GREGORII Posthuma: OR, Certain Learned TRACTS: WRITTEN By JOHN GREGORIE, M. A. and Chaplain of Christ-Church in OXFORD.

TOGETHER With a short Account of the Autor's LIFE; and Elegies on his much lamented DEATH.

Published by his Dearest Friend J. G. B. D. of Merton College.

LONDON, Printed by William Du-gard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to bee sold at the Golden Lion in Little- Britain. 1649.

[decorative header with Tudor rose and Scottish thistle]


TO My highly-honored Friend, FOR VIRTUE and LEARNING, Ed. Bysh, Esquier.

SIR!

NOt to Dedicate This to Your Name and Patronage, were to commit a double Trespass; one against the Will and Pur­pose of the Dead, (if that may bee cal­ed a Trespass in this profane Age) an­other against my own Obligations to Your singular Worth; which hath so highly engaged both the Autor and my Self, as that for mee to think of anie other Patrone then Your Noble Self, were both Ingratitude and Impietie: But the greatest Examples this Age can give mee, shall never prevail with mee to bee guiltie of either.

Wherefore, to You, (who durst bee charitable at such a time as that, and so Ingenuous, as to appear a Lover of Learning in this Age) to You (I say) do I present these [Page] Posthums of Your Learned, and now much-Lamented Client; a man so entirely affected to Learning, as that the very fore-sight of this Barbaritie (wherein Learning and Learned men were to bee the Objects of Scorn and Crueltie) broke his heart.

Time was, (even among the Heathen) that Learning was a sufficient Protection against Tyrannie; witness Antonius Triumvir, who, when Varro (his Enemie, and of a contrarie Faction) was Listed for Death, Hee thus gallantly superscribed his Name, — Vivat Varro Vir Doctissimus.

But I forbear: And having now ( S r!) too long perhaps insisted on the Caus of my Sorrows and this Dedication, I heartily recommend You to the Grace of Him, who is able to uphold You in these evil Daies; and to enable You, ( [...]) to stand in this slipperie Age.

Your Worship's humbly Devoted, John Gurganie.
‘VIA VNA COR VNVM’


A Short Account of the Autor's Life and Death.

THe Desire of Beeing is not Am­bition, but a generous Appetite and relish of Immortalitie, which Na­ture her self prompt's the Creature to: [...] is an Apostolical Testimonie, that the whole Creati­on aim's not onely at a Beeing, but an Eternitie of Wel-beeing also. I cannot wonder therefore at the Egyptians Industrie to preserv their Memorie and Figures to Posteritie. 2 Sam. 18.18. Nor at Absolom's Pillar, Hee having no Heir to perpetuate his Name; which, if good, is rather to bee chosen then great Riches: These may perish with the wicked, but the Memorie of the Just shall bee blessed.

Who then can distrust, or oppose this Happiness of good men, so long since assured by Him which is [...], the Eternal God, Blessed for ever? Surely none, without the guilt of Theo­machie or Ingratitude. Upon this Consideration, the wise Son of Sirach, that Eloquent Encomiast, raised his Monumental Pillar to the Patriarchs; [Page] hence, doubtless, hee took his Rise to that loftie Pa­negyrick of the Primitive Saints; Laudemus Viros gloriosos, Ecclus 44.1. &c. Let us now prais famous men, &c.

And, in Imitation of Him, I might say much in Commendation of this Autor, whose Worth (aswel natural as acquisite) was the Miracle of his Age. But my Account shall bee brief and plain, as most suit­able to the sadness of my Thoughts on this Subject, leaving all Flourish and Fancie to the Gallantrie of Poëtrie; from whose sweet strains I shall not long detein you.

Camden's Brit. Amersham, in the Countie of Buckingham, enobled hitherto onely by the Honorable Familie of the Rus­sels, may now boast as much in the Birth of this Au­tor; which happened on the 10 th of November, 1607: And though his Parents were but of mean Extraction and Estate,

Ovid Metam. lib. 9.
Ingenuâ de Plebe virum, nec census in illo
Nobilitate suâ major, sed vita fides (que)
Inculpata fuit, &c.—

Yet of such noted Pietie and Honestie, as gained them love and respect from the Best of that Place. Whence this their eldest Son, about the 15 th year of their pious Education of Him, was chosen by my worthie Friend D r Crook, to wait upon S r William Drake, (and soon after, on S r Robert Crook) at Christ-Church in Oxford; where they had the happiness to bee under the Tuition of the most Ingenuous and Learned D r George Morley, whose Directions and En­couragements to studie were so exact and impressive, as that they soon eased him of farther trouble with this Autor.

The Account of this his young Scholar's Studies [Page] beeing above the Leisure of a Tutor to receiv; (espe­cially one so greatly and publickly engaged) For be­sides mine own Observation of him, (enjoying him no small time in my Chamber in Christ Church) hee confest unto mee, That, for divers years, hee stu­died 16 of everie 24 hours, and that with so much ap­petite and delight, Aenea pila, Diog. Laërt. & Lud. Viv. de Cor. Art. as that hee needed not the Cure of Aristotle's drowsiness to awake him, or my Obser­vation of his Indefatigable Industrie, which Magne­tically drew my Affections toward him, my Love beeing as great to Learning, as my Nature unapt and impatient of extraordinarie Labors. Hence I loved him unto a Filial Adoption, and after confirmed it by an Academical Exercise for our first Degrees; wherein, his Worth, like the Rising of the Sun, began to discover it self, darting forth such fair Hopes and Glimmerings of future Perfection, as were quickly espied by the then vigilant Dean of Christ Church, D r Duppa, since Lord Bishop of Sarum, who immediately received him into favor, and soon after made him Chaplain of Christ Church, and, after that, his own Domestick, and Prebendarie of Chichester and Sarum.

For which Favors, hee now began (about 26 years old) at once to publish to the World his Worth, and Gratitude in the Dedication of his Notes on Learned Ridley's Civil Law, to his and my honored Patrone, the Bishop of Sarum. In which Notes, hee made an earlie Discoverie of his Civil, Historical, Ecclesiasti­cal, Ritual, and Oriental Learning, together with the Saxon, French, Italian, Spanish, and all Eastern Lan­guages, through which hee miraculously travelled, without anie Guid, except M r Dod the Decalogist; whose Societie, and Directions for the Hebrew [Page] Tongue, hee enjoied one Vacation near Banburie. For which Courtesie, hee ever gratefully remembred him, as a man of great Pietie, Learning, Gravitie, and Modestie; of which Graces also this Autor was as great a Possessor, as Admirer.

Hence those manie Tracts, both in English and La­tine, were bashfully laid by, in his youth, as Abor­tives; som whereof I have here published, and en­tituled Posthuma's, as so manie Testimonies and Mo­numents of his general Learning.

For which hee was much honored by the Ac­quaintance and Favor of men of the greatest honor and eminence in Learning, Arch-Bish. Laud, B. Mounta­gue, B. Lindsey, M r John Selden, &c. that this Age hath pro­duced; besides the Correspondence (in Points of Learning) which hee held with divers famous Men abroad, aswel Jesuites and Jews, as others.

And now being like the Sun in his Zenith, readie to shine in his greatest lustre, Behold, the whole Kingdom began to bee clouded with Judgments, Ovid. Met. lib. 1.(Sic Deus inductâ nostras caligine Terras Occuluit—)’ lïke that Egyptian Darkness, which even then began to damp, and hath since quite extinguisht the greatest and purest Lights of this Nation, such as were not to bee parallel'd by anie other for Pietie and Learning. Among whom, notwithstanding the Hope of a clear Daie preserved this Learned Autor awhile suffici­ently spirited for Studie, whereby hee composed and published (a little before his Death) those his Excel­lent Notes upon som Passages of Scripture, in which kinde of holie Studie hee intended to spend the rest of his Life.

But, behold! after 20 years trouble with an Here­ditarie [Page] Gout, improved by immoderate Studie, and now invading his Stomach, Atropos stand's readie to cut his Thread of Life, beeing laboriously spun out but 39 years: when, fore-seeing the Glorie was now departing from our Israël, his Spirits began to fail in an extraordinarie manner.

For Recoverie and Supportation whereof, (his first Noble Patrone, the Bishop of Sarum, being disabled by Sequestration, &c.) the liberal hand of a second Mecenas was presently extended, which though it could not save him (as Christ's did S t Peter) from pe­rishing in these waters of Affliction, yet 'twas not in vain: for, as our Saviour said of that Unguent, so may I of his last Patrone's Charitie, Mat. 26.12. Joh. Antioch. Hist. translated out of Greek into Latine with Annota­tions. Was it not to burie him? yes, and to rais him too with the Trump of Fame beeing very active and free toward the Publi­cation, not onely of this Posthumous Off-spring, but also of som other of greater Exspectation.

And here, Reader! I cannot but drop a Tear for the loss of that his excellent Piece, entituled by him­self, Alkibla.

In which Tract, with very great Judgment and Learning, hee vindicated the Antiquitie of East-ward Adoration, (especially in all Churches) as far beyond an Altar or a Crucifix, (the Romish Bounds) as the Flood preceed's in time these Superstitious Distin­ctions of the Christian.

Which gallant Refutation of that Popish Error, I the rather mention, becaus som suspected him a Favo­rer of that Waie; but, to my certain knowledg, their Jealousie was unjust and groundless; hee having of­ten declared and protested, not onely to mee, but also to manie of his familiar Friends, his Abhorrence of [Page] Poperie, and his sincere Affection and Constancie to the Protestant Religion, as it was established in Eng­land by Acts of Parliament.

At Kidlington, Mar. 13. 1646. and was bu­ried in Christ-Church in Ox­ford.And as hee lived, so hee died also, a most Obedient and Affectionate Son to his Distressed Mother the Church of England; for whose Sufferings hee for­rowed unto Death; a more painful and exquisite Martyrdom then that by Fire or Sword: By these the Soul break's prison in a minute to an Eternitie of Libertie and Felicitie; that keep's us on the Rack of Death, not only to the Apostles [...], but even [...], 1 Cor. 15.31. wee die hourly.

This Account would have run into a Volume, should I have given you a Particular of his Vir­tues; as, his Courtesie, Humilitie, &c. not disdain­ing the meanest Scholar, nor proud of his victorious Discourses with the best Learned. And how free and liberal hee was of his Treasurie, to the full satis­faction of all Inquisitors, I may confidently appeal to all that knew him.

But I must not so remember my lost Friend, as to forget my self in my Promise of Brevitie; nay, I will rather chuse to bee somwhat indebted in this kinde to the Dead; well knowing, the Mourners follow­ing, will compleatly discharge those Arrears: To whom I now therefore hastily refer you.

[decorative header with Tudor rose surmounted by a crown]


Upon the DEATH of my dearest Friend, the AUTOR.

WOuld you the Caus, why this my Son did die?
'Twas, to prevent my Immortalitie.
As Twins, inform'd by one soul, part being dead,
The sad surviver live's half-murthered:
So I, in my Retirements, being fixt
On Him, in Mee both Life and Death are mixt.
Nor crave's our
[...].
Motto less; though God denie's
To match our Wishes with our Destinies.
What then remain's, but that I often look
Upon thee, and enjoie thee in thy Book?
Whose Learned Matchless Lines shall still bring forth
Thy Lovers, as Eternal, as thy Worth.
Who, when wee are in Bliss, will sigh, complain,
And curs the Age, suffer'd thee to bee slain.
Slain by an Ichabod; and manie more:
1 Sam. 4.24.
  • Masters Oxonienses.
  • Cart­wright Oxonienses.
  • Digges, &c. Oxonienses.
Whom though this hate, the next Age will adore.
Whose Ashes shall revive, if anie bee
Fit Subjects for Celestial Chymistrie.
[Page]Thus Shine yee Glories of your Age, whil'st Wee
Wait to fill up your Martyrologie.
And envie not this our Ambition, though
You wounded were to Death, Wee have scars too;
And from those darts: but with this diff'rence; You
Let them stick fast, which wee with scorn with-drew.
Thus different Glories in one Sphere may bee
Equal in Height, though not in Dignitie.
Whil'st, like that Manna past, or that in store,
The Least was fill'd, nor is the Greatest more.
J. G. B. D.

An ELEGIE On the Learned AUTOR.

THough yon' close Anchorite's contracted Shrowd
Made his innarrowed Carcass seem a Crowd:
Yet the cag'd Votarie did wider dwell,
Then Thou, in thy large Roof, and spreading Cell.
Both liv'd alike immur'd: but, Mansion's space,
To Him, was Emptiness; to Thee, was Place.
Which the Retirement's different Ends decide:
Thine was, to Toil and Sweat; but His, to Hide.
Who, though sat down contented with the Store
Thou brought'st from Nature, coveting no more:
Yet, like a Wealthie Heir, by that Advance,
Thou hadst liv'd high on thy Inheritance.
Who ere is born to an Estate to 's hand,
Is full as Rich, as Hee that buie's his Land.
And such wert Thou: but, least free Nature's Gift
Seem mis-bestow'd, unless improv'd by Thrift;
'Twas thy strong care to melt down Native Parts,
And shape up great Endowments into Arts.
Hence sprung Thy vigorous Pains, unwearied Sweats:
Whil'st each past Toil, edg to fresh Toil beget's.
Till thy torn Nervs, stretch't in their Search before,
Grow suppler by 't, and so put on for more.
[Page]And thy Bent Thought or'e his deep Object crack's:
Nor Torture bring's, but Patience from thy Racks.
Oft did the Sun ow Thee his Morning Streams,
And at thy Earlier Taper light his Beams.
When, now declining in his West, and gon,
Thou bad'st him sleep, for Thou would'st Journie on.
When Midnight Silence did thy Motions see,
As Night were made for all the World, but Thee.
Nor did thy watchful Temples harbour Rest,
Till thy great Monster-Scruples fell supprest.
Alcides scorn'd to deem his Labor sped,
Whil'st Hydra wore, or threat'ning Tail, or Head.
No emptie, Surface-Learning could suffice,
No Light, no Floating Notions bound thy Eies.
But down thy Plummet dive's to th' deepest sound,
Still mining through, till it had prest the Ground.
Art hath her Quick-sands, which no Hold endure:
Hee strike's the Bottom that will Anchor sure.
While dull wee finde the Found, the same Mark hit,
The shackled Circumscription of Our Wit:
Thy unconfin'd Enquirie bid's at more,
Launches in deeps, ner'e fathomed before:
Plough's the rough Desarts up, scorn's old Abode,
Or Prostitute Directions of a Rode.
Yet thy Nice Pilgrimage doth never straie;
But, turn's the crooked Maze, to Beaten-Waie.
So, through wilde Seas the adventurous Keel is hurl'd,
Not to Loos this, but Finde the other World.
Thy vigorous Brain releiv's from lazie Rust,
Disguis'd in Characters, but more in Dust,
Graie Customs, which our dead dismettled Sloth
Gave up, to surfet the undaring Moth.
[Page]Craz'd Giants thus distressed Damsels hold;
Not by their strength, but, 'caus their Champion's cold.
Euclide and Ptolomie were so thine Own,
As the fair Building's is the Corner-stone.
Whose beauteous Pile doth by the Basis clime:
Yet This preceed's in Worth, though That in Time.
Astrologie so obei'd Thy Learned Eie,
As all the Wheels and Clock-work of the Skie,
By Curious Nature were asunder ta'ne,
To guid Thy Art, and then set up again.
And when her Motions jar, her staggering Team
May fix afresh, by Thy King Henrie's Scheme.
The Sacred Hebrew thy Judicious Rage
Pursu'd, to finde it's Mystick Parentage;
With Keen, and Eager, yet with sated Flight:
Not to Ride-over, but Ore-take the Light.
Rude Rabbines, like rude Herbarists go to't:
They mar the Plant, by digging for the Root.
Thy Numerous Language could have circuit run
T' Interpret Countries to the Travelling Sun;
Discours' a his Rising to the Western Seas,
And phras'd his business with th' Antipodes.
Yet this bright Stock thy Bountie did afford,
As thy Disbursment still, but not thy Hoard:
Not to amuse the Needie, but supplie:
'Twas thy Dominion, not thy Tyrannie.
Hence, when I askt thy Torch to light my Waie,
And gain'd som Twilights from Thy Glistering Daie;
Thy Liberal Art the Labyrinth did undo,
With the same Cheer, as I had been thy Clew.
Thy Candid Guidance back the Compass brought,
And call'd Mee Tutor still, for beeing Taught.
[Page]Now these Loud Parts, like a Shril-thundering Peal,
Which is the Belfree's Pride, but not it's Weal,
Rent thy frail Tenement, and made us see,
Thy Musick's Excellence, and Crueltie.
An Envious Gout, the Leiger of thy Feet,
To aw thine Industrie, laie arm'd to meet
Thy wakeful Midnight-Watch; and brought Thee back,
For each Raw Learned-Night, a Fortnight's Rack.
And when the single Threats of one Diseas
Bark at thy Vigilant Moons, but not displeas:
When Customarie Anguish now sat by,
Like thy Companion, not thy Maladie:
The Enraged Mischief made her Partie strong,
Swell'd her vext Unitie into a Throng:
Charming Confederates their mixt Powers to reach,
To storm the Fort, for Shee had made the Breach.
Till the Fresh Host possest of everie Part,
Whil'st Gouts secure thy Joints, the Rest thy Heart;
Thy over-number'd Corps at last did fall,
No one sick Patient, but an Hospital.
M. LL.
[decorative header]


UPON THE DEATH Of my Loving Friend, M r JOHN GREGORIE.

SUre it must needs bee so:—or els I shou'd
Think Providence but little understood
The State of things; when a dull sensless Tree
Stand's, and outlive's a Jewish Pedigree:
But Man, whose Knowledg might new Worlds create,
And so compose a wiser Book of Fate,
Him, the least breath must scatter into Air,
As if his dust not yet compacted were.
For I don't speak of one, whose Destinie
Was but to make a Sermon, and so die.
Such, as the Law deliver in a Cloud,
Thicker then God at first did, and as loud.
Such, as blaspheme by Preaching, ne're have don,
Until their Comments make an Alkaron.
[Page]Who scare the Turk from beeing Christian,
And Indians fear they then should put off Man.
Hee search't Religion's Source, Gospel, and Law,
From Moses in the Flags, to Christ in Straw.
And was so skill'd in these Antiquities,
That hee could almost tell where Moses lie's;
Who was Melchisedeck's Father; Rectifie
A Jew ev'n in's own Genealogie.
Who saie's hee die'd too soon, that had liv'd o're
All Ages whatsoever were before?
And knew so much of Language, that, alone,
Hee might have sav'd all Nations in their own
Idiome and Dialect, though there never fell
A Cloven Tongue, or other Miracle.
Great Citizen of the World! though thou die'dst here,
Yet thus wee prove, thou wert born Every where.
And, like the Sun too, didst thou never sleep,
But when wee call'd it Night, thou still didst keep
Thy journey on; till with as large an Eie,
Thou viewd'st the Univers, as much as hee.
But thou could'st not endure (alass!) to run
O're the same Circle still; so having don
Surveying this our Globe, thou went'st to see
*What other worlds did do, aswel as wee.
Thus art thou fled, and left us here to bee
Sad Ruines of an Universitie.
[Page]VVhat Ignorant Malice could not reach unto,
Nor War it self, thy single Fate did do.
The World began at Noon, but thy bright Raie,
(More glorious Sun!) did set at thy Mid-daie.
Now wee do'nt mourn our State, for at thy Fall
'Tis fit this Kingdom perish, World and all.
Our heap of Stones at Christ-Church prove's to bee
But a more spatious Monument to thee.
And when wee purifi'd from this Age, shall name
And dedicate a Temple to thy Fame;
Wee'l call this Island thine, which is no less
Famous for thee, then it's unhappiness.
When Cities, Temples burnt shall bee forgot,
And Sacrilege too; the prais of thee shall not.
Parents shall hither bring their Sons of Years,
To paie their Tribute in a Sea of Tears;
And pointing to thy Tomb, crie, There are found
Oxford and Gregorie in one yard of Ground.
Fr. Palmer.

Upon the much deplored Deceas of Mr John Gregorie, Chaplain of CHRIST-CHURCH.

HEnce Exclamations on Disastrous Fate,
Let none here call the Stars unfortunate,
Or rail at Lachesis: The Soul that's gon
Scorn's such a whining Celebration;
And dare's that Autor whosoe're hee bee
To search into the Stars so far as hee.
Since Life was lent him 'till hee had a view
Of all the Mysteries that Nature knew,
And had a perfect Knowledg of each Art,
That either Rome or Athens could impart;
'Twas time (now Learning's banisht) to suspend
His labor, and to get to his Journei's end.
Should this so sad Intelligence bee sent
The Hebrews and Chaldeans would lament:
The Syrians and Arabians (though so far)
VVould send to know this an Ambassador;
But vain and fruitless would their Labor bee,
VVhen none could give an Answer t' it but Hee.
Hee, so Admir'd of all, that had alone
Diversitie of Tongues for's Portion;
So fluent, so redundant in them all,
That each which hee had got seem'd Natural.
The Pious Fates gave him a lingring Death,
Fearing all Arts might perish in one breath:
But fearing too that if hee should live long,
All Nations would again becom one Tongue,
They added this Confusion to the world,
And thus together too his Ashes hurl'd.
Asscend, Departed Saint, to bee a Guest
To Dialogue with Abram and the rest;
Thou hadst most Tongues, but know thy Joie's excess
Is far more now then Angels can express.

Epitaphium Joannis Gregorii.

NE premas Cineres hosce, Viator,
Nescis quot sub hoc jacent Lapillo;
Graeculus, Hebraeus, Syrus,
Et qiu Te quovis vincet Idiomate.
At nè molestus sis,
Ausculta, & caussam auribus tuis imbibe:
Templo exclusus
Et avitâ Relligione
Jam senescente, (nè dicam sublatâ)
Mutavit Chorum, altiorem ut capesceret.
Vade nunc, si libet, & imitare.
R. W.

The Particular Titles of this Book.

  • I. A Discours of the LXX Interpreters; the Place and Manner of their Interpretation.
  • II. A Discours declaring what Time the Nicene Creed began to bee sung in the Church.
  • III. A Sermon upon the Resur­rection, from 1 Cor. 15. ver. 20.
  • IV. [...], or a Disproof of him, in the 3 d of S. Luke ver. 36.
  • V. Episcopus Puerorum in Die Innocentium.
  • VI. De Aeris & Epochis, shew­ing [Page] the several Accounts of Time among all Nations from the Crea­tion to the present Age.
  • VII. The Assyrian Monar­chie, beeing a Description of it's Rise and Fall.
  • VIII. The Description and Ʋse of the Terrestrial Globe.
[decorative header with Tudor rose and Scottish thistle]


A DISCOURS OF THE LXX INTERPRETERS; The Place and manner of their Interpretation.

J Ʋstin Martyr saith, that the Translation was per­formed, not in the Citie of Alexandria, [...]. the description whereof, let it bee given according to Philo Judaeus.

[...], [...]. p. 448. [...] &c. that is, The Ile Pharos lieth under Alexandria stretching it self toward the Citie, wash'd about not with a deep, but, for the most part, a shallow Sea, which [Page 2] Considered with the largeness doth verie much abate from the strepe­rous nois and turbulencie of the waves, This (Isle) of all other places thereabout beeing judged the most convenient for privacie and quietness, and where the Law might bee best attended by everie man in his most retired meditations, here the Seniors remained, and taking the holie Bible into their hands, they lifted both it and them up into Heaven beseeching Almightie God not to fail them in their purpose, &c. So Philo.

Aristaeas speaketh more distinctly for the Place. [...] &c. that is, Three daies beeing passed, De­metrius took (the Seniors) along with him, and having gotten over the Heptastadium and the Bridg, hee brought them to the North parts of the Isle, where hee placed the Assemblie in a hous fit­ted for them, standing upon the shore, free from all inquietude, and having all the conveniences of situation, &c, And it seemeth to mee, that by these words of Aristaeas, somthing more may bee discovered concerning the Place; for the probabilitie from hence is good, that the Hous here spoken of, should bee meant of that famous Tower which Sostratus of Cnidus set up in this Isle Pharos, to direct the Mariners in the dange­rous Seas about Alexandria: And the situation verie well agreeth, becaus the Tower also stood North, and upon the Sea side. And the Nubian Geographer, where hee descri­beth this Tower, telleth us, [...] that there were certain Cels ere­cted in it. But Justin Martyr putteth us out of doubt: for hee saith, That the Place where the Cels were set up, was [...] p. 17 [...]. ubi Phari speculum aedifi­cari contigit, which is all one with that wee believed.

And wee have caus to think, that seeing the King inten­ded this matter of the Translation, with so much Princely care and providence, that hee would make chois of such a Seat, as might most eminently adorn his purpose; and [Page 3] therefore it was answerably don to chuse the Tower, which was everie waie worthie of this glorious emploiment: for the Arabick Geographer saith [...] That the whole world cannot shew such another Building as this Tower, whether wee consider it for the Materials, or for the manner of the Structure. The Reader may see a large description of it in this Autor, in the third Part of the third Clime.

But seeing the thing was don in Egypt, let the Storie of it also bee delivered in their Language, and set down in Hieroglyphicks.

And did it not well becom the business, that the Scripture should bee translated in this Place? In a Tower: to note out to the Interpreters, the Sublimitie of those things which they had now in hand; that when they went up to their work, everie step they asscended might elevate their Mindes one degree nearer to the Contemplations of Heaven. And how fitly was it don by the Sea-side; that but a little of Earth might bee seen to those, who had now to deal with such things, as had nothing in them that was Terrene? But most of all convenient it was, that it should bee don in this Tower; For that which hung out a Candle to the doubt­ful Mariner in the perillous Seas, did it not well that it should also hold out A light to the Gentiles? The Coast of Alexandria was dangerous for anie, least of all for the Na­tives, becaus they were acquainted with the Passages; but a stranger durst not venter without som direction from this Beacon. Such was our waie to Heaven; intricate enough to all Nations, yet more obvious to the Jew, becaus to him were committed the Oracles of God: But wee the Gentiles ha­ving no other direction but the light of Nature, could not so well tell how to pass the Streits to Heaven, without som help from the Word; which, though it were alwaies a Light, yet was it never held out unto us, till this time of the Translation: and therefore was it verie singularly congru­ous, that from this Place, from whence the Sea-faring men took their notice by a Light, to escape the hazard of those [Page 4] waies they knew not; that it should pleas God also, by the Lantern of his Word, to give aim to the People that sate in Darkness.

Musaeus in [...] &c.
[...],
[...]

Therefore when ever thou shalt chance to go that waie, en­quire out for Pharos. Anie remainder of this Tower would bee worth the seeing, and Justin Martyr, though there were but a stone left upon a stone, yet hee went purposely to take notice of it.

Why the King should make chois of the Isle for the Inter­pretation rather then the Citie; one reason was, to avoid the disturbance of the multitude, for Alexandria was [...], A Citie full of Inhabitants, as it is observed by the Scholiast upon Dionysius Afer. And in times past even be­fore it was Alexandria, it had been verie much frequented with a confluence of People; for so it is noted unto us by the Pro­phet Nachum, where hee would know of Nineveh, Whither thee thought her self Better then Populous No, that is saith Chimki [...] Alexandria in Egypt as it is also interpreted by that Antient Chaldee Pa­raphrase, [...] Art thou better then the great Alexandria, &c. Targum in Hac. which was performed by the son of Ʋziel seven­teen hundred years past.

Another Reason was for the safetie of the Translators, and this is given by Philo [...] &c. where hee urgeth this Reason from the unhealthfulness of the Place, which happened to bee [...] &c. by the varietie and constancie of the diseases which reigned among the People. For besides the general distemperature of the air of Egypt, which was cali­dus & nocivus, hot and hurtful; as it is affirmed by Joh. Leo A­frican. one that knew it well, insomuch that a Plague at Grand Cairo could cut off twentie thousand in one daie: besides I saie, these more universal Conditions, Philo intimateth from a particular Caus, that there should bee a more usuall Morta­litie heer then elswhere, and that was, The Concours of [Page 5] all manner of living Creatures to this Place [...] &c. And it is to bee conceived, that the Au­tor meaneth by this not onely a multitude of Men, but also that great varietie of strange Beasts and Fowls which were continually bred up about the Court in Alexandria, mention whereof is made by Ptolomie the King in his Com­mentaries, Lib. 12. which was [...]. And these Creatures were transported from all parts of the world, and there bred up not onely for their Raritie, and the Kings Recrea­tion but also to furnish his Table; for so it seemeth by Ptolo­mie's words in that Book— [...], where hee noteth concerning those Phesants that were called [...] that the King of Egypt had of them not onely brought out of Media, but also hatch'd at home in such a Number that his Table might bee served with them when hee pleased: though wee may observ by the waie, that these kinde of Birds in those daies, were (for the most part) kept for the Eie, rather then for the Bellie; insomuch that Ptolomie the King in the book before cited professeth, that hee never tast­ed of a Phesant in all his life; whereupon Athenaeus observeth, That if this noble King had liv'd in his daies, wherein the Luxurie was such, that everie man must have a Pheasant at his Table, (though hee had alreadie written 24. Books in this kinde, yet) hee saith, that hee would surely have writ­ten one more purposely to note out this thing. This by the waie; becaus Philo saith, that the Places within the Citie were [...], full of all manner of Creatures. And this howsoever urged by him onely for a greater Caus of Infection, yet it may bee thought by som to have a further aim; for the Egyptian beeing aware of this, that the Jew was bound to make a distinction between clean and unclean beasts, might apprehend it in the strictness; and therefore carefully remove the Seniors from the verie sight of those things which were an abomination unto them. But in this wee have but prevented the Curious, and there­fore [Page 6] if the Conjecture bee not sound enough, it may bee the less regarded.

But more then what is urged by Philo for the ill dispositi­on of the place may elswhere bee observed.

The Prophet Nachum saith, that Alexandria is situate upon the waters, not onely becaus the waters laie all about it, but also [...] for that they were conveied into it under ground, as Chimhi there hath it. And the Arabian more plainly in the Nubian Geographie [...] that is, the river Nile comming from the West, runneth under the Arches of all their Houses: The manner how this was don is set down by John Leo in his description of Africa, Cuique ferè domui Civitatis ingens cisterna concamerata, crassis (que) innitens fornicibus substructa est, in quas exundans Nilus per Aquaeductum in planitie, magno artificio constructum extra Alex­andriam, deductus sub eius moenibus demittitur, &c. This artifi­cial conveiance of the River though it bee otherwise accep­table to the Inhabitants yet it could not bee without som annoiance to the Air, the Complexion whereof suffered much alteration by the noisom vapors which rose up out of the waters, which in tract of time putrified in their Ci­sterns. It is the experience of this John in the words fol­lowing. Cisternae porrò temporis successu turbidae ac coenosae red­ditae plurimis aestivo tempore languoribus occasionem praebent, &c. And the same Autor affordeth us yet another inconvenience to make us more sure of the Insalubritie of this Place: And it ariseth by reason of certain little Gardens planted near to the Citie, the fruits whereof were of such an ill Con­dition, that the Inhabitants were thereby made subject to verie noxious Feavers and manie other diseases: for so John reporteth in the Chapter aforesaid: Juxta aquaeductum per quem Nilus in civitatem transmittitur, exigui visuntur Horti sed quorum fructus ad maturitatem perventi accolas noxiis febribus ali­isque morbis afficiunt, &c.

These things considered, the Reason was good, why the Isle should bee chosen rather then the Citie, to bee a Place for the Interpreters.

[Page 7]Thus much therefore wee are com to know upon good Autoritie, that our Translation was made in the great Tower of the Isle Pharos, near to Alexandria in Egypt; wee go on to a more distinct designation of the Place, the conside­ration whereof shall also discover unto us after what man­ner the thing was don.

FOr the Manner of the Translation; The opinion of som is, that the Seniors were assembled in one and the same place, where they performed the work by comparing what was severally don by each of them, and delivering up that for granted which could bee agreed upon by all. This opinion hath received it's ground from the words of Ari­staeas. [...]. &c. And indeed, the incou­ragement from hence for that waie seemeth to bee verie good, the words themselvs beeing scarcely able to bear anie other construction, then according to that which hath been said.

Nevertheless, it is believed by others that they did the work [...] (as John Zonaras hath it) [...], that is, Each of them beeing in a several Room, and when the work was finished, they all met and compared together what everie Man had don; and it was found, that they differed nothing either in sens or manner of expression, but agreed in all, &c.

This later waie of the Storie, however it may seem to exact upon our belief, as making Report of more incredible circumstances; yet it may bee taken up upon the greatest trust of Antiquitie, having to alledg for it self the constant and most undeniable Testimonie of the Antients.

The Jews report it from an immemorial Tradition, which their Talmudists deliver in the 10 Book of Soeder Moed, in the Chap. Megillah Nikra which is the 3 d. and fol. the 8. B▪ and the 9. A. where the text of the Talmud saith [Page 8] on this manner, Talmud. in Soed. Moed. [...] that is, There is no difference between the Sepharim and the Tephillim and Mezuzoth, save onely, that the Sepharim may bee written in anie Language; but the Tephillim and Mezuzoth onely in the Syriack Tongue. But Rabban Simeon the son of Gamaliel saith, that the Sepharim also might not bee written in anie other Language, the Greek onely excepted. By the Tephil­lim and Mezuzoth, the Doctors meant those Schedules which were inscribed with set forms of devotion, and placed up­on the posts of their Houses, or otherwise worn in their foreheads.

