MEMOIRES OF HENRY D. of Guise, Relating his Passage to NAPLES, And heading there the SECOND REVOLT Of that PEOPLE, Englished.

Tu nisi ventis
Debes ludibrium cave.
Horat. l. 1. ode 14.

LONDON, Printed by T. N. for H. Herringman, at the Sign of the Blue Anchor in the Lower Walk of the New Exchange. 1669.

PREFACE.

THe illustrious Author of these Me­moires devoted his Actions to the service of his King and Coun­trey, and his Book to Fame, and the obscure Translator as free from design on the later, as any pretence to it by so mean a work as making them speak English, comes not short in his Zeal for the former, but un­provided for those more elevated ways to­wards it which are successfully troden by happier and better qualified persons, and believing these Memoires as worthy the view of the whole World, so more particu­larly of such of his Countreymen, as are con­fined to the Contemplation only of English, (or perhaps Latine and Greek Authors, for the most part averse to Monarchy, because too much affected to the forms of their own times and Countries) satisfies himself in laying them before them, and this the ra­ther, [Page] because he supposes that from those men arise the greatest part of the Disputes be­tween Authority and Liberty, and such plau­sible but false Principles, as they (well versed in domestick Customs and pretended Privi­ledges, but ignorant of the nature of Go­vernment in general) interpose between King and people, sometimes eclipsing the Sovereign, but never failing (sooner or la­ter) of a ruinous precipitation on the heads of the Subjects: for limitations of regal authority, though they may possibly prevent some irregular pressures on part of the people, by disabling the supreme power, ex­pose the whole to forrein invasion or do­mestick sedition. Though we might suppose English-men by too dear experience suffici­ently convinced of this truth, yet the contrary so evidently appearing by the too frequent and publick discourses of such whose malice, avarice, ambition or folly is still desirous of Novelty, I thought it possible the Extra­vagancies of others, and miseries atten­ding them, might be more moving, b [...]cause out of reach of the deceitful Opticks of our own Pass [...]ons and Interests, and therefore pub [...]ish this part of the Revolutions of Na­ples, never equalised by any but those of [Page] England, and by them exceeded, which though they came short of the swift Rota­tion of the other, and some sudden bloudy and inhumane actions were of much longer continuance and taken intirely more fatal, and particularly, no less barbarous; for be­sides that our War on the unjust side de­stroyed several persons of quality in cold bloud, our illegal tribunals cut off our Sovereign and many of his Nobles with formalities of Justice, to the highest pro­fanation of that sacred name, murthering with its sword in a Countrey where the laws put so great a difference, between de­priving a man of his life in a sudden pas­sion and after a considerate designing of it; besides all which if we compare the imagi­narie pressures of the people of England with the real and indeed insupportable ones of the Neapolitans, and these though im­posed by a legal yet by a forein authority, we cannot but look on the later as more excusable, who were continually oppressed by strange ministers, and their wealth ex­hausted to be transported to a remote Coun­trey without any hope of the least return; whereas [...]he English flourished under the mild Government of their native Lord, [Page] and all that was raised for the publick use descended in fruitful showres on the place that exhaled it, or (which is the worst that can be objected) if only to the advantage of some particulars, it was yet by such a mediation dispersed at last amongst the rest of the people and returned to its first Pro­prietors.

But if we be necessitated to grant the people of England (generally speaking) to have been more too blame than the Neapo­litans, we are assured it will be allowed us to raise the fidelitie of our Gentry above that of theirs (though very commendable and re­markable) who having no such aversion for the Commonaltie adhered not to their King in order to its suppression, but out of a sense of their own duty, which was so prevalent that many eminent Persons and Families which might have been accepted by the overcoming party with great advantages, persisted to a voluntary sinking with their King and Master, after having acted so highly and honourably, and suffered so con­stantly in his Service, as might have made them seem excusable, if they had at last taken some care of themselves, of which were the Historie extant (whose want is one [Page] of our great misfortunes) as well for eter­nizing the memory of very many transcen­dent Actions, as giving Examples and Cautions to Posteritie, it would pass for no less Romantick to other Nations than this of Naples does to some of ours, how justly I know not, for to question the truth of mat­ter of fact, written by a Person of such Quality is very uncivil, and he had been as injurious to his discretion as honour, should he have given any other than a true account of what passed before the eyes of so many malicious witnesses that could and would have evinced the falsitie.

This granted, the Objection of being Ro­mantick seems to its advantage, for as such Romances are most acceptable that are mo­derated to the Probabilitie of Historie, so such Histories are most considerable whose truths are so eminent that they rise neer the fables of Romances: but if it be meant of the manner of his Style and freedom of his Expressions, I think we ought to excuse him if they were suitable to his actions, and if as Ben. Johnson says of Caesar, ‘He wrote with the same Spirit that he fought.’

For the Pretence of forming a Republick [Page] he seems nothing serious in it, but to have held it out as a Lure both to Nobilitie and People, and indeed he could not but un­derstand (what the Duke of Andria told him at the Conference) how little the natures of the Neapolitans suited with it, and who­ever goes about to raise such a Structure without this consideration will fail of his end, and we may remember how often the like at­tempt came short to the Innovators of our own Nation; for when Rebellion had effaced the intire form of our ancient Monarchie, and layed white Paper before them to design their Republick, they could never give it any shape, and this appearing so difficult in the model, how much more would it have proved so when it should have been put in practice in the vast extent of three potent Nations (as he said of the Neapolitans) born for Mo­narchy.

And if we consider the few changes from Monarchy that have been transferred to our Knowledge, as of the Romans of old, and the Switzers and Low-countrey men of late, we shall find a temper most suitable, their moderation, industrie, frugalitie, and una­nimitie which are not the virtues of our Nation in these times) so regulating private [Page] manners that a slack rein in the publick Government was sufficient, whilest on the contrarie, where faction, pride, hypocrisie, sloth and luxurie predominate even Com­mon-wealths have recourse to the power of a single person, as the Romans to Dictators in particular disorders and difficulties, and those arriving at greater heights to the con­tinued Government of Emperors, which se­veral successions of vicious Princes could not interrupt, till the monstrous and unpa­ralelled excesses of Nero not easily put an end to the Family of Caesar: the changes that happened afterwards are not to the pre­sent purpose, mention here being made only of Hereditary Monarchy.

This was also most remarkable in the Republick of Florence, obliged on account of perpetual factions and tumults to give an absolute and arbitrary power to one of its private Citizens, by which it obtained that Repose and Settlement, it could by no other ways arrive at. And that the English are no less than the Neapolitans incapable of an establishment on a popular basis is apparent enough, all endeavours having been used to­wards it, and all such forms of Government produced, yet it was found by experience [Page] that even the tyranny of Oliver, notwith­standing the injustice, bloud, hypocrisie and atheisme on which its foundations were laid, was less offensive than any of the other, be­cause in the hands of one alone; our Na­tion being so far from a capacity of receiving the other impression, that it may be ratio­nally concluded that had we lived in form of a Republick as many ages as we have done under Monarchy, the present condition of our affairs and customs would oblige us to cast our selves into the arms and protection of a single person; for evil manners produce not only good laws but good forms of Govern­ment; we ought therefore to suspect all that hang out this bait, and assure our selves it is not the Government but Governours they design against, since all architects of popular fabricks, after acquisition of sufficient cre­dit for it, have been easily perswaded to take the Authoritie into their own hands.

And now let us take a short review of the whole, and we shall see a people groaning, not under pretended but real oppression, endea­vour to shake off a yoke, heavie indeed, but yet their Masters, and erect a Babel of their own contrivance, and having considered the plunderings, devastations and massacres [Page] that attended the acting towards it, pass through its so many appearances of Esta­blishment, and at last (when probably so near perfection, by the Dukes as firm Set­tlement in the hearts of that people, as so un­certain a foundation was capable of) see it by Divine Providence reduced to where it first began, and then I doubt not but we shall be so far from seeking pretences of Innova­tion, that we should neglect real occasions were they offered us, and rather suffer the extremest violences of a legal power (from which yet we are secured not onely by ex­perience of our present Sovereign, but con­fidence in the hereditarie Justice and Mode­ration of his Family) than by attempting alterations expose our selves and Posterities to eternal confusion and disorder, in which the best that can be hoped will be to return to where we first set out, after having given sufficient cause to have all the burthens, creatures formerly of our imaginations, laid really on our shoulders.

I conclude with consideration of the Neapolitans condition after their redaction to the obedience of their Master, when hea­vier Chains were imposed upon them to prevent the like extravagancies, whereas [Page] we, by indulgence of the most gracious Prince of the World, are treated with the wonted clemency, his Goodness having obliged him to omit making such provisions against the like disorders for the future, by firmlier establishing and stronglier guarding his Au­thority, as (if we become not shortly wiser) will appear to be wanting both to King and People: In the mean time let all such as on pretence of freedom incroach upon the Roial Power contain themselves and understand, that the Prerogative (unlimited by corrupt o [...] pedantick Comments) is the true and only maintainer of the Subjects liberty. Reader, if thou wilt excuse the freedom of this Pre­face it shall be accepted as a Recompence for my confining my self to the drudgery of a Translator.

CHARACTER OF THE DUKE OF GUISE. By a Person of Quality.

I Present Posterity the Encomium of a Prince of vertue equal to his Birth, and though it may s [...]em superfluous in a Preface to a Book, that will it self sufficiently publish his Merit, cannot omit this testimony, so justly due to his memorie, that never any man received greater endowments from Heaven, nor better manifested them to the World.

I will not in it be guided by Maximes of Rhetorick but duty, and my Pen shall less ex­press the Conceptions of my Brain than the inclinations of my Heart. I have too many [Page 2] things to say in praise of this Prince to say them well. And since it is not my busi­ness here to display mine own Abilities, but to make him appear such as he really was, I shall be satisfied in the Picture because very like. I will say nothing to the ad­vantage of his name, all Historie abounds with the fame of those that have born it, and confining my self to his Person, acquaint such as do not alreadie know it, that Henry of Loraine Duke of Guise was handsome without pride, curious without affectation, affable without neglect of his qualitie, valiant without transport, and liberal without profusion. His Civilitie was equal to his Courage, both which emi­nently appeared in a Duel, where the con­dition of his adversarie might have gi­ven pretence for an excuse had he been capable of seeking one. He hurt and was hurt, but concluded it with immortal ho­nour.

All the Nobility of the Kingdom of Naples have with Astonishment seen him (in a manner alone) resist, and with his sword in his hand pierce through whatso­ever opposed. Historie vaunts the Actions of Caesar and Alexander, for ones swim­ming cross an arm of the Sea, though in a [Page 3] manner covered with the darts of his ene­mies, and the others passing the River Granicus, and attaquing an Army drawn up in Battalia on the other side. Both these seem to me equalized in the passage of the Duke of Guise to Naples. He braved the Sea and the Winds, and in a Feluque, with onely three in his Companie, contemned a fleet of enemies to succour his Friends.

As his Valour was infinite so was his Goodness. None ever went dissatisfied from his presence, he, as well as Titus, was the Favorite of Mankind: His natural Kind­ness obliged him to sympathize with others in their misfortunes. His modest Mirth in­spired it self into all his Companie. The diversions where address, Gallantrie and Magnificence usually signalize themselves, seem all faint and languishing now he ap­pears no more. And though we have a Master most eminent in all, yet when from his incomparable Person we descend to his Court, we quickly miss its principal Orna­ment.

None could ever blame him unless for excess in that which to be without is im­puted a vice. He loved (they will say) with too much Passion. If Insensibility be a [Page 4] blemish to the beauty of a mind, why should not tenderness augment its value and luster. With an unequall'd Zeal he embraced the interests of those that depended on him. His Credit, his Sword, his Estate were ever at the devotion of his Friends. But above all he lov'd the King with a respect be­yond expression. In his sickness he con­firmed me in this which I had before observed on several occasions, and the unhappy Conclusion of it manifested to me how much our great King was concerned. For it was to me he discovered those glorious marks of his sorrow, when he heard of his death, because he knew how highly I honoured him in his life.

What rests there yet due to his memory? He was reconciled to God and lamented by his King, deplored by his friends, adored by his servants, extolled even by those that en­vied him, and admired by all. He hath left behind him a Successor worthy of him. And to compleat his felicity we cannot but be confident that although his glory was most eminent amongst men, it is yet incomparably more so in Heaven.

MEMOIRES OF HENRY D. of Guise. Book I.

AN unfortunate accident, which, do what I could to the contrary, be­came but too publique in Europe ob­liged me to ask leave of the Queen Mother, who then governed, to make a journey to Rome, by it to free my self from the inconveniencies lay on me as prejudicial to my reputation as to the Establishment of my Fortune, and the Zeal I ever had to render the Crown all manner of Services, as I am engaged by Honor, Birth, and particular Inclination, for­ced me to a Continuance there a year or more.

Pope Innocent the Tenth expressing great Kind­ness to me, I thought I ought to manage it, so as [Page 6] to make my self (if possible) the Instrument of his Reconciliation with France, though sensi­ble of my own weakness in order to so great a work. And knowing that Cardinal Mazzarin did with passion desire a Cardinals Hat for his Brother, then Archbishop of Aix, being firmly engaged in his interests, having promised him my friendship, and devoted him my Services, I did with all imaginable industry endeavour to find out for what reasons his Holiness was so little inclined to it, and after a long discourse with him one day about the present condition of the affairs of Europe, insensibly engaged him to discover the occasion that obliged him to con­tinue a division so prejudicial to all Christendom, and which it lay in his power to end with much facilitie, for I was certain that if he would make the first step towards it, he should find the Court intirely disposed to a good understanding.

Immediately he assured me of his love to the French Nation, which he would ever justifie to such as pretended any favour from him; but that he had too many causes of Complaint against Cardinal Mazzarin ever to forget them. He particularised all his grievances, That his ele­ction was disapproved, That the Kings Ministers in Rome on all occasions forgot their respect to him, threatening and affronting him in his Person and Familie; and in this discourse he was so farr transported, that I thought it best to let him cool before I returned any answer. He seemed sur­prised at my silence, telling me he perceived I found his Complaints so just that I wanted a Re­ply. [Page 7] I walked with him the length of the Gallerie twice, without making any, and when (inter­preting my silence to his advantage) he pressed me to speak, I smiled and told him, That I wanted not Reasons to oppose his, but that as yet I found him not in a condition to relish them, though they were so powerful, that I was assured they would convince him, and oblige him to grant all I should demand, and do absolutely all I should desire, though at the present he were of a con­trary opinion: He assured me nothing could be able to alter him, that his Resolution was too well grounded: I smiled again, telling him I durst swear the contrary. To this he briskly re­plied, he could not imagine from whence I should derive such a hope. From the consideration, said I, of your Prudence, which on a serious reflection will oblige you to cast off all Prejudice, and discern your true interest and the conduct you are to observe, which you will infallibly fol­low, because you ought to do so, and would too much injure your self should you stray from it. In order to this I begged of him to hear me pa­tiently without interruption, because intending not to exasperate or displease him, I should retire as soon as I found him moved, and deferre my discourse to another time; which yet should not be till he sent for me, resolved to give me a favourable audience, and credit what I should say, which he ought not to suspect, I acting with­out Commission moved onely by my Zeal for his re-union with France, in free acknowledgement of the Kindness he had for me, and (if it might [Page 8] be permitted me to say so) out of the affecti­on I had for his Person. He yielded to the Con­ditions I demanded, promised a confidence in me, and to hear me patiently, and thanking me for my affection to him, with an embrace told me; what he should refuse me, he would not grant to any person in the World: that he should be glad I could find Reasons to perswade him, and that, if his Reconciliation should ever be made, it might be by my interposal, that the honour and advantage of it might be mine.

I gave him account in few words of the affairs of France, and posture of the Court, letting him discern the impossibility of separating the inter­ests of the Nation from those of its chief Mi­nister: that since he had not at present any par­ty in France, he could not hope to make any there by disobliging it. That though, having the Dispensation of Graces, all men depended on and had recourse to him, yet with all the Au­thority of the Papacy he could oblige no body there, unless by the Courts concurrence: that the difference being no point of Religion, none would side with him. The Devout and Zealous (though inclined to it) wanting pretence of Con­science to ingage the peop [...]e in his quarrel. That Persons of Quality would as Neuters be indifferent Spectators of what might happen, and condemn him for refusing a Hat, which could not be so important to him, that on its occasion he should reject the friendship of a Crown. That obstinacy ill becomes a Father, that this Quality obliges to greater Moderation, and that [Page 9] all Christendom would blame him for drawing on (by a capricious refusal) the unhappy con­sequences for which he should be responsible, and lament when it would be too late to re­medie. That the same censure would fall on Cardinal Mazzarin, should he stand off, after so obliging an offer; That he ought to give an example to all Christians of suppressing Passion; and that if he would believe me in this particu­lar, I would engage, that all he could demand should be granted him, being assured that Car­dinal Mazzarin desired nothing more than to enter into his good opinion, and fix a steady friendship with him; that his Election should be no more mentioned but with acknowledge­ments and approbations, that he should be treated with all Honour and Compliance, that all Discourses dis-respective or menacing should be disavowed, that so pressing and posi­tive Orders should be sent to such as should ne­gotiate with him, for giving him all that belongs to him, that for the future he should have as great cause of Content as he formerly thought he had of Complaint.

He seemed very much calmed and in a manner convinced; and embracing, told me, I had very much satisfied him; That if I had been sooner at Rome, I might have prevented the heats and differences passed, that he would seriously reflect on our Discourse, which he desired me another time to prosecute, and that the first day of his leisure he would send for me to that purpose, gi­ving me withal some light that would not be [Page 10] useless to my conduct. That in the mean time he was sorry for the trouble I must suffer by the endeavours of the Cardinals of the Faction, and the Kings Ministers, to discover the subject of our interviews: that I should be careful not to trust them much, that he was assured the greatest part of them were against an Accommodation, that they might continue necessary and make ad­vantage by the division.

The same things were treated on in two or three other Conferences, and I every time re­turned with something more of hope, still obser­ving the Popes aversion to slacken, and receiving answers more favourable. At last being sent for one day, finding him in a very good humour, after he had expressed a great deal of Affection and Kindness for me, and that he had no greater satisfaction than in my Company, which he would enjoy oftener, and send for me at all times when his Affairs permitted, did he not apprehend my prejudice by it, and that his friendship might prove contrary to my interest, the great aver­sion of Cardinal Mazzarin for him considered. I replied, it was in his power to put an end to that aversion, repeating all the Reasons I formerly in­stanced; these he now found more valid, and seemed convinced: The Discourse held with him by Cardinal Grimald, the manner of the Ne­gotiations of the Marquis de Fontenay, and of the Abbot of S t Nicholas touched him very sensibly, and were indeed insupportable. They giving out (as he said) that he was so great a dissembler that none ought or could depend on his word, [Page 11] and this he expressed with so much Passion that rage drove tears from his eyes: at which yet I was not much concerned, Knowing well enough he could shed them at his pleasure, and was an excellent Actor. However I perswaded my self I gained upon him, and confidently told him, that having discovered where he was at­tacquable, I had brought about my design, and that he must yield, having no more defences against me; then I asked him, if his predominate Passion were not revenge, as is usual with all Italians? and whether he would not thank me if I ruined at Court such as he was dis-satisfied with, making their conduct to be disapproved, and them to pass for malicious or undiscerning persons; and in fine cause them to loose their employments, which should be bestowed on such as were more agreeable to him? He cast his Arms about my neck, promising if I could effect this, there should be nothing in the World he would refuse to do for my sake. You must then, said I, make the Archbishop of Aix Cardinal, with assurance, that you had done it sooner but for the ill conduct of those you had to deal with, that you will oblige all the Mazzarin Family, and enter into a near friendship with it: that you desire not to treat any more with the Mini­sters that have hitherto been intrusted in the Kings affairs, whom you have discovered to be little affected to his Service, and then demand they may be put into the hands of the Archbishop of Aix, when he shall be Cardinal, who being your Creature will have a particular care to con­tinue [Page 12] his brother in a good understanding with you. That Cardinal Grimaldi, the Marquis of Fontenay, and the Abbot of S. Nicholas, appre­hending to become useless, and consequently little considerable, have always embroiled mat­ters, as soon as they imagined this business near Conclusion. Give me order to make these as­surances in your name, and continue to treat with them as if your mind were still unaltered, be­stowing the Cardinals Hat when they appear con­fident you intend never to give it, by this means you will credit me, ruine their reputation and deprive them of all trust, by discovering to the Cardinal, they have not a true friendship for him, that they sacrifice him to their particular inter­ests, and deal not franckly, but mis-report your in­tentions to profit themselves by the mis-intelli­gence. He walked twice the length of the Gal­lery ruminating on what I had said, and looking pleasingly on me, told me I had touched him in the part that was most sensible, that I obliged him in the highest, and that unable to denie me any thing, he consented to the Hat for the Arch­bishop of Aix, that I should give notice of it to his brother, and write to him to come to Rome, that I should insert all the particulars of our Con­ference, and give some part of them to Cardinal Grimaldi, the Marquiss of Fontenay, and Ab­bot of S. Nicholas, who would think me ridicu­lously weak in crediting his fair Promises for want of Knowledge of him, he in the mean time still expressing himself to them after the old manner, by which means they would yet engage [Page 13] themselves further by giving intelligence that he promised what he never intended to perform, and that I suffered my self to be abused by his flatte­ries; that this would infallibly bring about their ruine.

What he and I foresaw failed not to happen. I dispatched an express to Cardinal Mazzarin, to acquaint him what passed, but he gave little credit to it, the Ministers making it appear so doubtful; and after the acknowledgements of his Obligations to me for concerning my self so far in the interests of his familie, he advised me to distrust the Popes proceedings, to observe him nearer, and not credit lightly, lest at last I recei­ved the displeasure of a disappointment. That for his Brothers journey to Rome, he could by no means approve it, since it would be too dishono­rable for him to go thither, and return not made a Cardinal. The Lord Peter Mazzarin pre­possest with former impressions could never be perswaded of this good news, but the Arch­bishop of Aix (as men are easie to believe what they desire) received my Letter with much content, and the vivacitie of his temper not permitting much reflection, entertained great hopes, and suffering himself to be transported with joy, prayed me to assure the Pope of his acknowledgements, that he would very sudden­ly cast himself at his feet, and in his brothers name ratifie all particulars of our agreements for which himself would be the security, and after the reception of such a favour, procure from France whatever could be desired on his behalf. In the [Page 14] mean time I sought to make sure of the Ladie Olympia, in which I found little difficultie, being well with her, and she already gained by the money of the Earl of Ognate, ambitious to be a Cardinal, who doubtful of a nomination from Spain, saw no readier way to his end than this occasion. He opened himself to me, and we joyned our forces to make a stronger battery, pressing on the business at one and the same time with united forces; Cardinal Paucirolle was the only person likely to thwart us, but the other undertook the bringing him about.

And knowing him a profest enemy to Car­dinal Mazzarin, I thought the mediation of Cardinal Sforza, my Cosin and particular friend necessary: He was desirous to engage himself in the interests of France, from which he expected a treatment suitable to his Birth and Merit, and to obtain considerable Pensions and Benefices; but Cardinal Grimaldi probably opposed him, with all his power, apprehending he might step into his place, to the loss of a considerable part of his credit. I undertook to reconcile him with the Mazzarin Family, to which he had ever been contrary: And he on his part contrived a meeting between me and Candinal Pancirolle: Now as in Rome all enmity gives way to the ambition of obtaining the Papacy, upon the assurance I gave him of removing the Exclusion he feared from France, which alone might be destructive to his pretence (being already secure of Spain and a strong party in the Conclave) he promised in stead of opposing to second me: this removed all dif­ficulties [Page 15] by the great Ascendent he had over his Holiness inclinations. This negotiation was ma­naged with so much diligence and secrecie that it was not discerned by the French Ministers, who continuing obstinate in their opinions dispatched to court advices of very little certainty.

Having brought things to this pass, I visited Father Serroni a friend of the Archbishop of Aix, and now Bishop of Mandes, to oblige him to go to the Archbishop and hasten his coming. I writ also to Cardinal Mazzarin to send him, making my self responsible for the success of his journey, to which yet he would not consent, not trusting these fair appearances, nor the Popes humour, which he took to be close and de­ceitful.

There needed not many perswasions to move the Archbishop of Aix to the journey, in this particular not being swayed by his brothers Council, so vehemently desirous of what he pre­tended, that for it he would have run all hazards: He set on therefore immediately, and giving me notice by post, I instantly gave account of it to his Holiness, well perceiving the joy it gave him: At the Archbishops coming near Rome the Pope commanded me to meet him, and before he spoke with any of the Kings Ministers, assure him of his Promotion, and that without conside­ration of such discourses as might be made him, he should credit me alone, who would be respon­sible for all I had pretended, which at his first audience should be confirmed; and that he had had his satisfaction long since, if I had been sooner [Page 16] at Rome, or if none but my self had interposed in his business, being the best and faithfullest of his friends. After his thanks he conjured me to press the compleating of what I had so well begun, which I neglected not. But whilest I continued my sollicitations, there intervened a difficulty by a post from Spain, bringing news that the Catholique King approved not the pro­motion of Count Ognate, who desired of the Pope some little time to endeavour by mediation of friends to remove the obstacle, to which the Pope consented. And some apprehending that the Pope himself was craftily the occasion of this, so to dis-engage himself of his promise to me without imputation, I proposed to him as an expedient, that he should go on, reserving the Spaniard in Petto, whom he might afterwards nominate at his leisure, when this d [...]fficulty should be removed, and they at Madrid had made choice of a more agreeable subject: But he continued resolute to send an express, that he might give no pretence for Complaint of Precipitation. After much contestation I was forced to submit, yet with assurance from him that he would by no means fail of performing what he had promised me, and that in six weeks (what answer soever he received, or in case they maliciously detained his Express) he would give me satisfaction. There was a necessity of so long patience, and the time being expired the Archbishop desired me to challenge the promise, I did it, and his Holiness so positively confirmed me that I found no grounds for further doubt; [Page 17] But yet deferring the Consistorie from time to time, the party concerned falling into a greater distrust, told me he could not be eased of it, un­less his Holiness would positively appoint the day he should receive the advantage he so much coveted: I went and desired this favour of him as necessary to my repose and credit, he made many difficulties, the like having never been practised. But representing to him that if he had the kindness for me he pretended, he should testifie it in passing by, for my sake, the ordinary formalities. He promised me, and performed it in the most obliging manner, with which I pre­sently acquainted the Archbishop, who received the news with all the joy imaginable. The next morning, which was Saturday, the Pope sent one of the Secretaries of his Chamber to acquaint the Archbishop that on Monday without farther de­lay should be a Consistory. They that desired not this, as being engaged to maintain that the Archbishop as well as my self was deluded, and that the Pope would find some new pretence for delay, were sensibly moved, and on Monday sur­prised, when they heard the Consistory was assembled, and the Archbishop had received the Hat. His Holiness immediately sent me the good news, as principally concerned, for which in the afternoon I went to give him thanks: and after­wards to Complement the new Cardinal, who gave me a thousand embraces, protesting that his whole Family as well as his Brother and himself had so sensible an obligation to me, that I might depend on whatever was in their power, [Page 18] of which I should see effectual proofs on all occasions, and for which he would be my Security all his life.

That night he went incognito, to give his Ho­liness thanks, who told him he owed his Promo­tion to me alone, wishing him to go and ac­knowledge it, and withal advised that it might never be forgotten by himself or brother. In order to which he hasted to me, transported to admiration, which yet will not seem extraor­dinary to such as understand what it is in Rome (unless in the Families of Popes or Soveraign Princes) to see two Cardinals of one Family. I am not able to repeat the terms of his Com­plements, nor what he said to demonstrate how farre he held himself obliged, for having (con­trary to the opinion of all the world,) obtained for him that, which the power of France and credit of his brother had failed in, and of which he had despaired. At his taking leave I proffered to wait on him to his Coach, which he conjured me not to do, desiring to avoid all ce­remony, because incognito; but perceiving me follow, he set himself on a run, and not obser­ving a well that was in a little Garden through which he passed, having turned towards me to take his leave, as he retreated he fell into it, from whence I helped him out, not able to forbear laughing: He went home to dry himself, and to bed, where (though he wanted rest) I believe he slept not, lest at his waking he should impute his good fortune to the illusions of a dream.

[Page 19]The same night he sent an express to acquaint his brother Cardinal Mazzarin with his good success, and taking upon him to make known the obligation he had to me, and my conduct in ef­fecting an enterprise of so much difficultie, I thought it best to leave all to him, this being more becoming than to be my own trumpet, and so contented my self to send onely a Letter of Complement and Congratulation. The answers we received were such as might be expected in return of so welcom a Message.

The Pope became very well satisfied with the Orders that were sent relating to his particular, and the Ministers began to negotiate with him in a manner so respective and obliging, that he well perceived all former resentments were forgotten, and that the Mazzarin Family was most streight­ly addicted to his interests, which the two bro­thers would ever sollicite. He made also very obliging acknowledgements to me, and I had some reason to believe, that what pretences or occasions soever intervened, I might depend on the Protection and support of France, as well as on the Person of his Holiness. The Kings Mini­sters alone loosing as well at Rome as at Court a great part of their credit and trust, nettled to the quick, that even in their sight, and against their sense, so important a negotiation had been brought to effect, conceived an irreconcileable hatred against me, so much the more dangerous, in that (not daring to give it vent) they con­cealed it in order to an opportunity of making me feel its fatal effects, decrying all the impor­tant [Page 20] Services I afterwards rendered the Crown, which they blemished what they possibly could, and not contented with their vain attempts against my reputation, at last deprived me of my Liberty by a long and hard imprisonment, and as much as was possible for them brought my life into danger, that they might not apprehend in me an irreprochable witness, of their having been too much led by their passions and inter­ests, and to them sacrificed the glory and advan­tages of Cardinal Mazzarin and his Family.

In this very instant I met an occasion to dis­cover what fruit I was to expect of so much pains and hopes (so justly grounded) to have the pro­tection of Cardinal Mazzarin, the good Offi­ces and Sollicitation of the late Bishop of Aix, now Cardinal of Saint Cecilia, and the Popes favour, by the surprising news which came to Rome of the tumults in Sicilie, and revolt of Naples; where Masaniello was head. I will not enlarge my self to the particulars of a bu­siness so fatal to Spain, and so extraordinarie; All Europe hath been sufficiently informed, and I resolved in these relations to speak of no more than I am my self concerned in, lest I should be obliged to too great a Volume, not pretending to the Historian, which would be as troublesome, as unsuitable to my humor and qualitie: In these Disorders I supposed I might find fair Opportunities of acquiring glory, and contributing to the advantages of France, which hath ever been my prevailing Passion, being na­turally ambitious and zealous (as I ought) for that [Page 21] Crown to which I have the honor to be born a Subject, perswaded I could no ways better employ my life than for the good of my Country, and prejudice of its enemies. Being one Eve­ning retired with the Baron of Modene, in whom I had very much confidence, and who was at that time Gentleman of my Chamber, I discovered my thoughts to him, ordering him to seek out Captain Peronne, brother of Dominico Perronne the famous Bandite, and chief of the Confidents of Masaniello, whom he brought to me in the Morning; Him I desired to find out his brother, and perswade him that in stead of the Cruelties he exercised in Naples, burning the houses, and goods of Monopolists, demanding Exemption from Customs and Imposts, he should rather think of ruining the Spaniards, naturally vindicative, and under whom the revolters would never find security or pardon, that he ought therefore to seek the succour and protection of some power­ful Stranger; That there was not any in the World so confidently to be depended on as France, who ever gloried in assisting the op­pressed that had recourse to her, without any other interest than the reputation acquired by so generous actions. That the Catalonians were faithful witnesses of this, as well as a great part of the Princes of Germanie. That he could not doubt of her power by Land and Sea, which made her redoubted and respected through the World. That I would undertake to negotiate in behalf of the Neapolitans all Supplies and Assistances they should desire, and for effecting this, would [Page 22] render my self into their hands an Hostage. Besides I would labour reuniting the Nobility with the people, (without which all attempts that could be made for Libertie would prove vain) so depriving their Enemie of all possibility of continuing in that Kingdom, his principal Sup­port consisting in the Nobility; That my name and the Family of which I descended would con­tribute much to so great a design, I engaging my self in the interests of the whole Kingdom as intirely as if I were a Native.

He went away (satisfied and won by my Dis­course) chearfully to undertake this important Ne­gotiation, as well affected as instructed for what he was to do. But as misfortune would have it, his brother being slain, at his arrival he was su­spected, and consequently imprisoned: nothing discour [...]ged by this cross accident, I employed two other persons to Naples, who were also m [...]de Prisoners, or (as the Spaniards gave out) perfidiously put into their hands the instructions wherewith I had discharged them.

These unlucky beginnings in stead of deter­ring, animated me to an enterprise that appeared more glorious in the prospect of so many perils and difficulties. The arrival at Rome of Don Pepe Caraffa, brother to the Duke of Metalone, with some other Gentlemen that had made their escape from the Castles of Naples where they had been long detained Prisoners with great rigour and ill [...]s [...]ge, gave me hopes of making use of their resentments, for effecting that with the Nobility (whom I know to be in­censed [Page 23] by continual grievances) which so many accidents had hindered me from bringing about with the people: My endeavours proved not successless, and having intirely gained him, he resolved to hazzard his return, there to speak with his brother, and the rest of his friends and kindred, and oblige them to embrace the occa­sion of serving me, and revenging themselves. But the peoples aversion for the Nobility in­creasing by artifices of the Spaniards, he became an unhappy victime as well to it as to the hatred of Cardinal Filomarini: Soon after his arrival, having perceived his hopes and mine frustrated, he was massacred with unheard-of cruelties, his body torn and dragged through all the Streets: Masaniello having been treated in the same manner. After this I sent a young Captain, Grand-Child of Cicio Arpaia, the peoples Elect, to treat with him, who was absolute Master, and of greatest credit in the Citie. This unhappy Messenger met the same fortune with the former, falling into the hands of the Spaniards, whose distrust augmenting by discerning my persistance in endeavouring by all ways to concern my self in their disorders, kept so strict a guard on the Passages, that a French man servant to Monsieur Dessinay a Gentleman of Avignon, who had ap­plied himself to me during my stay at Rome, a Youth witty and resolute, (whom I sent by Land, under pretence of listing himself in their service as a Bourgundian, to give me account of those I had dispatch'd formerly, of whose sad fates I was yet ignorant) was taken near Gaeta, [Page 24] whither he was brought, though after a cunning discharging himself of his Papers, from whence (having suffered the torture ordinary and extra­ordinary) he was released, with Command on pain of death to avoid that Kingdom: Finding by his return that none of those I formerly sent had success, I thought my self obliged to try For­tune again; and (two young resolute Italians, whom I gained with Money, proffering to run the Extremest hazards for me) she yielded to my importunity, and began to be less contrary.

Cicio of Arpaia received my Proposals with much content, imparted them to his friends and heads of the people, who hoped Naples should recover her desired Liberty, by the assurance of assistance from France, I rendering my self their hostage, and they in my person obtaining a Leader, to whose birth and name all would sub­mit without jealousie: which was no less than necessary, the Nobility of the Countrey being so vain and haughty, that every one of them, (esteeming himself worthy the Command) would refuse to obey any of their own Nation, or yield him advantages above the rest. A ne­cessity appearing to take off the respect (which through the highest of the Sedition) was conti­nued to the King of Spain, I conceived the cer­tainest way to engage them to reject his yoke, and advance to a distance might render them irreconcileable, was The Proposal of forming themselves into a Republique, which must needs prove an agreeab [...]e Lure: the Nobility by it ex­pecting the principal share in the Government, [Page 25] after the Example of Venice, and the people in­tending to exclude them in imitation of the Switzers. So both parties flattering themselves with hopes of obtaining their desires, would joyntly endeavour the Extirpation of the Spa­niards, after which it would be easie to change the Government without giving any jealousie of France, which I represented to them as obliged to their assistance, onely, by its interest of separa­ting them from Spain, as it had done formerly for the Hollanders, who had at last obtained Li­berty and independence.

And to testifie the zeal I had to sacrifice my self, and hazard all for their service, that I would pretend nothing from them, but the same autho­rity for my self and Successors that was granted to the Princes of Orange in the United Provinces, which they have continued hitherto with so much splendor and honor.

The Title of Republique (of which I was the first Proposer) dazeled their eyes immediately, and from that day was the onely Discourse of Naples: My proffers were received with open arms, and they sent me word, that though all things seemed calm at present, ere long they should again take arms, the Conditions granted by the Duke of Arcos, being so disadvantageous to Spain, that they could not be ratified by its Councils, wherefore the resentments of that vindicative Nation were to be expected at the first arrival of its forces; The Vice-roys faci­lity in yielding to all demands, proceeding on­ly from want of power to justifie a refusal; [Page 26] that I was therefore besought in the name of all the people to negotiate for them the protection of France, and its succors when time should serve, and to be my self in a readiness to come and take the command of their forces, upon the first al­teration, which must needs happen very sudden­ly, and then I should be sought to by Commissio­ners sent express. I was over-joyed at so handsome an opportunity of serving the King, and becoming by the effects of my own industry and address able to propound to him so advan­tageous a design, which I alone was in a condi­tion to undertake and execute. I dispatched therefore an express to Court, with Letters for the King, Queen Regent, the late Duke of Or­leans, and Cardinal Mazzarin: and encharging my late brother the Knight of Malta with what he was to negotiate on my behalf, I sent him this following Instruction.

Instruction For my Brother the Knight of Mal­ta, concerning such things as I desire him to negotiate for me at Court.

FIrst, he is to represent, that happening to be here at the time of the revolt of Na­ples, I supposed it to concern the Kings ser­vice to gain a partie there, which having [Page 27] made known to the Ambassadour, and more particularly to the Cardinal of S t Cicilia, they not onely testified their approbation, but with­al gave me assurance, that in the service I endeavoured to render France I should be assisted by its Credit and Forces, in case I could negotiate any thing considerable.

Secondly, that having been so happy as to make such a party as might assure me of suc­cess, I could not neglect giving notice of it, that I might receive Orders what to do there­upon, and know if I might be allowed such assistance as should be necessary for executing the enterprise.

In the third place, that however the dispo­sition of affairs were such, that several men, (and I perhaps more than any other) might be flattered with hopes of a settlement to them­selves as advantageous as solid, I was not capable of that thought, nor ever to entertain any like it, whilest the King should with reason pretend so just a conquest.

Fourthly, that finding the people of Na­ples absolutely resolved to free themselves from the Spanish Tyranny, and (after the Example of Holland) enjoy the Libertie they should acquire, I believed France would Consent, that seeing a possibility of such place as is possessed by the Prince of Orange [Page 28] in the United Provinces, I might endeavour to obtain it; because, besides the advantage France would receive by depriving its ene­mies of this famous Kingdom, peradventure my address and diligence might acquire me such esteem amongst the people, that I might prevail with them (if weary of their own Go­vernment) to submit themselves to our Crown, under which I might in such case justly pretend to be Viceroy.

Lastly, that I have the more reason to hope such a consent in regard the attempt is so ex­tremely hazardous, that onely my self dare venture on it, because whosoever does so, must cast himself into the hands of those people, without other assurance than their af­fection, without any Forces of his own, or Places of strength, and without being per­mitted the landing any Strangers, till they conceive them needful and demand them: The confidence I have that my Person will not be disagreeable to the Chiefs of them, does the more easily engage me, besides the hopes that the Protection of France, and friendship of the Cardinal will not suffer me to be aban­doned: and that when I have been some time there I shall have acquired credit to make me afterwards subsist securely.

He shall adde that the heads of the people [Page 29] having sent me an express to invite me to this resolution, I do very shortly expect an­other with power to agree on conditions, they being resolved at the time that the ratifi­cation of what was granted them by the Vice­roy should arrive from Spain, in case of re­fusal of their Articles, to take offence and make use of that pretence for a second ri­sing, and attempting Liberty: and in case of condescention not to be satisfied, but seek some other cause of Complaint, though of the former there is little appearance, it not being to be credited that Castle S t Elm shall be put into their hands, as the Governour hath gon about to perswade them. And if the inclina­tion of this people for me, whom they know not, seem strange, he shall reply it is acquired by some friends I have amongst them, who con­tinually do me good Offices on account of the care I have had here to caress and win all of that Nation, besides the distrust of their pre­sent General Don Francisco Toralte, and all the Nobility. There remains no more but to desire him to be very careful to obtain for me (that which is most absolutely necessary) per­mission to accept the imployment offered, an Order, (in case I shall need it, for the secu­rity of my passage) to some Ships or Gallies to accompany me, and assistance of money, as [Page 30] on mine own particular I will raise all I possibly can; and, I conjure him to sup­plicat the Cardinal for paying my Pensions, and some other Summs due from the Crown, and to assure him, that as soon as the Mes­senger I expect shall arrive, I will with all diligence dispatch an express, to give him a particular account of the Proposals.

Concerning all above mentioned my bro­ther is to take care to returne me a speedy Answer; but especially I recommend to him secrecie, not so much for what concernes my own particular, or out of apprehension that discovery may destroy the business; but because it would cost the lives of many innocent persons, whom I could not with­out infinite regret see sacrificed to my evil fortune.

Henry of Lorrain Duke of Guise.

[Page 31]I formerly communicated to the Kings Mini­sters all particulars, that they might write confor­mably: And, whether it were, that they dis­sembled their thoughts, or really esteemed me ca­pable of renewing the troubles which seemed ap­peased in Naples, they approved the resolution I had taken, incouraged and pressed me to go for­ward; with assurance, that I ought not to doubt of all necescary supplies, since I undertook the greatest Service could possibly be render'd France, by making so powerful a diversion du­ring her War with Spain; of which, she would well know how to make use, and find her advan­tages in the prejudices of her Enemy, whom she must needs over-power with her Forces, when he should be depriv'd of those he drew from so po­tent a Kingdom, which supply'd him with more Men, Money, Ships and Gallies, than all his other Dominions; that therefore, nothing was to be omitted, in order to dispossess him of that Crown, and that it little imported by what meanes. That I was looked on as very fit for the enterprise, be­ing one, that without consideration of danger, would sacrifice and hazard all for Glory; that, in like manner, time would be gained to the Court for taking its measures, which would venture no­thing but my Person, whose loss would be little considerable. But, in case I escaped, and could embroile Affairs, any Conditions might be made, the Neapolitans being once engaged, and become irreconcileable: and afterwards, making use of my Labour and Industry, it might at leisure be resolved, to suffer me to perfect this Conquest, [Page 32] or Retire; to establish, or ruine me, either of which would be still in their power.

The Cardinal of St. Cecilia, the onely person I could depend on, well knowing that the rest of the Ministers were my Enemies, on account of the service I had done him, by which they lost part of their trust and credit, undertook to send to his Brother the Memorial hereafter inserted, ac­companied only by a word or two, referring the rest to what should be discerned by its perusal.

But before I go further, I hold it very impor­tant to reconcile an appearing contradiction be­tween my Instruction and Discourse, and to clear my self from the greatest imputation hath been laid to me, that I sollicited nothing but Money; as if I thought my self capable of standing on my own bottom, and sought no other assistance, out of an affectation of independence. The first is easily answer'd; When I demanded permissi­on of the Court to undertake this Enterprise, if I had let it appear, that I had no other cabal in Naples, but what I my self had gained; and, that in stead of their having sent for me, it was I that offer'd my self to go, I should have been look'd on as Chimerical, and no resolution would have followed, in a time, when all Italy thought the Disorders quieted, my self alone, by secret correspondences, being assured the con­trary: Besides, that choice might have been made of some other to head this Enterprise, (with which I most earnestly desir'd to be en­charged, it being as full of danger as glory) had they not thought it unavoidable to leave [Page 33] me the Conduct: So that it was both more ho­nourable, and more to the purpose, to make the Answers I received pass as Proposals, and the persons I employed as deputed from that People; for which I ought not to be blamed, it being of­ten necessary to use address and dissimulation towards those we desire to serve, to engage them, when we apprehend their irresolution: besides, that proposing nothing but the hazard of mine own Person, without reflection on the Kings Authority, I assured my self my proffer would not be rejected, which would give me op­portunity of Acting without constraint, and ne­gotiating without obstacle, and gain me the esteem of the Neapolitans, seeing me in a po­sture to serve them, by the Kings consent and per­mission: and, that consequently to me would be directed Commissions for what ever was to be treated with them, which might no longer pass through other hands; neither could they have thoughts of employing any other in that Com­mand, I by this meanes having all at my dispo­sal: This, being well consider'd, will pass for ad­dress no wayes blameable.

For the second Objection: It is yet easier to demonstrate the Reasons that obliged me to the conduct I follow'd, and make appear, that I was decried without ground, and that my Enemies maliciously endeavoured to make use of it, that I might be abandoned, and responsible for the ill success of an enterprise, in which I have so comported my self, that my actions being at­tentively examin'd, and my memorials perused [Page 34] without preejudice, it must needs be granted, that humanly speaking, more than I did, could not have been done; and, that it was never known before, that one Man alone, could, with­out astonishment, so long support the burthen of Affairs so embroiled, resist the whole power of Spain, and that of the United Nobility of a great Kingdom, & redress so many Disorders without a­ny supplies; those I justly expected being not only refused, but vaunted, and made appear onely in order to dishonour, and ruine me; and had no other effects but to destroy that for which I had laboured, retard all that my address and diligence had set forward, and manag'd to the best advan­tage, and to encourage my Enemies and Tray­tors, by all wayes, to attempt against my life.

It is certainly admirable, and without example in History, that, in the midst of Assassinations, and Tumults, without any in whom I could put confidence (not excepting my own Domestiques, who, for the most part, served me not according to my intentions; nor those, that had engaged themselves to follow my Fortune, who failed of their duty; and, as little the Ministers of a great Kingdom, for whose Service I Acted, who con­tributed the most to my ruine; or the Court, whose Orders were detained from me, and which was prepossessed by reports as malicious as false: Or a People Vain, Cruel, and Seditious, I made War without Powder, Ammunition, or Money, with new-raised and ill-armed Forces, without Canon or Baggage: and yet caused a City to subsist five compleat Moneths, the emi­nences [Page 35] of which were fortified, and in the hands of the Enemy, Block'd by Sea with a powerful Fleet, and Beleaguer'd by Land with an Army strong, both in Horse and Foot, Provisions cut off on every side, all Elements contrary, continually batter'd by three Castles; notwithstanding all which I maintained a famished People in Respect and Obedience, put an end to their Disorders, Murthers, and Plunderings, re-established Go­vernment and Justice, and at last repose and tranquillity, in a place, where, before my arrival, innocent blood incessantly flowed about the Streets; Violence was Authorized, Burning and Pillaging Houses not only tollerated, but com­manded, with such fatal and Tragical events as could not be beheld without compassion, horror and astonishment.

Did not consideration of the safety of many heads that are dear to me, oblige me to suppress the greatest part of my most secret negotiati­ons, I could discover That would convince my Enemies, and those that envy me, and make me appear to the eyes of all Europe, not onely in­nocent but glorious, in having by Miracle as new as surprising, raised force out of weakness; and persecuted by all the World, and destitute of all assistance, my self alone brought so difficult an enterprise to such perfection, that the Conquest of the Kingdom of Naples: and consequently the destruction of the Spanish Monarchy, (of which it is the most solid foundation) failed, on no other account, but that I was envied the glory of it, and could never obtain so much as was ne­cessary [Page 36] for taking in the least fortified place; which, might I have had, it would have suffi­ced to have compleated so extraordinary and glorious a worke, which I undertook without any other interest than to injoy the honour of it, after which I could have died joyfully, in as­surance, that through all Posterity my memory should be glorious. But, my ambition giving place to my friendship, I will not, to defend my self, bring them into the least danger, and resolve (by publishing nothing, but what I may declare without their hazard) to suffer my pro­ceedings to be condemn'd by such as (never weighing the labor and conduct, made use of) Judge of things by their success, and have nei­ther esteem nor contempt for any, but accor­ding to their good or evil Fortune. I hope I may be easily pardoned this digression, which I could not possibly omit, and on which perhaps the displeasure to see my self blamed without cause, hath too long detained, and transported me to too great heat and resentment.

To returne then to that which I promised to make understood, I must say, that having at that time no other favour to pretend, but leave to ac­cept the offer was made me, to Negotiate with the Neapolitans, and devote my self to their ser­vice, and sacrifice my self to their interests, and recovery of their Liberty, I demanded nothing but Money, because it was then the only thing necessary to render me considerable amongst them, and put me in a condition to be useful to their assistance: Besides, that they had informed [Page 37] me, that they wanted only a Head to establish Order amongst them, that they might advan­tageously make use of all those things, which (to invite me) they pretended they had in a­bundance; that they apprehended all Forrain Powers, and that I should have given them distrust, in providing my self of that which they demanded not of me, and that if I had refu­sed to go to them, without Forces that should not have depended on their Authority, or the support of a powerful Army, I should probably have given them jealousie, that under pretence of defending them, I intended to subdue them to France, That it was necessary to be Ma­ster of their Armes before any farther Declara­tion; and, having to do with irresolute People, engage them to advance some steps before they themselves perceiv'd it: That, having a forme of Peace with Spain, it was they that must renew the War; That it would have seemed, that France had sollicited them to a new Insurrection, which I perceiving must infalli­bly follow, thought it was best to stay for it, that necessity and apprehension of ruine opening their eyes, might force them to have recourse to the on­ly protection that could be present and useful to them, that so upon their applications, the King might have opportunity of making such Conditions as he best liked; that it was ne­cessary they should apply themselves to me to mediate for them; and that I should have lost their good opinion, if I had done it of my self [Page 38] without their instruction; and lastly, that my business being to satisfie a multitude, every particular of which hath a different sense, it is nice and dangerous to make advances, such affaires being often ruin'd by precipitation; that, having patience, I should see time insensi­bly lead them to the point I desir'd: which failed not to happen two Moneths after, no more than the pressures wherewith by their order I sollicited the arrival of the Fleet, which had so little effect, and the supplies I in vain pretended, of Men, Victuals, Powder, Artillery and Money; all which shall be justified hereafter.

I am yet (that I may rectifie some disorder which appeares as to time) to tell you that it is true, that the Cardinal of Aix, who had after­wards the Title of Saint Cecillia was not a Car­dinal when I made my first dispatch: but, be­sides that, he was so within a very short time af­ter, long before my embarquing for Naples, and his promotion then resolved on, unwil­ling to divide the negotiation I had made in what related to him, I thought it a very small fault to give him the quality of Cardinal by ad­vance. Having made appear that this was nei­ther a mistake nor default of memory, I returne to my story by the Letter he writ to Cardinal Mazarin, his Brother, to accompany the Memo­rial I put into his hands.

Letter of the Cardinal of St. Cecillia.

THe Affaires of Naples tend still to Revolution, and it is generally thought the Spaniards will not easily pa­cifie them, nor in such manner as they give out: I have received touching this subject a Memorial from the Duke of Guise, which I send you, and referring my self to what you shall understand by it, my Letter being onely to that end, remain

Memorial.

THe People of Naples, unable any longer to suffer the Spanish Tyrannies, apprehending severe Chastisement for the attempts they have already made towards repose and liberty, and, finding no security in the conditions proposed to them, are at last resolved intirely to cast off the yoke, to be enfranchised, and become their own Governors in forme of a Republique. But, be­ing sensible, that without a head (after the same manner as is used in Holland, from which that Countrey derives so great advantages) it is impossible for them to maintain themselves: And having already learned to their cost, that they cannot chuse any in their own Countrey so unbi­ased, as not to be liable to corruption, or that (the natural jealousie of the Nation consider'd,) shall not acquire as many enemies as emulators, have resolved to chuse a stranger to run their fortune with them, who can expect no security amongst them, but in the fidelity of his Services. The Duke of Guise being accidentally at Rome, hath seemed to the chiefest and most intelligent, a Person very proper to render them so impor­tant a Service; and that the rather, in regard his birth exempts him from the emulation several of that Nation might have for another: that none will make difficulty of obeying him; nor can any suspect a person of his quality capable [Page 41] of corruption or weakness, to this purpose the Duke hath been sent to with notice, that they would give him more particular information by an Express, which he daily expects, charged with sufficient power and instructions to treat, and make conditions, but (resolved not to engage himself in so great a design, though useful to the interests of France, without the Kings Permission) he offers, in case his Majesty approve it, to run the hazard of this business, and sacrificing himself for performance of so eminent a service, to employ his life for the advantages of the Crown, of which (in case of Consent) he also hopes pro­tection, and to be assisted with whatever he shall stand in need, but above all with a quick dispatch, which is absolutely necessary; the peo­ple of Naples desiring to make an attempt with their utmost force the next moneth, which is the time the ratification of the Articles agreed on with the Viceroy is to arrive from Spain, or they to become sensible of its refusal. The Duke of Guise most humbly desires that all may be kept very secret, to prevent the ruine of such, whose friendship and esteem for him is all their crime.

After these diligences, whilest I expected the Courts answers, I thought fit to drive the busi­ness on farther with what strength I could, and to this purpose sent to Don Francisco Trealte General of the Arms of the people of Naples, to discover whether his imployment would not clash against my Pretences, and whether he would not make difficulties of obeying me, whe­ther he was resolved to go through with the bu­siness, [Page 42] and whether he had not some secret cor­respondence with the Spaniards? He received favorably the person I sent to him, promised se­crecy in the Negotiation, which he faithfully ob­served, and returned, that he saw little assu­rance in the vain and impetuous humour of the people he served, that (their disunion from the Nobility considered) little good could be done, without an expedient to put an end to it. But if a French fleet might appear in a condition to land Forces and Supplies of all things necessary to furnish the Town with Victuals and Ammuni­tion, he thought the Spaniards might easily be driven away, the great aversion of the whole Kingdom as well Nobility as People, and the ge­neral weariness of their Government considered. That if I came to head this enterprise he would very willingly receive my Orders, understanding what was due to my name and family, for which he ever had much respect; That there was no­thing more to be treated on with him, I was onely to make sure of Supplies, and cause the fleet to appear: but above all to have a care of dealing with Signior Octavio Marquis, who was a Person timerous and irresolute, and that concerning himself in their affairs, kept still a secret cor­respondence with the Viceroy.

Neither did I omit to hold particular Confe­rences with all the Neapolitans that were in Rome, caressing them what I possibly could, to the end that although they proved not useful to my Ne­gotiation, they might at least by speaking well of me to their Countrey-men, by their Letters, and [Page 43] reports of those that went home, make me known and acquire me Friends and Credit. I employed part of the night to give audience, to all that demanded it, to bring me news, and thought not the time lost when after the harken­ing to twenty impertinents, I met one from whom I gained any light. Monsieur de Fontenay was importuned with many fabulous relations, and intelligences brought him every moment; There arrived not a Marriner, that to get a reward, did not give him some account of the disorders, and some fained to be come express that had never been out of Rome. And they often brought him, what had been spoken in the Mor­ning in the Popes with-drawing roome, at S t An­drew de la val, and the Minerve; and some that knew nothing but what had passed through twenty several mouths, writ Letters, and dated them at Naples, to get the credit of persons well informed, and that had great Correspondencies, though their most important secrets were drawn from Vulgar report. His humor naturally neither free nor obliging, people ordinarily went ill satisfied from him, to give me account of all they had told him; so that amongst many triffles I sometimes learned things he vainly sought to conceal from me, and I took great care to please and humor every body, that I might be informed of all, and gain the general inclination of the Neapolitans.

Amongst this great number of intelligencers there was at Rome one Lorenzo Tonti, of mean Birth, but quick wit, who by many intrigues ha­ving [Page 44] made himself agreeable to the Earl of Monterei, and finding the way to live by this industry, forsaking his handicraft trade, gave in­telligence for Money, and receiving often recom­pences, began to live at his ease on what he had spared; but his Patron being out of imploy­ment and returned to Spain, he chose to reside at Rome as a secure and pleasant retreat, being a place where with a very moderate expence one may live honorably. He had applyed himself to follow Prince Ludovisio the Popes Nephew, where he practised the Artifices and Subtleties he had learned in Naples, and attained the per­fection of the School of the Court of Rome; by his means his brother in law Augustino Lieto, a young man witty and of an active and turbulent humour, had obtained a Company, in the Regi­ment of Calabria, which gave him the title of Captain.

These two Persons must not be forgotten, each of them having acted a considerable part; the first with all Industry endeavouring wayes of making himself considerable, and some innova­tion to occasion them, became one of those dispersers of news, that write to all manner of people to procure answers, which sometimes they make themselves, and read in all Compa­nies, after having digested them into Order, and by this means are welcome to the Ministers of Princes, and such others as are Curious, of whom they obtain Gratifications. He spent his idle hours at Rippa, where the Feluccaes of Naples and Sicilie, and all others from Sea come [Page 45] a shore where he made much of the Mariners, and gave them Wine, pumping from them what he could to make his Court to the Marquis of Fontenai: And understanding that I endeavored to have a share in those disorders, he came every night to inform me what he had learned, holding this corresponce with me (as he said without the others Knowledge, finding me very ambitious to do something high and considerable for the service of France, he imagined he should draw great recompences from me, and so by me or Monsieur de Fontenai make his fortune.

He writ very solicitously to all parts that he might be the better instructed, and gain credit with more ground and appearance, and at last by his address bec [...]me necessarie, to the Agent of the people of Naples, to the Ambassadour and my self. He gave me hopes of obtaining for me the command of the Army, and I on my part assured him of my acknowledgements, and to make his brother in law Captain of my Guards, the more to win those of the Country, by entirely putting my self into their hands, entrusting my Person to a Neapolitan, and taking off the Suspi­tion of my employing French men in the most considerable charges of my Family: this was ab­solutely necessary for getting footing amongst them, till authorised by my actions, I might afterwards alter it, and take such course as I judged most honorable and most safe. I gave not yet so great trust to him, that I neglected o [...]her correspondences, or whatever else might contribute to the design I had proposed.

[Page 46]I dispatched Captain Augustine to Naples, at his return from whence he made me a report of its condition, either true or fabulous. It is very certain that the little address of those that commanded, their too great confidence ill grounded the incapacitie as well as malice of several of them in a short time changed the face of affairs, ruined the foundations I had laid, and lost all hopes of farther advantages to the people by depriving them of those they had al­ready in their hands, which having been well managed, nothing could have been more easie than to drive away the Spaniards, take the Ci­tadels of the Town, and generally all the for­tresses of the Kingdom, without one stroke stri­king, or shedding one drop of bloud, they be­ing unprovided of all things necessary to defence. Very evil Council was followed during the Ces­sation of Arms, to supply all places with Victuals, Powder, and other Ammunition; supposing by it to testifie their respect to the King of Spain, and oblige him to ratifie the Conditions agreed on with the Viceroy, which were too much to their advantage to be confirmed: this yet they were perswaded to by some of their Chiefs, gained by the Spaniards, they (to their cost) not in the least suspecting them.

Vincenzo Andrea, of whom I shall often speak, who ever played the Traytor with great address, having maliciously, the sooner to consume the Corn which remained, sufficient for four or five Moneths Provision, caused Bread to be made, weighing fourty five ounces, and sold for the same [Page 47] price, as that had been which weighed but 25, and also wasted the stock ordained for supplying that which should be drawn from the Publique Granaries, worth a hundred thousand Crowns, in Liberalities he distributed amongst the Soldi­ers, and Officers of greatest Authority, (he ha­ving the charge of Commissary-General of the Provisions) in such manner that at my arrival I found but very little, and no money at all to buy more.

Captain Augustin gave me account, that at the last Muster there appeared one hundred and seventy thousand men in Arms, active, resolute, and ready for all Enterprises, how dangerous so­ever, and that the five or six hundred horse al­ready raised, by making use of those that belong­ed to Coaches, in less than eight days might be made up five or six thousand. That reckoning what had been preserved of the Plunder, Jewels, Plate, and ready Money in the Banks, belonging to Persons either declared or suspected Enemies, there might easily be amassed three or four mil­lions of Gold: That there was great quantity of Powder, besides that three hundred workmen daily wrought in making more: That they had Magazins of Match, Bullets and Salt-peter, that they had secured all the Copper, and such other Mettal that could be found in the Town for casting Artillery, besides fourty Pieces mounted in the Carmelites Tower, and at the entrance of all Streets and other avenews, by which the Ene­my might attempt; That the whole Kingdom was in Arms as well as the City, and besides Corn [Page 48] for six Moneths Provision in the Granaries, they might have from the Countrey, which was of their Partie, what they pleased, and in such abun­dance as could never fail them, That the enemy had not Forces sufficient to block the Passages, or hinder its transport, That they had no need of Strangers, which would give a jealousie to the people, who out of apprehension of be­coming subject to a new Authority, might re­concile themselves to Spain, supposing, that (instead of obtaining the liberty they pretended, and for which they were so well resolved to die) they should only exchange their Chains for new ones, which perhaps would prove more heavie: That if there should happen any discourse of another forein Dominion, many different Cabals would be formed, which would joyn themselves with the Spaniards and the Nobility, to oppose that Facti­on which should seem likely to prevail over the rest. That they wanted nothing but a head to teach them to fight, and establish order amongst them; That if their Forces and what else they had in their hands were well managed, they would suffice, not onely to drive the Spaniards out of that Kingdom, but to make war upon them in their own Countrey, and take from them Sicilie and Sardinia re-united in the interests of Naples. That this would be the work but of one Campagna, and the Liberty of the Town but of a few Weeks; That they looked on me as a Person capable of actions so eminent; and that in fine they sent not for me to a combat, but to victory and triumph, without toil or peril, and [Page 49] to make me the most glorious of men, in de­fending their Liberty, and freeing them from a servitude they had so long suffered under with so much regret and Impatience.

Knowing the vanity of the Nation I did not give any firm Belief to all those things, yet I could not perswade my self but there was some ground for them, neither could I doubt of the truth of a part, in which yet I was disabused in a very short time; but not till I had so farre engaged my self, that I could not with honour de­cline undergoing the hazard of the enterprise. Let all men judge, whether after such hopes, I must not necessarily be very much surprised, when be­ing on the place I found an entire want of all things, and that I had onely my self to de­pend on.

In the mean time by the return of my Ex­press I received news from Court, and Letters from Cardinal Mazzarin, which animated and enflamed me more. He said that so much dan­ger appearing in the design I proposed, he durst not advise me to it; but if I resolved to run the hazard, I had the Kings leave, and should be assisted with all things necessary, towards which I had no more to do but apply my self to the Kings Ministers at Rome, and take my measures conjoyntly with them, to whom he writ to the same purpose.

I understood notwithstanding that at the ar­rival of my Express, I was looked on as Chime­rical, all advices from all parts importing, that the disorders of Naples were ended; That [Page 50] the Spaniards resolved to ratifie what had been demanded, and consented to by the Duke of Arcos, deferring their revenge and resentments to a time less dangerous, in which they might ob­tain their satisfaction without hazarding any thing; which would be after the conclusion of the Peace, then treated on at Munster with much earnestness. I endeavoured by all manner of ways to understand what passed and was dis­coursed of at the Ambassadours, and amongst the Cardinals of the Spanish Faction, of which I had most exact intelligence, either by Spies, whom I had hired, or by women; and I found that my Person gave them greater apprehension, than all the Preparatives of France. And one day meeting the Earl of Ognate accompanied by four or five Cardinals, I perceived, that (after my saluting them) they beheld me very atten­tively, and their Conversation became more ear­nest. That Evening one of the best Voices of Rome, whom I often went to hear sing, with whom Cavalier Lodi Chamberlain to Cardinal Montalte (who had great power over the inclina­tions of his Master, and knew all his secrets) was desperately in love, having learned of him the particulars of that discourse, for which I had so great curiosity, gave me account of it, and told me that that Company discoursing of the affairs of Naples, (which were the principal subject of entertainments in Rome) Cardinal Albornos seeing me pass by cried out, that if the King their Master must loose the Kingdom of Naples, I alone should do him that mischief being capable of the [Page 51] greatest undertakings, and qualified to become the head of the revolted, who wanted nothing but a person to lead them on to the most despe­rate attempts, and by establishing Order amongst them, let them know their own strength, with the weakness of the Spaniards. To this some of the Company having replied, that I was not so greatly to be apprehended, minding so much my pleasure, he smiled and told them that Duke Doria had the same opinion of the Earl of Lavagne, who the night after made himself Master of the Town of Genova, and had per­fected so difficult an enterprise, had he not been unfortunately drowned in passing to secure him­self of the last Galley: that I came not short of him either in Ambition or Courage, that I sur­passed him in Birth, and descended of a Family ever ready to execute the highest and most ha­zardous enterprizes; and to conclude, if Na­ples must be lost, in his opinion, it could not be by means of any other, and added that if they made sure of me, he would be respon­sible for the Conservation of that Kingdom. That France gave him no apprehension, but on the contrary he should gladly hear her fleet was under sail, and arrived in the Haven of Naples before that of Spain; Its appearance (by reason of jealousie of the French power) being the best and most assured way for putting end to the diffi­culties that kept the people from Reconciliation. This he confirmed with so many Reasons, and so refined Politicks that all the Company concurred with him.

[Page 52]This Relation fortified my hopes, and I was confident so intelligent a Person spoke not with­out reason, and that my design was more easie than I imagined it, he having Informations which I came short of. I therefore resolved to go no more abroad by night, and commanded my Officers carefully to visit what I was to eat and drink, being in danger of assassination and poison. About this time a Sicilian proposed to M r de Fontenay a design on the Isle of Lipari, extolling the importance of the post, and the facility it would give to make advantage of the revolt of Sicily, besides that it would not be unuseful for encouraging that of Naples. He sent him to me to examine his overture (perhaps repenting to have too lightly engaged with me in the affairs of Naples, whose execution he thought too easie, and therefore rather wished in other hands than mine) imagining I might make an exchange, and apply my self to a present attempt, rather than to one which appeared at a greater distance. I immediately suspected that this man was sent to me by the Spaniards, who might flatter them­selves with the same opinion, or that they would insinuate him into my acquaintance to serve them as a Spie, or to be employed on some attempt more dangerous. I heard notwithstand­ing all that he had to tell me, slighting the offers he made, this Isle being neither well enough for­tified nor of sufficient consideration, I told him if he had nothing else to treat with me, he might cause himself to be suspected by the Spanish Mi­nisters, and too lightly hazard his life if he came any more to me.

[Page 53]A few days after we had advice of the arrival of the Spanish Fleet, full of Souldiers, and with them the Person of Don John of Austria. The people made a deputation to him, and too easily believed he brought the Ratification of what had been granted them by the Duke of Arcos: and that the King his father sent him to give greater authority to the Promises of preserving their Pri­viledges, and more punctual executing all that had been agreed in his name: But the joy that appeared at his arrival was soon over-shadowed, when two days after, landing his Forces, the Canon of the Castles and whole Fleet discharging against the Town, the Spaniards furiously entered, every man with a Sword in one hand and a Torch in the other to confound all in bloud and fire. The consternation of this sur­prise was very great amongst the people. But be­ing a little come to themselves they all took Arms, and vigorously opposed their Enemies, who fear­ing to be over-power'd by the multitude, were contented to have possessed all the eminences, and entrenching there, to turn their assault to the defensive.

By this time the Neapolitans perceived, but too late, that they had been betrayed, and suffered themselves to be lulled asleep, in too great a neglect of the Protection of France, whose suc­cours were most necessary, in so pressing an ex­tremity; they repented that in testimony of their Zeal and Fidelity for Spain, they had provided the Castles with Victuals and Ammunition, which were now employed in a war against them, and [Page 54] to batter down their houses. They a hundred times called those men Traytors that hindered the firing of the mine under Castle S t Elmo, which had certainly gained that post, which as the strongest and highest about the Town, did them most mis­chief. They were sensible of the necessity they had of a Head of Birth and Consideration, (begin­ning to distrust Dom Francisco Toralte) and how useful the Protection of France would be to them, and the need they had of her Fleet to op­pose against that of Spain, which being in the Ha­ven blocked the Town, and cut off its Communi­cation by Sea, and considering all that was neces­sary to their defence, they found very little Corn, less Powder, and that they were indeed unpro­vided of all things fit for resisting their enemies. This deplorable Condition obliged all the Pro­vinces of the Kingdom to declare against the City, and the Nobility that had hitherto conti­nued quiet, leaving it, in observance of the Order of Dom John of Austria and the Viceroy, retired to take Arms, and all Gentlemen as farre as their Credit and Forces would extend, endea­voured at their own charge to make Levies of Horse and Foot, to form an Army, and come and besiege them by Land.

This people, that refused succours, and thought they stood in need of no man, now begged it of all the World, and published a Manifest expres­sing the unfortunate Condition to which they were reduced, and seeking to move Compassion throughout all Christendom, made a lamentable Relation of their adventures, how that notwith­standing [Page 55] their Zeal and Fidelity to the service of Spain, the Promises had been made, and Capitu­lations agreed with them, in contempt of their sincerity and too great confidence, they had been assaulted with unheard of cruelty, their City three days and nights battered by the Canon, to destroy it and bury them in its ruines: That they there­fore conjured all Kings, Princes, Potentates and Republiques to take pity on them, by sending them Supplyes and Assistances to resist such dan­gerous Enemies that pretended to be their Ty­rants, and help to free them from slavery and oppression. They sent away to Rome immediate­ly to move the Kings Ministers to procure them his Protection and Succour, conjuring me to come to them, and most earnestly pressing the sending the Fleet, besought me to become their Solicitor. No day passed in which there arrived not some Messenger from them with new demands; Tonti was very much taken up with introducing these new Envoyes, and I writ a Letter to the people of Naples, to whom, to humour them, I gave the title of Republique Royal, which I sent by Cap­tain Augustine, who was detained in his Passage by the Gallies of Genova; but having happily about him his Commission for Captain in the Regiment of Calabria, and shewing it to the Duke of Tursi, so well perswaded him that he was going to do his duty in that charge, that he suffered him to go on his Voyage, and carry news from me which was received with incre­dible joy and applause.

In the mean time the Ambassadour, Cardinals [Page 56] of the Faction, and the Kings other Ministers held a Council (to which I was called) to con­sider what was to be done in the present con­juncture, where it was resolved to send an Ex­press to Court, to give advice of what passed, to press earnestly the equipping and sending away the Fleet, on which I was to embarque as soon as I should hear of its arrival at Portolongone. And to make it appear that succours were demanded by the Neapolitans themselves, it was held neces­sary to send into France a Carmelite called Peter de Juliis, to represent their Necessities, and im­plore Assistance and Supplies, he having been sent us from Naples to that purpose, they suppo­sing it would take well to have all this demanded by one of their own Nation. That above all, the shipping of a considerable body of Infantery was neccessary, to land, if it should be desired, Am­munition, Money, and some Vessels laden with Corn, that so being in a posture of supplying all their wants, Conditions advantageous to the Crown might be negotiated with them.

All this while there were continual Skirmishes in Naples, and the people thinking it poor to stand onely on the defensive, designed to retake some of the Posts the Enemies had gained from them. The unfortunate Dom Francisco Toralte, Prince of Masse, thought best to begin by at­tacquing the Cloyster of S. Clare, a place most important, as being in a Manner in the middle of the Town. His Wives affection occasioned his ruine, for detaining him with her the greatest part of the time, out of apprehension of the [Page 57] dangers he was to undergo she increased the di­strust had formerly of him, he but rarely appear­ing to the people, who imputed this retirement, ei- to a neglect of their service, or some ill incli­nation and correspondence; this caused murmu­rings against his conduct, and designs against his life, which his presence might easily have dissi­pated. He had caused a mine to be made, which failing of the entire effect was expected from it, rendered him responsible for the bad success, and it was rumored he had caused part of the Powder to be taken out and Sand put in its place. The flight of Octavio Marquies fortified the suspitions that were against him, supposing it to have been contrived between them. Think­ing to let pass the first furie of the multitude, by concealing himself, with hope that afterwards his Justifications would be heard more favorably, he was so diligently sought after, that the place of his retreat was at last discovered, from whence being led and immediately encompassed by the rabble, being a comely Person and of Quality, Witty and naturally Eloquent, he made them a discourse of his whole Conduct and the Services he had rendered them, in which he was so favo­rably heard, (having many friends, and a general esteem and affection) that he had in a manner se­cured himself, and mollified and perswaded all about him, when Gennaro coming in, cried out he was a Traitor, that he ought to be beheaded and his body dragged through the Streets; This being seconded by the exclamations of the La­zares, who sought nothing more than such im­ployments, [Page 58] that sentence (as unjust as violent) was immediately put in Execution; They cut off his head, and tore out his heart, which in a Silver Bason were carried to his Wife, his body being miserably dragged through the Streets; and by the menaces these Rascals made to burn in their houses whoever should oppose them, Ge­naro was tumultuously proclaimed General, in recompense of so brutish and outrageous an acti­on. The Carmelites tower (with whose guard he had been entrusted ever since the beginning of the revolt, because he was Captain of the Trained Band of that Quarter, having his Gun-smiths shop over-against the gate of it) contri­buted much to authorise his power, and secured him of a Retreat the most considerable and im­portant of the Town against tumults, and such at­tempts as might be made upon his Person. Mar­co Anthonio Brancacio, a person of years and re­pute, and an old enemy of the Spaniards, by whom he had been ill used without occasion, was chosen Major-General.

Captain Augustin found all these alterati­ons at his return, and addressed himself to him as well as to Genaro, to present my Letter, shew his Commission, and the Proffers I made of succours from France; This old Gentleman un­able to comply with the brutality and ignorance of Genaro, so vigorously urged my Election, that all the people concurred with incredible joy, and deputed Niccolo Maria Mannara (a young man of an active spirit, and but lately come into the World) to bring me the peoples dispatches, [Page 59] companied by Aniello Falco (an old Advocate, to whom they had given the charge of General of the Artillery) and some others, by whom they also sent Letters to the Marquis of Fontenay; Captain Augustin came back with them to ac­quaint me with what had been resolved.

About this time Vincenzo Andrea, (the con­fident of the Prince of Massa, but much more of the Spaniards) to dissipate the suspitions were had of him, with so much Justice, drew up a Pro­clamation which the People of Naples immedi­ately Published, by which, on pain of death, it was forbidden to acknowledge the King of Spain, or obey his Orders, with Command to re­ceive none but those of the Republick, in whom alone the Soveraignty should from that time re­side; and by this disguising his ill intentions, put himself in a condition securely to continue his Treasons, whose practice he failed not in to the last, though he escaped not (after divers years re-establishment of the Spaniards) the just pu­nishment ordinarily received by Traitors in stead of recompence.

The Deputies being arrived to offer me the Command of their Forces, I refused them Au­dience, but wished them to carry their Dis­patches to Monsieur de Fontenay the Kings Am­bassador, and that I would not speak with them but when he should be present, that so I might be the better Authorized, in negotiating only according to the Orders of his Majesties Mini­sters, they the more obliged to procure me Supplies, and I the better enabled to negotiate [Page 60] the Conditions, without which I would not un­dertake the Enterprise. As soon as he had heard them, and read their Letters, he sent to desire the Cardinals of St▪ Cecillia, Theodoli and Vesini, of the Faction of France to come to him, with whom, as also with the Abbot of St. Nicolas, he held Council, on so considerable an occasion. At length sending the Sieur Lusarchi his Chamber­lain to let me know they were with him, and had something of Importance as well to the Kings service, as my Interest to communicate to me, I went to know what they had to command me, Cardinal Mazarin having acquainted me that I should hear from them His Majesties Intentions, and that complying with their Opinions, I should regulate my self by their Advice, in a business of so great difficulty. They told me the occasion of the arrival of the Neapolitan Deputies, and the esteem of that Republick for me, making choice of me for their General, and Defender of their Liberty: That it was an Honor (though justly due to my Merit and Birth) envied by many Princes; and that besides the impor­tant Services in such an employment I might render France, for which they well under­stood my Zeal and Respect, I was in a way to become the most glorious Person of this Age, by the Actions I was to undertake, by how much the more extraordinary, so much the more glorious. I answered, That be­ing born to no other purpose but to employ my Life for the Crown, I was ready to hazard all without consideration of the Perils into [Page 61] which I went to precipitate and expose my self, though not ignorant of them. That my ruine would be inevitable if abandoned, but that I con­fided in the protection of Cardinal Mazarin, in their good Offices and Mediations, and the con­cernment France had to assist me in a design in which I engaged only to manage it to her glory and advantage. Every one of them with emu­lation assured me of all succors necessary, The Cardinal of St. Cecillia told me, he would secure me, I should want nothing: that his Brother and himself had too great Obligations to me, ever to prove ingrateful; and, that I ought to put an entire confidence in their friendship.

After this Monsieur de Fontenay sent for the Deputies of Naples, who at their entrance ad­dressed themselves immediately to me; but, ha­ving pointed out to them the Cardinals, whom they ought first to salute, they performed that Duty, and then turning to me, Saluted me on the Knee; refusing to speak to me otherwise: I had much ado to make them stand up till I told them I would not hear them in the other posture. They made me a Speech to represent the unjust usage the City of Naples received from the Spaniards; that against a Zeal, Fidelity, and Re­spect, unshaken by all the Tyrannies they had continually exercised on its inhabitants, they at last practised the highest infidelity, by assaulting them, without any new Subject of discontent, at a time when they thought themselves in a well established Peace, destroying the City with Bat­teries of all the Artillery of their Ships, Gallies [Page 62] and Forts, and entring with all their Forces with Torches in their hands, to put all the in­habitants to the Sword, and burn all the Hou­ses; that this proceeding so injust and violent, had so far diverted their inclinations, that they were resolved to break the Chain and acquire Liberty by forming themselves into a Republick, for the secure establishment of their Govern­ment; and, that standing in need of a Head for their defence, and to Command their For­ces, the People had appointed them in its Name to come and cast themselves at my feet, to con­jure me to become their Protector, and take upon me the same Authority in the City of Na­ples, and the whole Kingdome, as hath been, and still is enjoyed by the Princes of Orange in the Ʋnited Provinces of the Low-Countreys: That they did not believe they could reasonably cast their Eyes on any other; not only in respect of my reputation, esteem, and merit, but out of a just resentment and acknowledgement of the Favors I had done them, and the zeale where­with I had engaged my self to serve them, and negotiate necessary supplies; and that by rea­son of the esteem France had for me, I should be as a Sacred Pledge, to oblige her to their Defence and Protection with all her power: But, that one of the principal Motives of seek­ing me for their General, was my Birth, derived from a family that was so considerable to them, that its Memory was with the greatest affection imprinted in the hearts of all its inhabitants, as well as its Armes on all Publick Edifices, whose [Page 63] Foundations were the eternal markes, as well of the Piety as Magnificence of my Predecessors. That they believed me too generous to refuse to succor them, that they had many Armes to resist their enemies, but wanted a Head to regu­late their Disorders, to teach them how to fight, and quickly put them in a condition, not only to defend themselves, but drive the Spani­ards out of their Countrey: That there would be no want of Soldiers when they should be Dis­ciplin'd, and that I should find none that would not chearfully die under my Command, and rea­dily shed his blood to defend his Country, and acquire me honor.

After this they presented the Letters they had for me; but, stepping back, I told them, That it was to the Ambassador and Kings Mini­sters there present, to whom they were to apply themselves, because that I (having the honor to be born his Subject) could not without his permission and command engage my self in a forrain Service, especially in one so considerable, to which I must resign, not onely the remainder of my life, but also my Successors, and that cea­sing (as it were) to be any longer a Frenchman, and become a Neapolitan, such a resolution was not in my power, owing an absolute obedience to whatsoever should be ordained me in his name. Monsieur de Fontenay then told me, that I ought to accept the Offers made me, since the King had not only given me leave, but thought himself obliged by it: and that he had Order to tell me. That Sacrificing my self for [Page 64] the Service and Defence of the Common-wealth of Naples, I testified my zeal and passion for his Crown, to which I could not render any service more agreeable, profitable, or important.

Then turning my self to the Deputies, I told them, That after the permission given me, I joy­fully accepted the honor done me by the Re­publique, in making choice of me for their Ge­neral, and Protector of their Liberty: That I would keep alive an eternal acknowledgment of a favour so extraordinary and little merited. That I would endeavour by my zeal and fidelity to make amends for my incapacity; That I would never forsake them, till I had obtain'd them repose and liberty, that I would expose my self to all perils, hazarding my life, and shed­ding the last drop of my blood, whensoever their Interest or Honor should be concerned. After this I received their Letters, which I think fit to publish here, to make appear, that I will in­sert nothing in these Memorials, of which I have not the justification ready.

Letter of the Republique of Naples.

Most Serene Highness Duke of Guise,

THe most Faithful People of Naples, and that whole Kingdome, having (with Teares of Blood in their eyes) besought [Page 65] your Highness to become their Protector, (as the Prince of Orange is at present in Hol­land) and to procure them the assistances your Highness hath so graciously offered, by the Obliging Letter the said most Faithful People hath this Day (with open Armes) received: We cannot be wanting in our in­cessant Prayers, that we may speedily see Your Highnesses Person, and enjoy the ef­fects of your Valor, whose Hands we kiss with the humblest respect and submission.

Of Your most Serene Highness The most Devoted and Obliged Servants
The People of Naples, and Kingdom belonging to it.

Letter of Gennaro Annese.

Most Serene Highness.

HAving read the obliging Letter of your Highness, I concurred with the rest of the Chiefs of this most Faithful People of Na­ples, to send Seignior Nicolo Maria Mau­nara, our Agent-General, with our Instructi­ons, and the present Letter; but disturbed by so many disorders of War, we referr our selves in all to what he shall Propose, Judge, Supplicate and Act, as well in our behalfe, as in the Name of the most Faithful People; and in fine, most heartily recommending his Person to you, we remain, in expectation of your Highness Favors, whose Hands with all manner of Respects we most humbly kiss.

Of your most Serene Highness, The Most Humble, Most Devoted, and Most Obliged Servants, Gennaro Annese, Generalissimo, and Chief of the Most faithful People of Naples.
Don John Lewis del Ferro, First Counsellor.

[Page 67]After perusal of these, I told them, that ha­ving Devoted my self to the Service of the Peo­ple of Naples, by the Charge they had offer'd me in its Name, and which (with submission to the Kings good pleasure) I accepted, with as much satisfaction as respect and acknowledg­ment, it was but reasonable they should give me account of the present condition of Affaires, and acquaint me with all their necessities, that I might begin to demand on their behalves, all such assistances as they stood in need of, and become their sollicitor as well to the Court as the Kings Ministers.

The Deputies told me the Tragical accident of the Gallant, and too unfortunate Prince of Massa, the Disorders and Confusions that reign­ed in the City, for want of a Person of Autho­rity and Conduct sufficient to redress them; that the whole Kingdom at the arrival of the Spa­niards throwing down their Armes, and aban­doning their Party, followed that of the strong­est; That they received no more succors from abroad, the passages being obstructed on every side, and all the Countrey Enemie, except some neighbouring Towns and Villages, that seemed yet inclinable to them; but the fame of my arrival would alter all: And that they doubt­ed not but at the appearance of a Chief of birth and reputation, all would take Courage, and wearied by so cruel and insupportable Tyrannies, after their Example use all possible endeavours towards Liberty: That they were unprovided of Corne for more than six weeks or two moneths, [Page 68] with small hopes of any from the Countrey, un­less by my Valor a passage might be open'd to that purpose. That although many particular persons had well profited by Plunder, yet every one concealing his Treasure, they had not where­withal to help themselves; That the Banke could not be touch'd without raising a dange­rous Sedition, all parties, as well enemies as friends, being concerned in the preservation of that which had ever been Sacred and Inviolable; that to make use of the Churches Plate, was to draw on their heads the Vengeance of Hea­ven, and indignation of Rome: That the No­bility, and the rest of their most invenom'd and formidable Enemies, Armed, and got a Horse­back through the whole Realme, that they might contribute to their Oppression, and revenge themselves for the Affronts and Outrages done to the most considerable of that Body, by pilla­ging their Houses, and cruelly Massacring the Prince of Massa, Don Pepe Caraffa, and some others: That they stood in need of Powder as well as of wherewithal to make it for want of Saltpeter being obliged to consume a great quantity continually, in Attacques and Defences of the several Postes, and the frequent Skirmishes made night and day; That the People, as a te­stimony of zeal and fidelity to their King (sedu­ced by some corrupted persons) had, in time of the Truce furnish'd the Castles with Victuals, and Ammunition: That the same fault had been committed through the whole Kindom, by sup­plying the Fortresses that were before unprovi­ded [Page 69] of all things, hoping, by it, the more easily to obtain Ratification of the Articles concluded with the Duke of Arcos; and so, having disfur­nished themselves of those things they for­merly had in abundance, they were reduced to the present necessity, That the Spanish Ships and Gallies cut them off from the Sea, by which they heretofore received their subsistance: That they had Multitudes of Men; who, if well Com­manded and Disciplin'd, being zealous and brave, might undertake great things; That at the last Muster there were found above one hundred and seventy thousand Armed men, well resolved to die for their Countrey. That, by this Discourse, I could (better than they) judge what was necessary for them; and lastly, that the courage of all the Inhabitants began to fall, and could not be raised but by my presence: That they therefore besought me to hasten my Voyage all I possibly could, and press their sup­plies, without which they could not evade the de­solation of the Town, and consequently of the whole Kingdome.

This true relation caused me to make some re­flexion on the dangers into which I went about to precipitate my self: But, not valuing my life, and resolving to sacrifice it for the interests of the Crown, addressing my self to the Kings Mi­nisters, I let them understand that I was not at all discouraged by news so surprizing, and con­trary to all that had till then been reported: That it concerned them to consider, whether the King would engage his Forces in an enterprise of [Page 70] so much difficulty, that in case he would, I under­took to run the hazard; But that they as well as I might foresee, that to abandon, was to expose me to eternal infamy and inevitable ruine; and that it was neither just nor reasonable to engage me too lightly where the reputation of France was so farre concerned. With one Voice they answered, that I ought to doubt nothing; That the Supplies should be so sudden and considerable, that in the Execution of so glorious a design, I should neither meet the difficulties nor dangers I imagined: And going about to convince me of this by many reasons, I replyed, It was to no purpose to alledge them; That I was not a per­son could vainly flatter my self: That I perceived well what was to be feared, but that difficulties and dangers in stead of discouraging animated me more; that my Confidence in their promises, and that which I had in the protection of Cardi­nal Mazzarin, joyned to my Passion (with loss of my life) to contribute to the advantages of France, would make me affront death, and all manner of difficulties; and that I required them to be witnesses of the fidelity and zeal where­with I contemned not onely my safety, but also my honour, when it might be useful to such a purpose. That they must needs concur with me, that I was (peradventure) the onely man in the World capable of undertaking so dangerous a Commission, the very apprehension whereof might make the most hardy and resolute tremble. They seemed convinced of this, and to advance and settle so great an affair, assured me, That I [Page 71] needed onely demand what I desired, that they had Commission and power to grant it; that on this I might depend, the Kings Promises being secure and inviolable.

I demanded the Fleet to wait on my Orders, as strong in Ships and Gallies as possible might be; two hundered thousand Crowns ready Mo­ney, in expectation of a larger supply; four thou­sand foot ready to land at my first demand; fifteen hundered horsemen with Saddles, Bridles and Pistols to be mounted at Naples, the like furni­ture for two thousand horsemen I intended to raise there; Pikes and Muskets for twelve thou­sand foot; twelve Pieces of Canon, 60000 weight of Powder with Match and Bullet proprotionable, and, at the least, four Ships laden with Corn; that, thus provided, I would be responsible for the success of this great design, and for depriving the King of Spain of the Crown of Naples in a very short time. All of them in the Kings name gave me positive assurance. Afterwards I gave Letters to Nicolo Maria Mannara as did also Monsieur de Fontenay, that he might render account to the Republique of the happy success of his Negotia­tion: I charged him also to let them know that I prepared for my Voyage to go and serve them, and that, as soon as the Fleet should be arrived at Protolongone, I would embarque without loss of time, to carry with me all supplies that should be necessary for them.

In the mean time Tonti, to let Monsieur de Fontenay see he had no dependance on me, but on France and him alone, hoping so either to [Page 70] [...] [Page 71] [...] [Page 72] credit himself the more, or that this minister would procure him some considerable Pension from the Court, and a summe of ready Money for himself and friends, with whom he held cor­respondence, as he pretended, at a great expence, Or to discover, as he endeavoured to perswade me, whether his pretences to me were sincere and veritable, propounded to him to move that some person of quality, as the Earl of Harcourt, or Marshal of Meilleray, might come with the Fleet, that so it might be in his choice, either to entrust this enterprise to me, or put it into their hands if they should seem more agreeable; the Neapolitans being in so great a necessity of supplies, that provided they might receive them, they would very little trouble themselves to con­sider by whom. But, whether it were that by re­port of the Condition of affairs, he imagined them too hazardous to expect that any but my self would run their fortune; or that he thought me too farre engaged, to suffer with patience an­other to take my place, being unwilling lightly to offend a person of my Condition, He answe­red that it would be unreasonable, after having gone on so farre with me, to change thoughts and enter on a different conduct.

Tonti came with great hast to court me with this answer, and to make appear to me as an emi­nent service, the artifice he had used to discover whether they were real in my concernments; After which he desired me, when I should write to the Court, to recommend the Services of him­self and brother in law, and procure them Pen­sions, [Page 73] and some considerable summe to reward their Friends and Correspondents, that they might by interest allure many more Neapolitans to the service of France, acquire Creatures, and form a powerful Cabal, which in time and place might be disposed of to serve her faithfully and contribute to her advantages.

For my own part I had no other thoughts than to fit my self for my departure, and provide all things necessary that I might embarque as soon as the Kings Fleet should be in a Condition, and place convenient to receive and transport me; And knowing I could not undertake this voyage without Money, I used all endeavours to get it. I sent for all the French Merchants, to draw from them the greatest summes I could, giving them Security and Bills of Exchange payable at Paris. My misfortune would so have it, that the Duke of Modena, having taken upon him the com­mand of the Kings armies in Italy, and formed great designs, and high enterprises, wanted it as well as I; in so much as that he might be sup­plyed at the appointed time, the Kings Ministers had given them order not to part with what they had in their hands: which obliged me to apply my self to the Cardinal of S t Cicilia, and Mon­sieur de Fontenay, to get them permission to treat with me: who thereupon sent for the Sieur Philip Valenti, and told him he would do the King acceptable service, and a kindness to Car­dinal Mazzarin, in furnishing me with 4000 Pistols on Bills of Exchange which I would give him, for whose payment they would be Securi­ty, [Page 74] the Crown undertaking to satisfie in case my Family should delay him. He kept this summe readie for me in Gold, to deliver it at my depar­ture, for fear I should spend part of it before I left Rome, and so oblige them to supply me with more, it being impossible for me to go without Money, and the necessity of affairs being such that they could not pass me by, nor retard my voyage without entirely ruining them.

I cannot here forbear mentioning the genero­sity of a woman (though not very pertinent to the Subject I am speaking of) who hearing of the care I took to provide Money for this enterprise; (now no longer a secret in Rome) brought me all that she had in plate and jewels, and ten thousand Crowns in Obligations on the Bank, which with thanks I refused, it being all the wealth she had acquired by the industry and travel of many years.

I resolved to send to the late Dutchess of Guise, my mother, a Letter of Attorney for dis­posal of my whole estate, thereby to engage her more powerfully to my assistance, desiring her to dispose of all for furnishing me with the greatest summe she possibly could, because on such a sup­ply depended my establishment or ruine.

I was daily in continual Conferences with the French Ministers and Cardinals of that Faction, to determine with them of all that was to be done for the service and advantage of the Crown; but though I pressed them concerning the con­duct I was to follow, and demanded what in­structions they had for me? whether after ha­ving [Page 75] gained esteem in Naples, on pretence of Establishing their Republique I ought not to en­deavour an insensible traversing their inclinations towards the King? it being impossible that the Nobility and People, as much separated by inter­est as affection, could ever so unite as to form the body of a Common-wealth, and govern themselves, without being weary at last, and choo­sing a Master, this unquiet and turbulent Nation having never been under any other Government than that of a Monarch, and (their natural jea­lousie one of another considered) could never be at rest but under the command of one alone. This was granted, but (apprehending it dange­rous to propound to a violent and seditious people, a forein power, which they ever appre­hended) he told me, that the choice was to be left to themselves of their form of Government and Master. The imagination alone that the King had any thoughts of becoming such, would gain their hatred in stead of their friendship, and con­tribute to their Reconciliation with the Spaniards; That on the other side the Pope, without whose authority no innovation could be made in that Kingdom, (he being Lord Paramont) might enter into alliance with the rest of the Princes of Italy to oppose it, fearing lest France having gotten so firm a footing, might at last attempt to subdue the whole. That it would be a sufficient advan­tage to the King, to cut off from Spain so potent a Kingdom, from which it derived its principal forces, and that by the loss of it France would be as much raised above her as by a conquest: [Page 76] that besides this, such persons of that Countrey as sought an innovation, to advantage themselves by the honours and imployments of the Kingdom, by Governments of Towns and Provinces, which they had hitherto with regret seen in the hands of Strangers, would apprehend to be nothing the better, but rather that they should be impoveri­shed and ruined, by the enriching other Countries with the transportation of their wealth. And lastly reuniting to the enemy all such as on any other grounds were against it, the party would be so much weakned it could not long sub­sist.

