the Law is their rule, and that regulates them, which if they [Page 123]transgress, he may punish them: but the law they are sworn to follow, against any private instructions of his; thats clearly known.

You sum up your arguments, Parag. 15. But they are all short of your conclusion: for they conclude not against the Parliaments being a supream Court, which is all I assert, and you confess in the following page: Nay, in this page, parag. 17. and what you have, parag. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. Are superfluous: For they onely concludet he King to be supream Magistrate, but exclude not the Parliament from be­ing the supream Court: you say, but yet it is the Kings Court. I deny it not; I denie him onely to be above it, in the capacitie of a Court, though it sit by his writ. There­fore all you do here, is, but lis de lana caprina, meer trifling.

And as captious a conceipt is that, that you conceive not They have power to make and alter laws at pleasure; for there is great danger in altering laws without urgent cause. Who doubts it? What need you prove it? But to make up want of proof in things to be proved? Who knows not, that wisedom and moderation in Law makers, is to regulate that power that they may put forth upon any, that they put it not forth, but upon just occasion?

Parag. 22. You infer, If the King cannot do any thing a­gainst the legal rights of others, so nor Parliaments. True; they ought not to over-rule or alter the rights of other, but for the publike good; but for that they may; you know there were many had legal rights in offices in Star-Chamber, and yet for publike good, the King condescended to a Bill of abrogation.

Parag. 23. You tell us, ' The King is above law. That is, say you, Common-law. But this is your fiction; for the King saith, he is a regular Monarch, that is regulated by laws, so in a sence, under them. The common custom of our Nati­on is, that actions may be commenced against the King at the Common-law; therefore you speak against experience, in say­ing, that the king is above the Common-law; which appears also, in that the Judges of the Common, as well as Statute-law, are sworn not to denie, or delay justice to any, for any [Page 124]Letter, or Prohibition of the king. And though his taking the Parliament into the joynt assistance of making laws, makes not them supream: yet it hinders that supremacie of laws-making from being solely in him, sith he can do nothing without them.

For Parag. 24. I would not brand you, nor delude the peo­ple, as you object; But onely seek to give a rational sence of the kings oath, which they that oppose, brand themselves. I did believe, what I expres'd in my good conceit of the pre­sent Bishops tenderness to preserve the King from hazzard; but if they be all of your minde, I see I am deceived for; let the Crown, or life of king, sink or swim, he shall have no consent from you to enlarge his conscience, to consent to a­bolish Episcopacie, for the safegard of either.

For Parag. 25. 26. I desire no more, then that the king should give every one his own, preferring the publike before any private. I confess the kings readiness to confirm Bills, such and so large, as never were the like; but yet I know, and you know, what danger the king and land hath been, and is in, for want of consent to let down Episcopacie: And in this exigent wherein we are, by the corruption of man, I humbly give my advice, to promote Peace, and prevent much of that blood, and misery, which for want of peace still con­tinues; and threatens worse to the Church (I confess) then either the want or presence of Bishops.

But your Sun must set under a Cloud, and therefore, Pa­rag. 17. you tell me, He that slayeth a Prelate, to whom he owes faith and obedience, its Treason: you amplifie, If it be Treason to kill a Prelate, then how much greater to kill Pre­lacy. Negatur Argumentum, egregie D. D. It follows not; for he that kills a Bishop, kills a man, and he hath Gods Image stampt on him. But Episcopacy, as I have shewed, is but [...], an inhumane creature; so he may be re­moved regularly, without any injury to God. Besides, you consider not that Bishop is a concrete word, including a man and Episcopacy, Concretum relativum, as the Logicians call it. But Episcopacie is an abstract: your similitude onely holds thus, as it were worse to kill the species, then one man; so [Page 125]to abolish Episcopacy, then to degrade one Bishop; If either were evil. But, in a regular way, I have shewed you, both are good; therefore, as I fear not your law, so I doubt not of Gods approbation, being conscious to my sincere intentions, for the good of King and kingdom, in it.

For your Conclusion, Parag. Ʋlt. I must minde you, that it cannot be better then the Pr [...]mises, Conclusio sequitur deteriorem partem. Therefore I may conclude, That would the abolition of Episcopacy make our peace, put an end to blood, rapine, misery: The king may with safety and appro­bation do it. But if God be not pleased to perswade his heart so far; If that moderation that he would bring them to, would satisfie others: I think, as the case stands, they may do innocently, and commendably, to close with him. Yea, I think, those, who upon a serious consideration of the over-flowing of all sin, with an high hand, shall yield first; (that some government may be setled in the Church, Laws recover their power in the Common-wealth, sin be prevented, Justice and amity revived) they will be most acceptable to God, and ought to be so with men.

Deo gloria. Finis

Postscript.

THe sentence, you, after all, cite out of Doctor Burges, I may not pass over. Observe the plagues of such men, as are never touch'd with the miseries of others: They commonly fall under the same judg­ments which others, unpitied, have tasted before. I thank God, this toucheth not me; for I have neither caused, nor been senceless of the miseries of others. But have not many poor Ministers been silenc'd, [Page 126]turn'd out of all, for things that others counted trifles, and might have forborn them in, but they scrupled at as sins, and could not submit? And have they not past unpitied by many Prelates and Prelatical men? I speak not of my own Diocesan, whom I found most pittiful, and would not be slack to re­quite it, with active sympathie, upon good opportu­nity. But Doctor, you know what pitty you vouchsafe them in this Treatise. Nothing but Schis­maticks, and Hereticks, justly ejected, &c. There­fore now, with Josephs Brethren, consider how you have been in a fault concerning your Brethren, Gen. 42.21.22. and give glory to God, that he may lift you up, which I heartily wish and beg of God; and so Doctor, fare you well.

Errata.

PAge 17. line 17. read officers. page. 18. line 24. dele and, p. 21 l, 10. χ. p. 24. put in the margin against line. 7, 8, 9. Apol. cap. 39. p. 37. l. 31. dele or. p. 49. l. 25. r. by. p. 61. in title of the 6. chapter for explanations, r. exclamations. p. 70. l. 2. for me, r. men, p. 75. l. 14. for can r, cannot, p. 95. l. 17. for one, r. me. p. 100. l. 2. for cause, r. casse. p. 104. l. 24. for uncivil, r. civil. p. 106. l. 16. r. This must, ariseth. p. 112. l. 28. r. diminishing. p. 114. l. 20. r. [...], p. 116. l. 9. r. is, So Episcopacy. p. 119. l. 18. read summus.

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