By the Sepharim, or Books they intend [...] the Books of the Law, the Prophets and the Hagiographa, and so the Sepharim are here expounded by the Gloss upon this place. By occasion of these words in the Mishna, R. Jehudah relateth this Storie in the Gemara, [...] that is, Wee receiv it by Tradition, that King Ptolmai assembled together the seventie two Seniors, and placed them in seventie two several Conclaves, not making them acquainted with his purpose, (after that) going in to each of them, hee said unto them, Write mee now down the Law of Moses the Master. The Blessed and glorious God put understanding into everie mans heart; and they all accorded in one and the same sens. So the Talmudists.

The verie same circumstances of the Storie are set down in their Massicta Sopherim, and by Abraham Zacuth in the Book Juchasin, besides the four Editions of their Hebrew Josephus, or Gorcous son: in all which it is also extant. Among the Arabians there hath as yet com to my Hands one onely Chronologer of these times, said the son of Batric, and hee also maketh the same report. And becaus [Page 9] this Author is not as yet made publick, it shall bee here set down what hee saith; [...] that is, Said Aben B [...]ta A [...]bs in Historia Eccl [...]s. And in the twentieth year of the Reign of (Ptolomie) the King went up to the Citie Jerusalem, and brought with him from thence seventie Men of the Jews unto Alexandria, and comma [...]ded them, saying, Interpret unto mee your Book of The Law and the Prophets, out of the He­brew into Greek. And hee put everie one of them into a several Cell by himself, that hee might see now each of them would in­terpret apart. And when they had finished their work, the King saw what everie Man had don, and their writings all concorded, nothing was contrarie in anie one of them So the Book (of the In­terpretation) was sealed up, and put into the Hous of their God Serapis, &c.

Thus, said, the Son of Batric, according to the Manuscript Copie of his Historia, which I saw at Cambridg in the Ar­chives of their Publick Librarie.

Philo Judaeus, though hee maketh no express mention of the Cels, yet if hee doth not intimate som such thing, let the Reader tell us what hee meaneth by this: [...] ( [...]) [...] that is, And they sate down privately by themselvs, and having no other compa­nie but the parts of Nature, the Earth, the Waters, the Air, and the Heauens, (the Mysterie of whose Creätion their first work was to discover; this beeing the begining of Mose's Law) they pro­phecied, as if they had been divinely inspired; not one, one thing; and another, another; but all in the same sens and [Page 10] words, as if they had been prompted by som invisible Director.

In these words, however it may bee said, wee are not certain that the Author intended our matter of the Cels; yet thus much wee can bee sure of, That hee pointeth out such a waie of Interpretation, as carrieth with it no less of wonder, then the former.

But Justin the Martyr a Samaritan speaketh it plainly, and with a verie remarkable Confidence; as wee read in his [...] to the Gentiles: where hee saith, That the King appointed [...], to each of the Interpreters a small several Cel, [...] that everie man might perform the Interpretation by himself. And having said somthing of their wonderful agreement, hee provideth against the incredulitie of all Men, by this resolute enforce­ment, strongly urged from his own experience.

[...]. &c. that is, This, O yee Gentiles, wee report unto you, not in the guis of a Fable, or a fained Storie; but as a received Tradition, delivered unto us by the Inhabitants of the Place: for wee our selvs also beeing at Alexandria saw the remainder of those Cels; and they are yet to bee seen in the Isle Pharos at this pre­sent daie.

To this undoubted Testimonie of Justin Martyr, may bee added that of Irenaeus, who in the same Centurie maketh the like report. Ptolomie, saith hee, [...] &c. considering with himself that if they should bee suffered to confer one with another, they might perchance conceal somthing of the veritie of their Scripture by waies of Interpretation; hee separated them each from other, and commanded them that everie man should trans­late the same part; and this order was observed in all the Book, &c. And concerning their agreement, hee saith, That they all set [Page 11] down the same things, [...]. in the same Sens, and in the same Words; insomuch, that all people that were then present ac­knowledged, that the Translation was made by the inspiration of God, &c. And that the wonder of the work might not bee an hindrance to it self, to make it seem the less probable, for beeing strange, Hee excuseth it by another of the same kinde, [...], &c. And wee have the less caus (saith hee) to marvail, that God should thus do, seeing hee wrought as great a Miracle for his Scripture, by the hand of Ezra in the Restitution of the Law.

In the third Centurie, the credit of the Storie is upheld by Clemens of Alexandria; and in the fourth, by Cyril of Jerusalem. Clemens saith, [...], that everie one of them having in­terpreted by himself, according to his proper Inspiration, the Translations were Compared, and they were all found to agree both in Sens and Words.

But Cyril more perspicuously, and at large.

[...], &c. that is, And (the King) providing that the Inter­preters which were sent him, might not com together, appointed for each of them a several Cel in the Isle Pharos, near to Alex­andria: and to each of them was delivered the whole Bible to tran­slate. And beeing thus separated the one from the other, everie man's part was finished within the space of seventie two daies, at which time they all met together; and having compared their Translations they were found to concord; not onely in the meaning, but also in the [Page 12] verie Manner of expression. For this Translation was not set forth in pleasing words, or the pomp of humane Sophistrie, but all was interpreted by the same Spirit by which it was first de­livered, &c.

In the fourth Centurie, wee finde the Tradition remem­bred by Epiphanius, but not without som alteration of the Circumstances; for hee saith, that the Translation was per­formed [...]. in thirtie six Cels, by two and two in a Cel. But Secarius hopeth to reconcile this to the former: for though (saith hee) there were but six and thirtie Cels, yet each of these were double: and so everie two of the Translators were separated the one from the other by a Partition.

This Moderation of the words, though it hath not so much evidence as would bee required, yet it hath a notable pretens: becaus Epiphanius himself saith, that the Cels were double: [...]. And it may seem also to bee the Emperors minde, in Cap. Sancimus of the 146. Novel. where hee saith conc [...]rning these Interpreters, [...] that beeing divided by two and two, and set in several places; yet they all delivered up the same Translation &c. But these words of the Law would not willingly bee Put to this Construction: That of John Zonaras is som­thing nearer to the Reconciliation: for hee writeth [...]: that the Interpreters of the Law were divided into Couples, and that they were placed everie one in a several Con­clave. For so much may seemingly bee gained by the word [...]; becaus [...], is as much as [...] which no­teth out one separated from Companie, or [...], which is to bee said of him that is alone, and talketh to himself; for so the Gloss of this word [...] is given, both by Hesy­chius, and Phavorinus.

But if this way of the Storie will not bee reconciled to to the former, then it must bee said that Epiphanius was but [Page 13] one, and that his Testimonie is not of greater Autoritie then theirs that went before; and the less, for coming after them: and that the Tradition (as it useth to bee) was o­therwise told afar off, then nearer home; and that Epipha­nius spake as hee heard saie: whereas Justin Martyr was him­self at Pharos, and saw the Tower and that which was left of the Cels, and was throughly informed by the Inhabitants of the Place.

Thus wee see with what confidence this passage of the Storie hath been reported and received, during the space of five hundred years, since the time of the Translation. And it seemeth to have been don upon the best securitie; becaus not onely the Jews and their Talmodists, but also the Re­verent Fathers of the Church, stand bound to make it good; And these, besides their Estimation otherwise, ought in this especially to bee look'd after, for that they are all anti­ent, and becaus they all agree: pure Antiquitie beeing the safest Judg of things don in times past, and consent of Autoritie the surest argument of such Antiquitie. When wee saie that they all agree (if it must needs bee) wee except Epiphanius; but why should wee so do, seeing that his thir­tie six Cels, if they were doubled, (as hee saith that they were [...]) are as manie in number as the seventie two of the rest are? If they were not, it lesseneth but the number of the Cels; taketh little awaie from the Miracle of the In­terpretation: or if it did, y [...]t the single testimonie of Epi­phanius will not bee seen through such a cloud of Witnesses.

But besides our Autoritie from the Antients, wee may gain som probabilitie toward th [...] credit of the Cels, if it bee enquired into the Causses which ought to move the King to resolv upon such a waie for the Translation.

Two Reasons especially may bee urged for this: the one whereof especially concern's the purpose of the Transla­tion, and both of them the King's Satisfaction.

For the Purpose of God in the Translation, it was one of those things which might bee required for the coming in of the Gentiles, that the Scripture should hee provided before hand, in such a Language as would bee most general­ly [Page 14] known at the Primitive times; therefore it was necessarie that all religious care should bee had of the Translation, and that it should bee safely laid up and reserved for the time appointed: And that the Kings of Egypt might see to this, it was needful that they should bee prepossest with a strong Conceit of the Divinitie of this Law: and this could not bee more conveniently don, then by such a miraculous Cir­cumstance of the Interpretation: For otherwise, why should Ptolomie think more divinely of the Law of Moses, then of his own? seeing that all waies of Religion would seem strange, but that wee are taught betimes to fear: and till wee receiv a Spirit of Judgment to discern the Right waie, everie waie is thought to bee wrong; but that which wee are brought up in. And why should Ptolomie have a bet­ter Opinion of Moses, then of his Hermes Trismegist? who as hee is accounted by som to have gon before this Moses in time, so by others hee is thought not to have com far be­hinde him in worth and excellencie. But what could Moses teach to them, who had all his learning from thence? for hee was brought up a Scholar in Egypt. And what would bee thought of these Scriptures, when the King should hear it read in Osee, that God commanded a Prophet to commit Adulterie? and in Exodus, that hee taught his own People how to Cozen the Egyptians?

That of Solomon: as the Wise man dieth so dieth the Fool, how would it stand with their Doctrine of the Transmigration of Souls? according to which, the Soul of a Wise man ought to pass into such an one; and the soul of a Fool, into an Ass.

For the Resurrection of the Bodie, small comfort was to bee had from the drie bones in the vallie of Jehosaphat. The Egyptian had better hopes then these, for hee had his dead Bodies still to shew; and such as had gotten by their Morta­litie, for they were everie daie less subject to Corruption then before.

And whereas it is said, That there was no God like the God of the Hebrews: Could the King believ that, when hee should finde in these Scriptures that even this God also had [Page 15] a Right Hand, and a Son? or if hee had been so much bet­ter then those of the Heathen, was it likely that Aaron his own high Priest would have preferred their Apis, or the Calf of Egypt before him?

when these things should com to bee considered by the un­sanctified discretion of the Heathen, how could they chuse but appear far beside, and below their own Majestie? for such untoward Notions as these must seem to bee, could never argue to him that perfection and transcendencie of Style and Matter, which the Law of Moses had pretended: therefore that the King might bee brought on to a reverend estimation of those things, it was much to the purpose that hee should bee thus prepared by a wonder: for it greatly concern'd the safetie of the Translation, that it should bee first esteemed by the King: for otherwise, Principles so avers from the Gentiles manner of Devotion, had never been suf­fered to lie at all, or not long in the Librarie at Alexandria; becaus, even the opinion of a new waie in Religion, can ne­ver prosper without a Precedent, and such an one as is be­yond all exception; and though it bee never so wisely sug­gested, yet it seldom gaineth reputation from lesser exam­ples, then that of a King: And it seemeth, by that wee finde in Justin Martyr, that the Miracle wrought the ve­rie same effect in Ptolomie, as wee would have it, for hee saith, [...], &c. that the King perceiving that these seven­tie Men had all agreed, not onely in the matter, but also in the Manner of their Interpretation, insomuch that no man differed from another not in a word; but everie man expressed the same conceit, and by the same phrase: hee stood amazed, and nothing doubting, but that the Interpretation was wrought by Divine Power; hee acknowledged that the Interpreters were worthie of all honor, as beeing Men to whom God did bear a peculiar respect: and having first given them [Page 16] condign reward, hee took order for their departure into their own Countrie, &c.

And the same effect which the wonder wrought upon the Prince, it wrought also upon the People; for so it ap­peareth by that which is alreadie observed out of Ireneus, [...], &c.

Thus wee see that the purpose of God in the Translation would not onely endure, but did al [...]o varie conveniently require, that somthing in the Business should bee miracu­lous; for the King's better instruction, and that the Scri­ptures might have so much honor and admiration, as might gain them somthing in the Opinion of the Heathen, and preserv them from the Injuries of Time.

And this was to bee the first Reason.

The second Reason, for which the King ought to take such a waie for the Translation, is, For that hee made que­stion of their Fidelitie.

And that this may bee accepted for a sufficient Caus, it shall bee set down, That the King's mistru [...] was raised upon such surmises as were no way frivolous, but contained in them matter of moment.

For it could not bee exspected from anie Nation in those daies, that they should bee trustie in rev [...]alin [...] the Secrets of their Religion; but from the Jews it would b [...]e thought impossible: for this Nation stood [...]o nicely affected to their Sepher Hattocah, or Book of the Law, that even in the sligh­test Circumstances, it was observed with an incredible Curi­ositie of Devotion.

Mahomet Abulcasim the Son of Abdalla, regard [...]d the esteem of his Alcoran so far, as to provide by a Law that upon the outside thereof, this Caution should bee alwaies written [...] Let no Man touch this Book but hee that is Pure. And the Law is yet in force among the Turks for som special Alcorans of note, one of which sort inscribed in the same manner, may bee seen in the Archives of our publick Librarie.

But the Jews not contented with so much Care, used a more intolerable kinde of Circumspection; for Rabbi Ne­hemiah [Page 17] saith in the Massichta Sopherim Chapter 3. Halak. [...] That no man may laie (their book of the Law) upon his Knee, nor lean upon it with his Elbows, when hee readeth it. And Halac the 10. it is commanded [...] that no man shall spit in presence of this Book, nor offer to turn his back upon it.

And in the same Tract, Halac 13. it is said, [...] that is, That no Man shall laie this Book under, or upon his bed; or at his beds feet; neither shall anie Man sit upon his Bed, having this Book lying upon him; for Rabbi Eliezer did thus, and a Serpent came and bit him. All this Care was taken for the out-side, but much more for that which was within.

To let pass other Circumstances, which would make this manifest, wee have need onely of that one which most of all concerneth our matter in hand. And it is, That for the most part among the Jews, it was accounted an odious pro­fanation of this Law, if it were anie waies communicated to the Heathen.

To this purpose note that of the Junior Becchai, [...] &c. Becaus (saith hee) there are [...] in the wis­dom of our Law, [...] pure words, and worthie to bee kept secret. Therefore saith hee, [...] Thou art bound to conceal them, and never to impart them, according to the sens of that which is written, They shall bee to thee, to thee alone; and not to the stranger with thee. So the son of Afer at the begining of his Commen­tarie upon the Law, fol. 3. A. Col. 1. Therefore that which Maimon saith contrarie to this in Halaca Tephill of his Misne Torah. cap. 10. must bee otherwise excused; for Elias the Le­vite in his second Preface to the Hammasoreth, expresly affirm­eth from the Tradition of the Antients, that nothing might bee communicated to the Gentiles, save onely the seven Precepts of the [...] Sons of Noah: but [Page 18] as for [...] the Historie of the Creation, the Law, and such like; whosoever shall impart these [...] to the Heathen [...] Hee shall go down to the grave in sorrow, and his life and soul shall bee consumed, &c. The Rabbin goeth on, and hath much ado to excuse himself there to the Jews, by whom hee was given over for a Reprobate, onely for teaching his great Patron Cardinal Giles the Hebrew tongue; becaus their fear was lest by this means the Cardinal might com to the under­standing of their Law.

But more then this, (that it was unlawful for the Jew to make anie other Nation acquainted with their Law) it may bee added, that there was a reason in special, why it should bee dissembled to this Ptolomie, Becaus the Communication of it had succeeded so ill in the daies of his Father. For Ptolomie [...] having learned, that the Jew would do no manner of Work upon a Sabbath daie, made that an oppor­tunitie to take their Citie; which was as easily as inglori­ously don: becaus no man upon that daie would resist him, For to them it was a breach of the Sabbath, even to save their lives. And this is objected unto them by Agatharchides of Cnidus, who wrote the Historie of Alexander's Successors, where hee setteth down this Storie, [...]. that is, There is a certain Nation called the Jews, and they inha­bit the great and well fenced Citie Jerusalem. This Citie they neg­ligently yielded into the hands of Ptolomie, and would not take up arms for their own protection; chusing rather to becom vassals to a stranger, then to defend themselvs upon the Sabbath daie. These Reasons if they stood alone, had enough in them to make the King mistrust his Interpreters: and yet, if Antiquitie have not misinformed us, there will bee one Reason more, which it self alone ought to have prevailed, though all the rest had been wanting: For wee finde that the Tran­slation was twice performed, and that the Seniors disagreed the first time. In this passage of Storie, I suppose, wee [Page 19] shall tell the Reader som news; Our Autor is one Armius, of whom wee know nothing more then his name, his words shall bee here set down, as wee finde them cited by an Arabick Commentator upon the Pentateuch, in his Preface to that Work.

[...] Arab [...], Ms [...]s. in 5. lib. Moysis lite­ris Syriacis conscriptis. In Bibliothe­ca Bodleian.

Thus saith Armius the Chronologer. In the nineteenth year of the Reign of Ptolomie the son of Ptolomie, the King com­manded that they should gather together the Seniors of the children of Israël, and that they should bring with them the [...] Book of the Law in their hands, and that each of them in several should translate it accordingly, as it should bee revealed to his understanding. And the Seniors came and presented themselvs together with their most divine Book of the Law. And the King's command was, that everie man should translate the whole Book. And it came to pass that the Seniors disagreed in their Interpretation: and the King commanded to put them in Prison, and in Chains, &c. Thus wee see that the King was led by good Reason to a suspicion of his Interpreters, and that therefore in all pro­babilitie hee would take such a cours for his Translation, as wee have alreadie made report of, According to the Testi­monie of the Antients.

But nothing ever lighted so heavie upon this matter of the Cels as the Autoritie of S. Heirom, which was the more likely to oppress it, by reason of his great learning and ge­neral repute; becaus a Testimonie, for the most part, is not measured by its own validitie, but the Autor's worth; and wee do not usually observ what force it may have in it self, but from whence it came.

S. Hierom, when hee commeth to consider of the Tran­slation [Page 20] of the Seventie, seemeth to deride the passage of the Cels, and forsaking the constant Tradition of his forefa­thers, in a verie neglectful manner, peremptorily setteth down upon his own trust, that the Historie of the Cels is vulgò sine Autore jactata, but a Common Report bruited a­broad under no man's Autoritie. And elswhere hee saith, That hee cannot devise who it should bee that first contrived these seventie Conclaves in the fictions of his brain. Nescio quis primus Auctor 70. Cellulas Alexandriae mendacio suo exstru­xerit, quibus divisi eadem scriptitârint, &c. His Reasons follow, Cùm Ari­staeas ejusdem Ptolemaei [...], &, multo pòst tempore Jo­sephus nihil tale retule­rint, sed in u­nica Basilica congregatos contulisse scribant non prophet àsse, &c. Hiero. Praefat. in Pentat. Ep. 104. p. 341. Tom. 3. Becaus Aristaeas, and long after him Josephus can tell of no such thing, but the contrarie: and becaus also, that if it had been so, it could not bee accounted for a Translation, but a Prophecie. So S. Hierom.

But before wee receiv his Testimonie, it shall bee examin­ed and compared; and leaving his Reasons to the last place, wee will first of all beseemingly moderate the strong Opinion of his Name.

True it is, than S. Hierom in Learning and Knowledg could not bee inferior to anie of his time; and therefore beeing a great Scholar, hee might the easilier fall into that common infirmitie of those that know much, go a­bout to rais his own Reputation by the ruine of another Man's. If the Father were thus inclin'd, hee could not bee without so much of a Critick, as would teach him to Censure; which things while wee do, our Ambition seeking for its own safetie, alwaies aimeth at those that are farthest off, and least able to help themselvs. Therefore the Antients, and those that are dead, are more easily reprehen­ded, then the latest and the living. It is not for mee to saie that the Reverend Father was guiltie in this: and yet if hee were not, why is it objected unto him by his Adversarie Ruf­finus in the second Book of his Invectives. Pag. 181. Tom. 9. Quid ergò mirum est (saith hee) si me minimum, & nullius numeri hominem laceret, si Ambrosium secet, si Hilarium, si Lactantium, si Didymum repre­hendat, Pag. 183. ibid. &c. and afterwards hee saith, that hee spared neque antiquos, neque novellos scriptores, sed omnes omnino, nunc imperitiae, nunc inoptiae notat; neither the Autient nor the Modern Wri­ters [Page 21] but charged them all, and everie one of them with un­skilfulness and follie; ut erat in quod intenderat, vehemens: So eager hee would bee for his own opinion, as learned Vives hath noted concerning him, in his observation upon the 42. Chap. of Austin 18. Book De Civitate Dei. But if this bee to bee suspected, as coming from his enemie; yet how shall hee bee there excused, where hee would not spare Saint Paul himself at a Criticism? for reading that place in the Epistle to the Collossians. Quae sunt rationem quidem habentia, &c. hee writeth to Quaest. 10. p. 433. Tom. 3. Algasia, Chap. 2. v. 23. that the Conjunction ( quidem) is there redundant; and that S. Paul had often don as much as that came to, propter imperitiam Artis Grammaticae, &c. Hee saith, that the great Doctor of the Gentiles did not under­stand his Grammar; as if the Spirit in Scripture would not look to the Syntax; or if not, as if hee that had disputed among the Philosophers at Athens, had been so ignorant in his Accidence, as not to know how to place a Conjunction.

Hee that could saie of S. Paul, that hee was an ill groun­ded Scholar, 'twas no marvail that hee Censur'd Lactantius, S. Ambrose, S. Hilarie and Didymus; and yet if these also could not escape his reprehension, I should not willingly trust him with Aristaeas; nor our Historie of the Septuagint.

But let the Father bee pardoned for beeing a Critick; and take S. Hierom in the best sens: let him bee a Man of a most mature and most moderate judgment, and one that could think as well of other Men as of himself; yet why are wee bound to believ S. Hierom rather then Justin Martyr, Irenae­us, Clemens of Alexandria, Cyril of Jerusalem, and the rest? why one Man rather then so manie? why a late Autor, ra­ther then those that went before him?

But let it bee supposed, that this learned Father could di­scern above all this, yet his Testimonie could not bee taken for this matter, becaus wee finde it guiltie of partialitie.

For wee are to bee advised that S. Hierom, having gotten a competent knowledg in the Hebrew tongue, by great in­dustrie and conversation with the Jews, especially his con­stant Tutor Barabbas, undertook a new Translation of the Bible, according to the Original.

[Page 22]This though in it self a verie laudable and pious Enter­prise, and pretended also to bee most necessarily don, becaus of divers and dangerous Corruptions wherewith the Greek Translation was found to bee incumbred, yet becaus it was preferred in an age which was strongly addicted to the Septuagint, it would not bee taken at the Fathers hands: Therefore all Men cri'd out upon S. Hierom, satisfying them­selvs with this, That the Greek Translation was delivered by the peculiar entercours and inspiration of God, and there­fore ought not to bee so desperately handled by a Man; that the wisdom of the Church had thus long received it with an irresistible devotion; and why therefore should it now bee call'd in Question, or what hope could there bee of a better; and therefore what need of another Translation? This wee are sure of, becaus it may bee discovered by the Father's own Complaint against the Men of his Time. See the Prologue to his Hebrew Tradition upon Genesis. Heiro. proae. ad Trad. Heb. in Gen. p. 451. tom. 3 Neque verò 70 In­terpretum, ut invidi latrant, errores arguimus, nec nostrum labo­rem illorum reprehensionem putamus. See also his Apologie a­against Ruffinus, Chap. 7.8. And it verie well appeareth by the words of Austin in his Epistle to this Hierom, where hee declareth himself to bee verie much against his new Translation. See the 43. Chap, of his 18. Book De Civitat. Dei. Quamvìs non defuerit temporibus nostris Presbyter Hierony­mus, &c. In his 8. Epistle hee goeth about to controll the Father by this Dilemma. Those things (saith hee) which were Translated by the Septuagint, Aut obscura sunt aut mani­festa; August. Epi. 8. fol. 82. Tom. 2. si obscura sunt, te quoque in eis falli potuisse non immeritò cre­ditur; si autem manifesta, superfluum est te voluisse explanare quod illos latere non potuit: either they were easie or hard to bee understood; if easie, to what purpose then should you ex­plain that which they could not bee ignorant of; if they were hard to bee understood what hopes can there bee that you should not bee deceived as well as they? Heiro. Praef. in Paralipo. 1. Epist. 107 ad Chroma­tium Episc. pag. 343. Tom. 1. But the Father here disputeth ex falso supposito, framing his Argument as if the Translation of the Septuagint had escaped till that time without the contraction of anie error or Corruption, which if it had been, S. Hierom confesseth himself to bee in all [Page 23] the fault in his Epistle to Chromatius, which is the Preface in Lib. Paralipom. Si Septuaginta Interpretum pura, & ut ab iis in Graecum versa est editio permaneret, superfluè me Chromati, Epi­scoporum Sanctissime atque doctissime, impelleres ut Hebraea volu­mina Latino sermone transferrem, quod enim semel aures hominum occupaverat & nascentis Ecclesiae roboraverat fidem, justum erat etiam nostro silentio comprobari, &c.

Nevertheless, by this it is perceivable how unwilling S. Austin was, that there should bee a new Translation and though afterwards upon better advice, hee was contented to see it, Ideo autem desidero interpretationem tuam de Septuagin­ta, &c. Epist. 19. fol. 18. A. ibid. yet hee would never yield to this, that it should bee read in Churches, and hee giveth the reason, Propterea me nolle tuam ex Hebraeo interpretationem in Ecclesiis legi, nè contra Septuaginta Autoritatem tanquam no­vum aliquid proferentes magno Scandalo perturbemus plebes Chri­sti, quarum aures & Corda illam interpretationem audire consueve­runt, quae etiam ab Apostolis approbata est: lest it beeing taken as som new thing introduced against the Autoritie of the Septuagint, much scandal should bee given to the people of God, whose hearts and ears have been all this while accusto­med to that Translation as a thing approved by the verie A­postles themselvs. And S. Austin speaketh this out of som experience; for hee had alreadie told S. Hierom, Quidam frater noster Episcopus cùm lectita­re instituis­set in Eccle­sia cui praee. &c. Aug. Heironym. Epist. 10. fo, 10. a. 1. Col, in his 10. Epistle, of a certain Bishop who had given way that this new Latine Translation should bee read in his Church, but with verie ill success; for when the people understood that S. Hierom in the Prophecie of Jonah, had put it down Hede­ram instead of that which antiently, according to the Greek, had been Cucurbitam, there was a great tumult raised among the Parishioners, insomuch that the Bishop was forced to ask Councel of the Jews, who notwithstanding that they had answered, that the Original word might bear either of those Constructions, yet the people would not be contented till the Bishop had blotted out Hedera, and set down Cucurbi­ta, according to that which was before.

And certainly, the New Translation took so ill abroad that som one or other, to put by the Opinion of the Thing [Page 24] feigned an Epistle in the name of S. Hierom, Scribit fra­ter Eusebius se apud Afros Episcopos &c. Apolog. adver. Ruf­fin. lib. 2. p. 248. Tom. 2. where hee ma­keth the Father to confess how ill hee had don in Transla­ting the Original Scripture into Latine; seeing that in the Hebrew text there was no truth at all; hee also maketh him to saie, that this was a thing don in his younger daies, and by the instigation of the Jews; and this Epistle was found among the African Bishops by Eusebius, by whose means it was conveied to S. Hierom.

These things are acknowledged by S. Hierom himself in his Apologie against Ruffinus, where also hee saith, Ergò ille qui Epistolam, sub nomine meo, poenitentiae fixerat, quòd malè Hebraea volumina transtulissem, objicere dicitur me in Septuaginta condem­nationem Scripturas sanctas interpretatum, ut sive falsa sunt, sive vera quae transtuli, in crimine maneam, dum aut in novo opere fatear me errâsse, aut recens Editio veteris condemnatio sit. This was the general voice against the new Translation, and S. Hie­rom liked it the wors, Ruffin. in Heirom. pag. 181. Col. 1. Tom. 9. becaus it was taken up against him by his great adversarie Ruffinus in his second Invective, Septua­ginta duorum virorum per cellulas interpretantium, unam & Conso­nam vocem dubitandum non est Spritùs Sancti inspiratione prola­tam, & majoris id debere esse autoritatis, quàm id quod ab uno hoc, si­bi Barrabba asspirante, translatum est; Tis no doubt (saith hee) but that one concording voice of the seventie Seniors in their Cels, was uttered by divine inspiration, and therefore I hope is to bee preferred before the Translation of one man, who had no other instruction but from his Tutor Barrabbas.

The new Translation succeeding so ill, S. Hierom had this to do, to give satisfaction to the men of his time, and by all means to bee quit with his Antagonist.

Considering therefore that the complaint of all men was unadvisedly grounded upon too great an estimation of the Septuagint, which everie Man urged to himself from the mi­raculous manner of the Interpretation, the Father conceived that this prevailing opinion might receiv som abatement by a comely and well tempered disparagement of that wonder; therefore hee gives out in one place, that this great sound of the Cels was but a rumor of the Ordinarie people: and [Page 25] not contented to saie so, elswhere hee is bold to call it a fa­ble; hoping by this, that if hee could but take off the peo­ple from their opinion of the Cels, hee might gain upon them for his own Translation.

The purpose of S. Heirom in this, though wee grant it to bee good, yet wee cannot think but the Project was bad: and therefore the Father herein is altogether forsaken by his great friend S. Austin; who on the other side laboreth so much the more to set up the old Reputation of the Septua­gint, which hee hath not spared to do in the most prevailing waies, though hee lived at the same time with S. Hierom, and was well acquainted with his Tenets, and loved anie o­pinion the better for beeing his. Austin therefore in his 8 Epistle to S. Hierom speaking of the Septuagint, thus hee professeth, De quorum vel consilii, vel spiritûs majori concordia, quàm si unus homo esset, non audeo in aliquam partem certam ferre sententiam, nisi quòd eis praeeminentem Autoritatem in hoc munere sine Controversia tribuendam existimo, &c.

In his Commentarie upon the 87 Psalm, hee saith, their Autoritie is such, ut non immeritò propter mirabilem consensum, divino Spiritu interpretati esse credantur, &c. And whereas S. Hierom had put off this passage of the Cels with a Nescio quo Autore, as if the Autors of it had been ashamed to shew themselvs, Austin is not afraid to saie, that those which re­ported this were multi, & non indigni fide; manie, and worthie to bee believed: And if it bee so (saith hee) that the Tran­slation was made by several Men, in several Cels, and yet no man discorded either in sens or words; Quis huic autoritati (where hee directly aimeth at S. Hierom) conferre aliquid, ne­dum praeferre audeat? who is hee that shall dare, I will not saie to prefer anie thing above, but to confer anie thing un­to the Autoritie of this Translation.

And becaus S. Hierom hop'd it might follow as an absur­ditie, that if the work had been performed in the same man­ner by several Men, and in several Places; it was to bee thought not a Translation, but a Prophecie; S. Austin be­lieveth it to bee a verie good Consequence, and affirmeth that it was therefore said to bee don Prophetically, becaus they [Page 26] concorded so wonderfully. Qui Autoritate propheticâ ex ipsa mirabili Consensione perhibentur. Quaest. super Josue Lib. 6.

And forasmuch as S. Hierom had taken notice of divers differences between the Hebrew Text, and the Greek Tran­slation, Manifestum est autem In­terpretationē illam quae dicitur Se­ptuaginta, in nonnullis se aliter ha­bere, quàm inveniunt in Hebraeo, qui eam linguam noverunt, & qui Interpretati sunt singuli eosdem libros; hujus item distantiae caussa si quaeratur, cur tanta Autoritas Interpretationis Lxx multis in locis distet ab ea veritate qua in Hebraeis Condicibus invenitur nihil occurrere probabiliùs existimo quàm illos Lxx, eo spiritu interpretatos, quo & illa quae interpretabantur dicta fuerunt, quod ex ipsa eorum mirabili consensione firmatum est, &c. Ergò & ipsi nonnulae in eloquio narrando, & ab eadem voluntate Dei, cujus illa dicta erat, et cui verba servire debebant, non recedendo; nihil aliud demonstrare voluerunt, quàm hoc ipsum, qoud nunc in Evangelistarum 4. concordi quadam diversitate miramur. August. de Consens. Evangelist. Lib. 2. C. 66. fol. 105. Tom. 4. S. Austin saith, that there is no reason why wee should think otherwise of these, then wee do of that harmo­nious discord which is found to bee among the four Evange­lists; for as there the same-Spirit guided each Man's Pen to mean, and yet not write the same; so here the same inspirati­on, which had formerly instructed the Original Writers, did now also direct the Translators to set down the verie same things, but in a different waie.

Therefore in whatsoever the Autoritie of S. Hierom could prevail against our Storie, it may bee overborn by that which hath been said, most of all by the ponderous Testimonie of S. Augustine.

Wee com now to Consider of his Reasons; the later whereof bearing no notable force in it self, may bee passed by, but the former standeth thus.

That there could bee no such miraculous Circumstance in the Translation, as this passage of the Cels, becaus then Aristaeas, who undertook a particular Narration of this whole Matter, would not have omitted this, if hee had known it; and hee could not chuse but know it, if it had been don, for hee lived at the same time, and the Reason prevaileth yet further, becaus Josephus, relating this Historie out of Aristaeas, maketh no mention of anie such Matter.