That for such powerful reasons I was to en­deavour, to dissipate all I possibly could the suspi­tions they might have of any such thought, giving out that France never acted but on Principles of Generosity, altogether dis-interessed, to relieve the oppressed, and procure the Liberty of those that languished under the tyranny of their ene­mies; That the Spaniards, at what price soever, were to be driven out of that Kingdom; that it was no matter what means were used towards so great a work; That the King would assist what resolution soever should be taken; That he had formerly consented to the crowning Prince Thomas, in the enterprise that was managed du­ring the siege of Orbitelloy. That it was indifferent to him who should profit by those revolutions, and that whosoever fortune favored should have his support, alliance, and protection, and that in this manner, without giving envie or enmitie to any, he should reap greater advantages by the [Page 77] Neapolitans than if they became his subjects: That he had formerly refused to verifie in Par­liament the uniting Catalonia to his crown, that he might not eternize the war, and deprive him­self of the means of giving Peace to Christendom when he should think fit: That therefore they had neither Orders nor Instructions to give me; that I might (according to time and its con­junctures) act as I conceived most to the purpose; that I could not render a more important service than the setting Naples at liberty, and depriving the Spaniards of that crown.

After this the Cardinal of S t Cicilia with­drawing with me to a Window, to speak private­ly, told me; that I was not to have any Confi­dence in Master de Fontenay, who was neither his friend nor mine, that he had no part in the secrets of the Cardinal his brother, of whose friendship and protection he assured me, in order to the great Obligation he had to me: That I should confidently undertake my Voyage, in which I should want nothing: That I should be assisted with Men, Money, Ammunition and Victuals, with a powerful Fleet, composed of many good Ships and Gallies, and to conclude, that France would abandon all other designs to support me with her whole Forces.

We parted after many embraces, equally satis­fied with each other, he to write his Letters, of which he expected a success as favourable, as I thought I ought to attend from mine. When I came home I sent for the Sieur de Tilli my Secretarie to give him my Instructions and Or­ders [Page 78] to draw up the Letters of Attorney and other Commissions necessary for negotiating at Court, and with my Relations, according to the resolutions I had taken, and ordering him to cause to be sent me what Money he could raise, as the use fullest supply for preservation of my life, and execution of my designs; I yet detained him some days, that he might take with him advice of the Bills of Exchange I was to draw on Paris, and carry certain news, as well of the condition of my affairs, as of the prefixed time for my de­parture, being withal desirous that the dis­patches of the Cardinal of S t Cicilia might first arrive, that so at his coming to Court, he might find things prepared to give him opportu­nity of a more useful serving me. The matters I encharged him with, being too nice to be trusted to writing, I gave him Letters of Cre­dence, which I will here insert, (though per­haps not very necessary) onely to shew that I am punctual, and that I was confident to have found in Naples greater Forces than could be made appear when I was upon the place.

Letter for the Dutchess of Guise.

Madam,

THe esteem the People and Kingdom of Naples have testified of my Person, (by making choice of me to free them from the tyranny of the Spaniards, and command their Armies, with the same authority the Prince of Orange does those of the United Provinces) obliging me to be in a readiness to embarque my self on the Royal Fleet, and put my self at the head of a hundred and seventy thousand men that expect me, I thought, Madam, it would not be disagreeable to you to receive account of the honour done me, and that I could not hope for success in so glorious an im­ployment without the happiness of your bles­sing. I therefore most earnestly beg it of you, beseeching you not to forsake me on this oc­casion, where I may acquire so much honour and establish so great a fortune. Your good­ness encourages me to hope your assistance, which is extremely necessary, especially if you please to consider, that if any advantage ac­crue, it is not onely to all our Family, but [Page 80] more particularly to your self, since I am with all imaginable respects,

Madam,
Your most humble, most obedient and most obliged Son and Servant The Duke of Guise.

I beseech you to give en­tire credit to what this Bearer shall in my name acquaint you with, it being of too great im­portance to be entrusted to writing.

Believing that the presence of my Brother the Knight of Malta would not be unuseful to me; his interest obliging me to a greater confidence in him than in any other of our Family, in an affair in which he was to have his share, I writ him the following Letter, which though not regular enough to appear to the view of the World, shall not yet be omitted, supposing (Liberty of correspondence between so near Relations being easily excused) it will make appear that I neither neglected nor contemned any means of putting my self in a condition to want nothing necessary, and that I made use as farr as possibly I could, of all ways of imploying my fortune as well as life towards the success of the enterprise I had under­taken, likely to prove so profitable and advanta­geous to the crown.

My Letter to him.

THis dispatch (dearest brother) will prevent my appearing either ridicu­lous or chimerical, and make me looked on as a Prophet, or a Person as well inlightened, be­cause it makes appear already effected all whereof I writ six Moneths since by the Ex­press I sent you. In short you will learn by the Letters sent by Tillie, and that which he will tell you, that it hath not been without difficulty, that my Negotiation hath attained the height, you will hereafter understand, it arrived at; and that the deputation the People and Kingdom of Naples have made to me, is not a little glorious; and the in­terests of France meeting so great advan­tages, in the posture into which I have re­duced matters, I doubt not to render her so effectual services, as shall procure me her powerfullest assistance; your self and bro­ther are to apply your selves to the Cardinal, and considering the extreme necessity I have for Money, use all diligences possible to fur­nish me. All my Relations ought in like man­ner to contribute to my advantages, which are also theirs, and let them send me all they can whether Money or Jewels. Rifle them all [Page 82] on so good an occasion. I have no time to write to our Brothers, nor Sisters, present them my service and excuses, let this Letter serve for you all: I direct it to you, because all the rest are to continue in France, for establishing our Family, I expect that you shall come to assist me here. I shall send for you when it shall be time, in the interim take care that none come to me without order, because I desire some days settlement before the arrival of many French, though I intend very sudden­ly to send for my Family and equipage. I stay onely for the Fleet to embarque my self and pass to Naples, where I am expected with more impatience than their Messiah is by the Jews. If we may believe honest Ma­chiavel, I shall be more puissant than the Great Turk, since he could not draw together a hundred and seventy thousand men, which is the number that in Arms attend to re­ceive my orders. Naples is a fair Theater of honour, where I am to encounter a Son of the King of Spain, put his army to flight, take three Castles and other Fortresses of the Kingdom, and recover ten Posts that have been lost to the Enemy, and kept by them well fortified in that one City. Who hath more work to do, and more honour to gain, if I play my part well? How difficult soever it may [Page 83] appear, I am made believe I shall over­come it very shortly after my arrival; I will keep something yet for you to do, and you shall have your part, if you take care to send me good store of Money. Adieu, I entertain you too long, considering the little time I have for making my dispatch. Plunder all you can lay your hands on, and if possible the great Dia­monds of honest Chevereuse: Leave nothing in Guise house, in a word, let neither Locks nor Bolts be proof against your Fingers.

I am all yours, The Duke of Guise.

This Letter went not away immediately, and the news I shall now impart arriving after it was written, I was forced to adde this Apostile.

I delayed the departure of Tilli for some Bills of Exchange that are to be agreed on, and the Cardinal of S t Cicilia, and the Ambassadour, having judged my presence immediately necessary at Naples, I parted for that place the tenth of November. This Bearer will assure you he saw me embarque, I am in such hast I can write to none, you will make it known to our Friends and Relations; the next of mine will be from Naples, where I shall want a [Page 84] most potent assistance of Money, solicite and heap up on all hands.

In the mean time Father Capuce a Jacobin Frier arrived to solicite my departure, and the succours, but more to make himself known to me, and obtain the charge of being my Confessor and Preacher in Ordinary, by it to become more considerable in his Countrey: and Nicolo Maria Mannara returned, to cause an alteration to be made in the resolutions had been taken concer­ning me, and desired, that without expecting the Fleet, (all being in danger of ruine if my presence re-established it not, and re-inspired not courage into the Neapolitans, who had intirely lost it) I would resolve my departure. In presence of the Ambassadour and all the Kings Ministers he deli­vered me the following Letter.

Most Serene Lord,

WE have this day received by the hands of Nicolo Maria Mannara your Highness dispatches, by which as well as by his report we understand that many per­sons whom we have entrusted with Letters to your Highness have not given a faithful ac­count of our intentions: We therefore most humbly beseech you to give no belief but to him alone, especially in order to the demand he will make your Highness in our name for assisting us with Ammunition, and pressing the arri­val [Page 85] of the French Fleet, of which we are in extreme want: but above all of your High­ness person. And understanding that our said Envoies have not particularly enough ex­pressed our necessities, we in all referre our selves to what the said Nicolo Maria Man­nara shall represent, he having particular in­formation: with the extremest zeal and impatience we attend the person of your Highness, to consolate the whole Kingdom, and with our most humble respects kiss your hands.

Your Highnesses Most humble and most obliged Servant, The Common-wealth of Naples. Gennaro Anneze Generalissimo of the People.

[Page 86]After the reading of which Letter, the said Nicolo Maria Mannara told us, that the condi­tion of affairs in Naples was changed much for the worse, since his last Voyage: that by artifice of the Spaniard different reports were every day cast abroad, to the wonderful consternation of the people; first, they endeavoured to perswade them they should receive no succours from France, then that I never intended to come and head their Armies; and that my designe of expecting the Fleet to embarque on, was but a Specious pretence to free my self from the en­gagement I had made, and the word I had too lightly given of coming to serve them; I under­standing that they would be abandoned, and that there was too little honour to be acquired, and too much peril to be undergone in this enter­prise. That Lewis de Ferro, who had taken upon himself the quality of Ambassadour of France, had offered them, in the Kings name, a million of Gold, fifty ships of war, thirty Gallies, ten Vessels laden with Corn, fifty pieces of Canon, twelve thousand foot, and four thousand horse, with am­munition sufficient for above two years: That I was coming to put my self into their hands as Hostage for all these things, and that he would give himself up as prisoner to secure them with the price of his head, in a word making such ex­orbitant Proposals, as appeared incredible and ridiculous. That Gennaro was accused to have been too easily perswaded of these chimerical succours: That the people lost all hope of as­sistance, and their spirits were so dejected, that [Page 87] they were ready to throw down their arms (ha­ving no more courage to defend themselves) that they might no farther exasperate the Spaniards against them; And although the apprehension of their revenge were very great, many persons flattered themselves, that they might escape it, supposing the punishment would fall onely upon the leaders. That many Cabals were already formed in the Town. That the rabble were ob­served to make parties in the Streets to murmure. That nothing was heard but cries and lamenta­tions, and in a word, all possest with despair and desolation. That notwithstanding all this, it was generally believed that at my appearance amongst them, they would recover their wonted vigour and courage, being by it confirmed that France would not forsake them, lest she should so expose a person of my birth and consideration; that they would yet take Patience for fourteen or fif­teen days, but in case the Fleet appeared not by that time, they would yield, resolved to defend themselves no longer, and seek their own secu­rity in delivering up their Leaders.

This news surprised us all, well knowing the im­possibility (what diligence soever could be used) of the Fleets precise arrival within that time. For (besides that the equipping at Toulon was not yet compleated) had it been ready to set sail, the incertainty of the winds, and perils of Navigation, (the Winter so far advanced,) would not admit a fixt day for its appearing before Na­ples. Mannara was sensible of the truth of what we said, but withal represented, that having to [Page 88] do with a multitude, turbulent, seditious and im­patient, it was impossible to sway them by reason, That they must be convinced by something pre­sent and effectual, because timorous and incre­dulous persons are not easily encouraged, That my presence alone could have so great effects, and that during the joy conceived thereupon, it would be easie to make the people of Naples, nay even the women take arms in order to the most desperate attempts. That their hatred to Spain might cool, but never be extinguished, and that there was none that would not (under my command) expose himself to death, and shed the last drop of his bloud for the safety and liber­ty of his Country. We resolved to dispatch at that very instant an express, to hasten the coming of the Fleet, and I offered to go the next mor­ning to Portolongone to attend it, and embarque as soon as it should appear, gaining so three or four days time, that would have been spent in gi­ving me notice of its arrival, and my Journey af­ter receipt of the advice; And that if there were any other possibility of my getting to Naples, I would make no difficulty of any hazard thereby to re-incourage them, wishing rather to die than see the loss of so favourable a conjuncture (which could never afterwards be recovered) for rendering to France so important and extra­ordinary service.

Mannara answered that if I would take so brave a resolution, it was easie for me to enter Naples, in spight of any hinderance from the Ships and Gallies of the Spanish Fleet, that there [Page 89] were small Feluccas so light and nimble, that neither Gallies nor Brigantines could overtake them, of which there was already experience, not one of those which had been sent since the arrival of the enemies fleet being lost, ei­ther going or coming; That if I would make use of them, he would send that very night for a number sufficient to take me in with all my train, and that they should arrive within three dayes.

The Cardinals began to look one upon an­other, uncertain what resolution I would take, too clearly discerning the danger, it being very hazardous (though I escaped the enemy) to ex­pose my self to the fury of that Sea, the Naviga­tion whereof is more to be apprehended than of any other Coast of the Mediterranean, especi­ally in the Moneth of November, the time in which there arise in the Baies, wherewith it abounds, most furious tempests. Monsieur de Fontenay seeing the necessity of my passing, and not venturing to counsel me directly to it, said, that in effect these Feluccas were so happy, and their Mariners of such experience, that there was little peril in trusting to them, and that the passage was so short, that taking a seasonable time (which they well understood) there was scarcely any thing left to fortune. I smiled and looking upon him, told him, that if he desired to have me attempt this passage, he had no more to do, but to tell me that it was useful to the Kings service, and that I could not do any thing more agreeable, profitable or advantageous to France; [Page 90] If so, never any man exposed himself to greater and more evident danger than I was ready to undertake that instant, because I gloried in under­standing the peril and contemning it, and that the facility of enterprises deprived them of their rel­lish. I told him finally that to serve the King I feared nothing, but would venture all with joy, and presently ordered Nicolo Maria Mannara to send for Feluccas, and to let the people of Naples know, they should suddenly see me amongst them, armed for their defence, or I would die on the way. He then fell on his knees to give me thanks in the name of the people, to whose protection I was going, and particularly of Gennaro whose life I saved, it being impossible for him to preserve it above a very few days, un­less my presence freed him from the danger he was exposed to, and which was decreed against him, in case the Fleet appeared not in fourteen days, or if my arrival were delayed. The Am­bassadour thanked me in the Kings name for the zeal and passion that obliged me to so frank a hazarding my self for the interests of his Crown, and assured me to recommend my resolution according to its merits, it being indeed very ex­traordinary: The Cardinals as surprized made the most obliging expressions, and flattering me on the action I undertook so generously, assured me that by it I surpassed all the Hero's of Anti­quity, and transcended those of ancient Rome. I was told afterwards by the same deputy that they wanted Powder in Naples; and therefore resolved to take with me all I possibly could, and [Page 91] he assured me that with my presence, and this present supply, those of France with the arrival of its Fleet would be expected patiently. I pressed an immediate dispatch of the post they had re­solved to send to hasten it, it being but reasonable that my so resolute embarking my self on the Feluccas, should rather advance than retard its dispatch, so to leave me the less time in that dan­ger into which I so voluntarily cast my self.

Whilest Mannara went to write to Naples, the Kings Ministers and I fell into discourse, and they not forbearing to commend me; I told them, that if what I went about were an action so wor­thy, it could not fail of acquiring me great credit and authority in the opinion of the Neapolitans, and that when I should be established by other as important services, which I hoped very shortly to render them, I should be in a condition to per­swade them to any thing, and they of contra­dicting nothing of my Proposals: that then I might negotiate their resigning themselves to the King, and that I would cause so sudden a perfor­mance of such a resolution, that the Pope and the rest of the Princes of Italy, what jealousie soever they conceived, should want time to oppose it. They answered me as they had done before at our other Conferences, that the King was so farre from any such thought, that he would not be so much as believed capable of it; that there was too little to be got, and too much to be hazarded by such a proposal. That the choice of a master was to be left to the Kingdom of Naples, and to fortune. That all (the Spaniard excepted) were [Page 92] alike to France, that nothing more was to be thought on than the driving out him, (as they had formerly said, and the rest to be left to time and hazard.

I proposed afterwards to contrive the Election either of the Kings brother, or of the (since de­ceased) Duke of Orleance; They told me the last was old, incommoded by the Gout, and of little activity; that he loved repose, and would never quit France to raign in a Kingdom where the Crown was ill setled, and where he must be forced to be continually with his sword drawn to support it. That for the Kings brother, his in­fancy would hinder the people from fixing their thoughts on him, since many years must pass be­fore he could be in a condition to protect or go­vern them. I answered that his few years were in my opinion to his advantage, that by being bred up in the Countrey he would acquire its fashions and customs, and so would afterwards pass rather for a Native than Stranger. That du­ring his Minority I might govern under him, which would be done easily and without resi­stance, the Neapolitans having been some time accustomed to live under my command, and to receive my orders. To conclude, that I assured my self (in case they approved this business) I should with time bring it to effect. They told me they had received no orders in this par­ticular; that they durst prescribe nothing to me not knowing the Courts intentions; that there was no more to be thought on but to gain the people liberty, and let them afterwards embrace [Page 93] such form of Government as best pleased them; that what resolution soever they took, the King would approve it, being resolved to protect them without interest. What instructions then (said I) have you to give me? I desire good and punctu­al Orders, that I may in nothing displease, but serve the King as much to his content as I hope to do to his advantage. They answered, manage well the war, and drive the Spaniards out of the Kingdom of Naples, and for all else, regulate your self as you shall judge to best purpose, and as you shall find good or evil Conjunctures. Im­mediately after your arrival draw out 6000 foot and 2000 horse to possess your self of some post, which opening the way from hence to Naples, will give us easie convenience of corresponding, that we may act in Consort, receiving often in­telligence from each other. We have only two advices to give you; the first, That you yield no precedence to Don John of Austria, what busi­ness soever you negotiate with him, and the other, That you never loose the respect belongs to you; the multitude often abusing the good­ness of their Governours; and when one is so unfortunate as to fall into contempt, it is very difficult to rise again; we must not therefore suffer to be dallied with, nor make our selves too common. These were all the Instructions I could obtain from the Kings Ministers: and since my departure, not receiving any other or­ders, it is an injury to tax me, that I would have made my self independant, since I never enter­tained any other thought, but to please and serve [Page 94] the King, and in spight of all the troubles that have in his name been set afoot against me, I have con­tinued firm in my respect and fidelity, and (in­tirely abandoned, as I have been) chose rather to hazard my life and liberty, than accept the ad­vantageous offers his enemies made me, as shall appear in the Continuation of these Memoires.

In the mean time I resolved to send away the Sieur de Tilli, to the end he might solicite all succours I wanted, and follow the Negotiation with which I had encharged him: promising to send a post after him, (which I did,) to overtake him on the way, and assure him of the day of my embarking, not suffering him to depart till he should have seen me at sea. I appointed him to pass by Provence, and from thence speedily to re­mit to Rome part of the Money I had designed for my expence, and for paying all my debts, leaving for security the greatest part of the Family I had, with order to my Steward not to go from thence till he saw every man satisfied, and presently after to come to me; since out of the summe I received from Valenti I could not take so much as would be necessary for it.

Although the Arrival of the Sieur de Tilly, and all effected by it, happened not till long after my coming to Naples, that I may not confound the Coherence of my Narration, I think best to place it here. He was received with much Joy by all my relations, and with assurances that I should be assisted with whatever was necessary, and that all should be hazarded rather than I want any thing. Cardinal Mazarin prepared by his brothers [Page 95] dispatches, received him very favourably, and ha­ving commended and approved my zeal and reso­lution, promised I should be supplied with all things, that he would take a particular care of it, and make it his own business. That I should have assistances greater and with more expedition than I expected; in short, he found the Court in as favourable inclinations for me as I could desire. My relations cried me up the honour of our fa­mily, and the most glorious of all those that had hitherto born our name, and supported it with so much splendor and reputation: but notwith­standing all these fair Promises, and high and great expectations which never had effect, I was at last unhappily abandoned by all the World.

I thought fit before my departure to sound the Popes inclinations, and see if the friendship he had promised me were firm and solid enough to prevent his opposal of my designs: and whe­ther the consideration of Spain would not hinder him from being favourable to me, by concerning himself in an affair whose good or evil success de­pended much on the part he should take, by the balance his authority would give to such side as he should discourage or protect. I sent to de­mand audience, which he granted me with plea­sure, out of the curiositie he had to know the par­ticulars of all that had been negotiated. I ren­dered him an exact account of all that had been treated on to that time, and desiring his Councel touching the conduct I was to follow, he told me I ought to let loose the reins to the carriere of [Page 96] my good fortune, which he desired to see esta­blished with solidity, and minded me, that having many things to fear, I ought to have a continual distrust, and my eyes ever open, not neglecting or contemning the smallest things, which might all be of concernment to me, since no misadventure could happen to me which would cost me less than my life; that I should not depend on the Ministers of France residing in his Court, the greatest part of whom were not my friends, and who in order to their own advantages would give out, that by their negotiations and addresses, they were the authors of all the good events procu­red by my diligence and danger: That in case I found it easie to cause the whole Kingdom to revolt, they would attribute it to the disposition of the time, and the general hatred of the Spanish Government; that they would perswade them­selves that any other as well as I might have done the same; and by this elevating their hopes, would use their endeavours to blast my fame and obstruct the establishment of my authority; That unknown to me they would manage secret negotiations, and form a hundered cabals contra­ry to me, endeavouring to maintain divisions to profit by them. That they would cause the Fleet to appear without sending me assistance, cause supplyes to be shewn but not delivered, to the end that the despairing people might by ne­cessity be compelled to cast themselves into the arms of France, and submit to her. That this de­sign, which they would not fail to undertake, would destroy the business, and precipitate me, [Page 97] knowing as he did the nature of that people, who are much greater enemies to the French than Spanish authority, because of the violent and im­petuous humor of our Nation, and that onely from this might arise the desolation of that King­dom, and the re-establishment of all things in their first condition; That I ought to distrust equally both crowns, of which the least suspected would do me most mischief. That the difference between the Nobility and People would hinder all my Progressions; that I should be able to effect nothing till I had reunited them, that this ought to be my onely care and principal employ­ment; which if I could compass, the conquest of that Kingdom was infallible; That he could as­sure me that the Nobility were more incensed and more desirous of Liberty than the people, though they dissembled their true resentments: That all Italy would oppose the Establishment of the French, and would be favourable to that of a particular Prince; That on this foundation I was to build my hopes, and regulate my pro­ceedings: That he loved not the Spaniards so much as was imagined; That he would look on all as an indifferent father, without concerning or declaring himself on either side. That the rigors and vexations under which that whole Kingdom long groaned, had drawn down the indignation of Heaven, the effects whereof per­haps were now at hand; That divine vengeance though slow, never fails of arriving at last; and that I should have a care to avoid the snares would be laid for me on all sides, that I should [Page 98] meet them at every step I made; that I was to avoid them by Prudence, of which I had great need in an enterprise of so much difficulty and glory; That he offered me his Prayers, which he would continually pour out for the preservation of a person so dear to him, and for whom he had the same tenderness a father hath for his beloved son: and at parting, after he had given me his blessing, embracing me with tears in his eyes, told me, That he was indifferent who hereafter should present him the white Nag, which he would as willingly receive from my hand as any other.

I besought him yet to hear a word I had to say to him, (which I thought necessary, the better to sound his intentions, and discover his most se­cret thoughts) and expressing my acknowledge­ments for his many favours during my stay at Rome, and giving him a thousand thanks, I assu­red him that if he had any design of making ad­vantage by the present revolutions, and reunite Naples to the Papacie, which by very good right belonged to it more than to any whosoever, I was so much devoted to his service, that I proffered my interposal and assistance, desiring no other recompence than the glory of serving him; to­wards which I thought to find great facility, in the present dispositions of the Nobility and People of that Kingdom. He thanked me for my good af­fection, and told me, he was now too old to ex­pect time for so great a design; That it would be the ruine of his family, and draw more envy, and powerful enmity against his Relations, than they [Page 99] would be able to support themselves against, after his death. That the example of Paul the fourth made him wise: and in fine, that he would not begin so great a work to leave it imperfect: That his ambition was moderate, and sought not for his Relations more than such a competent fortune as they might maintain; That he was obliged to me for the kindness of my offer; but that he would not at all concern himself in any thing that was to be done, which he would look on as an indifferent Spectator; that his wishes should be on my side, and that my advantages would as sensibly concern him as his own: and confirming all he had said to me, again embraced me and gave me his blessing. Having kissed his feet I took leave, assuring him that as soon as I should be departed, Monsieur de Fontenay should give him an account of my passage towards Naples, with the knowledge, consent, and order of the King, as he had promised, and punctually per­formed the day after my embarking.

That night I desired the Ambassadour and the rest of the Kings Ministers to send some one to continue with me on their behalf to take charge of the ciphers. They propounded the Sieur de Cerisantes for want of any other at that time capable of such an employment; Having then no Secretary, and it being impossible for me to be without one, I desired one of their recommen­ding: They proposed the Sieur Fabrani, who had formerly been imployed in service of the Barbarines, and principally in that of Cardinal Antonio. He followed me in my Voyage, and [Page 100] served me, till the day of my prison; He had good parts, but spoke no French, and understood it but indifferently, which gave occasion to some complaints were made of me at Court, and at which such as loved me not would have taken occasions to my prejudice. All the dispatches I made from Naples were in Italian, which was excepted against, as if I pretended to sepa­rate my self from France, and make my self in­dependant, refusing to make use of that Language. But it may easily be understood that this was a pure effect of necessity, and not of choice; the pressure of affairs that lay on me night and day, gave me not time to write with mine own hand, and in this I was forced to ease my self by the assistance of Sieur Fabrani, who taking only my Orders and Conceptions, to write them down, could do it in no other than in that Language was known to him; besides all which having to do with distrustful people I was forced to shew them all my dispatches, which they could not have understood in French; This is so innocent and convincing that I need no longer justifie my self of so frivolous an accusation: which I touched not at first, but by the by to make appear, that nothing was omitted towards doing me ill offices, to which it was very neces­sary I should give no occasion by my comport­ment, use being made of a matter of so small im­portance.

The Feluccas being at last arrived, I seriously prepared my self to be gone, taking leave of all such persons as I had respect and friendship for; [Page 101] And the Cardinal of Este being with his brother the Duke of Modena, I writ to him, to acquaint him with my adventures, and take leave of him; being very sorry I could not in person perform that duty, to which I was obliged, not onely by the relation of Kindred, and near friendship be­tween us, but in that (notwithstanding my refu­sals out of fear of incommoding him) he had given me the use of his Equipage and Coaches all the while I stayed in Rome; I writ also to Cardinal Grimaldi, who was at Modena the fol­lowing Letter.

For Cardinal Grimaldi.

I Suppose your Excellence hath been suffi­ciently informed by the Ambassadour, of his Negotiations with the Neapolitans and the Ministers of France, doing nothing with­out your participation and approbation, it will be needless to trouble you with particu­lars better known to you than to my self: Ne­vertheless I cannot omit acquainting you with my embarking for Naples, and beg of you the assistance of your prudent Counsels, in an enterprise so full of dangers and difficul­ties. The goodness your Excellence hath ex­pressed towards me since my coming to Rome, makes me hope much from your Generosity, [Page 102] and I am assured that in order to a powerful assistance in this occurrence, it is enough that you know the honour of France to be con­cerned, of whose interest and reputation your Excellence is so glorious a supporter. If I prove so happy as to serve the King advan­tageously in this conjuncture, I will, by an express give your Excellence notice of it, with my thanks for your favours, which I hope to do in person before I return to France: be­seeching your Excellence to believe that I will seek all occasions of expressing my acknow­ledgements, and to make appear that I am more than any other

Your Excellencies most humble and most obliged Servant The Duke of Guise.

[Page 103]My Palace was filled with Neapolitan Mari­ners, and every hour of the day I sent them to see if there were any appearance of fair wea­ther, and the winds setling so as to carry me speedily to Naples, where I most impatiently de­sire to be, but I was nine dayes in this conti­nual expectation. One Evening they came to tell me of the arrival of a Felucca: my desire of news caused me to send for the Mariners, who acquainted me that they had brought with them an old advocate called Francisco de Pasti, to ne­gotiate something on behalf of the Repub­lique. Monsieur de Fontenay concealed from me as well his Arrival as his Negotiation, of which I seemed to him to have no knowledge nor suspition, learning by this what I was to ex­pect from him, who began with me in a fashion so disobliging, hiding from me affairs in which I had so great concernment. Francisco de Pasti at his return acquainted me with all things, and I think, shame obliged the Ambassadour to make this a secret to me, not willing I should per­ceive how easily he swallowed whatsoever was propounded to him. It being the opinion of some in Naples, that to hasten the Kings Sup­plies, they must in some manner own a sub­jection to him, they had sent this honest man to offer a yearly tribute to France, which would more have offended the Pope than a pretence to the Sovereign power, and dis-ob­liged him by accepting an offer so unreason­able, at a time when he might be useful to the acquiring a Kingdom.

[Page 104]In the mean while his Proposal was re­ceived with open arms; but kept secret as a mystery, and Monsieur de Fontenay thought by it to have rendered to France a service of extraordinary importance, not remembring that CHARLES the eighth, very ambi­tious and very wise, had formerly refused it; Knowing well that a Kingdom owning but one supreme Lord, cannot pay tribute to two at the same time, whose equality of Power being inconsistent, destroys the glory and ad­vantage.

The End of the First Book.

The second BOOK.

THe Felucca's of Naples having attended me seven or eight days at Fiumicine, the peoples Envoies very much pressed my departure, the Town (as hath been al­ready said) being reduced to so great extremity, so divided, and sunk in hope and courage, that they resolved to return to the Spanish Obe­dience, and yield themselves with their Leaders to mercy, in case that by Saturday the sixth of November the Kings Fleet appeared not, or they were not in some other manner relieved. The necessity of my presence there, giving me greater assurance of being supported in such an enter­prise with all that should be necessary. I made a shew of some coolness for executing a de­sign so hazardous, being laid wait for by the whole naval power of Spain, and besides Ships and Gallies, by a great number of Felucca's and Brigantines. The Kings Ministers perceiving that on my passage alone depended the Con­tinuation or Conclusion of the revolt of Naples, made use of all expedients to recommend to me the importance of the service I should render the Crown in sacrificing my self to its interests, [Page 106] and the honour I should acquire by so extraor­dinary an action. And understanding the esteem and friendship I had for Sir Kenelme Digby, en­charged with the affairs of the Queen of Great Britain at Rome, conceived him very proper to perswade me; I pretended to yield to his rea­sons, provided they assured me in the Kings name, to send his Fleet suddenly to Naples to at­tend my Orders, and with it all such assistance as I had demanded.

These just Proposals having been consented to in the name of his Majesty by Monsieur de Fon­tenay his Ambassadour, the Cardinals Theodoli, Ʋrsini, S t Cicilia, and the Abbot of S [...] Nicholas his Ministers at Rome, (Cardinal D'Este the Pro­tector of France being then absent, and Cardinal Grimaldi at Modena to negotiate with that Duke) I engaged my self to enter Naples, to revive their spirits, and continue them in arms till the arrival of the Fleet, and that nothing but my death should prevent performance; to which purpose I would be gone as soon as the wind appeared setled for my passage. And though they were all of opinion that I should embark disguised; I judged it would be easie to kill me by the way, the Spaniards not wanting Spies to give them notice of the time and manner of my departure, and therefore desired the Ambassador to command all the French that were in Rome to take horse and accompany me, esteeming this not onely more honorable but more safe, because I could not be attacqued but by a considerable bo­dy, which the Pope would not suffer to be drawn together in his Dominions.

[Page 107] Wednesday the thirteenth of November at my rising, having notice given me by the Sailers be­longing to the Felucca's that were to transport me, that the wind was come about and seemed setled, to continue fair some time, having gone and satisfied my self in it, I gave accompt to the Ambassadour, and told him I would be ready to go away immediately after Dinner. Having heard Mass and given Order for all that was ne­cessary towards so precipitated a Voyage, after Dinner, quitting my Court habit, for such as suited with a Camp, I appeared in Buff, and published to all whom the news had invited to me, that I was going for Naples, firmly resolved either to perish or drive thence the Spaniards. The Ambassadour carried me in his Coach as farr as Saint Paul's, accompanied by the Abbots of S. Nicholas and la Feuillade, and followed on horseback by all the French that were in Rome, the horse I was to make use of being led by me. In this equipage I passed cross the Spanish [...]iazza, to let the Spaniards see that occasions of serving my King requiring it, I gloried in decla­ring my self their enemy. After my Devotions before the miraculous Crucifix of S. Paul's Church, I took leave of the Ambassador, and getting on horseback, my Trumpet sounding, be­gan my march streight to Fiumicine, where ar­riving about two in the Morning, I visited the Felucca's that waited for me, amongst which I chose the least and lightest, the more easily to escape the enemies Gallies and Brigantines. I was accompanied by two and twenty persons in [Page 108] all, which number was made up of the Envoies of the people of Naples, some Officers, and five or six of my domesticks; and Captain Andrea Portaro who commanded the Felucca, in which I went my self, representing that it would be over-charged if I took with me a Chamberlain and a Trumpet, I removed the latter to another Vessel. My little Fleet was composed of three Brigantines and eight Felucca's, four of which were laden with six thousand weight of Powder I had bought at Palo (a Sea-town belonging to the Duke of Bracciano) to carry to Naples, ha­ving been informed that the people wanted it. I carried also four thousand Pistols, which did me good service, as will appear hereafter, it being the onely summe I could obtain from abroad, during the whole space of five moneths, wherein I main­tained my self without any supplies, unless two thousand Crowns brought me by the remainder of the Servants I left at Rome.

On Thursday about four in the Morning I set sail, the weather favourable and somewhat sharp, and gave a Servant called Callet my dispatches for the Court, with order to let them know he had seen me embarque, and that the next news to be expected of me was my death or arrival at Naples. About Noon we discovered two Bri­gantines with Spanish Colours, and presently pur­sued them, and causing them to come aboard found they were Sicilians, laden with Limons and other Fruits for Rome: I could learn nothing of them, they not having touched at Naples, and let them steer on their course conditionally that [Page 109] they should give account to the Ambassador of the time and place of their meeting me. About four in the Evening I discovered the Isle of Pons, from whence at the same time I saw two Gallies come forth, who made a smoke as a signal to three other that were at Terracine, who imme­diately answered them, and the whole Coast be­ing by such smoke advertised of my Passage, five other Gallies lying in Gaeta made themselves ready to oppose it. I presently called together all the Felucca's, to give them order to let me go alone, forbidding them to follow me, as suppo­sing the Gallies would pursue the greatest num­ber, and mine being alone would be less observed and followed. At the same time I caused mine to strike sail, and row near the shore, whose sha­dow (night approaching) would secure me from being seen by the Gallies. The Seamen were of opinion, that coming near Gaeta we should put out to Sea, but I caused them to steer right upon Rolands tower, that seeming a friend I might get a great way off before they discovered the con­trary, and their Gallies could weigh Anchor. I passed so near the Castle, that I answered the Sentrie, that I was an Express sent to the Vice­roy, but in stead of coming to Anchor in the Har­bour I put off, and then the Gallies made them­selves ready to follow: But a strong wind arising, and driving right into the mouth of the Haven, hindered them, what endeavours soever they made, from getting out. I would have taken the advantage of this fresh gale for setting sail, and [Page 110] getting forward, but we lost our Mast and hard­ly escaped oversetting.

Two Waves split two Rudders one after the other, so that being fain to m [...]ke use of an Ore in their stead, with a great deal of toil and danger, we passed the Bay, and were glad to find our selves under shelter of the Land.

At day break we were near the Isle of Ischia, where the Seamen would have perswaded me to seek a retreat, to pass the day and make the easier entrance into Naples by night: but I opposed, apprehending to be discovered, either by the in­fidelity of some of them, or some other un­thought of accident, and so fall into the ene­mies hands without striking stroke; Fear ma­king them obstinate in their opinion, I was for­ced to draw my sword, and compel them to row. Soon after we discovered the City of Naples, and the Spanish Fleet riding before it: and that I might the better resolve what was to be done, I most exactly informed my self what posts were possessed by the enemy, and inquired who was master of the ground, both above and below the City. Then I commanded them to steer right with the Admiral that carried the flag, that I might be unsuspected and so gain time to pass, before they could launch their long Boats and Shalops. When I was about twice canon shot from the Admiral, in stead of steering streight to the Town, I took my course lower, towards the Greek Tower, that the Felucca's of Chiay and S t Lucy might not cut off my way: and to [Page 111] give notice to the Town of my arrival, I com­manded the Mariners, even whilest they passed through the Spanish Fleet, to cry out that I was aboard, and standing up on the poop made a sign with my Hat, to cause their foot to draw out, and receive me at my landing. I was immediately pursued by all Vessels with Oares that the ene­my could possibly cast into the Sea, and fired on by all the Artillery of the Castles, Haven, Ships and Gallies. I fell in with the Shore a league be­low the Town, and ordering the Musquetiers that were sent to receive me, to give continual fire upon the enemies Boats, that pressed me hard, coasted Riesene and Portici, and would not land till (under favour of this skirmish, amidst the noise of all the enemies Canon) I arrived at the place of the Cavalerice, in the suburbs of Loretto. There leaping a shore, Friday the fifteenth a­bout eleven a clock, I was received with the in­credible applauses of an infinite number of peo­ple, who having, for a good space, carried me in the air, at length mounted me on a fair Courser provided for me, on which I made my entry into the Town, where I alighted at the Church of our Lady of the Carmelites, to give thanks for the good success of my passage.

The joy of the people is inexpressible, as well as the respects and testimonies of affection they rendered me, which extended even to admiration and idolatry, burning incense at the nostrils of my horse; but that which seemed to me most extra­ordinary and of happiest Omen was, that of so innumerable a multitude assembled to see my [Page 112] landing, there was not any one hurt by more than a thousand Canon shot from the Castles, Haven, Ships and Gallies. Mass being ended, Gennaro's brother in law came to make me a Complement in his name, with excuses for his not meeting me, as not thinking himself secure out of the Carme­lites tower, where with much impatience he at­tended me. I went immediately and found him on a little terrass, at the entrance of his lodging, where by a Complement, ill enough expressed, as farre as his ignorance and incapacity would permit, he testified his joy to see me, for had I not arrived, he was the next day to have been delivered to the Spaniards, and consequently to death; of which his fortune respited the exe­cution onely for six or seven Moneths. Many people were assembled to be Spectators of this interview, whose circumstances might well enough incite curiosity. I was not a little sur­prized at the blindness of the people of Naples, to have chosen such a man their General; his person seemed to me so extraordinary that I can­not omit (with the loss of as little time as is pos­sible) to give you his picture. He was a little man, very ill made, and very black, his eyes sunk in his head, short hair which discovered large ears, a wide mouth, his beard close cut and beginning to be gray, his voice full and very hoarse, he could not speak two words without stammering, ever unquiet, and so very timorous that the least noise made him tremble. He was attended by a matter of twenty guards of as ill men as himself. He wore a Buff-coat with sleeves of red Velvet and [Page 113] Scarlet Breeches, with a Cap of Cloth of Gold of the same colour on his Head, which he hardly took the pains to take off when he saluted me; he had a Girdle of red Velvet furnished with three Pistols on each side; he wore no sword, but in stead of it carried a great Blunderbus in his hand. His first Civility was the taking off my Hat, and in stead of it causing to be brought me in a Silver Bason such a Cap as his own, and then taking me by the Hand led me into his Hall, whose doors he very carefully caused to be shut, with most strict Order to his Guards to let none enter, lest they should cut his throat. As soon as we were seated I presented him Monsieur de Fontenay's Letter, with assurance (as I had been ordered) of the protection of France, and of the coming of the Fleet, and all such Supplyes as the Neapolitans should stand in need of towards attaining their Liberty, and deliverance from the Spanish oppression. He answered me with much more satisfaction than eloquence, and having opened the Letter I delivered him, ran it over with his eyes, and having turned upwards every one of the four sides, cast it to me again, telling me he could not read, and desiring me to ac­quaint him with its Contents.

Whilest this passed, some body knocked at the door as if they intended to break it down: this gave us an alarm, and the cry from without men­tioning the Ambassadour of France that was desi­rous to see me, the door was opened, and prepa­ring my self to go and receive him with the cere­mony due to his character, I was amazed to [Page 114] see a man without a Hat, his sword drawn, two great Chapelets like a Hermites about his neck, on the one whereof he said he prayed for the King, and on the other for the People, who casting himself down at his full length, and throwing away his Sword, embracing my legs kissed my feet; with much ado I raised him up, and was doubtful whether I should give him Monsieur de Fontenay's Letter, which treated him with the quality of Excellence, and the Kings Ambassador, seeing in the person of Sieur Lewis del Ferro rather the figure of a mad man broke out of Bedlam than of the Minister of a great Crown; but supposing he might have some con­cealed good quality that I had not yet discove­red, considering the great credit he which en­charged me with that Letter, assured me he had acquired amongst the people, I thought my self obliged to deliver it, lest I might be blamed for not executing punctually what had been en­joyned me.

We heard a great noise in the Street, occa­sioned by a tumult of such people as demanded to see me; to satisfie their curiosity I went to a win­dow, and Gennaro having caused to be brought me in two Basons, two Bags of Money, one of Gold and the other of Silver, I cast it amongst the people, and whilest they were at cuffs about gathering it up, I thought it was time to call for Dinner, having eaten nothing since my departure from Rome, because of the roughness of the Sea. Gennaro made excuses for the ill cheer he should give me, not daring, for fear of poison, to make [Page 115] use of any other Cook than his Wife, as improper for that imployment as personating the Lady of quality. She brought the first Dish, having on a Gown of Skie-coloured wrought Satin embro­dered with Silver, with a Farthingale, a Chain of Jewels, and a fair Necklace of Pearl, with Pen­dants of Diamonds in her Ears, all plundered from the Dutchess of Matalone: and in this state­ly equipage it was pleasant to see her dress meat, scoure dishes and divert her self in the afternoon with washing and smoothing Linen. I invited Lewis del Ferro, as Ambassador, to wash and sit down with us; But Gennaro told me, Sure I was not in earnest, for he had wont to use him like a dog; and when I called for drink, he fetched it, saying, it belonged onely to him to serve me, be­cause of his quality: He presented me the Cup on his knees, which when I would not permit, Gennaro told me he served him in the same man­ner, which presently after I saw verified. Dinner lasted not long, and all things were so nastie and unsavory, that had it not been for the Bread, Wine, Sallad and Fruit, which were indeed excel­lent, I had run hazard of starving.

Arising from Table I desired the Magistrates of the Town might be sent for, and the Council, which, by reason of his incapacity, had been as­signed to Gennaro, consisting of one person of every quarter, and called Expresses by the peo­ple, the General Officers and Colonels, with all others that had any authority, that I might in­form my self of the condition of affairs, and (without loss of time) provide for all things [Page 116] that might be necessary, redress disorders, put my self in a condition to make a vigorous defence against the Spaniards, and gain time for the ar­rival of the Fleet, and the succors I had given this great City cause to expect from the Kings power­ful protection.

I found there remained Victuals for no more than twelve or fourteen days: That the Stock designed for buying more had been maliciously consumed: That of the hundred and seventy thousand men I was made believe at Rome I should find in arms, there were scarce four thou­sand foot, and three hundred horse in a condi­tion to do service, disposed into Regiments and particular Companies, under incapable and in­experienced Officers: That the rest of the people being wearied out would no longer bear arms, and that the small number imployed on the Guard, every one of his own quarter refused to stay the night on their post, unless they received daily pay; That there was no more Powder but what I brought with me; That there was no money; That the division and enmity be­tween Gennaro Annese and Pepe Palombe chief of the Concherie, (accusing each other of trea­son and correspondence with the Spaniards, and that not without some ground, as I afterwards discovered) was arrived at such a height, that they thought of nothing but their entrench­ments, and keeping exact Guards against each other, for fear those of the quarter of the Con­cherie should attempt on those of the Market: which gave all the rest of the Town apprehension [Page 117] that its sack and ruine might be the effect of this ill understanding, of which the enemy would not fail to make his advantage.

Whilest I informed my self of the bad condi­tion to which the Town of Naples was reduced, two things happened of very great consideration, and capable to surprize and astonish any man, that had not resolved himself against all extre­mities.

A Butcher one of the City Captains, called Jommo Ropolo, a man seditious and violent, broke down the door of the chamber where we were at Council, and coming up to Gennaro, and calling him Traytor, with all his force gave him three or four blows on the neck, which was bare, with the flat of his hand, swearing he would cut off his head, from which nothing detained him but my presence, and the respect he bore me. Gennaro cast himself at his feet weeping, and embracing his knees, begged his life. I interposed to make them friends, and did it as having authoritie, sending Jommo Ropolo to his quarter, which I pro­mised to visit the next morning, as well as all the rest of the City, appointing him in the mean time to keep good Guards.

As soon as this difference was reconciled, and we had retaken our places for continuing the Council, we were interrupted again by a great noise of a concourse of people with such cries and lamentations as made it evident some notable mis­chief had happened: It was a famous Bandite called Jacomo Rosso, who having marched out of Naples three or four days before, with about 15 [Page 118] hundred foot, and three or four hundred horse, to keep the Town of S t Anastasio, and some others at the foot of the Mountain of Somma, from whence great supplies of Corn were had, against the body of the Nobility, had been so fiercely charged, that the greatest number of his men were cut in pieces, and several taken Prisoners; the few that escaped with him, all hurt, and he himself with two cuts of a Sword, one on his face and the other on his head: This sad Spectacle gave so great astonishment, that had not the people been encouraged by my arrival they had probably laid down their arms. The Duke of Matalone, Earl of Conversano, Prince of Ottaino, Dom Ferrante Carracciolo, and other Gentlemen, having vigorously pursued the rout, even to the suburbs of the Town, the people found themselves shut up, without hope of ob­taining any more Provisions from abroad; This unhappy Combat having caused all such places as held for them to change side, and even those who (favourable to them that very morning,) had facilitated my landing, and without whom I could not have avoided falling into the hands of the enemy. Let all men judge by this condition in which I found things at my arrival, whether I had not need of an extraordinary resolution not to be dejected at so many undiscerned accidents, finding nothing without my self to depend on, being abandoned by all the world, and generally unprovided of all that was necessary to the de­fence of a place in which I was blocked up.

The rest of the Day was spent in Council, [Page 119] every moment interrupted by the arrival of those Gennaro had sent out to plunder such houses, as he had been told would afford good booties, by concealed Plate or other moveables of value, this being his chief imployment: in the mean time leaving to chance the conduct of all other affairs, so that we rose not till the night was farre spent, yet without my getting any better information of the condition of the Town, the force of its troops, or its necessities, than at the instance of my arrival; By this I judged I was to expect no other light than what I could gain my self by care and vigilance.

I passed the remainder of the Evening in receiving the Complements of many particular persons without discovering any thing but an ex­traordinary confusion, and a general incapacity in all the chiefs, whether civil or militarie. Their hatred of the Spaniards was no otherways ex­pressed than by injurious Speeches; and their weariness of having been so long in arms was so great, that no man would tarry all night at the advanced Posts, unless very well pay'd; the richer sort causing their duty to be done by poor mise­rable wretches, themselves going home and lying at their houses.

I could not discover who had the greatest au­thority, the Captains of every quarter comman­ding without dependance on one another; and had not acquired their charges either by merit or capacity, but onely by having talked lowder and made more noise than their fellows: Gennaro himself, as much General as he was, was re­spected [Page 120] by no body, though feared by reason of the train he had acquired out of the scum of the people, and principally of the market-place, to whom he gave liberty to plunder. His election, neither having been made by the City-Council, nor approved by any of its inhabitants, (as all in private reported) but by five or six hundred bare-footed Boys, who rambling about the Town with a long Staff and Hook at the end of it with a Fagot, offered a hundred insolencies to the Citizens, threatning to fire the houses of all such as refused to comply with them. These [...]azars, for that was the title this rabble gave themselves, had a kindness for him, because he suffered all manner of licentiousness, even to an unpunishable loss of respect to himself every moment, and because they had seen him for­warder than any else in affronting the unfortunate Don Francisco Toralte, whose body he caused to be inhumanely dragged through the Streets after his death. By this may easily be judged how farr his person was to be depended on, and whether I deserved not pity to see my self engaged in so great a disorder, without knowing either whom to distrust, or in whom to put confidence.

It being now very late and I wanting rest, eve­ry one retired, and I had a Supper brought as un­handsome and distasteful as my Dinner, it lasted not long, and inquiring in what part they had pre­pared me a bed, I was not a little surprized when Gennaro told me I should lie with him; having refused this as much as possibly I could, out of pre­tence of not incommoding his wife by taking her [Page 121] place, he told me she should lie on a Quilt before the fire with her Sister, and that it concerned his safety to share his bed with me, without which his enemies would cut his throat, the respect of my person being the onely means to secure him from that danger, whose apprehension had so strongly prepossest him, that he awaked twenty times in the night in disorder, and with tears in his eyes embracing me, besought me to save his life, and secure him from those that would murther him. He conducted me to lodge in his Kitchin, where I found a very rich Bed of cloth of Gold, and at the feet of it in a Cradle a little Blacka­more slave about two years old full of the Small Pox: a great deal of Plate both white and guilt, heaped up in the middle of the Room, many Cabinets half open, out of which tumbled Chains and Bracelets of Pearl and other Jewels, some bags of Silver and some of Gold half scat­tered on the ground, very rich Houshold-Stuff, and many fair Pictures thrown up and down disorderly, which made sufficiently appear what profit he had made by plundering the houses of the richest and best qualified Persons of the Town; though he could never be induced to assist the people with the smallest part of it, either to buy Ammunition or Victuals, for paying the Troops already raised, or making new Levies; This put me in a rage, to see my self in want of every thing, and yet to have so considerable Supplies at hand, which I might make no use of.

On the other side of the Kitchin were all ne­cessaries [Page 122] in great Quantity, which had been plun­dered in several Quarters, with all manner of arms, all in an extraordinary confusion. The Pre­sents and Contributions he daily received of all manner of Venison and wild Fowl powdered, and all the Walls tapistried with whatever is edible.

This was the sumptuous apartment prepared for entertaining me, and where even oppressed with sleep, I thought of nothing but a speedie unclothing my self to get into bed. Lewis del Ferro would suffer none to come near to pull off my Boots, maintaining it belonged to him alone to do me all manner of Services, but I refused him, till Gennaro advising me to let him do it, caused his own Stockins to be pulled off to give me ex­ample, which I afterwards followed without Con­troversie, and got into Bed as fast as I could. Gennaro came presently to lie down by me, and setting a candle on the bed, and unbinding his legg to dress it, I asked if he had received any wound? He answered, that being naturally re­pleat, and full of humors, a Physitian his Friend had advised him to make use of a remedy, I for­bear to name, lest its mention offend others sto­macks as much as its sight did mine.

You have heard now how I passed the first day of my arrival in Naples, and my reception, whose disagreeable beginning (the first surprisal of sleep over) made me pass very thought­fully the remainder of the night, with many reflections on the present condition of my affairs, and the dangers I was to undergo. But at last ha­ving [Page 123] resolved my self against all events whatever, I expected day with extreme impatience, that I might begin to work all things necessary as well for preservation of the place into which I had cast my self, as my own particular, since my safe­ty or ruine could no longer depend on any but my self, and that my self alone must become the artificer of my good or evil fortune.

Saturday in the Morning, as soon as I was up, I went with Gennaro to hear Mass at the Carme­lites, who failed not (for upholding his quality of the peoples General) to take the right hand of me. Lewis del Ferro went before us bare-headed, carrying a naked Sword, and (in compliance with the French mode,) with a great deal of hair; He had a black Perriwig made of a horses tail, such as on our Theaters are worn by Furies, and inces­santly cried out, Let the people live, and General Gennaro, and the Duke of Guise; and transported either with joy or madness, struck with his sword all that came in his way, and hurt so many he had like to have made a tumult. To be quit of him I was fain to give him an Employment. I found the Carmelites at the great Gate of their Church with their Cross and holy Water, and their Prior having made me a Speech, they began to sing Te Deum, and I was conducted to the rail of the high Altar to hear Mass on a Carpet was pro­vided for me, where Gennaro kneeled on my right hand. After Mass I was reconducted in the same manner, with the Applauses and Benedictions of all the people; at the Church-door stood a horse readie, that I might see the town and visit the [Page 124] Quarters, and Gennaro having mounted a mettled Courser, spurring him to come up to me, the horse made a bound and cast him over his ears, flat on his length at my feet; which some looked on as an ill omen for him: who for fear of the like, all the rest of the way, caused himself to be held in his saddle by two men, and his horse to be led by the bridle. Having passed over the Market-place, where a multitude of people were assembled to see me, I went to visit the quarter of the Concherie, where I found Pepe Palombe in arms at the head of his men, who after a great Com­plement made his excuses, for not having waited on me, because he never went into Gennaro's house, for whom he had an extraordinary aver­sion, and as he pretended a very great affection, and respect for me, I told him I should reckon him amongst my friends, and that I would take a particular care of his fortune. I immediately made him Colonel of the foot Regiment I was about to raise in my name, and appointed him to be alwayes near me, to carry about my Orders in qualitie of Adjutant General: This I did to gain him, being one of the most considerable, and most followed of the people: and as well to have a nearer eye on him, because of the just distrust I had been told I was to have of him. He made great acknowledgements of these favours, with protestation to depend all his life absolutely on my pleasure; I presently put him to the trial, commanding him to be friends with Gennaro, and ever after hold a good correspondence with him; Gennaro, who very much feared him, as the most [Page 125] dangerous of his enemies, seemed very glad of this reconciliation, which the better to confirm, Pepe Palombe's wife being that day brought a bed, I obliged Gennaro to be Godfather. Instantly I caused all the entrenchments they had made against each other to be slighted, and ordered them to employ their Souldiers for the future against the common enemy only, and live with the correspondence of good Compatriots and Brothers. This accommodation gave as great sa­tisfaction to all the people as displeasure (as I was told) to the Spaniards. Afterwards I visited all the quarters of the Town, followed by above fifty thousand persons. Vincenzo Andrea Com­missarie General of the Provisions, told me, that in so publique a rejoycing it was not just that any should remain in misery, and that therefore it were good to set open the prisons, which was done as I passed before any of their gates, more particularly at the Vicarie, the ancient Palace of the Kings of Naples, where the Judges of several Tribunals assemble to do justice, and where the greatest number of Prisoners are shut up; and what opposition soever Gennaro endeavoured to make, I caused such Gentlemen to be delivered as he would have put to death, to satisfie his ha­tred against the Nobility: to whom I ordered the Marquis of Monte Silvano of the familie of Brancaccio, and an old Colonel of Foot called Bartolomeo Griffo, and some other Gentlemen, to give assurance in my name, that I would take an extraordinary care of the preservation, as well of the persons as goods of every particular, ha­ving [Page 124] [...] [Page 125] [...] [Page 124] [...] [Page 125] [...] [Page 126] no other designe but to procure repose and liberty to the whole Kingdom, and that my great endeavour should be to reduce things to order, which I hoped very shortly to effect; they returned me infinite thanks with promises to re­tain an eternal memory: Little else considerable happ'ning in my Cavalcade, I shall omit many small particulars, and mention onely three things wothy to be observed.

The first, that Gennaro began to shew himself discontented, that in all the publick exclamations, which were excessive, I onely was named without any mention of him, all endeavouring to express as much indifference and contempt for him, as affection and respect for me, supposing them­selves by my presence secured from his out­rages. The second, that at my passage through the Streets the houses were all hung with tapestry, and the women at the windows who continually cast into the Street, Flowers, sweet Waters, and Comfits, accompanying those testimonies of re­spect and joy with a thousand Benedictions; The third, that the people came out of their houses to spread their Cloaks and Tapestry under my horses feet; and the women with perfuming Pots, the poorer sort on tiles, burning incense; with gene­ral protestations they had no more fear since I was come to their assistance, and that acknow­ledging me the author of their Liberty, they were resolved to live and die with me, and to sacrifice their lives and fortunes to my interest; These demonstrations of affection were in the same manner, with the same ceremonie and [Page 127] passion continued to the day of my imprison­ment.

By that time I had rid round the Town and visited all the quarters, it was very late, and I went to dine with Gennaro, who treated me as ill as the day before. When I came to the Carme­lites tower I found the Chamberlain of Cardinal Filomarini to complement me in his masters name with excuses, that some indisposition had hindered his visiting me, as soon as he heard of my arrival, and to desire audience in the after­noon. Willing to prevent him, immediately af­ter Dinner, I took a Sedan of Blew Velvet em­broidered with Silver, which had belonged to the Dutchess of Matalone, which Gennaro's wife made use of, and went to the Archbishops Palace, where I found in the Court all the domesticks of Cardinal Filomarini, with the best qualified Ci­tizens of the Town, who came to receive me, he himself expecting me at the top of the Stairs; Taking me by the hand he led me into a very fair appartement, where we sate down, and all ha­ving avoided the room, and left us alone, we con­tinued in private Conference an hour and half. Several Complements having passed on each side, he expressed a great affection for the people, whose liberty he hoped by the powerful prote­ction of France, and infinitely extolled my zeal for coming to venture my life in so just a cause; That there could not be a sufficient value put up­on my resolution, which had contemned so many dangers as I was to undergo, and attempted so hazardous a passage. He repeated all that had [Page 128] happened from the beginning of the Revolutions, and blaming the Spaniards conduct, said, he firm­ly believed Heaven would deliver so conside­rable and famous a Kingdom as that of Naples from the oppression it had hitherto languished under, and which could be no longer continued without its final ruine; That I was the instru­ment made use of for finishing a work so great and pious. That he, having ever had a true fa­therly affection for the Neapolitan people, thought himself very much concerned in their obligation to me, for undertaking their defence, offering me the assistance of his Prayers, and what-ever else depended on his credit, industrie or care. I thanked him for these so obliging discourses, but understanding them to have more of dissimula­tion than reality, resolved to engage him ere he was aware to render himself irreconcileable to Spain, and consequently to a necessity of making a near alliance with me: The good parts I dis­cerned in him, his wit and prudence obliging me to desire it. I agreed with him that I should the next day take the oath of Fidelity to the people in the great Church, swearing to serve them with the peril of my life against all the World according to the Orders I had received from the King; and engaged him (though he would very fain have avoided it) to consecrate the sword the people was to present me for their defence, as a mark of authority, and of the ab­solute command they gave me over their Forces, which I accepted, and they had put into my hands. This Ceremonie was very insignificant, [Page 129] excepting in order to the design I had to embroil this Cardinal with the Spaniards, who indeed, never forgave him. Being very subtle, he quick­ly discovered my intention, but after an obsti­nate contestation he was forced to comply, having protested that without his Benediction I would not accept the Command, and that he must be responsible to the people for my refusal, to whom it more imported that the oath I was to make to them should be publick, and that my Word and Faith should be deposited with him.

I took leave when we had agree'd according to my desires, and he brought me to my Sedan, where after many reciprocal Testimonies of esteem and friendship, I went towards the Car­melites tower followed by the Captains Onoffri [...] Pissacani, Carlo Longobardo, Cicio Battimiello, and Matheo Damore, chief of the quarter of Vinare, four of the most faithful persons I met in Naples, and that had the greatest respect for me Passing over the Market-place I alighted to speak to many people desirous to acquaint me with their necessities, and seek a regulation of differences happened amongst Officers, and withal to receive my Commands for the Conduct they were to follow, and for the Orders of their Guards, nothing as yet having been well settled. I was willing also to see whether the en­trenchments between the Market-place and the Concheria were slighted according to my Orders in the Morning: which having done I returned to the Carmelites tower where I found Gennaro [Page 130] very busie, in putting Manacles and Fetters on the hands and feet of Lewis del Ferro, for ha­ving Printed and Posted up certain Proclamati­ons without his permission: I would have beg­ged his Pardon, but what entreaties soever I could make, it would not be granted, till he should have been eight and fourty houres Pri­soner in the Cellar, Gennaro telling me that without such frequent Chastisements, it was impossible to prevent his extravagancies.

Having been a Witness of this worthy exe­cution, as I returned to the Hall I had notice that the Cardinal was coming to visit me; I went to meet him, and we continued halfe an hour in private Discourse, and he being troubled at what had been resolved at our last enterview, endeavoured to alter me, but I persisting and alledging the same Reasons, he durst no longer contradict them, and went a­way very sollicitous how his excuses would be received by the Vice-roy, which in the Night he sent him by a Gentleman, who brought back Word, That the Spaniards were dissatis­fied with him, and highly complained; that by what he was to do on the morrow, he would establish my Reputation, and be instrumental to a confidence between me and the People. As soon as he was gone I supt and went to Bed, with the same disgust, and in the same man­ner as the day before.

At my rising on Sunday morning I was not a little joyful to see all those that had embar­qued with me arrived in safety, not any [Page 131] of the Felucca's or Brigantines of my little Fleet miscarrying, who, after having been pur­su'd in vain by the Enemies Gallies, after vari­ous Fortunes, and many considerable Adven­tures, came happily ashore, some in the Even­ing, the rest late in the night, though every one of them had steered a several course. Our meeting was an extraordinary satisfaction to all (having received no newes of each other till then) to be freed from the apprehensions we were in four dayes together. All things be­ing in a readiness for our going to Church, I gave notice to the Cardinal that I was taking Horse to that purpose; The Houses were hung with Tapistry, and a Guard of the Cittizens drawn out on each side the way, the Wo­men at the Windows, all that were in the Town of either Sex assisting, and taking pla­ces to see my passage; Gennaro's Guards march­ed first, and after them the Trumpets, followed by a Person chosen by Gennaro, who carried in a Scabbard the Sword that was to be Consecrated, and put into my hands. The Ge­neral and my self rid together▪ he on my right-hand; the Captaines of our Guard followed us on Horseback, with all General Officers and Captaines of the City, my own Domesticks, and other Persons of Consideration.

Having passed in this order from the Car­melites-Tower to the great Church, with the loud Applauses of all the People, and all testimonies of Affection, Respect, and Joy imaginable. I [Page 132] alighted, and was met by Cardinal Filomari­ni at the head of his Clergy; who, after a Complement of the Obligations the City had to me for coming to undertake its defence, con­ducted me into the Churches Treasury, where he presented me the Head of Saint Gennaro the Patron of Naplès; and let me see (not without Admiration) the continued Miracle of his Blood, which preserved in a Viol, dissolves at the approach of his Head, and as soon as separated from it congeales again; this I then saw, and many times since, not without astonishment: from thence I went and took my place with Gennaro, on a Carpet spread before the High-Altar: and the Cardinal having on his Pontifi­cal Habit, and being seated in his Archiepis­copal Chair, Gennaro kneeling before him, pre­sented him the Sword that was to be consecra­ted, which he drew, and after such Ceremonies as the Church usually practises in the Conse­cration of Armes, ( Gennaro holding it up na­ked, to make it appear that the Peoples Autho­rity resided in him, as well in Civil as Milita­ry Affaires, and standing on his right-hand) the Master of the Ceremonies came and conducted me to the Cardinals feet, who presented me the forme of the Oath I was to make to the Nea­politans, to serve them, my self and Successors, with our lives, against all the World, and not to lay down Armes till we had delivered them from slavery, by acquiring them liberty and repose▪ all which I pronounced aloud, laying [Page 133] my right hand on the New Testament; and af­ter a discourse the Cardinal made me, of what Obligations my Oath bound me to, Gennaro presented him the Sword, which he put into my hands, telling me, it was given me for the de­fence of Naples, to oppose the violence where­with their Enemies would oppress them, and to break the fetters under whose weight they had so long groaned. He concluded, by Pro­claiming me Generallissimo of the Peoples For­ces, and Protector of their Liberties, which was followed by the Acclamations and Applau­ses of all that were present, who, making the Church Eccho it, carried the newes to the whole City, whose Inhabitants that were in Armes, testified their satisfaction by a great Volley, to which all the Artillery answered, this being the onely time it was fired during my aboad for want of Powder. Te Deum was afterwards Sung in Musick, and having made one Obey­sance to the Cardinal, and another to the High Altar, I return'd to my place with the Sword in my hand, and delivered it to be held by me, by him that brought it. Mass was Pontifically Celebrated, and when I rose at the Reading of the Gospel, it was again presented me, as long as which lasted I held it up, in token of Con­firmation of the 0ath I had taken.

All Ceremonies finished, I returned to the Carmelites-Tower in the same manner I came from thence; excepting that the Sword was carryed naked before me, and Gennaro gave me the right-hand, and all publick Acclamations [Page 134] were redoubled. Every body went to Dinner, and Gennaro gave me one after the usual manner. I gave order for the Magistrates of the Town, and all Captains and Officers, with the Council to meet in the Evening, who had besought me to assign them an hour to congratulate with me, and conferre of all things necessarie for the secu­rity of Naples, and supplying its wants. After I had been to return thanks to Cardinal Filomarini for the pains he had taken, I visited all the Posts that had been fortified against-the enemy, and appointed the next Morning a general review of ail the Forces. From thence I went to see the Magazines, and took a particular account of what Ammunition and Provisions were in the Town. Part of the day thus imployed, perceiving it late I retired to hold Council, and be readie at the hour I had appointed to all such persons as I had to do with.

The first audience I gave to the Magistrates of the Town, whose complements I received, the Speech (for want of an Elect of the people, to which none had been nominated since Cicio Ar­paia absented himself (and whose Office is much the same with that of Mayor of a Town) was made by the eldest of the City Captains. For answer I protested unto them that I would lay down my life for their concernments, and that I would never abuse the authority they had gi­ven me, with which I held my self to be infinite­ly honored: and lastly, consulting with them by what means we might get in Provisions, and re-establish plenty; They told me that of Wine [Page 135] there was so great a quantity, that it was sold for a Pistol the Tun: That Butchers meat and salted meats were so farr from augmenting in price that they were fallen lower, and that in a long while no want could be of them, no more than of Poultry, and all other sort of Victual, which would come in abundantly, as soon as the Countrey should have knowledge that I com­manded their Forces; and that this would oblige all of them to declare: That the onely thing that was wanting, though indeed the most necessarie, was Corn, of which some quantity might be had, if the Stock designed for buying it had not been wasted: I offered them two thousand Pistols for their assistance in so pressing a necessity, which I caused to be immediately delivered out of the Money I brought with me, till I could supply them with more considerable summes, or till I should have forced open a passage whereby to receive Provisions from abroad. We concluded that Bread should be sold something dearer than the Corn cost us, by that small profit to increase the Stock I gave them, and that it was better to forbear lessening the price of it at present, than to be afterwards obliged to raise it. In the mean time our Felucca's plentifully furnished us with fish, and all manner of herbs, fruits, and roots, on which the greatest part of the Inhabitants usually feed.

The chief of the Army came afterwards to make their Complements, and having given them order to bring the next Morning at my rising the names of all Officers, and a Roll of such persons [Page 136] as were in arms in the Town, of whom I intended to take a review, they told me that powder was wanting on all their Posts, not having where­withal to defend them should the Spaniards make any attack that night. I instantly ordered some to be delivered, and commanded Amello Falco General of the Artillery to cause two thou­sand weight to be sent to Gennaro for defence of the tower, and the rest to be carefully laid up, to give me an exact account, and deliver none with­out order under my hand, the little remainder obliging me to so cautious a management.

Having dismissed the Officers, I sent for the Counsel, and having received and answered their Complements on the same Subject in the same manner, we sate down to deliberate on the pub­lique affairs. Gennaro took his place next me, whose perpetual disquiet obliged him to incessant risings up to receive advice of some plunder was to be made, or to lay up such as was brought in. He perceived us incommoded by this, (it being necessary to begin again all discourses that every moment were interrupted) and desired me not to mind him, his presence being little necessarie, and that he complied with whatever we should re­solve. Our beginning was the limiting his Au­thority and mine, and it was concluded that I should absolutely dispose of all that related to war, and that the Officers and Souldiers should have no dependance but on me alone. That he should take upon him the civil Government, yet not to act any thing without advice of the Council, which should be assembled on all man­ner [Page 137] of occurrences, where I should sit President, and hold the first place; That in case of my ab­sence I should receive Advertisement of all Deli­berations, which should not be executed without my assent and participation. That his power in the Town, having never been owned by the rest of the Kingdom, should extend no farther; And that all Declarations, Manifests, and Proclama­tions, which should be sent into the Provinces, should be made and published in my name onely.

And lastly, it was resolved that all Militarie Officers should take new Commissions from me, and (the extreme want of Provisions considered) that I should be besought to draw out the great­est force could possibly be made both of Horse and Foot, to attempt the regaining of the Sub­urbs, of which the greater part were possessed by the Enemies, to make my self Master of the Field, oblige the Countrey to declare for us, and open the Passages which were blocked up, so to have Communication with the rest of the King­dom, and principally with those Provinces from which the City had wont to derive its subsistence; And when I represented that Levies in order to this could not be made without Money, and enquired from whence we might draw such summes as should be necessary, Gennaro was mo­ved to furnish us, the publike Treasurie being ex­hausted; Upon his refusal I offered to make this expence, as farr as the little Stock I had brought with me would extend. They told me I should find Arms sufficient in the City, causing search to [Page 138] be made amongst the Inhabitants, the meanest of whom had wherewithal to arm four or five per­sons. And it being represented that those that kept Guard at the several Posts (though with convenience enough, because every one was in his own quarter) tired with this duty which they thought insupportable, because it lasted so long, would no more perform it without pay, it was resolved to seek all expedients for a remedie, and that all such as had any advice to give me in or­der to it should be heard; and that in the mean time I would not be wanting my Self to consider of it, that so we might avoid the mischief threat­ned us by the cooling of the old hatred against the Spaniards, now no longer expressed but in words, that so every one might do his utmost for de­fence of his liberty, estate, life and honour.

I was also besought to send a Manifest through the whole Kingdom, to declare that I came to Naples with no other intent than to procure li­berty and drive away the Spaniards, by the assu­rance I brought of the powerful assistance of France, which would very suddenly send a potent Fleet, with all necessary supplies, and which, to avoid giving jealousie, should land no Forces but such as were demanded, the King having no de­sign to invade the Kingdom, or make himself its Master, but onely to deliver it from oppres­sion; it having ever been the custom of France to assist without interest all such as groaning under Tyranny have recourse to her (this being of the highest consequence to remove the di­strust the Spaniards maliciously infused into the [Page 139] minds as well of the Nobility as People of Na­ples, naturally enemies to all forein dominion) and that of this no certainer testimony could be required than my Order to come amongst them, and engage my self in their service by so solemn an Oath, which discharging me of all other Obli­gations, as nearly concerns me in their interests as if I had been born in their Countrey. They told me afterwards, that in order to my greater Authority, and to open a way for such of the No­bility as were willing to re-unite with them, by knowledge of some one to whom they might apply themselves, (their vanity not suffering them to make any Addresses to Gennaro, because of the meanness of his Birth) henceforward re­missions and Graces should be dispensed by me alone. Some of the most violent exclaimed at the word Nobility, and said, they ought to ex­tirpate them all, that it was they possessed the Countrey and cut off their Provisions, who after having on all occasions joyned with the Spa­niards to oppress them, had now taken arms in order to their final ruine, that but two days ago had routed their Forces, and caused many families to wear Mourning for the loss of their Relations, and particularly that the Prince of Montesarchio had cut off their Water. Upon this discourse Gennaro taking his place, propounded to go to the Cloyster, where were four of his Sisters, and cut off their heads to send him as a token, or at least (to be revenged on him) cause them to be ravished, and abandoned to the Skum of the people. I replyed, that was not the way to [Page 140] recover the water he had deprived us of, but that I would take upon me to give him notice of the danger from which I had secured his Sisters, which peradventure my authority might another time come short of, and that all was to be feared from an exasperated people, whom he ought not to drive to despair, and that giving alarm in the Cloyster of what these poor Ladies were to ap­prehend, they would gladly make use of all their credit with him, for the obtaining that which we demanded, on which depended their Lives and Honours, which he could not refuse had he the least affection and kindness for them.

This advice was generally approved, and at­tained such success as I expected; and for what concerned their great hatred for the Nobility, I gave them to understand that it having no other foundation than the mischiefs already received, and which for the future they apprehended from them, to pretend to ruine, and massacre them as irreconcileable enemies, was to engage them to worse, and re-unite them inseparably with Spain, who without their assistance was not in a condi­tion to do us much hurt, since it was the Nobility were Masters of the Field, and that cut off our Provisions; if we could therefore once separate them from the Spanish interests and engage them in ours, the whole Kingdom would declare for us, After which it would be easie for us blocking up the Spaniards in their Castles to starve and force them to yield: and that so in a short time we should arrive at the height of our wishes, be­ing delivered from all forein power, and in con­dition [Page 141] to form our Republique, and raise it up to be as considerable and potent as that of Hol­land.

All yielded to my Reasons, and conjured me to labour in so important a design, and to this purpose to send for all such Gentlemen as were in Town, to give them assurance of my good inten­tions, and order them to give notice of them to the rest of the Nobility. I would not make any expressions of my joy, for having obtained so im­portant a point towards the Publique safety, and my own particular, lest I should render my self liable to the peoples jealousie, who (ever inclined to the worser side) desire that which is pre­judicial to themselves, and concealing my satis­faction, replied, that understanding the natural vanitie of the chief of their Nobility, I knew they would become insolent if they found themselves sought to, and looking on themselves as too con­siderable, imagine we could not subsist without them, which would cause them to exact from us insupportable conditions: but if they thought fit, I would let them know that but for me, their estates, persons, and families were in con­tinual danger, and that I would still continue my endeavours for their preservation; That if they thought good to joyn with us, I assured them they should find in our Republique conditions worthy their Birth. That the common interest of their Countrey obliged them to this concurrence for driving away the common enemy. That they as well as the people wore Chains which were to be broken, and that when ever they [Page 142] should take so good a resolution, they should find me ready with open armes to receive them, and sacrifice my Life for their Interests, which Honour, Reason and love of their Countrey, ought to render inseparable from those of the People.

The Managing this Important Affair was left to my discretion, and the Council rising, every Man retired, and having supped ill and slen­derly, I went to make a dispatch, to give the Court, and the Kings Ministers at Rome advice of my arrival at Naples, and all that passed since, and having furnished the same Felucca that brought me, favoured by the night, I sent a servant called Bourdeaux to supply the omissons might hap­pen in my letters, and to give an exact account of all things whereof he had been an eye-witness.

Monsieur de Fontenay had been so strongly prepossest by the Fabulous Relations made him, of the Forces of the People of Naples, that (ima­gining there was no want, either of Victualls, Ammunition, Mony, or Men, but onely of a Head that with Authority, giving remedy to their Confusions, after an establishment of some Order, might make a profitable use of all ad­vantages) He had encharged me to draw out five or six thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse, to open a passage, and make a free cor­respondence between Rome and Naples: I thought it necessary (by making him under­stand the true condition of Affaires) to let him see the impossibility of executing so great a [Page 143] Design, being so farr from it, that I was at the point of ruin, unless powerfully and speedi­ly succored; which obliged me to write him my wants more at large, that being sensible of them he might become my Sollicitor. But (whether it were that he credited more the Chimerical discourses of some Neapolitans, or that he was ill affected towards me, the cause whereof I know not, or out of desire to appear conside­rable, by seeming better informed at Rome of what passed at Naples, then I that was upon the place; or that flattering himself in some secret intelligences and negotiations with persons (though without his knowledge) employed by the Spaniards, who decried my conduct, and gave him jealousie of the credit I daily acqui­red, or imagining that any other might have done what I did, and perhaps more; and that I owed my Authority less to my own address and care, then to the irreconcileable hatred the Neapolitans bore the Spaniards, on which though on a deceitful bottom, he grounded great hopes of rendering himself necessary) he began to complain of me, as if, to avoid dependance, and such orders as I might too frequently re­ceive, I would not (by opening a passage) e­stablish a more easie correspondence betwixt us: and, without excusing me, on account of the difficulties of Navigation in so tempestuous a season, and the obstruction of the passage of Felucca's, by a Fleet composed of so many Ships, Gallies, and small Vessels with Ores, which I sometimes vainly attempted ten dayes together, [Page 144] accused me for not writing to him, though I omitted no opportunity, unless in such instants in which only I could gain advantages, or some enterprises of war, or my absence from Town prevented me. He detained all my dispatches for the Court that came to his hands, all Or­ders and Letters that were sent me, in so much, that in five Moneths I never could re­ceive any other, hut such as were brought me by some of my domesticks. He gave informa­tions to my prejudice, which I perceived at the arrival of the Fleet, by the jealousie had of me, and the endeavours to deprive me of all credit, and prevent my performing (which I could have done without difficulty) Actions so glori­ous and advantagious to the Crown, industri­ously Crying me down as a Person Chimeri­cal, that suffering my self to be blindly transpor­ted by Ambition, sought nothing but my own establishment, imagining to subsist on my own bottom, and to stand in need neither of Protecti­on nor supplies. He endeavoured in the same manner to possess the most Factious persons in Naples, that he might render me odious. In­tertained a correspondence with Gennaro, and in a word sought my ruin by all manner of wayes, as if I had been the greatest Enemy of France.

These intrigues I quickly discovered; for the greatest part of the Messengers he employed be­ing Soldiers of the Garrison of Piombino, and Frenchmen, and consequently having greater kindness for me than him, listed themselves in [Page 145] the Troops I levied, and bringing me their packets, delivered them not till I had opened and sealed them again. On the other side, I had taken care to win all persons that were a­bout Gennaro, even his wife, who sometimes furnished me with part of his Mony, of whom I should have obtained considerable summs, had he not perceived the loss, though he could not guess by whom it was taken; and since he could not read, there being a necessity he should trust some body, they who perused his Letters, gave me an instant account of them; By such lights it was easie to direct my resolutions.

Though this day would have seemed toilsome to another, it was agreeable to me, because I had employed it profitably, and in so short a time advanced Affaires, I reasonably thought might have proved the worke of some weeks: so that not staying for Supper, which deserv'd it not, I went to Bed, as well to repose, as at my ease to recollect what I had done, and was to do the day following, where I had found great content, had it not been for the trouble­some Company I was forced to endure. I put Gennaro in mind of his Promise, to give liberty to Lewis del Ferro, which he told me should be done in the morning, and afterwards bidding him good-night, feigned my self very drowsie, to avoid so unsatisfactory and irrational an en­tertainment.

The next morning, Monday the eighteenth of November, I arose very early, and went to the [Page 146] Carmelites, there at leisure to conferr with such Officers as I had appointed to meet me. They informed me of the number and importance of the Postes (besides the 3 Castles) that were possessed by the Spaniards in the Town, what Regiments they had, as well of their own Nati­on, as Italians and Germans, what Horse, and how disposed of; the names of their General Officers and Colonels, the manner of their keep­ing Guard; what particular Officers Command­ed in every quarter, and generally of all things I was concerned to know. Afterwards they told me, That we could make state of no more than three thousand and five hundred Foot, and two hundred, or two hundred and fifty Horse, the rest having been ruin'd in a fight against the No­bility the day of my arrival; but that in case of extraordinary necessity, I might list what I plea­sed, the People being all Armed, and ready for a sudden Exploit, provided the occasion lasted not long. They gave me the Names of the Colonels, Serjeant-Majors, and Captains, that had the Guard of the Quarters, or advanced Postes, who being to take new Commissions from me, were not backward in bringing in their Memorials. I enquired also after the most intelligent and cre­ditable persons, to employ in making my Le­vies, and resolved not to lose this Morning which I had designed for taking a review of all the Forces, and of all the Streets we had entrenched against the Enemy; to remedy what I should find amiss, and secure our selves better: Being ready to take Horse, I was told [Page 147] the Council was assembled at Gennaro's. This being contrary to the resolution had been taken, that I should be alwayes President of such as should be held whil'st I was in Town, I ha­sted thither to enquire the reason of such a Novelty, which was, that the Sieur de Ceri­santes had procur'd it, to give account (as he said) of a Commission sent him by Mon­sieur de Fontenay, and present his Letters of Credence. After his offers to the Council of the Kings Protection and assistance, he be­gan to blame my slackness, for not having attempted to open a passage for bringing in provisions; and told them, That had be been in my place, they should have come in abundant­ly. He vaunted his former Employments, and wanting neither wit nor eloquence, had almost perswaded those that heard him, that he was as great a Captain, as Marquis Spinola, or the Princes of Orange, impudently concluding that he was Ambassador of France, and that as such he participated of her trust and secrets, and that himself alone was encharged with her Orders: pretending by this Artifice to make himself Camp-Master-General, (and to necessitate me not to refuse it, having Gennaro, the Council, and People on his side) which he knew he should never obtain from me, that looked on him as too unworthy in Birth, merit and experience for an Employment I reserved to invite to us some one of the greatest Nobility in the Kingdom, that had been a Soul­dier, and whose quality and capacity might be [Page 148] more useful and creditable to me. Cerisantes was the Son of a Preacher of Saumur; and the Marquis of Fors, whose Tutor he had been, made him Lieutenant to the Colonels Compa­ny, in the Regiment of Navarre, after whose death he left the Employment; He had Cou­rage, but was most extravagantly vain. A difference he had, impertinently enough, in the beginning of the Queens Regency, with Monsieur de Candal obliged him to leave the Kingdom, and go for Sweden; where Queen Christina, ha­ving a value for Men of parts, had some consi­deration for him, because of the excellent Latine Verses he made, in which few of this age equalize him; having obtained of her a Com­mission for a Regiment which was never raised, he returned into France with the quality of Co­lonel and her Agent: but she having learned how little he was esteemed, and her self on his account in some manner slighted, discharged him. Presently after this he went for Rome, and giving out that his dismission happened on no other account, but the intention was discovered in him of changing his Religion, he sought a Pen­sion of the Pope, and having abjured his former belief, and daily presenting as well to him as to the chiefest and ablest of the Cardinals, excellent Latine Compositions, put himself in a posture of pretending to some favour. He often visited Monsieur de Fontenay, and made his regular Court to me, that we might do him good Offices. In this condition he was at the time of my passing to Naples, and when I desired of the [Page 149] Ambassadour some one to keep the Ciphers (having then no French Secretarie) he recom­mended this man to me for want of another ca­pable of such an employment. The easiness he discovered in the Kings Ministers qualifying Lewis del Ferro with the title of Ambassadour, perswaded him, that he meriting it more than the other, could not be refused it, especially if it appeared he had gained credit enough to main­tain some close intrique, and work my ruine, which perhaps he had discovered they were de­sirous of. I had been told too that in his passage from Rome, he let slip, to the Sieur D'orillac, a Gentleman belonging to me, (who reasonably enough feared I might be taken Prisoner, having heard no news from me:) that though such a misfortune had happened, the Kings service should suffer little by it, himself alone being ca­pable of supporting the weight of the Neapoli­tan affairs, how embroiled soever, till the arrival of the Fleet.

This discourse held with one of my Domesticks sufficiently discovers the judgement of the party. He was much surprised at my coming into the Council, where declaring that I took it very ill that they deliberated on any thing without my knowledge, they made many excuses, that they could not refuse receiving the Kings Let­ters, nor hearing what his Ambassadour had to say to them. I ranted Cerisantes for his inso­lence in taking upon him that title, and threatned him with severe punishment, if in his life he any more committed such a folly directly contrary to [Page 150] the honour of the Crown, turning to ridiculous, in the eyes of all Europe, that character by which particular persons represent Soveraigns.

He went away in a great deal of Confusion, yet he had so farre infatuated the whole Assembly by his plausible discourses, that with one consent I was besought to make choice of him for Camp­master general. This I refused, notwithstanding all instances could be made, as of too great pre­judice to my Honour in all places where he was known: it being as important to me as to the people, to restrain such incroachments, which would give our enemies too great advantages, and too many occasions to contemn us. After­wards I got on horseback and went to make the review, which by this unexpected occasion had been delayed: I had little satisfaction in it, finding (as hath been said) but three thousand and five hundred foot, and two hundred and fifty horse, the greatest part of whose Officers ne­ver saw any other War than that which had been raised in their City since the first Revolu­tions, where the Confusion and Disorder had been so great, that it were more significant to­wards understanding the profession, to forget than make use of what they had seen. I vi­sited also all the Posts that were fortified and entrenched, and though naturally I want not memory for reporting what I have seen, it will be impossible for me to recite it, the whole be­ing so irregular and extraordinarie, that I must acknowledge I can make nothing of it. There were cuttings off at the end of every street that [Page 151] fronted the enemies works. The trenches in some places were made of Faggots and Barrels filled with Earth, flanked onely by the houses, in which sometimes the Spaniards were possest of the Garrets and Cellars, and the people of the other Stories. In other places all was very dif­ferent, Souldiers were placed behind Chimneys, and where the Streets were narrow, they were crossed by Planks, which gave Communication from the Roofs of the Houses, where for the most part the Gutters were made the fields of Battel. Onely the Custom-house, the Gate of Albe, and two or three other Posts were in a good condition, they having been accidently provided with some Officer that had served in Flanders, at Milan or in Catalonia.

When I recollect what I saw that Morning, I cannot but still admire how the Town held out against the Spaniards, and am confident it must needs have been reduced before my arrival, had it not been either by reason of the incapacity of the greatest part of their Officers, who obtain their Charges from the Viceroys before they have seen any thing, and are very suddenly ad­vanced, by reforming many under pretence of giving them Pensions, and this in such manner that in the time of the Duke of Medina de los torres one Company of foot in one day had suc­cessively seven Captains; or the want of resolu­tion in their Councils, or their fear of being over-powred by the multitude, or else that wan­ting Provisions, they forbore to undertake any thing, till the Spring should give them facility [Page 152] and security of Navigation, to bring them plenty, lest they might be overcharged with too many mouths, and so consume the little that remained for preservation of their Castles. I added to these extravagant Fortifications whatever I could imagine useful, and made them secure against Surprises, unless by Treason.

I began my Levies by a Company of three hundred Fowlers, who being the best marks­men in the World, I placed them on the tops of Houses, in all the Garret windows, and be­hind the Chimneys, but principally in the Steeple of the Cloyster of S t Sebastian, from whence discovering the backside of the Gate of S t Spirito (the most important of all the enemies quarters, and kept by Spaniards) they killed all Officers that went to and fro with Orders; at my hours of leisure I went every day thither to enjoy this pleasure, till the Canon of S t Elmos Castle drove me away; One day Don John of Austria and the Earl of Ognate, passing in Sedans, the men that carried them were killed, and they forced to make haste to save themselves afoot. These ex­pert fellows did them infinite mischief, and in five moneths time knocked down an incredible number of their Officers.

I gave out Commissions for five Regiments, of which I gave one to Sieur Perez (who had served in Milan and Catalonia, and been hurt at the defence of the Custom-house, which he kept with a great deal of honour) and who is yet with me, the others to Sieur Castaldo, Sieur Antonio de Calco who had been Lieutenant of the Camp-master [Page 153] General in the Spanish service, Sieur Juan Dominico an old Souldier, and to Pepe Palombe. I made one also of Dragoons, which having but two Companies raised, I gave their command to Marco Pisano. I raised also one hundred guards and three troops of horse, all at my own expence, and appointed Onofrio Pisacani, Carlo Longo­bardo, and Cicio Batimiello, persons in whom I confided, to search what arms were in all the houses, and to give me account on the Market­place at three a clock where I would expect them. Being told of a disorder about the Vi­cairie I hasted thither, and found Lewis del Ferro followed by Boys and others of the Rascalitie he had drawn together, who, having brought Lad­ders, were with Chissels breaking down the Arms of the Emperour Charles the fift, which stood over the Gate: The people that had an extra­ordinary respect for his memory were in a tu­mult, which I appeased by causing him to be clapt into a dungeon in Irons. I commanded the arms to be set up anew, and on pain of death forbad the like insolencies, or to drag the King of Spains picture through the Streets, or stab it with Knives; on which account I cashiered the Regi­ment of the Lazares, reserving onely the compa­ny of Pione, who commanded it, and had been more obedient to my Orders than the rest, and had not only accompanied Masaniello in the first revolt, but had taken the Duke of Arcos by the Beard; I caused two such Rascals to be whipt whom I found tearing with hooks the pour-traiture of the Catholike King, being of opinion [Page 154] that how fierce a war soever we make, we are not to forget a respect to Majesty, which ought to be always sacred.

I am not insensible that ill offices were en­deavoured to be done me at Court on this occa­sion, though my proceedings cannot be condem­ned by persons of Honour, the Spaniards them­selves, though they extremely hate our nation, not having demolished that which in the princi­pal Quarters of the City preserves the memorie of the French Government.

Presently after Dinner I went to the Market­place to expect account of my Orders, where I met a remarkable adventure, which tended to my greater authority and respect. They to whom I had given Commission brought me account of such Arms as they had found; but a Butcher cal­led Michael de Santis, a man seditious and inso­lent, accompanied by five and twenty or thirty persons like himself, who were his ordinary fol­lowers, came rudely to complain to me, that he was not used with such respect as belonged to him, the search for Arms having been made in his house as well as amongst the other Inhabitants; I told him it had been done by my Order, and that I understood not on what account he pre­tended to be exempted. He told me he was Camp-Master General. I desired to know how long he had been possessed of that charge, and who gave it him, and whether he had ever been a Souldier? He acknowledged he had not, and that he had no experience, but that he had taken that charge upon himself; that he would receive [Page 155] a Commission from no man, and that this was the slightest recompence the important services he had rendered the people merited, for having driven the Nobility out of the Town, whose ene­my and persecutor he had declared himself. I forbad him any longer to assume that Quali­ty, which I reserved for a Person of greater con­sideration, and that he should content himself with the command of his Quarter: Upon which answering me arrogantly and with too little re­spect, I threatned that if he persisted, I would cause him immediately to be hanged on the Gal­lows that was in the Market-place. Having with­drawn into the middle of his rabble, where he thought himself safe, he began to grumble, that I had not been above two dayes in Naples and would already play the Master, and bragging, that he had cut off the head of Don Pepe Caraf­fa, brother to the Duke of Matalone, and cau­sed his Body to be dragged through the Streets, said, he would use me in the same manner, if I too much vexed him: I was then upon a black Spanish Horse, very vigorous, which I spurred right upon him, and trampled him under feet in the middle of his Company. Supposing one that used so little Ceremony, would certainly hang him, possest with fear, he got on his knees and begged his life, protesting ever af­ter to have all manner of submission and respect for me: I pardoned him, but with assurance, that if he should ever be again so insolent, I would make him an example. All that were present seemed surprised at this Action, and [Page 156] that I apprehended not the danger to which I might have exposed my self, to whom, smi­ling, I answered, That I had a natural contempt for the rabble, and that when God framed a Person of my quality, he imprinted something on his forehead, could not be beheld by it without trembling.

Afterwards came an Apothecary to demand Justice of me, because the Souldiers he had till then Commanded, weary of Obeying him, had on their own Authority made choice of another Captain. I gave them a great repriment, and com­manded them to obey him as they had done for­merly: And, in answer to some Complaints they made of his ill Conduct, he impudently told me they lied. I was in choler, and perceiving that by suffering such things I should every day fall from the respect due to me, gave him a blow on the head with my Cane, that laid him at my feet, which he kissed in acknowledgment of his fault, and fearing something worse, thought himself happy to scape so easily, and that he was very much beholding to my moderation: He served me well and faithfully ever after, and his Souldiers obeyed him without having any diffe­rence with him, which seemed very extraordi­nary to me.

The most pressing Affair that lay now upon me, being to provide for the subsistence of those that guarded our Postes, who would no longer have fatigue without pay, having thought on a hundred expedients, I fixed on one, which seemed the most ready, and most sure, which [Page 157] was, to appoint the Mint-Master, and all his Of­ficers, to bring me to Gennaro's a Furnace, to try whether their Money were of the true Allay. All things being ready for this purpose, I went, and discovering the abuse, of which this sort of Peo­ple never fail, threatned to hang them as Coyn­ers of false Money; which they, not without reason, apprehending, I was a long while inflexi­ble to the entreaties of all that spoke for them, and made them accept it as a great mercy, to punish them onely in the forfeiture of their Salaries and Profits to the Publick-use, for as long a time as I should think good.

The great quantity of Plate that had been Plundered from the first insurrection of Massa­niello, which they that were Masters of con­verted into Mony, consider'd, we found we might make Estate daily, (counting one day with another) of five hundred Crowns. I appointed this stock for paying the Forces I had in the Town, which not onely proved sufficient, but served for those also, which from that day to the day of my Imprisonment, I maintained in the Field, with such success as you shall hereafter hear of.

Unwilling to continue any longer useless, and without some action, whose splendor might gain me reputation, I caused an extraordinary draw­ing out, of two thousand commanded Foot▪ of the best of all the Quarters, that I might make ad­vantage by the intelligence I had of the Ene­mies negligence on two considerable Posts, cal­led the Mortelles and St. Charles. These thought [Page 158] themselves very secure, because covered by St. Elmos Castle, and Lantignana and the Vomero which are (as it were) two Suburbs, ha­ving till then held for them, but now had sent to assure me, they would declare for me, and take Arms on my first Order. I sent them one in Writing by Serjeant Major de la Cave, who commanded a Body of six hundred Men, drawn from a Town of the same name, whose Inhabitants have in all Ages had the reputation of the best and hardiest Souldiers of the King­dom; I would not go my self towards that quar­ter, lest I might give suspition of my Design, of which the Enemies, by their Spies, might have received advertisement.

As soon as it was night, I headed my two thousand men in the Market-place, ready to March when it should be time. I designed two attaques, one near the Custom-house, and the other by the Cloyster of St. Clare, to busie and divert their Forces, by apprehension that I was ready to second either of them, where I should see most facility, and appearance of success. The Cavaioli or men of la Cava were in the interim drawn near St. Charles, to fall on as soon as I should give the Signal, which was a Musket three times fired; five hundred Musqueteers of Vomero and Lantigna­na were to second them, and I to be at the same time at the head of my two thousand men, to force the Spaniards from all they were possest of in the Town, except the Castles; These two Posts, when gained, playing on their rear, [Page 159] and cutting off all their other quarters; which was not difficult to effect, the incapacity of the greatest part of their Officers considered, and the astonishment and confusion that would be amongst them at such a surprizal. A hundred men were to fall on first, and (seconded by the like number) to advance farther as soon as the Work they had stormed should be possest, and in a condition to secure them from being cut off; the same thing was afterwards to be done from Poste to Poste: and thus, without any great ha­zard of Men, I might have succeeded in so handsome an enterprise.

The signal was to be given at four in the morning, and I expecting the time with much impatience, that of my Men was so much great­er, that they began the attaque two houres sooner, before those that should have seconded them were come up, or I knew how to bring them succor. The great firing I heard, soon gave me notice of their precipitation, I lost no time in beginning my March, which I had but just done, when I had newes by an Officer, dis­patched to me in all haste, that St. Charles was stormed, with the Death or Imprisonment of five and thirty Reformadoes that kept it. The en­couragement of this good success gave me a great deal of Joy, which was too much allay'd a quarter of an hour after, when I understood that my men, two farr transported, by the little opposition they met, going on without minding whether they were seconded or not, had taken [Page 160] the Morteles, and some other Fortified Postes, & passed on to the Gardiole, and St. Annes Chappel, which are near the Vice-roys Palace, who was so surprised, that he abandoned it, and in all haste made to the New Castle: Had my Orders been followed, so that I might have come timely in, the Spaniards seemed driven out of Naples, the Castles accidentally being provided with no more then four and twenty houres Victuals, and their communication cut off. But, my men dazeled by their good fortune, fell to plunder, and en­ter houses; which, the Regiment of Naples perceiving, without resistance re-possest the Postes we had gained, but disorderly abandoned; and of three hundered men they took, they killed some, hanged seven or eight, and sent the rest a plentiful recruit to their Gallies.

This sensibly touched me, and made me re­gret the want of a Body of well-regulated Troops, who, having more obedience, would not have exposed me to such a displeasure, under­derstanding that we ought not to press for­ward till we have made our selves secure of our retreat. Vexed to the Soul by this misfortune, I resolved not to retire, till I had attempted something else; and to this purpose, having put such Troops as I had with me in battalia, in the Piazza that is before Cardinal Filomarini's Palace, I drew out two bodies, one to attaque a Work that had been advanc'd by the enemies, to the end of the Street that goes towards St. Maries Church, where they had lodged one of their most considerable bodies; the other to at­tempt [Page 161] to gain ground towards the bottom of Cedrangulo, where they were so advanced they might easily fall on our rear, in two or three of the most important places in which we were posted.

These two attaques had success, and seconding them often, I had the good luck to recover, in less then half an hour, in this last quarter, all the enemy had gained from the people in six weeks. Greater opposition was made about St. Maries; my Men were twice beaten back, and perceiving them fall from the vigour that first appear'd in them, I was forced to give them example; and followed by some of my own servants, and other private persons, I charged the enemies so smartly with my Sword, that I drove them into the Cloyster, and breaking through the Houses, one after another, reco­vered a whole Street, and advanced a Trench within ten paces, though they had five hun­dred men in it. I order'd Cerisantes to Poste himself strongly there, in doing which, he be­hav'd himself as gallantly as he had done at the attacque, and made it so defensible, that I ever after kept it. After this I went to make place for the Cannon on the right and left hand of the neighbouring Workes, to flanke them, and lodge Musketiers; and having broke down a piece of a Wall, out of curiosity to observe the countenance of the Enemy, I received a Mus­ket-shot below my left eye, which only razed the skin, and a little singed my hair, It was so favourable, that it signified nothing but to gain [Page 162] me credit and affection amongst the People, all both Men and Women coming to see the mark of it, which remained eight or nine dayes, giving me a thousand Benedictions, and conjuring me to a greater care of my self, since losing me they lost all, on whom alone, next to God, de­pended their repose and liberty.

This little action, not ill managed, caused the bad success of the morning to be forgotten; and seeing my Levies begin to come on, I re­solved after a few dayes to take the field, to bring Provisions into the Town, which necessity began to make murmur. All Towns and Villa­ges near the City, hearing that I commanded, had taken Armes for me, and were followed by all the Countrey (excepting such places as had Garrisons) encouraged by the renown of my Person, and Authority of my Name as soon as they had heard of my arrival, and seen the ma­nifests I had carefully distributed to all parts; I sent Jacomo Rosso to draw together a thousand Musketiers, and bring them to me as soon as I should give Order, in quality of Colonel of such Soldiers as should be drawn out of the Neigh­bouring Villages, and employed eight or ten dayes in all things necessary for my taking the Field.

In the mean time I made a Proclamation on pain of death against Plundering Houses, on pre­tence of searching for concealed Armes, Money, or other Moveables: and another, that whosoe­ver had any intelligence to give me of Treason, or other secret enterprises, might address them­selves [Page 163] to me, with assurance to be well reward­ed for their Accusations, in case they could ju­stifie them; but otherwise, for want of prooffs, to be irremissibly punished with the same pe­nalties that belonged to the Crimes of which they were the informers. This was absolutely necessary, for before I undertook the Govern­ment, it was in the power of every Rogue to take away the life of the honestest Man, Gen­naro, without farther enquiry, cutting off the heads, and dragging the Bodies about the Streets of all such as were but reported to hold corres­pondence with the Enemy, to contrive any de­sign against the People or his Person: which kept all in a strange confusion, in a Countrey where hatreds are so violent, that he that hath an Enemy, must fear death at all times, without opportunity of speaking for himself, and being heard in his Justifications.

Applying my self to all means of getting Pow­der, without which War cannot be made, till I could cause Salt-peter to be brought in from a­broad, I went to the Powder-house in St. An­thonies Suburbs, and commanded the underta­kers of it to make use of the earth of all Stables, and other places where Salt-peter might be had, to spare none of them, nor the Labor of Men. Having done all that was possible, I could never get above four and forty, or five and forty pound a day, which I caused to be brought home to me, that it might be the better pre­served, and none delivered without order under my hand, having perceived that Aniello [Page 164] Falco, General of the Artillery, and his Officers, made too great a profusion.

I was so weary of my ill entertainment and lodging at Gennaro's, that I resolved, till a Palace could be provided for me, to lodge at the Carme­lites, in an appartement reserved for the General of their Order, and to be served by mine own Officers, thinking it neither convenient nor ho­nourable to continue longer without house or equipage; and the patience I had for eight dayes being at an end, I told Gennaro my in­tention, who used all means to disswade me, but in vain: so inviting him to Dine with me the next day, being the twenty second of November, and bidding him goodnight, I went to my own lodging, to sleep at my ease in a good bed provided for me; which I had ne­ver done since my arrival at Naples.

As soon as I had left him he was advertised that at the Jesuites was a Chest hid under a pair of Stairs, full of Mony and Jewels: his avarice obliged him to make haste, and breaking down part of a Wall he perceived had been newly made up, found the Chest, but much to his discontent, filled with nothing but Chalices, and other Church-Ornaments. He supposed the Porter of the Cloyster could give him notice of some other that contained more wealth, and took him home with him, and diverted himself the whole night in racking him with his own hand. In the morning he made me acquainted with it, and I gave him a very great Repriment, and obliged him to send him back with all the [Page 165] booty he had made of Church-goods, and terri­fied him so much with the punishment he ought to apprehend from Heaven, that being natu­rally timorous, he promised no more to commit such a fault.

From thence we went to Masse together, where, having caused a Cushion to be laid for him near mine on the Carpet, I perceived ano­ther laid on my left-hand, and demanding for whom, answer was made me for the French Am­bassador, and Cerisantes proffering to come and take that place, I sent back the Cushion into the Vestry, and told him, that if he would not become wiser by the Lessons I had given him, I would make him be shut up in Bedlam, not able to suffer the Honour of France, and my own Authority to be made ridiculous by his im­prudence and temerity, of which I ought to be very sollicitous, the eyes of all Europe being fix­ed upon me, to endeavour to discover in my Conduct any thing that might blemish the Glo­ry of such Actions, as I had attempted with so much paines and danger.

In the mean time I resolved to leave the Baron of Modene in Naples during my absence, an understanding Man, and one I confided in, that he might observe all the motions of Gennaro, and give me notice of all should be resolved on, and endeavour with address to manage Mens In­clinations, so that all deliberations might answer my intention. He became acceptable to all the People, made himself esteemed and beloved, and gained an ascendant over the inclinations of Gen­naro. [Page 166] He made use of all these advantages, to make himself Camp-master-General, either be­cause unable to suffer Cerisantes to be preferred before him, or out of zeal to my Service, believ­ing himself more capable of the employment, and ambitious of acquiring Honour, with his Sword in his hand, which render'd him useless in all. I had design'd him for, embroil'd him afterwards with me, and gave me a great deal of trouble.

The People came in a Body with incredible sol­licitations to recommend him, supposing it to be pleasing to me to be importun'd to it: I re­turned thanks for the affection they testified for me, in placing so great confidence in one that had followed my Fortune, but that it was but reasonable that I should reserve that place for some of their own Nation, since its honours and advantages might invite to us the most conside­rable of the Nobility, whose Birth and parts might be very helpful to us; besides, that so I should deprive the Enemy of some eminent per­son, whose loss would be as prejudicial to them, as his acquisition advantageous to us.

I continnued firme in this intention, which I justified by Reasons that admitted little reply, but he working under-hand, and perswading them that compulsion would not be disagreeable to me on this occasion, I was extreamly surprized when in the afternoon he brought me his Com­mission for Camp-master-General, signed by Gennaro, and all the Captains of the Quarters, and heads of the People, who (he said) forced [Page 167] him to accept it, after his vain endeavours to be excused. I was troubled at this manner of pro­ceeding, but, dissembling my resentments, told him, I was glad of the esteem they had for him, which would give him the better opportunities of serving me; but, that the consequence would be very ill, and directly opposite to my Authority, if the People got a Custom of giving Commissions; I therefore signed one for him, and for that of the People commanded him to carry it back, and cancel it before them, which he did, very much satisfied, to have by such ad­dress obtained his pretence.

The Sieur de Cerisantes impatiently suffering another to be possessed of the Charge he had pre­tended to, after some houres of discontent, put on another Face; and having heard of the In­surrection of part of Calabria, which had sent to me for a Chief to Command them, he thought he might there find something considerable e­nough to recompence the other loss, and finding me out, accosted me with very great Protestati­ons of Respect, Zeal and Fidelity; telling me, that his Fortune was in my hands, and first rela­ting a great part of his adventures, misfortunes and voyages, acquainted me that a Lady of qua­lity was the cause, whom he had long loved, and was beloved again, but that coming too short in birth and Fortune, he could not hope the satis­faction and advantage of marrying her; That she had allowed him time to try whether his Actions and Merit could raise him so high in E­state and Honour, that she might Marry him [Page 168] without prejudice to her Reputation and Fami­ly; that fortune had been contrary to him on a hundred occasions, wherein he had courted her, but had at last led him by the hand to my service, where if I had a kindness for him, it was in my power to make him the happiest of men.

I hearkned to this Romance with a great deal of pleasure, and asking what he had to pretend of me, he replied, the Government of the two Calabria's, with the Title of a Dutchie or Prin­cipality of some of the best Towns possessed in those Provinces by some Spaniard, or other of the Nobility that was our enemy. I replyed, I could not spare him till I had some other to en­trust with the Cyphers, which possibly might happen at the arrival of the Fleet, or with the answer of a Letter I had written to Rome to that purpose; My reply, though very reasonable, gave him no satisfaction, and going murmuring out of my Chamber, Lewis del Ferro coming in oppor­tunely, and asking me what was the matter with Cerisantes, I thought it not amiss to revenge my self on one Fool by another, and told him what had passed in our Conversation Del Ferro pre­sently followed, with pretence that if Cerisantes went from me, the Court Cypher ought to be left in his hand, he being Ambassadour: The other whose bloud was already heated, calling him Fool and Bedlam, refused to part with it in his behalf, whereupon Lewis del Ferro briskly replyed, he must either deliver it, or draw his Sword, Ceri­santes mad to see such a Fellow in competition with him, came back, extremely transported, to [Page 169] demand satisfaction for being treated with so little respect. I answered, laughing, that it is no affront to challenge a man, when the discourse is not accompanied with Violence or Contempt, besides that I knew not what respect belonged to him, nor what difference to make betwixt them; that, things well considered, the advantage was altogether on Lewis del Ferro's side, because I had order to treat with him as an Ambassadour, and had with my own hand delivered him Mon­sieur de Fontenay's Letters, which gave him that title, and that himself was recommended to no other end, but to keep the Cyphers. At this he lost all patience, swearing he was Ambassadour, and that if I did not right him on account of the affront he had received, he knew how to right himself. This dis-respective reply obliged me to confine him to his Chamber, with order to the Captain of my Guard to set a Sentry at his door, and not to suffer him to converse with any till I learned from the Kings Ministers that were at Rome, in what quality they had sent him to me, if as an Ambassadour, that he might receive all honours due to him; But on the contrary, if not as such, I should wrong my self to let him pretend to be so; and that the honour of the Crown was too much concerned to suffer at the same time and in the same place two fools to usurp that cha­racter. His passion being over, he sent to begg my pardon, and conjure me not to write to Rome of what had passed, which would entirely ruine his fortune. I pitied, and would not undo him; but I kept him eight days in apprehension, by it [Page 170] to rectifie his judgement and conduct. The same night happened an accident of which I heard no­thing till I waked next morning; but that which seemed very strange in it, is that I received two Letters from two several places, one over night and the other in the morning, to have a care of my Self, for endeavours were used to poison me, and that Pepe Palombe had promised the Spa­niards to do it. A young man coming into my Kitchin a little before Supper, pressed very ear­nestly towards the meat, which occasioning su­spicion, he was turned out. He afterwards mixt with the Croud that came to see me sup, and getting near the cupboard, holding something in his hand, in a little Paper, offered a considerable summe of Money to a Neapolitan servant I had entertained after my arrival, to put it into my Glass when I should call for drink. One of my guards having accidentally heard something fol­lowed him, and stopped him at his going out of my appartment, and carried him to the Chamber of his Captain, giving him notice of it, who be­ing told the same thing by my servant, would let me know nothing of it, till he had made a perfect discovery of the truth.

After I was in bed they put him on the rack, where he confessed all, and the poison being found about him, it was tried on a Dog, who died with­in a quarter of an hour. When he was pressed to declare where he had it, he said it was given him by Pepe Palombe's Adjutant, who was a man very intimate and much entrusted by his Colonel. In the Morning they acquainted me what had passed [Page 171] over night. I forbad them going so farre an­other time, or precipitating a business of that nature without first acquainting me with it, and receiving my Orders. I would not cause him he had accused to be arrested, and knowing the cre­dit Pepe Palombe had in his quarter, thought it better to endeavour to gain than ruine him, resolving to deal with him in so obliging a fashi­on, that if he had any honour he should ever acknowledge it, and be ever faithful to me. He came to wait on me at my rising, and drawing him apart I shewed him the Letters of advice I had received, of the ill design was pretended he had against me; and causing the Captain of my Guards to relate to him what had passed, he said he would be responsible for his friend that was accused; I seemed perswaded of his inno­cence, and to put an end to the business, and more sensibly oblige him, commanded the Prisoner to be set at liberty. The report (though I endea­voured the contrary) was spred through all the Town, that I was poisoned, and the people crow­ded in multitudes to the gate of the Carmelites; demanding to see me. I got on horseback to ride about the Quarters, and give them the sa­tisfaction they so earnestly desired; and being told that some on the Market-place accused Pepe Palombe of this attempt, taking it to be necessary to justifie him, and make appear the confidence I had in him, that so I might entirely win him, I went to the Concheria, followed by an incredible multitude of people, and finding him at his door, told him, that coming out fasting I found my self [Page 172] a little ill, and therefore desired him to call for a Glass of Wine, with a Crust of Bread or some Sweet-meats; which when he had brought I drank to him, and having eaten of what he pre­sented, embracing him, whispered in his ear, that what I had done was not out of any necessity of my own, but to clear him to the people, and make them witnesses of the confidence I had in him, desiring to continue him in the number of my friends. He protested never to fail in his fidelity, and to retain an eternal memorie of so extraor­dinary a favour.

I employed that day in visiting the Posts, and causing such works as were not to my mind to be altered, standing by all the while.

No attacque was made either night or day, where I was not immediately present, and the Spaniards were amazed to find that not a Musket was fired, but I was presently on the place, and surprized to meet continually in their way, and most commonly to their disadvantage, such suc­cours as I brought with me vigorously beating them back; in such manner that all the time of my being in Naples I never came to blows with­out getting the better, and recovering some no­table advantage from them. The people had ac­quired such affection and esteem for me, that they thought themselves invincible when I fought at their head; which caused the enemies to make it their onely business to destroy me, perswaded that on my person alone depended their final ruine, or re-establishment. Their poison having failed of the success was expected, not onely in [Page 173] that which hath been mentioned, but in two or three other attempts, they had recourse to other ways of destroying me, by endeavouring to give a jealousie of my conduct, and procuring my death by some sedition or tumult. One Morning, the Market-place being full of people, where I was to reconcile a difference between two of their Chiefs, a little Boy gave me a Letter which he said was of importance, and shifting away amongst the Crowd, without any possibility of finding him, or learning of whom he had recei­ved it, I opened it, and seeing what it contained, read it aloud to the people, which in stead of causing their suspition, animated their friendship for me, and their hatred against their enemies. It was directed to the Duke of Siane, son of the regent Capici Ladro, and in form of an an­swer, to this purpose,

That Don John had with a great deal of joy re­ceived the proposal I made him of delivering a Post, and procuring his entrance into the Town, to give opportunity with Fire and Sword to pu­nish the rebellion of its inhabitants, but knowing that the goodness of the King his father would never approve so bloudie a revenge, looking upon the people as disobedient children, whom yet he tenderly loved, and would reclaim by no other wayes but those of demency, being resolved to pardon them, he gave me thanks for my affecti­on, of which he was assured, and desired me to continue it for a more favourable occasion, since I came not to Naples without his participation, nor had undergone so many perils but to do him [Page 174] the better service, by taking away all distrust. That on his part he assured me that the Money I had demanded was ready, and that I should re­ceive it in Genoua, or any other place of which I would give intimation, That he made use of him, to negotiate with me being a person of Qua­lity and my Friend, that I might repose the grea­ter confidence in it.

This dull policy had no other effect than such as I could wish, and altogether contrary to their design. The people murmured extremely and detesting the malice, cried out, Long live the Duke of Guise our Protector, for whom we will spend our lives and fortunes, and sacrifice our wives and children; and more to win them by a soft and compliable comportment, I granted all Pardons of Criminals that were demanded of me, and continued some days to do so, not finding in my heart to put any to death. But this people ac­customed to Bloud and Massacres, were desirous of such Spectacles, and finding by their discourse and murmurings, that it was time to make my self feared, (it being told me as I passed the Streets, that my goodness was too great in that I caused no executions, and that without such examples I should never contain within the limits of duty, such as were become habituated in murders and robberies,) seven men having been imprisoned for such actions, I caused them to be all hanged together, and found that this severe justice was very agreeable, and that the peoples respect and kindness for me was fortified and increased by it. And afterwards seeming in­flexible, [Page 175] when I was desirous to pardon, I made use of an address which I continued to the last. Having notice given me of the time that a Cri­minal was to be brought to punishment, I orde­red it so, that I met him on the way, as if by ac­cident, and (seeming angry that they that went before had not avoided him, but obliged me against my will to see him pass) gave him his life at the suit of his Wife and Children, saying it was not reasonable he should die since his good for­tune had brought him to my presence, par­dons being naturally inseparable from the eyes of Princes.

Vincenzo Andrea thinking on nothing but his treason, secretly endeavoured to give Gennaro jea­lousie of the authority I daily acquired, to which he was very much disposed of himself by finding a diminution of his respect, and Vincenzo daily complained to me of his brutality, ignorance, sloth and avarice, which would ruine all at last if I took not the whole conduct upon me; he under-hand encouraging disorders and plunders, and omitting nothing to obtain his ends. An accident happened that gave him a great deal of joy and hope, which yet brought on no dis­astrous event as he had expected: Three Cap­tains of the Regiment of Sebastian Landi, with his Serjeant Major, who had the Guard of the Gate of Albe, the most suspitious and considerable of all we had, commanding the easiest and most to be apprehended passage of the town (as after­wards appear'd by the application the Spaniards made for buying it of him, by which they at [Page 176] last became Masters of all, and reduced Naples, and consequently the rest of the Kingdom to their obedience) came to complain to me of the imprisonment of their Colonel, and enqui­ring of them whether the enemies had made any Sallie, or there had happened any Skirmish, they told me no, but that Gennaro had clapt him up for opposing his plundering a house in his quar­ter, contrarie to the Proclamation I had made for prevention of such violences. Going therefore to the Carmelites Tower, very much incensed for so unreasonable an action, I sent the Serjeant Major and two of the Captains to cause the Guard to be doubled, lest the enemy should make advantage by this accident, and took onely one of the Cap­tains with me. I found Gennaro with the Council and some of the City Captains, and other Chiefs of the people, who met me and rudely told me he knew what I came about, and that I was not to concern my self in that affair. I went into the Hall where they were assembled, and using him with all the contempt that belonged to his condi­tion, moved by a just indignation raised by his imprudence, and the hazard to which he exposed the whole Town as well as my Person, without once looking on him, and walking up and down the room I told him, he knew well enough that the command of the Army belonging to me, all military persons offending were to be punished by me, and that upon any dis-satisfaction he needed onely make his Complaint, and I should do such right as I judged convenient. That he should have a care hereafter of doing as he had [Page 177] done, for I was resolved not to suffer it. That I being entrusted with the security of the Town, my Honour and Life depended on it, which he ought not to hazard by his passion and humour. That the title of Protector was not given me to suffer my self to be ill used, and contemned in such a manner. That it was not just that a person of my condition, after the neglect of so many dangers, should be every moment irrationally exposed to ruine, where no honorable occasion presented it self. He gave me an insolent an­swer which moving me to reply, that persons so brutal and insolent were not worthy to be com­manded by one of my quality, I broke my Staff on my Knee, and casting away the pieces told him, I renounced the charge I had taken upon me, and assured him he should be responsible for all such mischiefs as would infallibly follow, for the loss of the Estates, and Lives of all the Inha­bitants, the honour of their Families, the sacking and desolation of their City and whole Kingdom, which I abandoned to the cruel Vengeance of the Spaniards: That I would immediately seek felucca's for my return, to leave a plate where I was so little valued, and where nothing could be acquired but infamy in stead of the honour I had proposed to my self: That I could not suffer a failing of the respect belonged to me, especially by such as he, and that I had a great mind before my departure to make him an example, and cause him to be thrown out of the Window.

All that were present offered themselves to perform this, he in the mean time weeping, and [Page 178] casting himself at my feet, which he often kissed, begging my pardon, which was in like manner done by his Wife and Brother-in-law, with a thousand demonstrations of fear, and as many Protestations for the future to be more obedient and submissive to me than the meanest person in the Town. All the Company on their Knees, and with tears in their eyes, besought me to take again the command, they having no hope but in me alone, being for ever ruined if I laid aside the defence of their liberty. I yielded to so many entreaties, and another Staff being presented, accepted it as a mark of the Authority I re-assumed. After this I had much ado to hinder those that were present from killing him, so great were their animosities; I sent back Colonel Landi to his charge, ordering him for the future to ap­ply himself to it, with the same punctuality, vi­gilance and zeal as formerly, of which he gave me all such Promises, as this Obligation and the Friendship I had ever expressed for him re­quired.

In the mean time Pepe Palombe at the head of those of the Concheria, Matheo Damore followed by all Lavinare and the adjoyning quarters, and all those of the Market-place in Arms, with loud cries and a furious tumult demanded the person of Gennaro to be delivered to them, that they might cut off his Head, and afterwards hang him up by the foot, by that Example to teach the re­spect that belonged to me. I went down to pa­cifie them, which my appearance immediately did, after the assurance I gave them of my Satisfacti­on. [Page 179] They often-times called me their Father and Defender, with tears conjuring me not to aban­don them, since without me they could not hope deliverance from slavery, recommending to me the preservation of their Lives and Fortunes, with the honour of their Families.

This insolent penitent not thinking himself se­cure, besought me to protect him against the fu­ry of the whole Town, and publiquely kneeled down before me to beg his Life, where I em­braced him and commanded the people, since I had pardoned him and looked on him as the best and faithfullest of my Friends, to love and value him as formerly, I taking into my protection his interests and safety against all men. In this man­ner I made useful to me an accident that might probably have given me much trouble and dan­ger. He retired into his Tower, and I got on horseback to shew my self to the people, and visit the condition of the Posts, and vigilance of the Guards, that I might have nothing to fear in the night. As I passed by S t Lawrence's Cloy­ster, I heard a noise in a Palace that belonged to a Person of Quality, and sent an Officer of my Guards to enquire the occasion, Who returned with word that fifteen or sixteen persons were plundering it; I commanded him to bring the chief of them to me, whom I asked whether he had not knowledge of my Proclamation, by which the pillaging of any House was forbidden on pain of death. He told me Yes, but it being reported that arms were hidden there, he went to search by authority of an order signed by my [Page 180] self and Vincenzo Andrea. I demanded it, and finding my hand counterfeited, sent for a Priest out of the Cloyster to confess him, and immedi­ately after, caused him to be hanged at the Barrs of a Window. This prompt Justice drew a thou­sand Benedictions on me, and so terrified all such as till then had securely committed the like out­rages, that no more of them were ever afterwards heard of in the Town.

I very seriously applyed my self to negotiate some intelligence with the Nobility, and ordered all such Gentlemen as were in Town, to meet me the next Morning at the Carmelites, in order to a Conference I desired to hold with them: they failed not of coming, nor I of an extraordinary caressing them all. I told them that having come to Naples to no other purpose but to free all the Kingdom as well as the Town from the rigorous Domination of Spain, I thought it a happiness to me to be in a condition to be useful to the Service of the Nobility, and that I was already sufficient­ly recompensed for all the dangers I had under­gone, by having had the good fortune to secure the Houses and Goods of many persons of Quali­ty, from the fury of the people, more exasperated against them by artifice of the Spaniards, and for want of understanding what was profitable and necessarie for themselves than out of any parti­cular aversion. That I was very desirous to find ways to reconcile them, since their interests ought to be one and the same; that they ought to be equally concerned in Liberty, which I could not acquire to the people without the Nobilities re­ceiving [Page 181] advantage by it. That they both made up one body, in which the Nobility ought to possess the highest place, and preserve the Rank and Prerogative God and Nature had given them. That a Person of my Quality could ne­ver forget the esteem belonged to Gentlemen, and that my actions should hereafter make evi­dent, that I knew very well how to put a diffe­rence between persons of Birth and the Vulgar. That there was not any one amongst them but ought to rejoyce for the falling of the authority into my hands, since in place of the out-rages they had formerly suffered, they should find in me all civility, courtesie and passion to serve as well all of them in general as every one in par­ticular.

This Complement was as welcomely received as really and unfainedly made, and accompanied by thanks for the favourable effects they had already enjoyed, by my having freed all the Gentry from oppression, and danger of the plunderings and insolencies of the common people. To which I replyed that I had done no­thing yet could merit their good opinion, but was confident that when time should present me an opportunity to discover the sincerity of my intentions, they would own themselves to be in some manner obliged to me, and that though I should fail of acquiring their persons, I could not but hope some share in their esteem and friendship, and that how nearly soever they de­pended on Spain, it should transport them no farther than their duty obliged them, because [Page 182] they must needs yield something of their hearts and inclinations to the care and pains I would take on all occasions to do them service. I then acquainted them that I daily expected the French Fleet, to depend on my Orders, provided with all things necessary to the enemies ruine, in which apprehending they might be involved, I conjured them to open their eyes, and provide for their security and advantage: I besought them to make serious reflections on it, to give account of the true condition of affairs to the rest of their order that were absent, and to assure themselves they might entirely relie upon me in all their Concernments; That for what re­mained, being now about settling the Govern­ment by forming it into a Republique, they should not exclude themselves, nor suffer it to be framed simply popular, which would be much to their prejudice, and very difficult to be remedied after­wards; That I delayed that business, all I possibly could, to give them time to take a good resoluti­on. That they had no longer to do with a Masa­niello nor a Gennaro, but with one that tenderly loved and valued them, and that would always preferr their interests above his own: that they therefore might and ought to have an entire con­fidence in me. That I advised them to assemble themselves, where I would be responsible they might with freedom and safety treat of their af­fairs, and take their measures in the present con­junctures, because something possibly might hap­pen would make it too late. I warily observed the Countenances of every one of them, so to [Page 183] penetrate into their most secret thoughts; the greatest part seemed chearful, some (as I imagined) moved by my discourse, and all of them generally had something of inclination and esteem for me; the Prince of la Rocca Cosin to Cardinal Filo­marini excepted, who, though he rendered me all manner of respects and civilities imaginable, by his coolness sufficiently discovered I was never to trust him; of which at last I had but too great experience.

I was quickly after sensible of the effect of this conference, which drew news from all parts, and which (after the consideration of what I had told them) caused the greatest part of the Gentry to wish me well, and desire my preservation, since on me alone depended their Estates, Persons, and Families. I sent a Complement to the Princess of Massa on the loss of her Husband, which had so sensibly moved me, with offers to her Self and Children of all that could depend on my Autho­rity and Credit: excusing my self that the weighty affairs that lay upon me, prevented my Personal paying her those Civilities.

I went often to Mass to the Nunneries, where were Ladies of Quality, and visiting them at the Grate, desired them to send to their Relations all manner of Complements and offers in my name, and desired them to give me notice of all things in which I might oblige and serve them: In a word, I omitted nothing in my power that tended to gain the Nobility, without whom I knew the Spaniards could not support themselves, their Conjunction making their principal force, and [Page 184] which was most likely to give me danger and dif­ficulty. Being one day at one of the Cloisters, I desired to see the Princess of Sens and her daugh­ters, to whom I made my Compliments, as to a person animated against the Spaniards by the Death of her Husband, and that by consequence would be very glad to draw off from their ser­vice all her Relations, and engage them with me. I thought it also good Policy to show some kind of consideration for the memory of Masaniello, he having laid the first foundation of the liberty of Naples; and causing his Widow to be found out, who was reduced to the extre­mest necessity, I took particular care for assist­ing her, which I continued to the time of my imprisonment; which was very acceptable to all the People.

In the mean time want of Victuals necessita­ting me to hazard all for making a way for their entrance, I resolved to take the field, and attempt Aversa, though with very great difficulty, and little hope. I prepared to March the Twelfth of December, with my Regiment Commanded by Pepe Palombe, that of Jacomo Rosso, which con­sisted of one thousand Musquetiers, and two others, which I afterwards gave to Sieur Peres, and de Mallet, and that of Antonio de Calco; with the Companies of Onofrio Pisacani, Carlo Longobardo ▪ and Batimiello, making about four hundered Musquetiers, and all my Infantry three thousand five hundered, or four thousand Men; of which fifteen hundered were not Armed, and the greatest part of them without Swords, car­ried [Page 185] only Staves hardened at the end in the fire. Besides these, there were four or five hundered Lazares, who carried long Poles with Iron hooks, with which they pretended to attaque the Cavalry, and pull the Horsemen out of their Saddles. Aniello de Falco Commanded the Ar­tillery, which consisted of four Field-pieces, with proportionable Equipage. Having no more than four hundred pound of Powder, to make a greater show I carried some Barrels of Sand, a Maltese being Commissary. The Ca­valry consisted of the Company of my Guardes, of that of General Cicio Ferlingere Commanded by his Lieutenant, himself disabled by the gout; of Gennaro, to whom Horacio Vassalo was Lieute­nant, those of Andrea Rama, Rocco, Damiane, and the brother of Augustin de Lieto, who might make five or six hundered Horse. The Sieur D'orillac my Servant, that was to Command my Troop of light-Horse, did the duty of Lieute­nant-general of the Horse; Philip Prignani, an Advocate, was Commissary General, and the whole Body under me to be Commanded by the Baron of Modene, in quality of Camp-Master-General: Bernardo Spinto was Judge Advocate. This little Army had its Rendezvous in a large Plain without the Gate of Capua, at the end of the Suburbs of St. Anthony, where, drawn in Bat­talia, it expected me to March the Twelfth of December at two in the Afternoon; but, a con­siderable accident caused me to differ my de­parture till the next morning.

Whil'st my Servants were yet at Dinner, I [Page 186] went into the Market-place, and while I caused Arms to be given to a new-levied Company of a hundred Men, I had advice, that the Enemy, (not without reason, supposing my absence would cause some disorder) attacqued the Postes of the Custom-house, of St. Bartholomews-Isle, and Visita Pauveri, and were become Masters, ha­ving found them unprovided, those that were entrusted with. the Guard having abandoned them to go home and Dine at their own Hou­ses. I immediately sent the Company that was upon the place, to oppose them, and Orders to my Servants to get a Horseback, and continue ready to follow me, and galloped to the Capuan Gate, where I ordered the Baron of Modene to draw out five hundred Musketiers, under the Command of Colonel Anthonio de Calco, and sent for the three hundred Cavaioles that re­mained (on whom I could safely depend, and who served me with a great deal of courage and success in this occasion) to make all haste towards me, and returning as swiftly as I went, placing my self at the head of my Servants, and some few others the noise had drawn to me, making in all about forty Horse, marched streight to the Enemie; The Company I sent out of the Market-place being not gone farr, I quickly overtook it, and having passed two Streets, and arriving at the Celleria, a place very spacious, especially in that part of it which is near the Fountain of the Serpents, and as it were in the middle of the Town, I saw three hundred Italian Reformado's, who began to put themselves in [Page 187] order, and had their first Rank of Partisans. I charged them vigorously, and having broken, pursu'd them as farr as the Custom-house, and alighting from my Horse at a little bridge I was to pass, fell pell-mell in amongst them, and drove them from that Poste with a very great slaugh­ter; they endeavoured to lodge themselves in some ruines, from which I also drove them. All my Troopes being come up, they again en­deavoured to entrench themselves, and my Men briskly repulsed them: but the Fight growing warme, my Powder begin to fail, and I sent for some to Gennaro, who sent me a Barrel, but be­fore it came, we were constrain'd to oppose with our Swords and casting of stones, the at­tempts they made upon us with good Muskets, which lasted above a great halfe hour: at the end whereof, taking advantage of my want of Ammunition, they made up the Worke they had undertaken. In this extremity I gave or­der to Colonel Melone, with five hundered Mus­ketiers to re-take the Island of St. Bartholomew, which he did with little resistance; and after­wards causing him to fall out into the open field, followed by three hundred with Swords in their hands, leaving the rest to guard what had been regain'd, I sent him to cut off the enemies re­treat, and endeavour to possess himself of the Custom-house of Corne. I drew out Anthonio de Calco, with two hundred Musquetiers to drive them out of Visita Pauveri: And in the mean time went up into one of the Roomes yet in our possession, where causing Oyl, which [Page 188] I found in great quantity, to be made hot, breaking through a Wall, I made it be thrown upon the Enemy; and making use of pitch'd Ropes and Faggots, which had been reserved to attempt the burning some ships, they could no longer resist, and were forced to retreat, by which I preserved the Town, that without my diligence and vigour had been lost; the Enemy having entered and advanced within two streets of the Market-place.

Having secured all there, I went to Visita Paveri, which we had re-taken, but not thinking it enough, I gained a whole street, and ad­vanced a Worke as farr as the Italian Play­house; and finding that some Spaniards were Posted in the upper Rooms of the last house, I made use of the Powder I had sent for, and which was but then brought me, to blow them up, where they lost twelve or fourteen men.

In all this occasion, which lasted above two houres, one of the hottest and most obstinate that had been seen in Naples, there were but two or three slain on my side, and five or six hurt: and, by confession of the Spaniards, du­ring the time of my Prison, they had six score Reformadoes killed, or dangerously wounded, most of them by Swords. This action very much reincouraged the People, by whom I was received with extraordinary applauses.

The Spaniards taking to heart this dayes mis­fortune, attributed its effect only to my presence, and (supposing me gone out of the Town) ho­ped to revenge themselves in the night, and [Page 189] that the People, in stead of providing for their defence, would employ themselves in Rejoy­cings, they therefore filled up the places of such Officers as had been slain, held in readiness a considerable body, and about eleven a Clock smartly assaulted the Custom-house: But, un­derstanding of what importance it was to us, on the conservation or loss of this Post the fate of the Town depending, I had visited it about nine or ten that night, which occasioned their find­ing the Guards doubled and very exact, and were not a little surprised (immediately after the begining of the skirmish) to learn my arrival by the Souldiers Exclamations of long live his High­ness our Protector. This caused them to faint and retreat, least the night might prove as un­fortunate to them as the Day; They discharged their choler by firing their Canon, of which they were quickly weary, finding they spent their Powder in vain. In the mean time, in their sight, I finished the making up our breaches, which 1 had begun before dinner, and put this Poste in a condition to fear nothing but Trea­son, and indeed after this they never durst attempt it. Afterwards I went to rest, that I might be ready in the morning to order all things necessary for our defence, and the man­ner in which the Council were to act, for putting all in so secure a posture, that the enemy might attempt nothing, in the time my absence might perswade them they should find all things easie.

The next morning, being the thirteenth of [Page 190] December, at Day-break, I got on horseback to visit the Postes and Quarters of the Town, and leave such orders as should be necessary. I gave the Command of the Custom-house to Colonel Melone, with a Serjeant-Major, and Cap­tains and Souldiers under him; All the neighbour­ing quarters I likewise took under my Authority, as the Isle of St. Bartholomew guarded by a Captain, De Porto and Visita Pauveri by a Ser­jeant-Major: Colonel Pouca had the Guard of St. Clare, and a Serjeant-Major of the lower end of Cedrangulo. St. Dominico Soriano was entrusted to Colonel Hannibal Brancaccio; Mount Oliveto to a Serjeant-Major; The Gate of Albe and St. Sebastians-Cloyster, to Colonel Sebastian Landi; the Corne-Ditch to Captain Cicio Costa; St. Dominico and St. Anielli to two other Captains. Saint Gennaroes Gate, and the Virgins Suburbs to Colonel Diego Passero. The Gate of Nola and its Suburb to Colonel John Dominico, that of Capua and St. Anthonies Sub­urbs to Colonel Gastaldo; those of St. Effremo to Colonel Dom Bernardo Castracucco: that of Posilippe to a Serjeant-Major; of Foragrotto and two or three other little Towns, or rather Suburbs, to the Command of Serjeant-Major Alexio, who after the taking of Chiaia was made Colonel and Governor of it, of Cavone, to Co­lonel Lombardi; of La Cellaria to Captain Ci­mino; of La Monnoi to Captain Ignatio Spagnu­olo; of La Vinara to Captain Mathew Damore; of the Concieria to Pepe Palombe, and in his ab­sence to his Lieutenant; of La Sauateria to [Page 191] Captain Pepo Ricco; of La Pietra del Peste to Onoffrio Pagano; of the Market-place to Genna­ro's Captain of his guards under himself: As­signing all other quarters of the Town their par­ticular Captains, and the guard of the Vicairie to Grassulo de Roza, with the custody of the Priso­ners, and the charge of head-Jaylor: giving them all such Orders as were necessary, and wherewithal to make punctual payments to their Souldiers, out of the Stock I have already sayed I appointed for it.

All thus regulated for what concerned the Souldiery, I sent for the Magistrates, and Gen­naro being present, told them, That all my en­deavours for preservation of the Town would be useless, unless they supplyed the want of Provisions, and took care that the People might live quietly, and without murmur, in expectati­on of the Plenty I should restore them; which I doubted not very suddenly to effect, it being the onely cause of my taking the field: And for the Council, I conjured them to assist Gennaro with their best advice, observe narrowly his Con­duct, and resolve nothing of importance without communicating it to me. That this could no wayes retard Affaires, since I should not go to any farther distance, then such as admitted a mutual correspondence twice a day. That I depended on them in my absence; That it con­cern'd us to be unanimous, our Interest being one and the same; and that the Liberty we all so passionately aspired to, must be as much the Work of their Heads, as my Hands. I princi­pally [Page 192] recommended these things (besides such other as belonged to his charge of Commissary general of the Provisions) to Vincenzo Andrea, Tonno Basso, Aniello Porcio, Anthonio Scacciaven­to, and Augustino Mollo, and recommended to this last, in whom I had entire confidence, to look after all my Concernments, to give me punctual advice of all things, and oppose what­soever might be undertaken to my prejudice, which would be easie for him, he being a person very active, intelligent and dextrous, really de­voted to me, for whom he had an extraordinary zeal and affection.

All these but necessary precautions having spent more time than I expected, night coming on, I could do no more than take up my lodging in the Suburbs of S. Anthony, to be the readier to be gone next Morning, being the fourteenth of December at day break. However I first took my leave and the Benedictions of Cardinal Filoma­rini, and visited the holy Reliques of Saint Gen­naro. I released Cerisantes from his Confine­ment to his Chamber, with permission to fol­low me into the Field: and sending for him in the Evening, after a repriment, and advice to make a good use of what had happened to him, he told me, that that which so importunely pres­sed him to a sudden Provision for his fortune was his apprehension lest the Fleet might bring some one by the Kings order to take his place, and the Cyphers from him; which would be extremely to his prejudice, by the loss of his Credit and Respect, in such manner that if his fortune were [Page 191] not made before, it would afterwards be very difficult; he added, that I was in the like hazard, being employed only out of pure necessity for want of another, that I was not beloved; that they were jealous and distrustful of my exalta­tion, and that I ought no less then he to hasten to an establishment, since some one might come with the Fleet capable of possessing my place. I must acknowledge, that the often comparison he made of him and me, was as displeasing to me as it was neither just nor respective: So that I replyed, he had some reason to be troubled, be­cause there were a great many persons capable of the employment he had about me, and that would accept it without consideration, whether he were displeased or satisfied: but that my Birth would deterr any from disobliging me lightly, that there were few persons in the World qualified to take upon them my imploy­ment, which, how glorious soever, had too ma­ny Toiles and hazards. That, if my being at Na­ples were disagreeable to the King, and my ser­vices suspected, I should be alwayes ready, with­out any importunity, to retire on his least order: But, without that, if any one should have the vanity by intrigues and cabals, to go about to dispossess me, and make advantage by my spoils, as well as by my travel and industry, it should not pass unpunished; and that whoe­ver they were, they ought to consider well be­fore they exposed themselves to such a hazard, without bringing me an Order, to which my re­spect [Page 192] and fidelity would prevent any reply, be­ing incapable of any other passion then that of serving my Master, and obeying his pleasure; but that I knew very well how to vindicate my self against such as should outrage me without ground or reason, and that I should assured­ly be much more apprehended and feared then he could be by such as designed to be­reave him of his imployment.

Let the World judge if this answer contains any thing contrary to respect and fidelity, yet it was imputed a Crime, and looked on as a Me­nace against such as should come to negotiate on behalfe of the Crown, were it that my words were not faithfully reported, or that they endea­voured to pervert their meaning.

A few dayes after, the reality of my inten­tions appeared, and my respects were justified by my Comportment with the Abbot Baschi, to whom I performed continual civilities out of consideration of the Character he bore of the Kings Envoy, though I was fully informed he endeavoured my ruine by many intrigues, nay, managed a conspiracy against my life, serving in it the Spaniards, (to whom I certainly knew him to be a Pentioner) to the prejudice of France.

Before I went, I dispatched Commissions to several Banditi, who had drawn together, and desired that they might take Armes through the whole Kingdom: these are a sort of People very proper for insurrections, but that commit [Page 193] so many disorders and outrages, that they ruine all wheresoever they pass; and who afterwards are usually made Sacrifices to the publick ha­tred, the affection of the People being regained at the price of their heads, after they have per­formed all such services as they are can b [...]e of; They regard neither word nor oath in their capitulations, nor make any difference in the usage of such Towns and places as yield volun­tarily, or are stormed by force; with them the example of Fathers is to be followed, who burn the Rods after the Correction of their Children. I caused Papone to March by the Garigliano, with two Gentlemen of the Family of Daretzo, who in a short time made themselves Masters of all thereabouts, and (after many at­tempts) of Sessa, and the Tower of Sperlonga, where Captain Peter of Piemont was left Com­mander. The Sieur de Lascari marched to­wards Fondi, of which he possessed himself; Marcello Turso into Calabria, Pietro Crescentio towards Monte Fuscolo; The Earl of Vaglie and Matheo Christiano into the Country of Barie, and Mazotta into Basilicata, Sabato Pastorie into Apulia: other Bandites into Abruzzo, where afterwards many other Persons declared for us, whom I shall nominate and speak of in time and place, Polito Pastena commanded to­wards Salerno, Paul of Naples, and the Vassals, towards St. Severino, Nocera, La Cava, and Avellino, and I sent them for this purpose the Ca­vaioles that continued yet in Naples: It gave great astonishment to the Spaniards to see them­selves [Page 194] attacqued on all sides, and I drew toge­ther so numerous forces, that in less than a Moneth the whole Kingdom declared for me, and all the Towns came in, except such as had Castles and Citadels, and the whole Nobility was necessitated to have recourse to me for safe­guards, and securing their Lands and Houses from Plunder; in which I took all care imaginable, that I might gain them, and when they were forced to abandon all, wished them to send People of their own to preserve their rents and moveables: this wrought so much on them, that they afterwards fought against me, with great respect, and concerned themselves in my safety, as necessary to that of their Fortunes, Wives and Children, on which account there are very few amongst them that are not obliged to me, and that have not kept alive for me (in their Hearts) their acknowledgments and gra­titude.

After three houres March I came to Juliano, a place very populous, and from whence there goes forth to take the field every year a great many Banditi, here I found five hundred good men in Armes; I made it my Head Quarter, and sent the rest of my Troops to St. Antimo, halfe a League distant, and scituated on a small Rivolet, with Order to entrench, as I did all the avenues of my Quarter, after I had taken a dili­gent view of them. Returning to my Lodging, I found there the Marchioness of Ataviane, a Lady of Quality, who came to desire a safe­guard, which I immediately appointed her, with [Page 195] a Coach to return, she having come a Foot in very ill way, and as bad weather: Being a wi­dow, and having two Sons well grown, she desired leave to send them to Naples to their Relations, with some Mony and Jewels, to which I consented with a Passeport for their security, she going away extreamly satisfied with my Civilities, and resolved, as she assured me, to use all her endeavours to gain me her friends and Kindred.

I had brought with me an Augustine Frier, very well known to all the Nobility, as having been Companion to Father Andrea d' Avallos, afterwards a Bishop, brother of the Marquiss of Vaste, called Father Thomas Sebastian, very much affected to me, and who being a man of partes, might be useful to me in my negotiation. He told me, there lived hard by a Gentleman called Vincenzo Carafa, a very understanding person, and great enemy of the Spaniards, who could easily negotiate with the Nobility that had retired into Aversa, I appointed him to bring him to me next morning at my rising: After this, being informed that there was a great Town called St. Ciprian, about half a League off, from whence the Enemy had received a great deal of Corn, and where yet there might remain twelve or fourteen thousand sacks, I sent for Jacomo Rosso, who, as a famous Ban­dito, knew very well the way, and had a great credit amongst that People; I commanded him with his Regiment, which consisted of a thou­sand good Men, to March thither the next [Page 196] morning at day-break, which might easily be done without any fear of the Enemies Horse, the Country being broken with Ditches, and tra­versed with Trees; that without making any halt, or suffering himself to be amused by light skirmishes, or small parties, which would que­stionless be sent after him, he should make thither as fast as he could, and entrench himself so as to keep it, till I could convey all the Corn to Na­ples. His imprudence in not observing my Or­ders, engaged me the next day in a very dan­gerous Combat, which yet had no other effect then to gain me honor, and an opportunity which I so well managed, that it proved the Fountain of all the good success that afterward arrived to me, and went very near to give an irreparable loss to the Spaniards.

Vincenzo Carafa was with me the next morn­ing at my rising, whom (to secure him from suspition) I had sent for by four of my Guards; I shut my self up with him an hour and halfe, and was assured that the Nobility, being greater Enemies to the Spaniards than the Peo­ple, did more passionately desire to see them­selves delivered from their Government, but that their hatred for the Multitude, and their apprehension of becoming subject to them, was the only consideration restrained them from attempting the ways of Liberty: I spoke to him all such things as I thought might be ac­ceptable, and free him from his distrust; very glad to understand my intentions, he assured me, I should not find any of the Nobility that would [Page 197] not joyfully have recourse to me, own me as their head, and readily obey all my Or­ders: After many embraces I sent him to A­versa, well instructed, and well affected with a Passeport, under pretence of retiring with those that were already there, and caused him to be accompanied by Father Thomas Sebastian, who pretended he came thither to give account to some of the Gentlemen of their particular Af­fairs entrusted to his managing. I very much depended on this negotiation, of which I con­ceived great hopes: but, by reason of the in­discretion of Vincenzo Carafa, who was too eager and passionate, though something was ef­fected, yet not all that I expected: He was very favourably received and heard, but open­ing himself to too many, was made Prisoner, for which I was very sorry.

I was but just set down to Dinner, when Ja­como Rosso sent me word he had met some Scouts of the Enemies Horse, and pursued them to the Portes of Aversa, where he had engaged them with considerable advantage; so as if I immediately came to him, he assured me of taking it. I was so surprized by this extra­vagant news, that rising hastily from the Table I threw it down, and causing instantly to sound to Horse, resolved to hazard all to save him, and prevent his Regiment from being cut in pieces, it being the best body of Foot I had; I sent him order to come off, whil'st I attacqued such Troops as I reasonably imagin'd the Enemy would send to meet me, to hinder my disengaging him, & cut off his retreat.

[Page 198]I commanded the Baron of Modene to place at the head of my Quarter, which I had en­trenched, two pieces of Canon charged with carthages, and to send me five hundred Musquet­tiers, to secure all the streight passages by which I was to retreat, and to keep all the rest of the foot in arms in the Quarter, as well for its se­curity, as to be ready to march where I should have occasion for them, not doubting to receive a repulse, knowing that there were in Aversa about three thousand horse. I caused D'orillac to draw out the Horse Guard, with orders to take a view of the enemy, to endeavour to amuse them by a Skirmish, to give me immedi­ate notice of their march, to have a care not to engage himself too lightly, and gain me time to put my self in order of Battle in the high way from Aversa to Naples, which had on each side two great Ditches, as is usual in Flanders, the Countrey being all divided into little Closes, on whose Borders grow Fruit-trees, encompassed with Vines, as in many parts of Piedmont and Lombardie. I left my Infantry in the places in which I thought it would be most necessary, and caused the Troops that were quartered in S. An­timo to advance, to hinder my being that way cut off behind. I had scarce begun to put my men in order, when D'orillac having found the enemie nearer him than he had imagined, occa­sioned by reason of the defect of his sight, was charged by a Squadron of Horse commanded by Captain Latin, whose Hat he shot off with his Pistol, and turning his horse about to retreat, [Page 199] the ground being bad, fell, and was unhappily taken under him, and carried away Prisoner; soon after which a Spaniard called Don Diego de Halamo gave him two wounds with a Sword behind, with which he killed him in cold bloud, to the extraordinary regret of the Nobility of Naples, who abominated so vile an action. I saw the guard come back galloping, which falling on a Squadron that was before me, disordered and reversed it on mine. I was so strongly shaken that my horse was forced into a Ditch, the Captain of my Guards cast on the ground, and his Hat lost; as soon as I got up I was faine to fly two mile with all the rest of my horse, to gain ground to rally, being all that while enclosed by two Ditches that were on each side the High­way, in such a manner that had the enemy made a vigorous pursuite, they might have followed beating me to the gates of Naples, without any possibility of my turning Head. But perceiving the enemy slack in the chase of us, I galloped to be head of these Runaways, and did my utmost endeavour with words and blows of the flat of my Sword to renew the fight. Captain Rocco ran away at the head of his Company, without looking behind him, crying out that he was very much wounded, though there was nothing of it, and riding over such of my foot as he found at the head of my Quarter, entered very much astonished. At my return I cashiered him, cau­sing him to be disarmed, with all such marks of infamy as his cowardice merited: lifting up my hand to strike with my Sword an Officer I could [Page 200] no otherways cause to stand, I perceived it was Philip Prignani, Commissary general of the Horse, who had a little bloud on his hand, caused by a scratch of a Nail on the Pommel of his Sadle, which he would have perswaded me to have taken for a cut of a Sword, telling me he shed that bloud with joy for my service, as he would do all that remained whensoever there should be occasion, and that he was shot through the Reins with a Carabine; I sent him into the Quarter to be dressed, which was the onely thing he desired.

In the mean time I made a stand in the High­way all alone, and called out that such as had honour should turn to me; thirty men came in, whom having drawn up, whilest the rest were rallying, I with them charged such of the ene­my as were in disorder, who falling back on two Squadrons that were to be their seconds, broke them, whom I pursued about a mile to a little bridge where I made a halt. The Lazares ima­gining there was no more to be done but plunder and get Horses, demanded my leave to do so, I gave it them with a very good will, desirous to rid my hands of them, as of useless and trouble­som fellows, I therefore told them that getting out into the Field they should advance as farre as possible, to endeavour to fall on the enemies rear, which they imprudently doing, I attained my end, three hundred of them being killed. I over­took a Lieutenant of Horse that commanded the enemies Scouts, and who made good the rear during their retreat: him I took prisoner, proud [Page 201] to have yielded to me, and to have been deprived of his Liberty by my hand. My Runaways per­ceiving the enemies had turned their backs, and that I had vigorously repelled them, rallying be­gan to march, as believing there was nothing more to be feared, when I was suddenly fired up­on by thirty or fourty Musquettiers, who under shelter of two Houses were left to guard the bridge, they killed fourteen of the thirty that were with me, the rest astonished, fled, and left me with onely two persons in my company, of whom the Maltese Commissary of the Artillery was one, him I sent to cause two hundred Mus­quettiers to advance, and seeing fourteen or fif­teen of my servants coming along with Fire­locks I met them, and drew them into the Ditches that were on each side of the way, forbidding them to shew themselves, or fire till I gave them order; Three Squadrons of the enemy filing after each other, passed the bridge, and after­wards drew up again before me, from amongst whom the Prince of Minorvine advanced, with his sword drawn, threatning and ranting our runaways, and seeing two of my footmen by me, whose Livery of Green Velvet laced with Gold was very remarkable, struck down one close by my stirrup with a great blow of his Sword on the head: I asked Horatio Vasallo if he knew that so gallant and handsom person; he, mistaking, told me it was the Prince of Torello, I then sent him to rally his Troop, and bring it to me, and the mean while rid right up to the other, who mounted a fresh Horse was brought him, [Page 202] of a dappled gray, very beautiful, within ten paces of me, and drawing my Pistol, called to him, Prince of Torello, whilest your men advance and mine rally, since we are accidentally met, let us exchange a brace of Bullets, there is honour to be won on either side; but he retreated without attending me, I followed and when I came near called to him to yield to the Duke of Guise, but loosning the rains to his Horse, he quickly out-went mine that was almost tired. I would nei­ther venture to shoot at such a distance, nor en­gage my self in his pursuit which was too hazar­dous, he calling to his men to advance, and pla­cing himself at their head, to oppose mine which he saw marching towards him. I perceived ma­ny Gentlemen in his first Rank, by the beauty of their Horses, and black Velvet Coats. I turned towards them, and (pickering) sought to engage them to follow me; when they came near me I retreated twenty paces, then again wheeling and doing as before; this at last insensibly drew them into the turning of the way where I had lodged my Fire-locks, to whom I made sign with my Hat to fire, and every one to choose his man which proved very fatal. Don Emanuel de Vais, Captain of Horse, was shot dead, The Marquis de Paihede had his right hand shattered, The Marquis of Saint Juliani received two shots, one in his side and the other in his head, of which four dayes after he died; in fine seven of the bravest fell; their Squadron was shaken and weakned by those that carried off the dead and wounded, and my men recovering cou­rage [Page 203] beat them back to the Bridge a second time, from whence I was driven by their Horse and some Musquettiers, at whose head the Duke of Andria placing himself for their encouragement, they repassed the Bridge with three Squadrons, My men were again discouraged, and having discharged their Carabines, left me the third time alone in the High-way, where I thought my self safer than formerly, because of the apprehension my Foot gave the Enemy. However, the first Squadron marching in very good order to charge me, the Duke of Andria with his Sword in his hand, leading them, commanded them to halt, whether unwilling to engage, or, as he told me at our interview two days after, loth to attacque my Person, and bring me into a new danger; In this interim, the Foot I had sent for being come up, after the Enemy had a sight of them, I placed them in the ditches, and with all my horse, now in better heart, and in a body, marched to them, and again drove them over that fatal Bridge, where the skirmish grew hot, and lasted more than a great quarter of an hour. In this pursuit an Of­ficers horse being fallen, I saw him encompassed by some Rascals that went about to kill him with many wounds, but hearing him call for quarter. I rid up to him, and driving away those that would so cruelly have massacred him, he yielded him­self to me with a great deal of joy, and delive­ring him to one of my Guards, I sent him to my Quarter. The reason of my so easie gaining this last advantage, was the Duke of Andria's having gone back to draw five hundred horse out of his [Page 204] rear to cut off my retreat. I ran very great ha­zard in this rancontre, not so much from the Enemy, as my own men, who discharging behind me, burned my hair and feathers. Jacomo Rosso obeying the order I had sent him, making use of the Ditches and Trees that were in the fields, made a happy retreat still fighting, not loosing above nine or ten men, with the like number wounded. The horse that should have cut off my retreat, meeting two hundred Musquettiers I had to that purpose left on a passage, affrighted by their fire thought of nothing but getting back. Not­withstanding all which, my Men were alarm­ed by their March, crying out we were cut off, in such manner, that I had much ado to rein­courage them, by perswading them, it was our own Horse of the quarter of St. Antimo, whom I had caused to advance in favour of our re­treat, which I had also secured by placing Foot at all passes. But, some of them perceiving this Body was greater then that I spoke of, I told them the Squadron that appeared had no depth, and that taking advantage of the shade of Trees, and night which approached, I had commanded to make a large front, in order to a greater appearance; and as soon as I heard that Jacomo Rosso was in safety, having made this Fight only in order to that, I thought of nothing but getting off; I gave the conduct of the Rear to the Sieur de Cerisantes, who came in very luckily, and causing thirty of the most resolute of my Guardes to alight, they hindered the Enemy from passing the bridge, with order, [Page 205] in case they were too much pressed on, that (abandoning their Horses, and leaping the Ditch) they should retreat under shelter of the Trees that were in the Field; I began then to March towards my quarter, and as soon as I found I might with safety do it, caused Cerisantes to come off, who joyned with me after a light skirmish, in which he lost no body: Two of my Guardes were taken Prisoners, and one of them ran the same fortune with Dorillac, the other had the good luck to recover of a wound with a Sword given him behind at the Gate of Averse, where I found him in the Hospital, when some dayes afterwards I became Master of that place. This skirmish lasted above three houres, with the loss of four or five hundered of my men, but not above fifty or sixty of the enemies. The death of Dorillac was alone to be lamented, get­ting more advantage then prejudice by that of all the rest, having discharged my self of a great many useless and troublesome persons.

I entered my quarter with very much ap­plause, left amongst the Nobility a great esteem and kindness for me, and found no other incon­venience of the toil of this day, but an extraor­dinary hoarsness, occasioned by the heate and dust, and my calling out and tormenting my self during my Mens disorders. Coming to my lodg­ing, I was very much surprized to see Philip Prignani perfectly well, and enquiring of his wounds, he told me he had none but in his Coate, the Carabin-Bullet having missed his Body; finding that after this I had very little [Page 206] kindness for him, he was so ashamed, that he served no longer in his employment, neither would I have suffered it, which made him so much my enemy, that he sought all meanes of doing me hurt, and making acquaintance with Monsieur de Fontenay, rendered me all ill Of­fices possible, going expressly into France, where he continued to do the same, till at the returne of the Fleet, after my Imprisonment, a Cannon-Bullet carrying away both his Leggs, punished at once both his malice and cowardice.

I was scarcely in my Chamber when the Mar­chioness of Attaviane came to make her com­plaints, that notwithstanding my Passport, her sons had been imprisoned and pillaged at Naples, where they had been so farre from giving it re­spect, that they had insolently torn and trampled it under feet: I assured her of Satisfaction, being my self most concerned in it, and instantly dis­patched away the Marshal general to take infor­mation of this action, with order to secure such as should be found faulty, cause what had been taken away to be restored, and release the Gen­tlemen, and sent one of my Guards to attend them to the enemies quarter. Michael de Santis, of whom I have formerly spoken, continued to qualifie himself Camp-master General, and ha­ving no certain post, walking up and down ac­companied by fourteen or fifteen rascals, chanced to be in S. Anthonie's suburbs, as those Gentlemen passed, and fearing the Nobility as much as he hated them, since he could never expect they should forgive the murther of Don Pepe Caraffa, [Page 207] sought all meanes of injuring them, and doing them outrages: He would not omit this occa­sion of satisfying himself, and my Passeport be­ing presented, tore and trampled it under his feet, saying, he received Orders from no man: He caused also my Marshal to be secured, and his temerity making him imagine I ought to fear him, sent back my Guard, to assure me, he would come the next day and give me account of his action.

That night I dispatched a Passeport to Ser­jeant Major John Lewis Landi, to go next morning at day-break with a Trumpet, to en­quire after D' Orillac, and demand a Cessati­on for burying the Dead, and a Conference with some General-Officer, for regulating quarter be­twixt us; I ordered my Trumpet to make the Prince of Torella a Compliment, and Complaint in my Name, for slighting me, not believing there was honour to be acquired by engaging me, and therefore refusing to exchange a Bullet when I invited him to it; but, that the esteem I had for the gallant action I saw him perform, prevailing over my resentments, obliged me to beg his friendship, being addicted with all care to seek that of persons of courage and merit like himself.

Next morning at my rising Father Thomas Sebastian gave me account of the misfortune of ***, which sensibly struck me; told me of the Faction that spread it self amongst all the No­bility, and the inclinations he discovered in them. which seemed very favourable, and gave me [Page 208] hope that I had begun to sow a good seed, which being cultivated, would in time produce an advantageous harvest.

In the mean time John Lewis Landi, and the Trumpet I had sent to Aversa, being arri­ved there, were a while detained without the Gates, till all things might be put in such a po­sture as was desired might be reported to me; After which, they caused them to enter, and con­ducted them to the great Church, which was hung with mourning, and a great many Lights; All the Nobility and Officers of their Army, most of them in mourning Clokes, being assem­bled to assist at the Service was made for the Sieur D' Orillac, with the same Honours and Ceremonies that are due to the General of an Army. They all told my Trumpet, that by what they rendred to his Memory, they testified their sorrow for his fatal accident, and their disavowal of the brutal action of the Spaniard, that killed him in cool blood, after he had been taken Pri­soner and disarmed: Encharging him to make me a true report of what he had seen, and as­sure me that they would Treat with a great deal of civility all Frenchmen, especially such as belonged particularly to me, but that they must deal in a different manner with the Neapolitan People, who had used them so ill, and on all occasions had so little respect for them, that they could Treat them no other wayes then as mad Dogs. That for the Cessation, they wil­lingly consented to it for two dayes, for burying the dead, though on their side there was but a [Page 209] very small number, and that those on mine were unworthy of Sepulture; but that they in the Town, and I in my Quarter, would be two much incommoded by the corruption of so ma­ny bodies, which, for the common interest it was convenient to lay under-ground. That for the Conference I demanded for setling Quar­ter, they would assemble to take a resolution, and return answer within two houres. That time being expired, they made choice of the Duke of Andria (after some contestation and difference in opinion) to confer with a general Officer on my behalf, whom they desired me to nominate the next day, and to send some one to agree of the time and place of the conference, and how many persons should be brought on either side.

Whil'st all these matters were regulating, I went to hear Mass at the Church of Juliane, and the Curate coming to meet me, at the head of all the Inhabitants in Armes, and followed by all the Priests, presented me a State, which I refused, notwithstanding the immeasurable ambition of which I have been accused, neither did I ever accept it during my being in that Kingdom, though very often offered me.

At my return from Mass they brought me a Spy, who, having passed through the Quarter of St. Antimo, came from thence to mine, where he was taken attentively observing all particulars, and having about him concealed Letters, I cau­sed him to be delivered to the Auditor-general, with Order, as soon as his process should be [Page 210] made, to hang him by the High-way. After Dinner I took Horse, to make use of the liber­ty of the Cessation, for a diligent considerati­on of the ground we fought on the day before: and whil'st I looked out at the Window in ex­pectation of my Horses, I saw Michael de San­tis, accompanied by eight or nine Persons, en­ter the Court of my Lodging; he hardly gave himself the pains of saluting me, and alighting to come to me, was very much surprised, when at the head of the Staires the Captain of my guard Arrested him in my Name, with two of his Companions, where making a shew of resistance, and my guardes going about to kill him, surpri­zed by fear he wept, and suffered himself to be disarmed with his followers: I caused them all to be imprisoned, himself in a Dunge­on, with Irons on his hands and feet; I sent immediately to examin him, causing the Pieces of my Passeport he had torne and trampled on to be presented to him, he acknowledged his insolence and begged his life, which I would not condescend to, reserving him for an exam­ple of disobedience, and want of respect, and a Sacrifice to the Nobility, for acquiring their affection, by revenging the death of Dom Pepe Caraffa, whom he had so inhumanely murther­ed, and whereof he continually boasted. His Companions declared, that he alone, contrary to their sense, had caused the Sons of the Marchio­ness of Attaviane to be Arrested; and that when they minded him of the respect due to my Pass, he told them, He owed none, and [Page 211] none would pay me, and accompanying his inso­lent and injurious Language with suitable actions, tore the Pass and trod on it, swearing he would use me in the same manner if he had me in his power. These things were justified against him not onely by them, but by two servants of the Marchioness of Attaviane, and the Marshal general of the Army whom he had rashly ar­rested.

I caused all the Money and Jewels had been taken from the Gentlemen to be restored, pardo­ning his companions, as guilty of no other crime but following him.

The rancounter I had with him on the Market-place two days after my arrival, the arrogance of his words, joyned to the contempt and hatred he had expressed against me, made me judge he might probably have designed against my life, and that I might by him discover others that had the same intentions, I therefore ordered he should be put on the Rack, which at first he suffered with some constancy, but it lasted not long, ere he confessed he had resolved to kill me, and waited only an opportunity; that he had once failed in attempting it, And that his great aversion for me proceeded not from his affection to the Spaniards, but his rage against all the No­bility, whom he would gladly destroy even to the last man, and cut them in pieces as he had cruelly done the brother of the Duke of Meta­lone, being sorry for his death on no other ac­count, but that he had not done as much to him; That he looked on me as their Friend and Pro­tectour, [Page 212] that would never suffer any Violence to be done them; and that this was the onely reason why he would have destroyed me, that he might afterwards have satisfied himself in what related to them. In two or three days time his Process was finished, and he condemned to be beheaded, his head set upon a Post, and his body hung by one foot, according to the custom of punishing Murtherers and traitours. I caused his Execution to be deferred, in expectation of an occasion of making use of it to the Nobility, and drawing some advantage from it.

Returning then to the answer was brought me from Aversa, it obliged me to send back my Trumpet with the same Lewis Landi, to tell the Duke of Andria from me, that I had resolved to have sent the Baron of Modena Camp-master ge­neral, to conferre with such as should be nomi­nated by them, for the setling quarter betwixt us, but having with much satisfaction heard that he was pitched on for that treatie, I thought my self not too good to meet in such manner as we should agree on, whose choice I left to him, so farre depending on his word, that I would come with a number of followers equal to his, to what place soever he pleased to appoint me.

My civility was very well received, and an­swered with all imaginable gallantry. But fearing the Spaniards might prevent this interview, which, if they got notice of it, would give them a great deal of jealousie, and looking upon it as very necessary to the execution of my de­signs, I ordered the said Landi, to a gree of the [Page 213] Cloyster of the Capuchins of Aversa, equally di­stant from the Town and my Quarter, that either side should bring for their security one hundred and fifty horse, and two hundred Musquettiers, to guard the avenues; and that they should ad­vance Courts of Guard and Sentries to prevent surprisal: that the troops of neither side should come nearer the place where we were than five hundred paces. That each of us would come with our Swords and Pistols, and accompanied by ten persons, with an adjutant for carrying orders to our men, when it should be necessary for them to advance or retreat, as we should judge it conve­nient; that neither side should bring above a dozen Lacquies for holding the horses, and that we would meet the eighteenth of December at two in the afternoon at the appointed place. Many Gentlemen desirous of seeing me were Competitors for accompanying the Duke of Andria, and after many Contestations the lot fell on Don Fabritio Spinell, Don Scipio Pignatelli, Don Carlo Caetano, Carlo Marullo a Knight of Malta, Don Caesar de la Marra, Joseph Papalette Captain of Horse, John Jacob Affati Baron of Canosa, Don Francisco de Tassis a Spanish Knight, and the Adjutant General Battimiello. I brought with me the Baron of Modene Camp-master ge­neral, the Sieur de Cerisantes, the Sieur de Tail­lade, Augustin de Lieto Captain of my Guards, Antonio Tonti a Gentleman of Rome, the Sieur Dessinar of Avignon, Onoffrio Pissacany, Jomo S t Apollina Master of my Horse, Cicio Batti­miello, Aniello de Falco General of the Artillery, [Page 214] and Pepe Palombe to carry my orders, as my Ad­jutant general.

The day being come of my obtaining that which I had most passionately desired ever since my entrance into Naples, that I might in person found the thoughts of the Nobility, and face to face employ the best of my addresses for winning them to me, I prepared my self with as much joy as hope, that this conference could not fail of a good effect: for I should either gain them by my Civilities and Arguments, or raise such a jea­lousie of them in the Spaniards, as to cause them by distrust and other ill usage in time to force them to have recourse to me, and cast themselves into my ams. I sent for the two Officers I had taken at the last skirmish, and whom I had used very civilly, and after I had commended their valour, and testified an esteem for them, pro­pounded to them to take entertaiment with me, tempting them by great promises of advantage, but they answering that the fidelity of Burgun­dians had been ever inviolable, and that they would die in service of the King whose Subjects they were born, I told them that as I must needs love them the less, I could not but esteem them the more, that it was but just that having been made Prisoners by my hand, they should receive the advantages of my Courtesie, that they were at Liberty, and might return, and causing their arms and horses to be given them again with some Mo­ney, I ordered them to be accompanied by a trumpet, who was to give me notice when the Duke of Andria took horse, that I might come to [Page 215] our rendezvous at the same time with him, ha­ving disposed him to more willingness for gran­ting us quarter, by the example I had given of Civility to Prisoners of War. Those men thinking they could never sufficiently extol my bounty, spoke so much of it, that all their troops were readie to disband for my service.

In the mean time I sent to view all about the Capuchins for fear of an ambush, and to visit care­fully their Cloyster: I drew out all my forces both Horse and Foot at the head of my Quarter, secured all passages that were favourable to my retreat, and kept my self ready to march with the number agreed on, at the first news should be brought me. It was not long before they came, and marching within a thousand paces of the place of our Conference, I halted, and sent to visit those Gentlemen, who doing the same to us, and being assured of the integrity of each other, we met, our Guards staying at the distance agreed on betwixt us.

The Duke of Andria alighted when he came within thirty paces, I did the same, and we en­countred with open arms, and after many em­braces and testimonies of esteem and affection, He presented to me those that accompanied him, as I caused him to be saluted by all that followed me: After which he expressed his joy to have been made choice of for this Conference, and his obligation to me, for coming in person in stead of sending, which was an honour he received as he ought; and of which all his life he would pre­serve the memory with gratitude. I answered [Page 216] that understanding his birth and merit I neither could nor ought to do less, being very well in­formed of the antiquity and grandeur of the fa­mily of Caraffa, whose chief he was, and whose splendour he supported by his courage and virtue, and many other perfections which acquired him a general esteem; that I with Passion coveted his friendship, and came expressly to beg it; He added that his curiosity for knowing my person had been satisfied two days before, when I was so near him with my Sword in my hand, that he easily then observed all the lineaments of my face, that honour might have been acquired by coming nearer me, but that I was so dange­rous an enemy, that his curiosity could not be satisfied without difficulty and extreme danger; That he had seen me do things so extraordinay, that there was no need of asking my name, since all the Nobility concurred with him, that it must necessarily be I, no other person in the world be­ing capable alone to continue a combat, aban­doned (as he in the high way had thrice seen me) by all my troops in confusion, without any passion remarkable in me but an Extraordinary fierceness against a great body of Horse that came upon me, and indignation not to be fol­lowed. That if I were at the head of men gallant enough to accompany me in the dan­gers I led them to, he believed I should find nothing difficult, nor that any force could be capable of resisting my courage. That he could not see me so ill seconded without some dis­pleasure, that he had given me some testimony of [Page 217] respect and affection, when to prevent my death or Imprisonment (one of which could not have been avoided) I might have observed he came to the head of his Troops and com­manded them to halt, that they might not so fiercely engage themselves against me.

To a Discourse of so much Gallantry I reply'd, that my respect for all the Neapolitan Nobility had like to have cost me dear, because it was ra­ther my ambition of gaining their love and esteem that gave me courage and boldness, then the blood derived from my Ancestors; and that I should have been ashamed, if at my first ap­pearance amongst them, my Face had not been as easie to have been remarked as my Person. That the Example of what I saw so handsomely done by them, obliged me to imitate it, that sim­pathy might produce some kind of inclination for me. That I well perceived how he had sought to oblige me, and acknowledged it, with desire to preserve its memory all the dayes of my life, though I was in no very great danger, being well seconded by my foot, as, to my re­gret, I had made appear to the cost of some of his Comerades. To which, replying, That he was sorry to see me at the head of a Rabble un­worthy of such a Leader, whose virtues equa­lized his birth, and that deserved to be better followed: I answered with a great sigh, That I might easily be so, if himself, with the rest of the Nobility, would resolve to see me fight for their Liberty, and employ my life to deliver them from the Chaines they bore, too heavy to be suffered [Page 218] any longer: Persons of their quality and cou­rage not being borne to die slaves, but live with such Honour, Advantages, and Prerogatives, as Heaven designed them to, in giving them so illu­strious extractions. He replyed, It was their Glory to spend their lives for the service of a King, whose Subjects they were borne: that their fidelity made the Empire of their master easie, and that no yoke can be heavy that is born with pleasure, and without regret; that they could not spend their lives better then in the chastisement of a Rout of infamous Rebels, that endeavoured to shake a Crown, of which ho­nour obliged all Gentlemen to be the supporters, and himself as the most zealous to give example to the rest.

I saw we engaged our selves too far for a pub­lick Discourse, and hoping a more easie discove­ry of his thoughts in particular, making a sign to those of my Retinue to entertain his Compa­ny, I proposed to him to go into the Church, where after our Prayers, we sate down on a Bench, and began a conversation more free and more important: He told me, that with tears of blood, he lamented to see a Person, for whom he had already his heart so possessed with affecti­on, esteem and respect (of a Family not only illustrious, but descending from their ancient Kings, which obliged him to a particular venera­tion for me, whose Ancestors had supported the Catholick Religion in France, and by so many great and famous actions, acquired the admi­ration of all Europe, that inheriting their [Page 219] eminent Virtues, did not onely imitate, but sur­pass them in all endowments, so bountifully be­stowed on him by Heaven) exposed to so many dangers for supporting the Interests of a revolt­ed People, Rebellious, Inconstant, ungrateful, treacherous and cruel, that recompenced the Ser­vices done them by blood and Massacres, of which the Prince of Massa was an unfortunate exam­ple; that he should in a single Felucca pass through a potent Fleet, disdaining Tempests, and the fortune of the Sea in so dangerous a season, pursued by so many Gallies, and other Vessels with Ores, prepared for his destruction, and ex­pose himself in a place where he was to venture his life and honour, in quest of a death as cer­tain, as full of shame and infamy, unseconded by a Fleet, abandoned by all but his virtue and cou­rage, without any one Man in whom to confide, or capable of easing or executing his high De­signs, having Forces so considerable to oppose him, that the apprehension was able to make the most resolute tremble, and whose adventures re­sembled more the actions of some despairing wretch, then of a generous and ambitious Prince. That he could not think of it with­out sorrow; that he conjured me to make a se­rious reflexion, and without prejudice consider, what I had to fear and hope. He told me be­sides, That he perceived I flattered my self with a hope of drawing the Nobility to me, which I ought not to expect; that it was true, there was not any of them that had not great esteem, respect, and kindness for me, or [Page 220] that did not hold himself obliged to me for putting an end to the burning and plundering their Houses, and protecting them since my arrival from the insolencies and outrages of the Common People, or that did not attribute to my care the preservation of what remained of their Estates, Relations, and the Honour of their Families, for which they would never prove ingrateful: but, that all things considered, I had no interest in this Affair, having no other share but what my Command of their Forces whom I served gave me, of whom I was not Master, Gennaro being the head, whom persons of quality would never own: that he thought me too generous to pretend to advise them to it, and that they had too much vanity to sub­mit to Peasants they had till then alwayes trampled on: That this were not to acquire liberty, but become slaves to the meanest of the multitude, whose hands (with sorrow and resentment) they yet saw reeking with the blood of their Relations, the revenge whereof had been as certain as ready, if my arrival, vi­gour and conduct had not retarded the execu­tion, by the courage and resolution I made ap­pear in supporting so ill a cause. That their Births and Honours rendring them the sup­ports of the Crown of Naples, obliged them to continue their fidelity to all extremities: That I might judge of their zeal by their having formed an Army at their own charge, and carryed on the War without fear of exposing their Families and Fortunes to the rage of the Rebels. That [Page 221] they gloried in spending to their last peny, and shedding to their last drop of bloud, to preserve the Crown to their King and Master, though (to deal freely with me) they expected no other recompence than the satisfaction to have complied with their duty, it being most gene­rous to sacrifice all, after having been so ill used and little considered, as they had hitherto been by the Spaniards, not expecting so much as thanks for what they did so frankly, and with their to­tal ruine, but that it was enough for them, to let all Europe see, that they had consumed their Estates and hazarded their persons to save a Kingdom whose destruction they might have beheld without crime, by not opposing the tor­rent, nor applying themselves to more than the defence of their lands and preservation of their fortunes.

To conclude, that they were sorry to see me every hour of the day in danger of my life, either by poison, assassination, or treason. That it would prove impossible for me to overcome alone such oppositions as would daily arise; That I was not to depend on a people void of courage and ho­nour, who, as they had done but two dayes be­fore, would ever abandon me, on all occasions of warre; That questionless a false account of the peoples forces had been given me at Rome, or I had not come to their service; but that he doubted not that having discovered such mali­cious artifices as were made use of to engage me, I had a hundred times repented to have so easily cast my self into the middest of so infamous a [Page 222] rabble. That I ought to consider that upon the first ill success, for which (according to their custome) they would make me responsible, or at the first sedition incited by some fool or mad man, whose credit should cry louder than that of others, they would cut off my head, and dragge me through the Streets; That he very well knew that in two or three rancounters they had already lost their respect to me, and though I then found a remedy in resolution and courage, I should not perhaps have alwayes the same for­tune though the same heart, and whensoever she failed me, I should infallibly loose both my life and honour. That he came expressly to represent all these things to me in the name of the Nobility, and to offer me (in case I resolved to retire to Rome) to accompany me in a body thither: that as my Servant he advised me to this resolution, since I could not nor ought not to fancy any esta­blishment by the people, capable only of tumults and seditions: Revolutions of Monarchies, and al­terations of Governments being effected by the Nobility, who could never be favourable to the hopes wherewithal I perhaps flattered my self, my obligation to and dependance on the Com­monalty, preventing their uniting with me, who on my part would not think my self beholding to them for my establishment, whose first founda­tions had been layed by the people. I began with my thanks for, the good Counsels he gave me, as well in the Nobilities name as his own, which yet I had no inclination to follow, neither could I do it with reason and honour: I told him also [Page 223] that I hoped he had so good an opinion of me that he did not expect it; that I had not at­tempted so hazardous a passage, to loose the glory it acquired me, and make that seem an action of imprudence, which I had undertaken with so much honour and resolution. That I found nothing in Naples that surprized me. That I foresaw all the dangers to which I expo­sed my self, and fancied greater difficulties than I had met withal. That honor cannot be obtained without danger, that my Passion for the service of the Crown to which I was born a subject, armed me against all. That I had calmely consi­dered all the good and evil successes of fortune, and sought all means of advancing the one and remedying the other, and that casting into one scale the honour and glory I should acquire, and into the other all manner of dangers I was to un­dergo, I found my self so animated and confir­med in my designs, that nothing in the world was capable of making me forsake them. That I en­gaged not so lightly as he might imagine; That if I had alone in a felucca crossed through the Spanish Fleet, and contemned such perils as an­other might with reason have apprehended, it was not that like a fabulous Knight errant, I thought to defend a people against such puissant forces by Land and Sea as I was to combat, and alone con­quer a great Kingdom, but having been acquain­ted that the people of Naples were discouraged, I thought good to enter to animate them, and gain time for the arrival of the French Fleet, with all succours necessary not onely for preser­vation [Page 224] of the Town, but for driving the Spani­ards out of the whole Kingdom, which I thought speedily to effect. In a word (I told him) I had provided for all things; a potent Fleet was co­ming and at present under sail to attend my Or­ders, whose arrival the Winds alone were able to retard, you will see it, said I, very suddenly sink and burn that of Spain, it is furnished with all things necessary, whereas the other is intirely unprovided. It convoys me ships laden with Corn, Ammunition, Artillery and Money: it brings a great body of foot that I may land such numbers as I shall think necessary: and a great many horsemen, whom when I have mounted, nothing can prevent my being master of the Field, I am willing to give you and the rest of the Nobility notice of this, that you may perceive I am not chimerical, and that without vanity I may boast, to be ready to give the Law, and not receive it. I am sorry for your blindness that provide not for your selves, and fear, if you open not your eyes to seek your security, least you be irreparably involved in the ruine of the Spaniards. Do not fancy that I endeavour to engage you on precipices, I love you too well. I would have you make reflexions, but neither resolve nor execute, till you see all that I have told you made good. If you continue united to the Spaniard, the Forces of France joyning with the people will declare against you; the Establishment of a popular Republick may be taken into consideration, which will trouble you, and being once excluded you will never recover [Page 225] the Rank and Authority you may now reasona­bly expect. You may answer me that the execu­tion of this project is very difficult as long as you oppose it: which I shall grant you, and more, that possibly you may prevent it: but this can­not be done without great effusion of bloud, the destruction of your families and ruine of your estates, with the desolation of the whole King­dom, which you will make a Stage of war per­haps for many ages, whereas reuniting both the bodies of the State in the same interest, as it is unnatural for them to be divided, liberty and enfranchisement from the tyrannous dominion of Spain will be the work but of a few weeks: And as you are to receive greater advantages by it then the common people, it is but reason that you take your share of the pains and travel, neither would it be honourable for you to leave them all the glorie that you might acquire all the profit; In such a case none but my self would have any thing to pretend, having the command of their Forces in my hand, which I will share with you now, that I may do the same hereafter by such advantages of fortune as will follow it. Do not imagine that I would by this perswade you to cast your selves at their feet, I hate the multitude too much, and love persons of quality too well to be capable of such a thought. If the authority of Gennaro offend you, you shall quick­ly be rid of him, for I give you my word that at my return to Naples I will take it from him, and you shall understand it to be wholly in my hands; I promise you that I will [Page 226] not be there eight days before you shall hear that I am master, and no orders but mine spoken of: Matters are so well disposed towards this, that no man is in a condition to oppose it; I have so farre gained the affection of the better sort, and am so much feared by the vulgar, that I am more absolute than you formerly saw Maza­niello. When affairs shall be in this condition, if you think good to have recourse to me, you shall alwayes find me ready with open arms to receive you, with all manner of services and testi­monies of esteem and friendship; and to remove all unwillingness, know that I am an enemy to disorder, insolence, and tumult; that I will cause them to cease, and re-establish repose and justice, cause to be given to persons of Quality the re­spect that suits with them, and hold the vulgar in such contempt, subjection and dependance as be­longs to it, and in which it was ever held before the revolutions. I will punish all Incendiaries, and such as are accustomed to plundering houses, I will sacrifice to the resentments of their Rela­tions, all such as have dipped their hands in the bloud of the Gentry, to put a beginning to which I keep in irons Michael de Santis, who cruelly massacred Don Pepe Caraffa; I will sacrifice him to you and your family, and before six dayes are over, you shall see his head on a Post at the gate of Aversa, and his body hung by one foot on a tree on the High-way side. These are the testi­monies I will give you of my credit and authori­ty, as well as of my affection for the Nobility, and the design I have of seeking your good will, [Page 227] by rendring you all manner of service; hoping withal when you shall see so many things ef­fected more for your interest than mine own, you will consider your condition and prevent your being involved in the ruine of the Spaniards, and labour, as prudence shall require, to make your advantages by them.

Afterwards I told him that I commended his zeal and fidelity for Spain, though it would infal­libly be rewarded with ingratitude, that they might assure themselves all services they did for her would be reputed as crimes, because the re­fined Politicks of her Ministers would oblige her to destroy those she could not recompence ac­cording to their merits, and whose resentments she must afterwards fear, which would reasona­bly draw on her hatred and ingratitude. That it was much easier to cause the ruine of a Kingdom than to preserve and maintain it against the de­crees of Heaven and general Revolutions, and that the Spaniards would not run a hazard of de­pending on the humours of the Nobility, who might at their pleasure deprive them of the Crown they had with so much Generosity and Courage supported; That they knew very well there was not any that had not been stabbed in his bosom, and highly outraged by their injurious usage. That the Spaniards would not think themselves obliged by their arming, nor as­sen bling so considerable troops for them, which had hitherto prevented their being driven away, and preserved them all their Garrisons; that all this would be attributed to their hatred against [Page 228] the common people, and revenge for their inso­lence in plundering their houses, and resent­ment of the bloud of their Relations so barba­rously spilled. In a word, that the Council of Spain fears all, and is obliged by nothing, pu­nishes but never rewards; looks on all as ene­mies whose power gives jealousie, apprehends Revolutions, and studies to destroy all that are capable of making them, and out of its natural distrust applies it self to prevent those it takes to be in a condition to do hurt, if they have a mind: That I was sorry to see all the Nobility in this danger, and him as most powerful and conside­rable, more than any other. That he was to understand he should make himself criminal by great and generous actions, and that his ruine as well as that of all his Companions was in­evitable, because they should either be misera­bly involved in that of the Spaniards, or most certainly destroy themselves in settling the others affairs, and re-establishing their authority, no­thing being able to secure them against their di­strust and severity; That no faults were venial with them; that whatsoever gives them jealousie (often raised on no foundation) they call design and treason; that they should be looked on as more guilty than the revolted people, by opposing their insolencies, and endeavouring, as they did, to settle the general disorders of the Kingdom, & prevent its total subversion. That the Spaniards dissimulation was too well understood to be con­fided in, and that after many fair words and spe­cious appearances, the time would come when [Page 229] they should feel the effects of their cruel Ma­ximes, without knowing how to avoid them.

He relished all my Arguments, and could do no less then yield to them; answering that he had very well considered all I had so ju­diciously represented, but that he would conti­nue as he had begun, and even to death comply with his obligations: the greatest you have, said I is, the preservation of your Country, and pro­tecting it from final ruine, and the whole Nobili­ty, and your own particular Family from perish­ing miserably: and you will be blameable to eternity; if having it in your power to prevent so many mischiefs as threaten you, you obstinate­ly draw on your head Famine, War, Murthers, Conflagrations and Plunderings, and so become the destroyer of your Country, when you may make your self the restorer. You began not the insurrection, but not being able to allay it, you ought to make use of it for procuring repose and liberty.

The Spaniards alone will be blamed for this Revolution, their injust and violent conduct ha­ving acquired the general hatred of the People, and their negligence and weakness depriving them of the meanes to secure themselves from their resentments, so that you abandon them not till they had first abandoned themselves and you, to the violence and brutality of a despair­ing multitude. Are you obliged to impossibili­ties in the behalf of those who have suffered themselves to be over-powered for want of fore­sight, [Page 230] and precaution against a mischief, one may say they wilfully pulled on their own heads, since after so many reiterated advices, they would not change their conduct? Can you alwayes maintain at your own charge the Troops you have raised in a War that probably may last long? You will soon be exhausted, receiving no rents from your Lands, which I shall not al­wayes have a power to secure from spoiling, nor your houses from demolishing, when ob­stinate against all reason, and contrary to your own Interests, you shall continue in Armes a­gainst me: and when necessity shall compel you to lay them down, you will be undone, and become inconsiderable to each party, being nei­ther in a condition to assist, nor prejudice. Pre­vent by prudence this inevitable inconvenience, by which you will lose your reputation and cre­dit. I demand not your joyning with me, it would not become you to do it so lightly, nor me to propose it, since I have a particular care of your honour. I would have you first see per­formed what I have promised: you will there­fore do well to go every one home for preser­vation of your Estates, and gain time to con­template the course of Affaires, and make use o [...] them to your advantage. I shall have great cause of satisfaction in you, and the Spaniards none of Complaint, when you let them know, you have done all that was possible for them; that you have raised and maintained Forces at your own charge, which for want of Money you can no longer keep together; That you [Page 231] go home to endeavour to raise more, and seek to preserve that little of your Fortunes that re­mains, having spent the rest in their Service. I will not only give you safeguards, but the Command of your Towns to such as you shall nominate; since under the Constellation that now predominates, the smallest Village must have a Captain and make War. I will prevent all talke of a Republick, till such time as you shall be in a capacity of entering upon that part of the Government that belongs to you, and of giving your opinion for the manner of establishing it.

My opinion said he (and all the Nobilities) is, that a Republique being no wayes suitable to us, we neither can, nor ought to hearken to it; we will never suffer the People to share the Authority with us; and we are naturally of an humour so turbulent and vain-glorious, that it is impossible for us to look one upon another in an equality of power.

There will infallibly arise Divisions, Jealou­sies and hatreds, to the ruine of the Country: We are born under Monarchy, and cannot sub­sist without a King; A Soveraign Authority must be Guardian of our repose and quiet, pa­cifie our Dissentions, and reconcile our Enmities, to this Nature and Education incline us, which supposed, we must of necessity resolve to lose our lives and fortunes, for continuing us under our Kings Authority how violent soever, we are habituated to it, and believe that of France would not be more moderate, and that we [Page 232] should not gain, but might possibly lose by the Exchange: We shall still see our Countrey at the feet of strangers, our Employments, Offices, and the Government of our Towns and Provinces in their hands, our VVealth will as formerly be transported into another Countrey, which will be enriched by our Impoverishment, and we shall still be enforced to Court and kneel to a Vice-roy, of no greater birth than our selves. By this you may perceive we shall no wayes better our condition; besides, that the Spanish humor suites more with ours, the French being too airy for People serious and jealous as we na­turally are.

I replyed, That he had no reason to distrust France, who contributed her assistance and power to give the Kingdom of Naples liberty, without other interest then the Glory of succo­ring the oppressed, as she had done to the Princes of Germany that had recourse to her Protecti­on, and deprive her Enemies of a Crown from whence they derived the best of those Forces that resisted her Victorious Armes:. That the King two well understood his Interests to pre­tend to be their Master, by which he might pos­sibly incurr their hatred, but most certainly the jealousie of all the Princes of Italy, who would on that account enter into a League against him, so as he should by it draw great inconveniences on himself without any advantage; That doing the contrary, he should win the hearts of all, as well Nobility as People, by driving away their common Enemy, and afterwards leaving them to [Page 233] the liberty of chusing such a Master as should best please them, if it be so that they cannot be with­out one, who should be obliged to depend on him for his support, so that their common Inte­rest should alwayes unite their Naval Power, which would be in a condition to subdue that of the Spaniards, enfeebled by all accessions that had been made to France; and to take from the whole Kingdom the distrust they might have of so potent Succors, the Fleet should alwayes lie ready to attempt whatsoever I should judge advantageous, without landing any thing, or any man till I demanded it; that this was the Order wherewith I had a particular charge to acquaint them: so that himself and all his friends ought to be satisfied and perswaded, that if they must change Master, it should be for no other then such as themselves made choice of, which might be one of their own body, if such a one could be found, for whom the rest of the Nobility had esteem enough, to obey him without repining: That if they desired a stranger, we had two Princes in France, one the Kings Uncle, most discreet and prudent, who loving repose, would be very sollicitous to preserve it to them; the other his Brother, yet a Child, of great hopes, who by being bred amongst them, and seasoned with the humors and customes of their Country, it would be as if they formed a King after their own Model, which is no small advantage. That if any particular reason thwarted their choice of one of these Princes, Italy, or at least the rest of Europe might present others; and that whom­soever [Page 234] they set on their Throne, should be own­ed, approved, and assisted by France.

He told me, There was no need of seeking them a Master, since they had one already, un­der whom they hoped to continue, and to which end they would spare no endeavours; but if any of the Nobility should be convinced by my reasons, which he acknowledged to be powerful, he would not be the first in such a compliance, nor till it should be made apparent to all the VVorld, that he was compelled to it by inevita­ble necessity, as being out of condition of doing otherwise. That if they must resolve to submit themselves to another, it could be to none of their own Country, since every man would in such a case pretend, not as believing himself to merit it, but that he might not give place to any of his Companions, whose exaltation he would never suffer. For the two Princes I had propounded, they were no wayes proper for them, the first being incommoded with the Gout, and of little activity, they standing in need of a Prince vigilant and vigorous, to de­fend the liberty he should acquire them: for the other, besides that he was too young to go­verne them, the King his Brother dying without children, or they failing, they must become uni­ted to the Crown of France, the onely thing they feared, nothing being capable to make them take Armes contrary to their duty, but the hope of freeing their Crown from dependance on any other. He told me afterwards, That they had no great inclination for the Princes of Ita­ly; [Page 235] that they should rather make choice of a meer stranger, the gallantry of whose actions had acquired their esteem and affection; I an­swered nothing to this Discourse, it being too complaisant and flattering. After this he ask­ed me if the Credit I had amongst the Peo­ple gave me any hopes, and whether I thought the Crown of Naples might ever depend on their support, favour, or election: if so, that I extreamly mistook, because the Nobility would perish in opposal of all their determinations, would never have dependance on them, nor submit to the Authority of a man, that should owe his Fortune to them, and might believe himself obliged to them for it.