This Reason I was alwaies affraid off: for besides that it is the stronger for beeing given by S. Hierom, it hath also [Page 27] such a proper validitie in it self, that if wee should not fair­ly decline it, it would injure the probabilitie of all.

But the inconvenience that may arise by this Reason wee sufficiently avoid, if these three things can bee brought to pass. 1. That the Historie of the Septuagint which now goeth abroad under the name of Aristaeas, is not the intire work of that Aristaeas, who lived in the daies of Ptolemie. 2. That the true Aristaeas had this passage of the Cels. 3. That Josephus left it out, and the Reasons why.

For the first, which concerneth Aristaeas, That hee is to bee taken for a spurious Autor, wee are already prevented by the learned Ʋives à Castro, Scaliger, Vossius, and others, who have all set down their judgments against this Autor. and those that have spoken most moderately, have said (that which is the verie truth indeed) That the Compiler of this work was much later then the daies of the Translation, and that the Storie as now it is, was gathered together out of Josephus, Eusebius, Epiphanius, and som others, which are not now at all, or not yet extant.

But becaus the Credit of anie Autor, especially those that are Antient ought not to bee disparaged upon a slight or fri­volous ground, the Causses shall bee set down which have necessarily moved hereunto.

The principal Reason rendred by Vives and the rest, is, For that som things are cited by the fathers out of Aristaeas, which are not to bee found in the Storie as now it stand's: Instance is made in Epiphanius concerning the Cels, and in the Letters which pass'd between Ptolemie and Eleazar the Priest, which are not delivered by the Fathers, as they lie in the Storie; but have a manifest varietie, and such as cannot easily bee reconciled. This Reason is good, and maketh much against the Compiler, who would bee called by the Name of Aristaeas. But somthing shall bee added out of our own Observation.

The Autor of the Present Historie saith, that Demetrius going along with the Seniors to the Isle Pharos, went over [...], the Heptastadium and the Bridg, &c. But this passage is manifest­ly [Page 28] taken out of Josephus, who though hee undertake to set down the Storie according to Aristaeas, yet hee doth not fol­low him [...], through the whole file of his Narration; but oft-times, and especially where hee would b [...]e brief, hee taketh his own waies of expression; Therefore when hee cometh to tell how the Seniors were conduct [...]d by Deme­trius from the Citie to the Isle, hee delivereth it under the Circumstances of his own time, as if they had passed over the Heptastadium and the Bridg, becaus that indeed was the waie in his daies, and as hee thought in the daies of Aristaeas.

But if our information bee rightly given, wee shall finde this to bee a notorious Anachronism: for at the daies of the Translation Pharos was an Isle, and therefore they could not pass over thither by Land.

Homer telleth that in old time this Isle Pharos laie a whole daie and a nights sail from Alexandria.

[...]
Eustath, [...] p. 1500 Edic. Rom. 1550.
[...] &c.

And the Archbishop of Thessalonica saith upon this place, that this was so [...], &c. in the daies of the Antient Heroës, but since that time it hath been turned into earth by the River Nile. Such a propertie indeed the River hath, becaus it continually draweth much mud; as is observed by Aristotle, Eratosthenes, and manie others, but that it should do it in this proporti­on, it is altogether incredible.

For by the Judgement of the best and most skilful Mari­ners, A ship under sail having winde and tide, may ride as far in the space of one hour as shall answer 8000 paces upon the land, which multiplied into 24. make up 192000. Therefore the distance between the Citie and the Isle must have been 192 Miles: and so much earth must have been gathered together by the Attractions of Nile since the time of the Trojan wars. But concerning this, Aristides said well in his description of Egypt, [...]. Homer, saith hee, indeed writeth, that Pharos is as far from Alexandria as one can [Page 29] go by sea in a daie and a right. But saith Aristides, [...], I know not how I should believ him.

But while Pharos was an Isle, the true distance between it and the Citie, as it hath been usually and experimentally accounted, was about seven Furlongs; [...], or nea­rer upon a Mile: This space was in after times wrought in­to an Istmus by the bold industrie and expenses of Cleopatra, which from the measure of the distance was called Hep­tastadium.

This is most confidently reported by Ammianus Marcelli­nas in Julian. lib. 22. p. 285. Haec eadem Regina, Heptasta­dium, sicut vix credendâ celeritate, ità magnitudine mirâ constru­xit, ob Caussam notam & necessariam. Insula Pharos, &c. à ci­vitatis litore mille passibus disparata, Rhodiorum erat obnoxia ve­ctigali, quod cùm indè quidam nimium quantum petituri venissent; foemina callida semper in fraudes, sollennium specie feriarum, iis­dem publicanis secum ad suburbana perductis, opus juss erat irrequi­etis laboribus consummari, & septem diebus totidem Stadia, molibus jactis in Mare, solo propin quanti terrae sunt vindicate. Quò cum vehiculo ingressa, errare aït Rhodios, Insularum, non Continentis portorium flagitantes, &c. that is, The same Cleopatra raised the Heptastadium, not more wonderful for its magnitude, then for the expedition of the business; and shee did it for a reason verie necessarie and well enough known. The Isle Pharos, which was about a Mile distant from the Citie, paied Tribute to the Rhodians; which beeing by them too into­lerably exacted, the Politick Princess, alwaies exquisitely a­ble to deceiv, upon a time withdraw's the Publicans into the Suburbs, as if there had been som great Holidaie to bee kept. In the mean time shee had set men a work to cast mightie heaps into the Sea; which beeing followed with indefatigable pains, seven furlongs of Sea were made into Earth within the space of seven daies; and the Citie conti­nued with the Isle. This don, the Queen rode over in her Chariot, and told the Publicans, that they were much de­ceived to com and require Impost for the Isle, for that was now becom a Continent, &c. Whereas the Historian saith, the Isle was tributarie to the Rhodians. The Reader must not [Page 30] bee ignorant, that these people, by reason of their great ex­perience in Navigation, were for a long time Lords over all the Seas, and in all Marine matters prescribed rules to other Nations: insomuch that the Imperial Law in all Titles which concern the Sea, still goeth according to the Law of the Rhodes: unless it bee where it is otherwise required by the unalterable customs of particular places. So saith Doci­mius in the Law, [...], Jus Graeco Rom. in Le. Naut. p. 278 [...], &c.

And therefore it is, that when Eudaemon of Nicomedia made complaint to Antoninus, that in a wrack upon the coast of Italie, hee had been rob'd by the Publicans that inhabi­ted the Cyclades, Digest. De Leg. Rhod. de act. [...] the Emperor returned this answer, [...]. that is, I indeed am Lord of the Land, but as for the Sea, it must bee judged by the Law of the Rhodes: Title 2. of the Digest. cap. 9. This by the waie, but by that of Am­mianus Marcellinus wee are certainly informed concerning the time, when Pharos first began to bee a Peninsula.

Therefore if Aristaeas make mention of the Heptastadium, hee ought to live either in, or after the daies of Cleopatra; but the true Aristaeas was dead long before.

But Benjamin bar-Jona is against us: for hee reckoneth the making of this Isthmus among the acts of Alexander the great [...] that is, And there (Alexander) rais­ed up a Bank at the Haven of Alexandria, the space of one whole mile within the Sea. [...] p. 121. But this cannot bee: for then it shall never bee pardon'd his Historians, Plutarch, Q. Curtius, and especially Arrian, who was testis oculatus, if striving, in som things, to make him greater then hee could bee, they should neglect in other things to make him so great at hee was. All that ever yet undertook the mention of this Mightie Prince, have not spared to saie as much as could bee believed, and do wee think they would leav out that which ought to bee? 'Twas enough for the renown of Alexander which [Page 31] other Autors have said, Parte j â climat. 4. concerning his Non ultra in the East: and yet the Arabick Geographer asscribeth also unto him the Pillars of Hercules in the West: and saith more­over, that by the help of his Mathematicians, hee digged up an Isthmus, and joined two seas together: See this Au­tor in his first Part of his 4. Clime.

That which is already recorded of this Mightie Con­queror, by Historians more commonly known, is as great a burden as fame can bear, and yet I have seen two Greek unpublish'd Autors in the Baroccian Archives, Archivae Ba­ra. B. blioth. Bod. that have gon beyond all that is yet extant, as if they would set down not how much Alexander could do, but how much 'twas possible for the Reader to believ; for so they have scrued up his Acts to a most prodigious and incredible hight, that nothing more can bee exspected from the Historia Lombardica, or the most impudent Legend: and yet I finde nothing at all said of this Agger.

Justin hath said much for Alexander out of Trogus Pompey, and much is set down by Diodorus; to saie nothing of Zeno Demetrius, printed at Venice in vulgar Greek; and a French Autor not extant, both which have written the life of Ale­xander, and that they might lie by Autoritie, they have don it in vers: and yet none of all these ever durst to saie, that this was anie of his Acts, to join Pharos to Alexandria: nay Plutarch in the life of this Alexander saith, that Pharos was an Isle in those daies, and verie well intimateth, that the Isthmus was congested in after times. Therefore if this would not bee remembred, neither by those who knew all that Alexander did, nor yet by others who durst to write more then they knew: Bar-Jonah is not to bee regarded in this matter.

But Joseph Scaliger troubleth us further, for hee saith, that this Isthmus was raised per Superiores Ptolemaeos, by the former Ptolemies: and his Autoritie for this is out of Julius Cesar, in the third book of his Commentaries De Bello Civili, towards the later end of that Book, there Cesar saith thus.

Haec insula objecta Alexandriae portum efficit: sed â superiori­bus regionibus in longitudinem passuum 900. in mare jactis [Page 32] molibus, angusto itinere & ponte cum oppido conjungitur.

At the first reading of these words, I marvailed how Sca­liger could pick out the thing which is pretended, seeing that here is no intimation to that purpose; but upon a fur­ther inquirie, I found in the Critical Notes upon this Place, that Brodaeus would have it read, A superioribus Regibus, and out of this varia lectio, Scaliger got his Superiores Ptolemaeos.

Suppose wee then that the true waie of reading should bee according to Brodaeus, yet how will Cesar bee trusted for this, in whose judgment wee all know that the Pailing up of an Isthmus would bee too great a work for a woman; in comparison whereof Cesar's Ditches and Trenches could bear no reputation? Therefore it concern'd the Dictator to darken the glorie of Cleopatra, for fear that should eclips his own: therefore the exploit is obscurely sugge­sted in terms of generalitie and ambiguitie, that it was don A superioribus Regibus, which whether it bee to bee under­stood of Ptolemie Lagus, and Philadelph, or of those which succeeded, who can tell us; and if it bee not, it maketh no­thing against us. But why are wee bound to read Regibus, seeing that in the most antient and the correctest Copies, wee finde it constantly written, A superioribus Regionibus? and so it is to bee referred to in longitudinem passuum 900. à sup. Region. &c. or otherwise it may follow the force of the Conjunction ( sed) which leadeth to another waie of Inter­pretation; and either of these waies, seemeth fully to satis­fie the Autor's meaning, and affordeth a Construction pro­per to the Place. So wee see, that these words of Cesar are not of force enough to overthrow the Testimonie of Ammianus Marcellinus: therefore it holdeth still that Pharos remained an Isle till the daies of Cleopatra; and wee are sure that Aristaeas was dead long before: therefore for him to make mention of the Heptastadium is an inexcusable Anachronism: and there needeth nothing more to prove the first thing which was required, That the Autor of the present Histo­rie of the Seventie, cannot bee that Aristaeas who was to live in the daies of Ptolemie. Now wee are to prove that the true Aristaeas had this passage of the Cels. And this will bee easie [Page 33] to do, becaus Gedaliah in his Shalshelet Hakabbala (profes­sing to set down this Historie of the Seventie Interpreters, briefly out of Aristaeas) toward the later end of his Abstract useth these words, R Gedalea in Shalshelet fol. 23. & 24. [...] ( [...]) [...] that is, And everie daie the King asked them the Interpretation of som hard say­ings, and dark sentences (which may bee seen at large in this Of Ari­staeas hee meaneth. Book) And they still gave him such an Answer as was to the purpose, and well-pleasing in his sight; insomuch that the King marvailed greatly, &c. After this (saith hee) they were conducted to a certain Island [...] about a mile distant from Alexandria, [...] and to each of them was appointed a several Conclave., &c.

Wee cannot imagine the Autor to bee so notoriously im­pudent as to have cited this out of Aristaeas, if it had not been there.

Therefore now if wee give the reason, why Josephus should leav it out, wee have brought that to pass, which was re­quired to bee don.

Josephus having had good experience of the Heathen, not onely by his conversation with their Books, but also with themselvs, made observation of that, whereof hee himself afterward found caus to complain: that as they made little account of the Nation of the Jews, and their Religion; so they slighted their Antiquities, and misbelieved anie thing that could bee said or written for their Renown. Jo­sephus beeing well aware of this, and desirous by all means that his work might finde Acceptation with the Gentiles, took diligent heed to make the disposition of his Historie of such a temper, as that nothing should bee proposed so incredible, as not to bear som congruitie with such things, which had been known to bee before, and were like to bee hereafter.

Therefore when hee cometh to the miraculous passages of Holie Writ, hee useth a fair waie of Dissimulation, still mo­derating the wonder of a work, that hee may bring it down to the Heathens Faith, and make it fit for ordinarie belief.

[Page 34]The Reader shall willingly believ this, after experience made in an Instance or two.

When Josephus cometh to tell of Israëls departure out of Egypt, and how they passed through the mid'st of the Sea upon drie land; hee relateth the Storie bonâ fide, but withall superaddeth thereunto a most unwarrantable Exte­nuation. His fear was, lest the Gentiles would think much to believ, that the unrulie waves of the Sea should not one­ly staie, but also give back at the shaking of a Rod, and the voice of a Man. And this would bee the rather doubted of by the Heathen, becaus notice had been alreadie given unto them by Artapan, that howsoever the Heliopolites in Egypt reported concerning this matter, not much otherwise then Moses himself had don; yet the Tradition of the Mem­phites was, [...], that is, That Moses beeing well acquainted with the conditions of the Place, observed the Reflux of the waters, and so brought over his Troops by drie Land.

Therefore Josephus, that hee might make this easie to bee believed, maketh it equal to that which no bodie doubt­ed of; perswading the Reader, that this was all one with that passage of Alexander the Great and his Companie, through the Phamphilian Sea.

[...]. [...], &c.

Whether (saith hee) the thing were don by the Councel of God, or that the Sea should do it of its own accord, no man ought so to wonder, as if it were a thing unheard of, that the Sea it self should make waie for the men of those old and innocent times, when as but the other daie, as it were, the Pamphylian Ocean gave waie to great Alexander King of Macedon, and his fol­lowers: and when they had no other road to pass by, the waves [Page 35] themselvs mark'd them out a path, rather then anie thing should hinder the design which God had purposed them unto; and that was to put a period to the Kingdom of Persia.

But let us see how these two Matters differ in their Mo­ments, and how unlike the passing of Alexander is to that of Israël.

Strabo can tell us the truth.

[...], Stabo lib. 14. p. 666. & 667. [...]: that is, About Phaselis there is a streight of the Sea, where Alexander passed over with his companie, for the hil Climax lying upon the Pamphylian Seas, leaveth a narrow Passage upon the Shore, which at a low ebb is so drie, that it may bee pass'd over on foot; but at the flowing of the waters, it useth to bee covered all over with the waves. Now becaus the waie of the Mountain is round about and precipitate, tra­vellers, for the most part, take this waie by the shore, if the Sea bee calm; and it was Alexander's hap to com that waie in the winter Season, who committing most of his acts to fortune, set forward before the waters were gon off, so that hee and his fol­lowers were fain to wade all daie long in the Sea up to the mid­dle, &c.

The Reader may here see whither Josephus have not de­stroied the Miracle by lessening it, and made it ceas to bee a wonder, while hee strive's to make it fit to bee believed.

The same Autor, when hee should tell us how the Sun stood still in Gibeon, and the Moon in the vallie of Ajalon hee talketh of a great Thunder and Lightning, and of strange Hail, which is som thing more too, then what the Scripture saith: but to the purpose nothing is said, save onely, that the daie was longer then it used to bee, [Page 36] [...] &c. [...]. pag. 123.

For the daies to lengthen was an ordinarie thing, to those who lived between the Tropick of Cancer, and the Arctick Circle; and for the same daie to bee longer then ever it had been, would not bee so incredible to the Heathen, becaus they had already heard, of one night as big as three; for such a thing as this had happened, when Jupiter begat Hercules of Alcmena, and this was told them long before the time of Josephus, by their divine Orpheüs in his Argo­nauticks.

[...]
[...].

When Hercules was born (saith hee)

Three daies the Sun leaving his wonted Light,
Laie hid, and made of three, but one long Night.

Again, Josephus when hee is to set down how the King Nabuchodonosor was changed into a Beast, hee scarcely obtein­eth of himself at first, to call it anie thing but a Dream; and afterwards, when hee speaketh of it as of a thing don, hee saith no more but this, That the King liv'd seven years [...], privately; as if to dine and sup alone, had been to eat grass like Oxen, Dan. 4.25. and to bee from the societie of Men, had been all one with beeing turned into the condition of a Beast; not that wee believ that the King of Babel was trans­formed into a Brute, though the literal sens of the Text seem to lead us on to such a Metamorphosis; but that, to bear them minde of a Beast under the shape of a Man, was more then to keep ones Chamber; and to depart from ones own self argued somwhat els then [...], To bee private. And yet Josephus saie's no more, nay, hee crave's pardon for this, as if it had been too much to saie that such a thing could bee don in a Dream. [...], [...]. 1. [...]. lib. 10. cap. 11. pag. 311. & 312. &c. No man (saith hee) I hope, will blame mee for this; for I have set these things down as I found them in antient writings: shewing hereby that his care was, not so much that things might appear don in themselvs, as that they were truly re­lated by him.

[Page 37]If it bee said that the Retrocession of the Sun and sha­dow in the Diall of Ahaz, was as great a wonder as anie; and yet that it was fully and faithfully reported by Josephus, the Reader shall have this satisfaction, That however the moment of this Miracle consisted in the Retrocession of the Sun it self, yet the most visible part thereof, and that which would bee most of all observed was the Retrogradation of the shadow, which obteined so far above that which was the caus of it, that in the Book of the Kings, the whole Mi­racle is reported with no other fame then this, of the sha­dows going back, without anie mention of the Sun at all. Now the Historians hope was, that if the more obvious part of the Miracle concerning the shadow could bee perswaded, then that must necessarily follow, And Josephus might know that there was no caus why the Heathen should misbeliev the Retrocession of the shadow, becaus their Mathematici­ans could tell them that such a thing as this might bee don by Nature. For.

Let a Plane bee set equidistant to the Horizon of a Right Sphear in anie part of the Earth, between the Equator and the Tropicks; the point of whose Verticitie let it bee less elevated then the Parallel of the Sun's Declination, and let the Plane bee Sciaterically prepar'd,, and it shall bee ne­cessarie for the shadow of the Sun to go back, according to the Rules of that Art. &c.

[Page 38]

[diagram demonstrating the retrogression of the sun on the sundial of Ahaz]

Let A B C D bee the Horizon, A E C the Meridian, B the East point, and D the West. Let B E D bee the Equator cutting the Meridian in E. Let F G H bee for the North Parallel of the Sun, cutting the Meridian in G. Let the Semith of the Place supposed to bee between the Equator, and the said Parallel bee the Point I, by which draw a vertical Circle K L I M, touching the Parallel F G H in L, and another, N O P I Q cutting the same Parallel F G H in the point O, between L the point of Contingencie, and F the point, where the Sun shall begin to rise when hee en­treth into the Parallel F G H, and again in the Point P, be­tween L the said Point of Contingencie, and the Point G in the Meridian, and draw yet another Vertical F R I S by F the point of the Sun's rising, and therefore cutting the Parallel F G H in R between the Points P and G.

[Page 39]Now becaus the Sun beeing in anie great Circle of the Sphear, the Shadow of anie Style erected upon a Plane, at right Angles, is necessarily projected upon the Common Section of the Plane of the Circle and the Style.

Therefore the Sun beeing in the Vertical Circle F R I S, and in the point of his rising F, the shadow of a Style per­pendicularly erected upon the Horizon of such a Place, whose Semith Point shall bee in I, cannot recede from the Plane of that Vertical F R I S; but shall cut the Western Semicircle of the Horizon in S at the same place, where the Parallel T S opposite to the Parallel of the Sun, cutteth the Horizon; so that the distance of the Shadow in the Horizon from the Meridian Southward shall bee the Arch A S. Again the Sun beeing elevated above the Horizon and plac'd in O, commeth to the Vertical N O P I Q, and then the Shadow of the said Style shall cut the Horizon in Q, and the distance from the Meridian will bee the Arch A Q, greater then A S, But when the Sun shall com to L, the Point of Contingencie, and so bee in the Vertical K L I M, then the shadow of the Style shall cut the Hori­zon in M, and the distance of the Shadow from the Meri­dian will bee the Arch A M, greater then A Q, and the greatest which the Shadow can have that daie.

Therefore from the time of the Sun's beeing in F, the point of his rising till hee came to L the point of Contin­gencie, the Shadow of the Style went still forward from S by Q to M.

Afterwards the Sun moving from L to P shall bee again in the Vertical N O P I Q, and the Shadow of the Style shall again cut the Horizon in Q; and the distance of the Shadow from the Meridian shall again bee the Arch A Q, as before when the Sun was in the point O. Therefore the Shadow is gon back in the Horizon, from the Point M to Q nearer to the Meridian. Again, the Sun moving from P to R, shall bee again in the Vertical F R I S; and the Shadow of the Style shall cut the Horizon in S, and the distance thereof from the Meridian shall bee the Arch A S, as before when the Sun was in F, the point of his rising. [Page 40] Therefore the Shadow is gon back also from M by Q to S. Therefore in anie part of the Torrid Zone, where the Ele­vation of the Pole is less then the Declination of the Sun, the Shadow of a Style perpendicularly erected upon a Plane, may have a natural visible Retrocession, which was required to bee don.

But Peter Novius, however hee acknowledgeth that the Retrogradation of the Shadow is according to nature in the Case proposed, yet in the Matter of Hezekiah, hee un­derstandeth it to bee miraculous; and hee maketh the Mira­cle to consist in this, That it was not don as the Propositi­on requireth, within, but without the Tropicks, between that of Cancer and the Arctick Circle, for in such a positi­on of Sphear, the Dial of Ahaz was plac'd.

But learned Clavius (whose waie of demonstration wee follow) maketh it plainly to appear, that the same thing may bee don as well in the one Place as the other: And it must needs bee so, for in our own Elevation, here at Oxford, (which lieth in the same Position of Sphear, though not under the same Latitude with theirs at Jerusalem) a Plane may bee fitted for such a Polar Altitude as shall bee less then twentie three degrees and an half, and then it will have the same site in respect of the Sun, as if it were plac'd be­tween the Tropicks, and so the Retrocession of the Shadow must bee as natural as before.

Therefore it must bee said against Peter Novius that the Miracle was not in the going back of the Shadow onely, but the Sun: for so it is set down by Isaiah the Prophet.

And whereas it was set down in the begining that the most visible part of the Miracle was the Retrocession of the Shadow: that shall here bee proved, becaus to the strength of our Observation it is required that this should bee.

The most received opinion concerning the Degree in the Dial of Ahaz is, That they should bee meant of Hours: so indeed the Targum rendreth [...] and at the first view it seemeth most reasonable, According to this, the Sun went backwards ten hours, therefore hee had gon forwards 150 Degrees of the Equinoctial line, (for hee is to go everie [Page 41] hour fifteen) therefore also hee had yet to go thirtie de­grees, which is the complement of 180. the Semicircle of the daie.

The time then of the Miracle was within two hours of night, and the Retrocession of the Sun it self was as visible as that of the Shadow: for hee had gon back above three parts of the Hemisphear.

But this could not bee. For the Prophet ask'd the King whether hee would have the Sun go ten degrees forward, or ten degrees backward: but if degrees bee taken for hours would hee ask him whether hee would have the Sun go 10. hours forward, when there was but two to go? For the Sun was then Occidental, 60 degrees past the Meridian, and within two hours was to leav that Horizon: So that if the King had required, that the Shadow should have gon 10. degrees forward, the Prophet must have gon back from his word; for that which was promised was more then could bee don.

Therefore it seemeth that the degrees in the Dial of Ahaz are to bee understood of those in Heaven, where they are most properly and primarily so called. Therefore the Sun together with the whole frame of the superior world, went so far backward in the diurnal Motion, as made up the space of ten degrees in the Equinoctial Line, which answered to two third parts of an hour in the Dial of Ahaz:

Therefore the Retrocession of the Shadow was much more visible, then that of the Sun: For wee all know that the space which the Sun goeth in half an hours time and a little more, is better noted in the Dial, then in the Heavens: For, by reason of the great distance of the Sun's Excentrick from the surface of the Earth, the Angle of vision is so Acute, that it cannot transfer a perceivable species of so rapt a motion. And as it cannot bee perceiv'd in the go­ing, so neither would it easily bee observed when it was gon; for an Arch of 10. degrees in so vast an Orb as that of the Sun, would never bee distinguish'd by those that stand here below, unless it were Geometrically observed by a Quadrant or Astrolabe: the knowledg and practice where­of, [Page 42] I think was not so common in the Kingdom of Israël. Therefore though the main condition of this Miracle was, that the Sun it self should go back, yet that which was most apparent, was the Retrocession of the shadow: And becaus Josephus knew that this would bee accepted among the Gen­tiles, as a matter not without Nature's compass, hee ven­tured, upon this incouragement, to set down the whole won­der. For it was not his desire purposely to smother anie thing that was Miraculous, but onely so to qualitie the Pa­radoxall part of things, that they might pass among the Heathen without scorn and derision: Therefore in all pla­ces where there could bee anie pretens, hee useth no dissimu­lation. So in the Historie of Balaam, hee durst to saie, that a dumb Ass forbad the madness of the Prophet: 'Twas strange indeed that an Ass should-speak; but why not an Ass as well as an Ox? which had often hap'ned in the Ro­mane State; and once above all the rest Livie reporteth, that to the great terror of the Consul Domitius, an Ox uttered these words, Livius lib. 35. Roma cave tibi.

And thus Josephus would have been content to do the rest, if there could have been the like reason; but beeing de­sirous to train up the Heathen by Probabilities to a good conceit of his Nation, and those things which were writ­ten of them; hee must not laie too great a task upon their belief, and therefore still when his Historie lead's him to the Narration of a strange thing, hee alwaies temper's the discours with a convenient mixture of Possibilities; and howsoever it somtimes endanger's the main Matter, yet wee shall seldom finde him reporting a wonder sincerely; but having warily taken off that which could seem incredible, hee proposeth the Action under such easie circumstances, as shall make it concord with humane reason, and common apprehension.

By this time, the Reader may know the Reason why Jo­sephus, when hee is to relate the Historie of the Seventie, out of Aristaeas, willingly omitteth this passage of the Cels, be­caus it was like to sound very incredibly in the Heathen's ears, that a Book should bee so prodigiously translated; that [Page 43] threescore and twelv Jews should bee shut up in so manie several Cels, and after so manie daies, each Man should bring out the same Interpretation. The same, not onely in the sens and Notion; but the same also for order and Man­ner of Expression; and which was more, the verie same, word for word. Therefore hee that readeth Josephus shall plainly perceiv, that when hee cometh to this Circumstance, [...]. p. 354. hee leaveth it quite out, and instead thereof sayeth no more but this, That the Seniors made [...], a most accu­rate Translation: and that they did it, [...], in seventie and two daies, &c.

Nevertheless the compiler of that Aristaeas which is now exstant, when hee had brought the Storie thus far on, consi­dering with himself, that this matter of the Cels was a re­markable Circumstance of the Translation, and strongly urged by Justin Martyr; hee resolved with himself, that hee would by no means leav it altogether untouch'd; and yet becaus hee could finde no such thing in Josephus, (whom hee especially followed) hee durst not set it down plainly and expresly, but in stead of that which should have been, hee leaveth the Reader thus in doubt. [...] [...]. [...]. And these words howsoever they may bear a verie natural sens against the Miracle of the Cels, yet it would not much wrong their proprietie, if they should bee ren­dred in this Manner. Illi verò singula eodem modo Interpreta­bantur, apud se conferendo (codices Hebraeos cum suis versionibus) &c. And if this meaning of the words might go free with­out contradiction, Aristaeas also may bee cited for the Cels, as A. Castro hath labored to bring it about. But this wee seek not after, onely that there may seem to bee som Am­biguitie, and the more, becaus Azarias the Idumaean who translated this Aristaeas which is now exstant, into Hebrew, when hee cometh to this passage, understandeth it in favor of the Cels, and hath given up his Interpretation accor­dingly: for instead of those words of Aristaeas, [...], &c. hee hath left us as followeth.

[Page 44] [...] Et ecce hi accinxerunt se pro virili, & modum hunc observârunt; utique unusquisque ex eis seorsim transtulit singulas ejusdem (sc. legis) partes, deinceps contule­runt inter se omnes translationes, &c.

By all this wee com to know the Place where, and the Manner how, the Holie Scriptures were translated by the Seventie Seniors: That the performance hereof was a mat­ter of Wonder and Admiration, for they were all Separated at the doing of it, and yet all concorded when it was don: That wee are directed to believ this by the most warrantable Testimonies of the Antients: That it is agreed upon by the Latines, Greeks, Hebrews, and Arabians: That be­sides this Autoritie, there is good Reason for it: That there is no Autoritie or Reason against it, but that of Saint Hierom's, and that this is brought to a Nullitie.

FINIS.
A DISCOURS, Declarin …

A DISCOURS, Declaring what Time the NICENE CREED Began to bee Sung in the CHURCH.

By JOHN GREGORIE, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.

‘יהוה’ ‘IVSTVS VIVET FIDE’ ‘DEVS PROVIDEBIT.’

I. Y

LONDON, Printed by William Du-gard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to bee sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.

‘VIA VNA COR VNVM’


A DISCOURS Declaring what time the Nicene Creed began to bee Sung in the Church.
Quest. What time the Nicene Creed began to to bee Sung in the Church?

BEfore anie thing can bee directly saied to this, wee must first look a little aside upon the be­ginings and improvements of Church-Musick. In the recollection whereof, not to go so far back as David's chief Musicians, or the Father of them that plaie upon the Harp and Organ; It is certain that the Jews had a set solemn waie of Musical Service, but how to bee compar'd unto, or drawn up to anie correspondencie with our waies, I know there is one hath undertaken, but doubt, (and more then so too) whether anie man is able to perform.

As the matter stand's within the compass of Ecclesiasti­cal time, properly so called, The Apostolical it self was not [Page 48] without such a proportion of that Ceremonie as the infan­cie and Cradle of the Church could afford, Carmen Christo quasi Deo canere solitos, &c. That they were wont to sing an Hymn to Christ at their Congregations, it seemeth by the Junior Plinie to Trajan. But their Musick about that Time was non clamans, sed amans; It had more of the Devo­tion then the Voice: sent up with heart enough; but for the harmonie, much after the rate of their other accommo­dations, from the simplicitie whereof as unequal time took off, so it added to the grace and glorie of it. The Church Musick had these degrees to rise by; the first and rude per­formance was don plano cantu, by Plain song; as the Psalms are most ordinarily read in Cathedrals, or at the best, but as they use to bee sung in Parochial Churches, where though somtimes the nois may seem to pretend to a dash and sprinkling of Art, 'tis most commonly (and 'tis well if it bee no wors) but all in the same Time and Tune: from Plain Song they got up to Discant; and first of all to contrapunctum simplex, a simple kinde of Counterpoint, and then Musick was in Parts, They sung not all the same tune, but by waie of consonancie, yet so as the Musick answered note for note: as if there stood a Minim or Sembrief in the upper part, there stood another against it in the lower and inner parts: so that this Musick needed no bars.

To this the rare, but intemperate Invention of the Ma­sters hath added the Contrapunctum figuratum, consisting of Feuges, or mainteining of Points, alteration of the Keies, &c.

But this last accession came especially in with the Organ: of the Antiquitie whereof somthing also is to bee said.

And here wee must not think that the Organs in the old Testament were anie such things, as that which wee call so now. Marin. Mer­fen. De Instrum Har­mon. lib. 10. Prop. 44. Wee read it in Job chap. 30. vers 31. and my Organ into the voice of them that weep. The Syriack rendreth it, my Psalterie, clean another Instrument of a Triangular form, as you may see by the description of Mersenius. The He­brew word in Job is Hugab, which the Chaldee still turneth Abuba: Now Abub signifieth properly an Ear of corn, with [Page 49] the stalk or straw; By Translation it signifieth a Pipe made of such a Reed or Stalk, fistula ex novarum frugum calamo con­fecta. The word is Arabick too, and there it is pronounc­ed Anbuba, from whence the Latine Ambubaja, betraying it self by the sound to bee none of the Romane race. And the Hebrew Organ may bee otherwise of Brass or Iron, Ambubaja­rum Collegia Hor. as Mai­mon to that place in Erchin of the Talmud, C. 2 § 3. And therefore Jubal taught no bodie to plaie upon anie such Or­gans as ours. David's Organ was but a kinde of Pipe, what kinde soever it was.

Our Organs are of a later and another manner of In­vention.