I answered him, That my ambition was too moderate for so high imaginations, that I was not so vain to flatter my self with expectation of a Dignity I was unable to support. That I would not so expose my self to fortune, whose inconstancy I too much apprehended, neither was I desirous to mount to a height, a fall from whence might cost my honour and life, or, where the last of these being preserved to me by an extraordinary effect, I must pass the re­mainder of it in eternal shame and sorrow; but if, (contrary to my expectation,) I should ever attain any advantage, I would receive it from none but the Nobility, that I might owe it to them, and be by it engaged to use my uttermost endeavour to restore them to their wonted splendor, and the Vulgar to that de­pendance and subjection wherein God and Na­ture [Page 236] had placed them, and reason required they should continue. That I would endeavour to revenge them of all outrages had been done them, and severely and exemplarily punish the Authors. To conclude, that I would pretend to nothing high and glorious, but by the Duke of Andria, to whom only I would be obliged; that, if I ever came to attain the first place in his Country, the second might be his, sha­ring with him and his friends all Honors, Char­ges, Profits, and Governments of the King­dom.

He returned me his thanks, but assured me, That he neither believed, nor wished matters should ever come to such a pass, perswading him­self I should never get Forces sufficient to drive away the Spaniards, and that he doubted not but that the Nobility had enow, as well as suffi­cient courage and fidelity, to preserve to the King their Master a Crown he had inherited from his Ancestors, and to which Heaven and their Duty had made them Subjects.

I besought him, considering the inclination I had to do them all manner of Services, to ac­quaint me with their resolution, in case neces­sity compelled them to take any, and I promi­sed to give him notice of the arrival of the French Fleet, and the supplies I expected; and when I should have deprived of all Authority Gennaro, and the other heads of the People, who were so odious to them, and taken on my self the management of all Affairs, to remove the difficulties that interposed betwixt them and [Page 237] their interests: and after a thousand Protestati­ons of friendship, and as many embraces we went out of the Church to meet the company, where we returned to a Conversation less serious and more gallant.

I asked him in presence of all those Gentle­men, if the brave Cavaleer I remarked in the skirmish two days ago were not the Prince of Torello, whose Gallantry gave me a great esteem for him, yet against whom I thought I had some cause of complaint, because of his refusal to ex­change a Bullet with me, when I invited him to it, as if he thought there had not been honor enough to have been acquired in that ran­contre.

He told me, it was the Prince of Minorvine who had besought him to make me his com­plements and excuses, for not accepting a combat that would have been so glorious to him: but be­sides that he had already fired both his Pistols, his unwillingness to engage me by reason of the approach of his Troops (whom he could not re­strain,) and the Cowardice of mine (who in stead of sustaining the shock would undoubtedly have fled and abandoned me, as he had seen them do before) forced him to refuse the honour I pro­prounded, by which I so highly obliged him that he should never loose the memorie but remain my servant all the days of his life I received this Complement with such acknowledgements as its gallantry merited, and besought him to tell him in my name that he very much obliged me, and that I thought I had escaped a very great danger, [Page 238] it being in my opinion extremely hazardous to encounter a person of his Valour.

Don Fabritio Spinelli saw amongst my Horses a gray Courser he very much esteemed, and that had been taken out of one of his Houses by some Troops that served the People, I offered to restore him, which he would not accept, seeming very well satisfied, that he was in my hands: And the Duke of Andria told me that the Spa­niards being naturally distrustful, would have been jealous of his receiving such a courtesie from me. He looked on a bay Horse of mine as very suitable to a Set of Coach-horses he had of the same height and colour, which I offered and he refused for the same reason his Camerade had done the other: and I commending a dapeled gray of his breed, on which he came, he very much pressed me to accept him, I thanked him, but would not propound a truck with mine, to which he would have been willing, because it came in my head to send it to him the next Morning, which I did by a Trumpet, with the other to Don Fabritio Spinelli, who returned them with this Message, that I did not treat them as my Friends and Servants, because there was as much malice as generosity in the present I went about to make them, and it looked as if I intended to raise a jealousie of them, so to compel them, out of apprehension of the danger to which I ex­posed them, to seek their safety with me.

Many obliging Discourses were made on each side, after which, the night approaching caused us to separate; I perceived that by this inter­view [Page 239] I had gained much on their inclination and friendship, which might in time produce good effects. And though the principal cause of it was to settle quarter betwixt our Forces, I pur­posely forbore speaking one word of it, to give the Spaniards the greater jealousie of so long and secret a conference, where nothing was mentio­ned of the subject that caused it to be deman­ded; this punctually succeeded as I imagined: and those Gentlemen returned so well satisfied with me, that they expressed it to all the rest of the Nobility in terms so obliging and affectionate, that it was out of question that I had won their hearts.

At my return I heard the joyful news of the arrival of the French Fleet, the more acceptable in that it had been reported, that the same tem­pest, which I saw before my eyes, the day before my departure, breake in pieces two Spanish vessels in the road of Naples, had scattered and destroy­ed several of our Ships. The people were over­joyed at its appearance, and the Spaniards as much surprised, who expected it not, taking it at first for supplies sent to them, and which they every day looked for.

The Spanish Fleet was at anchor, their [...] unmasted and no men aboard, so that [...] which came on with a fresh gale might without any hazard have taken and burnt it [...] all, so that few ships should have, escaped [...] those useless, not daring to keep t [...] [...] a puissant and victorious [...] been. I cannot imagine [...] so [Page 240] important and easie attempt was not made, which the Spaniards could never have recovered; but this I can say, that in the time of my imprisonment they acknowledged they never were so near ruine, which they could not have avoided if ours had come on: all that were aboard our Fleet grant this, yet none can alledge a reason or excuse for this fault, nor can tell to what to attribute it.

The next Morning at my rising, the Abbot Basqui came to me, and having delivered all the dispatches he had for me, which assured me of the satisfaction, the news of my passage had given the Court, and that in Confirmation of the Pro­mises I had made to the people of Naples, of the protection and powerful assistance of France, the Fleet was sent to supply us with whatsoever we should desire, and land whatever we should have occasion for, whither Men or Ammunition; he at last proffered me the account of what he brought along: and coming to particulars, I as­ked him with what Money we should be supplied, and desired that some body might be landed to take charge of it in the Kings name, and distri­bute it according to my Orders, assuring him that it should be managed with all care, and that I would not suffer any unprofitable expence to be made. He told me there were five hundered thousand Livers, but that not being able to touch at Genoua to receive it, they had onely the Bills of Exchange, so that I was to take it upon my credit in Naples, and that it should be punctu­ally reimbursed at Genoua on sight. I answered [Page 241] that what he propounded was useless, because in a Citie where disorder had so long conti­nued, all men had concealed and hid their Mo­ney, and that, had it been possible to have dis­covered any, I should have made an advantage­ous use of it, and the Fleet have found me in a much better condition, that we must therefore immediately dispatch away some ships to fetch it, because it was the thing the most necessary, and of which we had greatest want. Then I asked if they had brought any Corn, he told me no, but that order was left to lade some Vessels in Provence which would suddenly arrive, and in such manner that we should have enough: I as­ked what foot they could land us, and he told me as many as I should desire, I demanded six thou­sand men, he thought it too many. I reduced my self to four, afterwards to three, then to two thousand five hundered; and two thousand; at last I fell to eighteen hundred, on which number we agreed, and which he said might be landed without disfurnishing the Fleet. I expected a good number of horsemen to mount in Naples, but I was fain to content my self with the com­pany of the Queens Guards, which had formerly belonged to the Duke of Breze, and that of Monsieur de Manicamp, there being no other persons fit to be employed on horseback.

I had demanded fourscore thousand weight of Powder, but was fain to be content with fourty, which were promised me with Match and Bullet proportionable. I had also deman­ded Pikes and Muskets for Foot, Sadles, Bridles [Page 242] and Pistols for two thousand horse, but would have abated one half. And whether it were they had not time to ship them, or had forgot them, they told me they had brought none. They con­sented to land me ten Pieces of Ordnance. At last having acquainted the Abbot Basqui with the condition of all affairs since my arrival, and given him account of my Negotiations with the Nobility, whose re-union with us was so neces­sary, and which I held infallible, as soon as they should hear I had received so powerful succors, and that the Fleet was at my disposal; He told me the Fleet and all the succours were sent to the people of Naples, and were to obey him that commanded them, and that had the principal authority in the City. I replyed that was I, since the supplies and command of the Fleet re­lated to War, and the people had given me the same command over their Armies, as the Prince of Orange had over those of the Ʋnited Ne­therlands; and more the title of Protector of their Liberty, with the disposal of all Military affairs which depended on me alone. He re­plied that Gennaro was chief and Generalissimo, and that France taking him to have the absolute power in the City, he could address himself to no other. I alledged his incapacity, want of Ex­perience and small credit. That he medled with little or nothing, besides that it was unsafe to trust him, he having evermore some secret cor­respondence with the enemie, and suffering him­self to be guided by unconfiding persons; in a word, that I had acquired the trust and esteem [Page 243] of all the people, of whom I disposed according to my pleasure.

When (said he) you shall have made appear your absolute authority in the City, that you are Master, and your Orders onely obeyed, Ad­dresses shall be made onely to you; but till then I must of necessity negotiate in the name of the King with him that hath hitherto seemed to have the greatest command. I assured him he should be satisfied the next Morning, and that returning to lie aboard, I would give him ac­count of it by a Gentleman I would send to those that commanded, to complement their arrival▪ inform them of the condition of affairs, demand the succours of which we were agreed, and I wanted; deferring it till I could do it in my own name and the peoples, as the head of them, having deprived Gennaro of his authority, that to this purpose I would return to Naples as soon as I had dined.

I then commanded Pepe Palombe, Onoffrio Pis­sacani, Carlo Longobardo, and Cicio Battimiello, as persons in whom I confided, and that were ne­cessary for the execution of the design I had un­dertaken, to march thither with their Compa­nies; and leaving the rest of the troops under the command of the Baron of Modene, I orde­red him to continue the blocking up of Aversa, by keeping possession of the Quarters I had taken of Juliana and Saint Antimo, with charge to give me notice of all alterations that should happen, and to attempt nothing without my Orders, which I would punctually send him every day: [Page 244] after Dinner I went to Naples, where I was re­ceived with extraordinary applauses, my reputa­tion and credit having been augmented by the fame of the passages of the skirmish of Aversa, and by the excess of joy in which I found the whole Town, for the arrival of the French Fleet, and performance of the Promises I had made in the Kings name of a powerful and speedie succour.

Gennaro was overjoyed, not so much with the share he took of that of the Publick, but out of hopes of re-establishing his authority, by the assistance and support the Abbot Basqui had pro­mised him, who made it his great business to dis­unite us, and disorder the Town, in such manner as became a Spie and Pensioner of Spain, which he was, though entrusted, in quality of Agent, with all the affairs of France. I called for a fresh horse and immediately visited all the Posts, to see their condition, and take account of all that had passed in my absence.

Afterwards I commanded Pepe Palombe and Mathaeo d' Amore to be in arms next Morning in their quarter by nine a clock, and Onoffrio Pis­sacani, Carlo Longobardo, Cicio Battimiello, Ca­pitain Cimino, Ignatio Spagnuolo and Grassullo de Rosa, to be at the same hour in Battalia, at the heads of their Companies in the Market-place. The Council having acquainted me with all that happened whilest I was out of Town, I prayed them to come to me in the Morning between eight and nine, that I might communicate to them an affair of extraordinarie Concernment, [Page 245] and Vincenzo Andrea, having, as he used to do, entertained me with discourse of the ignorance and brutality of Gennaro, which disordered all, and would cause the final ruine of the people, if (out of Charity) I took not the entire autho­rity into my hands, with the conduct of all affairs; suffering my self to be a good while pressed up­on, I seemed at last to be perswaded, and to take my Resolution out of Compliance with his thoughts, so to engage him the more firmly to support a design of which he believed himself the Author, and to which he supposed he had gi­ven me the first incouragement. I bid him good night, and that he should not fail to be with me betimes in the Morning, that I stood in very great need as well of his Council as Credit for putting in execution what I had undertaken, and of which he had caused me to resolve. After Supper I went to Bed to repose in expectation of the Mor­ning, which was to open the most happy and glorious day of my life, as I shall shew by what I attempted with success, and by the solid establish­ment of my Sovereign Authority, which I con­tinued to the day of my Imprisonment, with greater respect and submission of the people of Naples than they ever shewed to the person of any of their Kings.

The End of the Second Book.

The Third BOOK.

THe Twentieth of December I rose at day-break, and having heard Mass, shut my self up with Vincenzo Andrea; we conferred of the meanes I was to use for compleating so great and important an enterprize as that I had resolved to execute. The Council waited on me, whom I let under­stand, That the incapacity, ignorance and bru­tality of Gennaro ruin'd all; that he minded no­thing but Plundering and Robbing the whole City; that it was high time to put an end to those Disorders: and, that now our Succors were arrived, and we had power in our hands to go seriously to worke for establishing repose and liberty, we were to apply our selves to it with all our might, and regulate all things in such a manner, that the order and good Go­vernment which we should cause to be observed in the Town, might begin to gain us credit, and acquire us some reputation throughout Italy, which was very necessary for us, to the end, that making appear we acted no more tumultu­ously, we might be considered as persons ca­pable of bringing to perfection so great and glo­rious a design, as that of freeing the King­dom of Naples from the Spanish Tyranny; [Page 248] That we could not drive them out, without gaining to us the Nobility, who alone were ca­pable of maintaining them, and of opposing with their credit and power whatsoever we could undertake against them. That I had ob­served that all Gentlemen were very well af­fected towards me, and confided in me; the main reason that prevented them from decla­ring for us, being their aversion for submitting to Gennaro and others of the People, for whom their contempt and hatred were so violent, there was no way of overcoming it; That this obsta­cle was to be removed, after which we should find all easie, by placing the Authority in the hands of a person for whom they had esteem, respect and affection, and that could secure them against the apprehension of being any more liable to the affronts and violences of the Vulgar: That these weighty reasons made me re­solve to undertake the conduct of all Affaires, and to lay on my own shoulders the whole burthen of the Government, though I very well understood the toils and perils to which I exposed my self: but, seeing no other means of delivering the Kingdom from the Spanish Ty­ranny, and that my endeavours would be other­wise without success, my affection to the People of Naples made me resolve to sacrifice my life to the dangers of War, Poyson, Assassination, Tumults and Seditions, to the envy of many persons, and the rage of such others as I endea­voured to contain within the limits of respect and fear, not suffering any more the insolencies [Page 249] and violences they had been wont to practice, that all might enjoy repose and liberty.

Upon all which I desired them freely, and without any by-respects to give me their ad­vice, being resolved to acquiesce in their opi­nions whatsoever they might be. They were all unanimous, and did not only approve my resolution, but with one voice besought me no longer to delay the putting it in execution; that being at the brink of ruine, and no safety visible without this expedient, they and the People, for whose good intentions they would be responsible, were resolved to spend their lives and fortunes for the establishment and preservation of my Authority.

Seeing things in so fair a way, I command­ed all Officers to be at the head of their Men in the Market-place; and all Captains of the several quarters of the City to assemble the Peo­ple to attend my Orders: I sent the Sieurs An­tonio Scaccia [...]ento, and Augustino Mollo, to go in the Peoples name and mine to Gennaro, to give him thanks for the pains he had till then ta­ken, in maintaining the Town, and preserving it in so good a condition, free from the cruel and violent Dominion of the Spaniards; but, it be­ing now time to establish Order in Naples, and finish what had been begun so happily, na­ture having not given him an intellect and ca­pacity sufficient for the support of so weighty Affaires, General Applications had been made to me to undertake them; That it was time for him to think of repose, after having laboured [Page 250] so long and usefully, in recompence whereof we offered him the Government of the New Castle as soon as we should be Masters of it, the Title of Duke or Prince of one of the best Towns that should be confiscated, and Fifty thousand Crownes Revenue to him and his Successors: That nothing should be done without his ad­vice; That he should have the second place in the Government and Councils, where, in my absence, he should be President; That, in consideration of the great number of enemies he had made in the time of his Administration, he should be allowed Guards, and permitted to carry them about with him for his safety. That if he seriously considered these offers, he ought to be well satisfied in the acknowledgments of his Services, think it a happiness to see his fortune so well established and himself discharg­ed from the burthen of Affairs, of which he was not capable, and rejoyce to be secured from so many perils and accidents which had hitherto threatned him, by an honourable re­signation of that Authority which the People for very important reasons, could not, nor ought not any longer to suffer in his hands; that, if he did not this voluntarily, all meanes would be used for compelling him to it; that we should be sorry to have recourse to violence, and to be ob­liged to endeavour his ruin as an enemy, and disturber of the Publick quiet.

These Gentlemen represented all this to him, with a great deal of eloquence and efficacy; but he, whose timerous nature would on his [Page 251] knees have accepted so advantageous conditi­ons, which he had also oftentimes sought, think­ing himself supported by the French Fleet, and animated by the conference he had held with the Abbot Basqui, insolently reply'd, That he would continue Master, and knew very well how to maintain his Authority and Power. This Answer being brought me, I presently got on Horseback, followed by my Servants and such Frenchmen as I had about me, the number of whom was increased by the Sieurs de Mallet and Villepreux, Captains in the Regiment of la Motte, Persons of Merit and Valor, who were come from the Garison of Portolongone with Letters of Recommendation from Mon­sieur de Fontenai for employment; by the Sieurs de Beauvais, de Apremont, de La Serre, and the Knight de La Viselette, (some of which came from Rome, and others from Venice, whom the desire of serving in our War, and following my Fortune, had invited) and accompanied by Vincenzo Andrea, and the chief of the Coun­cil, came into the Market-place; where, having Commanded silence, I propounded all the rea­sons before alledged, and demanded, Whom they would have Command in Naples, Gennaro or my self; they answered with great Cries, That they would no more hear of Gennaro, a man brutal and incapable; that they would live and die under me, to whom they had so essential Obligations, and by whose means alone they expected to obtain Re­pose and Liberty: This was followed by a [Page 252] General shout in my favour, and with an uni­sal Exclamation of, Long live the Duke of Guise our King; we will have none but him, nor ever own any other.

I caused the noise to cease, telling them, My Ambition was more moderate, that the time of making themselves a Master was not yet come, that the Spaniards must first be driven away; that so precipitated a resolution would infallibly cause their Ruine and mine, by drawing on me the envy of all Europe, and depriving us of all the Supplies we expect­ed, and which were so necessary for us; rhat rather then consent, I would Ship my self on the Fleet and be gone; that I aimed at nothing but doing them service, and Sacrificing my self to free them from slavery, without pretending any other recompence, then what I should de­rive from so great and worthy an action: From thence (very much satisfied in their affection) I went into the Concheria, Lavinare, and gene­rally all the Quarters of the Town, where all passed after the same manner, and in a fashion yet more obliging.

The great round I was fain to make caused me to come very late to the Convent of Saint Lawrence, where all deliberations are made that concern the Affaires of the Kingdome; I caused the Bell to be immediately Rung, to Assemble the Magistrates, the Military and City Captains, and the Council: When they were come together, I told them I had sent for them, not to seek of them the Authority, and absolute [Page 253] Command the People with one Voice had alrea­dy conferred upon me; but, to advertise them, that, having accepted it, they should publish it to all men, forbidding them, on pain of their lives, to receive or acknowledge any other Orders then mine: That I would like a good Father Protect all such as should comply with their duty, and faithfully obey me: As, on the other side, I should not fail to punish all those that for the future failed of the respect they owed me.

After this I dismissed them; and was told that Gennaro made a great Commotion amongst the inferior sort of People, perswading them, that I took upon me the Command at the arrival of the Fleet, on purpose to put the Town into the hands of France; and that under pretence of gaining them Liberty, I only went about to change their Fetters, and impose heavier then the Spaniards had hitherto detained them in. Night being too farr advanced to go to appease this Tumult, accompanied as usually with inso­lence and disorder, I deferred it till the morning, and in the mean time sent to Gennaro, to consider well what he did; that at Ten a Clock I would go to Mass at the Carmelites, and if by that time he resigned not his Authority into my hands, I would have his head cut off, and set on a Poste in the Market-place, and would hang his Body by one foot on the Gallows that is in the middle of it: then going to bed, I with extraordinary impatience expected day, to finish what I had so happily begun.

In the mean while there was great running to [Page 254] and fro, and many Cabals were made, which I nevertheless dissipated with much facility. I arose very early, and many Gentlemen of the most considerable of Naples came to wait on me, amongst others, Mazillo Caracciolo, Marco Antonio Brancaccio, and Bartholomeo Griffo, whom I intended to make Colonel of my Guards, be­cause he was a person of Quality, and an old Sol­dier, of great merit and experience, and Ma­zillo Cracciolo Camp-master-General, who was very well born, and of great ability, that had car­ried Armes all his life with much honor, and an irreconcileable enemy of the Spaniards, by whom he had been very ill used: but, the People ha­ving a dislike of them, this intention had no effect, I thinking fit to have some respect for their aversion; But, I kept still near me old Marco Antonio Brancaccio, whose Counsels I fol­lowed on all important occasions, which ever suc­ceeded well, deriving many advantages from my confidence in him.

About eight a Clock I went to Mass, after which I spoke to the People, who heard me fa­vourably, and by their Answers, Cries and Acclamations appeared yet more affected to and more resolved to make me their King, then over-night; I with the same rea­sons disswaded them, tel [...]ing them, I was resol­ved to retire, and abandon them, if they per­sisted in that thought. I got on horseback to go to St. Austins, followed by above twenty thousand People, where I heard the Magistrates of the City, and the Council were assembled, that [Page 255] being the usual place where they are wont to deliberate, and making a stand under the win­dows of the room where they were at Council, I sent the Captain of my Guards to enquire what they were doing, and let them know that having acquainted them with my intentions, it was to very little purpose for them to imagine they had any thing to determine on; That all the people had owned me, by whose general acclamations they might easily understand their pleasure; That if they went about to cast in any difficulty or qualification, I had no more to do but loosen the reigns to the people, whom I had much ado to restrain from throwing them all out at the Windows. They demanded a little patience, by which I should be satisfied of their obedience and zeal, and immediately after they brought me the result of their Consultations, signed by all that were present, by which they declared me Duke of their Republick for five years, with an abso­lute and sovereign power, which was approved by the consent and applause of all the people.

After this I went into the Market-place, where I found five or six thousand Mutineers in Arms with a strange tumult, I rid up to them and de­manded what obliged them to such a disorder: they answered that Gennaro had told them, I undertook the authority to no other end but to resign it to France, and that I took possession of the Kingdom in the name of the King, intending to land all the troops that were aboard the Fleet, to deliver the Town to them, to which they would never give their consent, being desirous of [Page 256] an entire Liberty, and to see their Country without dependance on any other: that they would not suffer themselves to become subject to another Nation, the chief occasion of their ta­king Arms, having been to drive away the Spa­niards, that they might be free, which could not be by their subjection to the French, whose do­minion would be equally rough and insupport­able; that they sought protection and succours, but not subjection; and when they desired as­sistance, they thought it should have been given them without any other interest then the en­feeblishment and ruine of their enemies. I endeavoured to disabuse them, and rectifie this mistake which had no foundation, telling them that France had no such intention, that of this I was sufficiently assured, having received Orders to engage the contrary (as I had already done) and that Commissions were not given to per­sons of my Quality to be afterwards disavowed, by giving the lie to such things as they had been commanded to declare in behalf of a Crown, so exact in executing whatsoever it positively pro­mises, and so religious in observing its faith. That I was a pledge they ought entirely to trust to, and that I would never have accepted the title of Protectour of their Liberty to become instru­mental to the loss of it.

Answer was made that they should have no suspition nor distrust of me, were I not born a Frenchman, but that they had reason to appre­hend all f [...]om a person that must preferre the in­terests of his Country above all other concern­ments. [Page 257] I answered them, that what they doubted was not the interest of my Country, but how­ever that I embraced none but theirs: the Oath I so solemnly made at my acceptance of the command of their Armies having discharged me from all others, making me cease to be any longer a Frenchman and become a Neapolitan, of which they needed not doubt, since I did it not without the permission and order of my King, who then discharged me of what I owed to him by his approbation of my engaging my self in their service. One of the most mutinous per­sisting to tell me, that I could not separate my self from my affection to my Country, where I had my Birth, I replyed I was born in the Felucca that brought me to Naples, beyond which I took cognisance of nothing. This answer being un­expected so agreeably surprised them, and was so welcomely received, that they made a great shout, and cried out altogether that they would live and die with me, and resolved never to ac­knowledge any other Master.

From thence I went to the Carmelites, where I found Gennaro, who astonished at my good fortune, and looking on himself as without sup­port or partie, waited for me at the Church-gate; well informed of all that had passed at Saint Lawrence, Saint Austins, and the Market-place: He fell on his Knees before me to begg pardon, beseeching me to grant him the advantages I had offered him over-night, and casting his staff at my feet, which I ordered him to re-assume in quality of my Lieutenant, made a renunciation of his [Page 258] power before publick Notaries, which we both of us signed on the rail of the high Altar, causing the chief of those that were present to sign also as witnesses, after which Te Deum was sung, and we heard Mass together; at his desire I caused an instrument to be drawn up of all the Priviledges and Advantages I had granted him, and with a thousand acclamations and shouts of joy, returned into the Convent, and carried him to Dine with me in my apartment. At the end of which Ma­zillo Caracciolo, representing that the Kings breed of Horses was entirely ruined, I gave him order to return all Mares that had been taken away, in which I was so punctually obeyed that very few were lost, and that they might be afterwards preserved with greater authority, I made him Master of the Horse, a charge time out of mind possessed by those of his family, and particularly by the Marquis of Saint Erasmo his Uncle, which afterwards obliged him to be more assiduous about my person. I then sent for Angustino Mollo a famous advocate, and great friend of the Nobility, having managed the affairs of the prin­cipal of them, and ordered him to give them notice of all these good successes, of the arrival of the Fleet, and that they should now have the satisfaction of making no addresses but to me alone, who had the absolute authority and might call my self Master, that therefore they needed no longer apprehend the insolencies of the rab­ble, having in me a Protectour not only powerful but so great a friend to their Interests. After this I caused Letters to be written to all parts of the [Page 259] Kingdom, and Manifests to be sent to all the Pro­vinces, with such success, that very shortly after, in a manner all the Towns, except such as had Garisons, sent to assure me of their obedience, and expressed extraordinarie Joy, that they were to own no other authority but mine, which I took all the care imaginable to render just and acceptable, studying to oblige every body, and acquire a general esteem and affection, in which I had very happy success.

I caused to be prepared a great present, com­posed of all manner of refreshments, and what­ever could be found in a great, rich and proud City, that had yet for some Moneths suffered by Revolutions and War, with which twelve Feluc­ca's were laden, to send to those that commanded the Kings Fleet, with account of the present con­dition of Naples, the renunciation made to me by Gennaro of his authority, my establishment in it by the general consent of the people, and the title that had been given me of the Duke of the Republick, with that of Protectour of its Liberty, and Generalissimo of its Armies; on which ac­count I could no longer doubt but the Fleet was to receive my Orders, since the Abbot Basqui had assured me, they were to be received from no other but such a person as should be head of the people, and absolute master of the Town; that this discourse obliged me to attempt what I had so happily effected, and to establish my authority on the ruines of that of Gennaro.

The Sieur de Taillade, to whom I had given his Commission, was also to make my Comple­ments [Page 260] to the Generals and all particular Officers, and to press in my name the landing all such suc­cours as two or three days before I had agreed on with the said Abbot Baschi; but I was forced to deferre his departure by the Fleets removal out of sight of the Town to burn, as it did, five ships of the enemy that rid at anchor under Castelamare, the Commanders seeking by this little action, to efface the shame of not having at their first arrival taken or destroyed the whole Fleet of Spain, as they might easily and without hazard have done, if they had pleased: which would have put an end to all, and compelled the Viceroy and all the Spaniards to yield to discre­tion, being generally unprovided of all things, and after so considerable a loss out of possibility of receiving any succours from abroad. They now shipped what men they could, and weighing anchor went to fight the French, who had wil­fully neglected to conquer them when they were in no condition to defend themselves: in fine the fight began which lasted five or six hours, but without any considerable advantage on either side, nothing being done but firing their Canon without boarding, of which I will not trouble my self to make the recital, its particulars being known, and I resolved to relate nothing but what I am my self concerned in. The Spaniards retreated, one part of them to shelter themselves under Castello de l' Ovo, and the other to anchor in the Haven of Baia.

As soon as the Kings Fleet returned within sight, I sent the Sieur de Taillade to acquit him­self [Page 261] of the Commission I had given him, and de­mand in my name the fourty thousand weight of Powder had been promised me, with the rest of the Ammunition, the landing eighteen hundred foot, such of the Queens Guards and Regiment of Monsieur de Manicamp, as they had given me hope of, to mount on horseback, and for recep­tion of the ten pieces of Canon, for which I had caused Ponts to be made at the point of Posilippe. All these things they consented to, but performed not. I also encharged him to desire the Generals and chief Officers of the Fleet to come ashore where I would entertain them at Dinner, to con­ferre with them of all such things as we were to do by consent, especially of an attacque upon the Spaniards who had not forces sufficient to man all their forts; so that either they must abandon their ships, or else would become so weak in both places by dividing their power, that they must necessarily loose the day, with their Fleet and all they were possessed of in the Town, if by Sea and Land we fell upon them at one and the same time. But as Land conduct must be regulated with respect to Sea affairs, which depend on the wind, I would expect a signal from the Fleet, and be in a readiness to fall on as soon as I saw it pre­pare for fight.

The Sieur de Taillade returned with many fair words and promises, of all I had ordered him to demand in my name, and the Abbot Basqui came to me accompanied by Father de Juliis, for a more particular regulation of all affairs with me; I received them joyfully, expecting to find [Page 262] an entire satisfaction in this Conference, but I discovered that he sought nothing else but pre­tences of complaint against me, and that there was no intention of giving me succours. He of­fered to land the troops which I most earnestly desired, but demanding Money without which they would not onely be useless, but altogether prejudicial and destructive, he answered he had none to give me, because the Bills of Exchange upon Genoua could not as yet be complied with. I told him if the troops were landed without Money to pay them, it would be impossible for me to contain them within the Bounds of Disci­pline, and that imagining themselves to be in a conquered Countrey, and a new War, I should not be able to prevent their plundering and li­centious living, Souldiers being kept in order by punishment onely, which cannot be inflicted when they are unpaied; and that so their inso­lence and excesses would not onely incite the hatred of the Countrey against the French Na­tion, but having to do with a cruel and out­rageous people, finding themselves ill used by those from whom they expected assistance, they would cut all their throats and mine amongst the rest, and so we should become an infallible means of re-establishing the Spanish authority.

To prevent such an inconvenience, I told him I knew very well there was great gaming, and a great deal of Money in the Fleet, and that it would be easie to make a purse of two thousand Pistols, with which I would be satisfied in ex­pectation of greater summes, and that being able [Page 263] to pay the men I demanded eight or ten days, I would endeavour in that time to drive the Spaniards out of the Town, and possibly might take one of the three Castles, and by busying all their forces on Land make them leave their Fleet so disarmed that it might be all burnt or taken. He answered me, that the Fleet came away in such haste, that all were in such a manner unpro­vided, that he could not supply me with so much as a hundred Pistols, to which I replyed, it being so, he needed not think of landing any troops, since I could well enough subsist without them, and would have patience till he caused Money to come, without which, in stead of getting ad­vantage by their landing, I should loose the ho­nour of France, besides that it would infallibly cost me my life, and procure the enemies such ad­vantages as they were not in a condition to hope for.

From this answer occasion hath been taken to complain of me, and to say, that I refused the succors were offered me, that I might have no dependance on France, supposing I could subsist without her. But let such as will take pains to consider these things without passion judge, whe­ther my comportment, or the manner where­with they dealt with me were more blameable.

After this I demanded Powder, and they pro­mised it, and sending Felucca's to fetch it, they returned them with six and thirty Barrels, thirty of which were for Gennaro to supply the Carme­lites Tower, and onely six for me, giving me hope of the remainder of the fourty thousand weight, [Page 264] which I never could obtain. For Artillery my Ponts were not well enough made to satisfie the Officers of the Fleet, who said, they could not hazard the Canon in them till they were mended, which I caused to be done but to no purpose. For Bullets and Match there was not any more mention made of them.

The Abbot Basqui proposed to me to go aboard the Fleet to speak with the Generals, which, besides that I could not do it with honour, a Governour never going out of a place that is besieged, being entrusted with the safety of the Town, the command of the Garison, and an authority over the whole Countrey, it had nei­ther been handsom nor reasonable, that I should have hazarded the loss of Naples, whilest a con­trary wind might have hindered my return to remedy the disorders my absence should have caused; the respect of my person and presence alone maintaining a turbulent and seditious peo­ple in duty and obedience. But had I wanted all these reasons, he made his proposal to me in a fashion so farre from being perswasive, that it tended rather to give me distrust and jealousie: so that I perceived he had no other end than to do me ill Offices, by giving out (as he did at his return) that I had not onely refused all the assi­stances proposed, but that I declined all corre­spondence and commerce with the Officers of the Fleet, and he was besides so malicious that he caused me to be told by Father de Juliis, as a friendly advice, that I should have a care how I went aboard the Fleet, since there was an [Page 265] order and design to arrest me. The same father, by the same instigation, gave out, that he had discovered that I had an intention at the enter­tainment I would have made at Posilippe, to have detained the Officers that should have come ashore as hostages, till such time as they should have given me the assistance I had demanded, and they promised me; This artifice was made use of to break all Communication between us, by which we might have discovered all the deceits of this Gallant; and by it I was sufficiently con­firmed in what I well enough understood before, that he was a Spie and Pensioner of Spain: of which I believe, every man that attentively con­siders his comportment is perswaded as well as my self, and judges him rather to have been a Spanish than French agent, but I have more solid proofs. For the Nobility sending to know whether the Fleet had order to depend on me, and that if so, they would declare for us, and I returning answer it had, he went the same night to Gennaro, to give him assurance they were to obey none but him, which the next day he pub­lished, to ruine my designs, and cause all the No­bility to re-engage in the service of Spain, rather than become subject to the insolence and bruta­lity of Gennaro.

One thing happened which had like to have made me loose all patience; two ships laden with Corn coming to the Spaniards, were taken by our Fleet within our sight, at which I was ex­tremely glad, believing Heaven had miraculously sent them to relieve our necessities, but they [Page 266] were carried to Portolongone, and we put off with slight excuses, and hopes of their return from day to day. Their malice went yet farther, for the Abbot Baschi telling me the Fleet wanted Biscuit, and desiring me to furnish them till the arrival of that they expected from Provence, and with it plenty of Corn for us: though I had but three weeks Provision, I caused half of it to be baked, which being done and it become in a manner useless, he left it on my hands, telling me a ship had lately brought some to the Fleet, so that now they had no occasion for it.

After this he made me a very ridiculous pro­position, to give the Protection of the Kingdom of Naples to the Cardinal of S t Cecilia, to which I answered that I was too great a servant of Car­dinal Mazarin his brother, to consent to a thing so contrary to his honour, which would make him the scorn and table-talk of Rome, by becoming Protectour of a Republick could pass for no other than chimerical, because as yet but onely in Idea. He perverted also this judi­cious answer, and made use of it to spread abroad that I was not onely the enemy of France, but of Cardinal Mazarin and his Family.

Vincenzo Andrea, a close adherent to Spain, conspired with him to lay a snare for me, which I presently discovered and avoided; it was that to shew the absolute establishment of my autho­rity, I ought to coin Money, and not suffer that of the King of Spain to be any longer current, that so they might render useless the little Money I could make my self master of. I seemed to ap­prove [Page 267] this advice, and caused some Silver and Copper to be coined, but with this precaution, that in a thousand Crowns not above fifty bore the stamp of the Republick, the rest that of Spain, but with a date of the former year: On which account they sought to prejudice me, but my reasons appeased a little tumult that was raised on this occasion, and thought it best to forbear a vanity that might put us in a condition of star­ving.

They sought to bring another inconvenience upon me, from which I freed my self with re­solution and vigour. Gennaro followed by a nu­merous rabble came tumultuously to demand of me the pardon of Michael de Santis, who was very much beloved in the town, for the agreeable service he had done the multitude, during the first tumults, in cutting off the head of Dom Pepe Caraffa, and causing his body to be dragged about the Streets, representing to me, that if I put him to death, it would be thought that I sa­crificed him to the resentments of the Nobility, for whom I should express so great an affection that it would make the people despair. I answe­red that his punishment was important towards the supporting my authority, his temerity and insolence having been too excessive and publick to be passed by. He told me his pardon was sought by them all, and that the refusal of a re­quest they were so zealous in would cause a gene­ral insurrection. I replied, that I was not of an humour to be compelled to any thing, the conse­quence whereof would be dangerous, that I [Page 268] would accustom the people to bear me more re­spect, and come on their knees to begge such Graces as they sought of me, and not fancy they should oblige me to a condescention by fear; that this too bold proceeding should hasten his death, contrary to my intention, for if they had gone to work more moderately, and with greater re­spect, I would have given them his life. That I valued not tumults, having credit and resolution enough to appease them, continue the Town in its duty, and cause such to be punished as went about to make any commotion, and that if I heard but the least murmuring, I would cause the Gallowses of the Market-place to be furnished with the most violent and mutinous. That they should learn to know me better, and the manner of applying themselves to me, and calling one of my Guards, I, in their hearing, commanded him to carry order to Bernardo Spirito, the Auditor general, to cause Michael de Santis to be con­fessed, and immediately after executed on the High-way that goes to Aversa, and to set up a Post there, and place his head upon it, and hang his body by one foot on a tree, with an inscripti­on that I had caused him to die as a person sedi­tious and bloudie, a disobeyer of my orders and contemner of my authority. This was punctu­ally executed to the great satisfaction of the No­bility, whose affection for me was much increased by the exact performance of my promise, and my care to revenge and content them, after which dismissing those that came to plead for him with so much insolence and imprudence, I rid up and [Page 269] down the Town to see what effect the menaces had been made me might produce; but I found the same testimonies of affection and respect that were usual, without any mans daring to complain or open his mouth on this occasion.

A while after the Abbot Baschi visited Gen­naro, whom he thought incensed by the little value I had for him and his intercession, and con­sulting with him the means of ruining me, pro­mised him in order to it the assistance of France, and the re-establishment of his Authority. They admitted none to this secret Conference but Tonno Basso, and some others of their adhe­rents, with Doctor Francisco Pati, a man of whom they had no jealousie, who at Rome with­out my privity, two days before my departure, agreed with Monsieur de Fontenay to have ren­dered the Kingdom of Naples tributary to France, and had ever after held a secret correspondence with him.

About five next Morning the said Francisco de Pati came to demand audience of me, and ca­sting himself on his Knees at my bed-side, gave me account of all particulars that had passed be­tween Gennaro and the Abbot Baschi, what he had negotiated with Monsieur de Fontenay, and generally all the secrets of their correspondence, of which he promised me punctual advertise­ment for the future, desiring, in recompence of this important service, the charge of President in the Chamber of accounts: The Abbot Basqui coming to visit me at my rising, I told him I was very much surprised at the manner of his pro­ceeding, [Page 270] which could be no other if he were paid by the Spaniards, and intended their service. At this he was out of countenance and changed color, and began to enter upon many justificati­ons, with a thousand protestations of affection and service; to which I replyed, that he should not deceive me by fair words, that though I ac­knowledged him to have great abilities, he came short of that; and was of too heavie a Phisiog­nomie to over-reach me, that though I believed he had studied Machiavel, if I entered into com­petition of wit with him, it should be with so re­fined Politicks, that I would in two hours give him such Commentaries, as he should not inter­pret with ten years study. He told me he under­stood nothing of all this discourse, which I was willing to explain to him, by declaring that I had notice of his most secret intrigues, his negotiati­ons with Gennaro, and their designs against my authority, libertie and life, which he impudently attempted to deny. But he was altogether out of countenance, when I gave him the particulars of all that had passed, of the means they intended to use for putting their intentions in execution, and nominated to him all persons that had knowledge of this plot; he seemed very much disturbed, yet fortified himself on the negative, but was entirely confounded when I declared to him that I was informed of all these things by Francisco de Pati, and told him the recompence I had given him for so eminent a service, and that if he desired it, I would send for him to justifie all to his face. His speech failed him, and he was [Page 271] [...]o possest by fear, that he thought his life at an end, but I recovered him by assurance that I bore so great respect to his Character of the Kings Agent, that whatsoever he had attempted against me, in stead of resentments he should receive from me all manner of Civilities and Services. That I would oblige him to acknowledge that I had greater zeal, passion and fidelity for the service of France than himself, since his en­deavours tended all to the re-establishing the Spaniards, and ruining an enterprise so advan­tageous to the Crown, by contriving the de­struction of the most zealous, faithful and dis­interessed servant it ever had, and that in despite of all his malicious artifices I would continue such, resolved to sacrifice my life for its ad­vantages and glory: that I was assured so infa­mous proceedings would be disavowed, and that it was not by the Courts orders that he acted in such a manner: and that there was no need to have recourse to so extraordinary wayes for overthrowing my fortune, and opposing my establishment, for if the Court had any distrust of me, or would not have me continue any longer at Naples, on the first order signed by his Majesty, or the least ticket under the hand of Cardinal Mazarin, I would go away without contest, to give account of my actions, pre­ferring the glory of obeying and complying with my duty, to the highest and most solid establishment I could expect from Fortune. He was sorry to find me so submissive, because he wanted a pretence to prejudice me: but ha­ving [Page 272] dealt so ill with me, he was careful not to give a true account of my conduct; but on the contrary did me all the ill offices he possibly could, to prevent my being assisted, and causing me to be abandoned by all, so to hasten the ruine of a person he had too highly offended to expect any pardon, and that would ever be an irre­proachable witness of his infidelity to France.

He continued two days in Naples after this, in which he neglected not the pursuit of his designs, as will appear by the remainder of this discourse. He plotted to cause me to be killed in a popular commotion, and agreed of all circum­stances of doing it, with Vincenzo Andrea, and others of that Cabal; would have me looked on as the tyrant of Naples, rather than as the restorer of her Liberty, and in case he failed in this, which he thought the handsomest way of doing it, that so he might seem unconcerned in an accident, which would be attributed onely to the fury of an outrageous and tumultuous multi­tude, he resolved, casting off his mask, to cause me to be poniarded by a conspiracie of seventeen persons, the heads of whom were Tonno Basso, Salvator de Gennaro, and Petro Damico; per­swading them that as an enemy of France I was the cause the people received no succours from thence, which would supply all their wants abun­dantly as soon as it should have knowledge of my death, and that without this the Fleet had order to abandon them. I had some jealousie of this plot, and engaged two persons, who seeming very much dissatisfied and animated [Page 273] against me, had admittance into all their assem­blies, and gave me punctual advertisement of all resolutions that were taken.

That very night they drew a great many peo­ple into arms in the Market-place, and sent a like number into the Carmelites Cloyster where I lodged, and I was surprised to see (whilest I was in conference with the Abbot Baschi) the Magistrates of the Town and Council come in, who demanded to speak with me of an affair of the highest consequence for the publick good. Vincenzo Andrea having met them as if by acci­dent, Tonno Basso was their spokesman, a man eloquent, hot headed, and violent. He told me the people had satisfaction in my conduct, with a very great sense of the extraordinary services I had rendered them; but the establishment of a Republick being so necessary, he besought me to lay the first foundations; That I should con­tinue the qualitie of Duke, and General of their Forces, with the title of Protectour of their Li­berty, which I had so well deserved, but that it was time to form a Senate, without whose ad­vice and deliberation nothing should be acted or undertaken; for whilest the whole authority was in my person alone, I seemed either a King or a tyrant; that the jealousie of this would draw upon me the hatred of all men, because it would look as if I had rather a design to en­slave the City and Kingdom than to deliver them from Captivity.

This captious discourse surprized, but did not astonish me, and caused me in an instant to re­collect [Page 272] [...] [Page 273] [...] [Page 274] all that my intellect could furnish me with­al, which was augmented by the necessity of im­mediately freeing my self from so dangerous and slippery a precipice, there being much to be apprehended on either side, since if I refused what was so pressingly demanded of me, I could not escape death by discovering an intention to become a tyrant, and if I yielded to what was desired I should afterwards be but a shadow without credit and without power. All had their eyes fixed on me, expecting my resolution with impatience, not imagining that being so unpre­pared, I could take any advantageous to me, nor avoid a danger so evident, and in a manner one and the same to which side soever I inclined. I answered them smiling, that I thought my self extremely happy, in that the services I had hi­therto endeavoured to render the people were acceptable, but that my satisfaction was redoubled, to see the passion with which they endeavoured to form themselves into a Republick; that they might recollect that I was the first proposer of this manner of Government, and which I most earnestly desired to see effected as the most ad­vantageous resolution we could take. That to this no man alive should be more forward, be­cause on its establishment depended the repose and liberty of the Country. That we were seri­ously to consult and act in order towards it, but that all Europe, and Rome especially, having their eyes upon us, we ought to proceed with so much justice and reason, that at least we might not be­come ridiculous, great affairs depending much [Page 275] on reputation, which ought in such a manner to be husbanded, that nothing might be done from which the enemy should derive advantage, who would carefully observe all our steps, to make use of all our failings, which could not be slight, our safety or ruine depending on our good or evil conduct; That there were several sorts of Re­publicks, and that we ought very seriously to con­sider, before we made our choice, which of them would be most advantageous to us, and most su­table to the humour and disposition of the Coun­try. That popular Government had something pleasing, but was not without defects; That both Town and Country were certainly most inclined to it, but yet the Kingdom of Naples numerous in Nobility, generous and haughty, and that had hitherto had so great a share in the Government, I held it very dangerous to exclude them, be­cause despair reconciling them to the Spanish in­terests, we should not without a great deal of difficulty resist their united powers; That their number being so great we could neither drive them all out, nor destroy them; That none of them were without many friends and dependants, by whose means they would cause dangerous di­visions amongst us, and give birth to so many disturbances as entire ages would not be able to overcome; That despairing people are to be feared above all other, who would leave nothing unattempted for preservation of their honors, lives and estates, that we were to fight against a renewing Hydra, That I could not discern what should oblige us to precipitate our selves into so [Page 276] many perils, not onely difficult but impossible to be mastered, which would draw on the enmity of Rome, which we ought seriously to consider, be­cause in a Government where the Pope was the supreme Lord, a general subversion could not be made without his participation and consent, which we should never obtain, by the oppo­sition would be made by the Interest of some of the Nobility, nearly allied to several of the most powerful Cardinals, and principal Lords of that Court; That this manner of Republick would never suit with us, it being more reason­able to weaken the Spaniards than fortifie them with those whose valour and consideration made up all their power, and who no less weary than our selves of their cruel dominion, would have no other thoughts (when safely they might) then to act conjoyntly with us towards repose and liberty, and employ against those that equal­ly oppressed us, their lives and fortunes to free themselves from the tyranny they had so many years languished under. That therefore I thought we ought to endeavour to regain the Nobility, by letting them understand they may find advantage and security with us.

My reasons were applauded by all, and all granted they were not to be excluded from the Government, and that a popular Common­wealth by the difficulty of its establishment, would hasten our destruction. I told them there appeared to me no less inconvenience, should it consist of the Nobility onely, who would tyran­nize the people, having too fresh a remembrance [Page 277] of the outrages received, seeing its hands yet stained with the bloud of their Relations; That they would never forget the plundering their goods, burning their houses, and laying waste their Lands, but would employ the credit and authority should be setled on them in particu­lar revenges, That in this manner the Spaniards might indeed be ruined, but the people would acquire only Chains in stead of the Liberty pretended to, and be treated with greater cruel­ty than they had ever been by the enemies, for whom they had so great horrour and aversion. They all cried out with one voice that this would be so farre from giving ease, that it would adde to their sufferings, and was therefore to be no more mentioned; but that they should settle in the choice of a mixt Republick, in which the Nobility and People should have equal authority. I an­swered that I saw yet many difficulties, because we could not of our selves take a resolution of establishing it, without first consulting the No­bility, having first separated them from the Spa­niards, and reunited them with us, it being unjust (Heaven having bestowed upon them so many advantages above the people) that the people should give them the Law, and without them form a Government, in which they ought to have the best share. That therefore before any thing were concluded on, we ought to give them notice of what we were about to do, that their interests might oblige them to come and give their opinions in an affair in which they were principally concerned.

[Page 278]They then told me that as Duke of the Re­publique I should write to summon them to come and deliberate of the Government we were to set up, and to consider together the readiest and securest ways for restoring Peace and Liberty to the whole Countrey. I am ready, said I, to do all that you shall order me on this occasion, but I fore-see ill consequences upon this resolution, which may become troublesome to you, and which I hold my self obliged to represent, that you may not hereafter reproach me to have brought upon you such inconveniences as I shall have much ado to free you from; We shall give the Nobility too great presumption by addres­sing our selves to them as necessary: all of that body will believe we distrust our selves, as unable to resist our enemies, unless supported by their valour and authority, and so supposing we can­not be without them, they will hold the Knife at our throat, and exact such conditions as we cannot with honour, nor ought not to grant them, of which the refusals exasperating them against us, will more streightly unite them with our enemies, whilest they imagine us at the point of destruction.

My opinion therefore is that a Manifest be published, by which I will declare, that having been chosen Duke of the Republique, I with open Arms attend all such as will have recourse to me: that this title as well as that of Protector of their Liberty, as streightly engages me to the interests of the Nobility as people, That I have a like consideration for them, yet with respect to [Page 279] the distinctions of their Births and Qualities, and like a good Father, though I tenderly love all my Children, put a difference between the rest and him that hath the Priviledge of Eldership; In this manner I invite all to apply themselves to me, resolved to treat them according to their different merits, and give to all, in the establish­ment I intend of a Republick, the Qualities and Advantages that Descent and Vertue ought to regulate, so imposing conditions upon such as present themselves, in stead of receiving any from them; And as the Nobility are to be looked upon in three several Considerations, we on like manner must govern our selves in several manners; There are some Gentlemen that have lived well with this City and with their Tenants, and that by their discreet Comportment have gained the general esteem and affection, we can­not do too much towards the advantages and good usage of such; there are others that have gained the affection of the people of Naples, and yet wracked and tyrannised their tenants, such must be obliged to change conduct, and a good understanding must be made between them and their tenants, lest by gaining the former we loose the latter, and interposing my authority, must engage them to a punctual performance of what shall be promised on either side; The third sort alike odious as well in their own Coun­trey as the City, by reason of a continued violent and outrageous Comportment, are not neverthe­less to be excluded from all hopes of pardon, for that would of necessity compel them to [Page 280] an inseparable Conjunction with our enemies; it will therefore be better to oblige them to ab­sent themselves for a time, leaving to them the injoyment of their estates, not recalling them till they have suffered a kind of banishment, for ex­piation of their faults, which shall be longer or shorter according to the probability of their amendment.

Every part of this discourse had its applause, and I was besought to act conformably to it as speedily as could be possible. I undertook it, but represented that it would require some time, precipitation rather ruining than advancing af­fairs of this nature. Tonno Basso, having as the rest, approved my discourse, told me, there was nothing more just nor reasonable: but as the establishment of a Republick must necessarily be a work of time [...] he thought it necessary to begin immediately to form a Senate; I smiled at this and gave him to understand, that a Senate being the body of a Republick, the establishing the one was no less than the establishing the other, That we were first to consider in what manner it ought to be regulated, of what number of Senatours it should consist, and how many from every Pro­vince; whether every Town should have one, and how many the City of Naples, with a thou­sand other things that could not be determined on a sudden; and besides that, he knew that to lay the lightest tax upon the Country, the Votes of the Peers and Towns were necessary, that that of Naples alone consisted of six Cham­bers of the Nobility, and thirty two Ottines of [Page 281] the People, without which it was imperfect; That to deliberate on an affair of the present impor­tance, such a general assembly was much more necessarily to be called, which for the present was absolutely impossible to us.

He could not deny what I had said, and there­fore propounded to make Vice-Senators for the present; I told him it had never been heard of to conferre the exercise of such charges as were not in nature; but that I perceived (judging me incapable to govern without Council) all his discourse tended to no other end than to form me one, by which he most sensibly obliged me, since I loved not to stand security for successes, and was very glad to have others to ease me, and capable of giving me good advice. That we should therefore consider the number first of this body, and who should nominate them, and to avoid all dispute about words, let them if they pleased make use of that of Vice-Senators; but that it was to be feared lest the Kingdom would not submit to the authority of such as should be nominated only by the City, and without their participation, and that Naples would not loose the prerogative of being the first, every Town pretending particularly to make it self an inde­pendent Republick, and onely confederate with it. All which I spoke not without grounds, having in my Pocket two Letters which I shewed them, the one subscribed the Republick of Saint Severino, and the other the Republick of la Cava.

They all began to murmure and cry out, I had [Page 282] very much reason, but Tonno Basso growing hot and obstinate in his opinion, I once again de­manded of him, who were these Vice-Senators to be, and who was to nominate them; He an­swered me impatiently, that they which repre­sented the body of the Council ought to make this nomination; I told him I thought it more reasonable to be done by the Magistrates of the Town, and the Captains of the Quarters. He re­plied, not without transport, that the Magistrates of the Town were not to meddle with affairs of such a nature, their authority extending no far­ther than to regulate the price of Provisions, and maintain Plenty. I admire, said I, that you dis­pute the power of those from whom you de­rive your own; you have been nominated to as­sist and serve Gennaro as a Council, because of his incapacitie, and his imployment being at an end yours is so in like manner; we are now upon a matter of greater importance, and our business is to enquire whether the Magistrates will make new nominations, or by confirming you, design you to the employments in question. The dis­pute grew hot between the Council and the Ma­gistrates of the Town, to such a height that had it not been for the interposal of my authority they had doubtlessly come from words to blows. They besought me to put an end to their diffe­rence and to regulate their pretensions, I told them I held my self incapable of determining a matter so important, and that I might disoblige none, I would have the Magistrates of the Town on one side, and such as pretended them­selves [Page 283] of the Council on the other side, give their Reasons in writing to four of the ablest Lawyers, who, well versed in the Customs of the Country, what was practised before it was a Kingdom, or in the instant of some Revolutions, as that which happened a hundred years before about the in­quisition, having well studied the case, should give me their opinions, which I would afterwards determine, since each of them had referred them­selves to me; to this they agreed, and I nomi­nated to this effect John Camillo Caracciolo, An­tonio Scacciavento, Augustino Mollo and Aniello Porcio: I then demanded in whose hands the authority should reside in the mean time? They all replied, in yours. Of whom then shall I re­ceive Council, said I, for I will not govern with­out it, not esteeming my self sufficiently capaci­tated for it? you need it not, they replyed, for you understand more than all of us. I excused my self, telling them, that having to do with a people diffident and hardly to be satisfied, I would not expose my self to their displeasure, nor give them jealousie of my authority, besides that I could not my self alone support the bur­then of so many and great affairs, that I came amongst them to serve them without any ambi­tion of commanding, longer then I should be ac­ceptable to them, or in any other manner than should stand with their good liking, and that ra­ther than suffer perpetual disquiet by continual jealousies that had no foundation, I would retire, and therefore desired my Pass while the Fleet was in a condition for my re-imbarking, there [Page 282] [...] [Page 283] [...] [Page 284] were immediately outcries in the Room where we were, afterwards in the Halls, and then in the Market-place, That the people were lost if I abandoned them, that they neither had hope nor confidence in any else, that they desired not that I should take advice of any body standing in no need of it; and to conclude, that they would obey none but me, and that I should command as Sovereign, since they owned me for their Master.

I pacified all by complying with the pleasure of so many people, and the better to discover their thoughts appointed all to assemble the next Mor­ning in their several Quarters, where I intended to go to learn them.

The Abbot Basqui, after his leaving my lodging, had conference with the Conspirators, who being enraged to have failed of their design, and to see with what address I had avoided so dangerous a snare as they had layed for me, and that my authority was the more confirmed, and themselves entirely excluded from the part they pretended in the Government, met in a Church to resolve of poniarding me: but not coming to a result either of the time or place for execu­ting their enterprise, they referred their confe­rence to the night following: And in the Mor­ning the Abbot Basqui coming to take his leave of me, that he might return to the Fleet, there to expect the success of his Conspiracie, not thinking himself safe in Naples, where my power would not be able to prevent his being torn in pieces by the people, his design failing, and he discovered [Page 285] to be the author; but I detained him to be a wit­ness of all that should pass in the Town.

I went through all the Quarters, where having openly declared, what had passed overnight, and desiring the sense of the people, he was very much surprised to hear them with one voice declare, that it was their will I should be absolute Master, and that I should act with Sovereign power, de­manding my permission to take and drag through the Streets all such as pretended to oppose. This was followed by a general exclamation, that they would never own other authority than mine, that to make me Duke of their Repub­lick was too farre below my deserts, that they would therefore have me their King. This I op­posed as I had twice done before, and on the same account, threatened to leave them, and ship my self on the Fleet, if they continued obstinate in that which was so unreasonable, and out of season. Then calling me their Father, Defender, and Protectour of their Estates, Lives and Fami­lies, they with excessive Testimonies of respect and affection protested to live and die with me, and that they would neither be sparing of their own bloud, nor that of their wives and children in order to serve me, or advance the least of my Interests.

The Abbot Basqui was amazed at the great esteem I had acquired in so short a time, and to see all the houses in a moment hung with Tapistry for my Passage, Flowers, Sweet waters and Com­fits cast from the Windows, Cloaks and Tapistry spred under my Horses feet, Perfumes and Incense [Page 286] burned before me, Men, Women and Children giving me thousands of Benedictions, and such Testimonies as were easily discerned to be cor­dial, and to have nothing of flattery or dissimu­lation. He said he could never have believed what he had seen, I desired him to give a faith­ful account of it, and to let me understand the intentions of the Court; telling him that I ma­naged the inclinations of the people at my plea­sure, and that in a short time by my address and diligence I hoped to be able to put the Crown of Naples on the Kings Head, or he not accepting it, on his Brothers or Uncles, and I conjured him to speak freely to me, to so important an affair, since I neither had nor ever should have any other design than to make those of France ef­fectual whatsoever they might be. He assured me he had no instruction relating to this particu­lar, and that all that he knew was that the King pretended nothing more than to see the Spa­niards driven out of Naples; they loosing the Kingdom, it was indifferent to him into what hands it fell, because he should from that derive a sufficient advantage. I know not whether he was no better informed of the designs of France, or whether he would open himself no farther to me, that he might have still pretence to complain of my conduct; but this is a great truth, that I could neither from him nor any of the Kings Ministers residing at Rome ever learn in what manner they desired I should comport my self. So that they neither can nor ought with ju­stice to blame my actions, which they would never regulate.

[Page 287]His fear that I might comply with the Officers of the Fleet, and give them particular informa­tions of all, obliged him with all possible care to prevent the landing of the Gentleman the Duke of Richelieu sent to complement me, to which purpose he caused him to be most sollicitously de­tained aboard another ship, that he might not return to the Admiral till the Fleet was ready to set sail, which evinces that it was not my fault that I had no correspondence with the officers, which I earnestly desired.

They sent me word that for want of water they should be forced to set sail, if I provided them not, wherefore I presently sent them eight Felucca's to fetch it, but this number being thought insufficient, they took so slight a pre­tence to go for Portolongone, having done no other thing but exposed me to a thousand dan­gers, from which, I may safely say, I escaped not without a Miracle, and had I not before esta­blished an extraordinary confidence in the people, I should have been torn in an hundred pieces, when they found themselves frustrated of all the succors I had given them cause to hope, with so great probability, for which I was security, yet there remained now no more but my person alone to assist them.

This powerful Fleet would not contribute to the destruction of Spain, which had been infal­lible by taking or burning all its ships, which at its arrival were found at anchor, unarmed, and un­masted; consumed half my Provisions uselessly, and if I may be a [...]lowed to say it, maliciously; [Page 288] took two ships laden with Corn in my sight, and sent them to Portolongone, refused me the little Money I demanded for causing those troops to subsist, whose landing I pressed with so much importunity, furnished me with no more but six Barrels of Powder, and gave me no manner of assistance but by the arrival of the Knight de Fourbin, the Baron de la Garde, the Knight of Gent, Souillac, de Glandeveze, Baron Durand, Saint Maximin, afterwards Quartermaster of my Guards, and Beauregard an Officer belonging to the Artillery, and used all possible endeavours to prevent the coming of these to me. I leave it to be judged if an other man, seeing himself so wretchedly abandoned, would not have lost all courage as well as all hope? And whether I stood not in need of an extraordinary resoluti­on to resist so spightful a fortune, and of as great address to secure my self from so apparent dan­gers? Notwithstanding all which, this deplora­ble condition renued my vigour, and seeing that all depended on my person, I employed my self with so much care and fervency, that I did not onely avoid my own ruin, but came very near causing that of the Spaniards, which will appear to such as attentively read the remainder of these Memoires, whose verities are so extraordinary they will to many seem fabulous.

I sent next Morning for the Magistrates of the Town, and those which till then had formed the body of a Council, and told them I had intelli­gence that some amongst them conspired against my life, and had by night assembled themselves [Page 289] in a Church to deliberate on such an attempt; That being unwilling to dip my hands in bloud, I pardoned them with all my heart, conditionally that they repented, and took a different conduct, but if they obstinately persisted in that wicked design, they should feel the effects of my justice and rigor, since they neglected those of my good­ness and clemencie; with the assurance I gave them not onely to blot out of my memory so detestable a design, but neither to affect nor value them the less for the future; All were surprised at so great a moderation, those that were guilty said little, the rest beseeched me to nominate and punish them severely, they being unworthy of pardon; and that if my goodness permitted me not to do it, I should leave them to the people, whose severity would terrifie all persons capa­ble of such treacheries, and that such an example was due to the publique, in whose name they conjured me to it on their Knees, I answered that if the Confederates in so black a resolution had any honour left, they would be moved by my Clemency, and become affectionate and faithful to me, but if they persisted they would tire my patience, and I should cause them to be punished according to their deserts.

The night following they met again in another Church to consult a second time on their enter­prise. The next Morning I sent for the same per­sons, and told them the same things I had done the day before, that their ingratitude had wea­ried me, and having pardoned them twice, if they a third time fell into the same fault, no­thing [Page 290] in the World should be capable to secure them from my just revenge; In stead of altering their design, they contented themselves to change the place of their meeting, of which having notice, I instantly sent Officers of my Guard to secure them, and two of the seven­teen, for so many they were, demanding to be brought to me, that they might declare the whole Conspiracy, I sent for them, where casting themselves at my feet, they begged their lives, and gave me account of all they knew.

By their Confession I was informed that the Abbot Basqui had told them I was an enemy to the Crown of France, that I came to Naples not onely without its participation, but contrary to its orders, and that I was the cause the people received no supplies, that for this only reason the Fleet had neither landed Men, Ammunition, nor Artillery, and sent to Portolongone the two ships laden with Corn, that had been taken in sight of the Town. That others were ready to be sent from Provence with all manner of Supplies, as soon as they should have rid France of an enemy and rebel, and their City of a Tyrant, who under pretence of procuring them Repose and Liberty, endeavoured nothing but to gain credit amongst them, that he might afterwards the more easily oppress them, and obtain the su­preme authority: That desire to be assisted with all things necessary to drive away the Spaniards, made them resolve to remove the onely ob­stacle, that deprived them of the support and protection of France; that their despair, by [Page 291] seeing themselves abandoned; and the assurance of receiving all manner of supplies in abundance, had caused them to swear my destruction and undertake to ponyard me. That there were se­venteen in the Conspiracy, but that Tonno Basso, Salvator de Gennaro, and Petro d' Amico were the most violent, and the heads of the enterprise; That there was besides these a Priest called Ca­millo Todino, and a Notary called Caldedino, na­ming afterwards all the rest, which I remember not, it being so long ago; but that for themselves they ever abominated this action, concealing their own thoughts to discover those of others, and afterwards to give me account of all; that I might remember I had ordered them to seem dissatisfied with me, and to engage amongst such as were suspected to be ill affected. I did not onely pardon, but acknowledged my self ob­liged to them, for freeing me from so great a danger, which in time and place convenient I would remember and reward. I then caused Paper and Ink to be brought them, and com­manded them to write down what they had declared to me, and subscribe it: after which I sent them Prisoners to the Vicary, and ordered the Auditor general to take the examinations of the rest, and to confront them with those two which I had pardoned, putting them on the Rack onely for forms sake, to make their de­positions authentick, according to the custom of the Country. The Confederates being all pre­sented to them, reproched by their Consciences, they neither made an absolute denial, nor entire [Page 292] Confession. Account was brought me of all that had passed, and considering the consequence of this affair, and that these wretches would not fail to introduce France into their Confessions, and impute to its orders that which proceeded onely from the malice and disloyalty of the Abbot Basqui, I commanded the Auditor General to give the Heads of the Conspiracy the torture or­dinary and extraordinary, and when they began to confess, cause the Notary, and other Officers of Justice, to avoid the room, and write their De­positions with his own hand, that they might be kept secret, so to conceal from the people all they should say of France, which might produce some bad effect, by the pretence that she was con­cerned in this dishonorable action, so contrary to the humour and customs of that Country, and of which the Abbot Baschi was the onely author, being capable of and accustomed to the like villa­nies, and having undertook this to serve Spain advantangeously, by disp [...]raging France to the Neapolitans, and making her suspected of autho­rising an assassination, in which she was no ways concerned. Tonno Basso at first seemed constant under the torture, but pressed by violence of pain, and more by remorse of Conscience, he from point to point confirmed the depositions of the two persons I had pardoned, and added many very considerable circumstances, and a­mongst others, that in one of the Convents of the Jacobins, in the Chamber of a Doctor he na­med, they should find a Manifest he had drawn up to publish as soon as I should have been poni­arded [Page 293] in Justification of the action, and to make it appear necessary, and undertaken only in order to the service of France, and advantages of their Countrey, which could on no other account obtain such succours as were necessary for ac­quiring Repose, Liberty, and Enfranchisement from the oppression of the Spaniards; And that having acted on no other account but that of affection to his Country, it must needs have been glorious to have taken away the life of a tyrant and disturber of the publick quiet. I sent presently to seek this Manifest which was brought me, to the same sense and in the same manner expressed as he had told us. The de­positions of the rest of the Conspirators were conformable, but to avoid effusion of so much bloud, I exposed none but the three Chiefs to the rigor of Justice, causing the rest to be de­tained in Prison, till I got opportunity of banish­ing, and sending them by Sea out of the King­dom; The Wives and Relations of the con­demned came with their hair disheveled, and tearing their faces with their nails, according to the custom of the Country, to move me to com­passion, and cast themselves at my feet to beg their pardons, which I refused and could not have made good, though I had inclined to it, the people were so incensed against them; and ha­ving reiterated their attempts two or three days together, without obtaining any thing, they at last besought me that execution might not be made in publick. I seemed unwilling to grant this, and suffered my self to be a while impor­tuned [Page 294] to it, though I had before resolved it, to prevent their publishing at their death, (what the Abbot Baschi had falsly informed them of) that I was an enemy to France, and the cause she sent no supplies, and that it was for her service, and with her participation that they had under­taken to poniard me; which I knew to be false, and was unwilling it should be believed, or indeed suspected. As soon as their heads were cut off they were set upon Posts in the Market-place, and their bodies hung naked by one foot, the or­dinary punishment of Traitors, with inscriptions importing that they had been executed as mur­derers, disturbers of the publick quiet, and Conspirators against me. This cruel Spectacle was very satisfactory to the people, and their joy was no less to see me delivered from so great pe­ril, which gave them so much horrour and appre­hension, as redoubled their affection and kindness for me.

After this I dispatched the Sieur de Taillade to Court, to give account of such Negotiations as I had gone through, of the posture in which I had put all affairs, of the demands I had made of such succours as the Fleet might have provided me with, of which I had received an absolute refusal; of the ill comportment of the Abbot Basqui, of the convincing proofs I had that in stead of serving France, he had done nothing else but support the interests of Spain, and endeavour my particular ruine as well as that of Naples, and the Country depending on it, of the Commotions he had incited to destroy me, of the artifices he used [Page 295] for attaining his end, of the ridiculous proposal he made me concerning the Cardinal of S t Cecilia, of his obstructing the Reconciliation with the No­bility; and in fine, of his Conspiracy for killing me, with the Cause I had to complain of my success­less endeavours towards a correspondence with the Officers of the Fleet, the want of which was maliciously imputed to me, as well as the omissi­on they made at their arrival of destroying the Spanish Fleet, which might have been effected with as much ease as little danger, last of all I mentioned their abandoning me after they had consumed half my Provisions, without supplying me with one grain of the lading of two Vessels of Corn, they took from the enemy in my sight, which had incensed the people to the height of rage, and would have caused me to have been miserably massacred, had I not been possessed of so great a credit amongst them, that I could assure my self to continue our affairs without falling into a worse condition, till the return of the Fleet: That I besought Cardinal Mazarin, on whose Friendship and Protection I thought I might securely depend, to dispatch immediately to me considerable supplies of Corn, Men, Money, Artillery, and Ammunition, without which it was impossible for me to subsist any longer; but if I might receive them I would engage to render the King services more important than were ex­pected from me, and in a short time deprive Spain of the Crown of Naples. I gave him very exact Instructions of all he was to negotiate on my behalf with the said Lord Cardinal, and my [Page 296] Relations, whom I encharged him to press to supply me with Money, as speedily and largely as was possible, because on it depended my safety or ruine. Above all I commanded him to sollicit Cardinal Mazarin to send Instructions how I was to comport my self, that I might not fail of ob­serving his Orders, and testifying by a blind obe­dience, my fidelity, zeal and respect for the Crown of France. I ordered him to pass by Rome to communicate all things with Monsieur de Fontenay, and deliver him my Letters.

In the Christmas Holy-days the Banditi I have formerly mentioned, encouraged by the hope I had given them of taking Aversa, and presence of the Army, fought with greater vigor and to better purpose. The Spaniards attributed to my care and vigilance whatsoever happened to their disadvantage, and thought my conduct had a greater share in my successes than my fortune.

The Prince of Montesarchio sick of a quartan Ague went home some days before he had been suspected to hold correspondence with me, which yet was no other than his acknowledgements, for my having saved his Sisters from the peoples fury, and permitted him to live at quiet in his house; Their jealousies increased when retiring into Apulia for some particular affairs, to secure his house from being pillaged in his absence, I sent a Commission to one of his servants to command not only it, but all the Militia's of his other Lordships. In this manner I dealt as often as possibly I could with all the Nobility, to preserve them their Estates, gain their good will by such a [Page 297] Protection, and increase the Spaniards distrust of them, from which I expected very happy Conse­quences.

I was likewise informed that Polito Pastena had possessed himself of Salerno, and marched to attacque Scafatta, whose Conquest would be of extraordinary importance to me, by making me master of the River of Sarno, and the seven­teen Wind-mils that made the Enemy subsist, in the Castles and Quarters they were possessed of in the Town, receiving all their Meal from thence. I was also told that Paul of Naples had made himself Master of Avellino, and raised Men for more considerable enterprises. Paponi, who till now had done nothing but run up and down the Country, and plunder on the banks of Garillano, accompanied by the two Brothers of Daretzo, had taken the Towns of Sessa, Itri, and the Tower of Sperlonga, a Post very considerable, as being on the Sea-side. The Sieur de Lascaris Nephew of the great Master of Malta, whom I had sent to him, took in the City of Fondi, and this little body of an Army became considerable enough to be master of the Field, and in such a manner block the Town and Castle of Gaeta, that it cut off its correspondence with the rest of the Kingdom, and prevented its receiving any more succors by land. Pietro Crescentio, with seven or eight hundred men he had drawn toge­ther, assaulted Montefusculo, the Capital City of the Province that bears that name, and Seat of a President, which is the title they give to gover­nors of Provinces, whom he forced to quit it, [Page 298] and took it in a very short time, his troops aug­menting from day to day.

Sabato Pastore gave me advice from Apulia that he was so strong that nothing could resist him in the field from executing some considerable design, and I sent him order to march streight to the City of Fogia, a place famous for its fare, worth six hundred thousand Crowns revenue, which consists only in the Toll of Cattle, which pass the Winter in the Plains of Apulia, and in the Summer go to seek their Pasture in the Moun­tains of Abruzzo, of this he possessed himself in a very few days, and afterwards of the Cities of Luscietae and Troia.

In one part of Calabria Trussardo having made himself strong began to be feared, and forced some places of importance, that made difficulty of declaring with us: and another part of the same Province demanded a Commander in Chief and some French Officer with him: I sent a young advocate called Paris, a man of resolution and vigor, accompanied by the Sieur de la Serre, who was no less successful than others that in other places fought under my Commissions. In Basilicata, and the land of Barri, the Earl of Vallio and Matheo Christiano, drawing people together, made considerable Conquests, amongst others of Altamura, Matera, Gravina, Cassano, and Bitento. The Banditi began also to stir in Abruzzo, and many persons sent to desire Com­missions of me; The success of my own men was no less fortunate; but as it arrived latter, I deferre it to be spoken of in its time.

[Page 299]The Spaniards daily receiving so bad news, be­gan seriously to apprehend their ruin, seeing all things succeed so happily with me, that I effected whatsoever I undertook, and imagined they could no longer put confidence in the Nobility, with whom they were jealous I had a very good understanding, and particular correspondence. To confirm them more in this opinion the Duke of Vairana casting off his disguise, sent to desire of me a Commission for Camp-master General in the Country of Lavoro bordering on the Popes territory. The Duke of Vieteri, whose lands lie near Salerno, did not see how he could preserve them without joyning with me, and arrived about this time at Naples to assure me of his service and obedience. Many other persons of high Birth and the most wealthy of the Kingdom, whose names it would be too tedious to particularise here, having withdrawn themselves into the City of Benevento, sent expressly to complement me in very obliging terms, which the Spaniards most vehemently resented.

I thought I was not to continue idle my self, and drawing troops together in the City, whom I caused to be met by the Militias of Nocera and la Cava sent to attack the Greek Tower, which the Enemy had regained from us; it was taken in four and twenty hours, and from thence I sent to besiege the Castle of the Annunciation, giving the command of that Leager to Colonel Mello­ni; The Spaniards sending to its assistance the Galley of Saint Francis, the slaves that were in it revolted, took the Captain prisoner, and ran [Page 300] it ashore in the place where three days before that of Teresia had done the same thing. This Castle held out three days, which resistance vex­ing me, I resolved to go thither in person, but at my arrival found the enemy had abandoned it in the night. Having taken the Annunciato, I re­called the troops that had besieged it, to send them away the next day to attempt Castelamare, by which the Spaniards received their Provisions, not getting any thing from Capua, and Gaeta, be­ing so unprovided that from thence nothing could be expected. But Melloni being very ne­cessary in Naples, where he did the duty of Camp-master General, being the eldest of our Officers, I gave this imployment to the Sieur de Cerisantes, a French Commander having been de­sired of me. He took upon him the conduct of this little body, which being drawn up ready for march mutinied, and demanded Mony. I sent to promise it and appease the disorder, but the Soul­diers forgot their respect for him, threatning to kill him if he pressed them any farther. He came to acquaint me with it that I might redress it. I went immediately, and perceived the muti­niers at my coming up to them blow and cock their matches, who preparing to fire upon me, presented their Musquets; I fiercely demanded who they were that distrusted my Promise, and refused to obey me; One of them first answered that he was one, and the rest generally did in­stantly the like, I spurred right up to him and run­ning my sword through his body killed him. Are there any more, said I, desirous of dying by my [Page 301] hand? a Camerade of the others said, Yes, he was; I replyed, You deserve it not, but shall suffer that of the Hang-man, and seising upon him caused him to be disarmed, and his Con­fession taken by the Regiments Chaplain, made him be instantly hanged on a tree. The rest asto­nished at my Resolution, layed down their arms and begged pardon. I then commanded them to march, and shewing them Money that I had brought for them, told them that as a punish­ment for their disobedience they should receive none in three days. After which I went along with them a quarter of a League, and then re­turned to the Town, where I drew out some men to seise la Cerra, a Pass of very great Con­cernment to us, and ordered Paul of Naples to attacque the Town of Nola, which yielded in few days, sending to make capitulations with me, which the said Paul of Naples did not ob­serve, for which, as well as for his many other crimes, he was sometime after punished.

Gennaro and Vincenzo uniting, made use of this favourable conjuncture to set on foot the most dangerous encumbrance I met with whilest I was at Naples, from which, having freed my self with vigour and address, I drew such advantage from it as augmented my reputation. They cherished underhand the aversion the rascallity had for the better sort of Citizens and civiler people, who by reason of the insolencies suffered from them, justly hated them. The later of these by whom the greatest part of the Virgins suburbs was inhabited, were called black Cloakes, and [Page 302] the ordinary sort of people took the name of Lazares at the beginning of the Revolutions, as the Revolters in Flanders formerly had done that of Beggars, those of Guienne that of Eaters, those of Normandy of Barefeet, and of Beausse and Soulongne of Wooden Pattins. These La­zares that day which was the most glorious of my life, grown insolent by our good successes, went into the Virgins Suburbs peopled by thir­ty or fourty thousand inhabitants, to demand Money (on occasion of the publick joy,) of the Black Cloaks with great insolence, and a Gentleman answering that their pillagings had not left them in a Condition to bestow libera­lities, one of the rabble replied, he should give him something or he would pull off his beard, and attempting it, the Gentleman killed him with a Poniard, and got into his house, These Lazares enraged at the death of their Companion, sent presently for assistance to the Market-place, and the other Quarters, from whence there came run­ning three or four thousand people, and a furious skirmish was begun, yet with disadvantage to the Lazares, who, besides the body that made head against them in the street, were fired on out of the Windows. News of this being brought me as I rose from Dinner, my first care was to send to double our Guards, fearing the Spaniards would not let sl [...]p so handsome an occasion of ma­king advantage of our disorder: And then I sent Onofrio Pisacani with his Company to endeavour some means of remedying this unlucky accident. I hastened after my self followed by my Guards [Page 303] and three or four of my Servants, having disposed all the rest on our several Posts, to be ready for whatsoever might happen, and to send me notice. I took along with me Mazillo Caracciolo Master of my horse, who might do me good service, be­ing a discreet person, beloved and esteemed by all the Citizens, and capable of prevailing with those of that Suburb, and the Nobility inhabiting it. I wore that day a Suit of the Italian fashion, the onely one I made during my whole residence, which for want of Cloth not to be had in the Town, was of green Grogram of Naples em­broidered with Gold, which being very glitte­ring and remarkable, was necessary to make me distinguished at a distance. At my arrival I found Onofrio Pisacani hurt in the hand by a Musquet shot, who told me there was a strange disorder in the Suburb, that he had caused the gate of the Town to be shut, to prevent the great concourse of people, which coming from all parts, increased the tumult, and rendered it more difficult to be appeased. I made a sign with my hand to the people, who flocked together to hear me, and that I might put an end to the difference, forbad, on pain of life, that whole day to pronounce ei­ther of the words, Black Cloaks or Lazares, to mention treason or call any man rebel, all which would only have tended to a greater exaspera­ting mens minds.

I had scarce given over speaking when I saw four or five Rascals dragging a Chirurgion, who, very unluckily for him, wore black that day, be­cause of his Profession, and calling him rebel, [Page 304] traitor, and black Cloak, went about to kill him before my face; whilest he cast himself at my stirrup very much affrighted, a Butcher with a great Knife coming to cut his throat, I broke my Cane with a blow I gave him on the head, which laid him along at my feet, another crying out that the people would not suffer themselves to be treated in such a manner, I rid over him, and sending them both to prison, threatned to have them hanged before night. I had another Cane given me, which I broke upon other Mutineers, doing the like till I had dispatched four, which allayed the tumult, and brought all the Lazares to begg my pardon on their Knees. At last causing the City gate to be opened, and leaving a guard upon it, I took along with me Mazillo Ca­racciolo, Father Capece, and two or three Gentle­men to carry Orders, and coming into the sub­urbs found the Lazares and black Cloaks fight­ing, two or three thousand men on either side; I called out to the people to make me way, and passing through the midst of them, placed my self between the two bodies, making sign with my Hat to cause them to give over firing, which was done immediately, and with so great respect, that without any more acts of hostility, they with great attention hearkned to what I had to command them. Taking hold of the occasion I told them, that with much sorrow I perceived that all the pains I could take for reuniting the better and meaner sort of people proved vain, b [...] the great animosity which on the smallest oc­casions broke out between them, at a time when [Page 305] one and the same interest obliged them to one nd the same inclination; that the Spanish op­pression concerning them both, they ought both to have the same desires of deliverance, and both joyn their endeavours to mine, that they might obtain liberty, and their sidings being the greatest obstacles I met withal, put an end to them, to which I had till then vainly endeavoured to per­swade them, by representing their interests, to which they ought to sacrifice their animosities, if they loved their Country; but now in fine perceiving my reasons and admonitions to be so little valued, I must necessarily have recourse to more violent remedies to contain them within the bounds of their duty, and that I was so sen­sible of this last disorder, that I would use the ut­termost rigour by a great example to prevent any other of so dangerous concernment, of which the enemy would not have failed to have made ad­vantage without the preventions I had made use of. I commanded two Wheels and four Gal­lowses to be set up in the middle of the Suburb, by the punishment of such as should appear to have been the causers of this Commotion to terrifie others: at the same time I ordered all the black Cloaks to withdraw into the Convent of Saint Mary of Health, and sent Mazillo Ca­racciolo and Father Capece my Confessor to go with them to take particular information of what had passed, and of the beginners of this disturbance, and to bring me account of it, after which I would declare my farther intentions. I was immediately obeyed, and they all went [Page 306] toward the place I had appointed them, after ha­ving forbidden both sides, on pain of their lives, to commit any act of Hostility: From them turning to the people, I gave them a severe re­priment, for having undertaken to right them­selves in stead of applying themselves to me for Justice, by it hazarding the whole Town had I not provided against all attempts that might have been made, whilest every man was bu­sied in his particular revenge, abandoning the publick defence to satisfie private animosities▪ Then demanding that they which began the tu­mult might be delivered into my hands in or­der to their punishment, it was found they were all slain, chance having become their executio­ner. I sent an order to Aniello Porcio Auditor general to take informations on all sides, that I might after order what I should judge neces­sary. I caused the gate of the Town to be opened and the people to return, enjoyning all to retire to their dwellings, and lay down their Arms, which was done in a moment, and then shutting the Gate, left my Guards there, ex­pressly forbidding any to be suffered to return into the Suburbs.

Mazillo Caracciolo and Father Capece came to render me account of what they had done amongst the black Cloakes, to whom I presently went, to give them also a repriment, but different from that of the common people, telling them I was much surprized at this tumult, expecting more discretion from people of quality, of whom the greatest part were Gentlemen; That under­standing [Page 307] the insolence of the Lazares they should not have concerned themselves with them. That they ought to have retired into their houses, and given me notice of the disorder, without taking arms against those that had not any; That I would presently have come in and done them justice, causing the greatest mutineers of that rabble to have been whipped through the Streets. That I besought them for my sake to be more discreet another time, and that I would have a particular care to secure them from all in­solencies. That if there were any amongst them affected to the King of Spain, they ought to con­ceal their inclinations better, which being useless to his service, onely brought them into danger, hazarded the honour of their families, and pro­voked the plundering their houses, from which I would secure them, provided that by too in­discreet a zeal, they discovered not themselves so farre as would bind up my hands, and deprive me of occasions of serving them according to my in­tention; and that since the preservation of my person was necessary to all they held most dear in the World, they ought seriously to concern them­selves in it, and not every day expose me to new dangers, their Lives and Honours depending only on my Protection; of which since my arrival they had seen so many testimonies in so many different rancounters.

They heard me with as great patience as sub­mission, and protested never to lose the memo­ry of their Obligations to me, and that owing me all, they would employ all they had in the World [Page 308] for the safety and preservation of my person, for which they would offer up their Vows and Pray­ers continually. In effect although most of them were concerned in the re-establishment of Spain, the greatest part of their revenues being settled on the taxes, and that they had a deadly hatred for the common people, who had so earnestly sought their suppression, and highly affronted them, they were so sensible of the obliging way I made use of in what concerned them, that not only they and their whole Families mentioned me in their Prayers, but conceiving their ruine in­separable from mine, they most sollicitously watched for my safety, discovering to me all Conspiracies were made against my life, and ad­vertising me of all such designs of the Spaniards as might be dangerous to my person. I gave them assurance they might every one go home and continue there without fear, since I took up­on me their Defence and Protection.

Presently after I got a horseback, and rode about the Suburbs, to see all things setled in re­pose and security, and gallopping as fast as I could towards a Street where I heard a Musquet fired, I met a Gentlewoman weeping, who casting her self on her knees before me, demanded justice for the death of her brother, whom a Souldier belonging to a Company I had met in that Street, had killed with a Musquet shot as he stood at his Window; I demanded of the Captain who it was that notwithstanding my prohibition had shot, it having been done not farre from him, and he replying he knew not, laying hold on his Belt [Page 309] I caused him to be disarmed, and delivered him to one of my Guards, telling him his life should an­swer for the fact of his Souldier, and commanding Father Capece to alight to confess him, I sent for the Hang-man, whom I had caused to be brought into the Suburbs, by the terrour of his presence, to hold all in respect and duty. The Captain af­frighted begged his life, with assurance that he would deliver the Souldier that was guilty, which he did immediately, and the truth of it being confirmed by other testimonies, I made the Captains arms be restored him, and comman­ded him as soon as execution should be done, at which I would have him be present, to return with his Company into the Town. The Criminal after his Confession having been hanged by my order at the barrs of the Window of the deceased, his death was immediately revenged, and his sister (as much as possibly could be) comforted by so speedy justice. At last having rid round the Suburb, and hearing a noise in a house in a by­lane, I hastened thither, and saw Serjeant Major Gennaro Griffo, Son to the old Colonel Bartholo­mew Griffo, of whom I have formerly spoken, whom eight or nine rascals armed, some with Poniards, and some with great Knives, dragged on the ground; others the mean while setting their swords at his breast, ready to kill him with many wounds, I commanded them to leave him and be gone, but seeing that in spight of my order they persisted, I leapt from my horse with my Sword in my hand, and having entered the house l [...]ied about me, to cause them to let him [Page 310] go The poor Gentleman casting himself at my feet besought me to save his life, I embraced him with my left arm, and with the right put by se­veral thrusts the rascals made at him in my arms, which without extraordinary good fortune had slain him with me. I pushed him into a low Chamber, and going out in pursuit of the Vil­lains, overtook him that had made the last thrust, which I had put by, and which had passed two foot beyond my body, I made so violent a thrust at him that I cast him down two paces di­stant from me, my sword having bended even to the Hilt without entring, by lighting on a place (happily for him) where one of the skirts of his Buff Coat hung over the other; and getting hastily up he ran away with his Companions, whom I followed laying upon them with my sword till I came to the great Street of the Sub­urb, where I found fourteen or fifteen hundred men in arms, who having passed through other Gates of the Town came together on the rumor of what passed in the Suburb. I threatned to have them severely punished for returning con­trary to my order, and commanding them in­stantly to return into the Town, whose Gate I had caused to be opened, I wondered to per­ceive they durst not go and asking the reason, they told me they were affraid I would strike them with my Sword: I set its point on the ground, and leaning upon it, gave them my word not to strike them, if they obeyed me. They threw down their arms, and falling on their Knees begged my pardon. By this testimony [Page 311] of Submission I judged I might yet do something more, and sending one of my Guards for Gennaro Griffo, let him know he should come on my Pa­role, and that it concerned his safety so to do. At his arrival I took him by the left hand, and turning to the people, said, Look on this Gentle­man, I affect and value him, and have taken him into my Protection, in such manner that if any of you dis-respect or injure him, the whole world shall not save the party offending from hanging; Where are those that even now would have mur­thered him? let them come forth, I will pardon them for his sake, but I will have them beg it of him on their Knees, and come and kiss his feet; This they did with all imaginable testimonies of repentance and submission. Then embracing him, I told him in all their hearing, he might rest se­cure at home, and that if any hereafter gave him the least offence, I would so severely punish it, that the Example should make all the people re­spect him. He withdrew with many acknow­ledgements of his obligation to me, and very much satisfied in so good a Protectour I got on horseback again, and causing all the people to return into the Town by Saint Gennaro's Gate, made it be shut again, and fetching another round about the Suburb, finding all things quiet returned by the Gate of Capua.

I was no sooner in the Town but I heard an alarm at one of the Posts, whither I made haste. The Spaniards supposing me wholly taken up in pacifying the disorder they heard was in the Virgins Suburb, thinking to make advantage by [Page 312] my absence, intended to attempt something about the Quarter of Saint Clare, but they found themselves much deceived when by the cries of all the Souldiers of Long live his Highness the Duke of Guise our Protectour, they were assured of my Presence, which obliged them to retreat without any more firing.

At my coming home I found the Wives and Sisters of those wretches I had sent to prison, who with disheveled hair and tears in their eyes implored their pardon. This day had been so glorious, and I was so well pleased that I could refuse nothing, I therefore readily granted their requests, and that very instant sent to give their Husbands and Brothers liberty, on condition they should afterwards be more discreet and respective. My thoughts highly satisfied with so glorious a day, I went home to refresh my self after the toil it had given me, and to consider all night at my ease what I was to do next mor­ning: and the better to establish Government and Order in the Citie, I began such a manner of life as I thought necessary to it, which will appear very rational though difficult to practise by per­sons less vigorous and laborious than my self, which none could have undergone to whom na­ture had given a less able body.

As soon as I arose in the Morning, whilest I dressed me, I took account of all that had passed at our attacques in the night, and the most consi­derable persons of the Town informed me of all disorders that required redress, and gave me their opinions concerning all that was to be done in [Page 313] the day; After that I placed my self in my Hall under a State, leaning against a Table, to give par­ticular audiences, my Suiss Guards standing on each side to suffer but one at a time to approach me, that so they which spoke to me might nei­ther be interrupted nor over-heard, a Gentleman standing by me, into whose hands I gave all the Petitions were presented me, having established the order of making addresses by writing, to avoid confusion and help my memory, hearing nevertheless what every one had to say, and gi­ving present answers to all affairs whose condi­tion would admit them; from thence I was car­ried to Mass in a Sedan, every Wednesday and Sa­turday to our Lady of the Carmelites, and on other dayes to such other Churches where there were some particular solemnities, or to such Cloysters of Nuns where Ladies of Quality resided, by their means to hold correspondence with their Relations, to know of them what I might do for their service, acquire their friend­ship, and engage them in my Concernments by the care I took to oblige them on all occasions. By the way I caused my Sedan to stop, whilest I spoke with all such as had any thing to say to me: women came with Suits, which I either granted or refused, according to equity, without delaying them, and most commonly having a Pen and Ink carried along to write answers on Petitions, I did it as often as I could possibly. I gave out over night where I intended to go to Mass next Morning, that Ladies of Quality might repair thither, they not coming home to me, it being [Page 314] contrary to the custom of the Country. After Mass was ended, I spoke to them to know if they had any thing to pretend of me, and having heard them one after another, I signed on the Rails of the Altar such dispatches as they desired, for their Husbands, Brothers, or Kinsmen; At my return, whilest my meat was served up, I again gave audience to all that pretended to it, and then went to Dinner, during which my Mu­sick played which was of the best in Europe. It was often interrupted either by such as had some intelligence to bring me, or some other thing to say, or for the signing dispatches. When I rose from table I called for my horses, and till my servants had dined continued to give audience: As I rid I stayed my horse at the corner of every Street, where I saw people gather together, to hear all complaints that might be made me, and inform my self of all necessities, that I might supply them; in this manner I rid about the Streets, which I found always hung with Tape­stry, and perfumes were burned, as I have former­ly related, and as soon as my Pictures could be had I saw them erected at all turnings of the Streets under States with perfuming pots before them. I visited without failing all the Posts, and gave all necessary Orders. Afterwards I rid out of Town to take the air, and most commonly to Poggio Reale where the Gardens and Fountains are the most delicious of the World: Otherwise I caused my horses to be ridden in my presence, and many times mounted them my self. Towards Evening I went homewards, hearing and dis­coursing [Page 315] by the way with all that were desirous of it. When I came home I again gave audience, which being finished, the Officers commanding the several Posts and Quarters came for Orders, and Tickets for receiving Powder, which I gave according to the occasion I found they had of it. The Knight de Fourbin, in whom I had an entire confidence, distributed it to them, having put it into his custodie after I found that Aniello de Falco General of the Artillery was too free of it, not knowing how to refuse any that demanded it, and after discovery of so great abuse in this par­ticular, that it was sometimes sold to the Enemie.

The City Magistrates came every Evening according to the Order I had given them, and I then conferred with them of all means for making the people subsist, and supplying them with all things necessary. Wine of which we had abun­dance was so cheap that the best cost but two pence a quart, which made a very good amends to the people for all such other Provisions as were less plentiful. Butchers meat was sold for two pence a pound, only Veal which is there ac­counted most delicate for three pence; and in like manner Gammons of Bacon, Lard, and other Salt-meats; We had from the Country so great plenty of Fowl and Venison that they bore al­most no price. We had great abundance of Pi­geons more delicious than those of Rome. In short, bread excepted, which was something dear, all things necessary not onely to eating but feasting were cheaper than in any other [Page 316] place in the World, and we had extraordinary fair and delicate fish at very low rates. I took so exact care of preserving our Corn, that I resolved every night with the Magistrates the weight and price of the bread that was to be sold next day, appointing what Corn should be sent to be ground, and what quantity of Meal distributed amongst the Bakers, suffering nothing to be drawn from the publick Granaries without Tickets under my hand: and to avoid disorder and confusion, I appointed what Ovens should bake for the Souldiers, leaving all the rest to the use of the Inhabitants of the Town. At night the Bakers paid in the price of the Corn that had been taken out of the Granaries; and the Mony was laid up to buy more, and some Loaves of those that were to be sold were brought me that I might see whether they were according to the weight and quality ordained. We never wan­ted fruit, roots and herbs, and having great quantity of Indian Corn, it was mixed amongst the courser Bread▪ which the poorer sort there­fore bought the cheaper. Besides all which, the Country people after we became master there, brought Bread to sell in the Town every Mor­ning. For Oats and Forrage for our Horse we never were in any great want of them.

The Regulating of all these matters belong­ing to the City Magistrates, I spent part of the Evening with them, after which I retired to my Chamber, where sometimes going into my bed to refresh my self, I caused some Officer of the Exchequer, a civil and criminal judge, with some [Page 317] one of the Council of Saint Clare, to give me their opinions on the different Subjects of the Petitions that had that day been presented me, which I ordered to be read before me. This sometimes imployed me two or three hours; for I never passed any by without a grant or a refusal, causing a List of all such as had been presented to be hung up in the Morning at my Secretaries Office, where every one might see whether his business had success or failed, and this with such punctuality, that I never delayed any to another day. But for my refreshment in so great trou­bles, we drank all sorts of iced waters which are made better and more deliciously in Naples than in any other part of Italy: afterwards dis­missing the Magistrates I called for Supper, de­taining some with whom I was most intimate and familiar, to divert and entertain my self with them. After I had supped, walking about my Chamber, I had all the dispatches I had that day received out of the Country read, appointing answers, and in my presence causing extracts to be made of the principal Matters: My Letters were drawing up all night, and as soon as I waked in the Morning brought me to sign. But for what concerned my Negotiations with the Nobility, that I might keep them secret, I shewed no man the Letters I received, and writ all answers with mine own hand. Three hours of the night were usually passed before I went to bed, and I appointed my Chamberlains to wake me, to speak with all such as had any thing to say to me, which usually happened five or six times [Page 318] in a night: but considering the Condition I was in, I thought I ought to neglect nothing, belie­ving that amongst many useless Relations, I might possibly learn something of Importance. And of what age, quality, or sex soever the parties were that desired to speak with me, they had an immediate admittance. This was the manner of my life, and I may safely say, that during the space of five moneths, I neither eate nor slept in quiet.

I was desirous to remedy the confusion caused in the Town by the idleness of such as bore arms, the insolencies which Souldiers going up and down in troops might the more easily act, the inconveniencies caused by the shops being conti­nually shut up, the necessity to which handicrafts people were reduced for want of work, and the tyranny exercised on the poor Citizens, by such as sold Provisions with their arms lying by them: to which purpose I made Proclamation, and caused it to be posted up at the Corner of every Street, commanding all Artificers to return to work in their Callings, and all Tradesmen to open their Shops: forbid all Souldiers to go up and down the Town in bodies, to carry any fire arms, or beat Drums, unless at the hours of set­ting the Watch, and all Officers to be followed by their Souldiers in Arms when they went about their particular business, or to buy any thing, but especially when to speak to the Magistrates, or sollicite and receive their pay: that no Butchers, Bakers, or others selling Provisions should have any fire or other Arms about them, or upon [Page 319] their Stalls, whilest they sold their ware, com­plaints having been made that some of them had been so insolent, as to exact on poor people, forcing them to take such things as they liked not, and at rates they had not agreed on, as also all fraud in weights and measures, and enhancing the Prices set by order on all Provisions; and this on pain of death.

This Proclamation was so exactly observed, that from that day the City of Naples enjoyed more repose and quiet, than it had ever done in time of the most settled peace: All shops were opened and furnished with all manner of Ware; Traffique went forward with as much security as liberty; no theft was committed, no arms seen, nor noise heard. Artificers gained their livings by their work as before the revolu­tions, and all people lived with greater ease and tranquillity than ever. That order the Spaniards could never establish in the time of their most ab­solute Authority, and which I caused to be ob­served at the very instant of declaring my plea­sure, surprised all the World, who could not ima­gine it possible, and drew from all a greater re­spect and affection.

Things were in this condition when the Spa­niards, that sought to destroy me, by endeavou­ring every day to raise some new Commotion, made use of the Duke of Tursi, whom they look­ed on as very considerable amongst the people, for carrying on some enterprise. He applied him­self to a Serjeant Major called Alexio, and ma­king use of the credit of the Popes Internuncio [Page 320] for gaining him a Priest, called Joseph Scopa, pro­posed a meeting with him: of which an account being given me, I could hardly perswade my self, that a person of his age and condition could pos­sibly suffer himself to be transported to such an excess, by an inconsiderate zeal for Spain, which would not have been excusable in a young man.

These two persons assured me he would not fail to be at the rendezvous appointed, and that they had already discovered he had an intention to propound a design upon my person, and at the same time to give the enemy an entrance into the Town; That they had well laid their plot, and assured me the next day, which was the fourth of January, to bring me his head. I forbad them on pain of death, to injure his person, and told them I would have nothing to do with their business, unless they could deliver him to me in perfect health; but above all that they should be very careful to disguise nothing, nor engage my Pa­role for the Duke of Tursi's security, whom I esteemed too prudent to put himself into their hands on any other account, or trust persons that had no character to make authentick the assu­rance they should give him. I gave them leave to take all their Measures against the next day in the afternoon, and appointed them to come at my rising and receive my farther Orders, and give me account of all they had negotiated They came punctually at the hour, and told me that the Duke of Tursi, with the Internuncio, his grand-child the Prince of Avella, and Don John of Au­stria's Secretary, would be at three of the Clock [Page 321] in the Church of the Fathers of Luca, in the Suburbs of Chiaye: they desired men to lie in ambush, and would be responsible upon their Lives to bring me within two hours the Grand-father, Grand-child, and Don John's Secretary, and possibly himself, who they were told would be personally at this Conference. I commanded them above all to be careful no way to offend the person of the Internuncio, which ought to be sacred as well to them as me, for on the Popes being for or against us absolutely depended the ruine or establishment of our affairs.

At the hour appointed the Duke of Tursi came with his Grand child the Prince of Avella, about eighteen or nineteen years of age, and Don Prospero Suardo, a Gentleman of much wit, and a great Enemy of the people; word was sent me that Don John's Secretary was gone to fetch his Master, who, the rest told them, inten­ded to come, to confirm all such advantageous conditions as he had promised in behalf of the people, and that if I would have a little patience they might take him prisoner with the rest. I judged the Spaniards would never consent to his hazarding himself so lightly, and that to do somthing more extraordinary we should loose the opportunity already in our hands, I therefore sent them word they should content themselves with the persons of the Duke of Tursi, the Prince of Avella, and Don Prospero Suardo, and fearing the peoples insolence, and that some of the Plot might be barbarous enough to kill them by the way, I sent the Company of my Guards for their [Page 322] Convoy, with three Sedans to bring them more at their ease, and ordered the Captain to make them a Complement on the occasion of their mis­fortune, and bring them to me to the Carmelites, where I would expect them. The Duke of Tursi did not very handsomely receive my Civility, more troubled at his own imprudence, to have in such a manner rendred himself into the hands of the people, than at his imprisonment; and very much transported with heat enough told Augustine de Lieto that when with his Gallies he met him passing in a Felucca to Naples, had he believed him engaged in my service, he would have caused him to have been hanged at the An­chor of the Admiral. The people were all in arms as he passed by, and he was shewed the Shambles provided with meat in abundance, great quantity of Wild-fowl, Poultry and Ve­nison, and in the Market-place Tables of Bread, which seemed the remainder of what had been sold all day; all which struck him to the heart having seen nothing but misery and poverty amongst the Spaniards. He found a foot-guard drawn up before the Carmelites Cloyster where I lay, my Suiss on each side the Stairs, and my other Guards in the Hall, being returned from waiting on him, and five and twenty footmen, every one a torch of white Wax in his hand, my apartment richly furnished and full of lights. I caused him to be met at my Stair-foot by thirty Gentlemen; and Fifty Officers, my self staying for him in my Hall, with Gennaro, some of the Nobility, all the Heads of the people, and the [Page 323] chief Officers of the Army: I received him with all kindness and honour imaginable, leading him into my Chamber, where being seated, we entered upon very serious discourse, which began by a Complement I made him, relating to his misfortune, telling him that all that wore swords were subject to the like accidents, which ought neither to astonish nor surprise a person of cou­rage and discretion as he was. That whatsoever advantage I might derive from his captivity, I could not avoid being sensible of his affliction, which I would endeavour to mitigate by all ci­vilities and services possible; that I assured him of receiving from me such usage as I my self would wish, if misfortune had put me in his place: but if I might freely express my thoughts without offending him, I must needs tell him I could not have believed that a person of his years and experience would have entrusted him­self in the hands of a Priest and a Souldier of fortune, to whose word so much confidence ought not to be given, because, besides that they have not enough of honour to keep it, they come also short in credit, not being in a condition suffici­ently elevated to enable them to comply with it, nor to give assurance for performance though desirous of it. That some days were passed since their acquainting me that they had treated with him, which they would not have continued with­out my permission; and that without any design of representing to him the Obligation he had to me, I must needs acquaint him that their first intention was to have cut off his head and [Page 324] brought it to me; that abhorring this proposal I forbad them to attempt any thing against his life, for which their own should be responsible, but if they could bring him to me without any farther prejudice to him, I approved their de­sign, and would recompence it as a remarkable service; but on the other side, what profit soever our party might receive, by depriving our ene­mies of a head so able for Councel, and a person so capacitated by valour and experience to render them considerable services, I would rather let them enjoy him, and loose all the advantages I might obtain by his imprisonment, than see him whose merit, birth, vertue, and honour, had gi­ven me not onely so great esteem, but veneration for him exposed to any danger on my account. He thanked me for so obliging a discourse, and acknowledged he had very lightly exposed him­self, and plaied the part of a young man, but that he would have hazarded much more for the service of his King, and that having to deal with a faithless and rebellious people, it was necessary to sacrifice himself, since there was not a man in the Town capable of giving him assurance, besides my self, to whom he had no reason to make his overture, the principal point of his negotiation being against me, as against the most dangerous enemy of Spain ▪ on whose misfortune or pro­sperity depended her good or evil success. You see (I replyed) the particular care heaven takes of my preservation, since it so severely punishes designs against my person: he told me he found it to his cost, but that I was too generous to wish [Page 325] him harm, for endeavouring by all means to pre­serve a Crown on the head of a Master, to whose interests his honour, duty and inclination so powerfully engaged him. That he pitied me for having concerned my self in an enterprise that must needs at last ruine me, and that would pro­bably cost me my life and honour. That a per­son of my quality and merit ought indeed to seek occasions of imploying his courage, and per­form such Gallant actions as I daily did, but that should be more just and honourable, and in a better cause. That he was ashamed to see one, that ought to be at the head of Royal Armies, (the Command whereof could not be wanting to me, which side soever I would follow, whether France or Spain,) become the leader of a re­volted people, that such an imployment, unwor­thy of me, would blast all the glory I could ever acquire, by actions never so extraordinary, and that in the attempts I made I was to fear all, and had nothing to hope for. That the Spanish Monarchy was so powerfully established, and firmly supported, that none could ever expect to shake it unpunished, that if the Consequences of my good fortune extended so farr as to disturbe her, she would send such Forces both by Land and Sea as would soon over-power me; That my ambition had already given so great jealousie to France, that I was to expect no more assistance from thence, that the departure of the Fleet made this apparent enough, which refused to land me any supplies, and chose rather not to destroy the Spanish Fleet, which with ease and without dan­ger [Page 326] it might have done, than to gain a Victory would have been useful to my establishment. That the designs of France tending onely to possess her self of the Kingdom of Naples, she gladly saw the people destitute of all assistance, that necessity and despair might oblige them to cast themselves into her arms That I should be considered as her greatest enemy, my particular interest obliging me to oppose her advantages, and looking upon me as her main obstacle, she would by all manner of ways endeavour my ruine, as I might have perceived by the Conspi­racy carried on against me by one of her Mini­sters. That the people which now obeyed me with joy, would forsake me as soon as fortune ceased to be favourable to me; That good events being the causes of their affection, the contrary would render me not onely odious but criminal; that they would make me responsible for the first ill success; That the Example of the Prince of Massa, must needs give me continual apprehen­sions, that I was daily exposed to poison, assassi­nation, and sedition, and that he better than I, understanding their humour to be distrustful, in­constant, turbulent, and cruel, assured me that in recompence of all the services I had done them, I should not at last avoid being torn in pieces and dragged through the Streets; That by such a bloudie sacrifice they would hope to appease the indignation of Spain; that there were in the Town persons discerning enough to judge they must one day return to the obedience of their first Master. That the civiller and better sort of [Page 327] people were already convinced of this truth, and as soon as the eyes of the rest should be opened, they would have recourse to their Kings Cle­mency, the effects of whose bounty they might (when they pleased) enjoy, for which he would be responsible, and his head the security: That the care I took to prevent assassinations and Plunderings would destroy me, since the rabble finding no more profit in rebellion would be weary of the toil of it, and of bearing arms without reward for their labors, and the first to submit, as supposing they had nothing to fear, being a victime unworthy their masters Justice, who having contempt for them would be satis­fied with the punishment of some of their Lead­ers. That the Nobility, without whose reuniting I could never effect any thing, whose honour was equal to their birth, would never be enticed from their duty, and would have an eternal hatred for me, looking on me as their Countries tyrant, and an ambitious Prince that would attempt the Sovereignty, that prevented their revenging themselves on the common people, for plunde­ring their houses, massacring their Relations, and all other outrages received from them. That the long friendship he had formerly for my deceased Father, and now for me, obliged him to conjure me seriously to take care of my self, as being nearer a Scaffold than a Throne, that as I had just cause to complain of France for abandoning me, so onely Spain could give me satisfaction, if I would have recourse to her, and that he would be responsible, that as she had most powerfully [Page 328] assisted my Predecessors in the time of the League, if I had any thoughts of revenge, as to speak freely the usage I had received must needs incite me to it, I should find conditions of the highest advantage. I replied that as I had dis­posed matters the Spaniards were in greater dan­gers than my self, that I had already deprived them of Correspondence with any part of the Kingdom, and consequently cut off their Provi­sions, which I knew they wanted, and we in few days should abound with: that in a season so contrary to Navigation bad weather would pre­vent their receiving any by Sea. That they had been about to have abandoned all that they were possessed of in the Town, and the Castles them­selves for want of wherewithal to maintain them, that they had been reduced to so great extremity, that Provisions remained for no longer than four and twenty hours, had not the Galley so fortunately supplied them; that such Miracles were not seen every day. That though they had a powerful Fleet, he knew well it was useless for want of Marriners and Souldiers, of whom they had not enow to man their Posts. That their Gallies being by his imprisonment destitute of a Commander, and none to be found of Expe­rience sufficient for supplying his place, they could do little or no service. That the French Fleet would quickly return its Officers with so positive Orders, that they would not fail of their duty, nor any more (as they had done) let slip an occasion of destroying the Fleet of Spain, which would easily be recovered, since at their return [Page 329] they would find it more weak and less provided than before. That I had sent a Gentleman in­to France to give account of all that had passed, of which they had but confused notions; That I was assured of all manner of supplies, that the Fleet went away only to water, and joyn with a considerable number of ships that were arming in Provence, and that it would suddenly return by the one half stronger than before. That it con­veyed me many Ships laden with Corn, Ammu­nition, and Souldiers to be landed, and that be­fore three Weeks were passed I should have a considerable body of French, and the best Offi­cers of our Kingdom, to land when I should com­mand them, and in such part as I should judge convenient. That the Court was too well satis­fied in my zeal and fidelity for the Crown to distrust me, and that I acted not but according to the instructions I received. That the King had no thought of invading the Kingdom of Naples, but would give its people all manner of assistance, without other interest than that of protecting such as apply themselves to him, as he had most gloriously made appear in so many parts of Europe: that he would satisfie himself in dri­ving the Spaniards out of a Kingdom they had so long a time tyrannised, and leave to the choice of those of the Countrey what Government they would erect, and what Master submit to, if they judged it necessary to have one, and would own and support with all his power, whomsoever they should raise to their Throne; that he would give no jealousie to Italy, his designs tending only [Page 330] to its repose and liberty. That the suppression of his enemies sufficiently elevated his power, and he would gain enough by an alliance with all those Sea and Land Forces they should lose with the Kingdom of Naples, which were the most considerable that had opposed the course of his Victories. That his Gallies would find little re­sistance from those of Spain, now they had lost so considerable an Admiral as the Duke of Tursi: and that for what concerned my self who was more obedient than in former times the Bashaws of Turkie, he doubted not of my bringing him my head with the account of my actions at fight of the first Order he should send me. That the ill Conduct of the Abbot Baschi was not to be im­puted to the Court, no more than the Conspiracy he made against my life. That our Nation never contrived so horrid designs, which its generosity could not put in practice. That he, much better than my self, understood what Genius inspired that Gallant, because he was a Pentioner of Spain, that this truth should suddenly be made very apparent, and I blamed to have let him go unpunished, which he should not have done but for my respect to his Character. That the power of the Spanish Monarchy was no longer to be apprehended as formerly, that it was exhausted both of Men and Money, and could onely make a feeble defensive War in Flanders, Catalonia, and the Dutchie of Milan. That he should quickly hear of the Siege of Cremona by the Duke of Modena's declaring for us, and that he attacquing them as vigorously there as I did in this Country, [Page 331] they would be in no condition to make resistance. That I was already Master of the Field through the whole Kingdom, and that I would suddenly be so of the City and its Castles. That I had so many Forces dispersed in several Quarters, that whensoever I pleased to give them a rendezvous, I could draw together above twenty five thou­sand men. That the enemies no longer daring to appear were blocked up in their fortifications, which must of necessity fall shortly into my hands, because unprovided of all things, and without men enow to defend them. That the people of Naples were no longer cruel nor turbu­lent; that I had brought them to my lure; That my care had reduced them to so good order and discipline, that in stead of insolencies and tumults, nothing appeared but respect and obe­dience; That I was so farr from fearing them that they feared me, and the considerable services I had rendered them had so highly recommended me, that my power was established upon the uni­versal affection and esteem. That my authori­tie was questioned by none, and that nothing was disputed in Naples, neither were there any Contestations amongst the people, but who should testifie most respect to my person, and greatest submission to my Orders. That the rabble had forgot their outrages and plunderings, and the better sort acknowledged themselves indebted to me, for preservation of their fortunes, and the honor of their families, and had a greater zeal, respect, and affection for me than the La­zares themselves; and for the Nobility he had [Page 332] not perhaps penetrated to the bottom of their thoughts, nor discovered what was in their hearts, and that I well perceived he was ignorant of my intrigues, secret negotiations, and the measures I had taken with them; That they could not much longer keep Aversa, whose loss would be follow­ed by the disbanding of their Troops, and then the greatest part of those Gentlemen would go to their houses, which would very much alarm the distrustful humour of the Spaniards. After all this I left him to judge by my whole discourse whether I ought to hope or fear; That for a Throne I had never aspired to it, and for a Scaffold I was secure enough from it, and in a condition to make whomsoever I pleased a­scend it.

He seemed much surprised at what I had told him, and returning to his first subject asked how I would dispose of him? Keep you safe, said I, and entertain you with all civility imaginable. But in what, replied he, can a man of fourscore years old be useful to you? Considering the ne­cessity you are in, a ransom would be of more advantage, of which if you will treat, you shall be punctually paid in Genoua the summ we shall agree on. None can be high enough, said I, to get out of my hands a person of your Conside­ration, and I can make so great advantages by you, that what necessity soever I have for Mo­ney, it is to no purpose to propose it, since I less value a Million than the having you in my power. He conjured me at least to take Compassion of the youth of his grand-child, the sole hope of [Page 333] his Family, and his only Heir. You are a man, said I, of a Romane Constancy, I can discover no­thing weak about you but in this particular, of which I must make use, and he being so conside­rable and sacred a pledge, I will not part with him, since your years considered, you may sud­denly die, and then your imprisonment will be useless to me. He besought me to let them both go on their Parole, which I was very farr from consenting to, their presence being necessary to me for many reasons, particularly on conside­ration that I expected my brother the Knight of Malta, who, should he unfortunately light into the hands of the enemie in his passage, I should be very glad to have an exchange ready to re­deem him. What means is there then, said he, sighing and with tears in his eyes, to get Liberty for my self and grandchild? There is but one, said I, which I will not advise you to, nor durst propound to you, if there were not an example for it in your own family, and that of one of the greatest men of his time; That you do as did An­drew Doria, who in the sight of Naples, left the service of France, with all his Gallies, and turned to Spain, do you the same; he thought himself neglected, of which you may with greater reason complain, who have been so slightly exposed for the interests of their Crown. Ah! he cried out, you know me not, I will suffer a thousand deaths rather than be guilty of such a weakness, and though I most tenderly love my Grand-child, I would with my own hand cut his throat, did I believe him capable of such a thought, and I at [Page 334] this instant lay my curse upon him, if in his whole life, for what cause soever, he separate himself from the service of the King my Master. You compelled me, said I, to give you this affliction, but I freely tell you, there can be no other price of the liberty of two persons so conside­rable.

Upon this I stood up, and supposing he might have need of rest, would have left my appart­ment to him, which he would not accept, how much soever I pressed him to it; but he besought me that he might lodge in some other Cloyster, where he might be more in repose, and free from the disturbance of the People and Souldiers that had continual recourse to me. I sent presently to have the Generals lodgings made ready for him in the Covent of Saint Laurence, and sending for a Coach he was very glad to retire. I sent him Linen by two of my Chamberlains, with order to stay and attend him; I drew out fifteen of my Guards with an Officer to secure him, and commanded a Polonian Gentleman that belonged to me, and spoke very good Italian and Spanish, to continue near him, and having a continual eye over his actions, prevent his having communica­tion with any, and to suffer none to speak with him without my Order. The Officer of my Guard was punctually to observe all such Orders as the Polonian Gentleman should give him in my name. For Don Prospero Suardo I sent him to the Vicai­rie, to be shut up and treated as the other Priso­ners, because that very night he attempted to negotiate with some persons he met. The Duke [Page 335] of Tursi would by no means suffer his Grand-child to be separated from him, and therefore caused him to lie in his own Chamber, though I had ordered another to be prepared for him. My Officers immediately carried them a Supper, but the good old Mans heart was so oppressed, that he eat nothing but a little fruit and a few sweet-meats, and drank a Glass of water cooled with ice: Neither would he pull off his Clothes to go into the Bed, but casting himself upon it passed the night without sleep in great disquiet.

In the Morning I sent to visit him, and enquire of his health by the Knight de Fourbin, and to know if he would hear Mass, if so, to accompany him, and tell him that if he would take the air in the afternoon, I would bring my Coach and en­deavour to divert the displeasure of his imprison­ment. After this Complement he presented him from me twelve Basons of fruits and preserves, some fowl, a wild Boar and other Venison that had been sent me out of the Country; I also or­dered him to be told, that if he desired to cause any of his servants to come and attend him, he might do it, and write about his particular affairs; and because he was my Prisoner, I re­turned into his possession all such revenues as he had in the Kingdom, which I had caused to be sequestred, whilest he was in Arms against me. He writ some Letters to Genoua to his Relations, and one to his Steward to send him a Chamber­lain and a Cook, which I sent away as soon as I had perused them. He went to Mass, at his re­turn from whence, seeing a great many people [Page 336] gathered together, he began to make them an exhortation of the fidelity they owed to Spain, but was quickly interrupted by those that atten­ded him on my behalf, who immediately brought him back into his apartment, and sent me ac­compt of what had passed. As I went to visit him after Dinner, some of the people (very much scandalized at his proceeding,) asking to what end I went to him, he not meriting that ho­nor, nor to give me so much pains, I sent the Knight De Fourbin to tell him that by his in­discreet zeal, he had deprived me of the liberty of waiting on him, and since he abused that which I had with so great civility allowed him, if he were not afterwards more discreet, he would force me to put an end to it, and cause him to be shut up. And indeed such as loved me not, and sought occasions to do me hurt, malici­ously spred about the Town, that his imprison­ment was an artifice of the Spaniards, to give me an opportunity of negotiating with them without distrust: for this cause I never saw him any more all the time he remained my Prisoner.

Gennaro and Vincenzo Andrea seeking nothing more than to cause disturbances raised a commo­tion, on occasion of the rumors, which, as I have said, were spred abroad, and of which they were the authors. A great many people gathered to­gether, to go to Saint Lawrences Convent, and cut off the Duke of Tursi's head: I made haste, and my presence quickly dispersed them: being returned to the Carmelites, Gennaro came to make me a most honorable Proposition, that to [Page 337] satisfie the people in their jealousie of the impri­sonment of the Duke of Tursi, which he thought was by consent, I should sacrifice him to that distrust, and with him the Prince of Avella and Dom Prospero Suardo, causing their heads to be publickly cut off in the Market-place, That such a Spectacle would be more agreeable to him, and give him greater joy, then the return of the French Fleet, and landing all succors they stood in need of. I was surprised at his brutality, and answered him, that did not his ignorance excuse him, I would cause him to be punished for daring to propose to me so infamous an action; That if hereafter he were not more discreet, than to mention such a thing to me, I would not pardon him, but make him understand that I loved not to shed innocent bloud, but onely that of persons convicted of crimes; that this indeed might have become him or Mazaniello, who acted onely as beasts, without justice, reason or discre­tion.

Next Morning I sent the Knight de Fourbin to Complement my Prisoner, and enquire of his health, with Order, if he would comport himself more prudently than the day before, to accom­pany him to Mass: He promised it, but not able to forbear preaching to the people, I no more suffered him to go abroad; and in the afternoon caused him to be removed to the Palace of the Marquis of Terracuse, which I had ordered to be very handsomly furnished. The Prince of Avella naturally of a better temper than his Grandfather, made many instances to him of [Page 338] the indiscretion of his zeal, by which they lost the Liberty I had granted them. The Duke of Tursi sent to demand my permission for his Steward to come to him that he might send him to Genoua, for which I gave him a Pass, as also for the Offi­cers of his Lands, with whom he was to regulate domestick affairs, provided he spoke not to them but aloud, and in presence of the Knight de Fourbin and his Keeper. He sent me word that the Marquis of Vasto his Nephew had given him a pied Courser, the beautifullest of the whole Kingdom, which was at one of his Houses, which I sent for and caused to be brought him, supposing he intended to present him to Don John of Au­stria, but he sent him to me, and desired me to keep him for his sake; I accepted him kindly, though to say the truth, he gave me but what was mine own, for before my Order to fetch him, he had been taken by some of my Officers that had sent him to me.

The sixth of January in the Morning came one of the enemies Trumpets, with the Baron of Batteville's Pass, to desire that I would permit Don Pedro de la Molta Sarmiento, chief Steward of Don John to come and visit the Duke of Tursi and Prince of Avella in his Masters name, who had as great kindness for the Grandchild as re­spect for the Grandfather, that had been assigned him by Spain for a Councellour and Instructor, as a person in whom they much confided, and of ve­ry great experience. I gave all Orders necessary for his reception, and to have him brought to me, being very careful to make it appear to him, that [Page 339] we wanted nothing, but on the contrary had very great abundance. He gave me thanks in his Masters name for the good usage of my Priso­ners, which he besought me to continue, which would lay an Obligation on him in particular, their persons being very dear to him. He after­wards made me many Complements on his own part, and told me he had received many Civilities at Bayonne from my deceased father, (whose ser­vant he was ever after) at the time when he ac­companied the Duke of Vzede, at the mariages of the Queen mother and late Queen of Spain. He desired leave to acquit himself of his Com­mission, which I gave him, conditionally that he should return to me before he went away. I caused him to be accompanied by the Knight de Fourbin Onofrio Pisacani, and two other of greatest Reputation amongst the people, to be witnesses of the Conversation of this visit, which passed publickly, onely in condolings of his mis­fortune, and offers of all manner of Services. When he came back to me, I mentioned to him the good Condition we were in, of which he was a witness, and of which I desired him to make a true Relation. I assured him that I had ad­vice of the speedy return of our Fleet, which would perform its dutie better than formerly, having very precise Orders, letting him also know that I was not ignorant of the necessities they on their side suffered. I told him that did I not doubt his Master would impute it rather to Vanity than Civility, I would send him every day ice, fruits, all manner of herbs, wild fowl, sweet-meats, [Page 340] new bread, excellent wines, with a thou­sand other delicacies. He went away very well satisfied with the Civilities he received from me, which, as I was told, at his return he highly ap­plauded.

In the mean time it being necessary to encou­rage all mens spirits, dejected by the Fleets abandoning us, and so strange a deprival of all expected succours, I applied my self to do some­thing very extraordinary, and contrived wayes of bringing Provisions to the Town, the want whereof grew so great, that every Morning cries were heard in several parts, Bread or Spain. But my presence prevented these discontents from arising to a Tumult, the people after I had spoken to them still crying out, that having seen me they thought no more of Bread.

By the Correspondencies I held in Aversa, I understood there was a division amongst the No­bility, of whom the greatest part thought of re­tiring, weary of carrying on a war at their own charge, and so exhausted of Money, that for want of Pay they could no longer keep their Troops together, nor prevent their disbanding. There happened also a great quarrel between the Earl of Conversano and Don Vincenzo Tutta­ville Commander of the body of the Nobility, which went so farre that every one sided, and in fine, resolved no longer to obey him; the Spa­niards were therefore forced to take his charge from him, and leave the choice of another Ge­neral to the Nobility, which yet was not made till some time after. I made an advantageous [Page 341] use of these disorders, and to give a pretence for abandoning Aversa, to such as desired to retire, I ordered the Baron of Modene to send five hun­dred Musquetteers to possess Lusciano, and three hundred to Marchianisa, to shut them up more closely, and by a Post I took near Voltorno, cut off their Communication with Capua. I sent also a hundred Musquetteers to take in the Tower of Patria, a place famous for the retirement of Scipio in the time of his misfortune, commanding them to intrench themselves so very well in those three Posts that they might keep them. The March of these Troops gave so great apprehen­sion to the Nobility that were assembled in Aversa, that after a long Consultation they re­solved to quit it, and retreat to Capua. This was a mortal, blow to the Spaniards, because I became Master of a Town full of Corn, deprived them of the ways of getting any by Land, obliged almost all the Nobility to retire to their houses, and freed my self of a body of an army, the onely one that kept the field for them. I drew also great advantages from the jealousie this oc­casion gave the Spaniards, of all the Nobility, not attributing it so much to necessity, as to secret Negotiations and Correspondencies they thought I had managed. This opinion of theirs being very useful to me, I endeavoured to confirm it by all manner of Probabilities.

This Miracle wrought by Heaven in my favour, so necessary to encourage the people, and comfort them after the going away of the Fleet, happened on Twelfe Eve. I received the news about ten [Page 342] in the forenoon with extraordinary joy, and ge­neral applauses of the whole City; it was height­ned by circumstances not a little satisfactory to me, because the march of my Troops gave so great terror to the body of an Army, I held, as it were, besieged, though very much stronger than we, that it abandoned the place at day­break, in so great disorder that it left behind nineteen foot Colors, and some Cornets, of which I made use with great modestie, making no triumph in Naples, nor carrying them thither, not so much because they had been taken without a fight, as in regard they were Troops particular­ly belonging to the Nobility, to whom I sought to be favourable in all things, to oblige them by this moderation, (since to have done otherwise would not have been to much purpose,) and free them of part of their shame and resentment; That which seems to me most remarkable, and will appear very extraordinary, is, that in the space of twenty days I made my self Master of a great Town, supplied Naples with Victual, dis­persed an Army of near four thousand horse, and almost the same number of foot, enclosed in a Town which I could only block at a great di­stance, having my self but four thousand foot, of which fifteen hundred were without arms, and five or six hundred very bad horse, with four pieces of Canon, and only four hundred pound of Powder: In which condition yet I struck a terrour in the Spaniards, and reduced them almost to utter ruine.

I presently sent Orders to the Baron of Mo­dene [Page 343] to cause Proclamation to be made, that on pain of death none should plunder any house in Aversa, whose inhabitants had so willingly ope­ned their Gates to us, and instantly gave us no­tice of the enemies retreat; to cause account to be taken of the Corn, and so good order to be held, that at my coming thither on the seventh of January in the Morning there might be no complaint. I could not go the sixth, because of the arrival of Don Pedro Sarmiento, whom I could not delay, because I had sent him a Pass, and was desirous to be present for preventing any dis­order, or the holding any Conference with him.

I imparted this good news to Cardinal Filo­marini, that he might in the afternoon sing Te Deum in the great Church, and our joy was published through all the Town by ringing of Bells, the little Powder we had not allowing it to be done with Canon, Vollies or Fire-works. The late dignity I had acquired obliging me to something more of State, I took horse to ride to the great Church, attended by my Guards and some Gentlemen that applied themselves to me, by all Frenchmen that belonged to me, all Officers of the Army, and City Captains, with other of the most considerable Citizens, my Company of Switzers going before, which though it ought to have been a hundred could as yet be made but fifty, this being the first time it marched. Te Deum ended I rid about the Town to shew my self to the people, and assure them that ere four days were passed they should see abundance [Page 344] of, Corn in their City, and enjoy the effects of my Negotiations and Address. That we should shortly receive very powerful succors; but that, in case of delay, I would put them in a condition to attend them with patience, and reduce the enemy to greater necessity than we were ever in; that we could now justly style our selves Masters of the Field, since there was no army that durst appear before us. My discourses were hearkned to with very great satisfaction; The confidence and affection for me was in such a manner aug­mented, that it had been very unsafe for any to have disputed my authority, I passed the rest of the day in visiting all the Posts, and the Eve­ning in sending dispatches through the whole Kingdom, that I might take advantage of the zeal this good news generally incited:

On Twelf day I was advertised that day Troops committed disorders on Aversa, and Complaints being, made me I promised the In­habitants to go thither the next Morning, to cause restauration of whatsoever had been taken away; and give Exemplary punishment to those that had disobeyed my Proclamation, that none for the future might dare the like insolence. I took horse early, and came to Aversa about ten a Clock; The Baron of Modene with the greatest part of the Officers met me; He was very much surprised that I appeared somewhat cool at his arrival; and told me it seemed I had but little Joy at the good success of Aversa; which secured me from the danger to which the departure of the Fleet exposed me, and put my affairs in an ad­vantageous [Page 345] posture, gaining me honour, and cause to hope well. I answered, that being to recom­pense no body, owing so happy an event to for­tune alone, my joy was but moderate, and ex­ceeded by my sorrow for my Souldiers disobe­dience, that in contempt of my Proclamation, had plundered those that so kindly received them into their Town, and the negligence of my gene­ral Officers that neither prevented nor punished it. He replied, that no cause had been given for complaints, and that he knew not any that had not exactly contained themselves within the li­mits of their duty. I am not pleased, said I, to hear Guilty persons excused, when their punish­ment is necessary to the establishing my honour and authority, I shall very well discover the truth of all, and owing justice to those that seek it of me, will cause my self to be beloved by the inha­bitants of the Town, and feared by the Souldiers.

And the Examples I will make before I go from hence, shall cause my Orders to be here­after exactly observed by all my Troops. After this I entered the Town very much discontented, and went to the great Church to hear Mass. The Clergy received me at the Gate with the usual honours, and afterwards sang Te Deum. At my coming out of the Church, a Priest cast himself at my feet, to demand Justice for plun­dering the Linen of the Hospital of the Annun­ciati. I ordered him to name those that were guilty of it without any fear, which having done I sent presently to secure them, and causing their house to be searched the Linen was found, which [Page 346] I made immediately be restored. After this a woman all in tears presented her self; crying out, She was undone, and all that she had taken from her; I assured her that if she knew the thieves, they should be immediately punished. She pointed to one that by chance stood very near me, whom catching by the Belt I disarmed, and put into the hands of my Guards, to carry him to prison. The Canons opposed, telling me the Church ought to be a Sanctuary; I answered, not for such actions, that if I suffered the inso­lence of Souldiers, and my Orders to be dis­obeyed without punishment, I could secure no house, nor the Churches themselves; that they ought therefore to reserve their Intercessions and Priviledges for worthier occasions, where pardon might not draw on so dangerous consequences. From thence I went through the whole Town to view it, and as I received Complaints, sent the Souldiers to prison. Coming to the Bishops Pa­lace where Dinner was provided for me, I sent for Bernardo Spirito the Auditor General, and commanded him to have Gallowses set up in the principal Streets of the Town, and one before the Gate of the Hospital of the Annunciata, and causing five Souldiers that were Prisoners to be confessed, see them instantly hanged for Ex­ample, no more formality being necessary, since the Proclamation they had heard condemned them. The Baron of Modene carrying part of my Company to dine with him, I bid him take care that execution were done before I took horse to return. Many of the Town came to see me [Page 347] dine, whom I caressed all I possibly could, especi­ally the Gentry, of which there are many fami­lies, and of the most ancient of the Kingdom, who, according to the custom of Italy, dwell in Cities▪ After Dinner I caused an account to be brought me of what Corn was found in the Town, with the names of the Proprietors, and the Rates they would sell it at, of which having agreed, I forbid the carrying any of it to any other part but Naples, and the selling it to any but my self, promising punctual payment: and for that which the enemies had amassed to make their Troops subsist, sending for Mules and Horses to the Neighbouring Villages, I appointed three hundered to be laden and sent me the next day to Naples. Having regulated all as I ought I called for my Horses to return, and going down met on the Stairs the Baron of Modene, who came from Dinner followed by a great many Officers, I asked if execution had been made according to my Orders; He answered, he knew not, and that he could not willingly cause poor Souldiers to be hanged on so slight occasions, supposing it inconvenient to displease them, our present ne­cessity considered; to which I briskly replyed, that he should have done better to have obeyed me, than by so great indulgence for them, have left their disorders unpunished, I regu­lating my self by particular Maximes, on which he had not reflected as I had done. He said he would obey me in all things, only in that be­sought me to dispense with him, for he could not find in his heart to punish those wretches for so [Page 348] small a matter; Resolved to satisfie the people, and disliking replies, it belongs not to you, said I, to judge whether I have reason or no, but with­out Contestation to do what I command you, of which if you fail I know very well how to make my self obeyed, and teach you what belongs to the duties of the charge. He went away some­what concerned with the rigor wherewithal I treated him, yet without complaint or murmure. The whole Town of Aversa gave me a thousand Benedictions for this severe justice, was intirely satisfied, and lost all apprehension of injury from my men for the future.

Sending afterwards for the Baron of Modene I signified my regret to have used him so roughly in publick, but that he had forced me to it, by a too light confidence in the kindness and good­ness I had ever testified for him; that I should have hearkened to his remonstrances had he made them in private, but that our Souldiers might take advantage by his discourse, perhaps so as to become more licentious. That a Camp­master General was to suppress not authorise their excesses, which he in some manner seemed to do. That pardons were alwayes to be de­rived from the General, and not from any that was subordinate. And that another time he ought to be more considerate, because being na­turally somewhat cholerick, I might be in an humour not to pass matters by so easily; and that it belonged to him to give example to all others of acquiescence in my Orders. That he well knew the confidence I ever had in him, and [Page 349] the particular affection I had on all occasions made appear. That he should govern himself with greater Caution, and not compel me, do what I could to the contrary, to undo him. I commanded him to be very careful to prevent any disorder in Aversa, and to innovate nothing without my participation, to cause the Corn very carefully to be preserved, and none of it trans­ported without my Orders, which he might twice a day receive, as well as in four and twenty hours my returns to all intelligence he should give me: that in the Morning at day break he should send away the three hundred Mules laden with Corn, after which embracing him, and the rest of the Officers of the Army, and chief of the Inhabi­tants I took horse for Naples.

In the mean time being good natured he ea­sily gave too great credit to persons ill affected towards me, who sought to exasperate, and taking advantage by his discontent, to separate him from my interests. They insensibly engaged him to actions that ruined him, the apprehen­siveness of my humour considered, what care so­ever I took to preserve him to me, of which his evil fortune suffered him not to make advantage. He had a Secretary called Pepe Caetano capable of all manner of Knaveries; A Colonel called Antonio Calco, a good Souldier, but who having learned his Profession amongst the Spaniards, had still a kindness for them, and some intention to do them service; a Colonel of Dragoons called Marco Pisano, who could not overcome the in­clinations to punderings and insolence, to which [Page 350] he had been accustomed the long time he was a Bandito; Andrea Rama, a Captain of Horse; who continued still the humors of a catchpole which he had been in Naples before the revolu­tions: And the Cavalier Michellini his adjutant, a person of wit and intrigue, that continually de­signed my destruction, by it to give advantage to Prince Thomas, in his Pretenses to the King­dom of Naples, having secret and particular en­gagements to him. The poor Baron of Modene placing all his confidence in those dangerous per­sons, and studying onely to make himself be­loved by caressing the Souldiers, and feasting the Officers, found himself precipitate ere he was aware, by being too easily swayed by their Coun­sels, and giving them such liberty that many things were done in his name, not only prejudi­cial to me, but to the whole party, which ob­liged me to punish them, without any possibility of preventing his being involved in their mis­fortune, though in effect he was not culpable. It is easily imagined in what manner I was re­ceived at Naples, by reason of the advantage the taking of Aversa brought us, and the great succors we might draw from thence, having found there above thirty thousand charges of Corn.

The eighth of January the three hundred Mules laden with Corn arrived, which caused an excessive joy in Naples, where no more remained then four or five days Provision. I met this Con­voy and led it into the Town my self: And coming from Cappo de Chino, as farre as which I [Page 351] was advanced, a thing very extraordinary happe­ned, which was seen by three thousand persons with me. At four in the afternoon a Star appear­ed on my left hand, as great as one of the most prodigious Comets, and seemed no higher ele­vated than they are usually, it stood a quarter of an hour without motion, and then falling with extraordinary swiftness, and traversing towards my right hand, stopped in the middle of the way just over my horses head, and then separating in­to three great flames, rejoyned about thirty foot from ground, and falling vanished. This Pro­digie was the subject of much discourse, but very few explained what it might signifie. I with much displeasure understood that the Baron of Modene, by advice of the persons already named, and a too passionate zeal, had turned out of A­versa, five and thirty Families, suspected to hold correspondence with the enemy, the greatest part of them of the Gentry (and this by impor­tunity of the people to whom he thought it ne­cessary to give satisfaction) and withal sequestred their Estates. I had compassion on their mis­fortune, they casting themselves at my feet, and ordered their re-admission, which I gave them in writing, signed by my hand; forbidding the Baron of Modene, under pain of my displeasure, to do any more the like without my participati­on and particular order, commanding him to send the heads of their accusation, with the informers, that I might take time for examination of this business, which seemed of high concernment. They returned very well satisfied with me, and [Page 352] especially with an order I added to all such as had in their hands any thing of theirs, to return it within four and twenty hours, on pain of their lives; and told them that upon notice of the least delay, I would go my self to see justice done them, and give exemplary punishment. The same Marchioness of Attaviana, of whom I have al­ready spoken, sent to complain to me, that her house had been plundered, with the particulars of what had been taken away: I gave in her be­half the same Orders, and under the same penal­ties, that she might be righted. But neither she nor the Exiles found the dispatch I desired, and being impatient of delay (the Baron of Modene acting slackly in it, by reason of his interest in his Officers exactions, who being powerful in our Troops, he thought he ought not to displease them) I writ him a thundering letter, by which I let him understand, that if my Orders were not obeyed that very day, I would send Aniello Porcio whom I had made Auditor General in place of Bernardo Spirito (whom I neither found vigo­rous nor resolute enough) to undertake this bu­siness and give me information of all that had passed; and that two days after I would go in person, to make examples of such as should be convicted, without exemption or consideration of any. That which had been omitted on my first Order, was now immediately performed out of apprehension and respect of my humour natural­ly imperious and impatient of neglect of my Commands. And as I had little satisfaction in their manner of proceeding, I suppose they had [Page 353] not much in mine, and that they could hardly for­bear murmuring in private, because they obeyed me without pretending to justifie themselves, or alledging Reasons.

A little after this, I gave the Government of Nola to Sieur Antonio Tonti a Gentleman of Rome, near which place there happened a Skir­mish between the Nobility and some of our Troops, which I had caused to be strengthened with the militia's of the neighbouring Towns, where Don Ferrante Caraciolo, Duke of Castello de Sangre, a Person of great power and highly in­censed against the People, whom he ever treated with much rigour, was slain, with a son of the Earl of Conversano, and another of the Prince of Ottaino of the Family of Medici, which caused their men to retreat and afterwards disband. In five or six days time we received from Aversa above a thousand Load of Wheat, which as much astonished the Spaniards as the ill news that came to them from all parts; They no longer recei­ved any Provisions from the Countrey, and a Tempest some days hindering the Navigation of their Gallies, casting away one with three smaller Vessels laden with Provisions, had redu­ced them to what would supply them onely four and twenty hours. They looked on themselves as lost, when a Gally laden with Meal arriving as by miracle, freed them from this Extremity, to which they were afterwards twice reduced. These good successes much rejoyced the people, and gave them hope of a speedy liberty.

Gennaro that lost no occasion of endeavouring [Page 354] my ruine, having notice of all that had passed be­tween me and the Baron of Modene, and that he was very sensibly concerned, hoping to make some advantage by his discontent, sent a Priest called Don Carmine Castelli, in whom he had an intire confidence, to offer him his service, and propose to him, that if he would engage with him, he should under him command all the Forces of the Kingdom, being resolved to send me into France, and again take the authority upon himself, which he could easily do at the return of the Fleet, if he could but be assured of our Troops, having in or­der to it a very good understanding with the Kings Ministers that were at Rome. The Baron of Modene would not hear of this, but answered, that when he knew I was no longer satisfied in his comportment, he would go home, and give me advice of it by Pepe Caetano his Secretary. Gen­naro finding he could not engage him in his con­cernments, endeavoured to give me a jealousie of him, with false information that they were agreed, and held secret conferences; which was malici­ously seconded by Augustino Lieto, who thought, the other being removed from me, he should af­terwards enjoy a greater share in my trust; Not discovering this contrivance, I had some diffi­dence of him, which Aniello Porcio, Auditor Ge­neral, endeavoured all that he could to fortifie, ma­king it his business to give me jealousie of all Frenchmen, being himself a creature and Pen­tioner of Spain, as he published after my imprison­ment, and for which he was well rewarded.

A great deal of Corn came every day from [Page 355] Aversa, and thinking it necessary to supply the charge of the peoples Elect, long vacant by Cicio of Arpaia's absenting himself, choice was made of Antonio Macella, an understanding and rich man, born in Procita, who joyning with Vincenzo An­drea and Gennaro, and holding secret Correspon­dence with the enemy, gave me encumbrances I had much ado to overcome, as in its time I shall make appear. After this I caused Papers to be scattered amongst the enemies, in order to debau­ching their men, promising a Pistol to every Sol­dier that forsook them, employment to such as would serve, and Passes to those that were willing to retire. Two hundered came to us in eight days time. They made report of the extremity of their sufferings, and shew'd me a piece of their Bread, very black, and full of Sand, and indeed so bad that I could not imagine how it sustained them, recei­ving but nine or ten ounces a day. Amongst this number of desertors a matter of sixscore desired to serve me, which I distributed amongst the body to keep them asunder, except sixty Portu­gals, which I put into the Colonels Company of my Regiment, till I might get a number sufficient to form a body. The Spaniards were very much concerned to hear on our Posts in the night their Language spoken, and invitations to run away, by representing the necessity they suffered, and the abundance that was amongst us. That which I thought most pleasant, was that they which were with us called the other the Rebels of the people of Naples. Their most prodigious sufferings were every day more and more confirmed, by our ta­king [Page 356] sometimes six or seven of those wretches, who having lost the shape of men, went out of their Quarters to eat Grass like beasts, of which some burst, when (having come to us) they had filled their bellies. This disbanding more and more increased, and so farr that apprehending they might be met with as they went away, and stopped to strengthen the Garrison of Gaeta, and some others of the Kingdom, I shut up in the Vi­cairy all those that would not take entertainment with us; There was amongst them a Portugese of ill meen but good wit, who by my Order going over to the enemy never came back without de­bauching five or six of his Companions, and one time brought me seventeen; in this he had success nine or ten Voyages, but being at last discovered, by imprudently opening himself to a Serjeant, he was hanged, which broke off this little commerce, and for a while prevented the desertion of their Souldiers.

The Spaniards now gave themselves for lost, and resolved to abandon the Castles, and retire to Gaeta, and the other Forts of the Kingdom, in expectation of succors from Spain, and Provisions from Sardinia and Sicilia, from whence came three Vessels laden with Corn so opportunely, that at that time they had not wherewithal to subsist above three or four days. This great ne­cessity put them upon all contrivances to oblige me to go out of Naples, believing my presence a­lone to be the cause of all their sufferings, and that my address, vigilance, and secret negotiations re­duced them to this unhappy condition. An acci­dent, [Page 357] of which I made the best advantage, re­doubled their jealousie of the Nobility. The Duke of Andria having been with Don John and the Vice-Roy, to get leave to go home, sent a Priest, in whom he had confidence, to fetch him two thousand Crowns he had left in Naples with one of his friends, and some Stuffs to make him Clothes. As he returned with all these things he was taken and brought to me, as also some Let­ters found about him. After many enquiries of his Masters health, I ordered him to make him many Complements in my name, and caused the Money and Stuffs to be found out and restored without loss of any thing, telling him in the pre­sence of a great many, purposely that it might be­come publick, that I would my self correspond with his Master, and all Persons of Quality that had affairs in the Town, or any thing to pretend there, and that no man should better nor more readily acquit himself of all their Commissions, desiring nothing so much as to serve them, con­cerning my self more in their interests than in my own particular. I gave him two of my Guards for his convoy, and caused him to pass in sight of the Spaniards, to whom this manner of pro­ceeding gave strange suspitions, supposing it to be the consequence of a particular friendship I had made with him at our Conference. He pretended himself much obliged to me, but stayed but little with the Vice-Roy, who was in a mind to have secured him; which yet he durst not do, appre­hending that by means of the interest his Birth and Merit gave him amongst the Nobility, his [Page 358] imprisonment would be followed by a general Declaration in my favour: but this became so fixed in the thoughts of that revengeful and di­strustful Nation, that on doubt of some corre­spondence with me at my last journey, a few days after my return, they caused him to be miserably slain.

One Morning, Don Carlo Gonzago, who kept very near me to get an employment, demanded if he might speak freely to me; which having promised, he told me, that a very honest man, a friend of his, intrusted with Credentials not to be disowned, had desired him to come and found me, whether I would hear a proposal in behalf of the Spaniards, on condition nevertheless that if I liked it not, I should not enquire his name; to this he caused me to make Oath, which I religi­ously observed. I was willing to hear him, that by the largeness of their offers I might judge of the extremity they were reduced to. They were to give me Finale and the other places of Toscanie in Soveraignty; with the Principalities of Saler­no, Piombino and Portolongone; for attacquing which they would supply me with sufficient For­ces, besides all such as my interests could draw to­gether in the Kingdom of Naples, if I would re­tire. That they would make what they offered me worth three hundred thousand Crowns a year, for which I should have sufficient security; and when I should be out of danger of exposing my self, I should be umpire between them and the People; and knowing the Pretences I had by my Great Grand-mothers mother to the Dutchy [Page 359] of Modena, they would procure me to be put in possession of it by the Emperour, who should send an Army out of Germany to joyn with that of the Dutchie of Milan, and that to revenge themselves of the Duke of Modena, they would abandon all affairs in other places, and give me the command of such Forces, that I should find very few rubs in my way, Italy having no cause to be jealous if I sought to make good the right I had to that Sovereignty.

I answered, smiling, that he had done me a pleasure to make me understand by his discourse, that the Spaniards were so near ruine, that I would prosecute them the more vigorously, and that though my own were infallible, I would ne­ver fall from my fidelity to the Crown of France, nor attacque its Allies, and that I would most reli­giously observe the Oath I had made to the peo­ple of Naples, never till death to lay down the Arms I had taken up for their Liberty: that I was not offended with him for what he had undertaken, knowing that his friendship for me was the cause of it, and that being an enemy to the Spaniards, (as I had been informed) they having ever used him ill, and detained him so long time Prisoner, I was assured he had an aversion for this imployment, and that he was too much a man of Honour, to advise me to fail of my duty, and betray those I was obliged to serve: That he should give thanks to his friend in my name, and assure him I would never enquire after him.

The Town the mean while was divided into six factions, which obliged me to be extraordina­rily [Page 360] scrupulous in my conduct, lest, whil'st I inclin'd to one, the rest might joyn with our enemies, which would have infallibly ruined me: but I had influence over all those separated interests, without discovering my own thoughts, and kept so good correspondence with them all, that I ob­liged them to concur to the execution of my en­terprise, which was not difficult. The first of these factions was that of Gennaro and the rabble, which ever since their hatred of the Spaniards had been so habituated to the plundering of Houses, and all manner of insolencies, that they could not now forbear them. These people were enraged against me, because by my punishing such actions, they were forced to observe the pro­hibitions I made: but they hoped for some dis­order and revolution, little caring from whence it came, nor who had the advantage of it, provided they might rob and murther with impunity, being so accustomed to bloud, that they preferred the pleasure of shedding it above all other advan­tages. They continued an irreconcileable hatred against the Nobility and civilized people, whom they feared, because they had so often and highly affronted them, they could expect no pardon. I kept this sort of people low, and was their ca­pital enemy, believing that if I permitted dis­orders, I could not subsist long, I yet indulged them by the care I had to supply them with all things necessary to life at easie rates.

The second was that which desired to submit to France, made up for the greatest part of Artifi­cers, who hoping to make their fortunes by our [Page 361] Nation, and enrich themselves by our expence in Clothes, and all such other things with which we are wont to furnish our selves more than other Nations, and pretending to no Offices nor Im­ployments, apprehended not subjection to foreign Dominion; desiring that rather than any other, because by it they expected more profit. I hu­mored all that were of it, seeming to have no other thought, nor to labour to any other pur­pose, but as I desired to continue in their good opinion, I was also to be careful to keep secret that pretence, that I might not reunite all other parties to joyn with our enemies, which must first be driven away: after which it would be easie to attain our ends.

The third was composed of Monks and Priests, and others of the devouter sort, who desired the reuniting the Crown of Naples to the Papacy; this I let them understand was my principal end; that I was of a Family highly Catholick, very much devoted to the Pope, with whom I had ta­ken secret Measures, and made so near a Con­junction that he was well satisfied of my inten­tions; That they ought to concur with me to drive away the Spaniards, and keep their thoughts very secret, lest we might meet obstacles, by the confederacy of those which desired the contrary, and I promised that as soon as we had overcome our enemies, we would submit our selves to the authority of the Church.

The fourth was more easily managed than the rest; for desirous of a King, and signifying that they had made choice of my person, they were [Page 362] sensible of the necessity of Secrecy, and the friend­ship they had for me, securing them of my ac­knowledgements, they were altogether guided by my Directions, and acted nothing but by my Orders. This Partie consisted of such as aspired to the honours and grandeurs of the Kingdom, every one according to his Quality, who resol­ving never to become subject to a forein Domi­nion, desired no money might go out of their Countrey, imagining this the only way to enrich themselves, and re-establish traffique, and that a King whom they had chosen, for his own interest and preservation, would have no other Countrey but his Kingdom, nor any confidence, love, or in­clination but for his Subjects.

The fifth Faction was of those that desired a Republick, of whom the greatest part under­stood not what they sought, mightily taken with the word, which they scarce knew how to pro­nounce, imagining they should be subject to no body, and that the meanest of the common peo­ple should have credit and power equal with the richest and best qualified: I perswaded them that such an establishment was my prevailing passion, that I looked on such a structure with affection and delight, as the workmanship of my hands, since I had been the first proposer of it; and that the Dignity of Duke, to which they had raised me, gave me the first place, the principal authori­ty, and all the Honours of a Sovereign. I moved them to consider how much it concerned us to conceal this design, that we might not incite a­gainst us all that were contrary, and that as soon [Page 363] as ever the Spaniards were driven away, towards which we must with hazard of our lives use our utmost endeavour; This form of Government would in a manner establish it self, none being excluded, and every man in a possibility of find­ing advantages and security, and making his for­tune by it, of what quality or profession soever he might be. In this manner every one of the five factions took me to be of their partie, and changing like a Camelion, according as I spoke to one or the other of them, concealing my own thoughts, I discovered theirs, to get light, and take unerring measures.

The last was of such as were addicted to the Spanish interests by reason of those themselves had on the Gabels, where lay the best part of their Estates; I gave them hopes of preserving them in case of a subversion of the Government; and minded them that a greater jealousie being had of them than of others, they ought to be more careful of their conduct, since the least of their motions would be made criminal: These were obliged to me for preserving their fortunes, and the honour of every one of their Families, whereof I assured them to take a particular care, provided they did nothing to deprive me of the means of protecting them. I commended their zeal and fidelity, and told them I affected and esteemed them more than the rest, because they were persons of more honour. These were very sollicitous for my safety, which they thought ne­cessary to their own, and their ruine being infal­lible on the least revolution, being hated by the [Page 364] common people, and the Spaniards having no jealousie of them, they gave me notice of all conspiracies against me, and all other enterprises, fearing my fall and their own with me, if the suc­cess were dubious. These were the men that served me to most advantage, and which I insen­sibly united to the fourth faction, because they resolved, if they must lose their old Master, to have no other but me. Thus I made advantage of the variety of mens inclinations, governing all these Cabals, every one in a particular manner, and with such address that none of the rest had the least suspition of it.

In the mean time as all the Passages of my life have made me appear of an amorous com­plexion, all the Beauties of the Town, and some Ladies of Quality, sought to engage with me in correspondencies of Gallantry, some set on by the enemy, to get some tie upon me, others by the Nobility to discover whether they had any thing to fear from me for the future, that Nation being naturally jealous, and apprehending on this account the humour of ours; others stimulated by their own inclinations, and advice of their Re­lations, to make advantage by their acquaintance with me, and hoping to govern me by it. But I shut my eyes and ears against such charming Baits, being sensible that to justifie what was passed, I must stand more on my guard than ano­ther person, and be more vigilant over my acti­ons, which were penetrated by all the World. My conduct hath given the lie to all the false reports were raised of me, for I refused all rendezvous [Page 365] that were appointed, nay, to receive particular visits at home, of persons that would have ex­posed themselves to engage me in all manner of hazards, and which one may assuredly say were worth enjoying. One adventure happened to me which will not be impertinent to relate; but I must first tell that being no longer in apprehen­sion of the popular tumults of the Market-place, I thought I ought to quit that neighbourhood, and lodge nearer the heart of the City, that I might be readier to transport my self to all parts where my presence should be necessary. I made choice therefore of the Palace of Don Ferrante Caraciolo, one of the fairest of Naples, which I caused to be magnificently furnished, where I appeared with more Grandeur, and all my Court with greater splendour. It is situated before the Church of S. John of Carbonnare, where is the Tomb of King Ladislaus, and Queen Jane his sister, the Founders of that Convent, one of the fairest and most sumptuous edifices of Italy. Before this Palace is a Piazza large enough to draw up four thousand men in Battalia; here I ever after held my Residence. The day after I was setled there, going to Mass at the Carmelites, where many Ladies were assembled according to custom, and amongst the rest an Advocates daughter with her mother, about seventeen years of age, one of the most beautiful Creatures of the Town, as soon as I was on my Knees she arose, and coming blushing to make me a hand­som curtsie, presented me an embroidered Prayer-book, and afterwards retired. Mass being [Page 366] ended, her mother presented me a Petition which I granted, and signed on the Rails of the Altar. About ten a Clock at night she was brought to my Palace in a Sedan, and sent in word by one of my Chamberlains, that the Party that in the Mor­ning had given me a Prayer-book, was come to desire a private audience according to my pro­mise: I sent her word that I was too farr enga­ged in business to entertain her as I desired, that I thanked her for her good inclinations, and be­sought her to continue them, and lest she should meet any ill accident going home, caused her to be attended by two of my Guards. I spoke not of this adventure that I might not prejudice her Reputation, and had the like Moderation on se­veral other occasions, that I might not for a little Gallantry, which could not have been concealed, lose the good opinion I had taken so great pains to acquire, thinking my self obliged to give Ex­amples of Discretion to all, it being my continual endeavour to cause others to observe it, and con­tain themselves within the limits of their duty.

One Morning giving audience according to my custom Onofrio Pagano Captain of la Pietra del Pesce, a man very insolent and intimate with Gennaro, that never had any kindness for me, accompanied by a Fisherman, of such humour as himself, that was his Alfieres, turning angerly every way, brutishly told me, it was strange I could not be spoken to without being heard and crowded, which obliged me to command my Swisse Guards to make place, and suffer none to come near, that audience might be private, and [Page 367] un-interrupted: his Alfieres would needs come on, and one of my Swisses stopping him, he gave him such a blow with his fist on his Stomack that he fell on the ground. This impudence angered me, and going to him I struck him on the head, which was bald, with my cane, in such a manner, that I laied him all bloudy at my feet. His Cap­tain in an arrogant tone told me my Guards be­gan to be as insolent as those of the Vice-roy. I answered him fiercely, that I would make him know what was due to me, and that as much re­spect should be given to my Switzers when they were about my Person, as had ever been born to the Vice-roy of Naples: then commanding his Ensign to be sent to Prison, I swore to hang him without mercy. Their insolence was immediately changed to submission, and falling on their Knees, they both begged my pardon, and that wretch his life which I refused, and he was car­ried to the Vicairie. Whilest I was at Mass, his Wife and Children with disheveled hair came to beg his life, which I pretended to refuse, but ap­plying themselves to the Ladies to intercede for them, at their Requests I granted what was de­sired, and conditionally that afterwards he should be more respective, sent immediately to give him Liberty; this they promised for him, and went away very well satisfied. In the after­noon being at the Gate of my Palace expecting my Horses to ride abroad, the People's Elect, who sought nothing more than to embroil me, came in a great heat to tell me he would no longer ex­ercise his office, because it exposed him to af­fronts, [Page 368] and that my Proclamations were so little observed, that one of the City Captains of the Suburbs of Loretto, who came followed by thirty Souldiers to speak with him about business, had injured him in words, and his Souldiers presented their Musquets at him: I promised to do him ju­stice, and the fellow at that instant passing before my door, with the same train, I asked him, if he had not notice of the Prohibition I had made on pain of death, to lead Souldiers in Arms about the Town, unless at the hours of setting the Watch, and especially to go to the Magistrates followed by them; He told me, Yes, but that be­ing a man of credit in his Quarter he might do what he pleased, upon which having caused him to be disarmed and carried to Prison, I returned to my lodging, to speak about business with the Peoples Elect, and entertain Marco Antonio Brancaccio, that was come to visit me. I was scarce entered into my Chamber when a multi­tude of people assembled tumultuously in the Piazza, and above a hundred of the hottest came up my stairs, making a great noise in my Hall; and crying out, they must needs see me. I went to them and asked what they desired of me, they told me that the people having no­tice that I had imprisoned one of their Leaders, demanded his Liberty. I said that to come in such a fashion was not the way to obtain favours of me; That this might have done well with Mazaniello, or Gennaro, but that neither my humour nor Quality could suffer it, and that it should cost their Camrade his life. That I [Page 369] would have no Addresses made to me but on the Knee, and by Supplication; Three of the Ring-leaders arrogantly told me, the people would not have him die, and would take Arms to prevent his execution. I drew my sword and being about to run it into the belly of the most inso­lent, he fell on his Knees and weeping besought my pardon. I told them all that to let them see I feared them not, he should be hanged immediate­ly, and turning to one of my Guards, comman­ded him to give order to the Auditor General to cause him at that instant to be led to punishment, and see him hanged in the middle of the Market­place, and told the other Mutineers they were the cause of his death, for otherwise I would have pardoned him, and that I would therefore have them assist at his execution, and be responsible that there should be no commotion: I will take horse (said I) immediately, and if I do not find my self obeyed, or hear the least murmuring be­fore I come back, I will cause you all to be hanged. They went away very submissive and much asto­nished; and a little while after I went to see what passed, and found all things quiet, and my Orders executed, and they that seemed most incensed, coming to me, said, You see how we have obeyed you, and there hath not been the least disorder. I was satisfied, and told them, Now you know me, learn that I may be moved by Supplications made with respect, but am ever inexorable to the inso­lent; go and be wiser another time, and under­stand better what you owe me, and what I very well know how to oblige you to pay me. After­wards [Page 370] I visited the Town and all the Posts, and re­turned to end the day at home in my ordinary Imployments. I ever comported my self in such a manner, that tumults served onely to adde to my respect and authority

In the mean time Gennaro, Vincenzo Andrea, and the Peoples Elect, endeavoured secretly to cause more Insurrections, supposing that though I appeased many, it was impossible but at length I must sink under some one; By new rumours which they every day spred abroad, they incen­sed the rabble against the Duke of Tursi, and pub­lished that I was on no other account so careful of his preservation, but because he was necessary to my secret Correspondencies with the Spa­niards, and my Negotiations with them. Very few days passed in which I was not obliged to go to his lodging, and drive away the multitude which swarmed about it with design to do him mischief. I was weary at last of this perpetual dis­quiet, and that I might provide the better for his safety, and free my self from distrusting it, re­moved him to a house behind my Palace, to the end that if the Corps de guard at his Gate was not strong enough to secure him from popular tumults, I might reinforce it with that which was before my Palace, and which had order to march at the least noise should be heard. One day send­ing the Knight de Fourbin to visit him, he made great complaints of the Polonian Gentleman, who on all occasions was very insolent. My Guards confirming this, to satisfie him, and punish the others imprudence, I caused the Pole to be sent [Page 371] to Prison, and placed in his Room the Baron de la Garde, a Gentleman of Provence, in whose Discretion and Vigilance we had both of us great cause to be satisfied.

I am desirous here to justifie my self of an accusation, that my want of Money considered, I took not the advantage of his Ransom, which for two Reasons I omitted, the first is that I thought it best to keep him, to have an exchange ready for my Brother, in case he should be un­fortunately taken in his journey to me. The second, that making his offers to pay his Money at Genoua and no where else, I should have had too great trouble in sending for it, Navigation being very hazardous at that time of the year, that I had no Gallies, and thought it not reason­able to venture so considerable a summe in Fe­lucca's, and more that he would not pay the Mo­ney till he should be arrived in Genoua, and was a man likely enough to lay a design to take it back again upon the way from those I should entrust to bring it to me.

I was afterwards blamed that I had not sent him to Portolongone, because he and his Grand­child would have been considerable enough to have redeemed me out of the hands of the Spa­niards, when a while after I was so unfortunate as to fall into them. My enemies, that never lost any occasion of doing me hurt, would have in­justly accused me, that rejecting all dependance on France, I did not enough confide in her to put so considerable Prisoners into her hands: Had I been willing to have done this it was not in my [Page 372] power, because of the necessity of my expectance of the arrival of the French Gallies, there being no possibility of sending him by Land, and through the Popes Territories, and as little of hazarding him on Felucca's, which might easily have been taken by the enemies Gallies or Bri­gantines, neither could I trust Marriners, who might be corrupted with the temptation of ma­king their fortunes, or according to the bloudy inclination of vulgar Neapolitans, murther him and his Grandchild, when they should be no lon­ger awed by my Presence. All which reasons seriously considered, make it appear there was no more ground for blaming me on this occasion, than on the rest, wherewith on so slender proba­bilities they sought to do so ill Offices.

The Spaniards perceiving so little success in the attempts they had made upon me, the extremity of their affairs caused them to have recourse to all manner of ways to preserve themselves from ruine, and they consulted the Nobility for reme­dies to so pressing mischiefs: They sent likewise to Cardinal Filomarini for his Counsel, who con­ferring with Vincenzo Andrea, founded Gennaro, and all of them made this result, that the people having an extraordinary hatred and distrust for the Duke of Arcos, all that had passed being laid at his door, and the authority taken from him, and put into the hands of Don John of Austria, a good effect might be produced: That the consi­deration of his quality, and of the affection the King his Father had for him, would obtain credit to whatsoever he should promise on his behalf, [Page 373] it being to be judged, he should not be disavow­ed, and that a young and ambitious Prince, that was so sollicitous a pursuer of honour, would be a religious observer of his Word, and facilitate all things, that he might by any conditions how dis­advantageous soever, preserve to Spain a Crown that seemed already lost, the Spaniards hoping that if they could once disarm the people, and put an end to their seditions, they should in such a manner fortifie themselves, that they might in time re-establish their power, and restore all things to their first condition, and observe no more of their promises than such as they liked, especially after the peace with France, towards which their Ministers at Munster used all possible endeavors. Though the execution of this design followed not till some time after, yet its Negotia­tions and Projects being now set afoot, I thought it not amiss to anticipate the relation a few days.

The Nobility entrusted the Prior John Baptista Caraciola a Knight of Malta, Don Diomede [...]a­rafa, Don Joseph de Sangre, and Don Marco Anto­nio Gennaro, understanding and creditable persons to negotiate all their affairs with Don John, and to represent to him, that he being in no manner blameable for the disorders of the Countrey, nor the tyrannies exercised by the Vice-roy, all the World would with joy see the authority in his hands, and hope to receive all manner of good usage under the Government of a young and liberal Prince, that could not be imagined capable of avarice, nor of oppressing the Countrey to enrich himself. That his person so courteous [Page 374] and agreeable, would win the hearts of all men, as well as his birth cause all manner of re­spect, and that none would apprehend the re­sentments of a Father, whilest so dear a son me­diated his affairs, and demanded favours would be joyfully granted, to gain him greater affecti­on and authority: and that this being the last remedy for Preservation of Spain, their opinion was it ought to be made use of, so to oblige all to comply with their duty; That the Duke of Ar­cos being unfortunate, would be easily made ap­pear guilty; that he could never regain the re­putation he had lost; That the rcsentment of all that was passed would easily light upon him, that to dispossess him, though by his own consent, would look like a punishment, which would satis­fie the people, and calm their rage, which usually ceases, as soon as a subject is held out on whom to divert it, and that they would then without que­stion, give a more favourable ear to Reconcilia­tion, when in stead of punishments, no mention should be made but of Clemency, Pardon, and fa­vorable Usage.

One Morning whilest I was at Mass at the Car­melites, a Priest was brought to me, one of Car­dinal Filomarini's Domesticks, who had been taken returning from the Spanish Quarters, with several Letters from his Master and others. He told me his Master had sent him about particular business, especially to put an end to some disorders happened amongst religious Persons, and that he came from the Internuncio, to whom he had deli­vered certain dispatches from Rome. The people [Page 375] was not satisfied with these poor excuses, and be­ginning to take heat, were so farr transported as with great exclamations to say, they would kill the Cardinal in his Palace, since he betrayed them and held correspondence with their enemies. I read some of the Letters, and judging, that what advantage soever I might receive by letting loose the reins to the peoples fury, and quitting my self of so dangerous an enemy, the consequences might be very bad, and the death of a Cardinal exasperating the Court of Rome, would acquire the Popes indignation, with Censures, Excommu­nications, and interdictions against the whole Town, which by troubling the scrupulous Con­sciences of the people of that Countrey would very much alienate their inclinations from us. That our enemies might make use of this, and would rejoyce in the death of a Cardinal, in whom they had no entire confidence, and of whom they made use out of meer necessity. I resolved therefore to secure him from violence, and endeavour absolutely to gain him, by so es­sential an obligation. Therefore making a sign to the people to hear me, I told them; You un­derstand, my friends, that the Cardinal our Arch­bishop ever tenderly loved us, as a true and in­dulgent Father: that he hath given us testimonies of this upon all occasions, that he ever disappro­ved the tyrannical proceedings of the Spaniards, who incapable of pardoning him, continually en­deavour his destruction, of which they would enjoy the advantage, and make us bear the bur­then of the indignation and Resentment of Rome. [Page 376] What hath now happened is no more than one of their usual Artifices, imagining that without con­sideration we would suffer our selves to be trans­ported to that which would entirely ruine us: let us avoid this snare they have so cunningly and maliciously laid; I understand the Cardinals inclination for us, which he hath often declared to me, let us love and respect him as we ought, and distrusting the malice of our enemies, do the contrary of all they expect: They would have us destroy him, let us endeavour to preserve him to us in their despite, and discovering to him their enterprises against his life, encrease his ha­tred for them, and his friendship to us. I will go and inform him of all and you shall see, that I will deal in such a manner with him, as to gain us the friendship of Rome; let us then retort up­on the Spaniards, that odium they pretend to cast upon us. The people having ever had an ex­traordinary affection and respect for him, I re­vived it in the hearts of them all, who unani­mously cried out, We own him for our Father, and instead of killing him as the enemy would have us, we will love him more. He ever pro­tected us, and never gave us occasion to distrust him, give him this assurance in our name, and that we will revenge him on the horrible perfi­diousness of the Spaniards, against whom for his sake we will make war without Quarter, and not put an end to our resentment till we have the life of the last Spaniard that shall remain in the Kingdom.

Leaving the people in the humour I had in­spired [Page 377] into them, I went to him taking along with me all the Letters, sending him word by a foot­man that I was coming about an affair of extra­ordinary importance. I met him as he came from saying Mass, and being seated and the Chamber door shut, that we might not be inter­rupted nor over heard, told him, My Lord, you may judge whether my friendship be useful to you, since had it failed, you had not been alive at this present. I come from appeasing the people so incensed against you, that if my credit and discourse had not pacified them, they had come tumultuously to kill you, and drag you about the Streets. It is happy for you that the authority is no longer in the hand of a Mazaniello or Genna­ro, but in a mans of my condition and inclination, that have all manner of respect for the Papacy, and Veneration for the Purple invests you, with esteem and affection for your person, and that being passionately desirous of your good opini­on, will make use of all manner of endeavours to merit it by serving you. This discourse made him tremble, and drew tears from his eyes, and trans­ported partly by fear and partly by gratitude, he was ready to cast himself at my feet. You ought, said I, to concern your self in my preservation, for whilest I live you need fear nothing. I have allayed the storm that threatned you, and I will bring you anon the best of the people to assure you of the general affection and respect of the Town. I cannot but tell you that you were so near ruine, that none but my self could have pre­vented it so easily and successfully. One that be­longs [Page 378] to you was taken bringing you Letters; for your sake I caused him to be dismissed immedi­ately, but it is just that you give me some light of your Negotiations, and it is unreasonable that I should continue in danger, because I have saved you from it. I very well perceive these Letters treat of something else than affairs of Friers, and this Cloystera [...] Canting is only to conceal consi­derable Correspondencies and Negotiations. These words General, Provincial, Prior and Pro­ctor are appliable to more eminent Persons, and it is not the Surplice nor Mysteries of Religion that are here intended; you ought not to be sur­prized, but to deal with me more frankly and confidently, because my eyes are too open to be easily lulled asleep in matters of such importance, which concern no less than my honour, liberty, and life.

At last we read together all the Letters, of which I demanded the explication. After a long amusing me by inconsiderable justifications, and frivolous excuses, he was forced (finding I would not be so imposed upon) to make me a general confession, and acquaint me that the renunciation of the Duke of Arcos, and putting the authority into the hands of Don John was in agitation, and that his sense thereupon being demanded, he had frankly given it. That as Archbishop he thought himself obliged to employ his utmost endeavors to appease the disorders of his Diocese. That the tyranny of the Spaniards, and rage and brutality of the people, had always equally displeased him, that he thought by this means Peace and Quiet [Page 379] might be established, and that casting back the odium of all that was passed upon the Duke of Arcos, and imputing to him the ill conduct of the Spaniards, and the violence of their Govern­ment, more credit would be given to the word of a young Prince, authorised by his fathers affecti­on, that would concern himself to make good the Pardons, and maintain the Priviledges he had promised, That the Kingdom of Naples now so near its ruine, would be by him preserved, at what price soever; that any conditions might be de­manded of him, to which he would most joy­fully condescend, that he might not lose all by pretending to too much. That I could not blame his proceedings, since I would doubtlessly do the same my self were I in his place; and for what concerned me, that my conduct had been so obliging and prudent, that his first thoughts had been to provide for my safety, and that it was but just to have a care of the Preservation of a Person, to whom both Town and Countrey owed the Estates of the most considerable, and the ho­nour of all Families, since at the day of my arri­val, devastations, plunderings and murthers ceased, I having established greater order and quiet, than the Spaniards could ever do in their highest prosperity.

I answered him that this so vindicative Nation would not change its inclinations with the change of a Governour, that Lions, though tame, are still to be apprehended. That we could have no more confidence in Don John of Austria than in the Duke of Arcos: that we very well understood [Page 380] Resolutions were not taken by particular Persons. That nothing was done but by order of the Councils, whose Maximes changed not. That their punishments were nothing the less to be ap­prehended for being delayed, because they never failed to arrive at last. That I had made the Nea­politans too sensible of these Verities, to suffer themselves to be lulled asleep or surprised, that they could neither enjoy Repose nor Safety as long as one Spaniard was left in the Kingdom, that affection to his Countrey ought to inspire him with the same thoughts, that his services would at last be recompensed with ingratitude, that recourse was had to him out of meer necessi­ty, and that the interest he had amongst some of the people would be imputed to him as a capital crime. That he would one day suffer on this ac­count, never being able to obtain an entire confi­dence, nor (the advances he had already made considered) escape the revenge of an incensed, cruel, and bloudy Nation. That I would gladly advise him to concern himself no more (as he had hitherto done) in all their Negotiations, where he could not observe so just a counterpoise but one or the other party being ill satisfied, and jealous of him would equally put him in danger of his life, which I had now saved, but perhaps another time should not be able to effect. That I conjured him no more to expose himself to so great danger, but to sit still in expectation of hea­vens disposal of all things, it being to no purpose for him to go about to oppose its decrees.

He promised to make a good use of my coun­sel, [Page 381] and never forget the obligation he acknow­ledged he had to me, but all his life concern him­self in my security and advantage; I told him he might very easily give me a convincing testi­mony of this, by discovering to me what persons of the Town I might confide in, and whom I was to distrust. I cannot, said he, break the Oath of secrecy I have made, besides that possibly you would not believe what I should tell you. I con­fess, said I, I have pressed you too farr, and I understand well enough on whom to fix my su­spitions, and I earnestly beseech you to comport your self so, that they may never settle on you. He gave me all assurances possible, and I left him, thinking I had done enough, by preventing him (out of consideration of the hazard he had run) from maintaining afterwards any suspicious cor­respondencies, which he a while forbore, if he did not exactly observe all he had promised me.

In the afternoon I carried to him some of the principal Citizens, who acquainting him with the danger he had escaped told him what I had done in order to it, and assured him that this acci­dent had augmented the peoples confidence and friendship for him, and redoubled their hate and resentments against the Spaniards. By this he un­derstood how powerfully I could divert mens in­clinations by my address and credit.

The great want of Provisions amongst the Spa­niards made me resolve to cut off all possibility of their receiving any by Land, yet I apprehended lest despair might oblige them to attempt to clear the way of Capua, from whence they might easily [Page 382] pass to Puzzolo, but their way from Puzzolo to Naples was cut off by the Village of Fora Grotta, in my possession, of which I thought they might sometime or other make themselves Masters, if I had not the Tower of Pied de Grotta, and conse­quently the Suburbs of Chiai, which, of all those of the Town, only held for them. In order to this, the tenth of January, I walked to the Convent of Camaldolis, seated on a hill, from whence I could at my ease consider all that Suburb, and the Tower I designed to cause to be attacqued next Morning. The Prospect of this Convent is one of the plea­santest in the World, but that which best pleased me was that after a diligent observation of the situation and avenues of the Tower of Pied de Grotta, a Pass so necessary for my descent into the Suburb, I perceived the enterprise to be easie, provided it were vigorously attempted. At night I sent for Jacomo Rosso, and commanded him to take three hundered men of his Regiment and at­tacque it. It is an antient Roman building, ad­joyning to a Convent of Friers, and near Virgil's Tomb, where something very remarkable is to be seen; the Tomb is of white Marble, with a Spheri­cal Arch, on the top of which, time out of mind, a Lawrel hath sprung out of the Marble, without any earth for its preservation; and the old one withering some years since, nature produced an­other, as if to eternize the memory of so great a Person by the Prodigy of a Lawrel, whose Branches have in all times been made use of, as well to crown the heads of Poets as Conquerors.

The attacque of the Convent and of this Tower [Page 383] were vigorously made and seconded, from eleven in the forenoon till three after Dinner, when the Garrison seeing no appearance of succor, and that the Gate was fired with pitched faggots, yielded to discretion. There marched out ten Spaniards and twenty Neapolitans, commanded by a refor­med Captain; The Spaniards I sent Prisoners to the Vicary, and the Neapolitans took conditions with me. This having facilitated the entrance of the Suburb of Chiai, I commanded Serjeant Ma­jor Alexio, (that had taken the Duke of Tursi Pri­soner) with three or four hundred men drawn out of Vomero, and Lantignano, seconded by the com­pany of Matheo d' Amore chief of la Vinara, which consisted of near upon two hundred good men, to attacque the Convent of S. Leonard, where above sixscore men kept Garrison commanded by Joseph Riva, Paulo Fioretti (who became after­wards that famous Bandite, that having drawn to­gether seven or eight thousand men, in the year sixteen hundred fifty five, made all the Kingdom of Naples tremble, and gave so great apprehension too to the Spaniards) and Colonel Onofrio de Scio. The fight was hot, and lasted an hour: fearing the enemy might attempt to relieve it with Felucca's, this Post being of extraordinary importance, and the Sea about it not deep enough for Gal­lies, I commanded twelve well provided Felucca's to begin a little Sea-fight by beating back such of the enemy as presented themselves, the advantage of which was entirely on our side. I had sent Pione Captain of the Lazares with thirty of his men to carry Fascines, and serve as Pioniers at this little [Page 384] siege, who beginning to fire the Convent on all sides, the besieged having no hope of relief, nor able to defend themselves any longer, were forced to yield to discretion: The Souldiers I divided amongst my Troops, and the Officers tarried with me till I might have Imployments for them.

By the taking this considerable Post, standing on the Sea-side, and whose situation makes it natu­rally strong, and easie to be defended, I became Master of all the Suburb of Chiay, & the Spaniards so streight'ned, that they had no more commu­nication by land with the rest of the Kingdom. My men encouraged by this good success advanced to the very Gate of Chiay, where finding a weak Guard they charged it so smartly, that they beat the men back and entered pell mell amongst them. They were in a condition to have pursued their Victory to the middle of the enemies Quarters, if the Baron of Batteville had not come in with a considerable body of Spanish foot, and reformed Officers. A skirmish began which lasted three quarters of an hour, the advantage inclining some­times to one side sometimes to the other: but at last my men were fain to give way to the greater number, and retreat to the Convent of S. Leonard, and the Palace of Don Pedro de Toledo, which we kept to the last. This was one of the remarkablest and best fought actions that happened in Naples during all the Revolutions.

The next day I visited these two Posts and walked in the Garden of the Prince of Bisignano, one of the most pleasant of Italy, by reason of its abundance of Orange-trees, very much satisfied [Page 385] in the acquisition of this Suburb, as well by reason of its so greatly incommoding the enemy, as of its fair and delicious Walks. The Garrison I left there began a chaffering with the enemy, which the ad­vantage I made by it obliged me to allow, which lasted till the Baron of Batteville discovering it, broke it off, by causing two or three of his Soul­diers to be hanged. It was an exchange of Turnips and other roots for Powder the Spaniards in their extremity of misery, for this small refreshment, giving us all that was delivered to them for guar­ding their Post.

About this time a Physitian proposed to me an enterprise upon Pitzo Falcone, which I esteem more than the Castles, it being seated on an emi­nence, perpendicular almost on every side; it commands the new Castle, and Castello del Ovo, and with its Canon flanks all the Vice-roys Pa­lace. This I looked on as a very handsom design, but having well examined it found the execution so dangerous and difficult, that I thought not fit to attempt it. In the mean time the Prince of Cellamare, Achilles Minutalo, and Caesar Blanco, the first Decon, and the two others members of the Collateral Counsel, sent to me for saveguards for preserving such houses as they had in the Spanish Quarters, foreseeing that I should quickly be master of them, since they could no longer defend nor continue in them, being unprovided of Victual, and their Souldiers become so feeble by the mi­sery endured, that they hardly had strength to per­form any duty; I was well pleased at this news, learning by it the extremity to which I had re­duced [Page 386] them, and my joy was augmented when two days after the same Prince of Cellamare a Geno­vese, very much addicted to his interests, fearing he had ill employed his Money in buying the charge of Post-master General of the Kingdom, the revenue whereof is very great, sent to desire of me the Confirmation of it; of which I gave him hope, provided I might be informed by him and his two friends of all that passed in the Colla­teral Council. And indeed after this I had punctual advertisement of what was done there either by them or other secret correspondencies I had ne­gotiated.

The Nobilities Army being in a manner all di­spersed, and the few Gentlemen that continued together in Capua unable to suffer the command of Vincenzo Tuttavilla, made continual com­plaints, having a very great aversion for him. The Vice-roy therefore and Collateral Council re­solved to dismiss him, and leave the Nobility the choice of such a General as should be pleasing to them, who by his interest might hinder the falling off of the rest, and cause to return to him a good part of such as had retired to their houses. They all concurred to obey Don Lewis Poderico, whose Prudence and Valour had acquired him a general esteem. This choice was approved by all men, and recruited the body of their Troops before almost reduced to nothing, and that in horse and foot could make but fifteen hundred men. In fifteen days time they made it up three thousand, and the Spaniards giving them order to cause Corn to be sent from Capua, they refused to obey it, that [Page 387] they might not disfurnish themselves of the little that remained, scarcely sufficient to make their troops subsist; this obliged the Spaniards to send to them the Baron of Goeslan with the Burgundian horse, they having no more Provender nor Forage, and desirous to discharge themselves of so many mouths, being reduced to the last extremity. Being very so­licitous to make advantage of all conjunctures, I ne­gotiated an intelligence with a Serjeant and three Spanish Souldiers, to deliver me the Post of Donna Aluina. An agreement was made for five hundred Crowns, of which I payed them two by advance. The day that this enterprise should have been put in execution, the Serjeant either repenting of his treason against his Nation, or desirous to keep to himself all the Money he was to share with his Com­panions, went to the Baron of Batteville, and dis­covered all, after assurance of indemnity, and to inherit the Spoils of his Camrades. The day the Post was to be delivered, the Baron came thither, having caused the Traitors to be hanged, and substi­tuted reformado Officers in their places, who spoke with one I had sent to discover, whether it was easie to execute that which had been contrived. They shewed him the weakness of the Guard, which Bat­teville had caused to draw off, standing behind un­discovered with two hundred reformado's. I di­strusted the facility that appeared in the business, and the negligence of the Guard on so considerable a Post; yet I caused the Troops to march at the hour appointed, and the disguised Souldiers having them­selves begun to slight their works, I caused them to be narrowly observed by him that had treated with [Page 388] the former in my behalf, who brought me word that these were new faces, whereupon I ordered them at our arrival to be fired on, that their deceiving me might be punished by their deaths. Batteville run­ning to the alarm was received by my men with a great Volley, and perceiving by their not advancing that he was discovered, made it his onely business quickly to make up his breast-work, a skirmish fol­lowing for about half an hour of little loss or ad­vantage to either side.

A lay brother of the Convent of Sancta Maria la Nova, one of the most considerable of the ene­mies Posts, came to propose to me a design of sur­prising it by introducing Souldiers through the Formal: this is a certain Aqueduct which passes under all the Streets of the Town, carrying Water to the Houses and Convents. I sent a Person of Trust to discover whether this were feasible, where he was shewed a place would receive two hundred men, and the Spanish Court of Guard, so weakned by hunger, and tired by continual duty that they could hardly support themselves. As misfortune would have it, an old Frier that could not sleep, having by chance seen this young Brother bring a stranger in­to the Conduit of the Cloyster, gave notice of it to Don Alvaro de la Torre, Lieutenant of the Camp-master General, who having caused him to be se­cured, by force of torment made him confess all he had negotiated; Not coming to me next Morning, nor hearing any thing from him in three dayes, I guessed my business was discovered, and endeavou­ring to get information of it, learned that they had put him to death, and that I had failed in one of the [Page 389] handsomest and most important Negotiations that had been managed in Naples.

I resolved to give alarms on all sides three or four times anight, to tire out the Spaniards, whom I knew to be very much enfeeblished by fatigue and want, which reduced them so low that they could no longer handle their arms, nor take alarms. By this means I hoped one day to surprise them, by ad­vantage of the negligence to which I had accu­stomed them. But seeing nothing at present could be done in the Town, I resolved to attempt some­thing abroad, and commanded Jacomo Rosso to go to Puzzoli, the inhabitants having let me under­stand the Garrison was weak, and that being se­conded, though but slightly, they could cut all its throats, and let us into the Town, which would give me a facility to attacque the Castle of Baiae, of high­est importance, by excluding the Spanish fleet from that Haven, that of Naples being so open that ships cannot ride there in ill weather. He marched with three thousand men, and the Townsmen beginning a Skirmish with their Garrison, the Marquis of Fus­calda, entered in his fight with considerable Supplies, which obliged my men to retreat after a light Skir­mish. Perceiving enterprises of warre not to suc­ceed very happily with me, deferring them, I had recourse to address and negotiations, and caused the Governour of Baiae, an old and covetous Spaniard to be sounded, who sensible of the ill condition of the affaires of his Nation, hearkened to my offers, and after many Messages to and fro, in which I spent fifteen days, agreed to deliver me the place for twelve hundred Pistols; At the same time I treated [Page 390] to possess my self of the Town and Castle of Gaeta, (where Monsieur de Fontenay had been tampering before) for a hundred thousand Livers. Wanting Money for two so important enterprises, I gave him advice of it, that he might have these two summes in a readiness. But believing his own intrigues better than mine, he returned no answer, and these gre [...] and probable expectations vanished.

In the mean time the taking in of the most consi­derable places of the Land of Lavoro, and Frontiers of the Ecclesiastical Dominion, opened us a way to Rome, and made it so free, that the Messenger passed twice, and amongst others brought me the Knight des Essars, the Baron of Causans, the Sieurs de Beauchamp, de la Breche, formerly Captain of Horse in the service of Pope Vrbain, de Miniere, de Graville, the Baron de Rouzou, the Marquis de Chabans, the Sieurs de Canherou, du Fargis, du Chalar, with seven or eight other Officers and their Servants. This liberty lasted not long, Papone with­out drawing his Troops together imprudently en­gaging Don Baltazar de Capua, Prince of the Roman Rock, who beat him, and afterwards took again all the Places he had possessed himself of, except Fondi, and the Tower of Sperlonga, whilest he was imploy­ed in rallying his broken Troops, and composing a new body of such as had not been in the fight.

The End of the Third Book.

The fourth BOOK.

THe Spanish Ministers at Rome, and Car­dinals of that Faction, having been consulted about displacing the Duke of Arcos, and settling the Authority on Don John, looking upon it as the only means of establishing their affairs, and advising that such an expedient might not be neglected, it began to be very seriously endeavoured, and a few dayes after the Vice-Royalty was resigned, and Don John took possession of it, with the gene­ral applause of the Spaniards, and all of their Party; the other sacrificing himself to interest of State, and resolving to take upon him the pub­lick hatred (that his King and Master might draw advantage from it) made all ready for his departure, which happened on the six and twen­tieth of January; the Castles, Ships, and Gal­lies giving him the honour of a farewel by Peals of Artillerie, and Vollies of Musketiers, which lasted all day: the People no less solemnizing it by reproaches and imprecations against him.

The next day Don John having received the usual Complements of the Statesmen, Nobility, Soldiers, and People that were for him, made a [Page 390] [...] [Page 353] [...] [Page 354] stately Cavalcade, accompanied by all those that could get horses to follow him; and shewing himself in all the Quarters, visited the Castles and Posts, of which we had notice by Acclamations, Vollies, and Fire-works, that continued all Night. He afterwards caused a Manifest to be published, imputing all effects of the ill Govern­ment to the pride and avarice of the Duke of Arcos, promising a general Pardon to the Peo­ple, with the preservation of their Priviledges, and not only the Confirmation of such Capitula­tions as had been made with them, but an aug­mentation to their advantage, for which he of­fered himself to be security, omitting nothing that might unsettle their resolutions. He writ also to Cardinal Filomarini, the Elect of the People, Vincenzo Andrea, and many other of the most powerful of the Town, the greatest part of whom brought me their Letters unbro­ken open; but Gennaro saying nothing of his, he whom he had intrusted with reading it to him, immediately gave me account of it, of which for some dayes I took no notice, to see what he would do; till wearied by his silence, one morn­ing when he came to me, telling him I wondered he made a secret of so important a Dispatch as he had received, he went immediately and fetched it, saying he had forgot to bring it sooner, though his intention was to have done so; I ac­cepted this bad excuse, but afterwards observed him very narrowly, as one that held secret Corre­spondencies with the Enemy.