Navarr in his Book, De Oration. and Hor. Canon saith, and saieth it again, that the use of Organs was not received in Thomas Aquinas his time. Balaeus. This Doctor was born in the Year 1221. But our Autor, De Scriptorib. &c. as Mantuan also, attribute the bringing in of Organs to the Pope Vita­lian. Then it must bee about the Year 660. But to make short, The Organ is not of the Western, De Gest. Francor. lib. 4. c. 113. but the Eastern in­stitution. Aymon saith, that the first Organ they had in France was made more Graecorum, by one, cui nomen erat Geor­gius, Imperante Ludovico Pio, ejúsque sumptibus. Lewes the God­lie began his Reign in the Year 813. Mich. Glycas and Const. Manasses yield the Invention to Theophylus his time, a Greek Emperor of the Year 830. but Marianus Scotus, Martin-Polonus, Platina, the Annals of France, Aventine, and the Pontifical it self, all agree, that the first Organ that ever was seen in the West, was sent over into France to King Pipin, from the Greek Emperor Constantinus Copronymus, about the Year 766. Res adhuc Germanis & Gallis incognita (saith Aventine) instrumentum Musicae maximum, Organum appellant, Annales Bo­sorum. lib. 3. f. 300. cicutis ex albo plumbo compactum est, simul & follibus inflatur, & manuum pedúmque digitis pulsatur, &c. And so wee have the Antiquitie of Organs in the West. But in the East, they cannot bee less antient then the Nicene Councel it self, as appeareth by the Emperor Julian's Epigram upon the In­strument.

[...]
[...] &c.
[Page 50]
Martin. Mo­rentinus in Praefat. ad Misopogon. ubi de vita & Script. Juliani.
Quam cerno alterius naturae est fistula, nempe
Altera produxit fortasse haec aenea tellus;
Horrendum stridet, nec nostris illa movetur
Flatibus, & missus taurino è carcere ventus
Subtus agit leves calamos, pérque ima vagatur;
Mox aliquis velox digitis insignis & arte
Adstat, concordes calamis pulsátque tabellas,
Ast illae subitò exsiliunt, & Carmina miscent.

And now it may bee thought that the Antiquitie of the Organ is brought far enough back. 'Tis true for the In­strument; Zonar. Tom. 3. Annal. in Michaële Imperator. p. 127. but for the Church use I am in doubt. Zonaras telleth us of an Organ set up by one of the Greek Emperors, [...], all of pure gold; But what? [...]. not to put the Church in Tune, but to cast a glorie upon the Court and draw forreign admiration upon the Em­peror.

I had occasion to shew an Armenian Priest the Chappel here, and perceiving him to cast his eie upon the Organ, I asked, whether there were anie such sight to bee seen in their Churches? Hee answered, No such matter: neither did hee know till it was told him, what to call them; and yet this man had liv'd 14 years under two Patriarchs, Constantino­ple and Alexandria.

But more then this. In the Greek Liturgies I meet with Musick enough, and more indeed, then I can tell what to saie to, but not so much as the mention of an Organ in all their Books. The old Greek-Latine gloss setteth down [...], Organarius: but that will make nothing to the matter, an Organist there must bee, where the Instrument it self was: but whether that were in the Church, or onely in the Emperors Courts, is the doubt. And for the present time, it is as good as taken for granted, that there is not an Organ to bee seen in anie Church of the Eastern world.

Bruschius de Monaster. German. fol. 107.In the West indeed the Greek example is verie magnifi­cently out-don: Bruschius reporteth of an Organ set up in a Minster of Germanie, by the Abbat of the Covent there, [Page 51] cujus maxima & medioxima fistula habuerit in longitudine pedes 28, in circumferentia spithamas 4; the Diapason whereof was 28 foot in Length, and the Compass about proportionable, wee have never an Organ here abouts of that Pitch.

But how antiently such things have been don, Ecclesia ne­stra non as­sumit instru­menta musi­ca, sicut Ci­tharas & Psalteria in divinas lau­des nè vide­atur Judai­zare 2a. 2ae. Q. 91 Art. 2 even in this part of the World, is hard to judg. The words of Thomas Aquinas implie no less, then that there was no Ec­clesiastical use of Organs in his time; however it was not long after, before they got into the Church: for Durand maketh mention of them, as of things received before his time. Rational. lib. 4, c. 34. lib. 5. c. 2. his time was about 1280. &c.

§. Note one thing more, That the most antient and ori­ginal form of Christian Liturgie, is the order of Baptism▪ It must bee so in reason▪ and from thence the main parts of all Common Praiers are translated; the Creeds especi­ally, for those, and the Pater noster were the first Rudi­ments of the Catechumeni, and gave begining to all Di­vine Service.

And if a case should lie against the Athanasian, I hold the ground to bee good from hence, that it was not properly put into the Liturgie, becaus it was not yet received into anie order of Baptism.

The Creed in use, before the Fathers met at Nice, must needs bee that which is called Apostolical; for they had no other: But since the Councel, the Nicene form was generally received into all Orders of Baptism in the other Church, as the Greek, Syriack, Ethiopick, Armenian and Coptick Orders: But the Rubrick in all is as in the Sy­riack, Haiden amar, not then the Priest shall sing; but, Tum dicit Sacerdos, Credo in unum Deum, &c. In the Latine Church indeed, somtimes the Symbolum Constantinopolita­num was repeted, but most commonly the Nicene. And all the Romane Tradition fasteneth the Institution there­of upon the times of Pope Mark, which was about the Year 366. and immediately succeeding upon the Councel it self. And for the manner of Recitation, Berno saith, Ille enim ob Arrianorum haeresin Symbolum Nic num in Missa [Page 52] decantari ordinavit, &c Another saith, That hee ordained it should bee don Altâ voce; And the same Father saith, That by a Canon of the third Councel of Toledo, it was ordered concerning the Creed, that it should bee pas­sim clarâ voce decantatum, secundùm formam Ecclesiarum Ori­entalium.

Now out of all this to frame an Answer to the Questi­on. By all the Orders of Baptism, the Catechumenus was first to make his Abrenunciation, to renounce the Divel and all his works. And this hee did with his face turned towards the West. That don, hee was to turn himself towards the East, and make profession of his Faith in the words of the Nicene form (since the Councel) But which is principally to bee noted (as to this business) all this was to bee don Altâ voce. The Church as it received the Form from the order of Baptism, so it reteined the po­sture of conversion (towards the East) and manner of pronunciation.

So much therefore is certain, that the Nicene Creed, (or what form soever) was alwaies recited in a different Tone, A louder voice at the least: but, becaus the Canon maketh mention of Decantari, and that this was to bee don secundùm formam Ecclesiarum Orientalium: Two things will bee granted upon this: One is, That there was a kinde of Modulation in the Pronouncing of the Creed; another is, That this was not Romane in the Original, but from Eastern Example. The Summ of both is, That either the words dici & decantari must bee confounded: or that, dure­ing the good simplicitie of time, the pronunciation was made by Dici, onely with the difference of Altâ voce, but afterwards graced with a measure of Harmonie; yet such an one, as cannot bee compared higher, then to the matter of Plain-song; for I am deceived, if the Eastern Musick ever improved further. Antiphones I know they had, and upon what Seraphical occasion, if Sozomen de [...]ver it rightly; but this came to no more then our alternation, at the most ordinarie singing of the Psalms, by waie of Responds, but all in the same time and tune, & without anie Discant at all.

[Page 53]Therefore to saie all at once. The Singing of the Ni­cene Creed, as now it is, with all the Ornaments and figu­rations of Harmonie, is but a Yesterdaies business, and contemporarie to the Organ, but however the same Creed hath been most certainly Sung according to the improve­ments of time, and at the least in plano Cantu, in a plain Song-fashion, ever since the date of the Councel it self, and for the Reason given out of the Order of Baptism.

FINIS.
A SERMON UPON THE RE …

A SERMON UPON THE RESURRECTION, From the 1 Corinth. XV.XX.

By JOHN GREGORIE, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.

‘יהוה’ ‘IVSTVS VIVET FIDE’ ‘DEVS PROVIDEBIT.’

I. Y

LONDON, Printed by William Du-gard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to bee sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.

‘VIA VNA COR VNVM’


A SERMON UPON THE RESURRECTION.

1 Corinth. 15.20.

But now is Christ risen from the dead, and becom the first fruits of them that sleep.

THe perfection of God is, that hee can have no Hope; the perfection of Man is, that hee can attein unto the end of his Hope. If in this life onely wee had Hope, wee were of all men most miserable. The verie Heathen themselvs though in other things run cross, yet all concenter'd in this Faith. Divine Plato believed, and taught, that there should bee a [...], or Regeneration of things, in the revolution of time. The Egyptian Sages determined the space to bee a Pe­riod of 30000 Years: therefore in their Hieroglyphicks, or holie Writings, the Character of the Soul was a Pyramis. The Correspondencie is, that, As a Pyramis, (if it bee [Page 58] turned about upon it's Axis, the Axis continuing still the same, is Geometrically transformed into a new solid Cone: So Mortalitie having gon it's Round, as it were, in this Circle of Time, upon the immovable Center of the Soul, shall becom a new Bodie, and unite again. It is the Reason, why the Sepulchers of their Kings were set up in a Pyrami­dal form, as they are seen to bee at this daie.

Those that understand not the Mysterious, and Mathe­matical part, (which I could speak no plainer) may receiv the sens and meaning; that, even these unlikelie men ploughed in Hope.

But wee need not instance Men; the verie unreasonable part of the Creätion, even the Creature it self, now subject to vanitie, travelleth under the pain of this Hope; and by a certain [...], or Lifting up of the Head, as S. Paul expresseth it, earnestly exspecteth, as by an eager and under­standing Confidence, to bee delivered into the glorious libertie of the Sons of God.

And yet I fear mee, wee preach but to CORINTHIANS still; and that, if the companie were divided, as at the Council where S. Paul pleaded his caus, I doubt mee the most part would bee Saduces, and might bee called in que­stion, for not having Hope of the Resurrection of the dead. Wee pretend indeed, as if wee had no continuing Citie; but, that wee look for one to com. But when I see that our inward Thoughts are, that our houses shall continue, and our dwelling places to all generations: When I see that this their waie is, I am readie to think, the wise man dieth as the fool; and to compare Man beeing in honor, unto the Beasts that perish. When I see the incomprehensible Patience of God, still drawing us, as hee did Ephraïm, with the cords of a Man, with the bonds (in the Hebrew 'tis, Densis funiculis amoris, with the Thick bonds) of Love: And the infinite Securitie of the People on the other side, drawing Iniquitie with Cords of Vanitie, Isa. 5.18. and sin as it were with a Cart-rope: I dare not go about to consider, what shall bee the end of these Men.

Wee are all readie to wish with Balaam, that wee may [Page 59] die the Death of the Righteous, and that our last end may bee like His: but, when I see men live, as if they never thought to die; and die, as if they never thought to live again: when I see that instead of shining Lights, they go out like Snuffs, in the mid'st of a crooked and pervers Generation; readie to saie to their departing Souls, as that great Unbeliever, Animula blandula, vagula, &c. I seem to bee so far from gi­ving an account of the Hope that is in mee; that, in con­tradiction of King Agrippa's words to S. Paul, I am almost persuaded not to bee a Christian.

The greatest Argument in our own opinion, that wee are not [...], such as have no Hope; [...], Atheïsts, or without God in the world, is, that wee com up to his hous, to bee here taught of his waies, &c. But this word of his hath too truly proved a Mirror, wherein wee daily com to behold our selvs; but with no greater Impression, then wee do our Natural faces; wee go awaie, and strait forget what manner of men wee were.

But thou believest, thou saiest, that this bodie of thine shall rise again. Thou dost well: the Divels also believ and tremble. But wilt thou know, O vain Man, that this Faith without works is dead? The Tree is known by it's fruit. And can I think, that thou, which all this while doest but cum­ber the ground, and bringest forth nothing but wild grapes, dost believ, that as this Tree falleth, so it shall lie?

But let all this bee a Transportation and Exstasis: the best shall bee supposed; that there is no man here, but knoweth in whom, and what hee hath believed; and there­fore cannot bee thought to boggle at the great Article of the Resurrection. But thus much, I am sure, must bee granted mee; that wee all put the daie of our death far from us. For it is not possible, that they who remember their later end, should thus sin. The mistrust however of Infidelitie in the former, and the certain experience of our supineness in the later, moved mee to reflect upon you these two Com­mon, (but therefore the less noted,) Considerations.

  • 1. The 1st is the end of our Life, Death.
  • 2. The second is the end of our Hope, Resurrection.

[Page 60]And first of the first Fruits expressed here. Secondly, of the whole Lump; implied in the Inference, But now: But now is Christ risen, &c. And first of the end of our Life: but which I mean to consider of, not under the discourage­ing term of Death; but as it is here comfortably secured, under the Type and Adumbration of Sleep.

Sleep, and Death are of so near a Kin, that Galen saith of them, Lib. de. caus. puls. that they are Brother and Sister: answerable to that in Homer's Poëtrie, where they are both said to have one Mother, and to bee begotten of the Night. Somnus Mortis imago, is the old saying; that Sleep is the Lecture of Death. And 'tis a Masterpiece; of which that of the Comoedian may bee affirmed, Qui utramvis rectè novit, ambas noverit: Hee that hath been asleep, may know Death at first sight. Plato in his Phaedon, is not contented to saie, they are alike; but, in a manner, the same; and, that Sleep is a verie kinde of Death.

When the Scripture speak's of Mens departure from hence, the usual Phrase is, not to saie such an one died; but, such an one slept with his Fathers. And the same Spirit speaketh to the Dead, but as wee would do to those that are not yet stirring. Awake, awake, Sing yee that dwell in the dust.

Wee are all here but Strangers and Pilgrims; and our beeing here wee use to call but This, that is no, Life; but the Passage, and Journie to another. While 'tis called to daie, wee travel on through the waies of this World: but the Night cometh, and no man can work at the approach of this Evening. Wee die; that is, wee rest from our Labors.

When wee go to take our Natural rest, wee enter into our Chambers, and shut the doors. Such a Room as this is the Sepulcher. A Church-yard, in the expression of the Antients, was but [...], a Dormitorie, or Sleep­ing place. And in the 36 of Isaiah and the 20 vers, the Grave is no otherwise termed; where the people appointed to Die, are bid to go but into their Chambers and shut the doors about them. And wee need not fear to trust our selvs: for, hee that liveth, and was dead, and is alive for evermore, hath the Keies of Hell and Death.

[Page 61]Having entered our Chambers, and shut the door, the next thing wee do, is, to commend our selvs to God. So the Martyr Stephen, when hee was to fall into that other sleep, first said his Praiers; Lord Jesu receiv my Spirit.

This don, wee put off our Clothes; So Naked wee came into this World, and Naked wee shall go out, &c. The Raiment of a Man, (saith a Learned Rabbin) is his Bodie: And, had our Father Adam stood, wee had needed no other. Thou hast Clothed mee, saith holie Job, with Skin, and with Flesh: when therefore wee die, wee are said, in S. Peter's language, to put off this Tabernacle; as, in S. Paul, when wee rise again, to bee. Clothed upon with our hous from Heaven. O're night wee put off this weed of Mortalitie: but the Morning cometh, and wee shall bee covered again with our skin; and put on In­corruption, our Better Cloths, as to go and see God in this Flesh. The same flesh wee put off the night before; but with this difference, that this Fowl Garment, which could not bee kept Unspotted of the world, shall in the mean time bee washed clean in the Blood of the Lamb.

Our Clothes put off, wee laie our selvs down, and take our rest: And, to Die, In the Prophet Isaiah's Phrase, Isa. 43.17. & 57.1. is but to lie down in our Beds. And when thy daies shall bee fulfilled, saith Nathan to David, and thou shalt sleep with thy Fathers: so indeed wee read it, as wee may; but the Original is, And thou shalt lie down with thy Fathers. 2 Sam. 7.12. So Asa, the King's Coffin is called a Bed. 2 Chron 16.14. and our fore­fathers, in their Saxon tongue, style a Burying place; legerstoƿ, or place to lie down in: as in the Laws of King Canute. Numb. 3.

In the Case of Natural Rest, 'tis not the whole man, onely the Earthlie part falleth asleep; the Soul is then most awake. The Bodie's Night is the Soul's Daie: our Better part, saith Cardan, is never it's own man till now, when ex­alted unto a State of Separation, (as it were) in the bodie, it spendeth the time in Contemplations, free, and congeni­all to its own Extraction. So in the sleep of Death, 'tis not the totus Homo: the Bodie indeed is dead, becaus of sin; the Soul is then most Alive. Here, as a Servant, it is still [Page 62] required to the Exigencies of the Bodie; having no time of it's own to spend, but what it can get by stealth, when the Master is gon to bed. But there, like it's Redeemer, free among the Dead, and delivered from the Incumbrances of the Bodie, it begineth to bee a Soul to it self, minding that which is above, and looking with a more piercing eie upon the Invisible things of God.

It is noted by the Naturalists, and wee finde it true in ob­servation, that no nois awaketh Natural Sleep more sud­denly, then an Humane voice: Nay, though it bee that [...], that dead and dangerous sleep; as the Aphorism noteth it in Hippocrates. But especially the Experiment hold­eth, if the voice calleth upon him in his own name. But, that wee shall all bee awaked out of this other Sleep, by the sound of our Proper Names, is more then I can pretend to: though S. Peter's call was, Tabitha surge; and our Saviour's to his Friend, Lazare veni foras, Lazarus com forth. To saie nothing to Epiphanius his Tradition, that, when our Lord went down into Hell, and there found our Father Adam fast; hee took him by the hand, and called him by his own Name, in the words of S. Paul, Surge Adam qui dormis (so indeed som Antient Copies read it,) Arise Adam, thou that sleepest, and stand up from the dead, Christ taketh thee by the hand. But this I am sure of, that wee shall all bee awa­ked by a voice, the voice of an Archangel; and the word shall bee, as som think, Surgite mortui, &c Nor shall it bee the voice of a God, and not of a Man; it shall bee an Hu­mane voice: for, by the Archangel, wee are to mean the Son of Man. For the hour cometh, in which all they that are in the Graves shall hear his voice, and shall com forth, Job. 5.28. Which why it should bee strange of us, I know not; since it is true of the Swallows, by a certain and confest Experi­ence, that when the Winter cometh, they lie down in the hollow of a Tree, and there falling asleep, quietly resolv into their first Principles: But at the Spring's approach, they are n t so (though throughly) dead, but that they hear the stil nois of Returning Nature, and awaking out of their Mass, rise up everie one to their life again. Ego novi homi­nem, [Page 63] &c. I know a man (saith the Learned Prince of Con­cordia) who, in his soundest Sleep, could walk, talk, write, and dispatch anie business of the most required Vigilance. They seem to have had som such conceit of Death, who hold it no absurditie, to write Letters to their dead Friends; as the Emperor Theodosius to S. Chrysostom, more then thirtie Years after his deceas; as if Death were a kinde of live Sleep; Such an one as that, which Jupiter sent of an Er­rand, to awake Atamemnon. And may wee not as properly saie, that to bee Dead, is to bee Alive; as to saie, to Die, is to bee Born? And yet the Antients (as if Corruption had been their Father, and the Worms their Mother) were wont to call the daies of their Death, Natalia, not Dying, but Birth-daies. Mos inolevit in sancta Ecclesia, it hath been the custom in the holie Church, (saith Haymo,) when a Saint of God departed this life, to call it not the daie of his Death, but the daie of his Nativitie. That which wee call Death's, they call Life's door: Seneca himself said as much; Dies iste, quem Tutanquam Supremum reformidas, Aeterni Nata­lis est. As if all this were so indeed, the Jews to this daie, stick not to call their Golgotha's, Batte Caiim, the Houses, or places of the Living. At the least they have an Effectual life in them: for the Mummies are known to bee most so­veraign and Magistral in Medicine; and the Principal In­gredient of the weapon-Salv, is the Moss of a dead Man's-skul: as the Recipe, delivered by Paracelsus to Maximilian the Emperor.

Once more, and I leav the Parallel. Sleep, wee know, is most natural to Animal-Creatures; and for Men so Neces­sarie, that Aristotle saith, that the end of it in us, is, Bene Ratiocinari. And yet hee himself is cited by Olympiodorus, to have known a Man, who never slept in all his Life. And the strangeness hath been quitted by an Experience of later daies. The Comparison hold th in the Sleep of Death: 'tis Omnibus communis, common to all men, as wee use to saie. And yet som Jews believ, that the last age of Men shall bee so long liv'd, as to prevent the Resurrection; But S. Paul himself hath promised, [...], [Page 64] that wee shall not all die; som shall bee changed. And therefore 'tis no vain Article, which wee so daily profess; that our Saviour shall com to judg both the Quick and the Dead: Wee are to saie then of all those that are departed this life, as the Jews of their Father Jacob; Non est Mortuus: or, as our Saviour of Lazarus, and the Maid; Why trouble you your selvs? they are not Dead, but Sleep. And when a Friend leaveth this world, wee are to bid him but Good Night; in sure and certain Hope to meet again, in the great Morning of the World.

But now, How long, how long, Lord, Holie and True? will som saie: or, as those in S. Peter, Where is the promise of his Coming? For, since the Fathers fell asleep, all things continue to bee as they were from the begining to the Creätion. But these Men have not the knowledg; and this is to bee spoken to their shame. The Lord is not slack, as concerning his Promise: for, Behold, hee cometh quickly; and his Reward is with him. When wee awake out of our natural sleep, bee the Night never so long, to us it seemeth but a Moment. And the Night is no longer, in the Prophet David's account, Psal. 30.5. For, his Anger endureth but a Moment: that is, weeping may endure for a Night, but joie cometh in the Morning. 'Tis no otherwise in Death: for, when first wee awake out of this sleep, wee shall think that wee did but then lie down; and were it a thousand Years, it would seem no more to us, then it doth to God himself; but as one daie.

It is Observable, that the Holie Ghost, which accounteth Natural Death, as a Sleep, yet calleth the Life of a Sinner by the name of Death. To bee truly Dead, is, to bee Dead in Trespasses and Sins: And therefore S. Paul, not making mention of the Great Resurrection, bid's his Corinthians awake to Righteousness, and sin not. For a Righteous man hath more Hope in his Death, then a Sinner in his Life: and no man can bee Dead to Nature, that is Alive to God.

But, if to Die bee but to fall Asleep; wee should put off this Garment of Flesh with as good a will, as wee do our Clothes. And that wee may sleep well in the night, wee should forbear sleeping in the Daie, not Idleing in the Mar­ket, [Page 65] as those in the Parable; nor sitting down in the seat of the scornful: but working out our salvation: for the Sleep of a Laboring man is sweet.

And that wee may rest in these Beds, in an undisturbed peace, wee are to provide, that no Innate Furies, no Stings of Death, like gross and restless Vapors, do arise from a guiltie Conscience. Such a man will bee scared with Dreams, and terrified with Visions, and bee full of tossings to and fro, until the dawning of the the daie. Job.

And becaus to the Conciliation of Rest and Sleep, it is required that there bee a Moderate Repletion, (for Paulus Aegineta maketh this to bee of the Definition:) wee are by no means to go to bed, till first of all wee have sate down to the Great Supper; till wee have eaten of that Bread, and drank of that Cup, which shew the Lords Death (but our Life) till hee com; and are therefore, not unfitly, termed by the Fathers of the Nicene Councel, [...] the Sacraments, and Emblems of the Resurrection. This don, wee may laie our selvs down in Peace, and take our Rest: for the Lord will make us to dwell in safetie. And, as the Disciples to our Saviour concerning Lazarus, if thus wee sleep, wee shall do well. Of the first Consideration thus much: Pass wee now from Death to Life; from the end of our Daies, to the end of our Hope, Resurrection.

I Said, that was twofold: Frst of the first Fruits: then of the whole Lump. And first of the Resurrection of our Saviour; but, which I am not here to make Proof of; for it is taken for granted in the Text. But if anie should bee so foolish, and slow of heart, as not to believ all that is written in the Prophets; the Heathen Tacitus will tell you one Article, in the 15 of his Annals; That hee suffered under Pontius Pilate: And the Jew Josephus addeth the other, in the 18. of his Antiquities; That hee rose again the third daie from the Dead.

That which most properly I am to make known to you is, upon what Consideration our Saviour can bee called The First: then, by what Analogie The first Fruits. The [Page 66] Patriarch Enoch was Translated; and the Prophet Elias went up to Heaven in a fierie Chariot: And the Assumpti­on of Moses hath been disputed for by som; though it should seem, by the Contention betwix the Arch-Angel and the Divel about his bodie, that there was no such mat­ter. Howsoever, these all rather died not, then rose again. As for the Rising of Samuel, to which the Cunning Wo­man of Endor pretended, it was nothing less then a Resur­rection; 'twas an Apparition. And Saul should have said to the Woman, as Hee to Her: Why hast thou deceived mee? for this is not Samuel. Elisha indeed raised up the Shunamite's Son: and our Saviour raised up his friend La­zarus, after hee had been Dead four daies: And yet still This was the first Resurrection. The rest did not go before, as the Scripture seemeth to saie, but follow'd This. For, as hee was a Lamb, slain; so was hee a Lamb Risen too, from the begining of the World. The rest were Raised, Hee onely Rose from the Dead. Elisha's dead Bones raised up Another Man's; Our Saviour's dead Bones raised up them­selvs. They raised Others, by His power; Hee, Himself by his own.

To saie therefore, there was anie Resurrection before This, is to saie, that Abraham was before Christ. The rest were all but second Brothers in the Resurrection: Hee one­ly was Primogenitus Mortuorum, the first begotten of the Dead.

Wee have seen in what sens our Saviour is to bee ac­counted the First: I am now to tell you, in what Proporti­on hee standeth to the First Fruits.

But then I am to lead you back to the Old Law, of the Omer, or Sheaf. Levit. 23.9. Where the Children of Ifraël are commanded, that at the reaping of their Harvest no Bread, or Parched Corn, or Green Ears bee eaten in their dwellings, till a Sheaf of the Frst Fruits bee offered, and Waved before the Lord, together with a Lamb for a Burnt Offering. The Traditions here (and not unnecessarily) supplie; that, those who lived far from the Holie Citie, might eat of the New Corn, when Mid-daie was past: for [Page 67] that is was presumed, the Sanhedrim would see the Sheaf offered up ere that time. Thus the Letter, and Cerimonie: which, how well it is answered in the Truth, and Substance, I shall briefly shew you.

The Typical Sheaf, (as the Doctors deliver in the Tal­mud,) was to bee cut down in the Night: So was the True. Codmenac. Hee was cut down indeed in the Daie time; but the Dark­ness was the greater: for the verie Light of This Daie was Darkness; and therefore how great was that? A dark­ness, that indeed might bee felt. A darkness over the face of the whole Earth: Such an one, as in the Begining was over the face of the Deep, before the Creator had said, Let there bee Light. And though the Scripture maketh men­tion but of Darkness till the Ninth hour; yet most certain it is, that That Daie had another Darkness, about the Twelfth hour, of Nature's own Provision. For, by the Astronomical Tables, the Moon was at that time almost totally Eclipsed: So truly were these First Fruits cut down in the Night,

The Typical Sheaf thus reaped down, was carried into the Court yard of the Sanctuarie, threshed, parched, ground; then lifted up, and waved before the Lord: So was the True. The manner of the Jews Threshing was by the Treading of Oxen, and Wheels indented with iron teeth. And did not manie Buls compass Him about? And was not Hee bruised for our Transgressions? His Hands, and his Feet were pierced; and all his Bones were out of joint: they had been broken too, but for the Prophecie. Hee was Parched: for, was not his strength dried up, as a Pot-sheard? Did not his Tongue cleav to the roof of his Mouth? And was hee not brought down to the dust of Death? You may hear him saie all this himself, Psalm 22. Hee was lifted up too: for, as Moses I fted up the Serpent in the Wilderness, so was the Son, &c. And hee was waved too, (as som compare it) by an Earthquake, at the Resurrection. But instead of Waving, the Text translateth it; The Sheaf was Separated. So were these first Fruits: and the Deserti­on was so great, that hee cried out, His God, His God had for­saken [Page 68] him. Lastly, there was an Extraordinarie Lamb to bee offered up, as due to the Sheaf. And if one should ask us, as once the Son did the Father; Behold the fire, and the wood; but where is the Lamb for a burnt Offering? Hee would bee answered, that God would provide himself a Lamb. Ecce Agnus Dei, Behold the Lamb of God. But that which most of all concern's is, the Condition of the First Fruits: That was, till These were offered up no Man of the Land of Israel might eat of his New Corn; 'twas yet Profane, and Cursed, as the Ground that bare it. But, the Sheaf once offered up, the whole Crop is intituled to the Consecrati­on. For, if the First Fruits bee holie, saith S. Paul, then so is also the whole lump. This also is the case of the Resurrection: for, if Christ, the first Fruits, bee risen; then They also that are His, the whole Lump, at his Coming. The Har­vest is the end of the World; and the end of our Life is in the seed time: Church-yards are the Plots; which, there­fore, the high Dutch most properly term, God's, Aeres, or Glebe Land, wherein the Dead are sown a Natural bodie; but the Crop shall not bee such, as wherewith the Mower filleth not his hand, or hee that bindeth up the Sheafs his bosom. It shall bee with the Fat of the Kidnies of Wheat, as Moses in the Song. Deut. 32.14. 'Tis sown in Disho­nor; it riseth again in Glorie. And the Reapers are the Angels, who shall gather and binde us up again [...] Betsror hachaiim, into the Bundle of Life, as in the 1 Sam. 25.29. which words therefore the Jews use to re­pete in their Diriges, and inscribe upon their Tombs.

The First Fruits beeing risen; take anie one of us anie grain of Corn in the whole Lump, and cast it into the ground, if it die not, it abideth alone: but if it die, it bringeth forth much Fruit. For the Life of the Lump, like Corn in the Earth, is laied in the First Fruits in God: The instance of the Corn is so pregnant, that the Greek Churches, in their Commemorations of the Dead; use to boil Wheat in water, and set it before them, as a convin­cing Symbol of the Resurrection. And my Autor is bold to saie, [...], [Page 69] that This is the Greater wonder of the two; that the Re­surrection of the Corn is more Prodigious then that of the Bodie. Strange indeed it is, that a grain of Corn should not quicken, except it die: But much more strange, that out of one grain, and one as good as Dead, should spring forth such a Numerous Increas. As for our Bodies, which are sown in Corruption; the Earth, when shee shall give up her Dead, will render, but as the Talent hid in the Napkin, the same again; or one for another. But the Husbandman receiveth his own with Interest: shall I saie that this Grain hath gained him Ten Grains? Nay, in som parts under the Line, they reap the profit of a Thousand for One.

In Relation to the First Fruits, wee are called by Saint Paul [...], Complantati, such as are planted together with him in Likeness of his Resurrection. Correspondently the Prophet Isaiah saith, Our bones shall flourish like an Herb. Now the Herbs and Plants, wee know, however cut down, yet reinforcing from the Root, spring up, and rise again. Wee use Vulgarly, but Improperly, to call the uppermost of the Branches, the Top of a Tree: but wee are corre­cted by Aristotle, in the Books De Anima; where wee are taught to call the Root, the Head; and the Top, the Feet. In the Revers of this Comparison, the first Fruits are the Root, and the Head; wee, the Branches, or Members. And in the 36. of Isaiah, the Head acknowledgeth the whole departed Race of Mankinde to bee his Trunk, or Dead Bodie. Wee read it: Thy Dead Men shall arise; With my dead Bodie shall they arise. But the rest is put in by the Translators: The Original is, Thy dead Men shall arise: they shall arise, my dead Bodie. Seeing therefore that the Ax is not laid to the Root of the Tree, what though the Branches bee lopt off by Death, there is still Hope in the Tree, saith Holie Job. For though the Stock thereof die in the ground; yet through the sent of water, 'twill bud and bring forth boughs like a Plant; which withereth over night: but beeing watered with the dew of Heaven, spring­eth up afresh in the Morning. And therefore in the same [Page 70] Prophecie of Isaiah, the Dew of dead men is likened to the Dew of Herbs: Ros tuus, Ros Olerum. To this saie the Jews, in the Book Zohar, That, at the last Daie, a kinde of Plastical Dew shall fall down upon the Dead, and ingen­der with Luz, the little Bone spoken of before: and so out of this, all the rest of our Bones, and the whole Man shall spring forth. But wee are not to give heed unto Jewish Fables: and therefore it shall not bee here enquired, who shall bee the Father of this Rain; or, Who should beget these drops of Dew. Sure wee are, that though touch'd by Death wee shrink up, like that sensitive Plant: yet wee shall soon quicken by his Influence, whose Head (in the Canticles) is fill'd with Dew; and his Loks as with the drops of the night. In Exprobration therefore unto Death, and Mortalitie, wee know whose use it was to burie their dead in their Gardens; sowing their Bodies with as much faith, as their Fruits, and equally exspecting the spring of Both. 'Tis for no other reason, that wee ourselvs stick our Hearses with Flowers, and go forth to the grave with Rosemarie. Our Precedents were the Jews, whose antient Custom it was by the waie as they went with their Corpses, to pluck everie one up the Grass; as who should saie, they were not sorrie, as men without Hope; for, their brother was but so crop't off, and should spring up again in his due season.