[Page 355]Two dayes after a Gentleman, that was a rela­tion of Cardinal Filomarini, who (though of the Spanish Faction) was my particular friend, never concerning himself in any thing that was contrary to me, and that had so much kindness for me, that he had given me very considerable intelligence of designs against my life, which I alwayes found to be true; coming to visit me, told me, that if I would allow him liberty of speech, he would acquaint me with something of very great concernment. I heard him, and he represented, that having considered how I was abandoned, he looked on me as lost; that the People hearkened after an accommodation, if which must be, it was best to do it my self; for if it should be concluded without my privity, the first condition would be my death, since it could not be done securely whilest I was alive; but that if I pleased, I might be the Mediator and Moderator of it, and find my advantages in it: that if what had been already proposed came short of my ambition, besides the investiture of the Dutchy of Modena, which should be given me by the Emperour, Spain would furnish me with Forces sufficient to put me in possession of it. He told me I might have the soveraignty of the two Calabria's if I pleased, all the strong places of which should be put into my hands, and that I should have for security the Pope and Colledge of Cardinals, and such of the Princes of Italy as I would make choice of. I made a faint refusal, seeming to be obliged by his good inclination; supposing by such a dissimulation ea­sily [Page 356] to discover all designs that were in the Town, and all persons inclined to an accommodation. The Peoples Elect, two dayes after came to ac­quaint me that the Town began again to want provisions; that the People was weary to have continued so long in Arms without making any advantage; that the succors of France being slow and incertain, and its Fleet likely enough to do no more at its second arrival than formerly, it was to be apprehended, that France was glad of the extremity they were reduced to, that so de­spair might oblige them to cast themselves into her arms; to which that Kingdom would never consent: more disliking the French than Spanish Government. That he thought it best to hear­ken to the Proposals of Don John of Austria, who, he was assured, would be more willing to treat with me than any else, and that it would be more safe for him to do so, because otherwise my credit might interrupt all he should under­take. That the People freely put all their Con­cernments into my hands, because they could never distrust my Conduct; that I might obtain good effects by a personal Conference, of which though I failed, the common hatred for Spain, which every day became cooler, would be re­kindled by it: And that in such a Treaty (besides the honour to have usefully served the Kingdom of Naples, by freeing it from utter destruction) I should find for my self establishments capable of satisfying my ambition. That to this purpose a Truce of three dayes was to be made, and if I consented to a Conference with Don John of [Page 357] Austria, it would be accepted, he being very passionately desirous of it; and that I being the more able and of greater experience, the ad­vantages of such an interview would be certainly on my side.

As this Discourse ended, Gennaro came in and proposed a Truce and Conference, by which I discovered the bottom of their thoughts and their secret Correspondences, and in my heart swore the death of them both; but I concealed it, thinking it too hazardous openly to attempt their punishment, and answered them, that I attribu­ted their discourse, more to their zeal for their Countrey, than their friendship for the Spani­ards, whose humor (as arrogant in prosperity as submissive in misfortune) I perceived they un­derstood not. That their promises ought not to be depended upon, nor we to be lulled asleep with their fair words: That we could not for­get, how after a condescention to advantageous Capitulations, their Fleet arriving and they re­cruited, instead of the Ratification they had given cause to expect, by so many solemn Oaths, they attempted to burn and sack the Town, and put all its inhabitants to the Sword; that their in­clinations were not any other wayes moderated than by the extremity to which they were redu­ced, and that coming short of power to oppose their destruction, that was so near at hand, and so inevitable, they had recourse to Artifice. That we could not trust them: That they brea­thed nothing but revenge, though their Cruelty disguised it self under the appearances of Cle­mency [Page 358] and Moderation. That their two Persons would be made the first Victims to their Resent­ments: That for my own part I resolved most re­ligiously to observe what I had promised, either to die with my sword in my hand, or drive them out of the Kingdom, and procure it that liberty of which it had given me the Title of Defender: I therefore exhorted them to follow me in so just a design, which would prove more easie than they could imagine. That I was clear-sighted e­nough to assure them of this, and would never willingly suffer the People to be imposed upon; that I would unseel their Eyes, to give them a clear Prospect of what they were to fear, and what to do for their security and quiet; and that I declared to them, that I would look upon all such as afterwards hearkened to any Proposal of the Enemy (all whose offers ought to be di­strusted) as Enemies of their Countrey, and that I would persecute to the uttermost, and inflict Capital Punishment on any that for the future should make such discourses to me as they had done. That I pardoned the indiscretion of their zeal, that had so grosly abused them; but in case they resolved to continue my friends, they were to comport themselves more prudently, and have more fidelity and affection for the good of their Countrey. That I would advertise the Peo­ple of all that had passed, but with so much cau­tion, they should need to fear nothing, nor be suspected of Treason and Correspondence. They gave me thanks, acknowledging I was more discerning than they, and that nothing was [Page 359] more just or true than what I had told them; and that convinced by my reasons, they heartily detested the malice of the Spaniards, whose de­struction they would for the future, pursue with hazard of their lives, and be ever ready to shed their blood for the Publick and defence of their Liberty.

As soon as they were gone away I sent for the Chiefs of the People, and gave them an account of this Conference. They seemed as much to approve my Conduct, as to be dissatisfied with that of Gennaro and the Peoples Elect: Vincenso Andrea more crafty and more close, appeared not at all in these matters; but I held him not therefore to be the less dangerous. I gave charge to all those Chiefs (every one in his Quarter) to inform the People of what I desired they should know; to observe carefully all the motions and actions of those that had given us so just cause of suspicion, and emploied such as I most confided in, attentively to watch and give me advertise­ment of all designs of the Enemy, who (as I con­ceived) would ere long set on foot some enter­prise. I caused a vigilant Eye to be held on all that came from them by our Posts to return into the Town. One morning I had notice (by means of my intelligence amongst the Spaniards) that little Scutcheons of their Arms were to be distributed to all such as were affected to their interests, that they might know one another, and joyning, fall upon our rear, in two or three attaques they intended to make, for facilitating their entring the Town, and revenging at their [Page 360] pleasure the sedition and disobedience of the Peo­ple. One morning at day-break, a Gardiner was taken about the Gate of Medina, coming from their Quarter with a great Firre-Box un­der his Arm, which having caused to be open­ed, I found it full of little Scutcheons of the Arms of Spain, about the bigness of the Palm of a Hand, and questioning him what they meant, he told me he knew nothing. But per­ceiving him very much astonished, I guessed the matter, and that they must necessarily be Tokens, by which those of the Spanish Party might know one another; as Straw had in like manner been made use of, on the day of the disorder and burning the Town-House of Paris. I sent him to the Vicary, and ordered the Auditor Gene­ral to go presently thither and put him on the Rack. He confessed what I had suspected, and accused a Priest and two others of distributing the like Scutcheons. I caused the Priest to be secured, the other two going away to the Ene­my, and a great number of the like implements being found in their Houses. They were of that sort of men that being unmarried, wear little Cassocks, and have their Heads shaved, to exempt them from subjection to the Ordinary Ju­stice, and be liable to that alone of the Nuncio; where their wicked practices find great impuni­ties, Ecclesiastical Justice being less severe than the Secular.

The Priest, under torment, confessed the same thing the other had done, and this being an af­fair of very great consequence, I resolved to [Page 361] have it examined and determined in my pre­sence; and to this purpose sending for the Audi­tor General and three of the ablest Advocates in the Town, in whom I had confidence, caused the two prisoners to be brought me in Sedans, they not being able to go by reason of the tor­ments they had suffered. I examined them my self, and they confessed they had already distri­buted a great many of these Scutcheons, and that more would yet be brought. That Twenty thousand men would wear them in their Hats or on their Brests, and that on the day appointed at three in the morning, the Spaniards intending to attaque three or four of our most important Posts, all of their party should with such Badges come in to the Allarme, and charge our men in the rear; by which means they hoped to enter and possess themselves of the Town. I demand­ed who were the Heads of such as were thus to be employed? and they answered, that knowing they were to die, they would not discover the particulars of the enterprise, that they might not cause its failing, since all they could say would not save their lives; and that by the success of the design they hoped to be revenged, and serve their King: on which account they would die joyfully. I sent them back to Prison, and after Consultation of what was to be done, they were condemned to die; but that first of all the Au­ditor General should endeavour by force of Torments, to get greater light of so dangerous a Conspiracy; and that they should be racked (according to the usual Saying of that Countrey) [Page 362] tanquam Cadaver; and even to the point of dy­ing under the Torture. They were almost torn in pieces, yet would confess no more than what they had done at first, and the next morning were hanged in the Market-place, with some of the Scutcheons about their Necks. At the Gallows they began to preach to the People their return to the obedience of Spain, which hastened their execution.

In the mean time, their Constancy (not with­out reason) much disquieting me, I caused exact searches to be made in all suspected Houses, and in the greatest part of the Convents, but no more Scutcheons were found, nor any body that would carry the Arms of Spain. This had like to have caused great disorders, and they that sought occasions of plundering, spread reports that Arms were concealed in many places; that under pretence of searching Houses they might rob them.

Gennaro acquainted me that in the Convent of the Jacobins of St. Mary de la Sanita men lay concealed in Cellars wiih a great many Arms, to furnish the Black Cloaks of the Virgins Suburbs, and that search ought to be made. The People was disturbed at this news, and Gennaro offered himself (accompanied by the rabble) to make the Visit. I instantly understood his meaning, and the danger, least the animosities between the Black-Cloaks and Lazares should again bring upon us the same inconveniences, which I once before found so much trouble to remedy. I went therefore my self after dinner, forbidding [Page 363] on pain of death any to go before, or follow me, such as I made choice of excepted. I com­manded Matheo D' Amore with his Company to possess himself of the Gate of St. Gennaro, and to suffer none of what quality soever, to go into the Suburb.

After Dinner I took Horse followed by my Guards, and commanded Pepe Palombe, Carlo Longobardo, Onoffrio Pissacani, Cicio Battimiello, and Peppo Ricco, all Persons of Credit amongst the People, and in whom I confided, to accom­pany me; and as I passed by St. Gennaro's Gate I took with me Matheo D' Amore, and coming to the Convent of Santa Maria de la Sanita, having made my Guards secure the Gate, I went in and told the Father Prior and the Pro­vincial (who was at that time there to visit) the intelligence Gennaro had given me, and the inten­tion I had discovered in a great many, under such a pretence to plunder their Convent, which had obliged me to come in person to prevent any dis­order; but that they might be free for the fu­ture from the like accusations, which I looked upon as false and malicious, it was necessary that the Father Prior should set open all places of the Convent (even to the Granaries and Cellars and other more private) to the above-named per­sons, whom I had brought along to that pur­pose, and whom I would cause to be accompani­ed by the Captain of my Guards, to hinder any thing of insolence. All the Keys were brought, and a general search being made, nothing suspi­cious was found, nor so much as one Fire-arms. [Page 364] I returned very well satisfied, and commanded those that had made the search, to give the Peo­ple account of what they had seen; and swore in their presence, that if for the future any false informations were brought me, I would cause such to be severely punished, as could not justifie their reports, without which we should be con­tinually in an extraordinary confusion.

At my return home, having passed part of the Evening in my usual emploiments, Grassulla de Roza Head-Jaylor, came to acquaint me that he had discovered a great Conspiracy, and secured such as were concerned in it, to the number of thirty, by carrying them prisoners to the Vicary. I pardon, said I, on account of the indiscretion of your zeal, the action you have done; but if you ever hereafter secure any without my Or­der, your life shall answer it. He replied, he thought the business of great importance, and doubted the parties accused might have escaped, if he had delay'd to secure them; that he would be wiser another time, and never afterwards com­mit the like, since it was displeasing to me; but that nothing could be more certain than this Conspiracy: and after nomination of all the prisoners, he told me he had brought the in­former with him. I considered the Names, and having observed amongst them those of the two persons (which accepting indempnity) had dis­covered to me the enterprise of Tonno Basso a­gainst my life; I supposed his Confederates whose lives I had spared, and who still remained prisoners in the Vicary, might have a great hand [Page 365] in this, and that the intelligence given me was an effect of their revenge, and perhaps of their money.

I sent for the Informer, and considering him seriously, observed something in his counte­nance that gave me a very bad opinion of him; I therefore commanded him to tell me the truth, without disguising any thing, telling him I suspect­ed his accusation to be false, and that he was cor­rupted with money, and that I had sufficient proofs of it; that he should have a care, for he was never in greater danger of his life; that in case he could make good his report, he should be very well rewarded; and those he accused (though I took them to be honester men than himself) severely punished; but on the other side if there were falsity and malice in the case, I would cause him immediately to be hanged. That he should con­sider well whilest his life was yet in his hands; for if he told me not the truth before he went away, all the World should not save him. I perceived he was surprised, and pressing him home, he cast himself at my feet, and begging his life, promised to discover all he had done. He then declared that a Notary called Calderi­no, prisoner in the Vicary, as one of the Confe­derates in the attempt Tonno Basso would have made on my life, and another prisoner convict­ed of the same Crime, had given him a hundred Crowns to accuse all those whom Grassullo de Roza had imprisoned; supposing that (as it had been in the time of Mazaniello and Gennaro) to accuse them would be enough to cause their [Page 364] [...] [Page 365] [...] [Page 366] deaths without any farther enquiry. I caused Paper and Ink to be brought him, and com­manded him to write and subscribe all that he had told me, and let him know, that if he would enjoy the benefit of the Pardon I had granted him, he must justifie (without wavering or go­ing back) to the faces of those that had promi­sed him money, all that they had negotiated with him. I returned him to Prison, and command­ed the Auditor General to bring the two persons he had accused face to face with him, and that his Testimony might be more valid, to put him on the Rack, yet without winding it up or cau­sing him to suffer any torment. Calderino and his Companion had nothing to alledge, and fear of Torture making them confess their Crime, and subscribe the Depositions of it, they con­firmed all on the Rack, which they afterwards suffered: of which as soon as the Auditor Ge­neral had given me account, I sent to free the Prisoners, not thinking it just, that persons, of whose innocence I was assured, should lodge in the Jail. The two that were guilty, were con­demned to die, and hanged the next day before the Gate of the Vicary, every one with this In­scription on his Breast, False Witnesses and Di­sturbers of the Publick Quiet. This speedy Ju­stice drew on my Head a thousand Benedicti­ons, prevented false accusations for the future, and revenge and envy from exposing the lives of the innocent to danger, as they had done be­fore the Sovereign Authority came into my hands.

[Page 367]The day after another Execution was made, which out of respect to Formalities I could not prevent, though looking on it as unjust, I suf­fered it unwillingly, and have ever had a re­morse on occasion of it. It was the death of a wretch that accused Colonel Melonne and Pepe Palombe of Correspondence with the Enemy, which I ever suspected and at last discovered, but too late; I put him into the hands of Iustice; and failing to prove what he had declared, he was hanged.

The Enemies Fleet disfurnished of Mariners, wanting carining, and supplies of Provisions, Pi­mienta its Admiral represented that these things could not be made good at Naples, and that it must of necessity set sail for Spain. On this occa­sion a great Council was assembled, which found the inconveniences very great what resolution so ever should be taken; because that by a stay they should remain altogether unprovided, and their ships, become heavy by their foulness, un­serviceable; and on the other side, by going a­way, they should be reduced to the greatest ex­tremities; wanting where withal to keep the sea open from whence they received all their subsist­ence, and part of their Gallies being gone with the Duke of Arcos, no Naval Forces would re­main with them. The Baron of Batteville was of Opinion that the Fleet should Winter at Mes­sina, but Pimienta still insisted for its return to Spain; it being impossible, in a short time, in any other place to supply and repair it. His Opini­on prevailed, and Don John consenting to its de­parture, [Page 368] the Gallions set sail with a very fair wind in the beginning of February. The de­struction of the Spaniards could not be more cer­tain nor more near, since deprived of all com­munication by land with the rest of the King­dom, and the arrival only of twelve French ships cutting them off from sea, they were driven to have thoughts of abandoning all, which was thrice resolved in their Council, and that they should capitulate with me, that when they had forsaken the Castles, they might retreat to Gaeta and other maritime places, to attend succors from Spain, and the return of their Fleet in the Spring; which at the time of their re-taking the Town they were also resolved to execute, if the purchase of one of our Posts had not suc­ceeded, or if they had been beaten off at their entrance: they pressed therefore all of their party to make all possible attempts, which gave me a great deal of trouble and care.

In the mean time the Nobility to preserve themselves from being involved in their ruin, protested, that being intirely wasted by carrying on a War at their own Charge, as they a long time had done, they could no longer continue the expence, but must necessarily take some reso­lution, and enter into a nearer Correspondence with me. The Spaniards sensible of the justice of their pretence, desired their patience till the end of March, by which time the Fleet was to return; and the Nobility in testimony of their fidelity to the utmost extremity, promised to hold firm all the Moneth of April, but on the [Page 369] first of May, necessity dispensing with the Oath they had taken to serve and obey them, they must do what should appear necessary for their preservation; I was advertised of this, and that precisely on that day they would declare in fa­vour of me, or sooner, if leaving the Town I would march into Apulia and head them; or in case the French Fleet returned, or I made my self Master of the Castles; so that there was an extream impatience on all hands of the success of affairs, and on which side Fate and Fortune would declare. I earnestly pressed the return of the French Fleet, and the journey of my Bro­ther the Knight of Maltha, that I might leave him to command in Naples, and go my self in­to the Field, to joyn Forces with the Nobility, and returning from thence make the last attempt towards the Enemies destruction.

Gennaro Anneze all this while holding secret Correspondences with Don John of Austria, al­most every night sent to him, of which I had punctual notice by those I had gained about him; who having read all Letters he received, gave me account of them: being certain, as I was, to discover all his intrigues, I dissembled with him, waiting a convenient time to ruin him, when I should see him at the point of ex­ecuting some Design. His Negotiations never arrived at any Conclusion, become sensible of the sweetness of power, and his ambition so e­levated him, that the first Point of his Capitu­lation ever was, to continue Head of the Peo­ple, to have Fifty thousand Crowns Revenue, [Page 370] with the Title of a Dutchy or Principality, and to be the next Person to the Vice-Roy, to have Guards and be attended by them, to secure him from his enemies, and preserve his life with his authority. The Spaniards discerning he had not credit enough to put the Town into their hands, and reduce the People to their obedience, went on slowly with him, amusing him by great expe­ctations, that he might on some occasion be useful to them, principally for an attempt up­on my life; in order to which nothing was spa­red, supposing that while I lived I would cross all their Designs, and that after my death all would be easie; their safety or ruin depending on my fall or preservation.

I was most sensibly afflicted, to learn by the Letters he received from France and the Kings Ministers at Rome, that they looked upon him as so faithfully addicted to the Interests of France, that by his means only they expected all the advantages they pretended by the sediti­on of Naples; which he sought to perswade that I oppos'd by my particular ambition, and that my endeavors tended only to my own esta­blishment and exaltation; so great Credit was given to all his fabulous relations, that the truth of mine was distrusted. The Ministers at Rome perswaded themselves that my jealousie of him, which was so justly grounded, arose only from my Opinion of his near Dependance on France, and that by it he prevented my being supplied. This prepossession caused all ill offices imagina­ble to be rendered me at Court, where I passed [Page 371] for a person that affected independance; that slighted all that contributed not towards making my fortune, and that endeavored to drive away the Spaniards on no other account than to raise my self to their Throne. His power was not apprehended so much as mine, because they thought he might more easily be dealt with, his low birth and little wit making him seem in­capable of dissimulation, malice, or ambition. Vincenzo Andrea, much abler than he, ever obliged him to cause me to be suspected, so to prevent my supplies, and compel the People by seeing themselves abandoned) to submit to their former bondage. He boasted the confidence France had in him, and its distru [...] of me, and by this Artifice every day endeavored to raise new disturbances and conspiracies against my life.

Many dispatches from Rome, which acciden­tally fell into my hands, discovered these in­trigues to me, and to my sorrow made me [...]ow that Monsieur de Fontena, believing he served the Crown, acted to advantage of the Spaniards, without perceiving it, and was innocently obli­ged (by his design to do me prejudice) to betray its interests. He thought himself better in­formed in Rome than I that had so near a pro­spect of these affairs, that laboured in them continually, and was exposed to all imaginable dangers, without any thanks for my endeavors and all the perils I every hour underwent. He boasted his Negotiations, which ruined all, and attributing to the Peoples animosities and [Page 372] aversion for their antient Tyrants (though these languished and were expressed only by injurious words) all our successes, looking upon me as a happy Fantosme, that contributed nothing but my presence to my good fortune, and did no more than what any body else in my place might have done; whilest Gennaro Anneze though so great a Traitor, passed for a faithful and good Frenchman, and I, whose respect, passion, and fidelity, were no wayes to be shaken, for a be­trayer and enemy of my Countrey.

After my coming from Prison, I was told by the deceased Cardinal Mazarin, that the Court had been either ill or not at all informed of what passed at Naples, but that above all he was surprised at their blindness in what concerned Gennaro; when by irreproachable Witnesses I proved his perfidiousness. I brought him from Spain the Baron of Batteville's Memorial print­ed in Madrid after my imprisonment, in which (pretending recompence of his services from the Catholick King) he alledged as most important, his secret Negotiations with Gennaro before my arrival at Naples, and all the while I continued there; particularising several advices of what he had managed and undertaken against me for the service of Spain: and then Cardinal Mazarin blamed me that whilest it was in my power I had not as well punished him as the Abbot Basqui, against which I had nothing to pretend for my self but my respect to France, which would have made an ill construction of my intentions, and ac­cused me to have sacrificed her Creatures to my [Page 373] Interests; and from thence have taken occa­sion to have abandoned me. I thought I owed this Digression to my honour, to disabuse the World of all the false reports that have been spread abroad concerning me. But returning to my Narration, I must discover a dan­gerous snare laid for me, from which I freed my self by immediate presence of mind, and an ad­dress very extraordinary. Gennaro, by advice of Vincenzo Andrea, having raised a Tumult on pretence of the kindness I had for the Nobility, sent fourteen or fifteen hundred men, which drew up in Battalia in the Piazza that was be­fore my Pallace, which fifty or sixty of the most factions entered, accompanied by a Franciscan Lay Brother, who demanded to speak with me, about Nine or Ten a Clock at Night. I gave him Audience, and he began to expatiate on the Nobilities ill usage of the People, of whom ma­ny had suffered much in Apulia and other Pro­vinces; that all of them ought to be made a sa­crifice to their resentments, especially the Prince of Montesarchio and the Prince of Troya his Brother, for whom he thought I had particular consideration; finding his discourse to be very seditious, and tending only to incite the rabble against me, I led him to the far end of my Cham­ber, that none might over-hear-us. I endea­vored to convince him by reason, representing that if I did not separate the Nobility from the Spaniards (which could not be done but by Ca­resses and all manner of good usage) the strength of their union, would be so considerable, we [Page 374] should not be able to stand against it. This dan­gerous Frier raising his voice, in a very insolent tone told me, that my kindness for the Nobility was very well understood, who being much dearer to me than the People, I intended to of­fer up to their animosities, as I had already sacri­ficed Michael de Santis to the revenge of Don Pepe Caraffa's Kindred; and that since I would not send an Order to Sabbato Pastore to cut the throats of the Prince of Montesarchio and his Brother (which he might easily do) and to o­ther Bandites to massacre all the Gentlemen they could meet with in the Kingdom, I declared my partiality for them, and consequently my self to be the most dangerous enemy of the People; because I abused the Authority they had given me for the others destruction. I answered him, That such a violence could not be without much danger, but that I assured him I would punish all the insolent, and such as tyranized or oppres­sed those of our Party. He grew hotter, and put­ting his hand in his Pocket to take out some Letter he had received, I perceived that all that were in my Chamber were moved, and near a Tumult, and looking on it as a Plot to kill me, and that nothing but a pretence was wanting, with my left hand, I seised that of his that was in his Pocket, and taking him by the throat with my right, cried out, Ah Traytor do you attempt upon my life, Guards▪ Guards! Austin de Lieto advan­cing, I put him into his hands, and bid him search him, telling him he had a Knife in his Pocket, which he was drawing to thrust into my [Page 375] Belly. The Captain of my Guards causing him to be searched in my with-drawing Room, a ve­ry great Knife in a Sheath, with a round Handle and a little Guard like a Dagger, was found a­bout him; which being publickly shewn, they that were present, would have immediately thrown him out at the Window: but I told them it was of concernment to have him exa­mined and brought to his Trial, to know who had engaged him to so desperate an attempt; and calling for Pen and Paper, writ to Cardinal Filomarini, That unwilling to enroach upon the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, I sent a Frier to him that would have stabbed me; that I besought him to cast him into a Dungeon, suffer him to speak with no body, and care to be taken that he might not escape; to the end that so black an attempt might not pass unpunished, and that his Confederates might be discovered: that I hoped this from his goodness, which my re­spect for the Church might very well pretend to. Cardinal Filomarini exactly performed what I desired of him, it being the least he could do on account of the so late Obligation he had to me, for saving him from fury of the People; the consideration of the danger he thought I had a­voided, augmenting his affection and tender­ness for me. My address gave sorrow and con­fusion to those that had sworn my destru­ction, and so well laid their designs, that they thought it impossible for me to escape them.

[Page 376]In the mean time all Gennaro's Contrivances tending to my ruin, mine were the same in his regard, and Augustino Mollo, who ever served me well, though many suspected the contrary, having debauched the Captain of his Guards, brought him to assure me he would do all I should ordain him, give me punctual ad­vertisement of all his Proceedings, and all theirs that negotiated with him; he proffered to poi­son him when I pleased, if I would provide him wherewithal to do it; but would not willingly undertake to ponyard him, because that was to declare himself too openly, and not handsome for a Captain of his Guard: but I would not undertake it in such a manner that I might ap­pear the Author of it, least it should acquire me the indignation of France; who believing him faithful to her, would rather attribute his death to my particular ambition (he being the main obstacle in my way) than to the just punishment of his disloyalty.

Next morning going to Mass at the Carme­lites, I gave Order to the Knight de Fourbin, wi [...]h thirty Horsemen of my Company of Light-Horse, which he commanded, that as soon as I came out of the Church and took Horse, as Gennaro accompanied me to the Gate (he no longer daring to go out of the Carmelites Tower, apprehending such a death, as the re­morse of his Conscience caused him to judge he had merited) with his men to thrust him out of the Church, where Mattheo d' Amore, Carlo Longobardo, and Pepe Riccio, would be ready to [Page 377] cut off his Head, and the noise obliging me to return, tell me, that they had punished his Treason agrinst the People, and the Correspon­dencies he held with Don John of Austria; that this should be justified by the Letters would be found in his Lodging, the Captain of his Guards having discovered to me the place where he had locked them up.

This Plot so well laid, had not failed of suc­cess, but for the disloyalty of a Frenchman cal­led the Baron of Rouvrou, who advertised him to have a care of himself, become jealous of some passings to and fro that he had observed; and because some that were of the Plot whisper­ed It will not be impertinent to give here the Character of this man, that what he did may be understood to be the effect of a black malice and not of imprudence. He was a Gentleman of Normandy, of as great wit as little judge­ment, very extravagant, naturally as great a Cheat as Gamester, and that would not want money, by what means soever he came by it, his Father not furnishing him to his mind; he had neither Honour nor Conscience, yet was couragious and resolute. At the Siege of Aire he had been a Captain in the Regiment of the late Cardinal of Richlieu, where after having lost all his Equipage at Dice, he played away his Company; and apprehending the resent­ments of the Marshal of Meillerai, coming in the night to visit his Guard, which was on an ad­vanced Post, he went over to the Enemy and ren­dred himself: where giving out that his affection [Page 378] for me had obliged him to seek me, and follow my fortune, the Cardinal Infant sent him to me. My misfortune and dependance on the Sedan Party, having engaged me in the service of the House of Austria, in quality of General of the the Emperours Forces, he gave me advice of the retreat of the Marshal of Meilleray, who having already slighted his circumvallation, re­solved to be gone as soon as the place should be taken. His intelligence found to be true, we marched with all diligence (forsaking the Heights about Teroane, where the Imperial and Spanish Armies had encamped, to prevent a Convoy and the conjunction of a considerable body led by the late Marshal of Gesvre) that we might fall upon the rear of the French, which might easily have been done, but for the precaution of the Ge­nerals, who posting themselves on an eminence, the day was passed over in a very hot Skirmish instead of a General Combat, which the Spani­ards would not hazard: The Cardinal Infanta's sickness, which at last proved mortal, having obliged me to retire to Brussells, on occasion of disputes about the Command, Rouvrou followed me thither; but committed so many disorders, that I was fain to send him away: he passed at last into England, where his ill Comportment caused him to be put in Prison, with very great danger of his life. A year after he returned into France, his Treason unpardoned. One day in time of the Queen Mothers Regency, being in her Cabinet, talking with the Marshal of Meilleray, we saw him come in, of which the [Page 379] Marshal intended to give the Queen notice, that he might be arrested and punished; but I be­sought him for my sake not to do it, to which he consented, on condition he should never afterwards appear before him. I went to him and gave him notice of this, with advice to go to his House, there being no security for him at Court. A little while after his return into Norman­dy (it being impossible for him to continue long quiet) he brought himself into farther troubles, by cudgelling a Person of Quality of the Long Robe, out of jealousie of a Woman, and with­out any just occasion of offence. At the request of the Earl of Menfreville, my particular Friend and Kinsman, I gave him a retreat in Meudon, unwilling to have him near me in Paris; where not thinking himself safe, by reason of the Prose­cutions made against him, he desired my Letters to my Brother, whom the General Citation had obliged to go to Malta; out of apprehen­sion that the Turks would come and besiege it.

He went away with my Letter, and staying at Rome, made use of it to cosen the Cardinal of Valence, and desiring Audience of the Earl of Ognate the Spanish Ambassadour in that Court, told him he durst not stay in France, that he had wandered three years, and that his present ne­cessity compelled him to have recourse to his Generosity; the Earl, a Person of great Osten­tation, caused immediately a thousand Crowns to be given him: he got something also of the Cardinals Montalto, Albornos, and others of [Page 380] that Faction; believing the miserie he suffered was on account of his services to Spain. Ha­ving made up a considerable summe, he tra­velled the World, to practise his wonted Cheats in other places; and hearing that I was at Na­ples, he came to me, having first agreed with the Spanish Ministers for Fifty Pistols a Moneth, of which he received two Moneths advance, to be their Spie upon me; perswading them I had great confidence in him. They ordered him to make acquaintance with Gennaro, and engage with him, which it was happy for him I disco­vered not till I was a Prisoner: Being taken with me, he unhandsomely bragged he would soon be at liberty, and full of money, no long­er concealing his disloyalty, and causing all o­ther French Prisoners to be ill used; but being no more in a condition to do the Spaniards service, because too well known, he was cast into Prison, where he continued three or four years, with greater restraint and more narrowly observed than any of my followers. It was well for me that I knew and distrusted him at last, for he had otherwise done me a great deal of mis­chief; towards which his good will was not want­ing on all occasions.

About this time a Gentleman of Genoua cal­led John Grilli, rich and powerful, desired of me a Commission to command in the Plain of Sorriento, where his Estate lay; and the Go­vernment of the Town that bears the same Name, if he could take it; it being a place from whence the Enemy got part of their re­freshments: [Page 381] offering to make Levies and carry on the War at his own Charge. This is one of the most agreeable and delightful Countries of the World, the beauty of its Prospect and Sweetness of its Air having invited Tiberius (when to refresh himself after the weighty Af­fairs and the Government of the Empire, he abandoned himself to pleasure) to make choice of it; retiring a nights for greater security to Capri a little Isle, in a manner desart, and on­ly recommendable by Quails, which are taken in such abundance that they raise the Revenue of a Bishoprick; which gave occasion to all the Historians of his time to speak so much of the pleasures of it. In a few dayes he drew toge­ther a Body considerable enough to take the Field, and oblige all the Towns and Villages thereabouts to declare for us. He sent me ad­vice of this, with a Present of all delicacies produced by this Fertile Countrey; amongst which its Calves are esteemed the best and most delicious of all Italy. Afterwards he marched with three Pieces of Ordnance to besiege the Town of Sorriento, but having none with him but Militia's and new raised Troops, that wanted good Officers, as he himself did Expe­rience and Capacity to make War; when he had reduced the place to great extremity, be­ing attacqued by Three hundred Spaniards from Castelamare under Command of Colonel Don Gaspar de Sultas, and the Lieutenant of the Camp-Master General Don Michael de Almey­da (the besieged making a Sally at the same time) [Page 382] his men were astonished and fled, and the Siege was raised with the loss of his Artillery; yet he omitted not to rally his Troops and con­tinue Master of the Field, the Spaniards return­ing to Castelamare, out of apprehension that their absence might give Cerisantes an oppor­tunity to take it, whom I recalled, finding he undertook nothing considerable; disposing the Troops he commanded, part of them to Paul of Naples, and part to Polite Pastena, who continuing to make himself feared in the hither Calabria, reduced it intirely to our obedience; and having taken a Castle belonging to the Mar­quiss de la Bella, one of the best Horsemen of all the Nobility, found there twenty Horses, of which he sent me six the best and beautiful­lest that could be seen.

Monsieur de Fontenay omitting no occasion of negotiating in Rome with all Neapolitans that were there, of whom the greatest part were of the Province of Abruzzo, thought (with rea­son enough) that something considerable might be attempted there, and to this purpose writ to desire Commissions of me (which I sent) to distribute to such persons as he should like of; and as he thought it necessary to encourage and regulate the Natives of the Countrey by oldi­ers and Officers of Experience, he assembled as many as possibly he could, and sent for Com­manders the Marquiss Palombara of the Family of Savelli, and Tobias Pallavicini a Gentleman of Genoua, who had served as a Field-Marshal in the Kings Armies; encharging them very [Page 383] strictly to receive no Orders but from himself, and to have no correspondence nor dependance on me. But being Persons of Honour, they gave me notice of it, supposing themselves obliged to an entire submission to him by whose Com­missions only they were to fight. Many Banditi in this Province declared, of whom the most famous were Antonio Sisti, Martello, and Soc­cia Ferro; and of the Nobility the Duke of Ca­stelnovo, Baron of Quinzio, the Baron of Juli­ana, the Baron of Bugnagno, the Baron Lo­renzo Alfiere, with his Brother, the Abbot Ga­sparo, Hieronimo Castiglione, and some others, that caused almost the whole Province to revolt, took Chieti, Civita di Penna, Celano, and to the very Gates of Aquila, except the Castle and Fortress of Pescara; all which was not done without much time. Julio Pezzola a famous Bandite, that ever followed the Spanish Inte­rests, having received some dissatisfaction from Don Michael Pignatelli President of that Province, held Correspondence with the Kings Ministers at Rome; from whom having received Letters directed to me, he sent them by an Ex­press, that I might give the more credit to him, and offered me (in order to revenge himself on his Enemy) to surprise and take him with the Castle of Aquila, and to come himself to me with Three hundred Banditi, men resolute and capable of all Enterprises. But being in a con­tinual diffidence, fearing his dis-satisfaction might be but a pretence, on which the Spaniards thought to joyn him and his men with me, to [Page 384] kill me; I made very much of his Messenger, and returned Answer that the reputation he had acquired in Abruzzo, and his perfect know­ledge of the Countrey, made him more useful in that Province than with me; that he should without loss of time endeavour the surprisal of the Castle of Aquila, which if he could effect, I gave him the Government of it, and all Pri­viledges, Lands, and Revenues he should pretend to; supposing by this to discover the bottom of his thoughts, and that if he treated with me without dissimulation, he might do me important service and I hazard no­thing.

In the mean time no day passed in which there came not from Aversa many mules laden with Corn; and when I had drawn away the fifteen thousand load the Enemy had amassed for their provision, I thought best to employ the money we had received for the bread, that had been sold to buy the remainder of the Corn that be­longed to particular persons. But I was very much surprised, when taking account of it, I found one half less than I had left in the Town at my being there two dayes after it had been put into my hands: and that under pretence of coming to sell it at Naples, a great deal had been conveyed away by passes, and as some endeavou­red to perswade me sold, to the Enemy. This caused the people to murmure, getting know­ledge of it, what care soever I took to conceal it. I sent then to the Baron of Modene on pre­ [...]nce of communicating something of impor­tance [Page 385] with him, he presently came, and leading him into my Cabinet to be more private, assu­red him that my long knowledge of him would not permit any suspicion of his correspondence with the enemy, nor of his being capable of fail­ing in his fidelity to me; but that upon the com­plaints and cries of the people, I was obliged to inform my self how our Corn came to be wasted; in which I could not imagine him to be any waies faulty, because I did not only look upon him as a person of Honor, but would engage for his being such if need were; and that he understood too much to be ignorant to what dangers want of provisions must necessarily expose my self and him. He answered, that he had been no less surprised when he found the Corn so much diminished: but that I might consider, that the Town of Aversa (being very populous) to­gether with the Troops he commanded there, had consumed a good part: that the neighbour­ing Towns and Villages had by my permission carried away some which tended to our advan­tage, the bread made of it having been sold in Naples. I replyed that these things might cause some, but not so great a diminution, but that I verily believed his passes had been counterfeited, and that his Officers had suffered greater quan­tities to be carried away than he allowed of; that his Secretary being a Neapolitan, and having the reputation to be covetous, might be faulty, whom, to set him right in the opinion of the people, I resolved to send to prison, and cast the fault there, (if any was) it not being e­nough [Page 386] that I was assured of his own integrity, but necessary that such suspicions of the Common people, as the better sort would never entertain of him, should be removed.

This proposal seemed hard, since his Secreta­tary could not be accused without some reflexion on himself. I answered, that in pressing ne­cessities we are sometimes forced to abandon our Infantery, and afterwards made him some lit­tle reproaches, (yet in an obliging fashion) of what had displeased me in his conduct, which I rather imputed to the niceness of my humor than his fault, that since he understood me so well I prayed him for the future to let nothing be done (though of the slightest concernment) without my participation and order. That he might assure himself I continued my won­ted friendship and confidence in him, which nothing should remove, provided that on his side he took some care to preserve it: that he should return to Aversa, and use all possible en­deavor to find out the cause of the waste of our Corn; that he was too good, and ought by my example to learn to be more severe, since in matter of command we are to consider no bo­dy, but do justice (without respect of friend or foe) to all that merit either reward or punish­ment. That we ought never to suffer Orders to be neglected or disputed: that this was my hu­mour and opinion, which I thought very reaso­nable, that he stould act on this foundation, and then assure himself that nothing should make a difference between us, how active soever malice [Page 387] might prove in order to it. Though Gennaro and I were upon very ill terms, yet formalities con­tinuing between us, I did not forbid him to see him, and (his endeavours moved by the Coun­cil of Vincenzo Andrea tending to dissatisfie all that had dependance on me, or give me jea­lousie of them supposing me to be naturally di­strustfull) he craftily caused me to be told that the Baron of Modene had visited him, with long discourse and many compliments, so to make me suspect that they had made a combination, which I afterwards found was not so, but had been maliciously given out and seconded by Au­gustine de Lieto, in order to the designes I have formerly mentioned.

The second of February being Candlemas day, having given the charge of Rector of the Hospi­tal of the Incurable to Father Capece my Con­fessor, he desired me I would hear Mass there (which being the first time he was Pontifically to celebrate) and order my Musick to attend; There was a great concourse of people and many Ladies. This Solemnity was very great, but that which made it most agreable to me, was the news brought me at the end of Mass, that the Admiral Gally of Naples was come in to us: She as well as the rest of the Gallies was very ill provided, and Gianettino Doria, who command­ded the Squadron of Naples, and since his Bro­thers imprisonment, all the rest that served Spain, having gone ashore at Puzzole with all his Camerades, and greatest part of the Officers, to hear Mass at a Church of our Lady of great de­votion, [Page 388] the Slaves seeing so fair an opportunity to revolt, killed their Boatswain, and forcing such Officers and Soldiers as remained abord to guard the Gally, to leap into the Sea, carried her away, and run her ashore at a place called la Gayole: I sent immediately to endeavor to pre­serve her, she being the best and fairest that was in the Mediterranean, but being extremely brui­sed by her shock against the land, I was fain to let her be broken in pieces, being othewaies use­less. All the Slaves had their chains taken off, and the Turks having some days wandered about the Town, I drew them together, with such as belonged to two other Gallies that had rendred themselves to us, to preserve them to be made use of when I should be in a condition to set out any Gally of my own, and that they might not be idle the mean while, I made a Company of a hundred and fifty Turks, and appointed one Salem belonging to the Admiral to be their Cap­tain. They were lusty and stout, and apprehend­ing if they should be taken, to be returned to the Oar, fought against the Spaniards with in­credible ardor and animosity, in such manner that this Company alone did me more service than any four of the best in Naples.

I had attempted nothing in a long time, and was now wearie of remaining useless, & suffering the Enemy to be quiet. Instead therefore of smal attacques I resolved to make a general one, and at once endeavour to become Master of all the Posts the Enemy held in the Town, and force them to shut themselves up in the Castles. To [Page 389] this purpose I gave order to Paul of Naples to bring me all the Banditi he could draw together, and to Polito Pastena to do the like, and to the Inhabitants of la Cava and Nocera to joyn me with the greatest number possible, chusing the tenth of February for my rendezvous.

In the mean time, to wearie the Spaniards, and by continual fatigue make them unable to fight, I gave them every night two or three al­arms' and as many in the day, at such hours as I thought they reposed; which added to their want of provisions, brought them so low, that in all probability I was like to have them good cheap on the day of my attaque; in order to which I expected the arrival of the Banditi, and all the Troops I had sent for to execute this grand designe. Hearing every day of Gennaro's Commerce with the Enemy, and he perceiving mine and the peoples jealousies, sought to amuse us by a false appearance of fidelity. He came therefore to give me notice that he had disco­vered a plot of some of his men to deliver the Carmelites Tower to the Spaniards. The next day he caused Labati Gennaro, Francesco Gior­dano, and his Brother, called Don Felice Giorda­no, though a Priest, to be hanged; accusing them of correspondences, in which himself was most concerned, and consequently onely guilty. I did not yet accept this as current, neither did it abate my distrust, being too well informed of all that passed; but it served him to pacifie the people, who perswaded by it of his good intentions, on the advanced Posts called out in the night to [Page 390] the Spaniards, and asked why they came not to the Carmelites Tower, where they were expe­cted, and should find such entertainment as their Confederates had already met with.

Shortly after, there happened a little disorder before my Palace, which was instantly remedied A Colonel called Castaldo, a brutal and violent▪ person, discoursing with a Captain close by the Corps de Gard, heated by words that passed be­tween them, gave him a box on the ear, which the Captain (accompanied by another that was his Camerade) unable to suffer, drew his sword, and mortally wounded the Colonel in his thigh. The Guard immediately endeavoured to secure them, but their resistance making a noise, look­ing out at the Window, I saw what passed, and above a hundred persons with their swords drawn; I went down and instantly caused the two Captains to be disarmed, and brought into my Palace, where I found the Colonel dying, the wound having happened on the crural vein: the suddenness of his death freed him from the punishment his insolence deserved. I caused the two Captains to be confessed, and a Scaffold e­rected for cutting off their heads in the same place where they had been unmindfull of the re­spect they owed me. Many applications were made for their pardon, on pretence that a box on the ear deprives a Man of Honor of all consideration: but I judged an example neces­sary for containing others within the bounds of their duty, and preventing the like insolence for the future, which any where else than within [Page 391] sight of the Corps de Gard had been excusable. Diego Perez their Colonel, represented to me that these two Captains being gallant men and of experience, might do me useful service at the Attaque I Intended to make, but I continued in­flexible, and caused them to be brought upon the Scaffold, and their eyes blinded. Execution being ready to be made, Mazillo Caracciolo ca­sting himself at my feet, begged their lives in the name of all the Gentlemen end Ladies of the Town: I told him, that vnable to refuse any thing to intercessions so dear and considerable, I pardoned them, and after a great repriment sent them to be let blood, of which they had need.

The Baron of Modene three or four dayes after his return to Aversa, sent me word that matters had not been so much amiss as I had been informed; whether it really was so, or that being of a good and easie nature▪ he would not accuse his chief Officers, lest I should punish them, knowing my severity seldom pardoned such faults, especially when made in contradiction of my orders, and as well for fear of a commo­tion in our Army, which obliged him to conceal what he had peradventure discovered. I resolved to send for him, that informations concerning the waste of our Corn might be taken in his ab­sence, the whole Town (which was to be satis­fied by some appearance of Justice) crying out against it. He resolved to obey and come to me; and I was told that Antonio de Calco, Marco Pi­sano, and Andrea Rama (fearing that if I took [Page 392] the command from him, I might give it to some body that would be more severe, and not allow them so much liberty) taking leave of him, as­sured him he should speedily return to head them, because they would not obey any other, and that they had credit enough amongst the Troops to oblige them to what they pleased, and compel me (willing or unwilling) to continue him in his employment, all of them uniting to depend on his fortune; that in case I should be still reso­lute to take it away, they would carry their men to the Enemy, being assured to be followed by them whithersoever they went. The Officers took this last resolution (which they confessed at their deaths) amongst themselves, and would not communicate it with him for fear he should acquaint me with it; but having given credit to the relations, made me (on so probable appea­rances) that the agreement had been made on the day of our attacking the Posts, which touched me very sensibly (though with great displeasure) I resolved to secure him,

The Tenth of February in the Afternoon, Polito Pastena and Paul of Naples having left their Troops on their March, came to me, and after many civilities and assurances of my re­sentments of the important services they had rendered me, I carried them with me to Pog­gio Reale, whither the beauty of the day invi­ted me to take the air. They presented me their Chief Officers, whom I was very careful to caress; and each of them having given me ac­compt of what they had done since their taking [Page 393] Arms on my behalf, I acquainted them with my design to make a general assault on all the Enemies Posts, at once to make my self Master of all the Town, and finish an affair I thought lasted too long.

Towards Night I returned to employ that Evening as I did others, and having dispatch­ed all business, shut my self up in my Cabinet, to resolve the manner of executing my enter­prise, and putting the Orders in writing: which were, That Colonel Diego Passero falling out of the Custom-House, should assault the Corn Office with Five hundred men, seconded by the like number of Nocera, commanded by their Officers under the Conduct of Colonel Landerio. That Diego de Soriento from Porto and Visita Paveri, should attacque Santo Bartholomeo, with the Five hundred men of la Cava, which he commanded as Serjeant Major, second­ed by Three hundred men designed for the guard of those two Posts, and two Compa­nies each of them a hundred men, of the Mi­litia of the People. That the Serjeant Major that kept il Fundo de Cedrangulo, and he that commanded in Cirillo, should make two false attacques to amuse the Enemy. That Colo­nel Pouca should attempt the Post of Santa Chiara, with his Regiment, seconded by six Companies of the People, each of them One hundred men. That Colonel John Dominico should attacque the Convent of Donna Aluina, with Three hundred men of his Regiment, se­conded by the rest and three Companies of the [Page 394] People. That Santa Maria la Nova should be attempted by a hundred commanded men drawn out of the Troops of Polito Pastena, seconded by a like number of the Forces of the People; of whom Mellone, Camp-Master General by Commission, should have the Command. That Polito Pastena, with the Fifteen hundred of his men that remained, should attacque Mount Olivetto and two other adjoyning Posts, with such numbers as he should judge conveni­ent; causing them to be seconded by the re­mainder. That Colonel Landi with his Regi­ment should amuse the Enemy by false attacques about the Gates of Alba and Spirito Santo: That the Peoples Captains should do the like on all Posts where they commanded, especially a­bout the Gate of Constantinople. That Colonel Hannibal Brancaccio should fall upon the Ene­my about Santo Dominico Soriano, with his Re­giment, and cause the same to be done by the Company of Turks at Sangue de Christo. That at the Gate of Medina, Mattheo d' Amore, Carlo Longobardo, and Onoffrio Pissacani, whose three Companies might make Five hundred men, should make a Scalado with thirty Ladders, the Town walls thereabouts not being above eight foot high. That they of Lantignane should give the hottest alarme they possibly could. That Colonel Don Bernardino Castro Cucco with his Regiment, should by way of Vomero assault the Out-works of the Castle St. Elmo. That three attacques should be made towards Chiaya, each of them by Five hundred men, [Page 395] one at Santa Maria Parede, by commanded men of the Body belonging to Paul of Naples, the other at St. Carlo and Les Mortelles, Colo­nel Diego Peres commanding at them both; and the last at Gli Angeli, a Nursery of the Jesuits, commanded by Colonel Alexio, and seconded by a Thousand men of the same Troops, of whom Paul of Naples and Colonel Titus de Fusco his Cosin should take care. A Thousand men were to continue as reserve, from whom I would send succors as I should judge necessary; these were to stand in Battaglia behind the Pallace of the Dutchess of Gravina, where I would be my self at day-break; it not being a­bove a Musket-shot from any of the three at­tacques, who were equally within sight of the Terrace of the said Pallace. That the Horse I had should stand by Squadrons on the Mar­ket-place, or before Porta Reale, that they might enter the great Street of Toledo, or push up to the Piazza of the Pallace, as soon as the way should be opened. In all probability no resistance could have been made to the execution of so great a Design (all things having been so well disposed of) had my Orders been followed, my men done their duty, and my Officers been all faithful.

Having in such a manner disposed of all things, I went to Bed to take some rest, believing I should have toil enough the day following. I rose betimes, and after giving Audience went to Mass, then taking Horse, I viewed all the Troops that were come to me from the Coun­trey, [Page 396] which I must acknowledge to have been the best I ever saw; especially those of Paul of Naples. They were Three thousand and five hundred men, of whom the oldest came short of five and forty years, and the youngest was above twenty. They were all tall and well made, with long black hair for the most part curled, Coats of black Spanish Leather, with Sleeves of Velvet or Cloth of Gold, Cloth Breeches with Gold Lace, most of them Scarlet, Girdles of Velvet laced with Gold, with two Pistols on each side, a Coutelas (hanging at a Belt suitably trimmed) three fingers broad and two foot long, a Hawking-Bag at their Girdle, and a Powder Flaske hung about their Neck with a great Silk Ribbon; some of them carried Fire-Locks and others Blunderbusses: they had all good Shooes with Silk Stockings, and every one a Cap of Cloth of Gold, or Cloth of Silver of different Colours on his Head; which was very delightful to the Eye. Polito Pastena had not above Two thousand men, having left the rest to guard Salerno; they were as proper men as the other, though not so well clad. They of Noce­ra and La Cava which were between a thousand and twelve hurdred men, though less fine, look­ed more like Soldiers: They seemed indeed very couragious and resolute, and had very fair and good Arms, every one of them carrying a Fire-Lock five Foot and a half long, and good Swords, which they knew how to use upon oc­casion I was very much satisfied in this review, and made no question of being next day the ab­solute [Page 397] Master of Naples. I sent them to re­fresh themselves, their Quarter being ready provided, and ordered them to be supplied with all things necessary. I returned to dine, and afterwards taking Horse visited all the Posts, where I left in writing the Order of the At­tacque I intended to make next morning at break of day; having commanded all the Troops to march at Two after Midnight, and be ready to fall on, at the Signal I should give by ringing all the Bells of the Town, especially those of St. Lawrence. I lodged at Marco de Lorenzo's, to order all things in the Suburb of Chiaya, and to lie near the Pallace of the Dutchess of Gravina, where I intended to be before day.

The Twelfth as soon as it was light, I made all the Bells be rung, and caused the Attacques to begin. Diego Passero advanc'd to the Corn-Office and entered it, but the Cannon of Castel­lo Novo and the Haven caused him for want of earth to abandon it and retreat. Diego de So­riento with the Cavaioli, made himself Master of St. Bartholomeo, where the Italian Play-House is, and keeping it till I sounded a retreat, then fired it. They that made false Attaques, were ever engaged in a hot Skirmish, and gave all the diversion and obtained all the effects I expected from them. Pouca attacqued St. Clare but faintly, and meeting some little resistance, re­treated without doing any thing. John Domini­co did not much better at Dona Alvina, and all that passed was a very easie skirmish. Mellone [Page 398] (who betraied us) would not make himself Ma­ster of Santa Maria la Nova, which the Spa­niards discouraged began to abandon. Polito Pastena having stormed the first Entrenchment of Mount Oliveto, kept it not, his men taking a fright; and his Lieutenant, after possessing himself of an adjoyning Post, being too much advanced and not seconded, was taken priso­ner, wounded by a Musket shot in the leg, of which he died three dayes after. The Turks did well, but seeing themselves abandoned, and that Hannibal Brancaccio for want either of ex­perience or courage retreated, were forced to do the like. Mattheo d' Amore, Carlo Longo­bardo, and Onoffrio Pisacani caused their Lad­ders to be fixed, four of which overcharged, broke under the weight, being too weak, as the other were too short; so that their resolu­tion and good intentions became useless. Don Bernardino Castro Cucco took in a Half-Moon of Castle St. Elmo, on that side that is towards Chiaya. Diego Peres was Master of Santa Maria Parede and St. Charles, and going about to cause the Banditi of Paul of Naples to ad­vance, they cast themselves on their Bellies be­hind a Wall, whither I sent the Knight de Four­bin to cause them to march; who gave them a hundred blows with his Cane, not sparing the Officers; yet could by no means make them stand up. Alexio took Gli Angeli, which a pa­nick fear caused him afterwards to abandon. The Baron Durand, the Sieurs Glandevez and de Villepreux took a Pallace defended by Germans, [Page 399] and were all three hurt; Villepreux under the Eye by a shiver of a Window, Glandevez by a Musket through his Thigh, and Durand in the Leg; they yet brought me two or three Pri­soners.

All this while I did my uttermost for refresh­ing my attacques, and causing the Troops that were to second them to advance, and sending the Knight de Fourbin to cause Titus de Fusco to march, it was impossible for him to oblige him to it; Fusco laying the fault on his Captains, they on their Alfieres's, and the Alfiereses on the Serjeants, and was fain to drag all the Sol­diers one by one to possess a Pallace the Enemy had abandoned. Castle St. Elmo all this while continually shot at the Terrass, where the Ene­my could discern me giving Orders. They killed some near me, at which vexed, I drew out Three hundred men to fall up­on their Out-works; which were presently carried, and my men advanced as far as St. Martins Cloister, and lodged themselves there. The Spaniards became so tired by ma­king resistance in so many places, that they be­gan every where to give ground; when they were re-encouraged by the coming in of a great succor of such as defended the Posts of the Town; Mellone, Polito Pastena, and the other Officers being gone off either as Traitors or as Cowards: Batteville presently made towards us with the Reformado Officers and a Body of Spa­niards, to retake the Posts we were possest of, without which they had been absolutely lost; [Page 400] because we had cut off their Correspondence with Castle St. Elmo, and were Masters of all their Quarters, coming on the backs of the Posts they had advanced towards the Town. The Fight began to be hotter and more unfor­tunate, and Diego Peres was shot with a Mus­ket through the Neck, and being brought to me, I caused him to be drest in my presence, and the Bullet to be taken out, which was only covered by a thin skin on the side where it had not en­tred.

Cerisantes came to me smiling, and ve­ry much satisfied that I had not the success I de­sired; said, you have no good Officers, and will do nothing without me: I will bring all into order, and certainly storm the Works the Enemies yet defend. I answered him angerly that he should consider that men that boast like him, and have so great a contempt for o­thers, ought either to make good their promi­ses or die. He instantly went on, and either his heat or some other pressing necessity enfor­cing him to put down his Breeches behind a Wall, a Musket Bullet carried away his great toe; which gangrening, he died three dayes af­ter: and that his vanity might continue to the last, he made a Will and me his Executor, leaving in Legacies and to Pious Uses above Twenty five thousand Crowns, though he was not worth a Cardecu in all the world.

Our affairs were not yet in so bad a conditi­on, but if Paul of Naples had marched with his men, and but made a shew of seconding the [Page 401] attacques, the Spaniards had abandoned all and retired to Castello Novo, and the Post of Pitzo Falcone there to have capitulated, as they since acknowledged to me. I sent him Order for this by the Sieur de la Bottelerie one of my Ad­jutants; but instead of it, he fell upon the Pal­laces of Chiaye, and especially on that of the Prince of Montesarchio, which his Banditi be­gan to plunder; and being told that I would not suffer such a disorder, but would come in person to remedy it, he insolently an­swered, that he brought not his men to fight, but to plunder Naples; of which if the Duke came to hinder him, he would cause his Head to be cut off, and putting it in a Bason, send it as a Present to Don John of Austria. Mad at so in­solent an Answer, I could not forbear to say that four and twenty hours should make appear whose Head stood faster on its shoulders, his or mine. I was sorry for this rashness, judging it fit for me yet to dissemble with him; and at the same time hearing that Polito Pastena's Banditi committed disorders in the Town, plundering all where they came, I caused a retreat to be sounded: after a very obstinate fight for the space of three hours, wherein yet there were not Three hundred men killed or hurt on both sides, the Adjutant of the Regiment of Diego Peres being taken prisoner, they pretended to hang him; but I sent them word I would do the like with the Adjutant of Colonel Cicio Poderico, that we had taken, and they were exchanged three dayes after.

[Page 402]The Baron of Modene's ill fortune would so have it, that not having followed me, Augustin de Lieto, in order to what I have already men­tioned, told me he had learned that he had in that time visited Vincenzo Andrea and Gennaro; this gave me a jealousie that was increased by the arrival of Father Capece and Cavalier Michelli­ni, who rallying my misfortune, told me laugh­ing, you see what it is to want the Baron of Modene, without whom you can do nothing considerable, as the People perswade them­selves. I turned my back to them without any Answer, reserving my resentments for a better occasion. I then sent Order to Polito Pastena to draw his Banditi out of the Town, and quar­ter them in St. Anthonies Suburbs, and to return to Salerno next morning at day break. He went immediately away, without saying any thing, and left Gennaro sixty of his Banditi to secure him, and undertake what he should please to or­der them. All went about to perswade me that the People looking upon me to be responsible for this bad success, my life was in danger; and that I ought not to return to Naples: I slighted those vain terrors, resolved to return as I did that Evening; and to make it believed that I had a considerable design to execute that Night, I or­dered all that could carry Arms to be at Eight a Clock in the Piazza before my Pallace and in in the Street of Saint John de Carbonara.

Paul of Naples in the mean time came to me to the Pallace of Gravina with extraordinary in­solence, and told me that his men not being u­sed [Page 403] to fight in a Town, he resolved to lead them again into the Field, to conquer Apulia and all the rest of the Kingdom; and to this purpose demanded a Patent as Vicar General, with power to give Commissions to general Officers, Governors of Towns and Provinces, and dis­pose of all Confiscations of the Goods of the Nobility. I told him he should have it with all my heart, and that he should go home with me, that I might dispatch what he desired; and to prevent his mens disorders in the City, that he should send them into the Suburbs, where they had quartered the Night before, to be in a rea­diness for their March in the Morning. He pro­mised to obey me, and taking Horse I returned to Naples, where I was received by the People of both Sexes, with greater Acclamations and more Testimonies of Respect and Affection than formerly, Lights being placed every where a­gainst my Passage; all crying out that they un­derstood very well that I had been betrayed, that I was to be careful of my safety, and cause Traitors to be severely punished. Perceiving by this that nothing could lose me the Peoples good Opinion, my discontent ceased, and my hopes augmented; but looking upon my self as still in extream danger, I thought I was to endea­vour by address to free my self from it.

Paul of Naples, the mean while instead of sending his men to refresh, kept them still in Arms, and posted them in the most considera­ble places of the Town, himself having a Con­ference two hours together with Vincenzo An­drea [Page 404] and Gennaro. Coming to my Pallace, I found all the World alarmed, as well Lazares as Black Clokes, at the Orders I had indifferent­ly given to every Body to take Arms; represent­ing to me, that whatsoever my Enterprise were, if I brought them to engage in the Night, their animosities against each other considered, it was to be apprehended that they would fall foul one of another; and these two parties coming to blows, which might infallibly happen, the E­nemy would easily prevail over both. I seemed to yield to their reasons, and extreamly to la­ment that by too great a complacency for them, I lost the handsomest and most infallible Design I could ever undertake; that when I caused a re­treat to be sounded, it was not out of any di­strust of the cowardise or infidelity of my men, but upon advice that at Midnight two considera­ble Posts would be put into my hands, which would easily make me Master of the whole City, the Enemies being weakned by their wants, and so tired with the fight of the day, that a­bandoning themselves to sleep all Night, they would not be able to take Arms. Notwithstand­ing all this, they persisting in their Remonstran­ces, I suffered them all to go to their several Quarters, with Order to continue all Night armed, to resist the Banditi; who intended some disorder, and perhaps to plunder the Town. I kept no more of my Guards about me than the number that were alwayes accustomed to pass the Night in my Hall.

[Page 405]As these things passed, two Deputies of No­la came to demand Justice of me for the plun­dering their Town by Paul of Naples, contra­ry to their Capitulations, without observance of any of the Articles I had granted them, when they so franckly rendred themselves; believing I could do them Justice, now I had him with me. A Woman also cast her self at my feet, to com­plain that taking a liking to her Daughter of a­bout sixteen years of age, and one of the fair­est in the Town, whom he saw as he passed by her door, he had sent fifteen or sixteen of his men, who took her away by force, and brought her to his Lodging, that he might ravish her. I told her her Daughters honours was safe enough, if all its danger were on his side; that she should content her self and go home, and be in a readi­ness to come to me as soon as I should send for her. I said the same to the two Deputies of Nola, and going into my Cabinet writ three Notes, one to the Auditor General, to go to the Vicary with a Confessor and the Hangman to execute what I should command him; two others to Onoffrio Pisacani and Carlo Longobardo, with Order to be both of them with Fifty Mus­ketiers of each of their Companies and two Se­dans, at the Back-Door of the Garden of my Pallace; where they should receive farther Or­ders.

By this time Paul of Naples was come to me with Six hundred of his best men, of whom he left Three hundred to be Masters of the Corps de Garde at my Gate, Two hundred to possess [Page 406] the Court of my Pallace and the Stair-foot, and a Hundred in my Guard-Chamber, that had every one of them Six Fire-Arms. One of my Servants came to me very much alarmed (as supposing me lost) to give me notice. I smiled and told him it was the best News he could have brought me, then calling the Captain of my Guards, and giving him his Orders, I com­manded him with twelve of his men to possess the foot of a private Stair, by which was a de­scent from my Cabinet to my Secretaries Office, and to make a sign to me of the arrival of Pissa­cani and Longobardo at the place I had appoint­ed them. Paul of Naples came into my Cham­ber, followed only by his Cosin Titus de Fusco, whom he would have his Camp-Master General, and accosting me with a smile, demanded all the favours already mentioned, adding the Confis­cation of the Estate of the Prince of Avellina, whose Tenant he was born, and whose Title he desired to take upon him. I told him I admired his modesty, that would be satisfied so easily af­ter so important services as he had rendered me; that I had such esteem and affection for him, that I could refuse him nothing; that I would dispatch for him all he desired, and in such form as he best liked, at which he seemed to be ve­ry well contented; within himself attributing all these obliging words to excess of the apprehen­sion he had given me. Augustino de Lieto ma­king sign to me that all that I had ordered was in readiness, I told Paul of Naples that to the end his Commissions might be to his mind, it [Page 407] would be best that he went and dictated them himself; and calling Inocentio the Chief Clerk of Hieronimo Fabrani my Secretary, I commanded him to give Order that Paul of Naples should be obeyed as my self, and all that he desired di­spatched for him, in such form as was most a­greeable to him. Paul of Naples highly plea­sed that all went so well to his mind, accom­panied by Titus de Fusco his Cosin, and fol­lowed by the Captain of my Guard, went down towards my Secretaries Office, but as soon as they were at the Stair-foot, the Guards that waited for them, laid hold upon them, and set­ting Daggers at their Brests, threatned that up­on the least noise they would kill them. They begged they might not be put to death without Confession, and were answered that the punish­ments I ordered were not so sudden, nor with­out the formalities of Justice. They suffered themselves to be led away without any resistance or words to the Back-Door of my Pallace; where they were put into two Sedans that stood ready for them, and carried to the Vicary, guarded by a hundred Musketiers appointed for that purpose.

I sent immediately to the Woman whose Daughter he had forced from her, and to the two Deputies of Nola, to go to the Vicary to depose against him. As soon as he and his Cosin came thither, the Auditor General causing them to be stript, in order to their being put on the Rack, they cast themselves on their Knees be­fore him, begging they might not be tormented, [Page 408] and confessed more Crimes than were sufficient to hang a hundred men. At the appearing of the Woman, he confessed he had forced away her Daughter, who was still at his Quarter, but that no violence had as yet been used toward her, having deferred it till his return from my Pallace. At the appearance of the two Depu­ties of Nola, he acknowledged he had not ob­served their Capitulations, and had plundered their Town. His Cosin being found to have a share in all his mischiefs, and confessing them in like manner with him, they were both con­demned to die, and delivered to two Confes­sors; after which expecting Execution, they were surprised to see themselves exposed to the Torture ordinary and extraordinary which I caused to be given them. Amongst the Tor­ments they confessed, that they came to Naples only to plunder it, and not to storm the Ene­mies Posts, not desirous to see so sudden an end of the Kingdoms disorders; that when they threatned to cut off my Head and carry it to Don John, they really intended it, in case I went about to hinder them from plundering, expecting a very considerable reward from the Spaniards for such a Present; that they thought by such a menace to have terrified me in such a manner, that I should have refused none of their Demands; that the Authority of Vicar General, to which he had pretended, would have given him opportunity to have securely drawn to him­self the money of all the Provinces, and the sack of all the Kingdom: after which my Head should [Page 409] (at his pleasure) have purchased his Pardon of the Spaniards, or else he would have retired with what he had gotten, to such part of the World as seemed securest for him; that distrust of my securing his Person, prevented his sending his men out of the Town as I had ordered; that he detained them, expresly to terrifie me, and made himself Master of my Pallace, to com­pel me to such Condescensions, as he knew I would never willingly yield to; that in case of refusal he had resolved to have stab­bed me, of which he had agreed (before he came to me;) with Gennaro and Vincen­zo Andrea; that before the attacque of the Posts he had sent an Old Woman to Don John of Austria, to know what he would give for my Head.

He afterwards confessed Crimes, Sacriledges, and Abominations so horrible, that the reading his Depositions amazed me. I caused him to be questioned about his plundering the Castle of Avellina, caused an Inventory to be made of all he had taken thence, and the names of the pla­ces to which he had transported it, and where he had bestowed that which in the Morning he had taken out of the Pallace of the Prince Mon­tesarchio, and other adjoyning Houses; which he confessed was at his Quarter to be packed up and carried away next Morning, with all else that was good in the Town, which he owned he intended to have plundered before his departure. The Auditor General perceiving no more could be drawn from him, caused him to [Page 410] die, with his Cosin, and presently sent me word of it.

In the mean time the Baron of Modene ha­ving asked my leave to return to the Army, I bid him have a little patience, and I would di­spatch him at Night. And Antonio de Calco, Marco Pisano, and Andrea Rama, having been deputed by the Garrison of Aversa, to desire me to send them back their Camp-Master Gene­ral, in whose place no other would be pleasing to them, the Sieur de Mallet commanding du­ring his absence. I told them I would do reason to their demand, but that they should expect a while; that I had extraordinary News to ac­quaint them with, which was that I had secured Paul of Naples and afterwards cut off his Head, demanding their Opinions, and whether they did not believe I had done well? They answered yes, but looking upon one another seemed very much surprised. Causing a Servant to take two Lights, I went into the Hall, demanding of all I found there, what their business was so late? They told me, they waited for their General. I told them that must be whomsever I should set over them; because I had cut off the Head of Paul of Naples, for the many Crimes he had com­mitted; and they not being much better, ought to apprehend the like punishment; but that if they would promise me to change their manner of life, and become better, I would willingly pardon them, and cherish them as a good Fa­ther does his Children. They fell all on their Knees, and besought my pardon; after which [Page 411] I commanded them to retire, and let their Com­panions know, that not one of them should be in the Town next Morning at Eight a Clock, on peril of their lives; and that they took care they carried not the least plunder away with them. All this was so punctually observed, that they left behind them all that they had taken, which I caused to be rendered to the Owners, after it ap­peared to whom every thing belonged. I sent then two of my Guards to reconduct the Maid that had been forced away, to her Mother; no vio­lence having been acted against her.

The Captain of my Guards had caused a great many Sedans to be brought to my Stair-head, as I had ordered, and going into my Cabinet, I told the Baron of Modene, and those that ac­companied him, that it was too late to dispatch them, that they should therefore return in the Morning; that I had done enough that day to oblige me to go to rest. As he passed through my Hall, he was arrested by the Lieutenant of my Guards, and Antonio de Calco, Marco Pi­sano, Andrea Rama, Cavalier Michellini, the Sieur Desinare, and his Secretary, by other of my Officers; and carried all Prisoners to the Vicary. I writ a Note to Cardinal Filomarini to acquaint him, that having caused my Confes­sor Father Capece, a man turbulent and sediti­ous, to be arrested, I sent him to his Prison, that I might in nothing encroach upon Ecclesiastical Justice; desiring he might be kept close priso­ner, without conversing with any. Finding the Confessor in my Chamber, I made him a relation [Page 412] of all that had passed. He was very much surpri­sed when he heard the Baron of Modene was Pri­soner, told him he needed not think it so strange since himself was partly the cause. He went about to justifie himself by plausible discourses, which I interrupted and reserved to the next day, ha­ving great desire as well as great need to go to bed. As he went out of my Hall at the Stair­head the Captain of my Guards secured him, (at which he was much surprised) and putting him into a Sedan, sent him to the Prison of the Arch­bishoprick, accompanied by the Ensigne of my Guards, with the Note I had written to Cardinal Filomarini.

Thus ended the day of the attacque of the Posts, which I may say was very great and very extraordinary, not so much for what happened on it, as what followed, my escaping by my re­solution and address so many different dangers, and my so boldly and subtilly making my self Master of a man, that thought my fortune and life in his hands.

Next morning the heads of those that had been executed were set upon the Post in the Mar­ket-place, and each of their bodies hung by one foot, with an inscription importing, That they had been convicted of Murthers, Sacriledges, Rapes, and burning houses; of correspondence with the Enemy, and attempts on my person: that they had broken the Capitulation made with the City of Nola, refused to fight out of cowardize, and designed to plunder Naples. Their Treason published, the people ran in mul­titudes [Page 413] to see them, so abominating them, that they could hardly be hindred from tearing their bodies in pieces. And as I returned from Mass over the Market-place, I received a thousand Benedictions, the people kissing my feet, and making (if it were possible) greater testimonies than usual of respect and affection: so that by means of this unlucky ranconter, and of our ill success in the attacque of the Posts, I saw my au­thority increased, with greater affection for me, and more hatred of the Spaniards. This may make appear how great my fortune was, since e­ven my misfortunes proved advantageous to me.

I next of all sent away the Auditor General to take information of the waste of the Corn of Aversa, and the ill comportment of the Officers; and it being necessary that its government should be provided for, I gave it to Pepe Palombe on pretence of confidence in him, to absent him from Naples, where his negotiations with the Enemy gave me jealousie, and place him where he could do me no hurt, and where I could cause his comportment to be more narrowly observed, leaving him only a shadow of authority. I gave Calco's Regiment to the Sieur de Beauvais a French Gentleman; and to St. Maximin (afterwards Quarter-master of my Guard) a gallant Soldier, and very faithful, a Com­pany in the same Body, and two others to two other Frenchmen: leaving this Regiment, which I made up eight hundred men, in Garri­son there. I caused all the rest of the Troops to march out, whom, under command of the Sieur [Page 414] de Mallet, in quality of Serjeant Major General of the Army, I sent to St. Maries a league from Capua. I sent de Fargis with a sufficient Garri­son to Caiassa, having on the other side of it Marchianese and Lusicano, which I had fortified with the Tower of Patria, expecting only the arrival of the French Gallies to make my self Ma­ster of Castle Vulturno, which though not very strong, being seated at the mouth of the river, might be relieved by Sea: but I caused continual cruisings to be made, to hinder the passage of pro­visions, which might easily by sea be transported to the Enemies from Capua.

The Spaniards wants increased daily, getting no subsistance but what was brought them from Castelamare by their Gallies, who could not al­wayes pass by reason of ill weather, and were sometimes a fortnight ere they returned, which reduced the Castles and Quarters of the Enemy to the utmost extremity: and when the weather was fair, the Gallies were so ill manned, that causing them to be followed by Brigantins and Fellucca's with Soldiers, they made no voyage without great hazard, being forced to make use of the Citizens (for the most part useless) instead of Souldiers: they therefore pressed their Cor­respondents to an attempt on my person, it being the only way left for their preservation.

The Nobility was in the mean time very un­quiet, some of them having possessed themselves of Towns, and the enmity between the Duke of Martina and Earl of Conversano, rendring them useless, most adhering to the latter, they busied [Page 415] themselves only to oppose one another, instead of application to their common interest: but their jealousies, which increased every day, were attributed to my secret correspondencies, and it was thought that those that retired to fortified places, or raised forces, did it that they might make more advantageous conditions with me, in which perhaps men were not very much mi­staken.

Two dayes after the attacque of the Posts I went attended only by my Gards and Dome­stiques to give God thanks at our Lady de l' Ar­co, a place of great devotion, to see the mischief had been done by the last eruption of Vesuvius, and to consider the miracle of the deluge of flames came from it, and made towards the Sea, which separating rejoyned after having left that little Chappel, as if in an Isle, though the natural channel, formed by the manner of the hils de­scent, must needs have ruined and carried it away. At my return I went to refresh my self at the house of Caspero de Romero, whose Garden is the most delightful of those parts. Gennaro hear­ing I was there, came presently thither with in­tention to kill me, followed by a hundred and twenty Banditi; but whether it were that my time was not yet come, or that he wanted reso­lution for so bold an attempt, I happily secured my self, and he with no less fortune avoided the snares I had laid for him, which according to probability was impossible. I discovered him up­on the way at a great distance, and left but few of my Gards without the Gate, placing all the rest [Page 416] within the Court, where they appeared not, I sent the Captain of my Guards to receive him, who having brought him into the house, caused the door to be shut, not suffering above three or four to enter with him. In the mean time I sent order to Onoffrio Pissacani and Carlo Longo­bardo with their Companies to possess St. Mag­dalenes Bridge, by which probably he was to re­turn. These were men I confided in, and his enemies, and of the greatest credit in the Town, that might have killed him without danger, or any distrust that it was on my account, but only because of his correspondence with the Enemy. There was another way by which he might re­turn to the Town by the Gate of Capua, where by my order Mattheo d'Amore, and Cicio Batimi­ello expected him with their Companies to the same purpose. I led him round the Garden, and then going with him to a Terrace on the top of the house, where there is the most agreeable prospect of the world, he became pale and very much surprised to find himself so slightly accom­panied amongst thirty Centlemen that belonged to me, and as I conceived repented to have ha­zarded himself so lightly. Seeing those that be­longed to him with their arms in their hands, I told him they ought not to be in that posture in presence of my Guards, and that he should com­mand them to lay down their arms and go off; the fear that possessed him making him very o­bedient, he called to them to do the one and the other, which was immediately performed. All that belonged to me, successively asked me if [Page 417] they should kill him or cast him off of the Terrass, which had been performed at the least sign I could have given. I positively forbad this, and out of two considerations. The first that it be­ing very apparent that I was the Author of his death, the Kings Ministers perswaded of his good intentions to serve the Crown, and believing he lost his life on that account, and that I sacrificed him to my ambition, would have taken occasion to have done me bad offices, hinder the return of the Fleet, and succors. The other that I had not confidence enough in the courage of my Guards, for a hundred and twenty Banditi appearing, and he perhaps having more which I had not discovered, the hazard would have been too great; believing it might bee done more privately, and that his death would be in­fallible at his return. After two hours discourse, which as much as possible he could, he sought to abbreviate, and I to prolong, that such as I had sent to way-lay him might certainly be arrived, we parted; he took horse very glad to be out of my hands, and resolved (as he afterwards made apparent) never to trust himself in them again. Being very unresolved what way to pass, at last riding round about a great Marsh, he reentred Naples by the Gate of Nola. After my discovery of this I had not time enough to send to over­take him; and in this manner both he and I mis­sed of our design. Sending before to disco­ver whether any ambuscade were in my way, I returned home by the Bridge of la Magdalena, where I found Pissacani and Longobardo mad to [Page 418] have lost so handsome an occasion, which we must with incertainty wait for another time.

Vincenzo Andrea came to me in the Evening to tell me that their time being expired, a new e­lection was to be made of Captains of the Quar­ters, and that it was of very great importance to make a good choice; I answered him, That by the Capitulations made with the Duke of Ar­cos, the nomination belonged to the People, and resolved not to infringe any of their Privi­ledges, I reserved to my self only the right of excluding such as I had cause to suspect. He re­plied, that it belonged to me alone to make the choice, and that in the morning he would bring me three Breviates of the Duke of Arcos, by which I might evince he had done the like, after he had signed the Articles that left this to the People. I appointed all those I confided in, to bring me the Names of all the Pretenders, that we might carefully examine who were most proper for us. He failed not to present me in the morning the three Breviates he had promi­sed, and employed all the rest of the day in ma­king Cabals and incensing all men against me, by representing to them that I played the Ty­rant, and usurping an absolute Authority, acted as a Soveraign, without any consideration of the Peoples advantages; depriving them even of those the Spaniards had allowed them: he ho­ped by this means to have caused me to have been slain in a Commotion, not doubting but the Breviates he had delivered me, would have incited me to a Contestation that my Authority [Page 419] ought not to be less than that of a Viceroy. In the Evening having caused a great many People to draw together in the Piazza before my Pal­lace, he came to me at the head of the Magi­strates, having cast off his disguise, to declare himself; but I had luckily such friends about me, as were not suspected, who having greater cre­dit than he, did me good service on this occasi­on. He told me, that the People very much admired that I made Captains of the Quarters on my own Authority, the Election belonging to them; that nothing could more highly offend them than to deprive them of a Priviledge for whose preservation they had taken Arms; that I ought to consider well, that this destroyed the Cities liberty instead of restoring it; making me appear rather its Tyrant than Protector. I im­mediately discovered his design, because if I fell from what I had pretended, the thanks would have been his, and persisting, he hoped to have caused me to have been slain by the People. I answered him calmly, that I could not have ima­gined his malice so black, nor his impudence so great; that he ought to recollect, that when he spoke to me of this affair, I told him I would meddle no farther in it but to exclude such as we confided not in, and that instead of lessening the Peoples Priviledges I pretended to augment them, daily hazarding my life for the advan­tage and liberty of Naples; so far I was from thought of oppressing it: that he should recol­lect that he had told me of how great import­ance it was that I made the Choice of the Cap­tains [Page 420] of the Quarters, to avoid the disorder and misfortune that might follow, if any amongst them should be ill affected or hold Correspon­dence with the Enemy; and that to let me see that none could justly take offence at my making the Nomination after the example of the Duke of Arcos, whose power was not equal to mine, he himself had brought me three Breviates, which (taking out of a Book where I expresly kept them in readiness) I shewed to all the World; which was by it sufficiently convinced, as well of his malice as my innocence. All that were affected to me, began to cry out, That it was very hard that I should be suspected and calumniated without cause; that the People ought to look upon me as their Father, being so tenderly affected towards them, and daily exposing my self to so many dangers on their be­half to procure them liberty and quiet; that they could not therefore have too great respect or compliance for me: to this there was the general assent of all that were present. Vincen­zo Andrea perceiving matters went not accord­ing to his expectation, craftily dissembling, told me, He had delivered the words he had been encharged with, but that never having had the least distrust of my proceedings, he intended to have published my Conduct to the People, and their Obligation to me, for leaving that to them, which I might with so much reason have pretended to, by the example of the Duke of Arcos his Breviates, which he himself had brought to me I replied, That I was most [Page 421] [...]ensibly obliged to him on two accounts, the first for having given me opportunity to satisfie the publick of the sincerity of my proceedings; the second, that he had discovered his subtilties, which I freely pardoned; but that I assured him I would another time stand better on my Guard, and use greater precaution, when he propounded any thing to me, or when I had any affair to treat with him about.

In the mean time I besought those that were assembled, since they were a number capable of proceeding to the Election, to do it in my presence, that I might (at least) give my sense for the exclusion of such persons as I should ei­ther suspect or dislike. They all made protesta­tion that they presented me their Votes, and besought me to nominate such as best pleased me, with assurance that they would all submit to it. I thought good to make a civil use of their respect, and taking a List of the Pretenders, read all the Names▪ and (the Friends I had be­fore-hand prepared, excepting against all such as they knew I disliked) writ before them such as had a general approbation, all be­ing very well satisfied with the Election. Then I took out of my Pocket my own List of such persons as I thought fittest for us, and reading it to them, they found it agreed with the choice they themselves had made. On this occasion I expressed a great deal of joy, that all our intentions were so good, which ap­peared by their being so conformable. I put the List into their hands, that they might cause [Page 422] an Act of the Nomination to be drawn up in the usual Forms; and at parting desired them all (e­very one in his Quarter) to let the People un­derstand the manner of my proceeding, and the cause they had to approve my Conduct.

This malicious subtilty of Vincenzo Andrea, instead of ruining, having augmented my cre­dit, and lost him his; he was afterwards as much distrusted by all the World as he had just­ly been by me. Remorse of Conscience gave him ever after continual apprehensions. He durst no longer go abroad in the Evenings, nor eat nor drink in my Pallace, as he formerly used to do, equally fearing Sword and Poyson, be­ing sensible that he deserved death in what man­ner soever it might be given him. He never af­terwards spoke of business to me but in publick, and (when possible) out of my Pallace, we being equally cautious of each other, and each of us designing to prevent the other.

Next day about Noon the Citizens complain­ed to me, that the Butchers, contrary to my Proclamation, kept Arms on their Stalls whilest they sold their meat; affronting the inhabitants, and causing them by force to take that which they desired to be rid of, in such quantities and at such price as they pleased. I presently sent and secured one, who having committed more inso­lencies than the rest, had not only given ill lan­guage, but struck a Tradesman that had refused to buy something that pleased him not, or that he thought tainted. The rest of the Butchers mutinied and took Arms, of which having [Page 423] notice, I sent Mattheo d' Amore with his Com­pany to possess himself of one of the Streets that went to the Shambles, and Onoffrio Pissa­cani and Carlo Longobardo with Two hundred Musketiers of the other. I presently went thi­ther followed by my Guards, and caused Six-score Butchers to be disarmed, and tied two and two, and in that posture led through all the Town, swearing that if I hanged not all of them, the tenth man at least should become an exam­ple. Their Wives came and cast themselves at my feet to beg their pardons, which I a great while refused, but at last condiscended that none but he that had committed the greatest in­solence should die: but I was moved by the tears of his Wife and five or six little Children, who begging only his life, and that I should cause him to be punished in such manner as I thought fit; I contented my self to have him whipped about the Streets, followed by all his Companions tied two and two as I already re­lated. His Family gave me thanks as for the greatest Clemency I could have used, and this exemplary punishment had such an effect, that after it none had ever the insolence to act con­trary to my Edicts.

Vincenzo Andrea still contriving my ruin, made use of an artifice, against which he thought it impossible for me to secure my self. He came to me accompanied by the Prince of La Rocca a Cosin of Cardinal Filomarini, most passionate for the interests of Spain, to serve which he never neglected any occasion. He [Page 424] was that year Grassiero, which is an imployment that gives him authority over all that concerns Victuals, and is exercised every year alterna­tively by a Gentleman and Gownman. They told me great abuses were committed by the inhabitants of the Villages about Naples, who every day brought plenty of Bread to sell; but held it at so high rates that the people starved. They told me this must necessarily be moderated, or the Town could not subsist. I quickly under­stood how malicious this Proposal was, because by refusing a Regulation I should incur the pub­lick hatred, and if I ordered it, no more Bread would be brought from the Countrey. I seem­ed not to discover the malice, and bid them draw up a Proclamation, which I would publish. This having been done, no more Bread came to Town; and the next day I was told that the rabble in all Streets cried out, Bread or Spain. I immediately took Horse, and shewing my self in all the Streets, my presence caused this noise to cease; and I promised them all that before night they should have plenty, informing the People of the design to have famished them: then sending my Guards to all the Villages, I commanded the Countrey people to bring in all the Bread they could, which they should sell at their own prizes. Three hours after so great a quantity came in, that during all the revoluti­ons so much was never seen together. I had a thousand benedictions from them all, which were redoubled by the expedient I found to pre­vent the Breads being sold too dear, which was [Page 425] by forbidding any to be carried back; and that all day they might sell it at as high rates as they could, but that all that remained at night should be confiscated. In this manner hope of profit made it come in from all parts, and the Citizens not being too hasty to buy, but staying till to­wards night, obliged those that sold it to take a reasonable price. This Order succeeded so well, that I caused it to be observed ever af­ter.

Intending to visit the Countrey, and fearing least in the mean time the Spaniards, very well informed of what passed, should make some at­tempt in my absence, I ordered Onoffrio Pissa­cani, Carlo Lombardo, Cicio Battimiello, and Mattheo d' Amore, to make continual rounds through all the Posts, to re inforce and second such as might be attacqued. The last of these going to the Gate of Medina, and finding the Enemy sallying repelled him briskly, but en­gaging too far, and perceiving he was cut off, cast himself and his Company into a strong House, in which he defended himself above two hours; but his powder failing, he found he could no longer resist, and resolving to die, refused Quarter: of which as soon as I had notice, resolved to save so gallant and faith­ful a person, I commanded the Guard of my Pallace to run and dis-ingage him; but I found no Officer to whom to give my Orders, the Captain being accidentally absent: but Colonel Diego Peres (this being the first time of his co­ming abroad after his hurt, which was not yet [Page 426] healed) thinking I would not send him, out of con­deration of his weakness, went down Stairs with­out saying any thing to me; and taking his Sedan, caused himself to be carried thither; where his courage supplying his want of strength, drawing his Sword, and creeping as well as he could, he not only dis-ingaged Mattheo d' Amore, but struck such a terror in the Spaniards, that they abandoned all the Posts they held on that side, he advancing to the Court of Guard of the Vice-Roys Pallace; which I could not have believed, had not the Spaniards themselves acknowledg­ed it to me in the time of my imprisonment. I saw then the return of two persons that were very dear to me, and to whom I was obliged for their valour and zeal to my service: I failed not (by caressing them) to signifie the esteem I held them in, and my joy, that Heaven had pre­served them to me.

I was very glad that Bread (though dear) was plentiful, but Vincenzo Andrea would have deprived me of this satisfaction, by making it useless to me; and did his best that the money I had coined, by his advice might be no longer cur­rant; a great deal of it having already passed, and being in the hands of poor people in a star­ving condition. But this was easily remedied by a Proclamation that none should refuse it on pain of death. I was so absolute and so much feared, that none durst disobey my Orders; they which did so, being with­out remission, immediately punished. Thus his ill designes came short of effect, and the [Page 427] mischief was prevented almost before it ap­peared.

There were no more disorders heard of in the Town, no robberies, burnings of Hou­ses, nor any other violences; but I satisfied not my self with that which seemed so little to me, though any body else would have believed they had effected impossibilities; and I resolved to re-establish Justice, and make appear that I knew how to erect her Throne in the midst of a Civil War, and the Noise of Arms. I assem­bled such as had formerly been Judges or were persons capable of it, and in two dayes settled the Exchequer, where I made John Camillo Ca­racciol [...] President, a man of great experience, and the fittest of all others for that Employment, and Francisco de Pati to assist him, in recom­pence of the advice he had given me of the de­signs of the Abbot Basqui; and appointed all o­ther Officers necessary for that Court. I resto­red the Council of St. Clare, formed the Civil and Criminal Vicary, ordered the Judges to wear their Robes, and not fail daily to assemble at the Tribunals; and all businesses of this nature were so carefully managed that more Law-Suits were decided and terminated in two moneths, than had been formerly dispatched in ten years, and with so great equity and punctuality, that all Sentences and Decrees made during my Au­thority, were valid afterwards, without any pretence and less reason of appeal from them; which gained me so much esteem, that as long as Naples stands, my memory will be honoura­ble. [Page 428] The same of this went through all Italy, causing admiration that in a time of so great dif­ficulty, and a place of so much confusion and disorder, I could in such a manner regulate af­fairs; of whose effects I quickly became sensible. But that which obliged the Judges to be so exact in their duty, was that every Wednesday and Saturday I took an accompt of all their determi­nations, and finding a Sentence defective or di­sputable, I caused a rehearing in my presence, and none was put in execution till I had consi­dered and approved it. Twice I altered what they had done, and gave Sentence my self with Soveraign Authority; which appeared to be so just and reasonable, that none could object a­gainst what I had declared: which was put in ex­ecution after my imprisonment.

That I might get greater light of all the Ene­mies practices, I ordered Augustino Mollo, and two or three of his friends, whom I could trust, to send to desire the Viceroys leave to accept the Charges I had given them; by this means aug­menting the Enemies confidence in them, to en­able them the more easily to give me good and certain intelligence: and in like manner, by my Order, they sometimes acquainted him with my secret intentions, when they were such as I thought it an advantage to me to discover them to him. This proved very useful, but caused the said Mollo to be suspected of Correspondence, and made the People jealous of him: but I must needs give this Testimony of him, that no man in Naples served me more faithfully; having [Page 429] discovered two or three Conspiracies against my life, and secured me from many dangers that without his counsel (which was ever successful to me) I could not have avoided.

The Nineteenth of February, the Spaniards received great mortification, and my self and People extraordinary joy, by the arrival of Don John of St. Severine, Earl of La Saponara, and afterwards Prince of Besignano, chief of the an­cientest and noblest Family of the Kingdom, and whose grandeur could not be supprest by the persecution of many Kings; and particular­ly of Ladislaus, who caused two and twenty of it at once to be slain in the Castle of Laina, (whither they came on his Parole) incensed by their having drawn into the Field in eight dayes Eighteen thousand Foot, all of their Tenants, and in four and twenty hours Seven thousand Horse, by them to have secured themselves a­gainst his oppression. As he passed over the Market-place, the People ran to kiss his feet, and I received him with open arms; he brought me the best News imaginable, which was the general dissatisfaction of all the Nobility, who expected only the example of some of the chief of their Order to follow it; and very few or none at all being comparable to him in the ad­vantages either of Birth or Riches, he was de­sirous to be the first in demonstrating his affecti­on to his Countrey, by hazarding his life to se­cond my good intentions, and contribute to its repose and liberty. He told me he came to re­ceive my Orders, and obey them with as much [Page 430] submission as fidelity; that his Family had been the last that followed the fortune of that of An­jou, from which being well informed that I de­scended, he came to reverence in my Person the Blood of his ancient Kings; since whose time the Countrey had been so cruelly oppressed by Tyrants, whom he resolved to suffer no longer; that persons of his quality ought never to lose occasions of breaking their Fetters, when Hea­ven and Fortune gives them means to do it; that the Spaniards had done all that tended to the Kingdoms destruction; that he abandoned them not, till they had abandoned themselves; and that neither reason nor honour obliged the No­bility to suffer themselves to be involved in their ruin, since all things well considered, they were rather Usurpers than lawful Masters; that being well informed of the condition of their affairs, he perceived their ruin to be infallible, being in a general want of all things and no succors to be from any part expected; that nothing was need­ful towards compleating so great an enterprise as mine, which I had carried on with such re­solution and good conduct; but (besides the re­turn of the French Fleet) the possessing my self of one of the Castles of Naples, and then the First of May, when the Nobility should be dis­engaged from their Oath of Fidelity, by the Protestation they had made, they would most certainly declare with us, for which he could be responsible, by the certain knowledge he had of their intentions; and that then the ruin of the Spaniards was infallible: that besides this [Page 431] there was another way to the same end, more speedy and no less safe, which was, that aban­doning the Town I should march into Apulia, the fittest place for a rendezvous, because in the middle of the Kingdom; that as soon as I should be there all the Nobility would come in to me, and place me at their head; that I should then immediately raise a great Army, with which re­turning to Naples, I might at once destroy the Enemy there; that by this means I should free the Nobility from distrust, who, coming to me, would suppose they re-united themselves with the People, whereas they desired I should owe my fortune to them alone; that apprehen­sion of the fortified places of the Kingdom ought to give me no trouble, for they were entirely unprovided of all things necessary for defence; besides that, there was not one of them, in which some Gentlemen had not intelligence and credit enough, to become Master: that I had nothing to do, but let a little time pass, after which I should neither want Money, Men, nor Provisions; that on the Five and twentieth of April, the Custom-House of Foggia would pay me down in ready money Six hundred thousand Crowns; that if I would make him President of the two Calabria's, he doubted not in less than three weeks to draw together Six thousand Foot and Two thousand Horse, and to deliver me in Silk, Salt, and Oil, the value of more than a Million of Gold; that for Corn I should find in Apulia and Basilocata more than was necessary to supply the Town of Naples two years; and [Page 432] that in a word he would be responsible for the Conquest of the Kingdome: that there needed only a little time and patience to see the effect of the Mines which were almost ready to be fired.

I must confess his Discourse charmed me, and that I used all endeavours to give him testimo­nies of my acknowledgements, and how much I thought my self obliged to him. I told him his arrival assured me of the Nobilities declaring, whose intentions I never distrusted; though I ever thought such an example as his necessary to con­firm such as were yet irresolute; that I doubted not to see him quickly followed by all persons of quality that remained; that this was not the first time that the Family of St. Severine had influence over the whole Kingdome; that I ever held it in very great esteem and Veneration, and should be unworthy the Family of Anjou, from which I descended, if I had not an hereditary affection for it; that I was yet more engaged by his handsom manner of proceeding with me, for which I would never prove ungrateful; and that I would never pretend a fortune, but on ac­count of sharing with himself and friends, all its advantages; that I was well informed of the extremities the Spaniards were reduced to, whom I could no longer fear, and now I had him on my side, contemned; that assuring my self of all he had told me, I (with pleasure look­ed on the Conquest of the Kingdom, as in a man­ner perfected, and the design I had undertaken of giving it liberty as infallible, yet without any [Page 433] other interest, than the glory to have con­tributed towards it with peril of my life, that ly I should afterwards die with satisfaction, sup­posing my memory would be eternal, I (by his assistance) becoming the most illustrious Person of my time; that I expected the return of the French Fleet with as much assurance as impati­ence, after which the taking of the Castles and driving away the Enemy would be no longer a business; that my intention had ever been to have gone into Apulia, to assemble the Nobili­ty, as he had advised me, and would do it as soon as my Brother the Knight of Maltha should arrive, whom I intended to leave in Naples, which I should infallibly lose if I abandoned it, though I valued it not but in regard of reputati­on being certain to re-take it without difficulty, as soon as I should appear before it followed by the Nobility; that with a very good will I gave him the Charge of President of the two Cala­bria's, and what ever else he should desire of me, which was indeed only to present him what his own credit and declaration for me put me in a condition to dispose of. He tarried but two dayes with me, so great was his impatience to bring to effect all the advantages he had given me hope of. He desired some French men might go with him, and I gave him the Baron Durand and two or three others, with Don Carlo Gaeti (whom with the Dutchess his Wife I afterwards saw here) for Commissary General of his Horse.