But the Prophet Isaiah's Comparison of the Flourishing of our Bones like an Herb, is yet further made good, by (as I think) one of the greatest Secrets, that are yet known in Nature. A Learned Chymist, who spent much time in the Contemplation of Tinctures, and Impressions of Vege­tals, to prove the Great Principle of Salt, made this expe­riment. Hee took several Herbs, and Plants, and calcined them to Ashes: hee put up the Ashes into several Glasses, sealed Hermetically, and written upon with the several names of the Calcined Herbs. When hee would shew the Experiment, hee applied a soft flame to the Glasses; where­forthwith hee might perceiv the self same Herbs rising up by little and little out of the Ashes, everie one in his pro­per form: and, the flame subtracted, they would return to their own Chaos again.

[Page 71]The Spectators, as the Chymist, beheld this with the greatest Admiration; and giving thanks to God, conclu­ded from thence the Resurrection of the Dead Bodie.

Wee may take an Omen of our Rising again, from the Time of our Saviour's Resurrection. The first fruits rose in the Spring: and that's the time (so the Senator Ma­nilius) wherein the Phenix riseth out of her ashes. And 'tis the time wherein the Egyptians celebrate their Annual Resurrection: for upon the 26. of March, they solemnly go to a place by Nile, where they see, and touch the Bodies Rising out of their Graves. It will seem strange, I confess, but it hath been seriously testified, and believed. Howsoe­ver wee shall take this, but as a staff of Egypt, a broken Reed, or, but such an one, as Gehazi laid upon the Dead Childe. But the master cometh shortly, and shall command the Breath to com from the four Winds, and breath upon our Slain; and then these Bones shall live.

But I would not have this Doctrine two partially appli­ed: our Saviour indeed is said to bee the first Fruits of them that sleep in Him. Those that sleep in Him, are such, which here awake and stand up from the Death of sin. For, as there is a second Death; so, Here is a first Resurrection. In the great morning of the World the Dew shall fall down upon the dead in Christ; as that other Dew upon the Fleece of Gideon; and the rest of Mankinde shall bee drie. But another dew shall fall upon the ungodlie; a Blasting Mildew: and then the rest of the ground shall bee wet, and the Fleece onely shall bee drie. The 'wicked lie in the graves like Sheep, (saith the Psalmist) that are appointed to the Slaugh­ter; and the Righteous shall have dominion over them in the Morn­ing. In the field of the World, where our Saviour is the first Fruits, the Good are the Wheat; and the Bad are the Tares: which as they both are cut down alike, so shall they both alike bee gathered up: But the Tares for the Fire; and the good Corn for the great Husbandman's Barn. They seem indeed to bee of the Lump; but no more title to the First Fruits, then that, as these were cut down, so those were sowed in the Night.

[Page 72]If these things bee so, what manner of persons ought wee to bee, in all holie Conversation? But if the Resurrection were to bee argued from the Sanctitie of Life; there was never less Hope of it, then now. Nay, wee take the onely cours to prove that our Saviour is not yet Risen. 'Tis but the Conversion of S. Paul's Proposition: If Christ bee not risen; then you are yet in your sins: But you are yet in your sins: and yee know what follow's.

In all holie conversation, &c. Why, there was never more Holiness pretended to; never less practised then now. And yee must not count mee your Enemie, becaus I tell you this Truth What streining here is at the Gnat of a Cerimonie; by them which can swallow whole Camels of other Pro­fitable Abominations? How odious is the verie name of a Cope, or a Surplice to those, which yet can love the gar­ment spotted with the Flesh? All possible means hath been taken, to purge the material Temple of anie suspicious Rust, contracted by the inconsiderations of Time: but the Temples of our Bodies, and they should bee those of the Holie Ghost, they are Painted still, Painted Sepulchers. They appear well outwardly; and wee have been persuaded to wash our selvs in Jordan, from the Romish Leprosie: wee do well; onely in this, the Lord bee merciful unto mee. Wee will have Rimmons still; And what was Rimmon, think yee? 'Twas the Strumpet Ladie of Lust, and Wantonness.

If it bee well to deface a Picture in a Church; will it not bee much better, to restore the Image of God in our selvs? I do not saie that these things ought they not to have don: I leav that to a higher Discretion: but, I may, and must saie that if the other things bee left undon, yee have but wash'd the outside of the Platter. What avail­eth, if the Statutes of Omri are not kept; when other Judgments shall bee turned into Wormwood, and the fruits of Righteousness into Hemlock? Talk of Christians! Get to bee Heathens first. I can believ that these men hope to rise again: for they saie, and they do as they would bee don by.

The Bodie and Blood of Christ; are the Sacraments of [Page 73] Resurrection: but, can I think them to bee so, to Them, who so duely com to Receiv them unworthily. It is the caus, (saith S. Paul) manie are weakand sicklie among you, and manie sleep.

If yee bee indeed risen with Christ, Seek those things which are above. But do they do so, that sit brooding upon this Earth­lie pelf, to hatch a Cockatrice Egg? Or, such an one as the sillie Estrich leaveth on the Sand? Do wee seek those things which are above, but as wee do these which are below? Wee can light a Candle, and sweep the Hous; and ballance that eternal weight of Glorie, with a fals Measure.

Will you hear the end of all? Fear God, and keep his Com­mandments; for this is the whole dutie of man. Pretend to what you will: Pure Religion, and undefiled before God, and the Fa­ther, you know what it is: It is, to visit the Fatherless, and Widows in their Affliction; and to keep himself unspotted of the World.

FINIS.
ΚΑΙΝΑΝ ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΣ.OR A …

ΚΑΙΝΑΝ ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΣ.

OR A DISPROOF OF HIM, in the 3. of S. Luke. v. 36.

By JOHN GREGORIE, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.

‘יהוה’ ‘IVSTVS VIVET FIDE’ ‘DEVS PROVIDEBIT.’

I. Y

LONDON, Printed by William Du-gard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to bee sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.

ΚΑΙΝΑΝ ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΣ.
OR A DISPROOF OF HIM, in the 3. of S. Luke. v. 36.

WHen to assure, even the Scripture it self was accounted but Distraction; And whilst the holie Cares of those Primitive Souls slept securely upon the more instructing parts of the Book of God, The Enemie came and sowed Tares in the Genealogies, proportion­ing his Temptations to the more obnoxious Parts, and more exposed to the chance of Transscription, or Industrie of violence.

To reconcile the Greek Book of the Generations to the Hebrew Accounts, the Deliberations have been manie, Learned, and insufficient.

Moses saith, That Arphaxad begat Sala, and Sala begat Heber, &c. S. Luke saith, That Arphaxad begat Caïnan, and Caïnan begat Sala, and Sala begat Heber, &c. which (seeing that the same Spirit equally guided both the Pens, Beda. Praef. in Act. Apost.) I can never wonder at enough (saith one) & proper ingenii tardita­tem vehementissimo stupore perculsus, nescio perscrutari.

But leaving S. Luke awhile to the success of this inqui­rie. Certain it is, that the Supernumerarie Caïnan is most originally to bee charged upon the Seventie, but quod [Page 78] nemo scire (saith Scaliger) neque unde hauserunt, neque cur po­tuerint hactenus caussam reddere potuit. Hee saith that no man can tell from whence they had it, or could ever yet give a Reason why they should put it in.

Concerning this Translation, the Traditions are, That under the Reign of Ptolomie Philadelph, and by the agencie of Demetrius, seventie and two of the Elders of Israël were invited over to Alexandria with the Originals of their Law: That they were appointed a Recess in the Isle Pharos, where, in the space of seventie two daies they rendred it in­to Greek: That the Translation first diligently revised and approved of by the Jews there frequently residing at that Time, was carefully and solemnly put up and reserved in the King's Librarie. So Aristeas, and from him Josephus. Philo seemeth to intimate as if the Translation had been severally and unanimously performed, that is by two and two in a Cel, as Epiphanius, and the Emperour in the Novels.

But by the fuller Autoritie both of the Jewish and Chri­stian Interest, It was Translated all alike, and by every one in a Separate Conclave. Anti [...]uitat. Judaïc. l. 12. c. 2. So Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus, the Talmudists in Megillah Nikra. fol. 9. A. in Massichta Sopherim c. 1. Ha­lac. 8. Abraham Zacuth in Juchasin.—R. Gedalias in Shalshe­let Haccabala. fol. 23.24. &c. And Justin Martyr would have the Gentiles to know [...], &c. That this is no Fable or fictitious Relation, for that Hee himself had been there and visited the ruines of the Cels, and received this Tradition from the Inhabitants of the Place.

It is added moreover by the said Aben Batric, that Simeon the Just was one of the Interpreters, and that upon his unbe­lief of a Passage in the Translation which prophecyed of Christ, it was given unto him not to see death till hee had seen the Glorie of God. Whom when hee had taken up in his Arms, hee then began that his Nunc Dimittis; Lord now lettest thou thy Servant depart in peace, &c.

For the Translation hee expresly affirmeth that the whole was performed by each of them in his several Cel, no man [Page 79] dissenting from another: and that the several Copies were all sealed up and put into the Temple of Serapis.

And yet contrarie to all this one Armius ( [...]) quoted in the Preface to an Arabick Version of the Greek Pentateuch saith [...]. Catena Arab. in Pentateuc. Ms. in Arch. Bodleianis. That the Elders disagreed, and that therefore the King commanded they should hee put in prison, and under chains.

An eager and famous Contestation passed betwixt Saint Hierom and S. Austin about this matter; the former attri­buting so little to the Storie, that with him The Cels and Separation are but a Fable: the later so much, That hee ac­counteth their varieties from the Original, to bee no less harmonious then those of the Gospels.

But forasmuch as the Testimonies, notwithstanding their number and concurrence, may bee all thrust up into the sin­gle autoritie of Aristeas, and that so substantially disabled by Scaliger, the most indifferent men take part with Saint Hierom.

The truth of all may seem to bee as followeth.

The Talmudists in Sopherim deliver a Tradition of five Elders who translated the five Books of Moses for Ptolomie the King. Sopher. c. 1. Halac. 7. &c. [...] and that this was a sad daie to the Hous of Israël, and like the daies of the Calf, &c. And the time of this Translation is to this daie kept a fast, and noted in their Calendar with a Miracle of three daies darkness, which, as they saie, was then upon the Earth.

The Tradition seemeth to point us to that version of the Law performed before the times of Alexander the Great, Clem Alex. 1. Strom. as Aristobulus testifieth in his first book to Ptolomie Philame­tor: But the Tradition erroneously casteth it upon the daies of Ptolomie when not the Law onely, but the Prophets also were translated, and by the seventie Elders, as before.

Those among the Jews who read the Law in this [Page 80] Translation were called Hellenists, otherwise the [...], and the [...] Korin lemephrah. Such as read the Law backwards as the Talmud, in Sota fol. 32.6.

In the Jerusalem Talmud it is said, that R. Levi coming to Caesarea, and hearing them read the Shemang, or Audi Is­raël (a Section of the Law) Deut. 6. [...] Hellenistin, or in Greek, would have hindred them, which R. Jose per­ceiving, angerly said; Hee that cannot read it in Hebrew, shall hee not read it at all? Nay let him read it in anie tongue whatsoever, that hee understandeth and hee hath don his dutie. Sota. c. 7.

This preposterous waie of Reading (as it was taken) bred a diversitie of conversation, and was the caus of ma­nie [...], or murmurings betwixt the other Jews and Hellenists; for so wee are to read, not Grecians. Act. 6.1.

For the Translation, I believ it to bee that which for the greatest part of the main bodie is yet exstant, and that it was performed at such a Time and Place, and possibly by such a Number of Elders; for the Cels, the Separation, and miraculous concent of the Interpreters, with other pompous circumstances remembred by Aristeas, I assure my self they were all afterwards devised by the Hellenists to ad­vance the reputation of their Scripture, against that of the other murmuring Jews: which, derived down to the Fa­thers of the Church in such a disguis of Miracle and An­tiquitie, and which is more then that, expresly quoted by the Evangelists and Apostles, rather then the Original, was easily received with that precipitation of Reverence, as gave not time to consider what licentious courses had been pra­ctised upon it.

In this Translation as now received, besides manie other various Readings, two irreconciliable differences from the Original have passed, the one purely Chronological by a numerous excess in the Anni [...]; The other is not so onely, but also the Interposition of another Caïnan into the Series of the Geneälogies. This later committeth the new Testament with the Old; The former leaveth the Old upon plain terms of contradiction to its self, and is so [Page 81] vast, as in fixing the Aera of the Floud to leav the Hebrew Computation manie hundred years behinde; and so absurd; as to let it follow that Noah died before the Flood, and Me­thusalem lived after it.

To reconcile either of these two to the Original, upon my duest consideration of all that hath been devised, I finde to bee of an impossible performance.

To defend the Translation against the Original, as the Romanists immoderately undertake, putteth us upon an unreasonable and ensnaring consequence: which howso­ever men corrupted by engagement may more indiscernably swallow up, yet super-induced upon a sincere and unmixed faith, removeth the antient Land-mark, and betraieth us to Atheïsm and instabilitie of minde, dividing a Kingdom against it self, and tossing the Ark of the Church to and fro, like a wave of the Sea.

No man (I know) hath more to the purpose solicited this caus then the verie learned Morinus, and yet I can per­ceiv that after all other stones removed, hee is forced with Baronius to report himself to the Tradition of the Church, which, how Catholick soever, bringeth no more to pass then this: That the Greek Computation hath been universally received from the verie beginings of Ecclesiastical Time. There was reason for it, for it pleased God (who even in these things despiseth not the waies of Men) that the Scri­pture might bee the sooner known, and to the more, to suf­fer it to pass rather by the streams, then from the fountains, to which the access was harder, and the differences but such as imported no substantial inconvenience in the waies of salvation.

But if universal Tradition bee of that moment in this matter, then what shall becom of the Vulgar Edition, which must bee mainteined by that Partie, and yet cannot bee but upon the same terms; where notwithstanding wee finde these summs cast up, not by the Greek, but the Hebrew reckoning?

As for their Cardinal Aliac, who undertook to make good this Computation of the Seventie by the great Con­junctions [Page 82] from the Figure of the World, judgment is alrea­die passed upon him by the Earl of Mirandula. J. Picus Mi­rand. Ad. A­strol. lib. 5. c. 9.

The waies of Reconciliation and defens beeing thus shut against us, The Translation it self must bee called in question and written upon as Supernumerarie and corrupt.

For the Anni [...], 'tis evident from the method and demeanour of the undertaking, it is not of that kinde as could fall out in Time, or by Transscription, but of de­liberation and purpose, the Numbers for the most part in­creasing by a Centenarie accession.

By the Original, Seth was 105 years old when hee begat Enos: By the Septuagint hee was 205. Enos was 90 years old when hee begat Caïnan; The Greek is 190, &c. con­triving so as to cast all up into a set and intended form of Imposture.

'Tis otherwise manifest by the different Traditions of this Period, not onely as it is summed up by the Antient writers, Demetrius, Eupolemon, Timotheus, Nicephorus, &c. but in the Copies themselvs, and their Translations, as in som Arabick versions of the Greek Pentateuch I observ, in the Russe Bible, and the Samaritan Pentateuch; which also I undertake to bee no Original, but to have been drawn out of the Greek Fountains, as, in respect of that, I may call them.

For the Later, S. Luke I know is dangerously pretended; but in so low a Spirited and Shifting waie, as that the Evan­gelist must needs bee a looser by the hand.

Wee must speak it out, that however it hath appeared in the Later Copies of that Gospel, Ced. Anti­quiss Euang. & Ad. A­post. gns. gr. lat. Arch. Bibl. Pub. Cantab. and so derived down to the Syriack and Arabick Translations, &c. yet the Old Ori­ginals received it not; as also Beza hath noted, more im­portantly his vetustissimus Codex, whereunto I my self also can bear him Witness, that it is not to bee found, either in the Greek or Latine.

But neither was it exstant in the Antient Copies of the Septuagint. That in the Kings Librarie at S. James's I con­fess to have wherewithall to bear out som repute of Anti­quitie, especially if it should bee, as the Patriarch who sent [Page 83] it over pretended, written by the hand of Tecla, a Disciple of S. Paul's. Menolog. Sept. 24. But the Menologie (none of the worst re­membrancers) maketh no mention of anie such Act of the Saint; and if it had, wee know of what moment to make that kinde of trust.

But suppose the Caïnan [...] to have been exstant in the Copies of S. Paul's time, this will not bee good enough se­curitie against the Testimonie of Berosus the Chaldean, a man of Ptolomie Philadelph's own time; who, Euseb. Praef. Evang. lib. 9. pag. 24. in his Babylo­nish Historie, accounting the Series of the Patriarchs after the Flood, setteth down Abraham [...] in the tenth Generation, and therefore Caïnan could not bee reckoned upon: which moreover is confirmed by Eupolemon's like tradition of the same Series.

This onely doubt can bee raised, whether Berosus, though hee published his Historie after the times of the Translation, yet might not compose it before, under the times of Alexan­der, which also were his. But if hee did, then I saie that hee took the Series from that other antienter Greek Translation of the Pentateuch, mentioned by Aristolûlus, and so the Te­stimonie is the greater.

But the Caïnan [...] was not exstant in the Septuagint of S. Paul's Time. If it had, Theoph. An­tioch. 3. Lib. ad Autolyc. Irenae. Lib. Epiphan. Ep. 55. Theophilus Antiochenus immedi­ately following would not expresly have left it out in his Epilogism. No more would Irenaeus, Epiphanius or Euse­bius in theirs. And those that know how the case stood betwixt S. Hierom and this Translation, know hee could not possibly have pass'd it over, had it been to bee found in the Copies of his Time.

But neither is it exstant in the Vulgar Edition, the Sama­ritan Pentateuch, or the Russe Bible, translated out of the Septuagint, for there it is [...]. Arphaxad begat Sala, and Sala begat Eber.

True it is, Ms. in Arch. Bodelian. 5. that I meet with this Caïnan in two Arabick Versions of the Greek Pentateuch, but evidently translated since the corruption was set on foot.

But it is of more moment then all this, that it never was, nor could bee in the Original, out of which the Elders [Page 84] translated, and that by an invincible Note of the Masora marked upon the place.

Nor did ever anie Translation out of the Hebrew ac­knowledg it. Not the Targums whatsoever, not the Vul­gar Latine, not the Spanish or the Vulgar Greek, both translated by the Jews themselvs, and printed at Constantino­ple in Hebrew letters; Not the Persian Paraphrase by Tawos. The Arrabick by Saadiah Gaon, or that other by the Jews in Mauritania, set forth by Erpenius.

But neither is the forgerie constant to it self; for though wee meet still with it in the Book of Genesis, yet in the bet­ter Copies of the Chronicles it is not found, the Projector so much forgot himself.

Manifestly therefore both Caïnan and the Numbers came in the wrong waie, the design whereof, what it was, and managed by whom, I go about to shew.

In the first Vers of the first Chapter of Genesis, the He­brew א, standing in their Arithmetick for a thousand, is six times found. From hence the Antient Cabalists conclu­ded, Gemara Tal. in Helec San­hedrin. fol. 97. a R. A. Zar. in Imr. Bine. C. 43. That the World should last six thousand Years, becaus also God was six daies about the Creätion, and a thousand Years with him are but as one daie; therefore after six daies, that is six thousand Years duration of the World there shall bee a seventh daie, or Millenarie Sabbath of Rest: concerning which Justin Martyr to Tryphon the Jew, [...]. that is, And there is a certain man among us whose name is John, one of the Apostles of Christ, who, in his Apocalyps, hath foretold of a thousand Years to bee enjoied in Jerusalem, In the Re­velation made to him. by those which shall be­liev in our Christ. The same also was asserted by Papias, Bi­shop of Hierapolis, Apolinarius, and Irenaeus, as S. Hierom in his Catalogue, and hath been of late daies by verie Learned men awaked out of a long sleep, and even now is by som, to no good ends, more then enough resented. Though this was wont to bee one of the reasons, why, the Revelation was accounted but [...], as [Page 85] Cregorie Nyssen, and not called by S. John's, but the Heretick Cerinthus his name. Other Asspersions raised upon this Book by Eusebius, Dorotheus, Dionysius, &c. are summed up by Erasmus, and more forcibly urged then fully answered by Beza.

I may add, that the Canon of Scripture wee go by, groun­deth much upon that Enumeration subjoined to the last Ca­non of the Council of Laodicea, which yet is not found in the verie antient Manuscripts. Gretser mentioneth one, and I meet with another here at home. Synodic. Gr. Ms. in Arch. Baroc. B. Bod. Nor is it exstant in Joseph's Arabick Code, where onely the Canon of the Council is set down, with a note upon the Idiötical Psalms. And yet in the same Code, in the Apostolical Canons, contrarie to the trust of all the Greek Copies, Cod. Concil. Arab. Ms. in Arch. Roan. B. Bod. it is [...] The Revelation of S. John called the Apocalyps, but immediately follow the Constitutions of Clement, and recommended to the Church upon as equal terms. In a Manuscript Arabick Translation of the New Testament in Queens College, onely this Book of the Reve­lation is wanting.

In the Arabick lives of the four Evangelists observed up­on by Kirstenius, the note is. Observandum quoque est, hunc Au­torem ne verbo quidem uno mentionem facere [...] D. Jo­annis, P. Kirsten. in Vit. 4. E­van. Arab. fol. 50. quam quidam hunc Evangelistam in Patmo scripsisse asserunt quâ autoritate ipsi videant. Atque adeò semper iste Liber inter Apo­crypha reputatus est.

But the Autor doth make mention of the Apocalyps in these words, [...] but this period (saith Kir­stenius) doctioribus hujus linguae considerandum relinquimus. I dare not own the doctioribus, but the Reading should bee [...] and the meaning is, And the re­port go's, that S. John delivered up the Apocalyps to his Disciple Phughir. So express is the mention, and no stron­ger the Tradition.

[Page 86]But in derogation to a Book wherein too much may so soon bee said, at least enough, bee the writing never so Ca­nonical, the Argument is most intractable, and to the usu­all reach of Men so intricate and lost in Mysterie, that un­less the Times reveal faster then yet they have don, no man will bee found worthie to open and to read the Book, nei­ther to look thereon.

Chap. 5.4.Not to repete over Cajetan's Exponat cui Deus concesserit; Calvin, the Man whose prais is in the Interpretation of the word of God, Sententiam rogatus de Libro Apocalypseos (so Bodin report's him) ingenuè respondit je penitùs ignorare quid velit tam obscurus Scriptor; Joh. Bodin. Meth. Hist. C. 7. qui qualisque fuerit nondum constat inter Eruditos.

But this later part of the [...] concerneth mee not so pertinently as the former, that is the six thousand Years duration of the World, unto which more then what was said before must bee added out of Lactantius, Sicut ipsum ho­minem Deus die sexto ultimum fecit, &c. ità nunc die sexto magno verus homo verbo Dei fingitur; that as God made man last in the sixth daie, Lactant. L. 7. C. 14. so in the great sixth daie or Millena­rie of the World, the true man was made by the Word of God.

Hee saith also that mention was made of this Tradition by the Sibylline Oracles, the great Hermes, and the old Hi­staspes King of the Medes.

Joh. Antioc. Ms. in Arc. Bar [...]. Bib. Bod. Chrono­graph. l. 10.More expresly Clemens, Timotheus, and Theophilus as they are quoted by Joannes Antiochenus Melala. [...], that is, That upon the sixth daie (as the Scripture hath foresaid) God made man, and man fell by sin; so upon the sixth daie of the Chiliad (or sixth Mille­narie of the World) our Lord Jesus Christ came into this World, and saved man by his Cross and Resurrection.

To the same purpose Aelfric an Abbot of our own, in his Treatise of the Old and New Testament to Sigwerd of East Hoolon. ꝧ adam getacnude þeonðam sixtan d [...]ge [Page 87] geseaƿen ƿaes þurh god usne h [...]elend crist þe come to þissere ƿorulde [on þaere sixtan ylde] & us geedniƿode to his gelicnesse. That Adam who was shapened by God upon the sixth daie, betokeneth our Saviour Christ, who came into this World (in the sixth Age thereof) and renewed us after his own likeness.

For this duration of the World, I think it well enough retorted upon Lactantius by one of the Jews [...] &c. [...] that God hath not made haste to do according to this saying; for as Lactantius compute's, the Time is alreadie past and gon; and yet the World continue's to bee as in the daies of old, &c. R. Aza­rias in Imre Binah c. 43. fol. 142. though som of us Chri­stians have so little to do, and think our selvs so well ac­quainted with the unsearchable waies of God, Cunmannus Fliusbachius. as to bid our Readers take it upon their word. Mundi hujus aetatem supra sex millia annorum, tanquam certam & immotam metam quam De­us mundo, sapienti & inscrutabili consilio determinavit; non ex­cursuram esse &c. And what will becom of the Millenarie Sabbath of Rest, if the six thousand Years whereon that depend's bee of no weightier consideration?

But to weaken or defend the Tradition, I have no ingage­ment upon mee. It yieldeth mee this Observation, That in the Opinion of those which held it, Our Saviour was to com in the Flesh in the sixth Millenarie of the World.

But by the Hebrew Account, the Messiah was to com long before, as the Angel Gabriel prophecied in the seven­tie Weeks determined upon that People.

It amounted therefore to this. That either the Traditi­on must com down to the Text, or the Text made to com up to that.

In the Arabick Catena, and there onely, I finde the Im­putation laied upon the Original [...] &c. [...] [Page 88] that is, That the Jews cut off from the Ages of the World 3600 Years, co conceal the Epiphanie of Christ, that their Books might not convince them of the contrarie, &c. Caten. Arab. C. 19.

I begin to think how readily Morinus, and others of the Romish Partie will resent this Testimonie. Learned Men, I confess, but of a strange brow, to pretend to the world, Chronologiam juxta Lxx Interpretum numeros subductam, Anti­quis Hebraeorum codicibus videri conformem, That the Chrono­logie computed according to the Numbers in the Septua­gint, probably differeth not from the Antient Hebrew Coppies.

But for the Sinceritie of the Hebrew Text, the Founda­tion of God and man standeth sure. And for that of Ju­lius Africanus) the onely thing which hath been urged to purpose in this Caus) it shall bee unexspectedly answered. Julius Africanus saith, That the Jews [...] &c. themselvs delivered this Computation of years taught by the Sprit of God in Moses, and out of the Hebrew Histories, &c. Not meaning, as Morinus would have him, that the Greek account was drawn from the Antient Originals of Moses, but as Joannes Antiochenus; [...], &c. For like as God made Man in the sixth daie, as Moses expoundeth, Psal. 90. O­rat. Mos. &c. (who also hath it in his writings) That one daie of the Lord is as a thousand years &c.) So in the sixth Mille­narie daie, our Lord Jesus appeared.

And this was all Moses had to do with it.

That the things was don by the Jews, I denie not; but, by those, I mean the Hellenists. And I take upon mee, that the Corruption proceeded not by subduction from the Hebrew, but the accession to the Greek Scripture, and that it was don hard by the times of the Translation, and to no other end then to what I pretended: which was to make the Accounts fall even with their Tradition of the Messias coming in the sixth Millenarie of the world, as it falleth [Page 89] out by the Epilogisms of Demetrius, cited by Alexander Cornelius; Eupolemon, cited by Clemens Alexandrinus; Euseb. P. Evang. p. 248. Timo­theus and others, cited by Joannes Antiochenus; differing som from the rest, [...], &c. But all agree in this, that our Saviour came in the sixth Chiliad.

(The distinctest Enumeration of this Account is that of Theophil. Antioch. before the Insertion of the Caïnan [...]. &c. That is,

Adam was 330 Years old when hee begat Seth
Seth 205 Enos
Enos 190 Caïnan
Caïnan 170 Malaleël
Malaleël 165 Jared
Jared 162 Enoch
Enoch 165 Methusala
Methusala 187 Lamech
Lamec 188 Noah
Noah 500 Sem
Sem 100 Arphaxad
Arphaxad 135 Sala
Sala 130 Eber
Eber 134 Phalec
Phalec 130 Ragau.

By this Account there passed from the Begining of the World to the 600 Year of Noah's life 2362 Years; from thence to the 130 Year of Phalec 529, which added to the former Summ, maketh up from the begining of the World to the same time 2891 Years. [...], &c. as the same Period of Theophilus. From the Flood to the time at which Abraham our forefather begat Isaac, 1036 Years; from Isaac the son of Abraham to the Sojourning of the People with Moses in the Wilderness 660 Years: from the death of Moses to the death of David the Patriarch 498 [Page 90] Years; from thence to the Captvitie in Babylon 518 Years; from the begining of Cyrus to the end of Aurelius verus 744. Years: that is from the Flood to the death of Aureli [...]s 3456 Years; to which if wee add the 2362 Years from the Creä [...]ion to the Flood, the Total is 5818 Years, Substra­cting from thence 192 Years, from the 42 of Augustus to the death of Aurelius, our Saviour cometh into the World in the 626 Year of the sixth Millenarie.

But the Tradition as otherwise delivered will have it so, That our Saviour must com precisely at the sixth hour of the sixth daie, or verie middle of the sixth Millenarie. So the Arabick Catena [...] that is, Cat. Arab. Ms. in Arch. Bib. Bod. The Lord Christ was to bee manifested after the end of 5500 Years for the Redemption of Adam, as bee promised, saying unto him. The sixth daie at noon I will com unto thee, and redeem thee. Caten. Arab, ubi Suprá.

And therefore Eustathius Antiochenus observeth, That Christ was Crucified the sixth Hour of the sixth Daie, [...], to intimate the middle of the sixth Millenarie.

The form of the Period (as it standeth to this Altera­tion) is drawn up by the Patriarch Nicephorus, in his Chronicon: [...] &c. And the [...] are [...]. 5500.

So Joannes Antiochenus, Eusebius, the Aethiopian Ca­lendar, &c.

But also the Tradition especially required, that the 6000 Years should bee equally divided by the times of Pha­lec, [...], &c. saith Eustathius Antiochenus. Phalec in the Hebrew signifieth Division; and the time of the World's duration, was divided by his daies into [...]. And Joannes Antiochenus, [...], Joan. Antio. Ms. Lib. 2. [...]. From Adam [Page 91] to Phalec 3000 Years according to the Prophecie. So Cedren. p. 12. Suidas in Phalec, and Hesychius in the Questions of Anastasius.

To reconcile the Numbers to this, it was proceeded after this manner.

By the Period of Theophilus, The interval from Adam to Phalec was 2891 Years: To this 110 Years were to bee added. First therefore, and to make it look the more un­like a cheat, they cut off 20 Years from Methusala's summ; and whereas Theophilus had reckoned him at 187, they set him down 167; as in som Copies it still standeth. Then it was from Adam to Phalec 2871 Years. This don, they insert a new Caïnan, assigning Him 130 Years, which, added to the former summ, precisely maketh up 3001 Years from Adam to the 130 Year of Phalec. And therefore Caïnan was not taken into the Seventie, out of S. Luke as the lear­ned Grotius prejudged, but contrarily: which how likely it might bee don by such in whose opinion this Translati­on stood upon the same terms as S. Luke's Original, is not hard to bee believed.

And yet the Arabick Catena can tell you the verie daie of this Caïnans death [...] that is, And Caïnan died upon Fridaie the thirteenth of Elul, and his Sons embalmed him, and buried him, and lamented over him 40 daies. Caten. Arab. C. 32.

And they make him the Patriarch of a Nation, but agree not. Eustathius Antiochenus. [...], of the Sogdians. Eusebius, [...], of the Gasphenians. Fasti Siculi, [...], of the Sarmatians.

Cedren saith, [...], &c. That hee read the Giants Books to the men of his Time, which hee found by chance as hee was walking in the Fields.

In Eustathius Antiochenus, Hee is the Inventor of Augurie [Page 92] and Astronomie. [...],

Glycas, and Georgius Syncellus talk as if hee had continued the Tables of Seth. And so I finde it in a Manuscript Chro­nicle. Anonym. Ch [...]on. Ms. in A [...]ch Baroc. Bib. Bod. [...]. That after the Flood, Caïnan the Son of Arphaxad wrote Astronomie, having found the doctrine of the Stars written by Seth and his Sons in Tables of Stone.

But none of all this is due to Caïnan the son of Arphaxad, but to Caïnan the son of Enos, as I shall make to appear by as sound a Tradition as these, written back to Aristotle out of India from Alexander the Great.

See the A­rab. Geog. p. 23.24. de aloēs, a like Tradition of Aristo. & Alu. S [...]pher. Ju­chasi [...]. f. 3. b.When I came (saith the King) into the Land of Pharsaia­con, &c. The Natives said unto mee, [...] &c. [...] Lo here in this Isle the Sepulcre of an antient King, whose name was Caïnan the son of Enos, who reigned over the whole World before the Flood. Hee was a wise man, and indued with all kinds of knowledg, and had power given him against the Spirits, Divels, and destroying An­gels. This Man by his wisdom foresaw that the blessed God would bring a Flood upon the Earth, the prophecie whereof hee wrote in Tables of Stone, which here wee have; and the writing is He­brew, &c.

This is the right owner of those parts and Inventions: That other Caïnan was a man of the Chiliasts making, one with whom things stood all otherwise then with Mel­chisedec.

This man had neither begining of daies, or end of life, but in the Genealogies.

FINIS.
Epiſcopus Puerorum, …

Episcopus Puerorum, IN DIE INNOCENTIUM.

OR, A Discoverie of an Antient Custom in the Church of Sarum, making an Anniversarie Bishop among the Choristers.

[tomb effigy of the Boy Bishop of Sarum in vertical position]

LONDON, Printed by William Du-gard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to bee sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.

‘VIA VNA COR VNVM’


Episcopus Puerorum, IN DIE INNOCENTIUM. OR, A Discoverie of an Antient Custom in the Church of Sarum, making an Anniversarie Bishop among the Choristers.