[Page 434]Whilst he acts in Calabria, it will be best (not to interrupt the dependencies of my discourse) to return to what passed with me in the mean time, and relate the order I sent to the Sieur de Mallet, to post himself on the Voltorno, so to streighten Capua, by cutting off its Navigation on this River, and Communication with the Sea. He sent three hundred men towards Gracianisa, to entrench themselves on the River side, who dislodged some Troops they found there, and Dom Lewis Poderico having made an ineffectual attempt upon him, returned with greater force, and caused some foot to fall on, which was vi­gorously beaten off: but having made a shew of retreating, he returned to the attacque an hour after; and for encouraging his Foot, caused two or thrve hundred horsemen to alight, which after a skirmish of half an hour, forced my men to retreat, with the loss of thirty or forty slain on the place. Thus we lost that Post which we had kept three dayes, and the Enemy understanding its importance, caused it to be fortified and in­trenched in such a manner, that the difficulty of retaking it, caused us to lose the thought of it.

Two dayes after, a furious Skirmish happened near St. Maries of Capua, which lasted two or three hours with equal advantage to either side, The Sieur de Mallet unable to imagine on what account Don Lewis Poderico had caused him to be engaged, as soon as it was at an end, disco­vered, that while he amuzed him by this Skir­mish, he had caused the Mills of Morrone to be [Page 435] burnt, supposing we should have been more in­commoded than we were by it.

The next day the Sieur de Mallet sent me word that Don Lewis de Poderico had intimated to him that he desired a personal Meeting, by my permission, which I granted, with order to sound him as much as possible, and seek as well to discover his thoughts as those of the Nobility that were with him in Capua. Each of these endeavoured to gain the other by many propo­sals and advantageous offers: and after a Con­ference of two hours parted without con­cluding any thing but a settlement of quarter between them, with many expressions of recri­procal esteem and kindness.

Don John of Austria in the mean time percei­ving his Troops very much weakned, resolved to reform them, but changed his thoughts when he found all his Officers ready to mutiny, and wanting money as well as victuals, which was necessary to prevent his mens disbanding, he was fain to melt his Plate, to give them some­thing of satisfaction by that small assistance. The King of Spain having no intimation of his ha­ving been declared Viceroy in place of the Duke of Arcos, who he knew could no longer con­tinue at Naples, and was become useless to his service, by reason of the general distrust and contempt of his person, sent him order to go a­way, and to the Earl of Ognate to com­mand in his place in quality of Viceroy. This being the only thing he desired, he endeavour­red to put himself into a condition of bringing [Page 434] [...] [Page 435] [...] [Page 436] supplies both of money and victual.

He took up at Genoa two hundred thousand Crowns on his own credit, putting it abord the Galley of Captain John Andrew Brignolle, and some little Corn on another, himself also going abord, and intending for Gaeta, from whence he dispatched Dom Antonio de Cabrera to Don John of Austria, to acquaint him with his ar­rival, and the choice had been made in Spain of his person. Don John was surprised at this news which he little expected, but comporting himself with much discretion, concealed his re­sentments, and at his arrival on the second of March, received him with as great demonstra­tions of joy, as if he had come on some other account then to dispossess him of his authority. I expected that an emulation between them would cause a division, by which I hoped to make advantage; but whatsoever their thoughts were, they concealed them with so great dis­simulation, that nothing appeared. The Earl of Eril, Don John's high Steward, returning from Madrid, whether he had carried the news of the Duke of Arcos his renunciation, and the possession Don John had taken of the Viceroi­ship, brought with him a Confirmation of his Authority, and an Order to the Earl of Ognate not to stir from Rome: but having already re­signed his Charge, he would not reassume it, reserving only the badges and appearances of the supreme authority, with the quality of Plenipo­tentiary in all Italy.

The arrival of this new Minister troubed [Page 437] me, apprehending his wit and active spirit, and being (to my displeasure) sensible that Heaven hath seldom failed of a miracle in favour of the House of Austria, when at the point of destru­ction. The arrival of these two Gallies preven­ted the effects of the despair the Spaniards were reduced to, by bringing money enough to pay their Troops a Muster, and some little corn, no more being left than was sufficient for four dayes.

Reports beginning to be spred through all Italie of our Enemies wants and weakness, of the dissatisfaction of the Nobility, and establish­ment of my authority, all Princes thought it time to take their measures; and as there are but very few of them that have not some con­siderable Revenues in the Kingdom of Naples, they begin to apply themselves to me for their preservation, with good words and wishes, but no assistance. My friendship was sought after, and advises were sent me; and this in particu­lar from a person very powerfull and well infor­med, that I should use all means to rid my hands of Gennaro, who betrayed me, and was alone capable of precipitating me from the height to which fortune had raised me. The best of Ge­noa, the greatest part of their fortunes lying in this Kingdom, had recourse to my protection, sig­nifying themselves to be much concerned in my successes, and assuring me that whatsoever I pre­tended from that Republick should be granted me. The Cardinals and other great persons at Rome, moved by the same interest, sent me daily [Page 438] protestations of their friendship and service. Nay Prince Lodovisio himself, as zealous as he had e­ver appeared for the Spaniards, made applica­tion to me, fearing the loss of his Principality of Venosa, which caused me to judge that he looked on my affairs as in a successful posture. The Con­stable Colonna offered me, that if by some Con­fiscation I would secure to him an equivalent of what he had in Sicily, he would come and exer­cise under me the Charge of Constable of the Kingdom. The Republick of Venice ordered their Resident to demand Audience of me (with I thrice gave him) and to compliment me on the happy success of my Enterprise, which I ought to compleat by following my good for­tune, with assurance, that were it not for the pressures that lay upon them by reason of the Turkish Warr, they would as well assist me with money as vows and prayers, conjuring me, (as soon as I should arrive at a settlement, which they hoped to see very sodainly) to permit them to make Levies in this Country to serve them in their present necessity, and secure Candie a­gainst the attempts of the Infidels.

The Pope believing, that at the arrival of the French Fleet the Spaniards would be forced to leave all, and informed that orders to that purpose were already come, and that they were to attend the Succors of Spain in Gaeta and other Maritime Towns, and that this resolution had twice arrived at the point of being put in practice, apprehen­ed that France making advantage by it, would possess it self of the Kingdom of Naples. This [Page 439] giving him an extraordinary jealousie, obliged him to flatter and incourage my ambition, by representing that if I had thoughts of assuming the Throne, of whose ascent I wanted but one step, all Italy would assist me; for whose liberty and my preservation he would make a league; and that to testifie the affection he had for me, he should think himself obliged to more than counsels and prayers; and if I undertook this glorious design, promised to invest me, and of­fered to lend me three hundred thousand Crowns. Not transported by vanity I answered him, that his affection layed infinite obligations upon me, that time would instruct me what should be fit for me to do after the Spaniards should be driven away; but that in the mean time I did not only accept the money he was pleased to promise me, but (being in extreme want of it) most humbly besought him to supply me with it sodainly, after which I assured him he should quickly see compleated the designe I had undertaken, and advanced so farr contrary to the opinion of all the world. He reiterated his proffers, but the money came not, only his bare advice that I should not forget what he told me at parting, with advertisement to di­strust all mankind, and above all equally to ap­prehend both France and Spain, and have a great care of the security of my Person. All things encouraged my hopes, and made me judge my self nearer the haven than I had thought, since the world seemed so throughly perswaded of my good fortune, and the enemies ruine. These [Page 438] [...] [Page 439] [...] [Page 440] appearances gave me some prospect of good success, and I thought so intelligent and well informed persons, as all the Princes of Italy, mo­ved not in such a manner on my consideration, without discovering at a distance, what the en­combrance of the affairs that lay upon me hin­dered me from discerning so clearly. I therefore thought I was to be more carefull of my Con­duct, and to consider as well my own actions as theirs I was jealous of, without neglect of the smallest matters, because the Spaniards being so near their ruin, would leave no wayes unattemp­ted for procuring mine.

My just apprehension of Gennaro's practices, made me resolve to dispatch him at the first op­portunity, and to that end to endeavour to pos­sess my self of the Carmelites Tower. And doubting the Spaniards might by money get some of our Posts▪ which for five moneths toge­ther had been commanded by the same persons, which must needs discover to them who were corruptible, I put the people in mind how much those persons must necessarily be wearied by so long a continuance in armes, that therefore they ought to have rest, and their fidelity and courage be reserved for important enterprises, with­out obliging them to continual fatigue. My pro­position was received with incredible applause, and they resolved to put the Guard of the Town into my hands, and trust their safety to me, pres­sing me to make such levies as I thought neces­sary, and nominate the Officers, and they would find arms for the Souldiers I should list. I had [Page 441] already a settled Stock for their subsistance, and wanted money only for the Levies, which could amount to no great sum. I had 20000 Crowns at Rome, which I resolved to send for by Au­gustine de Lieto, to whom I gave eight Felucca's well armed. He provided for his departure, but was hindered by ill weather till the tenth of March. He had enriched himself by many moveables which he intended to take with him, as Pictures, Plate and other goods of value, and as persons of low birth are most easily transpor­ted to vanity, he would needs take with him a great Train and Equipage, with part of my Mu­sick, and instead of a speedy return, stayed to divert himself at Rome, and shew his splendor and magnificence, which proved the cause of my ruin; for if I had received my money time enough, after my Levies had been compleated, I would have changed the Guards of all the Posts every night, by drawing of lots, by which means it would have been impossible for the Spaniards to have taken any certain measures since they could not foresee who they were to deal with. I now wanted not good and experienced Officers; for besides many Frenchmen which came daily to me, most of the Neapolitans that serv­ed in Flanders, Catalonia, and the Dutchy of Milan ran away, and came to me in Troops; and (had not my ruin been so sodain) not one of them would have continued in those Armies.

At this time France lost a most probable op­portunity; for had she given me the least assi­stance, [Page 442] the weakness of the Enemies forces in the Dutchy of Milan would have made its Con­quest easie, whilest I deprived Spain of the Crown of Naples, which by its Men, Money, and Naval Forces, alone maintained the War of Catalonia and Italy, and the greatest part of the Charge of that of Flanders, as well as the Embassies of Rome, Germany, Venice, and Genoua.

The Ninth of March Augustine de Lieto go­ing to Posilippo to embark with my dispatches, Vincenzo Andrea that waited an occasion to make the People rise against me, seconded by Gennaro and the Peoples Elect, thought he had met the best imaginable; giving out that having pillaged the Town, I resolved to be gone; and that by the Felucca's that were ready to set sail, I sent before me to Rome, whatsoever was rare and precious. About ten a Clock at night Au­gustino Mollo brought to me Captain Ignatio Spagnuollo to acquaint me with Vincenzo An­drea's Order to him to be ready with his Compa­ny. which consisted of Three hundred Labo­rers, to kill me the next morning in my Pallace; that the resolution had been taken, but he assu­red me of his fidelity, and that he would keep his men in Arms, to march whithersoever I com­manded them.

The Tenth in the morning I visited all the Town, to take cognizance of whatsoever was in agitation, and perceived the People some­what altered, by the apprehension had been gi­ven them of my design to plunder and abandon [Page 443] them. I disabused very many of them, and sent Orders to Augustin de Lieto not to set sail, be­fore he received an important dispatch from me, which I would go about immediately after din­ner. Whilest I was writing, Hieronimo Fabra­ni my Secretary, came in great disorder to tell me, that there was an insurrection, and above Four thousand men in Arms in the Market-place, all whose talk was of coming to cut off my head in my Pallace. He was enraged to see that in­stead of concerning my self at this advice, I laughed at it as a trifle: another person came immediately to confirm it with no less disqui­et and apprehension than the former: I there­fore called for Horses, and sending for the Knight de Fourbin, gave him Order to go to the Market-place, and see what passed, and carefully observing the countenances and actions of all, take notice what Leaders appeared at the Head of these Mutineers, and what he could hear them say. I called for Boots, but my servants were in such disorder, they knew not what they did, and sought all up and down for what they had in their hands. By that time I had put on my Boots, the Knight de Fourbin came to tell me that Five or Six thousand men were in Armes in the Market-place, and Gen­naro and Vincenzo Andrea at their Head; that they were much incensed, and continually cried, God and the People. This News pleased me, be­cause nothing of Spain being intermixed, I knew it was no more than a Commotion, which my presence would easily pacifie. He hastened [Page 444] me to go down and take Horse, that I might be in a condition to appear and defend my self.

At the arrival of the Mutineers, I heard a great noise before my Pallace, and looking out of my Window, saw all such of the People as had no Arms run away for fear, and made a sign with my Hat to them to stand, crying out, That it was nothing but a little disorder, which I would instantly remedy. I went down and mounting a great and fiery Courser, took with me fifteen of the best Musketiers of the Guard, which that day was of Diego Peres his Regi­ment, he himself went along, and I command­ed him to keep still before my Horse, to do what I should appoint him: I then sent to all our Posts, that care might be taken of their se­curity, and that they might be very vigilant, to prevent the Enemies taking advantage by the greatness of the disorder was likely to be in the Town: afterwards I marched, and had hardly gone Two hundred Paces, when, hard by the Gate of Capua, over against a Chappel called St. Catharines, I perceived Vincenzo Andrea with his Sword drawn, on an Isabella coloured Horse with a white Mane and Tail, which Po­lito Pastena had given Gennaro, who was like­wise himself at the Head of the Mutiniers on a Black Courser, continually crying out, God and the People. As soon as I came within Thirty Paces, I fired upon them, minding my Musketiers to take good aim, which they performed so ill, that none was either slain or [Page 445] hurt; yet Vincenzo and Gennaro ran instantly a­way: the last of these regained the Carmelites Tower, where he shut himself up with so much fear, that he appeared no more that day, nor suffered any to enter; the other by the swiftness of his Horse got to the Market-place, from thence to seek a secure retreat. I immediately rid up to this revolted People, and asking them who had caused them to take Arms, and on what pretence? they told me they had been in­formed, that I intended to go away and aban­don them to the fury of the Spaniards, carry­ing with me all that was rich and precious in their Town: I replied, They might have easily observed, in the time I had been amongst them, that avarice was not my vice, of which they should never have a pretence to accuse me, but if they thought me guilty, and gave so easie be­lief to Traitors, that cried me down, in order to their immediate destruction, or were dissatis­fied with my Conduct and Service, they might have let me know it without coming tumultu­ously to murther me; and that having Felucca's ready at Posilippo, and the wind favorable (if my misfortune rendered me disagreeable to them) I would embark immediately, and they should afterwards become sensible whether Gennaro and Vincenzo Andrea (who had a suffi­cient influence over them to cause them to take Arms against me) would prove more faithful and useful to them, and whether they were able to save them from the revenge and cruelty of the Spaniards, prevent the plundering and burn­ing [Page 446] their Houses, secure the honour of their Wives, and preserve their lives, as well as their Childrens, as I had to that time done; or assure them of the liberty and quiet I promised them, if they would afterwards have more kindness for me, a greater sense of my services, and less confidence in Traitors, that sought my destructi­on, only in order to reduce them under the Spa­nish Tyranny.

All these Mutineers were mollified by my dis­course, and cried out, They deserved not the affection I had for them; that they would all die for me, and that all such as loved me not, or refused to obey me, were to be dragged a­bout the Streets and hung up by the feet. Fol­low me then, my friends, said I, and let us to­gether pacifie the disorder of the Town, I will establish quiet, and employ the remainder of my life, to obtain you a lasting freedom from oppression. I kept on towards the Mar­ket-place, followed by them all with a thousand benedictions and acclamations of God and his Highness, without once mentioning the Peo­ple, to make it appear that they looked on my interests as the same with their own.

Coming to the Market-place I spoke much in the manner I had done before, to such as I found there, which was heard with the same demon­strations of respect and kindness. Onoffrio Pogane, one of the highliest affected to Genna­ro, and all others that I suspected, was brought to me with twenty Rapiers points at his breast, and I made his Company lay down their [Page 447] Armes, after a severe reprehension for his ha­ving caused them to take them up without my Order, and for his having been one of those that marched at the head of such as came to attempt my life; giving me some marks of his penitence, or rather of his fear, I pardoned him, with or­der to go to his Quarter, and take care that all might be peaceable.

As I went out of the Market-place, I saw a great concourse of people come the length of a Street, and perceived it to be the Peoples Elect, who with as many as he could draw together, came to joyn with Gennaro and Vincenzo. He was carried in an open Sedan with his Sword drawn, and instead of appeasing the Tumult, endeavoured by his discourse to make a new Commotion. His surprisal at meeting me was great, and augmented when he saw all his com­panions joyn with those that followed me, and cry out, more than the rest, God and his High­ness. The people looked upon me, and by a moti­on of their hands demanded my permission to cut off his Head, and drag him about the Streets, but I by another sign let them know I would not have it done; and perceiving him a little come to himself, asked him what he pretended? and whither he went? He told me, that having heard there was a disturbance in the Town, he went to seek me to receive my Orders, and know what was to be done. I then appointed him to cause all the Inhabitants to lay down their Arms, and assemble the Magistrates at St. Austins, and from thence come home to [Page 448] me, to know what I would command him far­ther.

The Knight de Fourbin meeting Vincenzo Andrea, presenting his Pistol to his Breast, ask­ed, Who he was for? the other answered, For God and the People, and this being that which was ordinarily said, he durst not fire; but thought to bring him to me, which the other apprehend­ing, escaped by the swiftness of his Horse. It was my misfortune that I had not enough open­ed my self to the Knight de Fourbin in this parti­cular, who apprehending I might blame him for using any violence without order, failed of ridding me of the most dangerous Person of Naples, and whose death was the most necessary to me.

I afterwards rid round the Town, which my presence and discourse quieted, and returning to Porta, I was told that some were intrenching themselves at La Pietra del Pesce, Onoffrio Pa­gano's Quarter; I sent two young men, Bro­thers, called the Riga's, that were well beloved in the Town, to tell the Captain, that if as I came that way I found not the Trenches slighted, or if I perceived the least murmure or distur­bance, I would cause him to be hanged by the foot. He obeyed my Orders with all marks of respect and entire submission. Thus leaving all quiet, I returned to my Pallace, there to ex­pect the Peoples Elect, with the Captains of the Quarters, whom I had commanded to come thither, to hear from me what they were to do on an occasion so difficult and dangerous.

[Page 449]This great Tumult vanished like a Fire of Straw, and as it began without occasion, ended without effusion of bloud, though in all appear­ance, its consequences were likely to have been very fatal. The Peoples Elect coming to me, followed by all the Captains of the several Quar­ters and Magistrates of the City, I complained of his proceeding, and that his endeavours had tended more to incense than appease the People; telling him that if for the future any such distur­bances happened, he was to know of me how he should comport himself and receive my Or­ders; that the business being so well passed o­ver, I would once again give Testimonies of my Clemency, but they should be the last; for at the next disturbance that happened I would make exemplary punishments. After he had of­tentimes besought my pardon, he also begged it for Vincenzo Andrea, to which at the request of the Captains of the Quarters, I condiscend­ed, with security to come and acknowledge his fault, and cast himself at my feet. He came presently after, and falling on his Knees before me, at first pretended to justifie himself and make excuses, but afterwards acknowledging that his Crime deserved the severest punishment, protested, that in consideration of his life that I had given him, he would afterwards be the most faithful and submissive of all men. I told him he was to thank the Magistrates of the Town that had interceded for it; for whom I had too great a respect to deny them any thing: that his attempt upon my life merited the most [Page 450] cruel punishments; that he should take are of his future comportment, that no faults of his could be pardonable after so many relapses, and that he should be mindful of the testimonies he had received of my goodness, and of his own ingratitude and obstinate malice; that I would watch him narrowly, very well understanding all his designs and intrigues, and that the least false step should expose him to be punished as a Disturber of the publick quiet, a Traytor to his Country, and Correspondent of its Tyrants: afterwards beginning to rally with him, I advi­sed him never to take Arms, since he carried his Sword so unhandsomly, that he ought no [...] to appear in such a ridiculous posture; but con­tent himself with his Pen, which he could use bet­ter and which better became him.

I sent to Gennaro to come to me on my Parole, and that he should make haste whilest I was in the humor of pardoning. He was willing to o­bey me, but fearing the People would tear him in pieces by the way, sent to desire my Guards for a Convoy, which was no more than necessa­ry, the Women railing at him, and the Com­mon People every moment ready to fall upon him. At his arrival he fell on his Knees before me, and kissed my feet, weeping and trem­bling, being naturally very timorous; I let him continue a good while in this posture, unable to say any thing more to me, than conjure me for the sake of our Lady of the Carmelites and St. Gennaro to spare his life, embracing my Knees with all his strength. At last I caused him [Page 451] to arise, with assurance that I had forgot all his Crimes, and that he needed fear nothing, provi­ded he became more faithful and more discreet for the future. I reproached him that he could not deny that had not my arrival at Naples pre­vented it, he had been put to death the next day; that this was the third sedition I had par­doned him for; that he had several times intend­ed to attempt against my life, and that I knew the occasion of his coming to seek me at Jasper de Romero's; that I was not ignorant of his Cor­respondence with the Enemy, all particulars whereof I could tell him; that I had informati­on of his Negotiations with France to ruin me, by which he had hindered me from being assisted, and the People supplied; that himself should be judge what his ingratitude for me, and disloy­alty to his Countrey merited. He answered one­ly with tears, and falling again on his Knees, in­cessantly cried. Mercy, Mercy. I told him that for the sakes of the Magistrates I granted it him; but let him know it was the last time, and that for my better security I would place a Garrison in the Carmelites Tower; but would not never­theless take its Command from him, where he should continue with his Si [...]score men for his Guard; but that I would send one of the Peo­ples Companies thither, which should be relie­ved every night. By this, said I, we shall be out of fear of the Enemies practices, you shall be Master there as long as you remain faithful, and if you cease to be so, both your Tower and Person shall be in my hands. I immediately [Page 452] commanded Mattheo d' Amore to march thither with his Company, and Gennaro to send order for his reception; for security of which I kept him with me, till I should have notice that I was obeyed. Thus I drew from this sedition an aug­mentation of my credit, and possest my self of the most important Post of the Town. Mat­theo d' Amore sending me word that his Company had admittance, I dismissed the Magistrates and Gennaro, who never afterwards came at me, alledging for excuse that he was no longer safe in the Town, that the People (on occasion of this last Tumult) had such a hatred for him, they could neither see nor hear him named without horror. I sent after Augustine de Lieto, that he should make all the haste he possibly could to bring me Money (which would secure and soon compleat my enterprise) and publish in Rome the good success of this happy day.

The Auditor General being in the interim returned from Aversa, with the informations, I caused the Tri [...]ls of Colonel Antonio de Calco, and the Horse Captain Andrea Rama, convicted of design to debauch my men and carry them to the Enemy to be made an end of, and they were condemned to die, and though they offer­ed Twenty thousand Crowns (of which I stood in very great need) for their pardons, I thought an Example more necessary. Marco Pisano, who had been shaved as a Clergyman, appealed to Ecclesiastical Justice, which I would not allow, saying, I could not look upon him as a Priest, be­ing an Officer actually in Arms, and at the Head [Page 453] of Troops. The Twelfth of March Executi­on was publickly made in the Market-place, with general applause, and their Estates being confiscated, I used all endeavour to discover the money they had offered me, but they had hid it so well I could get no news of it, and had no­thing belonging to them, but a very fair and good Horse, which I gave the Knight de Four-bin, that was killed under me the day I was ta­ken Prisoner.

The Spaniards reduced to extreamest want, not having Victuals sufficient for their Troops and Garrisons of their Castles, desirous to free themselves of all useless mouths, permitted all people that lived within their limits, to go to us; by which means so many arrived in the space of two dayes, as made a great discovery of the general inclination, We did our selves prejudice by the reception of so many persons, who must otherwise have eaten upon the Ene­my: but after two dayes refusal, we not being in so great scarcity, I had compassion for so many people perishing by hunger, and at the requests of their friends and relations received all that came, because being of that Countrey, the Spaniards had so great hatred for them, that they would gladly have seen every one of them exterminated. I now thought my affairs in so good a condition, that (with a little patience) I might assure my self to see them arrive at a hap­py conclusion. I used all possible endeavour to get Corn enough to restore plenty to Naples, and promising payment to the Proprietors, a [Page 454] hundred and fifty thousand load was provided in Apulia, and fourscore thousand in Basilica­ta, on which a moderate price was set; but there being some difficulty for bringing it to me by reason of the Town of Ariana that lay in the way, I endeavoured to become Master of it, which proved easie, by a Treaty with the Mar­quiss of Bonalbergo, which (to my great sorrow) proved fatal to him: He sent a Friar to assure me of his service, and propound the besieging it, that delivering it to me, he might become my Prisoner of War, and that afterwards being set at liberty on his Parole, never any more to bear Arms against me, he might unsuspected pass in­to Calabria, and making his friends and relati­ons declare, possess himself of the greatest part of the strong places of that Province, where he had very great credit, being rich, and of the Noble and Ancient Family of Spinelli. The joy I received at this welcome News may easily be imagined. I presently caused Six thousand men to march, one thousand of them of La Cava, commanded by Diego Sorrentino, whom I had made Colonel after the attacque of the Posts, where he had behaved himself very well; as ma­ny of Nocera under their own Officers, and the rest were of St. Severin and the Troops of Paul of Naples, who after his death obeyed Horatio Vassallo, aad Diego Vassallo his Uncle; and appointed the Sieur de Villepreux (at pre­sent Mayor of Bourdeaux, whom I acquainted with my design) to command the whole. As [...] as Ariana was invested, the inhabitants [Page 455] took Arms in my favour, and killing at the Gate the Auditor Carlo Ruffo, that pretended to de­fend it, with Veneroso Secretary to the Duke of Salsa, President of the Province of Monte Fus­colo that came thither, after his having abandon­ed Monte Fuscolo, when Petro Crescentio pos­sessed himself of it. After the death of those two persons Ariana yielded and was not plun­dered. The Duke of Salsa and his two Sons, the Marquiss of Bonalbergo, with his Son Don Carlo Spinelli, Don Lewis Cavaniglia and his Brother, retired to the Castle, which they yielded on Articles, that their lives being sa­ved, they should be sent prisoners to me: but our soldiers getting drunk at the joy of so good success, they that belonged to St. Severine, ac­customed to all sorts of villanies, disorders, and cruelties, by the examples of Paul of Naples, seised on these Gentlemen, and (what ever the Sieur de Villepreux could do to the contrary) dragged them to the Market-place, where these raskals having disarmed and bound them, kil­led the Duke of Salsa in cold blood with three Musket-bullets, and cut off his head, doing the like afterwards to the Marquiss of Bonalbergo, the best of my friends, and from whom I ex­pected great and considerable services; the Ca­vaniglia's and the Duke of Salsa's Sons, about fifteen or sixteen years of age, with Don Carlo Spinelli that was but fourteen, hardly escaping the fury of these Barbarians: who after this horrible action cast themselves at the feet of the Sieur de Villepreux, to beg pardon for the vio­lence [Page 456] offered to his Person; protesting to be e­ver after obedient to him, and that they had not gone so far, but out of fear he would have prevented the Massacre they had resolved, af­ter which he dismissed them, reserving no more then such a Garrison as was necessary for the defence of Ariana (whose Government I had given him) making choice of the best and dis­creetest of the soldiers. It is easie to conceive my sorrow at receipt of this strange News, which deprived me of all relish of so important a Vi­ctory, which at that instant not only freed me from want, but secured me such plenty, as could no more fail, the way being open to bring without Convoy enough to serve us two years.

Two dayes after the prisoners were brought me, the two Cavaniglia's bound, the others not so, because Children. I instantly discharged the Cavaniglia's, on condition never more to carry Arms against me. I sent the Duke of Sal­sa's Children to their Relations, after I had let them understand my sorrow for the death of their Father, and proffered them all manner of Civilities, with promise by serving them to mi­tigate the sorrow of the loss they so passionate­ly resented. I most affectionately embraced Don Carlo Spinelli, wept for his Fathers misfor­tune, my Obligations to whom I promised to make good to the Son, and to be ever his ser­vant. I kept him with me till I heard from his relations, to whom I signified by Letters the great share I had in their affliction, they them­selves [Page 457] not being more sensibly concerned. The poor youth, very handsom and very witty, re­ceived so well these testimonies of my kindness and sorrow, that he promised never to forget them, but to remain all his life inseparable from my interests. After some dayes I returned him to his Grandmother, the Princess of St. George, that sent for him; and I must confess that one of my greatest regrets during my imprisonment, was that I wanted time to punish the Authors of so horrid a Cruelty, on which account whilest I live nothing can comfort me.

The Banditi giving me new disturbances by the like actions through the whole Kingdom, I resolved to take an opportunity to discharge my self of all their Leaders; who by their out­rages and plunderings, made useless all my en­deavours to gain the Nobility, as soon as any of whom seemed affected to me, they sought to disgust them by ill usage. Polito Pastena was one of the forwardest on such occasions, not desiring the Kingdoms settlement, knowing that then he might no longer rob with impuni­ty, nor continue his Authority in Salerno, and all the farther Principality, where he reigned as Soveraign. I had given the Duke de la Rocca safe-guards for some of his Lands, which he slighting, sent to plunder, as incensed by the re­course had been made to me. I writ him a Let­ter something blunt, to which he sent me an Answer by a Priest, whom I immediately asked if I had been obeyed, and he going about to make excuses in his Friends behalf, I refused to hear [Page 458] him, and tore the Letter he brought me with­out reading it, telling him angrily that I admit­ted no reply to my Orders, but would have them executed punctually and speedily: Polito Pastena it seems will be independant and play the little Soueraigne (said I)? tell him from me that if he continues, I will teach him his duty, and pu­nish him according to his desert: He shall find no security against my power and resentment in Salerno, nor amongst his Banditi, to what part soever he retires I will find wayes to come at him, and be as certainly Master of his head as I was of Paul's of Naples. But if for the future he become more submissive and obedient, I will cherish and consider him as formerly, and give him more Authority and Credit than ever. His Messenger carried him back this Answer, which made him tremble, notwithstanding his great confidence; which I perceived by his proceed­ing, causing instantly to be rendered all that had been taken away, and without reply or delay complying with all I ordered him ever since. The dissimulation of his discontent diminished it not, but obliged him to a nearer friendship with Gennaro. He sent him a dispatch to be conveyed to the French Ministers, offering them, in case they would send the Fleet to Sa­lerno, to put it into their hands, and to draw together all the Banditi of St. Severine, La Cava and Nocera, to the number of Six thou­sand men. This caused the misfortune of the enterprise of Prince Thomas, of which the Spa­niards having notice by this dispatch (which fell [Page 459] into their hands after my imprisonment,) at the arrival of their Fleet, they possessed themselves of Angri, which is the pass of the Mountains, and by it preventing the meeting of the forces of the three Towns above-mentioned, caused him to distrust some treacherie, since nothing they had given him hope of had been performed. This obliged him to reimbark with a great deal of haste, and but little honour, of which I can­not but acknowledge my self to have been very glad, to see that (with all this powerful corre­spondencies, the Kings Fleet, and a considerable Body of men to have landed) he could effect no­thing, whereas I alone, and without any assi­stance subdued a great Kingdom, and subsisted five moneths, though my Conduct was decried, and I deprived of the honour of an atchievment so extraordinary and incredible.

The Peoples Elect continuing his correspon­dence with the Enemy, I resolved to punish him, but it being dangerous to do it publickly, and by the hand of Justice (the authority his Imployment gave him considered) I resolved on an indirect way towards it, which should be per­formed with such adress as should give no cause of suspicion, and his death seem the effect of a popular Tumult. The Inhabitants of the Quar­ter of Porto gave me notice that intelligence had been given them by some of their Pelucca's, that in the Island of [...]rocita, of which he was Native▪ he made provision of all manner of re­freshments to send to the Enemy. I gave cre­dit to the report, and so far incensed them a­gainst [Page 460] him, that they resolved immediately to cut off his head, which I expresly forbid, pro­mising to cause him to be secured that very day, and to bring him to his Tryal, and cause him to dye by Law, it being of great concernment to draw from him by force of torments, the names of all such of the Cabal as corresponded with the Spaniards. After this I sent them away re­commending secrecy: and desirous to make use of so favorable a Conjuncture, commanded Cicio Battimiello and Peppo Ricco, Persons resolute and faithful, and fit to execute an affair of this nature, to dine in that Quarter to keep the hu­mor warm, and to have some ready to follow them at the hour I should intimate. When I rose from dinner I was told there was some distur­bance in Porto, and that the Inhabitants took arms. I went immediately thither, where find­ing a tumult, I asked the reason, they told me that having discovered more treasons of the Peo­ples Elect, they could no longer suffer him, and resolved to go to his house and cut off his head, and drag his body about the Streets. I forbid them to undertake any such violence, which as long as I commanded in the Town should not be suffered, causing them to lay down their arms; and whilst I was on the way home, or­dered Batimiello, that went along to wait on me thither, to return and make them reassume them, and go and execute their design, of which I could not be suspected after having appeased the disorder: that he should lose no time, because I was informed that Onoffrio Pagano was with [Page 461] him, who I was desirous should run the same fortune.

As soon as I came home, I went into my Ca­binet to entertain Marco Antonio Brancaccio, with whom I had not a quarter of an hours dis­course before my Servants came to tell me, that a great noise was heard of abundance of people that had tumultuously flocked about my Palace. Looking out at the Window I perceived them, carrying a head on the point of a Pike, and drag­ing a naked body by one foot, the boyes having torn off the clothes by the way, I called to them to stand, and asked what spectacle that was? They told me it was the body of Antonio Ma­zella the Peoples Elect, and that his head that was carried on the Pike: Cicio Batimiello and Peppo Ricco marching amongst the formost, I asked them how they durst take the boldness, after the prohibition I had made, to undertake such an action, for which I had a great mind to cause them to be hanged: Falling on their knees they begged my pardon, and my leave to come securely to me, which I granted them. They came up to my Hall, whether they brought Antonio Mazella's two Brothers-in-law bound, telling me that after I had appeased the Tumult of Porto, they had advertisement of a new treason of the Peoples Elect, and of a conspiracy of his against my life, which was to be put in execution the next morning. That incensed by this they had immediately punished him, apprehending that my over great clemency would have pardoned him; that they willingly submitted to what soe­ver [Page 462] I pleased to inflict upon them, and would die contented to have given a testimonie of their affection to me and their Country: I pardon said I the indiscretion of your zeal, but if you ever do the like I will make you such ex­amples, that none in Naples shall afterwards dare such an attempt. For terror to others I commanded his head to be set on a Post in the Market-place, and his body to be hanged on one foot; One of his Brothers-in-law I caused to be discharged immediately, being assured of his fidelity, and the other (to exempt him from fury of the people) I sent to the Vicarie, and two dayes after sent him a pass to go whether he pleased, provided he left the Town.

The Spaniards were very sensibly concerned at this tragedie, losing by it a Person they very much depended on. Gennaro was most furiously alarmed at it, and to avoid the like, resolved to embark with all his treasure on a Felucca, and retire to Venice. I cunningly sent him Masters of Feluccas that pretended to serve him, but that letting me know the time of his departure would give me opportunity to seise upon him with all his wealth, which would have supplied my ne­cessities, and in a few dayes have made an end of our business; and surprising him in the very act of abandoning the Town, and carrying away the best things that were in it, I might have cau­sed him to have been hanged with the general applause of all the people. He could not have avoided this snare that was so handsomely laid for him if the Baron of Rovrou, a diligent Spie [Page 463] upon all my actions, that he might give him an account of them, had not told him that I had gi­ven secret Audiences to Mariners, of which be­ing jealous, he so particularly informed himself, that he discovered they were the same he in­tended to embark with, which made him aban­don the design he thought to have put in execu­tion the next morning. This discovery driving him to despair, obliged him to send one he con­fided in to conclude something with Don John of Austria and the Viceroy, of which being inform­ed by Augustino M [...]llo, I thought I ought to rid my hands of him at what rate soever: but this was not easie, he never going out of his Tower, and being on that account secure from being u­sed as the Peoples Elect had been, neither could any thing be undertaken against him but by o­pen force, and great effusion of bloud, his party within being equal to my Garrison.

Augustino Mollo to free me from this difficul­ty, came at night and told me, I have brought you that will free you from Gennaro: his Trea­sons merit death, and in what manner Justice be done on him is not very considerable: look on this Vial ful of so clear and beautiful water, in four dayes time it will punish all his infidelities; the Captain of the Guard shall undertake to give him, without his distrust, it having no taste at all. On the next day, which was Friday, he caused him to drink it all at dinner; but whether the dose was too weak, or that having eaten no­thing but cabbage dressed with oyl (which is certainly a great antidote) he fell a vomiting [Page 464] immediately, which freed him from a danger so evident, and that appeared so certain. He escaped with a head-ake and pain in his sto­mach for four or five dayes, without any suspi­cion of the matter. I discovered some abuse in my Secretaries office, of which complaints had been formerly made, and a dispatch I had there refused, being a fourth time presented to signe amongst several other Papers, I sent for Hieroni­mo Fabrani my Secretary, and after a severe re­priment threatned to hang him if he ever com­mitted the like fault. He layed the blame on his Clarks, whom I caused to be all immediately turned away (exept Innocentio in whom I had a great deal of confidence) ordering him to seek others, assuring him that another time his Clarks should not excuse him, but his own person be responsible. Understanding that in the time I had been at Naples he had gained forty thousand Crowns, I asked him to lend me twenty thou­sand, promising to pay him out of the money I had sent for to Rome. He told me that report was spread abroad to do him a bad office, and that he had no money, the contrary of which was very hard for me to make appear, he having hid what he had gained, the greatest part of it in Religious Houses, that he might send it to Rome at the first opportunity. His avarice caused my ruin; but he himself went not scotfree, it costing him not only his wealth but his life, the Spa­niards in the time of his imprisonment discover­ing that he writ to Cardinal Mazarin (his Letters having been taken at Rome and returned to the [Page 465] Viceroy by Cardinal Pansirolle) cut off his head: he gave intelligence of the facility of surprising Castello novo at the return of the Fleet by a ne­gotiation he had managed.

The trial of the Prisoners of the Garrison of Aversa and the Baron of Modena went forward: I had set it a foot to satisfie the people, though I resolved when a handsome occasion should of­fer, to send the Baron into France, finding him to be innocent, and guilty of no other crime but the misfortune that oppressed him by reason of his good nature which betrayed him to faults, though his intentions were alwayes good.

A French Physitian that belonged to me, being convicted of many pilferings and cheats, I resol­ved (because he was my domestick) to have him hanged for an example; but the women of the Town persisting many daies to beg his pardon, I could not at last refuse them; I therefore kept him in prison till I could find convenience of sending him out of the Kingdom.

The peoples affection for me increased daily, with their joy and the Enemies despair at the arrival of corn from Apulia, the first Convoy bringing three hundred Mules, the second three dayes after five hundred, which still continued augmenting till Thursday in Passion-week, when there came fifteen hundred, which made me re­solve on the first of May to abate the price of bread, to what it had been at in the most plen­tiful times. I would not at once let the rates fall so low, lest I might afterwards be obliged to raise them, and that I might get something [Page 466] above the price it cost me, toward a Stock of two hundred thousand Crowns, which had wont al­wayes to be kept in a readiness to supply the Magazins. Besides that there must be a conside­rable summ to make the first purchases; I thought therefore of an expedient, which was to demand a list of the names of a hundred of the best Merchants in the Town, representing to them, that if want of provisions should once again imbroil us, they would be the first suffer­ers, because their houses and estates could not escape plundering. That to avoid such an incon­venience, every one of them should lend me a thousand Crowns, and that for security of this money, they should nominate any two of their number to keep the Keys of the Granaries, and repay themselves as the Corn should be vended; that in this manner they would run no hazard, and fifteen dayes return them the whole summe, and I gain fifty thousand Crowns, by selling it for a third part more than it cost. This was gene­rally approved, and to put it in execution with greater order, I caused Donato Grimaldi to be made the peoples Elect in the place of Antonio Mazella, to the satisfaction of all men, he being a very rich Merchant, and a very honest man, not suspected of any correspondence with the E­nemy, who in the mean time used all possible endeavours to avoid their ruine that appeared so near, and incited by despair, laid hold on all appearances that presented to them. They sent Gallies to endeavour to retake the Tower of Sperlonga, And drawing out of Gaeta Don Mar­tin [Page 467] de Verrio, that commanded in the Town, with part of the Garrison, causing likewise the Troops of Capua to march, sent the Prince of la Rocca Romana, and the Prince of Minorvina, to block it on one side, and our Banditi after the defeat of Papone, not daring to stand in the field against them, they about the end of March retook Fondi and Sperlonga, without much resi­stance.

Don John of St. Severin made a considerable progression in Calabria; and at last becoming Master of the whole Province, drew together the Troops he had promised, laid up Oil, Salt and Fish to the value of a million of Gold, and made great provision of Saltpeter and Powder, expe­cting an occasion to draw me into Appulia, that he might come thither to me, and bring all those things with him. He made the Baron Durand Governor of the Principality of Stiliana, who in­creasing daily in strength, had taken Tordamare, a very important Post in Basilicata. A little disor­der happened, to which I gave remedy that very instant. Sabbato Pastore having drawn men out of the Garrisons of Lucera, Foggia, and Troya, for a considerable enterprise, the Princes of Mon­tesarchio and Troya, the Garrisons of those three places being weak, surprised them in his absence; of which receiving advice I ordered him to re­turn, where he found them abandonned by the Nobility that retired on the news of his coming back. But the Spaniards, who are very distrust­full, imagined that their hatred for him was the cause of their taking in these Towns, and their [Page 468] affection for me of their quitting them, at my request, and on assurance of satisfaction on all occasions of complaint they thought they might have against him; and knowing that I had se­cret correspondencies with the Nobility, they oftentimes suspected such things as necessity compelled them to do, to be effects of their kindness for me. I sought not to disabuse them of this error, which was advantageous to me, it giving occasion of a perpetual jealousie that made them disoblige persons of quality, who, what services soever they rendred them, could not secure themselves from it.

The whole Kingdom inclined to me, and I every day heard of some or other that came in; so that I wanted nothing but our Fleet or the arrival of my brother the Knight of Malta, to end all in a day. I continually watched oppor­tunities of all designes that seemed attemptible; and having sent to discover the condition of the Custom-house of Oil, and finding the enemie had no body in it, I thought of an invention very extraordinary. I caused a way to be made under ground from a remote and abandoned Garden, near the Convent of St. Sebastian. Men continually wrought upon it, and carrying away the earth by Sellers, in ten dayes I had made a Mine of fifteen hundred paces, wide enough for two men to pass a brest, which led to the Cistern of Oil, the Stones of which wall I caused to be three or four dayes bathed with Vinegar and Brandy, which by this means softned, and as soon as rubbed, fell in pieces, without any [Page 469] noise, and might be thrown down without any violence. Things thus disposed in order to the execution of my enterprise, the Spaniards having no distrust, nor any body else knowledg of it, such as wrought in the work excepted, I went thither to bring two hundred men into the Ci­stern of oil, and from thence into the Court of the Custom-house, drawing afterwards the like num­ber into the Cistern, and all along the passage, men readie to second them, and then falling out of the house to attack the reare of the gate of St. Spirito, the post of the Spanish Reformadoes, and the most considerable they had. In the Pi­azza before that gate I had drawn up three hun­dred horse, followed by two thousand foot who entring by the street of Toledo, were to march right to the Viceroy's Palace (a general alarme being the mean while given in all the Quarters) of which (whilest all was in this disorder) I might possess my self without resistance. I had daily assurance that they suspected nothing, never ha­ving heard the men work: that by a hole which looked into the house, we might perceive there was no body in it, and the Spies. I had a­mongst them let me know they were in great security. The day before I intended to fall on, a young and very fair Nun that had a Brother with the Enemy, perceiving men work, and not understanding to what purpose, desired to give them notice of it, and having writ a little note, she went up to the wall of St. Sebastian's Cloy­ster, to throw it to them, but an unfortunate Musket-shot killing her dead, the note was found [Page 470] in her hand and brought to me, which obli­ged me to hasten the execution of my design. The night of the twentieth of March seemed very favorable, being dark and rainy, with so much wind, that no other noise could be heard. My Horse and Foot being drawn in Battalia, I went to visit this Cave, and having caused the men appointed for it to enter, made the wall be broken down and fall on. We had an alarm by a Soldiers Bandeliers taking fire, all the chargers whereof burning made a great deal of noise; but understanding what was the matter, it only gave occasion for laughter, I went to the far­ther end of the Mine, and hearing knocking a­bove my head, listened and perceived we were discovered, which was clearer to me when through a hole I saw two hundred men in the Cistern of Oil, that expected us with a great deal of impatience. I then retreated, and by two holes they had made they fired two Muskets I was informed a few dayes after that this design had been discovered to them but three hours: I employed the remainder of the night to fill up this passage, that the Enemy might not make use of our work against us: and I was very much troubled after twelve daies labour to have failed (by reason of the treason of a Captain) of ma­king my self master of all the Enemies Quarters, which had been easie and infallible as they them­selves afterwards confessed to me.

They began to form new Conspiracies against my life, and by assistance of Vincenzo Andrea, laid a design which they so cunningly carried on, [Page 471] that I could not possibly have avoided it, had it not been discovered to me. The twenty third of March in the morning Augustino Mollo came to me at six a clock, and brought with him a Si­cilian Gentleman, an understanding and resolute person, whom the Duke of Medina de los Torres, when he was Viceroy, caused expresly to come to Naples to receive a Commissin to pursue the Banditi. He was an acquaintance of Vincenzo Andrea, who out of his confidence in him de­clared the secret, of which he came to give me an account, which was, that Vincenzo Andrea had sent to Don John and the Earl of Ognate, to settle conditions and rewards on Cicio de Regina, a Captain in the Regiment of Sebastiano Landi, who commanded the Gate of Alba, and other his accomplices, who were to shoot me the five and twentieth of March, as I heard Mass in the Church of the Anonciata; and that if I carefully observed Gennaro Pinto (Son of the Master of the Poors Bank) all Instructions and Orders would be found about him, the conduct of this business being entrusted to him, as a person of wit, and friend of Vincenzo Andrea; and he assured me to acquaint me as soon as he could inform him­self further. I gave all Orders necessary for se­curing the Traitor at his coming back from the Enemy, but in vain, he (instead of coming by land) returning in a Felucca; and landing at a little Sally Port at the foot of the wall of la Pietra del Peste. The same Gentleman gave me notice of his return, and that all having been a­greed on, the attempt was to be made in the [Page 472] Church of the Anunciata at the time of Mass, and that Cicio de Regina was the chief of the Conspirators as he had before acquainted me. On the morning of this important day I gave or­der to all such as I had confidence in to be ready to march with their Companies on my first order. Cicio de Regina posted all his Confederates, of which I had notice, having caused him to be very diligently observed. When I was almost ready I saw him come into my Chamber, and (fixing my eyes upon him to see if I could discover any thing extraordinary in his countenance) asked if he desired any thing of me. He presented me a memorial which I attentively read, and told him, your demand is almost impossible to be granted, and I have refused it to many very con­siderable persons, but I know not how to deny one I so much affect, and that is so zealous and faithful in my service; then taking a pen I writ a favourable answer on his request: Is there any thing else, said I, that you desire for your self or friends? for you can ask nothing that I will not readily grant you. He answered there was no­thing. I embraced him twice or thrice to see if my kindness would cause any remorse, but could not perceive any alteration in him: and asking whether I went to Mass to the Anunciata, and would go presently abroad; I told him I went immediately to my Sedan; I will therefore make hast (said he) to attend you with my friends. I considered whether I should beset the Church, and take him with all his Confederates in it, but loth to shed blood there, and imagining they [Page 473] would not suffer themselves to be taken without resistance, I went to mass to the Carmelites; pre­tending something to be happend that obliged me to speak with Gennaro, I commanded Sebastiano Landi, to keep near him all day, and bring him to me at night, and having an eye upon him, cause him to be secured if he attempted to escape, I sent for the Auditor General to come to me in the evening, and Regina's Colonel having brought him thither, I let him know I would not see a Murtherer and a Traitor, and sent him to the Vicarie. I asked his Colonel whether he had kept him company all day, and whether he had observed any thing extraordinary in him; he told me no, but only that he had made a stand under a Porch to make water, where he thought he threw down something, and set his foot on it to tread it into the dirt. I sent to search, and Papers of a very displeasing sent were brought me. I opened them, and found a Letter to me from Don John of Austria unsealed, by which he let me know that the money he had promised me was ready at Genoa, and that he thanked me for my good will; but that the King his Father, loving the Neapolitans, though rebellious, yet his chil­dren, could not resolve to enter by the two Posts I offered to deliver him, to confound all in blood and fire, he having received express order to treat them with all mildnese and clemency, the King aiming at nothing else but to reduce them to their obedience, and pardon their sedition: Four of these Letters had been distributed a­mongst the Conspirators, to the intent that the [Page 474] first of them that could approach my body after my death, should pretend to find it in my poc­ket, and by reading it prevent the resentments of the people. I sent the Auditor General to put him on the rack, and as soon as he should be­gin to confess to send every body out of the room, and write his depositions himself, believ­ing that to gain time he would seek to concern many considerable persons in his crime, and perhaps some of the Nobility: but my self re­maining Master of his Confession I might pardon whom I pleased, and declare nothing publiquely but what I thought fit. At first he denied all, but yielding to the violence of torment, confes­sed the artifice of the Letters I have mentioned, that his attempt on my life might pass unpunish­ed, and that making use of the general conster­nation, he might work on the people to encline to Spain: That he was to be rewarded with six thousand Crowns, and a Troop of horse in the Province of Monte Fuscolo; the orders for which were to be found in a Convent he named, as well as the Nun that had the keeping of them: Sending to search I found them in the following termes.

I underwritten Cornelio Spinola promise to pay to Seignior Cicio de Regina the summ of six thousand Ducats on sight hereof, by order of his Excellence the Earl of Ognate our Viceroy, in te­stimony whereof I have written and subscribed this Bill

CORN. SPINOLA.

[Page 475]His Excellence to Seignior Cicio de Regina.

His Excellence hath commanded me to let you know, that in recompence of your service he hath given you a Company on the Department of Monte Fuscolo, ordering you by virtue of this present Com­mission to be put in possession of it.

DIEGO ROMERO.

These two Papers made a clear discovery of the whole enterprise, and he gave a particular relation of the manner in which he pretended to execute it. The Spaniards had caused thirty or forty Officers to come disguised into the Town. Don Antonio de St. Severin when I was Prisoner at Capua told me, that he lay ready with fifty men to have fallen out of some ad­joyning houses where they were concealed, to second the Conspirators and help to make their retreat: But several persons of quality have assured me he was not there, and that he re­ported this out of vanity, to seem more zealous for Spain, and avoid suspicion of corresponden­cie with his Brother Don John de St. Severin that commanded for me in Calabria, and the Prisoner mentioned nothing of it. The Marquis of Monte [...]ilvano of the House of Brancaccio, was to have sent in his Servants and Arms, having forgotten that my arrival at Naples freed him from the Vicarie, and the hands of Gennaro. But this lay­ing no particular obligation, his liberty having [Page 476] been acquired by the common good fortune of all the Prisoners, he did not perhaps think him­self very much obliged to me for it.

Ottaviello Brancaccio was one of the Conspira­tors, and the Prisoner accused many others, and amongst them some I very much loved and esteemed, whom he named to prolong his life, by the confusion such depositions might bring upon me. Thirty Conspirators were to have been in the Church with Blunderbusses, posted round about the Seat provided for me, and that the less notice might be taken of them, they were all at once to fire upon me, at the time of the Elevatton of the Hoste, when all mens eyes would be fixed on the Priest, and the sound of the Bell was to be the signal for discharging. Cicio de Regina and the rest that were to be nea­rest me, had each of them a letter, which he that could first approach my body, was to make a shew of taking out of my pocket, and amuse the people by reading it to them whilest his Confederates made their escape. I caused him to be condemned, and keeping the informations by me, sent for Marco Antonio Brancaccio, Un­cle of the Marquis of Monte Silvano, Seignour Joseph Brancaccio, and another of the same name, with Seignora Cicia Piussa his Mother, and all the rest of the Nobility whom this Traitor accu­sed, and reading his depositions told them, that looking on the Neapolitan Nobility, as incapable of so black an attempt, I would not have them so much as suspected, but though they had been concerned in it, I too much affected them to dip [Page 477] my hands in their blood, and in their presence burnt the informations. I sent presently to set at liberty two Servants of the Marquis of Monte Silvano, and concealed all the Blunderbusses that belonged to him, (on the most of which his arms were engraven) so to stifle all jealousies that might be had of him, and desired his Mother and Uncle to bring him to me at night, which they did: I told him, that though I had a pretence of accusing him of ingratitude on account of having preserved his life and liberty, of which Gennaro would have deprived him the day after my entering the Town. I should satisfie my self in this little reproach, knowing that shame and remorse of conscience, are the greatest punish­ments a person of honor like himself can possi­bly undergo. That I forgot what he had done, and pardoned his contributing, by his Arms and Servants, to the assassination of a Prince that loved him, and was his benefactor. That I imputed this to excess of zeal for his Kings service, which yet he ought to have regulated better, and moderated more in what concerned me, but that I would lay no punishment on him, but instead thereof give him all testimonies of affection and confidence. That I begged his friendship, with assurance that when he had pro­mised it, I might more safely depend on it, than on that of any other of the Nobility. This gene­rosity moved him, and casting himself at my feet, he promised never to lose the memory of so great and extraordinary an obligation, and that he would employ his life in seeking occasions [Page 478] of sacrificing it, in testimony of his gratitude. I affectionately embraced him, and told him, that what had passed should never be any more men­tioned, since from it I derived the advantage of acquiring a person of his courage, birth, and me­rit: I offered (in case he would stay with me) to look on him as the best of my friends, and give him any imployment he should pretend to, and that if fortune ever put into my hands the disposal of the great Charges and Governments of the Kingdom, he was only to intimate which of them would best accommodate him, which I assured him on my word I would possess him of with a very good will.

This manner of proceeding so contrary to the Maxims of the Spanish Policy, increased the Nobilities affection and esteem for me, and so sensibly moved him, that he embraced my knees, and made his acknowledgments in terms so respective and passionate, that I perceived there was no dissimulation in them, and that I had intirely gained him: but he represented to me that the Peoples animosities would be a con­tinual danger to him whilest he stayed in the Town, and therefore besought me to suffer him to leave it, swearing never more to draw his sword against me; and that as soon as per­sons of quality took horse to follow my for­tune, he would not only himself be one of the first, but endeavor to engage his friends and re­lations. I then sent four of my Guards with an Officer, to conduct him safely to one of our advanced Posts, that he might from thence [Page 479] pass to the Enemy. His Mother and Kinsmen made so passionate and grateful acknowledg­ments, that I want words to express them, and I doubt not but as long as he lives, and in what part of the World soever he reside, he will re­serve in his heart on my behalf a great deal of af­fection, esteem, and gratitude.

For Ottaviello Brancaccio, a person whom poisons and assassinations, in which he had been concerned through the whole course of his life, had rendered odious to all his relations (he be­ing the dishonour of his Family) as well as to the People, I used all endeavours to get him into my hands; being a most fit person to be made an example of with universal applause. But all the care I took to this purpose proved in vain, he escaping with the rest of his Confede­rates.

The next day, which was the Twenty sixth of March, Cicio de Regina was sacrificed in expia­tion of his detestable Crime. He was drawn on a Sledge to the Market-place, attended by my Guards, to prevent his being torn in pieces by the way, and his body hanged by one foot after his head had been cut off, and set upon the Post in the Market-place. The rage of the multitude, even of Women, was so great, that they tore him with their teeth, and the Children sucked his blood.

After this I shewed my self to the Town, ac­clamations and benedictions being redoubled on my account, as well as imprecations against the Spaniards. Their condition at this time seemed [Page 480] altogether desperate; having neither Victuals nor Credit, nor scarely any Troops, which de­creased daily; but a ship which unexpectedly came to them from Malaga, brought them Four hundred men, commanded By Colonel Don Alonzo de Monroy. I on my side heard good News every day: All the Towns of Sicilia, particularly Messina and Palermo, sent me assu­rance that they resolved to follow the example and fortune of the Kingdom of Naples, and I received a Letter from the King, by which he congratulated my advantages, and the Peoples Election of me to be Duke of their Republick. I was promised the return of the Fleet, which I might expect daily, with Gallies accompanying the Ships, so that I could discern nothing to be feared, and much to be hoped; and was more confirmed by Cardinal Filomarini, who visiting me on the Eight and twentieth of March, as soon as we were alone in my Chamber, made me a long discourse of the miseries of a Civil War not yet near an end; of the dangers I had already escaped and was yet to undergo: of the jealousies France had of my exaltation, the uncertainty of her succors, and of the arrival of her Fleet, though she gave me daily hope of it; with the assurance of the return of that of Spain, with considerable forces; and how much better it were, by laying hold on a favou­rable opportunity, to apply my self to an ho­nourable and secure fortune, though some-wayes moderated, than to glorious and high in­certainties, attended alwayes by much hazard, [Page 481] and most commonly by few or no advantages or profits. I gave ear to all these plausible discour­ses without interrupting him, to discover to what so long an Oration tended, which seemed to have been very studiously premeditated: My silence encouraged him, and thinking me waver­ing, he told me, My Lord, you have it now in your power to make your self the happiest man of this Age, restore quiet to this unfortu­nate Kingdom and all Italy, with peace and se­curity to this City, and a solid establishment to your self, capable of satisfying your ambition, which is not only so high, but so well grounded, that it were not reasonable to offer to a Person of your Birth and Merit, any thing below a Crown; and I am now to present one to you: This is no illusion nor artifice to deceive you; I have Commission from the Pope, Colledge of Cardinals, and all the Princes of Italy, to tell you they will be security for the performance of what I am entrusted to propound to you. First of all the Spaniards make you the sole Arbitra­tor of this Kingdoms differences, for settling whose Peace, and establishing whose Crown, which hath been long tottering, they will be obliged to you alone. They will give you Sar­dinia, the strong places of which (during a Ces­sation of Arms) they will put into your posses­sion; till which be performed, you shall conti­nue here in arms, and endeavour to regulate all the affairs of this Kingdom: If what be pro­pounded to you, be not satisfactory, your self [Page 482] shall make conditions: and if the Spaniards per­form not what they have promised here, you can come from thence with greater force to as­sist this People; by which both they and you are secured, all hazard and dangers remaining on the Spaniards side.

I asked him smiling, Whether he were sure that all he promised would be made good? he told me yes, of which if I desired Confirmati­on, he would shew me good Authorities, he not being a person to engage in any thing light­ly, nor to expose himself to the hazard of being disavowed. My Lord, said I, after all these fair Proposals, I expected you should have demanded of me Passes for the Spaniards to go away in safety, and my Parole (they leaving me the Kingdom of Naples, in which they can no lon­ger maintain themselves) to suffer them peacea­bly to enjoy Sicilia and Sardinia, without de­sign of driving them from thence; which I must have taken some time to have considered, before I could have resolved on; such a Proposal had been reasonable and handsom, but the ex­change you offer, I shall not easily condiscend to. I know to what extremities they are reduced, I expect the French Fleet in a very few dayes, I have Provisions in abundance, and for more than two year; the Nobility is ready to declare for me, all Provinces apply themselves to me, and know not what other course to take. Be­fore six weeks be over I shall receive Six hun­dred thousand Crowns from the Custom-House [Page 483] of Foggia. I have the value of a Million of Gold, in Silk, Oil, and Salt, drawn from Cala­bria. I have in all parts above Five and twenty thousand men, which I can draw together in eight dayes, with great quantities of Powder and Salt-Peter. You may therefore tell them the Conquest of this Kingdom is compleated; that this Campania will with ease make me Master of every part of it, by the end of which I will not leave them one single Castle; that the next Campania I will drive them out of Sicily; after which I will not satisfie my self by taking Sardi­nia from them, but ere two years be over leave them nothing in the Mediterranean; that all this and more is to be feared from a man, that alone and without any assistance, hath reduced them to the present extremity; and that if they desire to purchase my friendship, it must be on other conditions than those you have offered me; that nothing can draw me off from the interests of France; that I will perish a thousand times rather than ever prove unfaithful to her; and to conclude, that I love honour too well, to do any thing that may be blameable; and that if I be liable to the temptation of a Crown, it must be of a better Kingdom than Sardinia,

He answered, That he was very sorry to find me so much led aside by my own opinion; and had great apprehensions for me. I replied, What remains there for me to fear? Can my E­nemies employ against me any thing more than Fire, Sword, and Poyson, which they have [Page 484] so often unsuccessfully made use of? Indeed my Lord I never forsake a handsome undertaking, when I am once engaged in it; I can but die, and am prepared for it. At my first arrival at Naples I resolved either to perish or deprive them of its Crown. Events are in the hands of God, let him dispose of all according to his pleasure, and how fatal soever the conclusion prove, I will see it come without fear or dis­quiet; there is no more therefore to be said: and thus our Conversation ending, he returned home, and I went to Mass, my thoughts con­tinually applied to finish what I had so happily begun.

The Earl of Ognate hearing that I had news of the speedy return of the French Fleet, judg­ing that (theirs not arriving time enough to op­pose it) they should be cut off from receiving any provisions by Sea, thought he was to use all endeavours to keep Puzzolo, on whose pre­servation the Castle of Baiae depended; which having a free Communication with Capua, might send him refreshments, if he could force the Suburb of Chiay, the Castle of La Grotta, and the Tower of La Piede de Grotta. He em­barked foot on three Gallies, and taking the Baron of Batteville with him, visited Puzzolo, and re-inforced the Garrison, and passing to Nicita, left a hundred men there, judging rightly that the French Gallies could not ride securely before Naples, till the Spring should be more advanced, nor find any safe Harbor, [Page 485] but between the Island of Nicita and the Point of Posilippe. This put into my head a design to attempt it, which I executed a few dayes after.

In the mean time whilest I was passing the Evening of the first of April, according to my Custom, in answering such Petitions as had been presented me that day, my Servants came to advertise me that something extraordinary appeared about the Moon; the curiosity of see­ing what it might be, obliged me to walk out upon a Terrace that was on the top of my Pal­lace, where I could discern (the weather being fair and clear, and the Moon right over our heads) a black Circle about a foot broad that environed her, all parts of it equally distant from her body; and whose Circumference was so large, that it seemed to encompass all my Pallace. Some told me this was a bad Omen, and that they were afraid it portended my im­prisonment; I doubted the same thing, but concealing my suspition, told them, that the black Circle represented the Crown of Naples (no longer in its ancient lustre and beauty, and which the Spaniards should quickly lose) that it appearing over my head, and vanishing (as it did) soon after, signified that the loss they were about to make should be to my advan­tage.

Next Morning as soon as I waked, notice was given me that Cucurulle the greatest Astro­loger of Italy, desired to speak with me. I [Page 484] [...] [Page 485] [...] [Page 486] caused him to be admitted, and to sit down by my Beds-side, and he told me, that the Stars having signified to him that fortune that had hitherto been so favourable to us, began to turn to the Spaniards, he came to desire my pass and leave to retire, because as a Student he sought only repose, and avoided all places where he apprehended tumults and disturbances. I con­sented to what he demanded, and questioning him about my fortune, he told me that a Con­junction of the Sun and Mars threatned me with a very great danger, and were it not that ill influences are mitigated by good ones, that (being the worst imaginable) had directly struck at my life; but that the Sun in this my revolu­tion, being in the Tenth House of his Exaltati­on, casting a trine Aspect on the Moon in the First House, mitigated the malignity; and that Mercury having a Sextile of Venus in the Eighth House of Death, secured me from any that should be violent; that this therefore was no more than a menace, but that I could not avoid imprisonment, since Mars at the time of my Birth was in the Twelfth House, which is a Pri­son. I answered him that this unhappy influ­ence, tending only to threaten, and not take a­way my life, I thought its malignity passed over the Tenth of March, when I secured my self from that great Commotion; or at least on the Twenty fifth, when I escaped the Conspiracy of the Anonciata. I wish it prove so with all my heart, said he, but I am afraid that before eight [Page 487] dayes pass you will be a Prisoner; and I discern this so clearly, that I would venture all I have in the World that it falls out so. I have a respect (said I) for Astrology, but knowing it is not in­fallible, I please my self with all it tells me to my advantage, and take no alarme at the pe­rils with which it menaces me; and since wis­dom and prudence are more potent than the Stars, I believe I may by precautions avoid the mischiefs wherewithal they threaten me. I be­seech you therefore not to endeavour to dis­abuse me, because I am resolved to believe I have nothing more to fear and very much to hope for. If my wishes may have effect (said he) my Opinion shall prove erroneous, and yours veritable; but give me leave to retire, and be pleased to sign the Pass I present you: I did what he desired, and embracing him bid him farewel.

Whilest these things passed, Vincenzo An­drea seeing no way to avoid his ruin but by mine, endeavoured it by all means, and durst no more appear in the Town, hearing of the Order I had given to search him every where, and bring him to me alive or dead, as one of the Principal Confederates of Cicio Regina, whom he had corrupted, negotiated his reward, and engaged to attempt my life. Sebastiano Landi that commanded the Gate of Alba, tired by the delay of the French Fleet, which appeared not for all the fair promises, wanting money, yielded to sollicitations, and promised to deliver [Page 488] the Gate of Alba for Five thousand Crowns. This Treason surprised me, having no suspition of it, he being a person I less distrusted than a­ny in Naples; having observed him to be more zealous, careful, and vigilant in the guard of his Post than any other: He could never be ac­cused of any negligence, and was not only very punctual in his Guards, but kept all his men in such a continual readiness, that at any hour either of day or night, he had two or three hundred fitted to march whither soever I commanded them. Vincenzo Andrea having agreed of all things with him, gave advice to Don John of Austria and the Earl of Ognate; and Augustino Mollo having told me that some new design was on foot, I took so much pains to discover it, and carefully to observe all such as came to our Posts from the Enemy, that causing one called Ferraro, who came from them with in­structions to be followed, he ran into the Ca­puchins, from whence (finding himself pursued) he escaped by a back door, which was an effect of my evil fate; for had he been taken, I had made a discovery of an enterprise the Spaniards undertook out of despair, and had avoided the imprisonment wherewithal Cucurulle so posi­tively threatned me.

The Thirtieth of March an Express dispatch­ed from the Marquiss of Velade Governour of Milan to the Earl of Ognate Viceroy of Na­ples, was brought to me, and I opened his Let­ters, which imported that all the Neopolitan [Page 489] Troops, ran so fast from their Colours, that he could make no state of them; that the Viceroy should therefore endeavour to send him more, for else it would be impossible for him to take the Field, or resist the attempt France prepa­red to make on the Dutchy of Milan, at least without he sent him money; that he had not wherewithal to pay his Troops that were ready to mutiny; that since the last Campagna he had received nothing of the Sixty thousand Crowns a Moneth, that Naples had wont to furnish for preservation of that Dominion; which being the only Stock he had to maintain the War, he looked on himself as lost without a sudden reme­dy. I was very glad of this good news, and thinking to give a mortal blow to John of Au­stria and the Viceroy, by acquainting them with an extremity they knew not how to reme­die (being themselves generally unprovided of all things) after I had read the Letters I return­ed them to the Bearer, and let him pass, to in­crease their despair, by the knowledge they would find I had, that instead of hopes of re­ceiving supplies, succors were so pressingly de­manded of them. They then thought them­selves irrecoverably lost, and I believed my enterprise would quickly be perfected, by the arrival of our Fleet or my Money from Rome, either of which had secured me from the traiterous sale of the Gate of Alba, which it was impossible for me to prevent, having no intelligence of it. I was not so blind but I perceived [Page 490] [...]omething was in agitation, which I was very [...]ndustrious to discover, but in vain. I knew Vin­cenzo Andrea's Messages sent by Gennaro Pinto, and Ferraro, both of which twice escaped my hands by miracle; but humane prudence cannot prevail against the Decrees of Heaven.

My intelligence in the Collateral Council, and the Spies I kept amongst the Enemies ser­ving me faithfully, informed me of a Junto (a word the Spaniards use for their more secret Councils) of War and State that had been held, where all expedients that might probably pre­vent their ruin were propounded. The first was to endeavour to become Masters of the Town by storming one of its Posts, which yet appeared impossible without some Correspon­dence, and the Viceroy pretended not to have any; and if this advice should be followed, that very little was to be left to hazard, but that at the first opposition they should entrench them­selves, without advancing any farther, for fear of being over-powered by the multitude, to whom their forces, not being numerous enough to resist, must of necessity give place; the se­cond was to abandon the Posts they held in the Town, and (leaving some few men in the Ca­stles) to take the field, sending order to all the forces they had in the Kingdom to joyn with them, and causing the Nobility to take horse, to starve me, by cutting off my provisions; de­priving me of all communication, and blocking all the passages of Apulia, from whence came [Page 491] to me securely and without any need of Con­voy, as much Corn as I had occasion for, they themselves in the mean time being blocked up and in a starving condition. But this seemed very difficult to be practised, it being doubtful whether the Nobility would obey their Orders, having already made protestations of their inca­pacity of continuing the War any longer, having neither Money left nor Credit; otherwise this expedient seemed the best and surest, they belie­ving I wanted forces, especially Horse, to dare to venture out of Naples, and give them battel; the inhabitants of that City being good to de­fend their Houses, and fight behind Walls, but not at all fit nor capable to march out and hazard a battel in the Field against disciplined and regu­lar Troops. The third, which seemed the most secure, was (least our Fleet should cut them off from Sea, they not having Ships nor Gallies e­nough to engage it, and having no expectation of the return of their Fleet to them in this last extremity) to use their utmost endeavour for re­covery of the Suburb of Chiay, and taking Vo­mero, with the two Villages of the Grotta, so to free the passage to Puzzuolo, which having communication with Capua, provisions might be brought them by land, and all that could be had from Sardinia, Genoua, and the Ecclesiasti­cal Dominion, landing at Gaeta, might be carri­ed from thence to Capua, from Capua to Puz­zolo, and from Puzzuolo by way of Chiay to their Quarters, without any hindrance by our [Page 490] [...] [Page 491] [...] [Page 492] Army; that by this means they should prevent our attempting Baiae, which they could relieve at their pleasure; besides all which, the season not being yet favourable for Gallies, that those of France either would not come, or coming, being unsecure in the Bay, would be forced to retire, wanting both the Haven of Baiae and the shelter of Nicita, of which I should be deprived when they had fortified these Posts. These three designs were long deliberated on without any result, but plurality of Voices in­clined to the last; and all the resolution they took was (in case such of the three as they at­tempted should not have success) to blow up the Castles, and retire to Capua, Gaeta, Ischia, Baiae, and other Maritime places, which they would garrison with such Troops as they had, and there attend supplies from Spain, and the re­turn of the Fleet.

I received the news of this with a great deal of joy, and considering the three Propositions, judged the first impossible, our Posts which they had so often in vain attempted, being so well fortified and in so good a condition, that I thought I had nothing to fear on that account, not suspecting any Treason, nor seeing any ap­pearance of it. The second seemed no less so, being assured the Nobility would no more take horse against me, believing the Spaniards ruined, and that to arm in their behalf, was to expose themselves to the entire loss of their fortunes, by making of none effect their Ne­gotiations [Page 493] with me; that they would therefore content themselves to sit still in expectation of what the Moneth of April might produce, to declare on the First of May, as they had re­solved, on that side that should seem strongest and most secure. And I thought they would certainly fix on the last of the three, which I admire they were so long ere they resolved on; there being no other means of getting Provisions, and rendering our Fleet useless: I thought also that I was (without loss of time) to attempt Nicita, that I might re­move all pretence of retarding the return of our Gallies, when I should have a secure Haven to present them. Having seriously consider­ed the necessity of inclining to this resolution, I applied my self to nothing else but to put it in execution.

The End of the Fourth Book.

The Fifth Book.

FRiday the third of April I went to visit the Posts, caused all to be added that I judged wanting, and made them so de­fensible, that Women might without danger have kept them against forces much stronger than those of our Enemy. I enquired of all Officers what they stood in need of, gave them Powder enough, and three dayes advance for subsistance of their men; recommending to them to be exact in their Guards, and serve me with the same affection and fidelity they had to that time testified, and then thought I might go out of Naples without apprehension or dan­ger during my absence. The Gate of Alba above all the rest seemed so well fortified, that I did not judge any possibility of attempting it; and Colonel Landi, whom I ever found the most careful, faithful, and zealous of my Offi­cers, so well confirmed my confidence of him, that I ordered him still to keep men in a readi­ness, as he had wont to do, to second all other Posts, as they might have occasion to be re-in­forced, after which I went home very well sa­tisfied [Page 496] to leave Naples in so secure a condition. Sending for the Peoples Elect, and Captains of the City Quarters, I ordered them to increase the weight of Bread and diminish its price, so to secure my self against any tumult or sedition, by contenting the People; and to give me spee­dy notice of the least alteration that might hap­pen. I commanded Onoffrio Pissacani, Carlo Longobardo, Cicio Battimiello, and Mattheo d' Amore, to visit our Posts twice a day, and to be ready to march with their Companies at the least alarme; to make re-inforcements wheresoever they should be necessary. I charged Augustino Mollo to hold a vigilant eye over all Gennaro's actions, to observe his Correspondence with the Enemy, and to give me notice of all that passed in Naples. I provided Powder (of which I had lately received some quantity) for my march the next day, with four Pieces of Can­non and five or six hundred foot, chosen out of the best I had in the Town.

Saturday the Fourth of April, after dinner, I caused my Foot and Artillery to march, and ha­ving taken leave of Cardinal Filomarini, and made my Prayers before the Head of St. Genna­ro, and kissed the miraculous Viol of his blood, took Horse, and followed by my Guards, marched right to Posilippo, and from thence, till my Troops arrived, took a view of the Island of Nicita: I observed there was a Tower in the midst of it that contained the greatest part of its Garrison, and between the Island and Con­tinent, [Page 497] on a Stone Arch, or rather the point of a Rock, a House called the Lazaretto, where such as come from places suspected of infection are obliged to continue forty dayes; that near the Haven there were five or six Houses, in wihch the Enemy had posted five and twenty or thirty Musketiers, and two Field-pieces, to pre­vent landing; that the arm of the Sea between Nisita and the Point of Posilippo, which is cal­led de Coroglio, was not above two hundred pa­ces over, I resolved to place two Pieces of Can­non at this Point, by means of such a Battery to dislodge the Enemy that was posted in those Houses, and in Felucca's pass over such men as I should command to attempt a landing. I caused also another Battery of two Pieces of Cannon to be made lower at the Sea-side, to beat on the Flanck of those Houses, and drive away the Musketiers that defended the passage.

As soon as my men arrived, I set them to work on these Batteries, and leaving enough to guard my Cannon, night coming on, and no attacque to be made without Felucca's, I order­ed all to be in a readiness against next morning, contenting my self for that night to have dis­lodged the Enemy from the Lazaretto, and pla­ced thirty Musketiers there. I went afterwards to sup and lie at Posilippo, all the inhabitants whereof I commanded to be ready to march with their arms, in case of an alarme; having intelligence that the Enemies that night in­tended to make themselves Masters of Vomero.

[Page 498]The next morning having sent for ten armed Felucca's, my Cannon played from both Bat­teries at day-break, which had not been fired above twenty times over, before they dismount­ed the two Field-pieces the Enemy had in the Island. They suffered much by my Artillery, which beat down all those little Houses, and overthrew their Corps de Gard: perceiving them in disorder, I sent thirty men in Felucca's, to en­deavour to land under favour of my Cannon, and the continual fire of thirty Musketeers I had lodged in the Lazaretto, and others from the Point of Coroglio: They found some resistance, and inclining to come back again, I command­ed the Sieurs de St. Amour and St. Andre Cla­pied, Cornet and Quarter-Master of my Com­pany of Light Horse, with thirty French Horse­men to force a Landing, causing them to be followed by thirty or forty Musketeers; St. Amour had his right arm broke by a Musket­shot, of which he died four dayes after, and two or three of the Horsemen were wounded; but St. Andre Clapied leaping ashore with his Sword in his hand, followed by his men, after a Skirmish of half a quarter of an hour, drove the Enemy from those Houses Being thus be­come Master of the Landing place, I sent an hundred and fifty men to pass over, who forced the Enemy to retreat to the Tower that is in the middle of the Island, to which they had made some slight Out-works, which were stormed with very little resistance: I caused my men to be seconded, and we lodged at the [Page 499] foot of the Tower with small loss. I summoned those that were in it, but expecting relief, they refused to parly, pretending themselves to be resolved and in a condition to defend it.

About this time Gennaro sent me a Comple­ment and his desires to learn the condition of my little Siege, but not so much out of curiosi­ty of this, as to get assurance whether I would come back to Naples that night, that he might give the Enemy notice, with whom holding Correspondence, he knew they were to have a Post delivered them, and that they would endeavour to enter the Town, and make them­selves Masters of it. I told his Messenger that I hoped to take Nisita in two hours, and in­tended to return. John Battista Tiradani Pay-Master of my Troops in place of Nicolo Maria Mannara, whom, after the death of Pietro Crescentio his Kinsman, I had sent to command the Banditi he had assembled in the Province of Monte-Fuscolo, gave me notice, that he had heard at Cardinal Filomarini's, that the Enemy were about some attempt, but could get no par­ticular information what it might be, which perswaded me they would seek to make them­selves Masters of Vomero, and obliged me to a resolution of staying where I was, that I might be the readier to oppose them. Presently after I received a Note from Augustino Mollo in the following terms: Naples concerns you more than a barren Rock, make haste back or you will lose it, the Enemy having resolved to make some at­tempt this night.

[Page 500]I sent answer I would not fail to return, and ordered him to give out so; then I sent the Knight de Fourbin thither to visit all the Posts, and send me account of their condition, and in case of appearance of any alteration, to adver­tise me of it. That he should in the mean time tell every body that I would be there within two or three hours, by such an expectation to keep them to their duty: The people having so great a confidence in me, that they thought my pre­sence could remedy any disorders, and that all must of necessity prove advantageous to them when I was upon the place. I then caused the Tower to be undermined, and attempted to set fire on the gates with Bavins, upon which they that were in it demanded to treat, and sent out hostages. The Earl of Ognate sent a Gally to relieve them, but the men it would have landed were beaten back by mine, and hearing no more shooting went home thinking the Isle already lost. The Hostages presented to me desired they might have good conditions, and I gave them all they pretended, which was that they should march out the next morning at eight a clock, with arms and baggage, provided they were not relieved in the mean time by a Body able to force my men and raise the Siege, towards which they were not to contribute, it being neither permitted them to take up arms, nor shoot during such a Combat: They were allowed to give the Viceroy intimation of these Capitulations, and to that purpose I was to suffer whomsoever they would encharge with such a Commission to pass [Page 501] to him, but I caused the Messenger to be detain­ed all night at my lodging in Posilippo.

I was then in very great incertainty whether following the advice received from Augustino Mollo I should return to Naples and leave the Officers of Nicita in this condition, and su­spended my resolution till I heard from the Knight de Fourbin, supposing it might be the E­nemies cunning, by false alarms to make me give over my Enterprise; I therefore resolved to lie all night in my Batterie, to prevent the arrival of any relief, judging the taking of Nicita to be of great importance. I know not whether I ought to impute this resolution to good or evil fortune, and the more I consider, the less able I I find my self to determine it.

Gennaro weary to be any longer incertain of my resolution, sent a second time to endeavor to discover it, and I was told, in my imprison­ment, that as he desired not my return, lest my presence might hinder the Spaniards from execu­ting their enterprise, so he wished it that he might certainly kill me, intending at the first alarm to send sixscore Banditi, who pretending to rally about me, should shoot me in the fight. Half an hour before day I discovered two Gallies making towards Nicita, whom I saluted with▪ two Can­nons, which I levelled and fired my self, so hap­pily, that one of them being shot through be­tween wind and water, was fain to go off to re­fit, and the other had three or four slaves killed. I caused the Guns to be immediately charged a­gain, and did them mischief with two other shot, [Page 500] [...] [Page 501] [...] [Page 502] which made them turn back, and perswaded me that Nicita was mine, after which nothing could retard the arrival of the French Fleet, since the excuse of the Gallies wanting a Haven could be alledged no longer.

The Knight de Fourbin had sent me word in the mean time, that he found all our Posts and Guards in a better condition than usual, that our men were all in armes and very resolute, espe­cially at the Gate of Alba, where Colonel Se­bastino Landi appeared more zealous and active than ever; the Captains Onoffrio Pissacani, Carlo Longobardo, Mattheo Damore, and Cicio Batti­miello had gone Petrouils the greatest part of the night through the whole Town: this very much troubled the Enemy, and caused them to resolve if the Rounds continued an hour longer, to de­ferre the execution of their enterprise to another time. But as soon as they had notice that they were given over, and by that time Fourbin had given me account of the good condition of all things (which very much satisfied me) they ad­vanced to the Gate of Alba. Part of the wall had for eight dayes together been continually washed with Vinegar and Brandy, that it might at once be reversed as it was, and a breach made sufficient for horse to pass; all this was done without noise, and Landi keeping continually thereabouts, to prevent his mens suspecting any thing (so that I could have no intelligence of it) the Enemy entered, and became Masters of three works without any alarm but at the last, where a Captain being killed, the Souldiers that ran a­way [Page 503] fired only three Muskets. As soon as the Enemy got into a broad Street they drew up in battallia, and marched streight to St. Aniello, which they possessed. I will not trouble my self to relate the order of their march, nor in what manner they became Masters of the whole Town, it not being my business, and they ha­ving more than enough divulged it in all their relations: I shall only tell that they gave out that I had agreed with them, and was at that instant with Don John of Austria. My absence made many believe this, by which the People became dejected in so extraordinary a manner, that none of them went about to make defence. They continually cried out, Peace! Peace! no more Taxes: Let Spain live, and France and the ill Government die: and the Spaniards wa­ving their handkerchiefs, the women out of the windows answered with napkins, and every mans business was to hide himself. The Spaniards af­terwards set Guards in all parts of the Town, and marched to the Vicarie to make themselves Masters of it; Vincenzo d' Andrea placing him­self at their head; their next business was to possess themselves of my Palace, where some op­position was made by my Domesticks; I cannot forbear to relate here the resolute action of a young French Tailor, who having fortified himself alone in my Chamber, perceiving the door to be broken open upon him, shot dead Captain Don Joseph Moya that entered first, and after­wards giving fire to a barril of powder he found there, he blew up the Roof with seven or eight [Page 504] of the Enemies, and afterwards leaping out of a window broke both his legs, of which he died two or three dayes after for want of looking to. My Palace was plundered, and the Knight de Fourbin having taken horse at the alarm, and noise of the bells of St. Lawrence, which the Spa­niards caused to be rung as soon as they entered, went to get together what men he could, send­ing one called Chusin, to tell me what had pas­sed, who was taken by the way, before he came to me: He met only Cicio Battimiello, with a­bout four and twenty men that went to guard the Duke of Tursi, who was escaped before they came, and gotten to Don John with the Prince of Avella, who received them with much joy, and great testimonies of esteem and friendship. Bat­timiello with his men got behind a little wall that served as a brest-work, and the Knight de Four­bin's horse falling under him, he forsook him, and before he had gone a hundred paces met a Bat­tallion of Spaniards, and a Squadron of horse that demanded who he was for, he answered the People and his Highness, and endeavouring to fire his Pistols, they both missed, whilst nine or ten Muskets were discharged against him, one whereof wounded him in his thigh; a Surgeon that had followed him from his lodging seeing the Enemies in so great numbers ran away, and he perceiving himself to be alone and wounded, got to the Arch-bishops Palace, where finding the door open, he bolted it after him. The Spaniards went about to fire it, but a Priest com­ing in accidentally opened it for them, Fourbin [Page 505] then going about to defend himself with his Sword, the Officers offered him quarter, which (being surrounded with a hundred men) he was forced to accept of. Matheo d' Amore, gallant and faithful, with thirty Souldiers of his Company ran valiantly to the alarm, and meeting three hun­dred Spaniards, gave no answer to their Who are you for, but his Highnese and the People, and refusing quarter (crying out he would die for me and his Country) was slain fighting, after he had been wounded by seven or eght Musket-shot; a death too glorious for a man of so mean de­scent.

All their Troops being by several passages ar­rived at the Market-place, Don John and the Earl of Ognate prayed Cardinal Filomarini, that was come to them, to go to Gennaro, and give him their parole for his security, and the punctual performance of all that had been promised him, and sending three hundred men to possess them­selves of the Carmelites Tower, in this manner recovered Naples, without resistance, and al­most without any any effusion of blood, incited by despair, which cast them upon an enterprise, of which they expected not any good success, resolved (had it failed) to have abandoned the Castles the next day, and have retired to the ma­rime Towns there to wait for supplies from Spain, having provisions left them but for four and twenty hours, and no hope of relief from any part. This they often acknowleged to me in the time of my imprisonment.

Whilst all these things passed I (without any [Page 506] knowledge of them) attended the marching out of the Garrison of Nicita, till the Adjutant of Landi's Regiment came to tell me that the Post of Alba was taken, and the Spaniards entred the Town; which he did so loud, and in so despair­ing an accent, that I had like to have caused him to have been killed to prevent his discouraging my Troops, as the Prince of Orange did at the Battail of Newport, to him that in the morning brought him news of the defeat of his Van. I immediately ordered Colonel Meloni to draw off the men I had in the Isle of Nicita, and put the rest in order to follow me, going before my self to see if there were any possibility of giving re­medy to so great and unexpected a mischief. I crossed through the Town of Possilippo, where I found all the Inhabitants in tears and a mor­tal ashonishment▪ I caused them to recover their courage, and reassume their arms, and marching towards Vomero perceived the Souldiers had abandoned ther Post, and prepared to be gone: and they seemed to me to consult whether they should not fire upon me. I rid up to them, and demanding whither they went, they told me they thought of nothing but securing themselves since the Spaniards were become Masters of Naples. I told them it was a false report, and commanded them to their quarter; that there had indeed hap­pened some disorder in the Town, but that I was going to put an end to it by my pre­sence. Upon the first report I had sent the Sieur de la Bottellerie, one of my Field-Adjutants to [Page 507] see what passed, and return to give me account, to which purpose I sent two of my Guards with him, that he might dispatch them one after an­other, till he himself had made a nearer discove­ry of the matter: He passed by the Schools, and advancing as far as St. Gennaros Gate, perceived a Battaglion of the Enemy, and that all the Vir­gins Suburbs had already rendred to them; in his return to make me this sad report, his bridle was laid hold on, and his Cane snatched from him; but making his way with his pistol in his hand, he hastened back to me as fast as his horse could run, seeing in his way the heads of my two Guards that he had sent before him. I perceiv­ed by him that I could not that way get into the Town, and met Marco de Lorenzo, that had great kindness for me, who cried out poor Prince flye▪ you are lost, you have been betrayed, and the Spaniards are Masters of the Town, I go home to endeavour to secure my house from plundering, then weeping and embracing me, galloped away.

The Knight des Essars propounded to me me to return to Possilippo, there to get Felucca's to carry me to Rome. I looked angirly on him and told him, till now I ever thought you my friend, but I find the contrary: there remains no more to be thought on, but to die with our swords in our hands; and I swear that if any be hereafter so bold as to mention an escape to me, I will run my sword through him. I struck into the field to fetch a compass about the Virgins Suburbs, and endeavor to get into the Town [Page 508] by the Gate of Nola, and passing a deep way between two high banks, saw a very ill looking fellow on the top of one of them, with fourteen or fifteen Muskteers, who asked me for his High­ness, not knowing me because my Cloak was thrown over my face. I asked what his business was with him? he answered, pay him my re­spects and kiss his feet: I replied he was coming behind, and kept on my way: the fellow soon after seeing a Captain of horse called la Breche, with a Buffcoat, and Sleeves and Breeches em­broidered with gold, caused five or six Muskets to be fired at him, by which both he and his horse were killed. Having recovered the plain, I rid streight to the gate of Nola, which I found to be in the Enemies possession, and turning towards the entrance of St. Anthonies Suburb I met two Gipsies, who told me that the Gate of Capua was not only taken, but that I should find Musketeers at the Barricado that was at the entrance into the Suburbs. I resolved to see whether they told me truth, and was quickly confirmed by a voley as soon as I came near it. I thought it was possi­ble the Enemy might not be advanced so far as the Market-place, and that passing through the Suburb of Loretto, and entring by the Gate that is under the Carmelites Tower, by rallying some of the people, I might either die at their head, or repell the Enemy, causing by my presence all the Inhabitants to take arms, and the general con­sternation of the whole Town to cease, by means of their confidence in me: but coming to the Suburb of Lorettto, I saw seven or eight Spanish [Page 509] Colours planted on the top of the Carmelites Tower, by which understanding my misfortune to be irrecoverable, I resolved to make to­wards St. Maries of Capua, to dis-engage the Sieur de Mallet, and rallying all the Troops he commanded, endeavour to pass the River Voltorno near Caiazzo, where I had a Garrison, to go from thence into Abruzzo, to joyn with the Troops that carried on the War there by my Commissions.

Some Neapolitans propounded to me to take the way of Benevento, from whence I might af­terwards pass to any part of the Realm I should chuse, but I was not of this Opinion, judging that the Enemies had possessed themselves of the Streights of La Cerra, by which they might probably expect I would pass. All that were with me began by degrees to go away and shift for themselves; the Abbot Laudati was sollici­tous to provide himself of a safe retreat; Jomo St. Apollino, the Master of my Horse, returned to Naples, on a very fair Courser he rid, hoping not only to obtain indempnity but a good recep­tion, by presenting him to Don John of Au­stria. My Neapolitan Guards slipped away one after another, after they had thrown their Co­lours into a Ditch; and before I had rid two Leagues, one half of the Sixscore Horse that had attended me, left me.

Coming in sight of Juliana, I thought not good to take the way of Aversa, distrusting Pepe Palombe that was Governor; and having left my men about five hundred paces from Juli­ana, [Page 510] whilest I rid alone very well mounted to enquire whereabouts I might pass a little Brook, I heard the noise of a fierce skirmish, and met the Nephew of Jacomo Rosso, who told me that his Uncle a sworn enemy of John Andrea, Cu­rate and Head of the People of that Town, a man couragious and resolute, was gone with seven or eight hundred men he had drawn to­gether, to kill him, he having revolted to the Enemy; that his Uncle had already forced two Houses, where he had slain some of those that opposed him, and amongst the rest cut off the head of Captain Tullo, John Andrea's Bro­ther in Law, whom he had besieged in his House, which he vigorously defended. I told him that I was very glad his Uncle in that man­ner executed my Orders, that he should make sure to take him dead or alive, that he might be punished for his many Crimes, making a shew that he acted by my Order, and the other (of whose fidelity I was assured) in opposition to me. He asked me if the report were true that the Spaniards were Masters of Naples, of which they had notice by the ringing of all the Bells of the Town. I told him it was true that by means of some Correspondence, they had been let in at the Gate of Alba, and advanced as far as the Schools; but that I arriving with Troops from Posilippo, had beat them back, and forced them to forsake the Town, with loss of many of their men; for joy whereof I had com­manded all the Bells to be rung. He asked whither I went? I answered him that the [Page 511] greatest part of the Garrison of Capua being marched out on some enterprise, the peo­ple taking arms had driven the remainder into the Castle; that they had sent me word of this, that I might come and take possession of the Town, which they would not deliver but into my own hands, for fear my Troops might com­mit some violences, which my presence would prevent; that for that reason I came so slender­ly accompanied, that I might arrive the sooner; and since I intended not to go to Aversa, where I knew I should be obliged to stay some hours, I told him he would do me a pleasure to shew me where I might pass the River. He pointed to a little Village on my right hand, where was a Bridge hard by a Mill. I ordered him to ac­quaint his Uncle with the good news I had told him, and returning to my men, went forward, very glad to have been informed of the way I was to follow.

As I passed through this little Village, I was met by a Countryman that knew me, who presently carried news of it to Pepe Palombe Go­vernour of Aversa, which perswaded him of the truth of the report that the Spaniards had entred Naples; he therefore writ immediately of it to Don Lewis Poderico, that commanded in Ca­pua, and that if he sent to secure the passages of Voltorno, he must needs take me Prisoner, that being the way I took for my escape; the com­pass I was fain to take to avoid passing by Aver­sa, gave him time enough to send this dispatch by an Officer he confided in, accompanied by [Page 512] three other persons. As soon as I got into the great rode to Capua, discovering at a good di­stance four men a horse-back that went before me, I took along three of the best mounted of my followers, and having commanded them, (observing me very well) to do in all things like me, galloped after and quickly over-took them, and my self riding side by side with the Officer, each of my followers in like manner accosted his man. I enquired what news at Aversa, and after a little discourse surprising him, clapped my Pistol at his head, and commanded him to alight, every one of my followers doing the like to every one of his Companions; I made him confess that Pepe Palombe had sent him to Don Lewis Poderico, with Letters, which he delivered to me. As soon as the rest of my men came up, I caused all the four to be searched, to see if they had any more Letters than those they had given me. I would not suffer them to be killed, but to prevent their carrying any news of me, caused them to be bound hand and foot, and thrown into one of the Ditches on the High­way-side. I commanded such of my men as were worst mounted to take their horses, and causing those that were left to be ham-stringed, rid towards St. Maries of Capua; being cer­tain the news of the surprisal of Naples could not be arrived there, and that I must needs see and secure any Messenger that should pass by to carry it.