IN the Cathedral of Sarum there lieth a Monument in stone, of a little Boie habited all in Episcopal Robes, a Mi­ter upon his head, a Crosier in his hand, and the rest accordingly.

The Monument laie long Buried it self under the Seats near the Pulpit, at the removal whereof, it was of late years discovered, and translated from thence to the North part of the Nave, where it now lyeth betwixt the Pillars, covered over with a Box of Wood, not without a general imputation of Raritie and Reverence, it seeming almost [Page 96] impossible to everie one, that either a Bishop could bee so small in Person, or a Childe so great in Clothes.

Having consulted with the most likelie men I knew (whereabouts I then was) to what Moment of Antiquitie this could refer, the Answer still was, that They could not tell, and from one too from whom it seldom used to bee so, the late Learned Bishop Mountague, who also earnestly appointed mee to make further enquirie after the thing, not doubting but that there would bee somthing in the matter at least of curious, if not substantial observation.

Returning therefore from thence, By Salisburie I obtein­ed a perusal of the Old Statutes of that Church, intending afterwards to have looked over the Leiger Books. But finde­ing in the Statutes a Title, De Episcopo Choristarum, concern­ing the Chorister Bishop. I began to think my business was well nigh don already. And indeed a Circumstance of the Chapter directed mee to their Processional, and so I came to perceiv that the meaning of the Monument was thus.

MATH. II. XVI.

Then Herod when hee saw that hee was mocked of the Wisemen was exceeding wroth, and sent forth and slew all the Children that were in Bethlehem and in all the Coasts from two years old and under, according to the time, &c.

The Monument is altogether concerned in the memorie of this Massacre. First therefore a little shall bee said of That, and then somthing of the daie it self.

Here not to give Herod so manie ill words neither as som do, and yet as an aggravation of the foulness of this mur­ther, and by the insolence of the Martyrdom, to excuse the Holiedaie, it will bee at least to som purpose to observ a lit­tle of the Antient Reverence and Holiness of Children.

[Page 97]The Title of the Daie remembreth them by a full and proper expression of Innocencie. 'Twas impossible to Christen the Feast more incomparably. The word Inno­cencie is of a vast reputation, and yet dare's not signifie anie thing here below but the State of the first Man, and that of Children, and therefore thus far suffer them to com to you, and forbid them not

Hee must needs have little of a Man, nothing at all of God in Him, that could break into a Circle of such harm­less and undefended Simplicitie.

The Jews themselvs thought nothing fit to bee a mur­therer of this kinde, but a Divel; and a Shee-one too: that the fearfulness of the Sex might dispose to more unrulie and more barbarous resolutions of Inhumanitie.

This Shee-Divel they call by the Name of Lilith. It is ta­ken from the Night, for so the word signifieth first. And it will bee somthing to you when you remember your self of that ordinarie superstition of the old wives, who dare not intrust a Childe in a Cradle by it self alone without a can­dle. You must not think those people know what they do, and yet you may perceiv their sillie waies to derive from an Original much better, and more considerable then can bee guessed at from their prone and uninstructed waie of per­formance.

That which wee read, Aben Ezra [...] Castra Seba. Job 1.15. And the Sabeans fell up­on them, &c. The Hebrew is, And Seba came. ('tis a hard Book that.) The Syriack Translation is, Et irruerunt Latro­nes. And the Arabs or theevs came in upon them. But the Chaldee rendreth [...] That Lilith the Queen of Smargad came, &c. And Elias in his Methurgeman saith, that [...] This was a Citie of the Sabeans called in their Language by the name of Smargad. And that this Lilith was [...] a kinde of shee-Divel which killed Children. The Glossa Tal­mud in Nid­da fol. 24. b. Gloss to Nidda saith so too, and describeth her to have wings and an humane Face: You may hear more of this Fai­rie Queen, if you can meet with that Edition of Ben Sira, which was Printed by the Jews at Constantinople, [Page 98] with the Books of Tobit, the Book of Zorobabel, &c.

By this discours how slight soever it may seem to bee, I shall bee able to attein my serious end. For, for this reason, as especially as anie other, the Hebrew women as Exod. 1.19. livelie as they were wont to bee, yet now in dread of this Hobgob­ling, solemnly observ this custom (enchantment you may call it) at this verie daie.

When the great belli'd woman's time is com, the Father of the Familie, or for want of him, som holie man or o­ther (for this is required too) is desired to com to the Room where the woman is to lie in; and then, and there hee is to draw a Circle upon the several walls of that Place, and upon the doors, both within and without, and more­over also about the Bed, &c. And hee is to inscribe these words, [...] Adam Chavah Chuts Li­lith. that is, Adam. Eve. Cut Lilith. And so the Childe is thought to bee sufficiently defended.

The Heathen Stories of their Strix, as our own later ones of the Lamiae (they are the same) I let pass. Onely I staie to wonder, that it should bee their black business to kill Children, seeing that the principal preparations whereby they Exercise, are made either of the Skin or Flesh of a Childe. Of the skin they make their Virgin Parchment, a thing of great importance, as to them, and in which all their Spels and Charms are to bee written. Of the Flesh decocted to a Jellie, they make their Unguents, with which they do things of so rare and unreasonable consequence. This practise of theirs as maliciously bad as it is, yet more and more confesseth to my purpose, the secret strength of Innocencie, and sanctitie of Children.

Therefore by the greatest right of Nature, these Infants ought to have been proof against the most barbarous and unhappie hand.

But you will marvail the less (and the more too) when this is added to it, That Herod's own Son was one of the Companie.

The Scripture indeed maketh not this mention, but yet you have it from a verie good hand: Cùm audivisset Augustus [Page 99] inter pueros quos in Syria Herodes Rex Judaeorum intra bima­tum jussit interfici, filium quoque ejus occisum, ait, Melius est Herodis porcum esse quàm filium. When Augustus Cesar (saith Macrobius) had heard that Herod the King of the Jews his own son was one of those Children, which from two years old and under were commanded by him to bee slain in Sy­ria, hee said, 'Twere better to bee Herod's Hog then his son. Sextus Se­nens. Biblio­thec. Sanctae Lib. 70. Macrobius Saturnal. lib. 2. cap. 4.

Sixtus Senensis quoteth this Answer of Augustus out of Dion Cassius his Romane Historie, in the life of this Empe­ror, but I do not finde it there.

The same Autor quoteth this passage out of Philo Judaeus his Chronographie. Herodes Ascalonita anno trigesimo princi­patûs sui tyrannici Sanedrim ex domo David delevit, & Annalae­um quendam, atque alios Sanedrim ex proselytis suffecit qui nimi­ùm videbantur in Lege eruditi, tum & Salomen sororem suam, & virum ejus de tribu Juda, itémque proprium filium, quem ex uxo­re ejusdem susceperat, interfecit, quòd diceretur jam in lege promissus Christus natus. Onely the last words are to the purpose, itém (que) proprium filium, &c. That Herod killed his own son too, be­caus it was reported that Christ, who was promised in the Law, was now born.

If this were the reason, it seemeth a little to reflect upon the matter of the Innocents.

But indeed if the Storie had been fully and expresly set down, it must have gon for nothing. For this is but that Philo, which with others of the like pretended Autoritie, ( Berosus, Metasthenes &c.) Amius the Monk hath so lately obtruded to this world. But the impudent forgeries of this fellow, the learned Joseph Scaliger, Sethus Calvisius, &c. have verie quickly and sufficiently chastised.

And yet this ignorant Man is as reverently quoted by Rabbi Azarias in his Meor Enaiim, Meor Enai­im fol. 89. &c. as if hee had written the Wisdom of Salomon.

But the strangest thing indeed is, that Josephus himself should take no notice of this matter, not onely not of the saying of Augustus, but nothing neither of the killing of the children, a Passage verie unexspectedly omitted by so [Page 100] great a Courtier and so good an Historian, especially one that spared not to set forth the rest of Herod's indignities to the full.

It is enough to draw som doubt upon the Tradition of Macrobius. Joseph Scaliger believeth it all; but yet his won­der is, that Augustus should make such a return upon Herod, seeing that hee himself did the Murther, not onely upon this, but upon all the three sons. I do not perceiv that the Learned Man hath caus enough. Herod did but cast the en­vious part upon the Emperor (and officiously too) but left the main and principal guilt upon his own head, and there­fore nevertheless, to all this the Emperor might verie fitly retort, as hee did, That it were better to bee Herod's Hog then his Son.

But what son of Herod's could this bee? It must bee Anti­pater; or it must bee none. But Antipater was more a man then to bee reckoned among the children of two years old and under. And moreover then that, Antipater was not at Bethlehem, nor thereabouts at that time.

I know not upon what terms to make this hold, unless it may bee thus.

Herod had obteined of Augustus the killing of two sons already, and now solicited for the third. It was presently upon the killing of the Infants that Herod's Messengers came to Rome with the Accusations of his son Antipater, and so both the Passages came to the Emperors ear at the same time, and this later, for the nearness was misreckoned into the bargain.

There is another Circumstance or two, which make the Murther so much the more concerning.

One is,

(You must not take it for a thing don: but therefore the [...] of the expression is the greater.)

Now the Dead did burie the Dead. This blood cried so loud, that Rachel heard it in the Grave, and rose to execute the Funerals.

Jer. 31.15. Mat. 2.18. In Rama was there a voice heard, Lamentation and weeping, and great mourning, Rachel weeping for her children, and would not bee comforted, becaus they were not.

[Page 101]But why Rachel? And why should this voice bee heard in Rama?

Note here the Situation of Rachel's Tomb, out of the Arabick Nubian Geographer.

At verò Bethlehem, Locus videlicet ille in quo natus est Christus, Geograph. Arab. Nubi­ens. Clim. 3. Part. 5. p. 115. distat ab Hierosolymis sex millibus passum, & è media via ista habetur Sepulcrum Rachel, matris Joseph & Benjamin filiorum Jacob, Quibus salus. Huic Sepulcro duodecim sunt Lapides im­positi, impendétque testudo lapidea concamerata, &c. So the Maronites in their Translation.

Bethlehem, to wit the Place where Christ was born, is di­stant from Jerusalem six miles; and in the middle-waie there standeth the Sepulcre of Rachel the Mother of Joseph and Benjamin, the sons of Jacob; upon whom bee health. The Sepulcre is erected of twelv stones, and an Arch of Stone above, &c.

So the Geographer.

This was in the Tribe of Juda, but confining upon that of Benjamin, where Rama was. [...], Rachel, in the Ori­ental Languages, signifieth a Sheep or Lamb, And so an In­nocent was verie fitly call'd up to mourn over these Infants, who died in the Caus of the Lamb of God.

And the voice of this Lamentation was heard in Rama, becaus Rama was in the Tribe of Benjamin.

Benjamin was that Son of whom Rachel died in child-bed, and though his Father gave him this Name, yet his Mother would have had him called Ben-oni, or the Son of Sorrow.

The next is,

§ That though otherwise there is a large Enditement of Inhumanities against this Tyrant, yet his miserable and uncommon death is rather imputed to the shedding of this (though much of the rest was his own) Blood.

That this world, and hee parted by an unusual cours of Mortalitie, and by the judgment of God too, (at least in common reputation) Josephus is clear.

Severe execution beeing don upon the two Sophisters and their Scholars for pulling down the Golden Eagle, which (to acknowledg the Romane Empire) Herod had [Page 102] set up upon the greatest gate of the Temple, [...]. that is, Henceforth hee was taken with a diseas, which seising upon the whole state and habit of his bodie, tormented him exceeding severally. A Fever hee had, but not of anie acute kinde: an unsufferable Prurigo over all his bodie, with continual tortures of the Colon. By the Tumors about his feet you would judg him to bee Hydropical, To this a strange inflammation of the lower Bellie, and such a putrefaction of the Genitals as bred Worms; more­over then this, a shortness and difficultie of Breathing, with a Con­vulsion of all the Parts. This moved those of that time who pre­tended to know the minde of God, to give out that these diseases were inflicted upon Herod for his murther of the Sophisters, &c.

Josephus hath a fuller Tradition of this Event, C. 8. of the 17. Book of his Antiquities. And if you consider the common Translations of both, you will finde it fit that this other should bee set down here too. The matter will not onely bee to turn the Greek, but (if it may bee) to render it so, that especially the words may signifie a distinct and Artificial description of Herod's diseas, as Josephus mean't, and indeed exprest it like himself.

I do not threaten here to do verie much neither: This I am sure of; The Translators understood the matter but meanly, (and yet one of them was a Physician too). I will do what I can, towards that I pretend to, and leav what is like enough to bee wanting to those, whom it may more properly concern.

Josephus his other words are these.

[...] [Page 103] [...] [...]. [...].

But the diseas of Herod grew yet more bitterly violent, God exacting this judgment of his enormities upon him. Hee had a Gentle Fever, that is, not expressing it self so much to the out­ward touch and feeling, as more grievously burning him within: a strange appetite, and desire still to take somthing in; but nothing would staie with him, An Ʋlcer of the Entrails with hard confli­ctations, especially of the Cholick Gut. A Phlegmatick Humor appeared about his feet, and Shining too; More then this, the diseas had got about the lower Bellie, and more then that, there was a putrefaction of his Genitals, and it bred worms. An Orthop­noea, or shortness of breath, and that also verie unpleasant. A troublesom flux of Rheum, which caussed a perpetuall Asthma: And the Patient not having strength to resist these things, there fol­lowed a convulsion of all the parts. It was said therefore by the Divines of that time, and those which it then stood upon, to give holie judgment of these things, that the hand of God was upon the King, to punish him for his so often repeted horrible offenses.

Here I must tell you though, that I do not see anie such extraordinarie moment or manner of Fatalitie in this dis­solution.

The diseas indeed was especially complicate of a dropsie and dysenterie. The Orthopnoea, Dyspnoea, Spasmes, &c. nay and the Fever it self too for ought I know, were but acci­dents of one or both. Hippoc. de victûs rati­on. Lib. 3. sect. 4.

The Dysenterie ( [...]) was (and the wors therefore) especially in the [...]. The Dropsie was of that kinde which from the fashion of the Inflamma­tion, is called Ascites. [...], or [...] signifieth (as Galen saith) to Hippocrates, [...], the lower region of the Bellie com­prehended [Page 104] between the Navel and the Genitals. There the In­flammation was, and it was [...], as the Tradition saith, Therefore the Dropsie was of that kinde which I said, and of a malignant State.

There is nothing make's the matter look so like a Judg­ment, as the [...], But this Putrefaction of the Genitals might verie possibly bee an Ac­cident of the Dropsie, this kinde especially. If it were not; it might bee otherwise Natural enough, and you may hear of it in Hippocrates, and in the verie same words used by Jo­sephus here. [...]. Aphoris. Lib. 3. § 7. Aph. 21.

And yet you shall see how this Tradition hath improved it self under the Christian's hands, [...], Chronicon. Alexand p. 488. [...]. that is, And Herod beeing struck with a grievous dropsie, the whole state of his Bodie corrupted, and the Worms crawl'd out. Thus hee departed this life, receiving a just vengeance of that murther, which hee committed upon the Children in Bethlehem for our Saviour's sake.

Cedren hath it out of another Autor, that this Herod was fa­mously known by the Name of [...] The Child-slaier. Herod might bee so called for the killing of his own sons.

But I wonder where the Autor had this.

Indeed Eusebius himself hath said more then com's to his share, as to this matter. Even hee also accuseth Herod of this horrible diseas, and chargeth it upon the murther of the Children, but (which was the Sleepiness of the Forgerie) hee quoteth Josephus for it too.

Our own Elfrick the Abbot as unadvisedly, who having told the Storie, closeth it up with this rash doom upon He­rod & se yfela cining, and the wicked King died Miserably. Photius hath delivered it more expresly bad, and to no sens of Traditional belief. I know there is a kinde of well mean­ing in these devout Lies; but no more acceptable to him whom it seemeth to concern, then the cutting off of a Dog's neck. The Christian interest is more absolute and suffici­ent [Page 105] of it self then to need a superogation of this kinde.

The simplicitie of Joannes Antiochenus is more useful here then the Judgment of Eusebius. Hee telleth the Historie of the Children out of the Scripture it self, and then maketh this end of Herod's matters, out of Clemens the Chronogra­pher. [...] that is, And immediately Herod beeing taken with an incurable diseas, was eaten up of worms and so died. Joan. Antiochen. Melala Chronog. Lib. 10. Ms. in Arch. Baroccian. Biblioth. Bodleianae.

But this Herod the Great, was not eaten up of Worms neither; There's a difference betwixt [...], Act. 12. 2 Macab. 9. or [...], and [...]. This indeed was the diseas of which the other Herod died. Antiochus died so too: and both by the plain and visible judgment of God, the which, where it is not verie notably and convincingly revealed, it were good to make as little use of our own Augurie as wee can.

In the other Herod's case, S. Luke saith that an Angel struck him. This Angel in Josephus, is but an Owl, [...]: and a German Soothsayer had told the King as much before. Antiquit. Lib. 18. C. 8. But of this in a more proper place.

But if Herod the Great had been [...], or eaten up of Worms, and by the judgment of God too: is it to bee thought that this judgment looked a-squint upon all the rest of this Kings enormities, and cast a full eie onely upon the Massacre of the Children?

This is but to deliver up Herod to Satan here, that his soul might bee saved in the daie of the Lord. Would you have such a man thus taken from the evil to com? Rather then so, if you would have a damnation upon Herod that sleep­eth not, let him have his portion in this life. Let him die the death of the Righteous, and let his last end bee like his.

Though hee may seem to you to bee never so much pluck'd off from God's right hand, yet you do not see that this man was written Childless: though hee had drank so deep of the Blood of Innocents, Stil there was one left, and one of his own Race too, to fit upon the Throne of Jurie. [Page 106] you are not to reckon of these things according to your own angrie waie of vengeance. The right profligati homines, and those that are notoriously engaged, especially in inter­ested impieties, are most usually condemned to prosper here, that they may bee the more secretly and justly reserved to the blackness, and darkness of their own other World.

But if you will now, Herod shall bee left in the verie same case that you would have him.

Let it bee so, that hee was judged here, that hee might not bee condemned hereafter; or, let both bee true, ('tis so som­times) Then I believ with you that the doom did as princi­pally, and immediately reflect upon this Murther of the In­nocents, as upon anie of all the rest.

There is an aggravation in the Number too; at least if the account bee honestly given up to our hands.

Menolog. Decemb. 29. Antholog. f. 132. a.The Greek Tradition in the Rubrick to the Daie, is, [...]. That it was no less then fourteen thousand.

The Aethiopick Church reckoneth of as manie in their Missal Memorials.

I know not what to saie to this, but if it beee so, then Thou Bethleëm Ephratah ar't not so little among the Thousands of Juda, Mich. 5.2.

It will not bee much beside the matter, if here I remember you of this Storie.

The Town of Hamel in the Dutchie of Brunswick was ex­ceedingly pestered with Rats. There happened to com to Town a Roguie Fidler, who undertook presently to quit the Place of all the Vermin, upon condition to receiv such a summ of monie for his pains. The Burgers agreed. The Fidler betook him to his Pipe, at the sound whereof the Rats came all forth, and followed the fellow quite through the Town to the River Weser, where they were all drown'd. The Piper (the Pid'e Piper they call'd him) came to demand his monie: but the summ was now thought to bee too much, especially the thing beeing don so easily too, and so unexspectedly: yet they allotted him a good suffici­ent reward; but the fellow would have his bargain, all or [Page 107] none; or els hee would com by it as hee could: They bid him take his Cours. The fellow set his Pipe to his mouth and to work again as before. And all the Children fol­lowed him out of the Town, to the vale of Koppenburgh, where the Mountain seemed to open and receiv in these lit­tle ones into a preposterous womb, and so closed up again, but certain it is, that it was never yet heard of where, or how that Earth delivered her self of these children again. The Number of the little ones was 130. And the thing was don in Sermon-time, upon the 26 of June, in the Year 1284. as Sethus Calvisius out of the Annals of the Place.

The special Reason why this Storie is here set down, is that which follow's. In the memorie of this disaster, The Men of Hamel date all their publick Matters especially, from this Exodus, or going forth of the Children, setting it down next to the Year of our Lord.

Ammianus Marcellinus telleth of two that suffered unjust­ly under the Tyrannie of Valentinian, Ammian. Marcellin. lib. 27. p. 369 & 370. Edi­tion. Lenden­brogian. Quorum memoriam apud Mediolanum colentes, nunc usque Christiani locum ubi sepul­ti sunt, Ad Innocentes appellant. whose memories the Christi­ans at Millan do yet celebrate, And the Place where they lie buried is called, The Innocents. These two last digressions were not intended to bee mistaken, but by this uninterrested disguis, the more to justifie the Celebrations of these our own Innocents indeed. The several practices of whose Memories, I would have here taken as they are received, and they shall bee more justly then affectionately delivered.

Brocardus in his description of the Holie Land, pointeth you to the verie place where these Infants were slain. Item (saith hee) ostenditur locus occisionis Innocentium puerorum.

Adrichomius and others tell you of a Chappel there about Bethlehem dedicated to their memorie, and under that a Vault, in the which these little Bodies lie buried.

The description of this Vault you have in the Viaggio da Venetia. Al Santo Sepolcro. Verso l'oriente glie un altra grotta, ouero caverna, giu hassa, & stretto, ordinata in modo d'una Croce. é qui furono sepolti gli santi Innocenti, &c. Ancora ne sepeliron una parte di ditti Innocenti fra Bethlehem & Bethama, [Page 108] otto miglia, lequali sepolture se vedeno ancora hoggi di. that is, Eastward, there is another Grott, or Cavern lying low underneath, and the passage verie narrow, it is contrived in­to the fashion of a Cross, and here (som of) the Holie Innocents lie buried. Another part of them lie buried in the waie betwixt Bethlehem and Bethanie, for a matter of eight Miles distance: And their Sepulcres are to bee seen to this verie daie.

This is all the Local memorie of these Infants I met with. And 'tis more too then the good Arabick Nubian Geogra­pher had heard off.

The Daie.§. For their Anniversarie Remembrances concern'd in time, I do not finde their Daie among the Antient Holie Ones.

There is a Greek Apostolical ('tis cal'd so) Institution of the Church Holiedaies. 'Tis true; They are but few there, Indeed they could not bee manie, as then. This bloodie seed of the Church was not yet so much cast upon the ground.

The Greek Enumeration acknowledgeth, and appoint­eth S. Stephen's Daie to bee kept Holie, but of the Innocents no mention there at all.

The Arabick Translation of this Constitution hath more Holiedaies then the Original, and the Hypapante for one.

And you are to rest (saie they [...] upon the Festival (called) Aibubanti, and that is the entrance of the Lord Christ into the Temple. Con­stitut. Arab. Ms. fol. 67. a.

Codex Conci­lior. Arab. Joseph. Ae­gypt. Ms in Archiv. Ro­an Bibl. Bod.This Holiedaie is called in the Romane Church Purifica­tio B. Mariae. Wee call it so too: and from the Saxons, Can­dlemas-Daie; Here the Arabick Greek word Aibubanti ( [...]) seemeth to betraie the trust of the Translator, and therefore though it fall not so directly within my business: yet it is not to bee let go.

[Page 109]It passeth unaccepted against, that this Holiedaie was first made at Constantinople, Meursii glos. in [...]. and no sooner then the times of Ju­stinian the Emperor, if it should bee so. The Arabick Con­stitution doth not so providently begin with Ego Petrus & Paulus, &c. as the Greek; and then afterwards insert a Ho­liedaie of Justinian's making which was no less then 500 Years after.

But to make this up as well as I may.

It is certain that the Arabick Translator followed som other Greek Copie then that which is now most usually received.

It is certain also that this verie Holiedaie was verie anti­ently and immemorially observ'd in the Aethiopick, the Coptick, and the Syriack Churches, &c. and by the name of [...] or, Ingressus Domini, the entrance of the Lord into the Temple. So that for the Thing and Celebration it is absolutely old enough, if not Apostoli­cally so; yet however (and which is the matter) much deeplier engaged in Antiquitie then the times of Justinian: But for the Greek word here in the Arabick disguis, it is not so readie to give a just account (And yet if I should saie, that the Greek word were as antient as the thing, though not in use and solemnitie at Constantinople, till those verie times of Justinian. I know not what anie man could happily saie to the contrarie.

And so I have discharged the Translator as I could. But as to my own matters, It is to bee confessed here, that though the Arabick Constitution maketh more Holiedaies then the Greek, yet it maketh no reckoning of Innocents daie at all: neither indeed do I finde this Festival in anie of the Eastern Almanacks.

For however there bee Lessons appointed for this daie, Novum Te­stamentum Syriacum Ms. in Arch. Biblioth. Bod. set down at the end of som Syriack Translations (as well Ma­nuscript as Printed) of the New Testament, yet the Holie­daie is not to bee found in the Antiochian Calendar.

And though the Aethiopick Church in the Celebration of their Corban or Communion, useth to make a verie solemn and devout Memorial of these Innocents, yet there is no Daie [Page 110] assigned to them in the Calendar of that Church Neither was it to bee look't for. For the Coptick Almanack it self (which is known to prescribe to this other) hath it not neither.

Athanasius Kircher. Grammat. Copt. Sect. 6. C. 3. pag. 332Indeed, None of all these Calendars acknowledg more then seven or eight Holie-daies throughout the whole Year; that is, the Annunciation, the Nativitie, the Epiphanie, &c. Prae­ter haec Festa celebranda, alia non invenio. More then these I finde not, saith One, (and of the Romane interest too) It is his note to the Coptick Calendar: And the reason im­porteth alike for all the rest. Alkas Cyriac. Tab. Astron. Arabs. Ms. in Archiv. Laudin. Bib­lioth. Bodlei­an. 'Tis true. I can tell you of an Arabick Calendar of Alkas at the end of his Astronomical Tables, where I finde this Daie put down under the name and title of [...] Occisio puerorum, or, The Murther of the Infants. But I can perceiv too that this Ca­lendar is not verie antient, as well by the Memorie of Saint Chrysostom there in these words [...] that is, The death of John of the Golden mouth. (as the Eastern Men use to call this Father, and hee is of­ten so quoted in the Arabick Catena): as also by an evi­dent plainness of the Romane ingagements there, not one­ly from the verie great number of Holiedaies, but of such too as expresly belong to the Relation, and the (late too) institution of that Church.

Here I do not mean to sit as Judg upon the Holiedaies, as concerning their Number or Manner of Celebration. I mean onely to speak to you a few words of peremptorie and indif­ferent Truth.

1. That in the most Primitive and Apostolical times, the Calendars yielded up but a very short, and onely princi­pal account of Saints and Martyrs; yet (which is to bee noted by som bodie) The Nativitie of Christ is alwaies one, and one of the chiefest; and moreover then that, the Saturdaie and Sundaie (would you have mee call them both Sabbath daies, or which is wors, that which was the eighth, the seventh daie) were held in equal reverence of Keeping, and Observation.

[Page 111]2. That the Reason why so few Saints-daies were obser­ved in and about the first Times, how substantial soever as for that present, and exigencie, yet draweth on no necessarie Example upon us, were it not that the Eastern Churches in a full Bodie, had left the matter to this Daie, at the verie same rate as they found it then, without making anie con­siderable addition to that small number, anie where, and in the most set and leading Places (as the Coptick, Antiochian Churches, &c. none at all.

3. That it is most likelie, that in the Times immediately succeeding to those which are granted for Primitive, the re­membrance of Saints and Martyrs was practised but in gross, at the Solemn confessionarie Commemorations of all together, in the memorial part of their Communion, and this onely by a naked rehearsal of their good Names (as at the first) without anie appointment of particular daies to this or that Saint. The flying tracks of these Commemo­rations, you may discover in our own latest reformed Li­turgies, or if you would see it nearer to the Top of Time, then let your recours bee to the Aethiopick Missal: you may see that in the Bibliotheca Patrum, or if you bee curious and would see it somwhat more Original, you may Read (that is this part of it) in the Prodromus Coptus. C. 2. De Coptit. Moribus p. 37. & 38.

4. Lastly. That the first assignment of these Remembran­ces in gross, to set, and single daies, and increased too to so notorious a Bulk, was verie probably the design of the Greek, but much more especially of the Latine Church, and for the most part not so antiently neither as to bee reflected upon, with anie commanding or convincing Reverence, nay nor don (when it was) to that just and clear purpose, as would bee wished for in this Case.

'Tis true, So Meurfius his Glossare in [...] The blood of these Innocents was dear and pretious in the sight of God, and like that of all his Saints. The Daie of one's death is better then that of one's Birth, as by an excellent abuse of expression, the Church hath ve­ry well rendred the Place, But do you think that a Report of this kind will make these bones fat? ( Pro. 15.30.) your selvs it may.

[Page 112]'Tis true too, that a good Name is better then pretious Ointment ( Eccl. 7.1.) but do not you know, that these dead Flies, (with Reverence to your Saints bee it spoken) do make this Ointment (which in the right sens indeed would bee verie pretious) to have a stinking Savor?

Let mee tell you the Truth (though I do it with an un-forward will) This is one of the Little Follies that will stick upon you, who otherwise might bee accounted to have been Men in Reputation for Wisdom, and Honor. Eccle­siastes 10.1.

And now I think almost as much as could bee, hath been said against the daie of these innocents. And yet for all that it is certain that the Holiedaie is of verie old stand­ing in both the Churches. And thus, and thus it was ce­lebrated.

As nearer home, I shall begin with the Use of the Abbie of Oseney here at Oxford, (it was so, but the Maps will cheat you now (indeed they are cheated themselvs) 'tis ubi Troja fuit.)

By the use of this Church they were wont to bring out upon this daie, the Foot of a childe, prepared after their fa­shion, and put upon with red and black Colours, as to si­gnifie the dismal part of that daie. They put this up in a Chest in the Vestrie, readie to bee produced at the time, and to bee solemnly carried about the Church, to bee adored by the People.

My autoritie for this you have here set down, out of an old Ritual of that Place, and observed to mee by my verie good, and learned friend Gerard Langbain, Doctor of Divini­tie, and Provost of Queen's College.

The Rubrick in the Ritual is, Item notandum quòd in die Innocentium, post Primam, preparetur Pes innocentis, viz. cum rubro auriculari, nigróque panno super auricularem posito, qui jacet in quadam cista in Revestuario, & postea in Karola deferatur, ut adoretur à populo.

The Rumick wooden Calendar useth to distinguish these Holidaies, not as wee, and other folk do, but by a prettie kinde of Hieroglyphical Memorie.

[Page 113]As instead of S. Gregorie's daie, they set you down in a Picture, a Schoolmaster holding a Rod and Ferula in his hands. It is becaus at that time (as beeing about the be­gining of the Spring) they use to send their children first to School, Adeò superstitiosi sunt quidam, &c. and som are so superstitiously given, as upon this night to have their chil­dren asked the question in their sleep, whether they have anie minde to book, or no; and if they saie, yes, they count it for a very good presage, Sin tacuerint aut negent, stivae eos ad­judicant, but if the children answer nothing, or nothing to that purpose, they put them over to the Plough.

So for S. George's daie they picture a Hors; for S. John Ba­ptist's, A Lamb; ad agnum Dei, de quo vaticinatus est respi­cientes.

For Simon and Jude's daie a Ship, becaus they were Fi­s;hers; and so (to com to the matter) for Innocents daie, the drawn sword of Herod. Olaüs Wormius, Fast. Danicor. Lib. 2. Cap. 19.

It hath been a custom, and yet is elswhere, to whip up the children upon Innocent's daie morning, that the memorie of this Murther might stick the closer, and in a moderate pro­portion to act over the crueltie again in kinde.

Lewis the eleventh was so sad and serious a remembrancer of this Martyrdom, that hee would not bee interrupted by anie affairs of State how important soever, in the Strictest Sanctification of their Daie. Philip de Commines.

But the most commensurate Recollection of this daies bu­siness (did not the Superstitious part spoil the Decorum) is that, which wee are now about. A celebration of the daie, and the divinest parts of that, by a Service and Solemnitie of children.

The Episcopus Choristarum was a Chorister Bishop chosen by his fellow Children upon S. Nicholas daie. Upon this daie rather then anie other, becaus it is singularly noted of this Bishop (as S. Paul said of his Timothie) That hee had known the Scriptures of a Childe) and led a life sanctissimè ab ipsis incunabilis inchoatam. The Reason is yet more properly and expresly set down in the English Festival.

[Page 114] It is sayed that his Fader hyght Epiphanius, and his Moder Ioanna, &c. And whan hee was born, &c. they made him Chri­sten, and caled him Nycolas, that is a mannes name, but he kepeth the name of the child, for he chose to kepe vertues, meknes, and simplenes, and without malice, also we rede while he lay in his cradel, he fasted wednesday and friday: these dayes he would souke but ones of the day and ther wyth held him plesed, thus he lyued all his lyf in vertues with this childes name. And therefore chilldren don him worship before all other Saints. &c. Lib. Festivals in die S. Nicholas fol. 55.

From this daie till Innocents daie at night (it lasted longer at the First) The Episcopus Puerorum was to bear the name, and hold up the State of a Bishop, answerably habited with a Crosier, or Pastoral-staff in his hand, and a Miter upon his head, and such an one too som had, as was multis Episcopo­rum mitris sumtuosior, (saith one) verie much richer then those of Bishops indeed.

The rest of his fellows from the same time beeing, were to take upon them the Style and countefaict of Prebends, yielding to their Bishop (or els as if it were) no less then Canonical obedience.

And look what service the verie Bishop himself with his Dean and Prebends (had they been to officiate) was to have performed, the Mass excepted, the verie same was don by the Chorister Bishop, and his Canons upon the Eve and the Holiedaie.

By the Use of Sarum (for 'tis almost the onely place, where I can hear anie thing of this, that of York in their Processional seemeth to take no notice of it) upon the Eve to Innocents Daie, The Chorister Bishop was to go in so­lemn Procession with his fellows ad altare Sanctae Trinitatis, & omnium Sanctorum (as the Processional, or ad altare Innocen­tium sive Sanctae Trinitatis, as the Pie) in capis, & cereïs ar­dentibus in manibus, in their Copes, and burning Tapers in their Hands, The Bishop begining, and the other Boies fol­lowing. Centum quadraginta quatuor. &c. Then the Vers, Hi emti sunt ex omnibus, &c. And this is sung by three of the Boies.

[Page 115]Then all the Boies sing the Prosa Sedentem in supernae maje­statis arce, &c. The Chorister Bishop in the mean time fu­meth the Altar, first, and then the Image of the Holie Trini­tie. Then the Bishop saith modestâ voce, the Vers Laetamini, and the Respond is, Et Gloriamini, &c. Then the Praier which wee yet retein.

Deus, cujus hodiernâ die praeconium Innocentes Martyres non loquendo, sed moriendo, confessi sunt, omnia in nobis vitiorum mala mortifica, ut fidem tuam quam Lingua nostra loquitur, etiam mori­bus vita fateatur; Qui cum Patre & Spiritu Sancto, &c.

But the Rubrick to the Pie saith, Sacerdos dicat, Both the Praier, and the Laetamini, that is som Rubricks do, other­wise I take the Benediction to bee of more Priestlie conse­quence, then the Oremus, &c. which yet was solemnly per­formed, by the Chorister Bishop, as will follow.

In their return from the Altar Praecentor puerorum incipiat, &c. The Chanter Chorister is to begin De Sancta Maria, &c. The Respond is Felix namque, &c.& sic processio, &c.

The Procession was made into the Quire, by the West door, and in such order (as it should seem by Molanus) ut Decanus cum Canonicis, insimum locum; Sacellani, medium; Scho­lares verò cum suo Episcopo ultimum & dignissimum locum occu­pent, &c. That the Dean and Canons went formost; the Chaplains next; The Bishop with his little Prebends in the last and highest place; the Bishop taketh his seat, and the rest of the children dispose of themselvs upon each side of the Quire, upon the uppermost Asscent, the Canons resi­dent bearing the Incens, and the Book; and the Petit Canons, the Tapers, according to the Rubrick. Ad istam Processionem pro dispositione puerorum scribuntur Canonici ad ministrandum iis­dem; Majores ad thuribulandum, & ad Librum deferendum; Mi­nores ad Candelabra portanda, &c.

And from this hour to the full end of the next daies Pro­cession, Nullus Clericorum solet gradum superiorem asscendere cujus­cunque conditionis fuerit.

Then Episcopus in sede sua dicat versum. Speciosus formâ, &c. Diffusa est gratia in labiis tuis, &c. Then the Praier. Deus qui salutis aetenae, &c. Pax vobis, &c. Then after, the Benedi­camus [Page 116] Domino, Episcopus puerorum in sede sua benedicat populum, in hunc modum, that is, The Bishop of the Children sitting in his Seat, is to give the Benediction, or bless the people in this manner.

Princeps Ecclesiae pastor ovilis cunctam plebem tuam benedicere digneris, &c. Then turning towards the People hee singeth or saieth (for all this was in plano cantu, that age was so far from skilling discant, or the Fuges, that they were not com up to Counterpoint) Cum mansuetudine & charitate humiliate vos ad benedictionem; the Chorus answering, Deo gratias. Then the Cross-bearer delivereth up the Crosier to the Bishop again, & tunc Episcopus puerorum primò signando se in fronte sic dicat. Adjutorium nostrum in nomine Domini, the Chorus an­swering, Qui fecit Coelum et Terram.

Then after som other like Cerimonies performed, the Episcopus Puerorum or Chorister Bishop begineth the Comple­torium or Complyn, and that don, hee turneth towards the Quire, and saith, Adjutorium, &c. then last of all hee saith, ‘Benedicat vos omnipotent Deus,
Pater, et Filius, et Spiritus Sanctus.
In die Sanctorum Innocentium ad secundas vesperas accipiat Cruciferarius baculum Episcopi puerorum, et cantent Antiphon. Princeps Ecclesiae, &c. sicut ad primas vesperas. Similiter Epi­scopus puerorum benedicat populum supradicto modo, et sic complea­tur Servitium hujus diei. Rubric. Processional.’

And all this was don with that Solemnitie of Celebra­tion, and appetite of seeing that the Statute of Sarum was forced to provide, sub poena majoris Excommunicationis nè quis pueros illos in praefata Processione, vel aliàs in suo ministerio, pre­mat aut impediat quoquo modo, quò minùs pacificè valeant facere et exsequi quod illis imminet faciendum, &c. that no man what­soever, under the pain of Anathema should interrupt or press upon these Children, at the Procession spoken of before, or in anie other part of their Service in anie waies, but to suf­fer them quietly to perform and exsecute what it concern'd them to do.

And the part was acted yet more earnestly, for Molanus saith, that this Bishop in som places, did reditus, census, et Ca­pones, [Page 117] annuò accipere, receiv Rents, Capons, &c. during his Year, &c. And it seemeth by the Statute of Sarum, that hee held a kinde of Visitation, and had a ful correspondencie of all other State and Prerogative, for the Statute saith. Electus autem puer Chorista in Episcopum modo solito puerili officium in Ec­clesia (prout fieri cousuevit) licenter exsequatur, Convivium aliquod de caetero, vel visitationem, exteriùs, vel interiùs, nullatenus; sed in domo communi cum Seciis conversetur, &c. Ecclesiam, et Scholas cum caeteris Choristis statim post Festum Innocentium frequen­tando. &c.

More then all this, Molanus telleth of a Chorister Bishop in the Church of Cambraie, who disposeth of a Prebend which fell void in his moneth (or Year, for I know not which it was) to his Master, quasi jure ad se devoluto, Quam collatio­nem beneficii verè magnifici Reverendissimus Praesul, cùm puer grato animo Magistrum suum bene de Ecclesiâ meritum nominâsset, gratam, et ratam habuit.

In Case the Chorister Bishop died within the Moneth, his Exsequies were solemnized with an answerable glorious Pomp and Sadness. Hee was buried (as all other Bishops) in all his Ornaments, as by the Monument in Stone spoken of before it plainly appeareth, the express or Image where­of I have here set down in the dead Posture, as repeteing o­ver a passage of that kinde, which deserveth to bee remem­bred, though it were not fit to have been don.

[tomb effigy of the Boy Bishop of Sarum in horizontal position]

[Page 118]For this Antick at the Feet of the Childe, it is also a lit­tle to bee spoken to.

This Manner in Sepulture is verie antient and usual, both in the Christian, and the Common Interest; and yet, mee thinks, 'tis a hard matter to six a through pac't Reason up­on it.

Geographia Nubiensis Part. 3. Cli. 47.The Arabick Nubian Geographer hath this piece of Storie. Hee verie fully describeth the Sepulcres of the Se­ptem Dormientium (the thing I think is not so, but will serv the turn, as if it were true) and then saith.

At the Feet of these Dead Sleepers, and to each of them a Dog laie to the Tomb, his head reflex't upon his Tail.

It will bee a safe and easie waie howsoever (and I think 'tis true too) that all these appointments of Gentrie came down from the Egyptians. It seem's wee have not observed yet how much of the great business of Heraldrie wee have taken from them; whereas wee that wonder at this odd kinde of writing, express and turn it into English our selvs. Pausanias in the Boeotica, where hee speaketh of the Sepulcres of those Thebans, which so stoutly fell in the Macedonick war; saith, that their Tombs had no Inscriptions, [...], but the statue of a Lion stood by as to signifie their courage (and fortitude.). Ptolomeus the Phaestion ren­dreth the Original of these things up to Hercules. But that huge Name signifieth so much, and so little, that I know not how to make the Synchronism.

The matter, if it bee taken from the Original, is plainly Hieroglyphical. That People were the First, that read nei­ther backwards nor forwards, but a waie of their own. Caussinus and others may bee seen to the 37 Hieroglyphick of Horus Apollo.

For the Thing here, The Head indeed and forepart was much defaced, but it was not untoward to guess the Dragon by his tail, where yet I did not onely make use of my own Sagacitie (such as it is) but of that also of my Ingenious friends, M. Edmund Chilmead, and M. Richard Goodridge, who discovered no otherwise upon the Place.

The little Monster (I think I may call it so) seemeth to [Page 119] acknowledg it self to som Noble Familie, but I believ 'tis higher yet; and as to express a Bishop in everie point, re­ferreth up to That of the Psalmist, Conculcabis Leonem & Dra­conem, &c. For the Smalness of this Matter had reason to entitle it to the divinest looks they had at that time; and a child of this kinde might bee thought fit enough to tread upon the Old Serpent.

In the Greek Traditions concerning the daie I finde not anie thing like to this Manner of Celebration. Durand. lib. 7. cap. 44. Numb. 15. And in the Latine but verie little. Durand indeed maketh mention (and onely so) of the Benedictio Puerorum in die Innocentium. Beleth saith as much. Nocturnos & universum Officium crastinum cele­brant Diaconi, quòd Stephanus fuerat Diaconus, & ad Lectiones concedunt Benedictiones (quod tamen facere non debent, saith Du­rand) ista tamen ut ejus diei Missam celebret Hebdomodarius. Sic eodem modo, omne officium perficiunt Sacerdotes ipso die beati Jo­annis, quòd hic Sacerdos fuerit, et Pueri in ipso Festo Innocentum, quia Innocentes pro Christo occisi sunt. Beleth Divin. Offic. Ex­plicat. Cap. 70. The Saxons had, and kept the daie, as it seemeth by their Evangelistarie, where the Rubrick to the Gospel is Ðys godspel seal on cyldamasse dag. This is the Godspel for Childmass or Childermass daie. But of anie Cho­rister Bishop, as to bear a part in the Observation I did not attein unto: and since I can almost perceiv that it was not much to bee exspected, and I am not to dissemble that a verie ingenuous friend of mine M. Thomas Barlow of Queens Col­lege suggested to mee as much. The Custom doth verie much appear to have taken its rise from the Romish; but how an­tiently, I must confess, I know not. It began to loos it self more especially from the times of the Councel of Basil; in the 21 Session, whereof it receiveth this sharp rebuke.

Turpem abusum in quibusdam frequentatum Ecclesiis, quo certis anni Celebritatibus nonnulli cum Mitra, baculo, et vestibus Ponti­ficalibus more Episcoporum benedicunt, (quod Festum Fatuorum vel Innocentium, vel puerorum, in quibusdam regionibus nuncupa­tur) &c. Haec sancta Synodus Statuit, et jubet &c. nè haec, aut si­milia ludibria exerceri ampliùs permittant. Session. 21.

I know not whether it will bee best to saie, that the Reve­rend [Page 120] Fathers might have been less mistaken, but that the Fe­stum Fatuorum was a distinct Holiedaie from the Innocents daie is a clear case by Durand. ubi suprá.

Otherwise I think it is not much to bee thought, that God took anie verie great pleasure in this Sacrifice of Fools.

It seemeth indeed to suit well with Flesh, and Cerimonie, that the Memories of the young Innocents should bee kept in store by a Holiedaie of Children, but 'twas but strange fire. The word of the Lord was pretious in those daies, when the Childe Samuel ministred before Him in a Linen Ephod.

All this notwithstanding you may note too, That these are not the least of those little Ones which have been made capable of this improper excellencie.

Baronius telleth of an Archbishop of Rhemes consecrated at five years old. But see Sethus Calvisius to the Year after Christ 925. yet a little further, and that you may the less bee mooved at this small thing represented here unto you in such grand apparel: I shall set down in the last place (as connatural to the business) a Storie of an Episcopus Piscis, or a Fish in Bishop's habit, you must not question whether this bee jure Divino, or no: This Sea-ghost appeared in this form and fashion.

[Page 121]

[depiction of a "Bishop-fish"]

You may finde as much in Gesner and others, but Ronde­letius is my Autor, and these are his words.

Hee had related before of a Monk-Fish, and then hee saith.

[Page 122]

[depiction of a "Monk-Fish"]

Monstrum aliud multò superiore mïrabilius subjungo, quod accepi à Gisberto Medico Germano, cujus antè aliquoties memini, quod ipse ab Amsterodamo cum literis acceperat; quibus ille affirmabat, Anno 1531, in Polonia visum id Monstrum marinum, Episcopi habitu, & ad Poloniae Regem delatum, cui signis quibusdam indi­care videbatur vehementer se cupere ad mare reverti, quò deductus, statim in id se conjecit. Sciens omitto plura quae de hoc Monstro mihi narrata sunt, quia fabulosa esse arbitror, Ea est enim hominum va­nitas, ut rei per se satìs mirabili, praeter verum plura etiam affin­gant; [Page 123] Ego qualem monstri iconem accepi, talem omnino exhibeo, ve­ra ea sit annon, nec affirmo, nec refello. So Rondeletius. Not to bestow much upon the Translation, In short it is: That in the Year 1531 a Fish was taken in Polonia, Such an one as represented the whole appearance and appointments of a Bishop. This Sea-Monster was brought to the King, and after a while seemed very much to express to him, that his minde was to return to his own Element again, which the King perceiving commanded that it should bee so, and the Bishop was carried back to the Sea, and cast himself into it immediately.

There is a stranger thing belonging to this Storie then the thing it self, that Cromer who lived then, Cujus corpo­ris magnitu­do facies ac cultus, talis erat omnino qualem vi­demus Epi­scopi cujus­dam Romani. and wrote the Historie of Polonia at that verie time, should know nothing of the matter.

Bellonius saith, that this Fish was for all the world like to a Romane Bishop, suâ mitrâ, suíque reliquis ornamentis, &c. What Poperie in the Sea too? Away with these Bables: 'tis a marvail that such fopperies should bee pretended, to the beating down of substantial Truths, (becaus you and I must live forsooth,) and yet the things themselvs should signifie just nothing at all.

FINIS.
DE Aeris & Epochis. …

DE Aeris & Epochis. SHEWING The Several Accounts of Time among all Nations, from the Creation to the present Age.

By JOHN GREGORIE, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.

‘יהוה’ ‘IVSTVS VIVET FIDE’ ‘DEVS PROVIDEBIT.’

I. Y

LONDON, Printed by William Du-gard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to bee sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.

‘VIA VNA COR VNVM’


DE AERIS & EPOCHIS. Shewing The Several Accounts of Time among all Nations, from the Creätion to the present Age.

TO determine the Confusion of Things, Chro­nologie taketh part with Historie, which in­terweaving the Account of Time with the passages of Storie, rendreth the Series more distinct, and fitter for comprehension.

Not to bee curious about the description of Time, Confession. 11. cap. 14. where­of S. Austin confessed, Si nemo ex me quaerat, scio; si quae­renti explicare velim, nescio. 'Tis the measure of all our Mo­tions, and is divided By the two greater Lights of Heaven, into Daies, and Moneths, and Years, Gen. 1. The two lesser parts of Time will offer themselvs in the consideration of the greater.

A Year, though it might have been as truly said of anie other Star or Planet, yet is it now made proper to the Sun and Moon, whose Revolution in the Zodiack is the gene­ral [Page 128] definition of this part of Time, so that everie Moneth, in the stricter sens, should bee taken for a Lunar Year: but that use hath prevailed against the right acception, making the Moon's Year to bee that space of Time wherein shee measureth the Zodiack twelv times, or maketh twelv Conjunctions with the Sun. This cours shee dispatcheth in the space of 354 daies, 8 hours, and som odd minutes, eleven daies, or well nigh before the Sun.

The Sun's Year is the Revolution of his Motion in the Ecliptick, which if it bee accounted in the Zodiack, it useth to bee called Annus Temporalis, becaus it so distinguisheth the quatuor Tempora, Summer, Winter, &c. It is otherwise term­ed (and indeed most properly) Annus Tropicus or vertens, becaus the Astronomers of old reckoned this Year from the Tropicks first, as it may seem, though after also from the Equinoctial's depending upon the Sun's entrance into these Points, Cabasil. in 3. Ptolem. C. 2. which they used to observ with a great brazen Circle planted [...], in the square Porch at Alexandria, mentioned by Hipparchus, whom Ptolomie citeth in the third of his Almagest. & 2. Chap. which is concerning the quantitie of the Year.

If the Revolution bee accounted from anie fixed Star to the same again, the Year is then called Annus Sidereus, first appointed by Thebit the Arabian, and very much advanced by the late learned Copernicus against the unsounder opini­on of Ptolomie, in whose judgment it seemed as deceivable as to account from the wandring Saturn, or Jupiter.

A Year therefore in our most useful sens, is that space of Time, in which the Sun passeth through the twelv Signs rec­koning his Motion from under anie one of the fixed Stars (but from Aries to chuse) unto the same again.

The precise Quantitie of this Year in Daies is determin'd of by all to bee 365, but the surplus of Hours and Mi­nuts hath verie much and vainly exercised the most curious.

To saie nothing of Democritus, Harpalus, Meton, Aristar­chus, Archimedes and others, who assigned each of them his several Quantitie. Julius Cesar's Mathematician setteth down 365 daies and six hours: Hipparchus and Ptolomie found this [Page 129] to exceed as much as made up the three hundredth part of one daie. Albategnius doubled this proportion. The Corre­ctors of the Romane Calendar like none of these, and whereas all the rest adjudged the Surplus to bee less then the fourth part of a Daie, Copernicus findeth it to bee more, and setteth down 365 daies, 6 hours, and 40 seconds. Censori­nus therefore said well that the Year consisted of 365 daies, and one part of the sixth, but how much, saith hee, no bodie know's. But the Julian proportion, as most readie for cal­culation, hath obtein'd in Chronologie. Emend. Tem­por. l. 1. Erit igitur (so Sca­liger said of his) instituti nostri fundamentum Annus Julianus.

CHAP. I. Concerning the Characters of Time.

A Character in Chronologie, is a certain Note where­by an infallible judgment is made of the time pro­posed.

They are either Natural or Civil. Natural, as Eclipses, the Cycles of the Sun and Moon, &c. Civil, as the Sabba­tical Years, the Indictions &c. Their importance in Histo­rie is more then their appearance. Sine his, without these (saith Scaliger) omnis conatus irritus, 'tis to no purpose to go to work. Character temporis (as the same Autor) constituit fines audaciae Computatorum, ut qui in hoc negotio Characterem negligat non magis fit audiendus, quàm qui negat principia. Can. Isagog. Wee begin with the natural Characters, and first

CHAP. II. Of the Eclipses.

EClips is more properly said of the Moon then of the Sun. The Eclips of the Moon is caussed by the Inter­position of the Earth. The Eclips of the Sun by the Inter­position [Page 130] of the Moon, therefore the Sun cannot bee Eclip­sed but when hee is in Conjunction with the Moon; nor the Moon, but when shee is in opposition to the Sun: yet neither do the Eclipses com to pass, as often as these Lights oppose or conjoin; for then they should bee Monethlie: Onely that Conjunction or Opposition maketh an Eclips which is Diametral; that is, when the center of the Earth and the centers of both the Luminaries shall bee in the same line, which hapneth to bee there onely, where the Moon's Eccentrick cutteth the Sun's in that Line, which is therefore called the Ecliptick. This intersection is (as needs it must) but in two places, called by Ptolomie the Nodi, one asscending, the other descending. The Arabians term them the Dragon's Head and Tail, from the fashion of the Intersections as they imagine it. But neither do these Inter­sections keep one certain place, but moving make a Circle of 18 Years, so that the Eclips of the Moon which shall fall out the tenth of December next, in the 20 deg. of Gemini, shall 18 Years hence com to pass in the same Sign again.

Therefore Eclipses beeing Periodical, the begining of the World supposed, the Astronomer by Calculation can attein to anie, and all that ever have been by the same Rules, by which hee foretelleth those that shall bee so, that if anie where in Storie this Character shall occurr, nothing can more assure the Time.

Let Instance bee made in the Begining of the Grecian Em­pire, the appointment whereof dependeth upon the Battel at Arbela, or (as Plutarch correcteth) at Gaugamele. Eleven daies (saith the same Autor) before this fight an Eclips of the Moon was seen. 'Twas the second hour of the Night, saith Plinie, the Moon then rising in Sicilie. Astronomical calculation demonstrateth that this Eclips (all things con­sidered) could not fall out but in the second Year of the 112 Olympiad, which was the 3619 of the World, the Sun beeing then in the 24 deg. of Virgo. And therefore that God in Cicero mistook the cours of the Stars, who pre­saged, Cic. de. Divi­nat. lib. 1. that if the Moon should bee Eclips'd in Leo, a little before the Sun's rise, the Victorie should fall on Alexander's [Page 131] side. So indeed it did, but neither was the Moon then in Leo, nor the Sun in the East. De Emend. Temp. lib. 5. Chronolog. Bunting. fol. 126. For such is the assurance of this Character, that though the Astronomer learn of the Historian, that there was an Eclips; yet where, and oft-times when it was, the Historian might learn of him.

Eusebius and Dio set down that there was an Eclips of the Sun a little before the death of Augustus; but by a Calculati­on Astronomical, the Eclips was not of the Sun but of the Moon, nor was it a little before, but a little after his death.

S. Hierom reporteth, that in his time (about the Year of Christ 393) so terrible a darkness overshadowed the earth ( obscurato sole) that everie man thought the World was at an end. Nos scindimus Ecclesiam (saith hee to Pammachius) qui ante paucos menses, circadies Pentecostes, cum obscurato Sole omnis Mundus jam jámque venturum Judicem formidaret.

But the Astronomers finde that there could bee no Eclips of the Sun then, nor near about that time; but in such ca­ses they answer, that the Interposition was made by som un­usual exhalations, of that opacitie, which might intercept the Sun's light, in as great a measure as if the Moon had com between; Such an one was that Eclips (as som Histo­rians miscal it) which was seen so often in one Year be­fore Cesar's death, and that of the Year 798, the Sun bee­ing so dark for 18 daies together, ut naves in mari aberrarent, Scal, in Pro­legom. pag. 51. which was a greater Eclips then the Moon could make.

Yet neither is it here to bee dissembled that the Astrono­mers themselvs do not alwaies agree about this infallible Character, for Moller findeth out, by his Frisian Tables, manie Eclipses which cannot bee attein'd unto by the Pru­tenick Tables, or those of the King Alphonsus, &c. To ex­cuse this, wee are to laie an imputation upon their Tables, as beeing not all exacted from the same Hypotheses, or not performed with like elaborate erection: Or otherwise wee are to saie (supposing the Tables to bee exact) that som er­ror was committed in the calculation of the Eclips. And in this case wee are to guid our selvs by the greatest Ma­sters in the Art. For what if Moller saie that the Year of [Page 132] Cesar Augustus his diseas cannot bee demonstrated by the Eclips of the Moon in the begining of Tiberius, becaus the Moon was Eclipsed both the Year before and after. Se­thus Calvisius may satisfie, that neither of those could bee to­tal, as this was, and whereas the one of those was seen at 7, the other at 8 of the Clock at night, this was seen at 5 in the Morning.

And therefore all this notwithstanding, the Character is to bee accounted excellent and of singular importance, which Aristotle himself, not ignorant of, appointed Calisthe­nes at the siege of Babylon, to reserv with all possible care the [...], or Astronomical calculations of the Chaldeans, as Simplicius relateth. And the care was taken, yet none of these observations (though known to bee very manie) could escape the injurie of time, save onely three Eclipses, which came to Ptolomie's hands, unto which, himself added three more of his own observation, serving very much to the ad­vancement of Historical Truth, though this bee but a small number, in comparison of those manie which the Histori­ans here and there have committed to Memorie; for indeed wee are not for this matter, much less beholden to ignorance then to knowledg. Wee know when it was that a Romane General durst not give Battel for fear of an Eclips: and that of the Moon in the begining of Tiberius, as one men­tioned, Tacitus An­nal 1. as Tacitus can tel us, affrightned the mutinous Soul­diers into order and accord: And 'tis not long since the Conqueror of the Indies persuaded the Natives, that hee had complained of them to their Moon, and that such a daie the God should frown upon them, which was nothing els but an Eclips, which hee had found out in his Al­manack.

However this ignorant Admiration was an occasion to the Men of those daies, not to leav so strange an Accident, as an Eclips out of their Storie, especially if it happened to bee great, or concurring with anie notable design: little aiming at that which the reach of those daies hath brought to pass upon them, which by turning over the leavs of that celestial volume, recovereth their Eclipses again; and by [Page 133] application of this Character, maketh as sure of the time proposed, as if it had been written in Heaven.

CHAP. III. Concerning the Cycle of the Sun.

THe division of the Year into 52 Weeks, becaus it setteth off one daie supernumerarie, maketh an alteration in all the rest; so that the daies of the Week (which use to bee assigned by the letters of the Alphabet) fall not alike in se­veral Years; but Sundaie this Year, must fall out upon the next Year's Mondaie, and so forwards till seven Years; and (becaus the Bissextile superaddeth another daie everie fourth Year) till four times seven, that is twentie eight Years bee gon about. This Revolution is called the Cycle of the Sun taking name from Sundaie, the Letter whereof (called therefore Dominical) it appointeth for everie year. It is found by adding nine (for so far the Circle was then gon about) to the Year of our Lord, and dividing the whole by 28. So to the year following 1639, if 9 bee added, the nu­merus factus will bee 1648, which divided by 28 leaveth 24 for the Cycle of the Sun.

CHAP. IV. Concerning the Cycle of the Moon.

THe Cycle of the Moon is the Revolution of 19 years, in which space (though not precisely) the Lunations do recurr.

For becaus of the Sun and Moon's unequal motions, the changes falling out inconstantly, the time of Conjunction could not bee still the same. This varietie the Antients per­ceiving to bee Periodical, endeavored to comprehend what Circle it made in going about. Cleostratus the Tenedian per­suading [Page 134] himself, that the Varietie finished within the space of 8 years proposed his Octaëtris, affording thereby no smal direction; But the error of this was discovered in part by Harpalus first, and after that by Eudoxus, but more fully by the learned Meton, who, finding that the Revoluti­no was not completed in less time then the space of 19 years, set forth his Enneadecaëtris, within the Circle where­of the Lunations (though not exactly) do indeed recur; so that if the Quadrature of the Moon shall fall out as this daie of this year; the like shall return again, the same daie of the 19. year succeeding. This Cycle is therefore called Cyclus decennovennalis, and from the Autor Annus Metonicus, from whose Athenians the Egyptians may seem to have recei­ved it, as the Romanes from them, in letters of gold; from whence, (if not from the more pretious use of it) it ob­tein'd to bee call'd, Origan. as yet still it is, the Numerus Aureus, or Golden Number. It was made Christian by the Fathers of the Nicene Councel, as beeing altogether necessarie to the finding out of the Neomenia Paschalis, upon which the Feast or Easter, and all the Movable rest depended. It self is found by adding an unite to the year of our Lord, and dividing the whole by 19, the remainder shall bee the Cycle of the Moon, or if nothing remain, the Cycle is out, that is nineteen.

CHAP. V. Concerning the Ferial Character.

THe Character of anie Time propos'd, is that which re­maineth after all the Septenaries bee cast away from the whole summ converted into daies.

In rationibus Solis & Lunae (saith Scaliger) de dierum aggre­gato semper abjicimus omnes septenarios; & residuum, cum horis & scrupulis est Character temporis propositi.

So the Character of a Moneth consisting of 29 daies, 12 hours, and 793 minutes, is 1.12.793. that is Feria prima­hor. [Page 135] 12. min. 793. for so much remaineth more then the Septenaries. The Ecclesiastical year of old, began at Easter, the first Week whereof was all Holiedaie, the daies beeing distinguished by prima, secunda, tertia, &c. added unto Feria. From thence the daies of anie other Week began to bee called Feria prima, secunda, &c. 'Tis a Character of good assurance if the Historian set down Quâ Feriâ, what daie of the Week the Act was don. And if hee set down what Ho­lie or Festival daie it was, 'tis a double Character. An Ex­ample shall bee the deceas of great Otho, which, as som Histo­rians cast, happened in the Year of Christ 972, as others, in the Year 973, but they saie too, that hee died the seventh of Maie, upon the fourth daie of the Week, and a little be­fore Whitsontide; but the seventh of Maie could not fall upon the Feria quarta, but in a year whose Dominical letter was E. which was the Letter of 973, as 'tis certain from the Cycle of the Sun, which that year was 2.

Besides, the Cycle of the Moon was 5, therefore the Ter­minus Paschalis that year was March the 22, therefore the 11 of Maie was Whitsundaie, which cannot bee said of the years before or after. Therefore 'tis certain that Otho died that year, or els hee died not that daie.

CHAP. VI. Concerning the great Conjunctions.

COnjunctio superiorum is not the same thing now as of old. The antient Astrologers called no Conjunction great but that of trium Superiorum, when Saturn, Jupiter, and Mars met altogether. But the later finding the effects of the two conjoined more strong and prevailing then of the three; have given the name of a great Conjunction onely to that of Saturn and Jupiter.

These two superior Planets finishing their Circles in un­equal time, they make three Conjunctions in the whole Re­volution. The twelv Signs in Astrologie are divided into [Page 136] four Trigons, or Triplicities, each denominated from the connatural Element; and so they are three Fierie, three Aë­rie, three Waterie, and three Earthie. Nineteen years, and som odd daies and hours gon about, Saturn and Jupiter meet together in Signs of the same Triplicitie: 198 years gon about they meet in signs of several Triplicitie, but not altogether in complying: 794 years and 214 daies gon a­bout they meet in Signs of contrarie Triplicitie. The first of these is called Conjunctio Minor; the second Media. This latter Magna, the great Conjunction, when Saturn joineth force with Jupiter in the fierie Trigon or Triplicitie, which though it happen in 794 years, and 214 daies, yet it useth to bee accounted by the Numerus rotundus of 800.

By these Conjunctions, Cardinal Aliac undertook to re­form the whole State of Chronologie, and make infallible demonstration of the years of the World.

To bring this about, hee first of all supposed out of Al­bumazar the figure of Heaven when the World began: That the Horoscope was in the seventh of Cancer, and that the Sun was in the 19 of Aries, the rest of the Planets accor­ [...]ingly assigned.

This taken for granted, hee brought himself to that first and great Conjunction, which falling out in the wateris Triplicitie, insinuated such an influence into the Inferior bodies, as brought upon the World that universal Deluge, as Aoniar, and Albumazar delivered out of their Antients. By this Conjunction hee assigned 2242 years for the Inter­val betwixt the Flood, and the begining of things, but which was neither true in it self, nor following his own Principles. And therefore wee may imagine what Conclu­sion hee was likely to make, whose foundation was not bet­ter appointed: though otherwise a great Conjunction may bee set down among the Characters of Chronologie; but rather to assure, then to finde out the moments of time; and more concerning that which is to com, then those which are gon and past.

Concerning the Civil Characters, and first of the Sabbatical Years.

AS the Jews everie seventh Daie, so their Land everie seventh year kept a Sabbath, which was therefore called Annus Sabbaticus, and the whole seven, Hebdomas Annalis, a Week of Years. These seven years seven times told made 49 years, and the 50 was their Jubile, so called from Jobel, which, as som Rabbins interpret, is as much in Arabick, as Aries in Latine; Talmud. in Rosh. Hassa­na. for so Aquiba one of their Doctors reporteth, that when hee travelled in Arabia hee heard the people call a Ram Jobel. Add hereunto that when the Jubile came, a great sound of Trumpets was to bee made through all Israël in sign of the Remissions, and these Trumpets, they saie, were made of Rams horns. But this, though favoured also by the Chaldie Paraphrase, yet soundeth not so credibly to the Learned, Targum in Josu. 6. v. 4. especially the known Arabick not acknowledging that word. And if not, then it may bee said, that Jobel signifieth anie Musical (how­ever horrid) sound, so called as Masius helpeth it out, from Jubal the Father of them which plaie upon the Harp and Organ.

The Jubiles though by Institution begining at the 2500 year from the Creätion, yet are Proleptically reckoned from the begining of the world; which also was considered by the Autor, for the first year of Moses his first Jubile, was the last of the 51 Jubile from the Worlds Creätion, ac­counting from the Autumn where the Jubiles begin.

If it bee said that such or such a thing was don in a Sab­batical year, 'tis a very good Character in the Jewish Chro­nologie.

'Tis an ordinarie opinion that Nebuchadnezar was the same with that Nabopolassar in the Canon of Ptolomie; But [Page 138] 'tis certain out of the Prophet Jeremie, that the 18. year of Nebuchadnezer was a Sabbatical year, and it may bee demon­strated out of the Almagist, that the 18 of Nabopolassar was not, therefore they were not the same by this Character.

But in accounting the Sabbatical years, this rule is to bee observed, that the same year which endeth one Jubile, begin­eth the next, or otherwise the Scripture it self would bee charged with error. And therefore Bucholcer and others who were not aware of this, are not to bee trusted for their Sab­batical Chronologie. Hescych. Le­xic. in [...]. Eusebius himself was not much bet­ter advis'd: and yet Hesychius could tell that [...] was [...] the space of 49 years.