As soon as I came within a quarter of a league of St. Maries, I sent the Sieur de Bottillerie be­fore, [Page 513] to desire the Sieur de Mallet to meet me, because I had something of very great import­nnce to acquaint him with. He could not so readily obey this Summons, by reason of a ve­ry hot Skirmish at that time between our Horse and those of Capua. The Sieur de l' Isola a Neopolitan, that had quitted his employment in the Dutchy of Milan to come to me, hoping to obtain pardon by bringing news of my re­treat, being mounted on a very fair Courser of mine, leaped a great Ditch that was on the left hand of our way, and desired my permission to ride up to two of the Enemies Centries, which appeared on a little Hill, which I granted be­cause it would have been to no purpose to have forbidden it. He was the cause, by the intelli­gence he gave, that Horse were sent to follow me, and Orders to all Villages on my way, to take arms against me; and that the Prince of Fo­rino was ordered with his Company of Dragoons to possess himself of the Pass of the Ferry. Hie­ronimo Fabrani my Secretary, went into St. Ma­ries of Capua so affrighted and besides him­self, that it was very discernable he brought ill news.

The Sieur de Mallet at our meeting acquaint­ed me that our Troops being engaged against the Enemy, it would be very hard to draw them off, without obliging them to follow me; that it was therefore best whilest they were bu­sied, to get over by the Ferry before it were seised on. I commanded two Captains of Horse that accompanied him, whose Troops were in [Page 514] their Quarters, to cause them to mount and fol­low me; and the Sieur de Mallet serving us for Guide, we took the way to the River. As we came near the Castle of Caserta I perceived a Squadron of Horse come out of a Wood that was on our left hand, and immediately put all the men I had with me in order, who made not above five and forty or fifty Horse, the rest having left me; and perceiving the gray horse I rid to be weary, who at his best was not very fleet, I gave him to the Baron of Rouvron, and taking another on which he rid, very good and extraordinary swift, rid up to view the Squadron that came towards us. As soon as I came within thirty paces of it, the Officer ad­vanced towards me with his hat in his hand, telling me that was the Company of Cicio Fer­bingere, General of our Horse, whose Lieute­nant he was, who had commanded him to take horse according to my Orders, and that he came to know what I had to command him. I told him he should follow me as a Rear-Guard. This Company had already revolted from us, and the Officer advanced to me on no other account but to prevent my seeing an Adjutant of the Enemies called Battimiello, who rid at its head, but at my approach fell back into the first Rank.

As soon as I was returned to my men, I cau­sed them to march, and after half an hour (de­scending a very steep and stony hill, hard by a Village called Morana) heard some behind me cry Kill, Kill, and looking back, perceived that [Page 515] the Company that brought up my Rear charged me with Sword and Pistol, discovering three o­ther Squadrons of Horse on the top of the hill, I called to my men to gallop as hard as they could out of that narrow and difficult way, to gain a Medow I saw at the foot of it, where cast­ing off my Cloak I drew them up, and charging the Enemy that pursued me disorderly, routed them, and whilest they rallied having discover­ed a great Ditch about a thousand paces from thence, we leaped it and placed ourselves in a Body on the other side, charging the Enemy as he attempted to come over to us, and having disordered them in the like manner as before, we got over another Ditch, this Countrey being cut off by frequent Ditches and Torrents, still turning head as soon as we had passed any of them, and having disordered the Enemy get­ting to another; in such a manner making our retreat three quarters of a league. At last com­ing to a Bank covered with stubbed Wood, where we must needs fall into a File, and having on our left hand a Hedge lined with thirty Muske­teers, I thought that coming hindmost I could not escape their Volly; wherefore casting the Bridle on my Horse neck, and taking my two Pistols in my two hands, I rid right up to them, to cause them to fire with greater precipitation▪ it succeeded according to my expectation, for firing all at once and very high, the Bullets pas­sed over my head, hurting only two of my Com­pany of those that rid last and one horse. Af­ter this we advanced another half league, the [Page 516] Enemy still pressing upon us, and we defending our selves as before: In the mean time the Countrey was raised, by ringing the Bells of all the Villages, and the Countrey people posses­sing themselves of all Passes, we could neither come near hedge nor bush without being fired on. We were to pass through a Medow en­compassed with a little ditch, and a hedge lined with Countrey people, which was very diffi­cult; the men had lain under contribution of the Sieur de Mallet, and knowing him and calling by his name, desired him to come and alight and speak with them. He pray'd us to ride on as fast as we could, whilest he amused them, and (a grey Mare he rid being very good and very swift) overtook us. The Horse that followed us, told all the Countrey people they met that we were French Traytors, that were making our escape after we had plundered the Countrey, that they ought not to give us Quarter, and commanding them to fire upon the Sieur de Mallet, that rid from them as fast as he could, they broke one of his Mares legs, which fell up­on him, he finding no possibility of recovering himself. Hearing this, I cried out, it were un­handsome to suffer so gallant a man to be lost, that had sacrificed himself for us, and that such as had honour should follow me to dis-engage him, which I did with but five to accompany me; when I came within twenty paces of him, the Knight de la Visseclette seeing him on the ground without motion, told me he was dead, and that therefore it was to no purpose for us to [Page 517] hazard our selves, and that we lost a great deal of time. The Country people having indeed gained time to charge again, fired upon us and hurt some of our horses, and mine amongst the rest; I know not whether it was by a shot of the Carabine of Visconti, Lieutenant to the Cui­rassiers of Don Diego de Cordoua, who command­ded the Enemies Scouts, or by a Musket-shot of those Country people.

I must needs here relate the proposal made me by the Marquis de Chaban and the Knight de la Visseclette to stay both of them to make good some of the Passes, to gain me time for my escape: Though they pressed this very much I would never consent, and told them that I had not so great a value for my life, as to preserve it by the abandoning two so brave and generous persons, and that I would either die with them, or they should escape with me.

In the mean time the Country being very much inclosed with ditches and hedges lined with Mus­ketiers, we were fain to pass through a discharge they made upon us. The Baron of Rovrou's horse was shot through the rains, which obliged him to leave him, and creeping into a hedg cover him­self over with leaves, and almost enterr him­self to avoid the Country people: The Sieur de Graville received a bullet on the crupper of his Saddle, that so much drained his rains, and made so great a confusion, that he a great while thought he had been shot. The horse of the Sieur Miniere, a young man of Paris, fell into a ditch, and his Master using no endeavor to get [Page 518] him out, followed us a foot with so great appre­hension, that he became distracted, and (nothing prevailing to recover him) died mad: He cried out to me that the enemie pursued him, and be­sought me to command some one or other to alight and give him his horse: I told him all the curtesie I could do him was to cause another to take him up behind him; which I commanded the Sieur de Bar to do, who rid a great bay Cour­ser of the race of the Stilliani. The horse of the Sieur de la Chaise being shot, fell, but he raised him again by spurring him in the buttock, and leaping upon him endeavored to follow me. Then the Sieur de Marests, one of the Canons of St. John of Liege, my Almoner, came up to me to know if I would be confessed: I answered him it was too soon, and that I had yet a great many other things to do. A black Spa­nish horse of the Knight des Essars had lost all his shooes, as his Master said, by riding still be­fore to discover the passes. We were now come to the Marshes, and wanted but a quarter of a league to the river and safety; our Troop by reason of such as fled and died could not make above five and twenty horse, when mine was shot into the body with a Musket, which made him fall to the ground, yet I got him up, but found he had not strength to support himself. Turning then to my Company, I told them, you see Gentlmen we can do no more, all our horses are lame or ti­red let us joyn in a Body and dying handsomely, sell our lives as dear as we can; we are pursued by five or six hundred horse, all the wayes are [Page 519] flanked by foot, and all the passes cut off: then turning to the Sieur de la Chaise, go said I and demand of the Enemies if they will give us good quarter, if so, we must accept it, if not, let them know they shall not kill us so easily as they ima­gine. He had no sooner spoke to them but they cried out All manner of civiltiy and good quarter. I asked if there were an Officer, because I would not yield to any other. Visconti a Lieutenant of Cuirassiers advancing to speak to me, a Country fellow, fired his Musket within ten paces of me, crying No quarter. I would have rid up to him with my sword, but my horse was so weak that he sunck into the mire, and I had much adoe to get him out; the Country fellow ran into a Wood, and Visconti firing his Carabine at him missed him. Coming back to me we began to parly, when two men arrived, one of them on a gray horse with a black Velvet Coat, the other in Mourning on a bay. Visconti told me that one of them was Carlo de Falco, and the other Don Fernando de Montalvo, Cousin to the late Mar­quis of St. Juliana, slain at the skirmish of Aversa; that they were both Captains, and therefore his authority ceased. I offered them my Sword, but they told me they had too great respect for me to disarm me, and that they would have presented me theirs, if mine had ei­ther been lost or broken. I offered them my Pistols, which they refused, telling me they would not take them till I alighted. But each of them desiring some token that I had rendered my self to them, I gave them two ribbands out of [Page 520] my hat, one green, the other Isabella. I desired them to secure such as were with me from being ill used or plundered, which was punctually ob­served. They took only their Swords, and not visiting their pockets they might have kept their money, had not they themselves very much pressed an acceptance of it. The Knight des Essars had a Cross of Diamonds worth a thou­sand Crowns, which he let fall into the field, and was very much troubled next morning after he had sent to seek it to no purpose.

The Baron of Gouland, Colonel of the Bur­gundian horse, came in quickly after, with Don Prospero Tuttavilla, who commanded the Party; as also Don Joseph Caetano, and three or four other Gentlemen, who offered me many civili­ties, with another horse, mine own being una­ble to stand any longer. I gave them thanks, telling them, that he had done me so good ser­vice that I should be glad not to a light from him, but that he might die between my legs; that my haste was not so great to go to prison, and that how pressing soever their occasions might be I knew they would not leave me be­hind. They could not forbear laughing at this answer. The Knight de la Visseclete mounted on a vigorous Courser which he had presented me, and I refused, because he was restie, and would never leave his company, told me (whilst I was in the middle of these Gentlemen) that as long as he thought my life in danger he forsook me nor, and staid to have died with me; but seeing that secured, and thinking he might be more use­full [Page 521] to my service at libery than in prison, he at­tempted to escape, and spurring his horse, which contrary to custom started freely, and with an incredible swiftness, though followed by above fifty horsemen escaped them, and alighted a league off, where he cut off his hair, and getting to a Convent of Capuchins, put on one of their habits which was charitably given him, and in that equipage had the good luck to get to Rome. Three other persons that attempted the same thing were slain by the Peasants. I was brought to Capua, with the Sieur Marsilli, a Gentleman of Bollonois, and Joseph Scopa an Italian Priest, that had caused the Duke of Tursi to be taken, with seventeen Frenchmen, who were the Knight des Essars, the Baron de Causans, the Marquis de Chabans, de Canherou, de la Chaise, d'Eureux, de la Botelerie, de Souillac, de Bar, de Beauchamp, Larche, de Graville, de Minieres, Compagnon my Steward, Desmarests my Almoner, Branion my Surgeon, and Dominico my Chamberlain.

After we had rid a league, those Gentlemen asked me if I would drink, and eat a bit of bread with some fruit, which I readily accepted being very dry. Joseph Scopa sensible they spared him but in order to hang him, with an hundred Che­quins that he had about him deboised a Burgun­dian Horseman, that willing to go for his Coun­try was glad of such an occasion, and faithfully conducted to Rome. We heard a noise in a Hog­stie, and as soon as the dore of it was opened, (not without great joy) I saw the Sieur de Mal­let come forth, whom believing dead I had most [Page 522] passionately lamented, as one that had endeavor­ed to save my life and liberty. I tenderly em­braced him, the Gentlemen whose Prisoner I was doing the like, having had a very great kindness for him ever since the Conference they held with him. I desired to hear his adventure; and he told me that his horse having been kil­led, and falling upon him, he counterfeited himself dead to escape the furie of the Peasants, till see­ing an Officer of his acquaintance pass by, he rendred himself to him, who brought him to the place where we had found him. We passed the way in discourse very gallant and pleasant, Don Joseph Caetano going before with a naked sword, and causing all the Peasants to crie Viva la Spagna: I could not but vex my self to hear these Rascals lament they had missed carrying my head to Naples, imagining to have gotten a considerable summe for it, though it made my il fortune very supportable, in that I was fallen into the hands of people of quality.

By that time I came within a mile of Capua it was night, where I found Don Lewis Poderico with torches and a Coach to receive me; he a­lighted to meet me, and as I did the like, my foot was no sooner out of the stirrup but a trembling seised my horse, after which he fell dead at the Boot of the Coach. Many embraces having p [...]s­sed between us, we took Coach, and I was re­ceived into Capua, not as a Prisoner, but with all honors I could have expected if I had made my entrance as Master of it. Monsieur de Po­derico brought me to his House, before his door [Page 523] I found a Company of Spanish foot; he present­ed me the Captain, and afterwards all the Gentry and Officers of his Troops, and having brought me to my Chamber, caused the Captain to stay at the door, that he might not be troublesome: he asked whether I would sup privately or in company, and leaving it to his choice, he said if it were acceptable to me, the chief of the Nobility would be overjoyed to wait on me. After this he told me he thought I would be glad to enjoy some privacy and refresh my self, that if I would write any Letters concerning my particular af­fairs, he would send them away that very night by an express, to what part soever I desired; then taking his leave, and none but Frenchmen remaining with me, he sent me Paper and Ink, and ordered a fire to be made: and as soon as he came down caused to be proclaimed, that all Frenchmen that could be met with should be brought to Capua, not misused nor stript on pain of death: he ordered a list to be taken of all Prisoners, and lodged the Gentlemen amongst the best of the Nobility, and the rest by billet, allotting each of them a Centry to follw them, that so they might visit one another, and come to me as often as I pleased. Every man sought to give good entertainment to his Prisoner, stri­ving with emulation who should pay them grea­test respect and civility. As soon as I found my self alone, my first care was to burn a Letter I had received in the morning, which if taken would have cost the lives of many persons of quality, and which I durst not tear lest the [Page 524] pieces might have been recollected. Then I writ to Rome for money, with the account of my misfortune, and some Letters into France, after the stile of Francis the First when he was taken prisoner at Pavia, that I had lost all but my life and honor. I sent them open by the Knight des Essars to Don Lewis Poderico, with my seal to in­close them when he should have perused them, but he would not look on them, and immediately sealing them, sent them away by an Express to Rome. We used the Paper that remained to make Lampoons on our misfortune, and such as had shewn most fear: all that were taken with me can bear witness, that no alteration could ever be ob­served in my countenance, neither in my retreat, whilst I was taken prisoner, nor during the time I was at Naples, the different accidents of my good or evil fortune never giving me any di­sturbance, acting continually with as much tran­quillity as if I had been no wayes concerned: which is rather to be attributed to a natural in­sensibility, than to a constancy of resolution that armed me against all events.

After this Don Lewis Poderico sent to know whether he should not incommode me by a visit, and having returned, that he should do me a ve­ry great favour, he came followed by many per­sons of quality: he first signified his sorrow that his respects were to be paid me on so displeasing an occasion, and that he was no less sensible of my misfortune than I could be my self; I an­swered, that men that wear swords, being ever liable to such accidents, ought not to be surpri­sed [Page 525] at them: that good and ill success depend­ing more on fortune than merit, persons of qua­lity and courage that are above her should never be concerned in her inconstancy: that my great­est sorrow for my imprisonment was, that I was no longer in a condition to be useful to the inte­rest of the Neapolitan Nobility, which I prefer­red above my own, and that my only consolati­on was the good usage I received from them, being naturally pleased to have obligation to persons I esteemed, and passionately desired to serve. Some of the Company replyed, that though I was to be pittyed, they themselves were much more so, because my loss of liberty brought them into fetters, much heavier than they had ever been loden with. Don Lewis Po­derico interrupting this discourse, told me, That having received no order from Naples to secure me, nor yet any advice of what had happened, at the time of my arrival at St. Maries of Capua, if I had sent him a Trumpet to have desired to pass into the Popes Territorie, he should not only have granted it, but himself with all the Nobility would have accompanied me thither, and after he had given me his word, no autho­rity should have been sufficient to have made him break it. We had notice that Supper was served in, which obliged us to go and take out places.

All were very pleasant at Supper, and now and then rallyed the people of Naples, whom I excused on pretence of their natural inconstan­cy, and declaring my true meaning, said, that [Page 526] though I had a kindness for them, my intenti­on ever was to have restored order, and brought them under the authority of the Nobi­lity as they had been formerly, and as was just and reasonable: that my present misfortune happened to me because so few Gentlemen had declared on my side: That I had so great a value for those of that Kingdom, that I assured my self if I could once have appeared at the head of them, I should no longer have apprehended the power of Spain, nor have feared all Europe joyn­ed together. All those Gentlemen obliged by my esteem and good opinion returned their thanks, as well for my care in preserving their Estates and Houses from plundering, as them­selves and their relations from the peoples inso­lencies during the time of my command. After this, glasses were called for, and my health cere­moniously drunk, and our wines being the best in the world, we sat long at Table, with a great dealth of mirth, freedom, and reciprocal testi­monies of esteem and friendship. Some of them told me, that since my life and honor were pre­served, I was to hope, that fortune who is only constant in inconstancy, (her displeasure being now over) would become favorable to me: I an­swered, that this world being fitly resembled to a Play, the first Act of mine was begun with a good cudgelling, as is ordinary in Italian Co­medies; but that I hoped I might come again upon the Stage with different success, and before I died make my self considerable in Europe, by acquiring some esteem, and perhaps some advan­tage. [Page 527] These discourses held on both sides, with very little circumspection, were reported to the Spaniards, who interpreting them accord­ing to their jealous humor, redoubled their suspitions of a very great understanding be­tween me and the Nobility; which went so far, that they believed they had twice assembled to deliberate whether they should set me at li­berty, and whether it were not their interest, as soon as the French Fleet should arrive, to declare and place me at their head? This was often told me in the time of my imprisonment as well at Gaeta as in Spain, and I in vain en­deavoured to dis-abuse them of an imagination as ridiculous as improbable.

After Supper they all brought me to my Chamber, where new discourse began, and rallying Don Lewis Poderico, I told him I was to make him many excuses, for having so long delayed the delivery of a Letter I had for him, and more for the boldness I had taken to open it, which yet might be pardonable in a person naturally of so great curiosity as my self. I then gave him Pepe Palombe's Letter that was direct­ed to him, which I had taken from his Messen­ger on the way. He read it aloud, and smiling told me, he expected not that I should have been the Bearer of such news; that that of my retreat had been brought him by one called l' Is [...]la, thinking so to save his life, which he the more deserved to lose, by being unfaithful to both sides; that he had been an Officer in the Dutchy of Milan, which service he deserted on report [Page 528] of the disorders of Naples, and went to me, whom now he had betrayed, that he might a­gain return to the service of Spain; but it being just to take advantage of treason without loving the Traitor, he had accepted his intelligence, which yet should not save him from hanging, so to revenge both of us; me of a Traitor, and himself of a Runnaway. This had a general approbation, and there was not any in the com­pany that did not solicite his execution instead of interceding for his pardon.

After this something happened very ridicu­lous; Hieronimo Fabrani, my Secretary, of all the men in the world the most avaricious, more concerned for the loss of his money than liber­ty, and almost distracted, besought me in pre­sence of all those Gentlemen to write to desire Don John of Austria, to cause twenty thou­sand Chequines that had been taken from him, to be restored I answered him laughing, that before I so far hazarded my credit, I thought best to try him in something of less importance, because I loved not to expose my self to the af­front of a denial; but that to deal freely with him, I thought his fear had made him mad, since he forgot that ten or twelve dayes before, when I would have borrowed only half this sum, which might have secured us both against our present misfortune, he told me he had no money, and believing he durst not tell me a lie, I supposed what he told me at present was the effect of a frensie. He took a great deal of pains to perswade me the contrary, but I still [Page 529] persisting, he conjured me at least that his Tapi­stry and other Moveables might be restored. I let him understand that my credit could not ex­tend so tar, because the Moveables and Tapistries coming to be owned by the Proprietors, none would for my sake be so unjust as to detain them from them. He went away murmuring in great discontent, and all things seeming to contribute to our mirth (though there was little appearance of any cause for it on my side) we were surprised to see coming out of a with­drawing room the Sieur de Miniere stark naked, his hair tied up on the crown of his head like a bunch of Herons feathers, with a red ribband, his Boots on his shoulder like a Knapsack, falling on his knees before me, his fear (which I for­merly mentioned) having turned his brain: I asked what he sought of me in such an equipage? He answered that desiring to be my Chief Secre­tary, he came to take his Oath in such manner as the Romans did to their antient Emperors. This though pleasant, moved compassion, with ad­miration of the effects of fear of death in weak heads. I desired care might be taken of him, and that he might have a Bed. Fabrani whose drowsi­ness was not overcome by the displeasure of his loss, leaning against a Table, fell on the floor, so heavily, he might have broken the boards, which was another cause of laughter. Don Lewis Poderico told me, that it being late, he feared the like might happen to him or some o­ther of the Company, that it was therefore bet­ter to bid me good night, than give a new oc­casion [Page 528] [...] [Page 529] [...] [Page 530] for laughter; and going away, our priso­ners also went every one to his lodging, none of my servants staying, but such as were to lie in my with-drawing room.

As soon as I was in Bed, the Spanish Captain that guarded me, desired to see me and bid me good night, that he might be sure he left me in my Chamber, after which he locked the door. I had toiled very much all day, and not slept the night before, which now recompensing I awa­ked not till Nine next morning As soon as I was desirous to rise, the Captain opened the door, to bid me good morrow, and see me in my Bed, afterwards going out to leave me to my liberty. Don Lewis Poderico sent to enquire of my health, and whether it would not be in­convenient to visit me as soon as I should be ready, sending me linnen and a Coat, know­ing I had nothing on but Buffe in which I had been taken, and the weather being yet cold. A little after he came into my Chamber, with the Prince of St. Severe his Nephew, the Prince de Forina, the Marquiss de la Bella, the Prince de Supina ▪ the Prince de Chiusana, Don Camil­lo Caraffa, Don Joseph Caetano, Don Caesar de Capua, and many other Gentlemen. He asked if I would go to Mass, whither they would all accompany me, causing the Spanish Guard to stay behind as unnecessary, whilest so many Per­sons of Quality went with me. All the French Prisoners came to me, and we went to a Church hard by, where I received all Honor and Civi­lities I could have expected if at liberty, and [Page 531] all about me seemed rather persons that fol­lowed to make their Court to me, then such as had a care to guard and secure me.

After Mass and a Walk I was brought home, and Monsieur Poderico having drawn me aside, told me, that care ought to be taken of preser­ving my life, the worst being to be distrusted from the cruel and jealous humor of the pani­ards; that the Nobility were too much obliged, and had too great esteem and affection for me, to suffer me to run any hazard; that they would assuredly all rather perish, than let me continue in danger: but that I must be helpful to my self, and seek to get time, the best remedy on such occasions; that I was therefore to express great dissatisfaction against France for having aban­doned me, with equal intention to revenge my self: that I must make a shew of engaging with Spain, and above all seek to perswade them of my Title to the Dutchy of Modena, and that I doubted not to be able to recover it, if I might be seconded by their forces, and invested by the Emperor: that their hatred for that Duke (greater than for me) joyned to their desire of being revenged on him, would oblige them to hearken to my Proposals, which I was to be sure to make considerable enough, to da­zle the eyes of Don John, a young and ambiti­ous Prince, and of the Viceroy, naturally a Lo­ver of Negotiations, so to oblige them to send sn account of my Offers to Madrid, which would gain much time, the first fury of their re­sentments being alone to be apprehended, as [Page 532] in the Case of Mareschal de Strozzi in the Ter­ceras.

His advice seemed good, and I desired him to write to Naples that some body might be sent to hear me, because I had matters of extraordi­nary importance to deliver. He dispatched a Messenger immediately, and we had news next morning that the Bishop of Aversa, a person of wit and capacity, Brother of the Prior of La Rocella, and of the House of Caraffa, was ap­pointed to confer with me. I dined alone that day, he excusing himself by reason of the many affairs that pressed him, and the Orders he was to give after so great a change of fortune. Ha­ving reposed a while after dinner, some of the Nobility came to entertain me, and falling into discourse of what had passed, and of their inte­rests and mine, we engaged so far, that we en­tered upon a very considerable Negotiation, from which I might assuredly have drawn great advantages; when a Spaniard came in, whom I saw not, my back being to the door; but one of those Gentlemen pressing my foot, I instant­ly changed discourse; which yet I could not do so handsomly, as altogether to prevent suspicion: going out he immediately writ to the Earl of Ognate, that after I had so long maintained the People in rebellion, I sought to debauche the Nobility, in which (if some speedy prevention were not used) it was to be feared I might have success.

In the evening the Prince of Avellina came to see me, and return me thanks for the care I [Page 533] had taken in preserving the plunder of his Ca­stle, and for punishing Paul of Naples, who born his subject, had committed all imaginable insolencies against him. I told him I was sorry I could not render him services more considera­ble, but that in my present condition, all I could do for his interests, was to advise him to make haste to Naples, to save his Moveables, which I had carefully gathered together; but being laid up in my Pallace, the Spaniards would in­fallibly plunder it: on which account I very much lamented, that my intentions for preser­ving what belonged to him, gave occasion for its being more exposed to hazard. He thanked me, and taking my counsel, went away immediately to give order in his concern­ments.

After this the Prince of la Rocca Romana came to see me, whose company was very disa­greeable; for he was a great talker, and all his discourse consisted of protestations of fidelity for Spain, with recital of his services to that Crown, and his joy to see heaven declared in favour of it. After a very slender complement relating to my misfortune, he took his leave.

The Spaniards in the mean time assembled, to deliberate what resolution was to be taken in my behalf. Opinions differed. All the Members Of the Collateral Council voted my death, al­ledging this reason, that I had acquired so great credit, and so general an esteem as well amongst the Nobility as People, that it was to be feared that as long as I lived, the Kingdom could never [Page 534] be well settled, and that the recovery of my liberty would again embroil all▪ that malecontents would alwayes keep alive in their hearts a secret hope, which fomenting the seeds of rebellion that remained, would produce effects on the first occasion; that understanding the natural clemency of their King, they could do him no better service, than to deprive him of the means of making use of it towards a Person so dange­rous, and where its consequences might be so fatal; that by this they should free him from the importunities of all the Princes and Potentates of Europe, to whom I appertained by Blood, Alliance, or Friendship, who would certainly intercede for my life and liberty; that I had a­scended so near a Throne, that my ambition could not be satisfied with any establishment be­low it; and that Naples had come too near my heart, to be ever forgotten by me: that as long as I lived, I would aspire to the possession of a Crown I thought I had lost only by the effects of hazard and misfortune, and that I had look­ed upon as mine own: that the proceeding of the Marquiss of St. Cruce in the Case of the Mareshal of Strozzi in the Terceras was to be followed; that this execution was not to be de­layed, least France should render it impossible, by avowing my actions and laying claim to me, as a person sent by her; and that had acted only by her Power and Order: that they ought to mike no difficulty of following the example Charles of Anjou made of Conradin, and that by the counsel of Pope Clement the Fourth: [Page 535] that if such a proceeding seemed cruel, yet it would be very safe; and that when the esta­blishment of a Kingdom comes into considera­tion, the most violent resolutions are best: that besides all this, my death would serve as a great example, to deterre and prevent ambitious per­sons from concerning themselves in the insurre­ctions of Provinces, to which the Spanish Mo­narchy might be more liable than any other, having so many different Nations under its Go­vernment, and its Dominions so extended, di­vided, and at so great a distance from each o­ther.

Zeal for their Countrey inclined them not so much to this, as their shame of having had re­course to me for preservation of their Estates and Charges, and their having held Correspon­dencies with me, they thought could not al­wayes be kept secret, unless by my death, and the removal of an irreproachable witness of their infidelity and treason.

On the other side the Duke of Tursi that owed me his life, thought himself bound in ho­nour, to requite me, by saving mine, and to that purpose alledged all the reasons that Policy or Morality could suggest. They were second­ed by Don Melchior de Borgia, who being my Kinsman (he by the Duke of Candie descending from Pope Alexander, and [...] by Lucretia de Borgia his Daughter, married into the House of Ferrara) thought himself on that account en­gaged in honour to preserve me: he therefore omitted nothing to that purpose, embracing my [Page 536] interests with all imaginable zeal, in it comply­ing with his natural inclination, which is sweet and obliging. These were persons of another manner of consideration and credit than those of the Collateral Council, both of them of the Council of State of Spain, and deputed by the Catholick King as Councellors to assist Don John, by whose advice he was to regulate him­self, and to do nothing without their. Parti­cipation; they added that if they were to be ti­ed up by examples, the most honourable, and such as had the best and most general reception in the world were to be followed: that the Marquiss of St. Cruce was much blamed, and that his violence and precipitation might have cost Spain very dear, had not troubles arose in France, which secured it from her resentments: that the cruelty of Charles of Anjou had been very much condemned, and blasted the high reputation his Valour had acquired him, of which he repented at leisure, by the bloody war that action drew upon him, which he was ready to sink under; that in the end he lost all Sicilia, and the head of his own Son (without a miraculous escape) had payed for that of Con­radin: that the authority of Pope Clement's counsel cannot justifie it, he having been a de­clared enemy to Conradin, whose resentments and power he apprehended, and whom over­living but a very few dayes, his death seemed an extraordinary punishment of heaven for so violent a counsel; that the History of England offered another manner of example of King Ed­ward [Page 537] the Third, who by his Clemency acquired a reputation that will last as long as the world: The Lord Percy being in rebellion against him, Archibald Dowglas on his own account, and without the authority of the King of Scotland his Soveraign, entred England in Arms in fa­vour of his revolted friend, beat up King Ed­ward his Quarters in a morning, and forced him to shift for himself bare-foot; but the King in that great battel he won against him, by which he re-established his Crown, having struck him from his Horse with his Lance, and taken him prisoner, after a severe punishment of his rebellious subjects, his Council being of opinion that he should cause Dowglas to die, as a particular person that unowned by any Crown, had come to foment rebellion in his Kingdom; that great and wise Edward answered, that not being born his subject he had no lawful autho­rity over him, that his death would be a poor revenge, and blemish the glory of his victory, and that judging by the hurt he had done him, how much he might be capable to serve him, if he became his friend, he resolved to give him liberty, which he did, desiring his friendship, and tenderly embracing him, with high commendation of his vertue and courage; an action certainly well-becoming a most gene­rous Prince, and that raised him in honour a­bove all his Contemporaries: they advised them therefore without passion to consider which of these two examples was to be imitated by so po­tent a King as their Master, who feared nothing [Page 538] from any private person, whom his generosity might for ever engage to him, besides the acqui­ring the admiration of all Europe.

The Earl of Ognate subtil and politick, in­clined to the first Opinion, which he fortified by many reasons; but would not take the bur­then of it on himself alone: besides being ex­treamly in love with Negotiations, he thought nothing could be lost by hearing what I had to say, which could not cause any long delay, and after examination whether my Offers were of greater or less importance to their Monarchy than my death, either would be in his choice, as absolutely depending on him; and he so highly satisfied himself that hazard recovered Naples, that he would not lightly hazard his reputation, nor do any thing that might appear blameable; it being an ordinary Maxime amongst the Spani­ards, That time and patience never prejudice af­fairs, which precipitation often ruins.

Don John of Austria, a young Prince, brave and generous, suffering himself to be led by his own inclinations, joyned with those that had honour on their side, making a long and curi­ous discourse, such as could not have been ex­pected from his youth, but rather from a per­son grown old in affairs, that having fixed all his thoughts on glory, governs the advantages of his Nation by high and splendid proceedings. He said, That the actions he had seen me per­form, having gained me his esteem, he could not hinder his affection from joyning with it; that he could not (without too sensible an affli­ction) [Page 539] see a Prince (whom it was in his power to save) die miserably: that he should think this not only infamous to himself, but contrary to the honour of the King his Father, who might draw greater advantages from my life than punishment: that such a Clemency would draw on his head a thousand Benedictions, and the applause of all Europe, and that he could never find a subject that merited it more than I, and that in my person alone he might oblige all the Princes to whom I was related: that it would be injurious to the Spanish Monarchy to discover to the eyes of all the world, that she sacrificed my life to her security; that she was too well e­stablished to be any ways shaken by any private person; that we lived not in the Age of Roman­ces, when a Knight Errant by his personal va­lour was able to destroy Kingdoms: that I were indeed an enemy to be apprehended, if I had the disposal of the power of France, but that she had sufficiently discovered that she would nei­ther contribute to the exaltation or establishment of my fortune: that she abandonned me at a time when without danger she might have deprived them of a Crown; and that it was very apparent she chose rather not to weaken her enemies than to suffer me to profit by their spoils; that he saw great advantages in this so extraordinary Maxime, because France alone being unable to make consi­derable and remote Conquests, and that People ve­ry improper to conserve them, Spain needed nei­ther fear the seditions nor revolts of any of her Dominions, time being alwayes favourable to [Page 540] her; besides that her subjects would never be forward, to flie to a protection, that in this conjuncture shewed it self, so useless; and that no Princes would thence-forward engage in the concernments of a Nation that would not suffer them to help themselves, and that looked with envy on the advantages acquired by serving her, though at the cost of the enemy: that judging my thoughts by his own, he believed me incensed by the refusal of assistance in so glorious an en­terprise, and so far provoked, that I breathed nothing but revenge, nor desired to preserve my life, but in order to it: that his Opinion was that this was to be fomented, and endeavours used to gain a person that might be so considerable to them: that the greater my ambition seemed, the greater confidence they ought to have in me, for perceiving France would never give me wherewithal to satisfie it, I would inseparably engage my self to Spain, who at its own charge would assist me with all things necessary to ad­vance it: that they ought not to ruin me on ac­count of my having concerned my self in the re­volutions of Naples, beause it is honourable for a couragious Prince to seek his advancement, which he cannot do with greater reason and ju­stice than amongst the enemies of his Countrey: that he could not blame that in me which he would have practiced himself, if he had been in my place, and that it cannot be imputed a Crime, to seek to acquire a Crown, from a Monarchy opposite to that to which we are born subjects: that he discerned nor the reason why particular [Page 541] actions when glorious, should pass for more cri­minal than general ones, being as useful and sometimes more to the advantage of our Coun­trey: and that those he had seen me do, being so eminent, obliged him to wish me well, it be­ing just to love vertue even in the persons of those that fight against us, and which for that cause we hate: that he thought himself con­cerned to exempt me from this number, and having made appear by his discourse how easily and safely I might be gained, he should preju­dice the service of the King his Father, if he u­sed not his uttermost endeavours towards it: that by what I had done without supplies and as­sistance, might easily be gathered what I could do in my Countrey amongst my Relations, second­ed by their Power, and animated by a spirit of revenge, in a Kingdom so turbulent and ever ready for revolutions: that his opinion was not only for saving my life, but giving me liber­ty: that having honour, I would questionless become faithful to Spain the remainder of my dayes, receiving so considerable and undeser­ved favours from her, France instead of recom­pencing my services having ingratefully aban­doned me: that their hatred and animosities for the Duke of Modena were much more rea­sonable than for me, who after the so good u­sage of the King his Father, without any cause of complaint, or dependance on or engage­ment to any other, had proclaimed war against them voluntarily, and attacqued the Dutchy of Milan, for enlarging his own Territories; but [Page 542] that things were very different on my side; that I was born a Frenchman; that war had been proclaimed between the two Crowns, and was not brought by me to Naples, that came thither only to seek my fortune, by assisting such as had already taken arms against the profest enemies of my Countrey: that it was good policy to revenge our selves of one enemy by the hand of another, and that I might most fitly be made use of against the Duke of Modena; that the Emperour had cause enough to dispossess him by the Imperial Ban; and my investure in that Dominion being procured, to give me forces sufficient to punish him, which he himself could not do without provoking the opposition and jealousie of all Italy; that this policy would seem new to all the Council, but we must change according to Occurrences, and when it should be examined without prejudice, he thought it would find a general approbation, without the contradiction of the King his Father. This dis­course suspended the opinions of all the Council, it was not followed because too favourable to me, neither durst any persist in that which was contrary, two Councellors of State having vo­ted for the preservation of my life: The result therefore was to send to Rome for the advice of the Cardinals of the Spanish Faction, and to determine nothing concerning me till the receipt of their Answer.

Marco de Lorenzo in the mean time to testifie his zeal for me, resolved to hazard a message to get news of me, and send me an account of [Page 543] what passed in Naples, he entrusted this im­ployment to a Musician he had, who had the cunning (for all my Guards) to get to me in my Chamber, where he told me, that the Town made no opposition to the entry of the Spani­ards, nor durst take arms, because of the report industriously spread abroad that I had made an agreement with them; of which when they came to be disabused by the news of my impri­sonment, the publick sorrow and despair was unimaginable: that though the inhabitants were not yet disarmed, the intention was to do it: that they were flattered by many fair promises, with hope of the confirmation of their Privi­ledges and exemption from Taxes: but that re­fusing all those advantages, they had unanimou­sly answered, That having so essential Obliga­tions to me, they could not look on my misfor­tune, nor the great peril to which my life was exposed, without a most sensible concernment, and that therefore renouncing all other preten­ces, the people were ready without contest to submit to whatsoever the Viceroy should please to impose upon them, provided I might be set at liberty, and that they would freely sacrifice their lives and estates, with their wives and chil­dren, to my interests. The concernment of the City of Naples for my imprisonment, and my fidelity to them, were great consolations to me: And though I apprehended my life to be in a great deal of danger, this relation was very a­greeable, and I desired the Messenger to assure his Master of my acknowledgments, and to tell [Page 544] all his acquaintance that my misfortune afflicted me on no other account but in that it prevent­ed me from delivering them from oppression, according to my promise and most earnest de­sires.

In the afternoon the Bishop of Aversa was brought to me by Don Lewis Poderico, and af­ter the complement, to which my condition obliged a person of his generosity, we took Chairs, and having caused all to avoid the room, he told me, That in order to my demand that some body might be deputed to hear the Proposals I had to make, Don John of Austria and the Viceroy had given him Commission for it: that he had accepted it with joy, as an oc­casion of doing me effectual service, that I might at least assure my self of this, that it could have been put into the hands of no person of better intentions, and that he would employ the ut­termost of his care and address, to free me from my misfortune, or at least to consolate it.

I told him that I came not to Naples without the participation of France, and the assurance that it was the best service I could possibly render her: that a resolution had been taken that I should have embarked on the Fleet and commanded it, so to carry the people all the assistance they had desired but that the extremity to which they were reduced not permitting them to tarry so long, the French Ministers at Rome had pressed me to hazard that passage, which succeeded not with­out a great deal of toil and danger: that I [Page 545] would without regret have sacrificed my self for the interests and glory of the Crown to which I was born a subject: that the King had not only approved my resolution, but had by his Letters testified an extraordinary obligation to me, with assurance that he would assist me with all things necessary, and send me a potent Fleet, with men, ammunition, money, and victuals: after all which the envy and malice of my ene­mies, or rather the treachery of a Pensioner of Spain, had caused me to have been miserably a­bandoned; but thinking my life could not be spent better than for the advantages of my Countrey, neither my courage nor good inten­tions became less on that account; and he might probably have heard what offers I had refused, it being impossible for me to be biased from my duty: that all my endeavors were recompenced with a Prison: that by so unjust and hard usage I was discharged both in the sight of God and men of all Obligation and Allegiance: that my resentments were as great as just: that I would therefore cast my self absolutely under the pro­tection, and into the interests of Spain, who, by what I had done against her, might easily judge what I could undertake against France, (even at the point of an insurrection) when se­conded by her power: that I had friends and relations very much dissatisfied, who would concern themselves in the wrongs I had received, my fidelity having been distrusted, and the ad­vantages of the Crown neglected, only in or­der to destroy me: that in some Provinces I had [Page 546] powerful Confederates: that I had some Towns in my own possession, and could engage others very considerable, it being now become a custom rather to serve our friend than our King; that I offered in order to my revenge, to make use of whatsoever was in my power: that none could be more fit to punish the Duke of Mo­dena, against whom they were more justly ani­mated than against me: and to make appear that I would be very serious in this Engagement, (if they thought fit to make use of and put con­fidence in me) I would begin by the pacification of the Kingdom of Naples, the infallible wayes to effect which I understood: that my Propo­sals carried their security along with them, be­cause being a prisoner my life was to be respon­sible for them: then descending to the particu­lars of what I have reported, they appeared so advantageous to Spain, that he assured me they would be received with open arms, and that he thought I should obtain all manner of satisfa­ction, and my liberty, which he would go and endeavour with a most zealous application and affection: that he hoped to bring me answer in three dayes if I stayed so long at Capua, or else with Don Lewis Poderico come to me to Gaeta, if the resolution of conducting me thither should have effect.

My life being concerned, I omitted nothing that I thought might flatter the Spaniards, and made the ruin of France appear so easie, that (they being soon perswaded of what they desire, to which their natural vanity, with the con­tempt [Page 547] of other Nations and all power but their own, inclines them) I perceived my Proposals would be sent to Madrid, where matters never being readily determined on, during an infinite number of Junto's and a great deal of time, I might set so many hands on work towards my preservation, that my life would be secure, fearing only the first heat, which cooling, I could have no apprehension of their cutting off my head at the end of three moneths. Having thus gotten time I entertained hope.

The Express sent to Rome being arrived there, the Cardinals of the Faction of Spain and its Ministers assembled often to deliberate on an affair of so great importance: the Pope so tenderly affected me, that he wept at the report of my misfortune, and knowing that my great­est danger lay in being disowned by France, (Monsieur de Fontenay giving out that my under­takings had been with his participation, but not by his Order, supposing this would hasten my ruin, of which he was desirous, to quit him­self of an enemy his Conduct had dis-obliged, and that could never pardon him; as indeed my resentments could not have been overcom but by the mediation of persons of very great power, whom I valued so much I could deny them no­thing, with the consideration of an alliance he made into a Family I particularly love and esteem; with which yet I complied not with­out very great difficulty and contestation with­in my self.) sent for Cardinal Albornos, and told him he wondered to hear that France had [Page 548] not only abandoned me, but that her Ministers disowned all that I had done for her service and by her order, though her Ambassadour the day after my embarking, came in the name of the King to acquaint him with it, and to assure him that I should be powerfully assisted, and that a Fleet was making ready in Province, to be sent with all manner of assistance to me; which he offered to justifie to him, supposing he durst not deny what he had acquainted him with, at an extraordinary Audience which he had ex­presly desired to that purpose: He ordered him to write this into Spain, and to let them know that he concerned himself in the preservation of my life, as much as if I were his Nephew: and not satisfied to have told the same to all the Car­dinals and Ministers of that Faction, and enga­ged them to write to Naples that nothing should be attempted against my person without the Or­ders of the Catholick King; himself dispatched an Express to him in the most obliging and pres­sing terms imaginable, begging my life, as the greatest and most sensible favour he could possib­ly receive.

The Court of Rome (alwayes in a perfect tranquility) is a place where affairs are more at­tentively considered than in any other part of the world, and where greater respect is had to the consequences of them; these Cardinals sollicited by all their Companiors, who had a great deal of kindness for me, became very moderate, and writ to Spain and Naples in such a manner as I my self could wish. This gave France time not [Page 549] only to own what I had done, but to threaten the like to all the prisoners in her hands, or that she should take afterwards, if my life were attempted. All the Princes of Europe, to whom I have the honour to be related, concerned themselves for me. And the Duke of Lorrain, hearing of my misfortune, told the Archduke and the Earl of Fuensaldagne very smartly that he would never serve those that should dip their hands in the blood of his Family: that the ser­vices he had done the House of Austria meri­ted consideration might be had of his mediation, and my life be granted him, which he would ac­cept as the greatest recompence he could pretend to: he represented the same at Madrid by the Captain of his Guard, whom he sent expresly thither.

These powerful Mediations, with the Propo­sals I made to serve Spain, obtained such effect as I could wish, judging, that since Kings ever in­cline to Clemency, he of Spain would never command my execution, when it was become apparent to all the world that it depended only on his will, and could not be done but by his particular Order. Orders for my removal to Gaeta were brought to Capua, but deferred till they should have chosen a person to take charge of me, and had provided a Galley to transport me.

Don Lewis Poderico brought me to the Nun­neries, where all the Ladies and people of the Town crowded to see me, with extraordinary de­monstrations of kindness and sorrow.

[Page 550]On Easter-Day I heard Mass and did my de­votions in the great Church, where something very pleasant happened to me. I made my Con­fession to the Sieur de Marests my Almoner, and accusing my self to have put many persons to death, to which perhaps I had been more mo­ved by consideration of my own safety, than zeal for justice; he answered in choler, I was at Naples with you, and know you caused not enough to die, and can bear witness that had you not spared so many, we might have been there still, and not prisoners here. I must ac­knowledge that this answer, which I expected not from a Confessor, made me smile: as soon as I came home I told it to the company, who after having a while laughed at it, declared their opinions that he had told me the truth.

My familiarity with the Nobility, and their friendship for me, which was daily augmented by conversation, made the Earl of Ognate appre­hend some bad effects of it, not looking upon them as very well affected to him, and therefore he resolved to suffer it no longer. He sent an Order that none should particularly, nor with so much liberty visit me. He entrusted the Prince of La Rocca Romana, in whom he had an ex­traordinary confidence, to command a little body, without any dependence on Don Lewis Poderico, which so much offended him, that he quitted the imployment he had till then mana­ged, and on Monday morning came to tell me, that he was very sorry he was no longer in a con­dition to serve me, his authority being at an [Page 551] end; that he was to put me into the hands of Don Caesar of Capua, Governor of the Town, of whom yet he could give me assurance, being a very worthy person and his particular friend, and one from whom I should receive all manner of civilities, and then went away for Naples, to complain of his usage, which seemed very much to discontent him. Three dayes after, they carried me and all the rest of the prisoners to Castle Voltorno (where I was to meet a Galley to transport me) in Coaches, the greatest part of them drawn by Oxen, in regard of the bad way: I was guarded by a Troop of Horse that, as soon as they had delivered me at Castle Vol­torno, were to return all night.

Don Lewis Poderico having dispatched his business at Naples, and received Order to draw out all the Troops he had left in Capua, and march instantly into Abruzzo, to drive from thence Tobias Palavicini and the Marquiss de Palombara, who commanded in that province, and reduce it to obedience; a Burgundian, Lieu­tenant to the Camp-Master-General, took charge of me. At my arrival I found that the Galley that should take me in, was not come, by rea­son of bad weather, which hindered it two dayes longer; during which time I had no other Guard but a Foot Company, the greatest part of the Soldiers being Burgundians, Lorrainers, and Frenchmen; and what I thought something extraordinary, a Soldier standing Centry at my Chamber Door, speaking French to me, told me he was of Joinville, offering all he possibly [Page 552] could do for my escape, telling me that the greatest part of the Company being Lorrainers, he was confident they would gladly do the like, and that all his Camerades having been taken prisoners and listed at Rome against their wills, would be very glad to forsake the service. I or­dered him as soon as he should be relieved to found the inclinations of his companions. Two hours after he came to tell me in their names, that I might assure my self of them to what in­tent soever I pleased, and that if occasion were I might make use of their arms: that which I thought most strange was, that the Lieute­nant of the Camp-Master-General continual­ly railed at the Spaniards, by whom he said he had been ill used: that he came so short of a re­compence for thirty years service, that he had hardly bread to eat, and that he sought only a good occasion to retire. He endeavoured very sollicitously to inform himself whether I had any money at Rome, hoping to make his fortune by me; this was reported to me by all he talked with, and afterwards confirmed by his helping Compagnon my Steward to make his escape, for fourteen or fifteen Pistols worth of trifles he had about him. He permitted me to walk by the Sea-side as far as a little Chappel of our Lady of great Devotion, about a quarter of a league from Castle Voltorno, followed only by four Musketeers, though we were two and thirty pri­soners, all French, except the Sieur Marcili, who was an Italian. This number was aug­mented from Capua during our stay here, the [Page 553] Baron of Rouvron, de Fargis Governour of Cai­azzo, Beauvais Colonel in Aversa, St. Maxi­min Captain of Foot, and others having been brought in after Sieur Poderico's Proclamation, of which I have already spoken.

Some of our People walking on the Haven saw there six Felucca's provided with Sails, Oars, and Rudders, of which they presently gave me notice. The Sieurs de Mallet and d'Eureux, pro­pounded my escape, which, after having brought a little victuals aboard, might be done in an hours time. The Sieur D'Eureux a good Seaman, that had a long time commanded as Lieutenant of one of the Gallies of France, assured me that putting off at the beginning of the night, which we might do without opposition or difficulty, he would land me the next morning in the Popes Dominion. The easiness of this design discou­raging my attempting it, and recollecting the Spaniards subtilty in preventing the people of Naples from taking armes, and defending them­selves that night they made themselves Masters of the Town, I could not imagine it possible for them to be guilty of such negligence as to leave things in a condition of giving me so much faci­lity to get out of their hands; and that therefore many people would perswade themselves that this was a connivence, and done expresly, toge­ther with the order given to the Troop of horse that conducted me to Castle Voltorno, to return as soon as they had seen me there, and the pla­cing in Garrison there a foot Company of Lor­rainers, Burgundians, and Frenchmen, whom I [Page 554] might easily debauch, and make use of the advan­tage of the delay of the Gally that was to carry me to Gaeta, and of those Felucca's. I thought these things would seem so probable that I should find it difficult to justifie my self, and that they which had prevented my being assisted would endeavor (in excuse of their evil conduct by which I had been abandoned) to perswade all the world of them. That it would be impossible for me to put this o­pinion out of the heads of the people of Naples, and the greatest part of Italy. I resolved therefore what danger soever I might undergo, rather to continue Prisoner, than to get my liberty so ea­sily, and by a way that might give some jealou­sie that I had not acted with fidelity and honor. I think very few persons in the world have done as I did. but I am so scrupulous on such occasions, that I cannot suffer the least shadow of distrust. I conjured all my Camrades to make their e­scape, it being unreasonable they should suffer for my obstinacy and nice humor. Their gene­rosity suffered them not to abandon me, but they used their utmost endeavors (though in vain) to convince me, by representing that time and my actions would sufficiently justifie me, and that I had acquired too high an esteem to be lost so easily, neither could any part of it be hazard­ed by making use of a favorable occasion, pre­sented me by heaven and my good fortune, which once lost was irrecoverable. I continued un­moved by all these reasons, and notwithstanding the tediousness of my sufferings, when I make re­flection upon it, I cannot repent my doing as I [Page 555] did, to have preferred my honor before my life and liberty.

Next morning the Spanish Galley appeared, but the shallowness of the water not suffering her to come near the land, she kept her self about two hundred yards at Sea, and Dom Alvaro de la Torre Lieutenant of the Camp-master-General, with some Reformadoes came ashore in the boat to receive me. All my company and Servants were most sensibly afflicted: They had been told that I should have been allowed the choice of eight or nine persons to have taken with me, to have kept me company at Gaeta, and a great emulation arose who should make up that num­ber, but Alvaro de la Torre soon put an end to it; for after a very slender Complement in the name of the Viceroy, he told me he had order to take but two persons along with me, namely a Chamberlain and a Cook; but having no Cook, and the permission being for two, I desired it might be a Gentleman and a Chamberlain. He rudely answered it could be no more than one of them, and the Knight des Essars being alrea­dy come into the Boat, unwilling to oblige him to go out I took my place, and they rowed off, all whom I left on the shoar despairing of ever seeing me again, by their cries and tears expressed so much sorrow, that I was more sensibly con­cerned at it than at the unfortunate condition to which I found my self reduced, A Capuchin was seated next me, which I looked on as a bad omen: and I over-heard a Spanish reformed Cap­tain called Ambrosio Fermandez say it was strange [Page 556] they suffered me to live so long, which I could never forgive him to this day. I continued a while silent, making reflexions on my present misfortune. Don Alvaro de la Torre, naturally very uncivil and very indiscreet, applyed himself then and ever after to give me all discontent ima­ginable, of which taking little notice I began to rally, in which he interrupted me to tell me, that the Councel had assembled twice to deliberate of my life, and had not Don John of Austria opposed it, (my death being necessary towards the settling the affairs of Spain, and reestablish­ing its authority in the Kingdom of Naples) I had already mounted a Scaffold to punish my in­solence for pretending to a Throne: that the re­sult of this was deferred till the return of an Ex­press sent to Rome, for the opinions of the Mi­nisters and Cardinals of that Faction; that I was therefore to prepare my self for all events. I an­swered him laughing, that it was happy for me that his opinion had not been demanded, since I perceived it would not have been favorable; but that my head was too well settled on my shoulders, to be shaken by the humor of private persons, and that the blood of those of my qua­lity used not to be shed without the participa­tion and precise order of Kings.

This entertainment, not very agreeable, end­ed not till we came to the Gally, which did not salute me, and into which they caused me to ascend not only without ceremony, but com­mon civility, the Spiniards using very little with Prisoners of what quality soever. As soon [Page 557] as I came into the Cabbin, they seated me be­tween two Capuchins, who busied themselves to entertain me with such discourse as is usually ad­dressed to persons that are to prepare for death: yet all those Ceremonies gave me no alarm, they seemed too affected to be much apprehended, and I only told them with a smile, that at that time all things were so indifferent to me, that I was incapable of fear: That in spight of my Enemies nothing should make me sad, and that my life being in the hands of God, I would make no inquiry into the duration of it: but of this I was resolved, that whilst I could preserve it I would make it as agreeable and pleasant to me as possibly I could.

The Knight des Essars something more appre­hensive than my self, was not at his ease, the Companion of the Capuchin that entertained me telling him, that my life was at an end, and that he being a Switzer, and on return to his Coun­try, would willingly take upon him to go into France to carry my last Testament to my relati­ons. He could not hear this without extraordi­nary concernment, and came to tell me of it with a great alarum; I answered; (bursting out into laughter) that he was very silly to contribute to the diversion of those people, that studied all our postures, to deride afterwards the weaknes­ses we should discover, and turning to Don Fran­cisco de la Cotera, Captain of the Gally, told him, Sir, our discourse is very serios for persons that have not dined, I fared very ill at Castle Voltor­no, and am very hungry, and you will do me a [Page 558] kindness to let me have something to eat. Such persons as I, accustomed to travel the world are not bashfull, but freely demand what they have occasion for: he gave order, and quickly after Dinner was brought in. Being a person of ho­nor he told me he had such an esteem for me, that he could not see my ruin without sorrow, and that he was obliged to wish me well, by reason of the acquaintance I formerly had in Flanders with his Brother Don Pedro de la Cotera, Colo­nel of foot and Governor of Gueldres, and on that acount to acquaint me with the danger I was in, from which yet I might easily free my self, by appearing very much animated against France, and resolved to embrace the interests of Spain, which would make great advantages by acquisition of such a person, whose courage and address might be very useful to her. I thanked him for his good advice, and told him, that what he had mentioned was not only my greatest pas­sion, but that it had been already propounded to Don John of Austria and the Viceroy. He seem­ed glad of it, and assured me, (that being so) not only of his confidence of my obtaining liber­ty, but establishing a glorious fortune.

After dinner going upon the Deck, I began to put in practise what he had so kindly advised me to; which I looked upon as the general sense of their whole Nation, so many persons having agreed in it. As soon therefore as I returned to the Company, I said that notwithstanding the great hatred I perceived they had for me, the King of Spain was more obliged to me than to [Page 559] any other person in the world, for having pre­served so florishing a City as Naples from sack and fire, and preventing that whole Kingdomes being plundered of all its wealth, towards which I had laboured more successfully than all his Ministers, that I would yet do more by making it peaceable to him, which would be very easie for me, and impossible for any other. That it was but reasonable that in order to so impor­tant a service he should grant me his protection, and revenge me of France for having abandon­ed me, and thwarted my fortune, which would have raised me to be the most glorious person of my age had I received the least assistance: That I therefore desired nothing so passionately as to kindle a fire there by an Insurrection, which would not be difficult to me. This discourse met a general applause, and the greatest part of the Spa­niards having very little knowledge of the affairs of the world, and being easily flattered by what appears advantageous to them, they seemed already perswaded of the ruin of France, and looked upon it to be in my power. This was so agreeable to them that I percei­ved they began to use me with something less in­civility.

By this time we arrived at Gaeta, where land­ing they put me into a Sedan and carried me to the Castle, with Guards round about me, who took an exact care to let none come near me, and prevent me from seeing, or being seen. As soon as I came thither they brought me to the Chappel, and from thence up a pair of stairs, as [Page 558] [...] [Page 559] [...] [Page 560] I ascended which, I would have turned into an appartment on my left hand, but I was told it was higher, but seeing no stairs I went out upon a Terrass, which they caused me to pass over, from whence by a little Gate I mounted a very dark pair of stairs, where I found another little Terrass fourteen or fifteen foot broad and twice as long, where they placed nine or ten Muske­teers; but I could see no Chamber, till in a corner they opened a great iron gate which I had not perceived, which with another that was within it, and a grate, gave me entrance into a Tower, whose walls might be twenty or two and twenty foot thick, and whose Windows could be approached no nearer. This was the ho­nourable appartment they had provided for me: There was an ugly Bed without Curtains, and Sheets on it, in which a Cosin of Massaniello's, whom they had hanged five or six dayes before, had lain two moneths. I desired clean ones might be brought, which they refused, telling me I was but too well, and that a man that had so few dayes to live ought not to be so curious, I only laughed at this bad entertainment: the thing that alone seemed insupportable to me, was that at the Beds-head stood a great pot full of filth, which had not been emptied in three Moneths: I desired it might be carried away, the stink being so abominable that it overcame me: I was told, that they would see what might be done next morning, but for that night they would not meddle with it. The Capuchin I had seen in the Boat presenting [Page 561] himself at the gate of the Tower, the Knight des Essars took alarme, and asked what it meant, and was told it was to confess me, and seeing him accompanied by an Officer of Ma­jorca of very bad meen, he took him for the Hang-man, and in disorder cried out to me we are now ruined; Let them alone (said I) to act their farce, they shall not have the pleasure of affrighting me. I was guarded by four Reforma­do Captains, and as many Alfieres and Serjeants relieved every day. One Captain and two Al­fieres (one of which was Don Alvaro's man, whom he had appointed to serve me) with a Ser­jeant, never suffered me to be out of their sight, and lay in my Chamber. I told Francisco de Herrera, who as the eldest took the first Guard, that perceiving I was to tarry long, I would not afflict my self, nor give those that loved me not occasion to rejoyce at my melancholy, but would seek my diversion by all wayes, and to that purpose desired him to do me the favour to help me to some Books. He told me they had none in French, but answering him, that speak­ing Italian and understanding Spanish, I should be satisfied with one in either of those lan­guages: He sent to seek, and the first that was presented to me was in Spanish, and the Title, A Preparation to well dying: I returned it to him without looking any farther, as stand­ing in no present need of it, nor being devour enough to please my self in such contemplations, and prayed him to help me to some Comedies or Histories: They brought me that of Naples, [Page 562] and my natural curiosity obliging me to look on what is marked in a Book, I found where a leaf had been turned down at a great print of the be­heading of Conradin, and laughing at all these affectations, told them they had done me the greatest pleasure imaginable, that I had heard his tragical adventure spoken of, but ignorant of its particularities, should be very glad to learn them. I laid up the Book in a corner of the Tower, and asked for Supper, that I might after­wards lie down to rest. A most wretched Sup­per was brought me, that my entertainment might be suitable; it was a piece of meat drie and burnt, and I think had been purposely drawn through the ashes, a stinking salad, sea­soned as I thought with the Oil of the Lamp of the Chappel; the bread was very dry and musty; for dessert I had two wrinckled apples and nuts; the wine onely was passable: that which I eat did not over-charge my stomach. The nastiness of the Bed permitted not unclothing, I only caused my Boots to be pulled off, and after they had brought an ill-favoured Quilt for the Knight of Essars and the Captain that guarded us, they shut the two iron gates upon us, with a ve­ry great noise of locks and bolts. I believe an­other man would hardly have slept in so bad a Lodging, and near so ill scents, but my weari­ness preventing any great reflexion, I slept till day entring at the windows awaked me.

Next morning about ten a clock, Don Alva­ro de la Torre came to me, and asked if I would go to Mass? which having accepted, he brought [Page 563] me to the Chappel and afterwards returned me to my Lodging. As we passed over the Terrass I desired him that we might walk there till Din­ner time, which he refused, permitting me on­ly to stay and take a little air, on that that was before my Chamber-door. I continued there al­most an hour, encompassed by the Officers of the Guard and nine or ten Musketeers, after which Dinner was brought into my Chamber, where he stayed to bear me company, as he al­wayes afterwards did; he, the Knight des Essars, and the Captain that had the Guard, still eating with me: our cheer was not altogether so bad as at Supper. Our discourse was very pleasant, by it Don Alvaro discovered his ignorance and little wit, with insupportable vanity. He told me he was first of all a soldier at the skirmish of the hills of Orbitello, and that he had afterwards seen all that passed at Naples, from the be­ginning of the revolutions to my imprisonment; that he was not troubled that he had seen no more, because he learned more by this than he could have done in thirty Campagna's in Flan­ders, Milan, or Catalonia, there having hap­pened more extraordinary actions, and gallant encounters, than are to be found in all History. I answered him, smiling, that I had not percei­ved so much, though probably I must needs have seen more than he, because he was still confined to the guard of some particular Post, and that all the concernments of the party I had taken de­pending on me, it was necessary I should be every where: that my opinion was, that to­wards [Page 564] well learning the profession of a soldier, most of the passages of so irregular a war were to be forgotten, where nothing new or rare had been practised, but to fight like Cats in gut­ters. Above all, he seemed very joyful to have learned how Mines are made, of which till then he had no notion: I replied, that I had made none for want of powder, neither had I percei­ved that any had been made on his side. He told me he had lost a soldier whom he very much la­mented, one of the greatest Miners of Italy, who had done him the pleasure to cause one to play before him. I could not imagin where this could have been, till he told me that towards Sancta Maria la Nova, nine or ten men of the party of the people, having lodged themselves in an upper Chamber, under which he was, that soldier bringing a Barrel of Powder, and laying a train, fired it, and with the floor and roof carried them into the air: that this seemed very handsome and very strange to him, and having been told that Mines were made in such a man­ner, by digging under ground, it so much trou­bled him, that he was night and day alarmed at the least noise he heard, and was so vigilant, that he once took the nibbling of a Mouse for the working a Mine: that his care and the ex­perience he had acquired in five or six moneths time had gained him the favour of the Viceroy, who entrusted to him the guard of the Carme­lites Tower, where he passed two or three dayes very unquietly, for fear of being surprized; but after he had well fortified it, he slept in repose. [Page 565] I asked what works he had caused to be made? because understanding the strong and weak parts of that Post, none could better judge of them? He told me with the greatest gravity imaginable that he had set up two Turn-Pikes to hinder the people from pressing to the gate. He passed o­ver the rest of the Meal in such fopperies, which sufficiently discovered his incapacity and folly

After Dinner he told me he had received Or­der from the Earl of Ognate to hear the Propo­sals I had to make, and give him account of them. He called for Paper and Ink; and writ down all I encharged him with. Then I percei­ved I had happened on the right means of saving my life, and prolonging affairs. I made him a description of the condition of France, not such as it really was, but such as the Spaniards desi­red to have it: I assured him of the general dis­content of Persons of Quality, and the disposi­tion of all Provinces to an Insurrection: that there were few Governors that might not be ea­sily be gained, that many of them depended on me, that some, and those very considerable, be­longed to me: that the Armies inclined to muti­ny: that the Parliaments jealous of the autho­rity of the Chief Minister, were desirous of novelty: In a word, that all men being reduced to despair, there wanted only a head towards a general subversion: that I was of a Family ve­ry well beloved, very considerable and power­ful, as had appeared in former ages: that being incensed by ill usage, and by having been aban­doned [Page 566] in the enterprise of Naples, I was resolved for the highest undertakings, being certain to be followed by the gallantest and considerablest of the Nobility, who would freely concern themselves in my resentments, and contribute to my revenge, could they see the least appear­ance of being assisted. I added all things that could appear probable, making them seem so easie, that he perswaded himself I had greater credit than all my Predecessors ever had, and that I stood in need of nothing but the protecti­on of Spain in order to all I pretended, the par­ticulars whereof I in such a manner set out to him, that he should no longer have believed himself to have been a good Spaniard, if he had been capable of distrusting them. From this passing to discourse of the affairs of Naples, I offered to settle the whole Kingdom in a very few dayes, to supply the Town with provisions in abundance, disarm the people, and prevent all forreign correspondencies, yet with this re­servation, that I would never discover any se­crets that had been entrusted to me, being a Person of too great honour to do so, how dis­satisfied soever; but for all such things as I had pried into by my address, and which endeavors had been used to have concealed from me, I would declare with joy, so to ruin all designs that might be a foot; not able to endure that o­thers should make advantage by my shipwrack, or persons not so considerable as my self suc­ceed in an enterprise in which I had not been assisted. At last making appear to him my Title [Page 567] to the Dutchy of Modena, I brought him to ac­knowledge I was most proper to deprive the Duke of it, if I might be invested by the Em­perour, and have forces sufficient to put my self in possession. He was over-joyed to have an af­fair of such importance in his hands, and looking on himself as a very great States-man, returned me thanks for having given him so handsome an occasion to make his fortune, and after abun­dance of complements took leave to go and make his dispatches.

Three or four dayes passed, during all which he continually entertained me on the same sub­ject; discovering that he made great projects, and doubted not by means of the intrigues I had put into his hands, ere he died to obtain the dignity of Grandee of Spain. I fomented this vanity, because it procured me better enter­tainment, and contributed towards diverting me, taking pleasure to make him ridiculous: that time expired, he came to make me a com­plement in behalf of the Earl of Ognate; telling me he had received Order from him to provide the best appartment of the Castle, commonly called the Kings, to lodge me. They furnished it very handsomely, and caused me to descend in­to it after I had lain fourteen dayes in the Tower. I had a very large Hall, a fair Chamber, and a Closet, all on a Floor. The Guard continued all day at the Stair-head, and I had the liberty of the whole appartment to walke in, which had Windows on both sides, one whereof looked into the Court of the Castle, where I had the [Page 568] pleasure of seeing people go in and out, and the other towards the Sea, with a very delightful Prospect, where I could every day see them fish, and all Ships, Gallies, Brigantines, and Feluca's that passed to and fro between Rome and Naples. My Windows were all bolted close in the night, and the lock of my door fortified by two great bolts and a chain, fourteen or fif­teen Musketeers lay in my Hall, a Captain at my Beds-feet, and two Alfieres and a Serjeant in my Closet. They made me good cheer, and I un­derstood by this change of entertainment that my Negotiations began to have effect, and that if my life was not altogether secure, it was not yet in very great danger; and had it not been for the uncivil humor of Don Alvaro, whose igno­rance and brutality every day gave me some vex­ation, my Prison had been very easie. They already spoke to me of the Spanish interests, as if I had been very much concerned in them, and I laughed within my self to find I had to do with people that would suffer themselves to be abused so grosly, and believe so lightly. As soon as the Earl of Ognate had received that dispatch, he sent me a Cook, and an Officer to serve me, on condition they should alwayes stay below, and never come into my appartment.

One of my servants called Caillet, not freed from the apprehension he had the day I was ta­ken prisoner, finding no Horse at Posilippo when I went from thence, followed me two leagues a foot, at the end whereof he was taken, and falling into the hands of the Countrey people, [Page 569] a Butcher came to cut off his head with a great Knife, the Curate of the Town confessing him, the Butcher wearied with the tediousness of his Confession, knocking with his Knife on a Block that was there purposely for that execution, called out to him to dispatch, when an Officer very luckily coming in, saved his life, taking him out of their hands, to carry him with the rest of my servants to prison to the New Castle in Naples.

Don Alvaro came to make me a complement in the name of the Viceroy, and to tell me that he would send my Proposals into Spain, and re­turn me answers as soon as he received them. I should have been very much satisfied by seeing my affairs in so good a way, had I not been trou­bled by the news I received that some of my ser­vants, especially the Foot-men I brought from Rome, were condemned to the Gallies. I com­plained of this injustice, representing that if I were a prisoner of war, my servants were to be returned to me, because I would pay their ran­some; and if I were a prisoner of State, that it was unjust that they should suffer, because they served me not as Counsellors, nor gave any oc­casion for my coming to assist the people of Na­ples, and favour their revolt. These reasons (though just) were not taken into consideration, and that tyrannical resolution was executed, which provoked me to revenge, and on which the oftner I think, the more violently I resent it: but dissimulation being necessary (after all applications had proved useless) I spoke no more [Page 568] [...] [Page 569] [...] [Page 570] of it; and to perswade them of my dependance on the interests of Spain, I complied with the request the Viceroy made me, to give him my opinion in what manner he was to comport him­self in Naples.

I sent him a Breviate of all the Corn I had laid up, with the price and places where it was, and taught him the expedient of raising a Stock of Two hundred thousand Crowns, by causing a hundred Merchants, whose Names I sent him, to lend him every one of them Two thousand, to buy what should be necessary, that the Peo­ple feeling no more want, might be pacified; and that I might cause the deaths of those that had designed against my life, who were most capable of giving him trrouble, as the Corre­spondents of Gennaro; I sent him the names of about five and thirty, with assurance that if he caused them to be hanged, he needed not fear any Commotion in the Town. This was put in execution in all points, and I had the satisfacti­on to see him revenge me on those I had not time to punish my self. A few dayes after, with a great deal of joy I heard news of the executi­on of Gennaro and all his Confederates. As for Onoffrio Pissacani, Carlo Longobardo, and Cicio Battimiello, who alwayes served me faith­fully, I sent him word he might confide in them, that I would be responsible for them with my head, that they should advertise him of all that passed in the Town, discover forreign Corre­spondencies, facilitate his disarming the people, and keeping all quiet; and that I might lay an [Page 571] obligation upon them to do this, I writ to them that having passed my word for them, they ought most exactly to make good what I had promised, which otherwise my head must an­swer, and that doing so they had nothing to fear. In such a manner I ruined my enemies, and preserved three persons that were very dear to me: and the Viceroy having made use of my counsel to his advantage, perswaded himself that I was very faithful to Spain, and my pre­servation necessary to him; but his pride and the absolute submission he required to all his humors quickly embroiled us.

They sent me from Rome Cloths, Linnen, and other Necessaries, with Two thousand Crowns in money for my present occasions. He ordered my Guards should first be paid out of this summe, which Don Alvaro de la Torre so punctually ex­ecuted, that he took for himself and his Officers a Quarters Pay by advance, with the charge of the reparations that had been made in the Ca­stle of Gaeta, to accommodate his Lodging and mine. He ordered Houshold-stuffe to be made for me, and so entirely consumed this summe, that more must needs be sent for for me to live upon. I told him that no prisoners ever paid for their Guards in France, neither would I, which I might be blamed for, as giving an ex­ample of ill consequence: that the French and Spanish Ambassadors at Rome might regulate this difficulty, to whom I would submit; and that in the mean time he ought to treat me well, because he had money enough in his hands to do [Page 572] it. He told me there was nothing left, the pay of my Guards having been deducted, which must ever be done in the first place from what money soever I should receive. I assured him that till this controversie were decided, I would give notice that no more money should be sent me, but what was absolutely necessary to keep me.

Two dayes after, having received Letters from the Viceroy, he told me that point was to be no more contested, nor referred to any; that the Earl of Ognate would be obeyed, and give no other reason for what he did than his will to have it so; I replied he was not Master of my will, nor could dispose of it, though my person were in his power; and that since it came to a Contest which of us two should be most obstinate, I would yield in nothing, resol­ved to preserve the only liberty that remained to me, which was that of my will. This laid me liable to a great deal of ill usage; they refused to deliver me the Clothes and Linnen that had been sent me, and for the space of three moneths I was all in raggs, wearing the Boots I had been taken in for want of shooes, eating nothing but Bread and a little fresh Pork (and not my Belly full of that) unless on Fasting-dayes, when (Fish costing nothing) we made a little better cheer, supposing they should over­come me by this bad usage: but thinking my self concerned in honour to suffer it patiently, I made Don Alvaro mad to see my contempt of this, telling him that instead of dis obliging, [Page 573] he did me the greatest pleasure in the world, by giving me a trial whether I were as able to en­dure the famine of a Siege as I thought I was to resist the attacques of it.

His spite against me was augmented by a very pleasant adventure. The Great Duke sending a Gentleman to complement Don John of Au­stria and the Earl of Ognate, on their happy recovery of the City of Naples, writ to me al­so on occasion of my misfortune, and fearing it might give some alteration to my health, sent me a Cabinet of Medicaments of his own Labo­ratory. Don Alvaro de la Torre had Order to deliver me both these, and receive my answer in token of it. As soon as he understood that Gentleman was gone from Naples, in order to his return for Florence, he sent Captain Francis­co d' Herrera to me one morning, to demand to have the Cabinet in his custody, of which I might keep the Key. I answered I would send for it after Dinner to give it him, and doing so, I told him, I see Sir that you are afraid there may be something in this Cabinet to poyson my Guards, or cast them into a sleep, or to mollifie the Iron Bars of the Windows: I assure you it contains nothing but defensive arms, and if you had any suspition, it had been handsomer ne­ver to have delivered it me, than to demand it again after seven or eight dayes; but I will satis­fie you, as it is reasonable I should, and open­ing it before him, having read all the super­scriptions of the Viols and little Pots, that were in it, broke as many of them, one after another, [Page 574] as were for Wounds, Cholick, Ill Stomack, Burn­ings, and the like, but finding an Oil and Pow­der that were good against Poyson, smiling told him this may be useful to me, therefore be plea­sed that I may keep it; neither shall you have it but by force; which when you go about to make use of for taking it from me, I will call for a Confessor: This discourse surprised him, and he asked me if I thought the Spaniards ca­pable of such actions? I very calmly answered him yes and of worse, which is much against their will that they have not made me sensible of to my cost, but my good fortune secured me. He replied in heat, If the King my Master had any intention to take away your life, he needed not have recourse to such a manner of doing it, for if he commanded me, I would ponyard you. Then looking on him with contempt, I told him, Your Nation respects too much ap­pearances, to act so publick violences, and do not think that I either fear or esteem you the more for what you have told me, you have on­ly let me know that you are fit to do that which the Hang-man does commonly. He went enra­ged out of my Chamber, to write a Letter of much complaint, to which he received no o­ther answer but that he was to blame, and that he ought to have more discretion than to say any thing that might provoke a displeasing answer.

We had another quarrel five or six dayes af­ter, something hotter than the former. Ha­ving been bred Page to the Duke of Medina de [Page 575] los Torres, he could not imagin that under Kings there was any thing in Europe equal to his Ma­ster, and told me very unseasonably, that he could not comprehend what it was to be a Prince, which well considered was but a Chimera and meer imagination; and that the Grandees of Spain were at least equal to Princes. I told him I pitied his ignorance, and therefore would in­struct him, that I thought he was not so ill in­formed but he knew what it was to be a Sove­raign: that to be a Prince it was not enough to be descended of a Soveraign Family, and from a Soveraign Head, but there must be a capacity to inherit a Soveraignty: that there was a great deal of difference between Princes and Grande's of Spain, because Kings could not make Princes but in Bed, and that for making a Grandee of Spain, there needed no more but to cause the meanest fellow in the World to put on his Hat: that therefore they gave their Infanta's to Prin­ces, which they never did yet to any Grandee. He transported himself too far on this Subject, and perceiving him begin to talk very imperti­nently, I told him, that the misfortune of a prisoner of my quality was great enough, with­out the augmentation of disrespect, which I de­sired he would not continue, least he made me forget that I was a prisoner, and be more sensi­ble that I was a Prince: and that to what condi­tion soever I might be reduced, I could very well cause that to be rendered me that belonged to me. He making an insolent reply, I struck at his head with the Candlestick, which I had broken, [Page 576] had he not had the luck to have ducked betimes. He made haste out of my Chamber, and draw­ing the door after him, locked me in. He saw me not in two dayes, in which time he waited for the Viceroy's answer to his complaints, which was not very satisfactory to him, because he was commanded to come and ask my pardon, which he did putting one knee on the ground as I went to Mass two dayes after. I embraced him with assurance that I had forgotten all that had passed, and very willingly pardoned him, provided he would be more discreet for the fu­ture.

I could never pass over five or six dayes with­out some such encounters either with him or his Officers, whose humor when I had discovered, I resolved to suffer nothing from them, but on the contrary to hold them in a great subjection. The Spanish Genius being alwayes insolent to those that live civilly with them, and fawning to such as use them with contempt.

I will not repeat all Negotiations that passed during the time of my imprisonment, not de­signing to extend my Memoires so far; I shall only relate some more than ordinary adventures that happened, for my particular satisfaction, and to publish my usage and the impertinence of my Keepers, with the manner also of my deal­ing with them. Three or four moneths after, a man called Harpin was sent by my relations to visit me, he was admitted, and brought me Three hundred Crowns for three Moneths Diet, I not permitting any more to be sent me, be­cause [Page 577] my Guards would have it, to whom I had no obligation, they not allowing me so much as liberty to walk on the Terrasses of the Castle, and instead of diverting gave me still the incon­venience (notwithstanding I was locked up) to be maliciously looked upon by three or four ill-favoured and very uncivil fellows. After Har­pin had made me the complements he had been encharged with, Don Alvaro very hungrily asked him what money he had brought? He answered only Three hundred Crowns for three Moneths Diet, the King not consenting that I should pay my Guards. Don Alvaro replied he would take that summe upon account for himself and them. I forbid the Messenger to part with it, and commanded him to return and carry it back with him. I had forgotten to tell how, (that I might be no more seen in such disorder as formerly) they had delivered me the Clothes that had been sent me from Rome three Moneths before. Don Alvaro enraged to find nothing to content his insatiable avarice, turning towards Captain Ambrosio Fernandez, that had the over­sight of my provisions, told him, to morrow let there not be so much as a loaf of bread for the Duke of Guise. I said, His Nation would lose too much by the death of a prisoner of my consideration, and that I was sure he would not refuse me ammunition bread, which was allowed to the meanest soldier in the Garri­son of Gaeta. He replied, He had no Order for it, and I, That I resolved to trie whether he [Page 578] would starve me. Harpin having taken leave greediness of the little money he had brought, obliged Don Alvaro de la Torre to send Captain Ambrosio Fernandez after him, to demand the Three hundred Crowns in my name, telling him I had changed my mind for fear of dy­ing for hunger; which he himself acquainting me with, I ranted him for having made use of my name contrary to my intention, and he replying insolently that I used him very ill for a Reforma­do Captain, laying my hand on the guard of my Sword, which they had not taken from me, I went up to him threatning to make him leap the window, which caused him to make haste to the door, in some dayes after never daring to appear before me. I desired leave to pawn my Clothes for Victuals, which was permitted, and I did it, even to Silk-stockings, pieces of Ribbon, perfumed Gloves, and Hat-bands, which I fed on almost three moneths; after which writing to Rome to have my Clothes re­deemed, it was done conditionally, that I should pawn them no more.

In the mean time the Prince of Cellimare, to whom I had Order to address my self in my concernments, writ to me to oblige me to sub­mit to the Viceroy, after which he assured me I should be better treated, and allowed more liberty. My answer consisted in tart railleries, to enrage them against me. He sent me every week from Naples Lemmons and Sugar, with which I made Lemonade, with Cheese, and ve­ry [Page 579] good Wine which I kept in my Closet. Once he sent me six Capons and as many Gammons of Bacon, on which I feasted as long as they would last: besides which, in what indisposition soe­ver I found my self, I could not obtain so much as a mess of Broth: and he was sent to to make me no more such presents. Donna Elvira wife to the Lieutenant of the Castle, that had some kindness for me, and was touched with compassion to see me so ill treated, furnished me with Wheat, of which my Servants made me passable bread, and now and then sent me Chocolate and some dish of meat that she pre­pared very deliciously, but this was not suffered long.

There were not above thirty men in Garrison in the Castle of Gaeta, some of which were Portugueses: this caused me to resolve to en­deavour to gain them, and try whether I could make my self Master of it. I wrought so cun­ningly and with such success, that, notwithstand­ing the strickt Guards that were upon me, I made sure of nine soldiers, the most of them Portugueses, of two Serjeants of my Guard, and two other of the Garrison, which joyning with us five Frenchmen, made in all eighteen persons; my design was when we went to exe­cute our enterprise, to set at liberty five or six Neapolitan prisoners, and at the return of the French Fleet, which was a third time expected, send one of those Serjeants (which often passed between Gaeta and Naples to carry Letters) to [Page 580] give notice to him that commanded, that he should sail right for Gaeta, where I had so well prepared all things, that nothing could prevent my making my self Master of the Castle, by cut­ting the throats of all the Garrison. I intended to begin with the four Officers that lay in my Chamber, whom the Knight of Essars, my man and I were to kill in the night while they slept, having provided rasors to that effect. But having waited two moneths for this without any news, the Serjeant I most trusted, and that had liberty of going to Naples, appre­hending that the business would be at last dis­covered, desired his Pass and became a Ca­puchin.

This design so well laid, and which I thought infallible, failed in this manner, after having been carried on with so much fidelity and secre­cy, that there was no discovery, nor the least suspicion of it: which makes appear that no­ting is impossible to resolution and courage; and that Prisons enlarge mens inventions, and cause them to undertake such things as they could never once imagine if they were at li­berty.

My servants troubled to see me fare so ill, could not forbear murmuring; and Don Alva­ro that treated himself very well in his Chamber, and came afterwards for form's sake to eat with me, one day at dinner complained of it, and asked if it were by my Order that my men said it was impossible that it should be by command [Page 581] of the King of Spain, or consent of the Earl of Ognate, but that probably it was himself that obliged me to those Fasts, that he might keep the money appointed for my Table. I answered him that persons of quality would never value the discourse of servants, and that mine were more excusable, if the irksomness of the prison made them utter some impertinences, he knowing I conversed not with them, and there­fore could not be responsible for their words. I prayed him to speak no more of it, because not worth the while: but persisting to repeat over and over the same thing, and earnestly de­manding of me what I thought of it, I answer­ed, that he pressed me too much, and compel­led me to tell him, that the imprudence of ser­vants sometimes published that which their Ma­sters with a great deal of reason thought, though their discretion obliged them to con­ceal it. He went out of my Chamber very dis­satisfied, and returning an hour after acompa­nied by Don Martin de Verrio, a Colonel and Governour of the City of Gaeta, with two Captains of the Garrison, told me he had brought them to be witnesses of the explanati­on he would make me of our late discourse. I replied, that neither my quality nor humor could receive it, and that it was very unhand­some for him (the condition I was in considered) to have such a thought. My honour (said he) is concerned, and therefore I desire (in pre­sence of these Gentlemen) to hear your opinion [Page 582] of me. I have too good a one, said I, of the Viceroy, to attribute to him the ill usage I re­ceive, and I believe (as it is probable) that he hath appointed all things necessary to my ser­vice (in such manner as belongs to a prisoner of my quality) the failings of which must needs proceed from you, by diverting the allowance to your own particular profit. Incensed by my reply, he hastily told me that he was a poor sol­dier, but did all things with honour. I believe, said I, that you are poor, since you comport your self like a man that would very fain become rich; but for soldier, God having forbidden us to judge rashly, and never having seen you on service, it is not fit that I say any thing. He cried out, you attacque my honor, but if you were in another condition, I would let you see I want neither that nor courage. You use me so ill, replied I, that I will have nothing to do with you, for you make me lose all considera­tion: but if you have such courage and honour as you would have us believe, persist, and put me in a condition to give you satisfaction, and then I shall learn, either at your cost or mine own, what opinion I ought to have of you. He grew mad with choler and vented a thousand im­pertinences. Don Martin de Verrio, a very discreet and gallant person, told him, he fondly brought trouble upon himself by his imprudence, and that the Viceroy would not approve his in­solence and loss of respect to me on all occasi­ons. I besought him to be a witness of what had [Page 583] passed, and to consider whether it must not of necessity be very insupportable, besides the ri­gors of a Prison, to be every day liable to such extravagancies; afterwards they took leave, and Don Alvaro's passion was so high, that he saw me no more in two dayes, which I could very well have excused; not thinking it any loss to have been deprived of his entertainment: but then Don Martin de Verrio bringing him to me as I went to Mass, he cast himself on his knees to beg my pardon, according to the Order he had received from the Earl of Ognate, beseeching me to forget his imprudence and want of re­spect, which I promised, provided he would af­terwards be more discreet.

Four or five dayes after he came to me to ask my counsel, whether he should not wrong him­self, by accepting the command of the Vice­roy's Company of Gendarmes, made up of Re­formado Officers, the greatest part of them Captains of Horse. I seriously told him he should do himself a very great injury, and that it was too much below him; that I might not prevent him from breaking his neck, as I saw he went about to do. He held himself to be obliged by my counsel, which very much plea­sed him, because it suited with his own opini­on, and thanking the Earl of Ognate for the ho­nour he pretended to do him, besought him to have the goodness to allow him time to advise with his friends, whether he could with his ho­nour, and without prejudice to his reputation ac­cept [Page 584] it: but if he pleased to bestow upon him the Government of Reggio he should like it much better: that in the mean time he should highly oblige him by giving him leave to go to Rome to confer with his Brother, who was Spa­nish Agent in that Court. By this answer he perfectly lost the Viceroy, who sent him word he had done him more honour than he deserved, having preferred him to persons much more considerable than himself; that he would see to make a better choice: that the Government of Reggio being already given, it was to no pur­pose for him to pretend to it, nor to any other favor that depended on him: that he should do very well to go and visit his Brother, of whose instructions he had a great deal of need, to make him more wise and considerate for the fu­ture.

Whilest he was on his journey, Order being come from Spain to send me thither, the Vice­roy caused the Galley of John Andrea Brig­nolle, the best of the Duke of Tursi's Squadron to be made ready, sending the Prince de Celli­mare Deacon of the Council to give all Orders necessary for my embarking, with all possible ci­vility and honour, as had been expresly com­manded by the King of Spain's dispatch, signi­fying his desire to see and confer with me about the Proposals I had made, which had been sent him. He caused him to be accompanied by a Secretary of his a Burgundian, called Don Ed­ward de Francalmont, whom I had formerly [Page 585] known in Flanders, who made me a great com­plement in his name, excusing himself of all the ill usage I had received, which could not be dispensed withal, because I was in a Kingdom whose rebellion I had a long time supported, and where authority and obedience were not altogether settled: but had I been any where else he should have dealt with me in a very dif­ferent manner, and by his care to serve and oblige me, have made it appear how great con­sideration he had for a person of my merit and quality. I answered these civilities with all imaginable acknowledgments. He told me af­terwards that his Master had a great esteem and friendship for me in Rome, though he looked up­on me at that time as the most dangerous ene­my of the Monarchy of Spain, which obliged him by the rules of policy to seek my ruin by all wayes: notwithstanding which he had taken care of my preservation, in several times refu­sing the offers had been made to attempt my life by sword and poyson.

Having at that instant about me wherewithal to prove the contrary, so vain a dissimulation offended me, and I answered him that I was ve­ry much obliged to the Earl of Ognate for his good inclinations towards me, to have refused to take my life that had been so often offered him: but that as several hours of the day bring several changes upon us, he had perhaps for­gotten that he caused a promise of Six thousand Crowns to be given to Cicio de Regina, and a [Page 586] Commission for a Troop of Horse (which I shewed him) to have killed me the Twenty fifth of March in the Church of the Annunciata, which I learned by the Confession he made on the Rack, and confirmed at his death: that I had no prejudice for him on accompt of it, it being just that he should serve the King his Ma­ster; and the condition into which I had reduced his affairs considered, I could not blame him to have recourse to all manner of means for ridding himself of me; but yet I could not chuse but tell him that I should have thought my self much more obliged if I had found greater sincerity in his civilities, and that they had not been carried on to so great an excess, that I had unfortunate­ly in my hands wherewithal to contradict them. Francalmonte desired me to give him the two Papers I had shewn him, that he might burn them, and eternally destroy their memory: but I replied, that were to do his Master ill ser­vice, for I intended to shew them to the King of Spain, to make appear to him that he had a Viceroy in Naples that omitted nothing to do him service, and settle his Throne, that had been so long time tottering.

The Prince of Cellimare spoke of nothing to me but the good usage and caresses I should re­ceive in Spain; where I was expected with great impatience: that I should not be long without my liberty, because my credit, courage, and resentments were very much depended on, the present disorders of France considered: that I [Page 587] should have all necessary assistance to drive them to the uttermost extremity; and that Spain ho­ped great advantages from her confidence in me; where I should also find my establishment and fortune. After this he told me he was sor­ry to acquaint me with the imprisonment of some Gentlemen of my friends, whom he named to me, that were in danger of their lives, for their too near correspondencies with me, of which if I pleased I could give him a more par­ticular account. I answered him discontentedly, If the Viceroy be curious to enquire into the intrigues between me and the Nobility, Caesar Blanco, Achilles Minutulo, and you Sir can inform him, because you were the Mediators of them, and you very well know that I had pro­mised all three of you the preservation of your Estates and Employments. He was surprized with fear, conjuring me not to ruin him, and above all not to mention in Spain what had passed. I told him you do not take the way to prevent me, you move me against my friends, insult over my misfortune, and your self and two Camerades being of the Collateral Council, vo­ted the cutting off my head, hoping by my death to prevent the discovery of the Negotia­tions with me. My life, God be thanked, is safe in despite of you. I go into Spain, where they will intirely confide in me, and believe a [...] I shall report of what is passed: I can reve [...] [...] my self and undo you, but I am too gener [...] [...] go about it: quiet you thoughts, you ar [...] [...] [Page 588] if you have no othet harm to fear than that which I can do you: but on the other side I ex­pect, dealing so well with you, that you shall employ what credit you have, to free from trou­ble all such as you know had any kindness for me, without which you are to apprehend my revenge and just resentments. We promised one another what was desired on either side, and he became secured against the apprehen­sions I had taken pleasure so long to hold him in.

Don Alvaro de la Torre, hearing that I was to be transported into Spain, made haste from Rome, that he might have the conduct of me, expecting some great reward before his return, which the Prince of Cellamare having acquaint­ed me with, I told him that though my joy was great to begin a Voyage that probably might re­store me to liberty, I would not go (unless com­pelled to it) with a man that had dealt so ill with me; and that they must carry me bound into the Galley, or I should never embark. He answered, If that person were disagreea­ble to me, another should be appointed, be­cause they resolved to give me all manner of satisfaction: they therefore chose in his stead Don Antonio de Areazano, who shortly after obtained the government of Gaeta, vacant by the death of the Prince of Ascoli. Dom Alva­ [...] la Torre, who by his ill comportment had [...]ed himself both with me and the Viceroy, [...] in very great confusion, augmented by my [Page 589] refusing him to take leave or come in my pre­sence at my going away. He was absolutely lost, and had nothing to pretend, when Don John de Morgareio Lieutenant of Castello No­vo in Naples, died happily for him, and the Duke of Medina do los Torres his Master, who is perpetual Governor of it, made him Lieu­tenant.

I drew this advantage from my imprison­ment, that I made it apparent to all Christen­dom (what opinion soever had passed to the contrary) that my credit and particular conside­sideration only maintained all in arms in the Kingdom of Naples; for at the news of the ta­king the Town by the Spaniards none were dis­couraged, but as soon as ever they heard of my restraint, they laid down their arms, in testi­mony that my interests alone and not the pub­lick hatred kept alive the war: and as soon as I was out of condition to act, they all returned to their fetters, without any thought of de­livering themselves, but under my command and authority.

As I went out of the Castle of Gaeta I was shewed the Body of Charles of Burbon, which stands upright in a Press over against the Chappel, leaning on a Generals Trun­cheon, his Hat on his Head and booted, with a Coat of Green Velvet laced with Gold: It is very little decayed, all the features of [...] Face are still remarkable, his meen is fier [...] [Page 590] and such as might become a Person of so great merit and undaunted courage.

The Galley being ready and the wind favou­rable, I embarked about the end of May, with the consolation to see the affection of all the people of the Kingdom of Naples, justifi­ed by that which they of Gaeta made appear (what care soever was taken to keep the knowledge of it from me) and the Galley ha­ving weighed, we launched out into the Main (all the Cannon both of the Town and Castle firing) to make for Spain, where I hope for an end of my misfortunes in my liberty.

The End of the Fifth and last Book.

ERRATA.

PAge 4. l. 16. for devotion r. disposal. p. 44. line 14. read in the School: p. 46. l. 30. leave out having. p. 50. l. 15. leave out, and, r. One day. p. 75. l. 14. for apprehen­ding, r. conceiving. p. 112. l. 32 for men r. meen. p. 121. l. 11. r. carried. p. 156. l. 15. r. imprudently. p. 175. l. 27. r. three Captains with the Serjeant Major of the p. 240. l. 11. leave out having p. 280. l. ult. r. Ot [...]i [...]es or wards of; p. 284. l. 28. r. came. p. 348. l. 7. r. their. p. 354. l. 17. r. gave. p. 404. l. 10. r. must. p. 464. l. 7. r. thrice. p 475. l. 4. in stead of de­partment r. Division of Montefuscolo. p. 501. l. 6. r. affairs▪ p. 517. l. 30. r. contusion. p. 553. l. 19. r. discouraged.

Some other over-sights which wrong the Style more then Sense are recommended to the Readers courtesie.

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