Those who think the Sabbatical years noted in the Jew­ish Calendars not to bee truly so call'd, may as well saie so of their Sabbatical daies. Those who think the Sabbatical years were disused in the Captivitie, must consider better of the Prophets words, who, when they seem to saie such a thing, are not to bee understood of the simple celebration, but the Moral Solemnities, as Jer. 34. and elswhere. Those who think the Sabbatical years, though instituted, yet never to have been observed among the Jews, may repent of that mistake as well as Scaliger himself. In Frag. p. 34.

CHAP. II. Concerning the Indictions.

INdiction ab indicendo. 'Twas the Revolution of 15 years, devised, as our Bede thinketh, to avoid confusion in Chronologie, likely to arise from the Common use, which was to saie, such a thing was don in such a year of such a Reign, without considering what time of the year the King that then was began to rule, or what time the Pre­decessor ended. But why this period should be called an In­diction, the causses given saith Calvisius, multae sunt quas si legas, cùm diversissimae sint, incertior abis quàm accessisti. Several reasons are set down in Sir Henrie Spelman's Glossarie, out [Page 139] of Cedren, Scaliger, Paul Petavius and others. The first and greatest pains about this were taken by the learned Onuphri­us, yet unprofitably. Scaliger considered of a new reason, but which Baronius refuteth ad Annum Christi 312. Scaliger again replieth in his next edition, and seemeth to acquit himself of the Cardinal's exception, Scalig. in Prolegom. p. 210. but cannot bee heard neither by Petavius nor Calvisius, though as much adored by this later, as slighted by the former. And indeed saith Pe­tavius, this is one of those things which could never yet bee found out, through very much enquirie hath been made after it.

Indiction is most properly said de Tributo Indicto, Cod. lib. 10. Tit. 16. as appea­reth by the Title in the Code. And becaus these Tributes in­dicebantur in Quinquennium, therefore that which was wont to bee called Lustrum, was otherwise acknowledged by the Name of Indiction, answering to the Greek [...]; as in Circle, so in use; the Indiction beeing nothing els but a Romane Olympiad. Succeeding times put tertia Lustra to­gether, and called three by the Name of an Indiction; so reckoning their years, and begining at the Emperor Theo­dosius, saith Cedren, but deceiving himself, for the 273 Olym­piad in the Fasti Siculi hath this Synchronism. [...], that is, Here begin the Indictions of Constantine. Hee saith of Constantine, for that before this time there had obteined in the Antiochian use, a Julian In­diction. Indictio Juliana Antiochensium, begining in Julius Cesar, 48 years, Ante C. N. noted therefore in the same Fasti with an [...], or the first Indiction, but as I think of 5, not 15 years. Those of Constantine began (as was said) in the 273 Olympiad, in the third Consulship of Constantine, and second of Licinius. Therefore they began 312 years post Ch. Nat. as onely Petavius is not certain of. Therefore the Indictions began at the verie dismission of the Nicene Council; succeeding, saith Onuphrius, in place of the Olympiads, which, as unchristian, the Emperor had for­bidden.

The same Autor citeth a Canon of the Council, That the Bishops Rescripts &c. should bear the date of the Indicti­ons, [Page 140] &c. but to bee taken upon his own trust, for the Ca­non, saith Petavius, is not there to bee sound.

But certain it is, that the Indictions began at this time, consisting of 15 years: and if not with som relation to those three years, during which the Council assembled, al­lowing for each of those a Lustrum or Quinquennal, then likely for the reason given by Venerable Bede, or at least-wise for som other which wee know not off.

And becaus at the verie same time the Emperor celebrated his Vicennalia with great largesses and distribution of dole unto the people, as the use was; therefore the Greek of New Rome rendred the Latine Indicto by [...], distri­butio, and Palladius in the life of S. Chrysostom, saith, that the Asian Bishops came to Constantinople, decima tertiâ Distri­butione, And with the same respect, the Rescript of Hono­rius relaxeth the debita contracta, usque ad initium Fusionis quintae, meaning the Indiction. Cod. Theod. De indulgent. lib 6.

The Emperor Justinian made a Law, That no Writing should pass without the date of the Indictions &c. sic enim (saith hee) per omnia tempus servabitur, &c. L. Sancimus No­vel. 42. And the providence was material, for the Indicti­ons have proved to bee an excellent Character in Chrono­logie, for the assurance of things don since the times of Con­stantine.

For the time of the year, the Indictions were fixed in Se­ptember originally, as may bee seen by the Rescript of Ana­stasius in L. ult. de An. & Tribut. And in the 24 of that Moneth as the Subscriptions testifie: but not alike reteined in both the Empires, for by the use of Constantinople, they begin at the [...]alends of September, since the time of Justi­nian saith Scaliger, and that in conformitie to their new year, which began at the same time: but the Western Cesars date from the 24 as of old: The first useth to bee called In­dictio Constantinopolitana, the second Caesarea, add to those the Romane Indiction, begining (as their year also) from the Calends of Januarie.

When wee finde in Storie that such a thing is said to have [Page 141] been don in such an Indiction, as Indictione primâ, secun­dâ, tertiâ, &c. the number is still to bee understood of the same, not several Circles. For instance. Pelagius the Pope beeing accused of the Faction, against his Predecessor Vigilius, went up into the Pew, and putting the Gospel-book upon his head purged himself by Oath. This was don saith the Appendix to Marcellinus, Indictione secundâ. Hee meaneth not the second Indiction, but the second year of the seventeenth.

To give an instance of this Character.

Rome (saith Prosper, Cassiodorus, &c.) was taken by Alaric the Goth. Varane and Tertullo Coss, or at least, as Marcelli­nus, Varane solo Cos. for his Collegue Tertullus was not cho­sen till the Calends of Julie. Marcellinus addeth, that it was taken Indictione octavâ. Orosius, and Cedren undertake that this was don in the year post. Ch. Nat. 411. but this answereth to Indictio nona, therefore the Citie was taken the year before, by this Character.

CHAP. III. Concerning the Periods.

THe Indictions, as the Circles of the Sun and Moon are verie assuring Characters even by themselvs, sed eorum fallax est usus nisi quaedam ex illis Periodus instituatur, but of much greater certaintie, saith Scaliger, if brought into a Circle or period; which was also considered by Dionysius the Abbat, who therefore (taking som example from Victo­rius Aquitanus) multiplied the Cycle of the Moon into the Cycle of the Sun, that is 19 into 28, which made up 532 years, and so it was called the Cyclus Magnus, and from the Autor, Dionysianus. Unto this the great Scaliger superad­ded the third Character of Indictions, the Revolution▪ whereof hee multiplied into the other two, that is 532 by 15, and the whole Circle was 7980: and this is that magna Periodus Juliana Scaligeri; Juliana, from the Julian form, by [Page 142] which it measureth, and Scaligeri, from the last Hand.

The admirable condition of this Period is to distinguish everie year within the whole Circle, by a several certain Character: for, as in that of Dionysius, Let the Cycle of the Sun bee 2, and the Moon 3, or whatsoever, in what year soever; the same never had, nor never again could fall out within the space of time: so in this of Scaliger, let the Cy­cle of the Moon bee 5, that of the Sun 23. Let the Indicti­on bee 6, as it falleth out this present year 1638. I saie the same Characters shall not again concurr till the revolution of 7980 years bee gon about.

This Period the Autor fixed in the Tohu, or eternal Cha­os of the World, 764 Julian years before the most reputed time of Creätion, so that the Circle is not yet out, but shall bee the 3267 of the Incarnation.

This hee did, that hee might comprehend all, and more then ever was don, all Aera's, Epoche's and Terms in Chro­nologie, and in special, that of Orbis Conditi, which, through varietie of opinion, was so inconstantly dispos'd of, that Chronologers knew not where to six themselvs: then also that hee might give som account for the Heroïcal times of those Egyptian Dynasts pretending Antiquitie manie years further back into the Chaos, then the Mosaïcal [...] or Be­gining.

All this and more hee hath brought to pass by this in­comparable Period, which bringing the three Characters to a concurrence yearly, distinct and several, must needs deliver up a most infallible account of time.

To advance the opinion of their concurrence, let them first bee singly considered.

Josephus saith at the end of his Antiquities, that hee fi­nished that work in the thirteenth year of Domitian, and 56 of his own age, &c.

Scaliger demonstrateth by the Circle of the Moon, that either hee saith not true of the thirteenth of the Emperor, or els himself was one year elder. De Emend. Temp. l. 5. p. 476. Again,

The Chronologers are not a little ashamed that they should not bee able to satisfie, as concerning so late and fa­mous [Page 143] a Calamitie, as the siege of Constantinople, by Mahumed the second: especially recommended to posteritie, not one­ly by the deep impressions of so vast a Miserie, but also by som secret concours of Fatalitie, as beeing both built and lost by a Constantine, and the son of Helen.

Thus far they agree, that the Citie was taken either Anno 1452, or els 1453, post Ch. Nat. they agree also for the most part, that it was taken the 29 of Maie, feriâ 3.

The Patriarchical, as also the Political Historie set forth by Crusius, equally affirm that the Citie was taken in the year, 1453, Chalcondyles and Hieromonachus his [...] re­port, that it was the year before, but all agreeing that the daie was Tuesdaie, the 29. of Maie.

I saie that the year 1452 had 5 for the Circle of the Sun, therefore the 29 of Maie could not that year fall upon Tuesdaie, but the daie before, therefore either the Citie was taken the year 1453, or els it was not taken the 29 of Maie; but they all agree that it was taken that daie, therefore it was taken that year, by the Circle of the Sun. Therefore al­so the state of the Citie stood 425 years longer then Valens the Astrologer foretold, who beeing demanded concerning the fate of Constantinople, erected the Figure of Heaven for the Nativitie thereof. The Horoscope was Cancer. Having considered the Stars hee gave this Judgment, that the Ci­tie should live to the age of 696 years, but those are past and gon, saith Zonaras, except hee would bee meant of the flourishing state, for otherwise hee was deceived.

The Character of Indictions of what importance it is, that therefore absolute Chronicle of Marcellinus can testifie. Quod cùm singulis Collegiis consulum (saith Scaliger) suas Indictiones reddat, nihil habemus hodie perfectius in eo genere. de Emend. Temp. pag. 513.

By an old Romane Inscription. Such an one died Con­sulatu Stiliconis secundo & 7 Kal. Novembres Die Beneris o Ra Ouarta. Marcellinus noteth this Consulship with Indictione tertiâ, therefore it was in the year of Christ 405. but the Cycle of the Sun for this year was 22, therefore the 7 Ca­lends of November could not fall out upon Fridaie, but the [Page 144] daie before. Besides the second Consulship of Stilico succee­ded immediately the sixth of Honorius, but the year before had 5 for the Circle of the Moon: for Claudian saith, that Honorius entred the Citie the Calends of Januarie, Lunâ adhuc rudi, therefore the New Moon was in the end of De­cember, which could not bee, except the Cycle had been five. Therefore the year before the sixth Consulship of Honorius was the year of Christ 403, therefore the sixth Consulship of Honorius was the year 404; and therefore the second of Stilico was 405. In this demonstration the three Chara­cters all concurr, but not periodically, yet to the making up of a strange Truth; for by this it will follow, that hee which inscrib'd the Tomb did not know the Consul's name, though hee lived at the same time. Scaliger therefore. Quàm barbari sunt & impuri (saith hee) qui doctrinam Cyclorum irri­dent. De Emend. Tempor. p. 514, 515.

Thus much assurance wee can make to our selvs from the several abilities of each Character, but which if they meet together in this Period, set such a mark upon the time pro­posed, as maketh it to bee known from anie other whatsoe­ver, within the duration of the world, or the whole Circle at least. Artificiosissima Periodus! as Helvicus admireth, with manie others: so that the Autor needed not to break forth into his Nos qui eam excogitavimus periodum hanc satìs laudare non possumus. Canon Isagog. Lib. 3. Yet

Salian (otherwise a great Annalist) looseth a Chapter or two in the disparagement of this Period, as hee exspected it should redound, but it falleth out unto his own. The ab­surdness of his exceptions betraie him thus far, that hee could have no juster caus why to expose this period, then that himself had been so unfortunate as to build his Annals upon a less during foundation. But of what accomplishment this Period is, I think wee may best of all bee judg'd by Petavius, the most open mouth against that great restorer of Chronologie. This Petavius saith, that there is not one thing in that whole Book, De Emendatione temporum, not lia­ble to just reproof, this onely period excepted, then which hee confesseth to know nothing more important for the ad­vancement [Page 145] of Chronologie: and therefore earnestly com­mendeth it unto general practice, assuring all men that by this means, the most insuperable confusions of time may bee reduc'd to order, with most incredible eas and effect.

CHAP. IV. Concerning the Aera's.

IN the account of Time, there must bee [...], the Ʋnde and the Quo. Accordingly Chronologie whatsoe­ver, fixeth it self upon som certain term, to which the rec­koning shall refer. The most natural Term would bee the World's creätion, from which the Jews and wee Christi­ans account our Times, though wee rather from the Redem­ption: Si origo Mundi in Hominum notitiam venisset indè exor­dium sumeremus. Censorin. De Die Natal. Cap. 20. Som of those who could not attein the Worlds begining, reckon­ed from their own. So the Romanes ab Orbe Condita. Other­wise this Account useth to respect either som great Name, or som Notable event. So the Greeks account from their Olym­picks, and the Assyrians from Nabonasser.

These or the like Terms of Computation, Censorinus ex­presseth by the word Tituli. They are most usually known by the Names of Aera & Epoche. They are called Epoche's, [...] à sistendo, quòd illis sistantur & terminentur men­surae temporum, saith Scaliger, De Emendatione Temp. Lib. 5. pag. 358.

Aera (saie the Alphonsine Tables) Hispanis dicitur tempus limitatum ab aevo aliquo sumens exordium.

It was first of all said of the Aera Hispanica respecting the time of Cesar Augustus. The Spaniards to complie with the successes of their Triumvir (for the Division assigned Spain to Augustus) received at that time the Julian form, account­ing the same from the Emperor under this Style (as Sepul­veda conceiteth) Annus erat Augusti, or A. er. A. which in time for want of Interpunction was put together, and became the word Aera. Sepulved.

[Page 146]To this, Scaliger. Ridicula saith hee, Ridicula, & tamen illi viro erudito adeò placuit Commentum suum, ut ejus rei gratiâ dun­taxat scriptionem illius Libelli de emendatione Anni suscepisse vi­deatur, &c.

James Christman fetcheth the word out of his Arabick, from Arah, computare; which, becaus of the Spanish usage, might receiv som probabilitie from their conversation with the Moors; But the Arabick Geographer in the second part of the fourth Clime deriveth this Etymon ab aere flavo, and the Saracen calleth this term Aeram Aeris, that is, saith Christ­man, Aeris solvendi Fisco Romano, meaning a certain Tribute imposed by Augustus, first upon the Spaniards, and afterwards upon the whole Empire.

Som (but most unreasonably) derive the word from He­ra, one of the names of Juno, so Garcios Loisa out of Hinc­mare, as hee thinketh; others from the same word, as it be­tokeneth dominion, so they force it; they should rather have considered that Hera in the Spanish tongue signifieth time, though from a Gothick Original, from whence our Saxons had their gere, or year, as wee now call it. And this may seem to bear som relation to the word, especially for that Aera is oftentimes used for Annus in Isidore's Chro­nicle and elswhere. Sir Henrie Spelman's Glossarie may bee seen in this word. Scaliger, Petavius, Calvisius and others confirm, that Era in old Latine signified as much as Numerus, and 'tis manifest enough out of Nonius Faustus Regiensis, and Cicero himself; and this they hold to bee the most like­lie derivation of the word, if it bee, yet hee that first observed it was Resendius a Spaniard, in an Epistle to a friend of his, who required his Opinion concerning the Aera Hispanica.

But becaus this Etymon doth no waie intimate why that use of the word should bee peculiarly taken up among the Spaniards (except it were true which Scaliger considered that it was in use elswhere, but against which Petavius hath gi­ven a probable reason) the Notation in the Glossarie would rather bee taken, and so it may bee a word of the Gothick derivation, translated thence to the Spanish use, and properly said of their Epoche, but now the common name of all others.

[Page 147]Those Aera's or Epoche's are severally to bee fixed, and first of all that of Orbis Conditi.

CHAP. V. Aera Orbis Conditi.

MUch question hath been made among the Chronolo­gers, in what time of the Year the World should begin, and more, as som think, then needed. Not so, for be­side that for either reason also this ought not to bee indiffe­rent to learned men, yet in Chronologie it importeth neces­sarily that the [...] (as it is therefore called) bee assured to som certain time, wherein the Accompt shall determine; seeing therefore it was necessarie that som one term or other must bee taken, why not the true to choos?

If the Question were asked indefinitely, whether the World began in the Spring, the Summer, the Winter or the Autumn, the answer must bee, That it began in all. For so soon as the Sun set forth in his Motion, the seasons imme­diately grew necessarie to several positions of the Sphear, so divided among the parts of the Earth, that all had everie one of these, and each one or other at the same time.

The Question therefore is to respect som particular Ho­rizon; and becaus it is not doubted, but that the Sun first to this upper Hemisphear, and in special from the Horizon of our first Parents; The Quere is to bee mooved concerning the Holie-Land; at what time of the year the World there began.

'Tis agreed upon by all, that it began in som Cardinal point; that is, that the Motions began from the Eastern Angle of the Holie-Land, the Solstitial or Aequinoctial points one or other of them asscending in the Horoscope. Nay, Mercator excepted, scarce anie man doubteth but this point was Aequinoctial, either in the Spring, or Autumn. Whether in this or that, was antiently a great Question be­tween the Doctors Eliezer and Joshua, as the Seder Olam rela­teth.

[Page 148] Scaliger Joseph, and (becaus hee did) Sethus Calvisius, Torniellus and others, fix this begining in the Autumn, which also was the Opinion of our Bacon long ago.

But the Father Julius was not of his son's minde. Mun­dum (saith hee) primo vere natum Sapientes autumant, & crede­re par est. So the more part Maintein, and for the best rea­sons. And if it were not otherwise evident, Nature it self is very convincing, whose Revolutions begin and end in the vernal Aequinox. Nor can anie other good reason bee given why the Astronomers should deduce all their Calcula­tions from the Head of Aries.

The Aera of the Flood falleth within the 1656 year of the Worlds Creätion, as the Hebrew Scripture is plain, why 'tis otherwise in the Greek accompt shall bee said hereafter.

CHAP. VI. Nabonassar's Aera.

WAs of all prophane ones of the greatest note and use. Altraganus Albategnius and the King Alphonso's Ta­bles call him Nebuchadonosor, or Nebuchadnezar, deceived as it seem's by the Almagest. So Ptolomie's Book entitled [...], or Magnae Constructionis, is call'd by the Arabick Translators Althazor and Serig, who, at the instance of Almamon their King, turn'd this book into that language, and that they might speak Ptolomie's title in one word, they set down Al­mageston, that is the [...], or the Great Work. The Tran­slators of this Almagest use to render Ptolomie's Nabonassar by Bechadnetzer, giving too much heed to the likeness of Names. Alfraganus and Albategnius followed the Arabick Translation of Ptolomie, and the Alphonsine Tables, the La­tine Translation of that.

Mercator, Funccius, the Prutenick Tables; Origanus and manie others confound this Name with Shalmanesser's, the Assyrian King. But James Christman maketh demonstration that the times agree not, besides other circumstances added [Page 149] by Scaliger inducing the same truth, with the evidence whereof Origanus holding himself convinced was not asha­med to make his retractation.

Yet Christman and Scaliger themselvs found it an easier matter to tell who Nabonassar was not, then who hee was. It seemed to Christman, that hee might bee the same with Be­ladan the father of Merodach, or at least that hee was a King of Babylon, whose own name was unknown, Nabonassar bee­ing the Royal Name of that Kingdom, as hee thinketh, and common to them all. Scaliger putteth this together, and assuring himself that Nabonassar was the same with Beladan, maketh no doubt but that was the name of the King, this of the man. So the 5 book of his Emendations, but the third of his Isagogical Canons, confesseth this also to bee a mistake.

This Error was first discovered by the Appearance of Ptolomie's Canon, which setteth down a List of the Baby­lonish, Persian and Romane Kings, from Nabonassar's time, to the time of Ptolomie. Mention was made of this Canon by Panodorus, Anian, and George the Syncellus, amongst whom Scaliger (but lately and not intirely) met with it. Sethus Cal­visius received a Transcript of a more perfect Copie, from D. Overal, Dean of S. Paul's; the Original whereof is exstant in Biblioth. Bodlian. and set out with Ptolomie's Hypothesis by D. Bambrigge.

The Canon begineth,

Κανων Βασιλειων
[...] ιδ. Nabonassari 14.
[...] β Nadii 2
[...] ε Chinceri & Pori 5
[...] ε Jugaie 5
[...] ιβ Mardocempadi 12

&c.

Nabonassar therefore was King, not as som thought of Egypt, but Babylon; who for delivering his People from the subjection of the Medes, was made the Aera of their King­dom; from whom the Chaldeans (and the Egyptians there­fore) [Page 150] accounted their Celestial Calculations. For his Syn­chronism, The Canon setteth him down the fifth before Mardocempad or Merodach-cen-pad, the same with Meredach Baladan, who sent Messengers to K. Ezechia to enquire con­cerning the Retrocession of the Sun. But for a more certain demonstration of the time, three Lunar Eclipses noted by Hipparchus, are set down by Ptolomie in the fourth of his Al­magest. The first was seen at Alexandria the 16 daie of Mesori, in the 547 year of Nabonassar. This Eclips by the Julian Calculation and Tables of Calvisius, fell out upon Fridaie the 22 of September, at 7 of the Clock in the afternoon, and 20 minutes; the Sun then beeing in the 26 of Virgo. It was the Year 4513 of the Julian Period, that is the 3749 from the Worlds Creätion, out of which if wee deduct the 547 years of Nabonassar, the remainder will bee 3203, the year of the Worlds Creätion, wherein this Aera was fixed; The daie as the King Alphonsus, and before him the Transla­tors of the Almagest have delivered, was Dies Thoth, or Mer­curii; answering to the 26 of the Julian Februarie, begining (so Ptolomie) at high noon, the Sun then entring into Pisces, and the Moon, beeing in the 11 degree and 22 minutes of Taurus. And the same conclusion will follow from the two other Eclipses, reduced in like manner to our Cal­culation.

And to put all out of doubt, Censorinus saith that the 986 Year of Nobonassar was the 238 of Christ, but that was the 4951 of the Julian Period. Therefore Nabonassar's Aera began in the 3967 year of the same Period, which was the 3203 Year from the World's▪ Creätion. So that the Aera is undoubtedly assured.

This Aera still accounteth by Epyptian years, which are therefore called Anni Nabonassarei, and becaus it began upon Wednesdaie, the first daie of their first Moneth, which (as the daie it self) they hold holie to Thoth or Mercurie) useth to bee called Nabonassar's Thoth.

CHAP. VII. The Aera of the Olympiads.

THe Olympick Games were instituted for the exercise of the Grecian Youth, by Hercules (as the Tradition go's) to the honor of Jupiter Olympius, near unto whose Temple they were perform'd in the Olympian field. The Exercise was called Pentathlon, or Quinquertium, from the fivefold kinde. The Victor was crowned with an Olive, and tri­umphantly carried in a Chariot into his own Citie, and, which is to the purpose, his name was publickly recorded.

The time was (as onely Pindar hath revealed) at the full Moon which followed the Summer Solstice. They were ce­lebrated everie fifth year; and the Interval was called an Olympiad, consisting of 4 Julian years, and the odd Bissex­tile daie, which was the caus, as som think, why this form of year was first introduced.

The first Celebration by Hercules vanishing in the Intermis­sions, grew to bee less famous then the restitution by Iphitus, whereof so much more notice hath been taken then of the other, that this which was manie years after, is yet account­ed for the first Olympiad. The time or Aera whereof is as­sured by the Character of that extraordinarie Eclips, which the Sun suffered with our Saviour, noted by Phlegon to have happened in the 202 Olympiad, which multiplied by four maketh 808 years, between the first Olympiad, and the Passion of Christ.

Besides that, Thucydides reporteth that in the first year of the Peloponnesiack War, on a summer's daie in the afternoon, there hapned an Eclips of the Sun, so great an one, as that the Stars appeared. This Eclips, by Astronomical Calcula­tion, is found to bee the second daie of Julie, in the year be­fore Christ 463, at which time (as Crusius calculateth) the Sun was Eclipsed in the 6 of Leo, half an hour after 5 in the afternoon, the digits of the Eclips were 9, and four third parts, therefore almost one fourth part of the Sun was visi­ble, [Page 152] respecting the Horizon of Athens, but in Thrace the Eclips was well nigh total; so that the Stars were seen.

This therefore was that Eclips which Thucydides saith was seen in the first year of the Peloponnesiack war.

In the fourth Year of the same War, the same Autor saith that Donius Rhodius wan the Prize in the Olympicks, and this was the fourth year of the 87 Olympiad, and that was the 460 year before Christ. If therefore the 87 Olympiads bee multiplied by 4, they becom 348 Jùlian years, which if they bee added to 460, the total will bee as before, 808 years, or the 202 Olympiad before the Passion of Christ.

Again Thucydides reporteth, that in the 19 year of the Pe­loponnesiack War, the Moon was Eclipsed, and this was as Diodorus Siculus relateth in the fourth year of the 91 Olympiad. That Eclips of the Moon, as Crusius calcula­teth, fell out upon the 27 daie of August, in the 445 year before the Passion of Christ. If therefore 90 Olympiads bee multiplied by 4, they make up 360 Julian years, to which also must bee added the three first years of the 91 Olympiad, and then they are 363, which added to 445, make up 808 years before the Passion of our Saviour, which falleth with the 3173 year of the World, and is the Aera of the Olympiads.

CHAP. VIII. Aera Ʋrbis Conditae.

THe Italians, by an old custom, used to account their years from the time of their first Plantation; yet in this the lesser towns were more happie then the Mother Citie: Rome her self not having attein'd to know her own begin­ing, til Cato's time; who considering the absurditie, search­ed the Censor's Tables, and bringing down the account to the first Consuls, got within a little of Ʋrbs Condita. It rested onely to make good the Interval from the Regifugium to the Palilia; so the Aera of the first foundation is called from [Page 153] the Rites done to Pales Pastorum Dea, the Shepherds Holie­daie as wee may call it, celebrated the same daie the Citie was built. Propertius Lib. 4.

Ʋrbi festus erat, dixere Palilia, Patres
Hic primus coepit moenibus esse dies.

The Interval, as Cato found it, amounted to 243 years, Te­rence Varro (who at the same time studied the point) reckon­ed one year more; and from thence, saith Scaliger, in factio­nes duas res discessit, there became two sides, one for the Ca­tonian Palilia, the other for the Varronian; though Petavius (that Scaligero-mastix) affirmeth that the former was not Cato's opinion; and Sethus Calvisius demonstrateth that they were both but one.

This Epilogism was found out by Tarutius (or as hee is more rightly called ( Taruntius Firmanus, a great Astrologer of those daies, who at the solicitation of Varro cast the Na­tivitie of Rome; which to recover, hee first of all tried for the Founders Horoscope. To attain to this, hee entred in­to a consideration of the main actions of his life; and be, caus hee had understood by Tradition that there hapned an Eclips when Romulus was conceived in the womb, hee went the Hermetical waie, as that is called, to finde out the Nati­vitie by the conception.

After consultation with the Stars, and a due comparison of this with what was otherwise known, [...], hee con­fidently pronounced this Judgment.

That Romulus was conceived in the first year of the second Plutar. in Roma.

Olympiad, the 23 daie of the (Egyptian) moneth Choeac, at the third hour of the daie, the Sun beeing then totally Eclipsed. That hee was born the one and twentieth of the Moneth Thoth, about the Sun rising. That the Foundation of Rome was laied the ninth daie of Pharmuth between two and three a clock in the morning, the Moon beeing then in Jugo. So the Astrologer.

Otherwise the Tradition was (which also Taruns consi­dered) that the Foundation of Rome was laid in the third year of the sixth Olympiad, the Sun and Moon then bee­ing [Page 154] in an Ecliptical conjunction, which defection was no­ted by Antimachus the Teïan Poet.

For the first Eclips, as his Tables (which are said to bee those of Hipparchus) directed him, it fell out in the first year of the second Olympiad, upon the 23 daie of the Moneth Choeac, which answereth to the 24 of June at three a clock in the morning. Yet according to Tyche, Ptolomie's, and the King Alphonsus their Tables, the latitude was then so great that there could bee no Eclips at that time. So Sethus Calvi­sius and others. Nicolas Muller pretended, that this Eclips could not bee found out by the Prutenick Tables, but by the Frisian, which hee was then about (his own and more ela­borate) hee promiseth to account for it. Calvisius answer­eth, that the Prutenick Tables according to Copernicus his Hy­potheses were most exactly performed, and that hee doubted Muller could not stand to his word. Yet since that Muller hath calculated this Eclips, and found it to bee by his Frisian Tables, according as the Astrologer set down.

Henrie Bunting findeth it in the second year of the second Olympiad, one year later then the Astrologer. And this may seem to bee nothing out of the waie. For Dionysius Halicar­nassius reporteth, that Romulus as hee came not into the world, so hee went not out without an Eclips. Now Ro­mulus reigned 37 years, at which verie time the Sun was Eclipsed, upon Saturdaie the 26 of Maie about 7 of the clock in the afternoon▪ the Sun then setting at Rome; and the greatest absurditie Calvisius could finde in this was, that it setteth off but 18 years for the age of Romulus at the buil­ding of Rome; which as hee think's could not make him ma­ture enough for the importance of this undertaking; but considering all other circumstances agree so well, the Acce­ption is unjust enough.

For the other Eclips pretended to bee at the Foundation of the Citie. Nicolas Muller findeth that also in his Frisian tables, yet confesseth it could not bee seen at Rome; but in Asia 'twas visible hee saith, and so might bee known to Antimachus.

And this maketh somthing for the Astrologer, who (as Cicero citeth him) found the Moon at the Foundation in [Page 155] Jugo, that is, as Solin may seem to interpret it, in Libra; the rather, becaus the Poët Manilius saith, that Rome was built in Libra. So Petavius: but Solinus (though hee knew not what hee said) yet saith too, That the Sun was then in Taurus, which is demonstrated by Bunting, and more­over, that it was in the twentieth degree; and therefore the more learned Scaliger and his Calvisius interpret the Astro­logers in Jugo, to bee the same which is now said in Nodo, which is as much as to say, that the Sun and Moon were then in Conjunction, as Muller saith well, and that the Sun was intra terminos Eclipticos, within the Ecliptick terms at Rome, but not so far as to make the defection visible in that Horizon.

Howsoever the Astrologer according to his Calculation set down that Rome was built in the third year of the sixth Olympiad, which Terence Varro took for his resolution; and so reckoned from the Regifugium to the Palilia 244 years; Marcus Cicero, Titus Pomponius Atticus and the Em­peror Augustus approving the Epilogisms, and besides them Plutarch, Plinie, Paterculus and others, and 'twas the received opinion; and is infallibly demonstrated in Mercator's Chro­nologie, by eight several celestial Characters or Eclipses, which calculated to Nabonassar's Aera fall even with the Astrologer. To say nothing of Crusius, who hath don somthing to the same purpose, or Peter Appian, who evinceth the same (I saie not how truely) out of the Figure of the Heavens, which Turnus found (but as Julius Solinus descri­beth it) at the laying of the Foundation, Verrius Flaccus in the Fasti Capitolini setteth down Rome built in the fourth year of the sixth Olympiad, one year later; and the Canons of Eratosthenes in the first year of the seventh Olympiad one year more, or rather but one in all; for the Registers of the Capitol agree with Cato, and hee differeth nothing from Varro, if Calvisius may bee Judge.

Therefore altogether neglecting Temporarius his morosi­sitie (who was so far out of conceit with Turnus, that hee would not believe that there was ever such a man as Romu­lus) we say that Rome was founded in the third year of the [Page 156] sixth Olympiad which was in the year of the Worlds Cre­ätion 3198, and before the Incarnation 750.

CHAP. XI. Aera Septimanarum Septuaginta, the seventie Weeks.

THis Aera was fixed by the Angel Gabriel, Dan. 9. Seven­tie Weeks (saith hee to the Prophet) are determined up­on the People, &c. vers 24. Know therefore and understand, that from the going forth of the Commandment, to restore and build Je­rusalem unto the Messiah the Prince, shall bee seven Weeks, and threescore and two Weeks, &c. And after threescore and two Weeks shall Messiah bee cut off, but not for himself; and the people of the Prince that shall com shall destroy the Citie and the Sanctuarie, &c. And hee shall confirm the Covenant with manie for one Week, and in the midst of the Week hee shall caus the Sacrifice and the Oblation to ceas, and for the overspreading of abominations hee shall make it desolate, even until the consummation, &c. So the Angel.

The Weeks are to bee understood not of daies, but Years; and those not of the Moon, but the Sun; and so 70 by 7 is 490 years, from the time of the going forth of the Com­mandment &c. unto the Abomination of desolation. But where to begin or end this Epilogism, is the vexata Quaestio, as Scaliger cal's it, a question that hath endured the greatest controversie, involved with circumstances of such notable intricacie, that a Scholar of verie great parts ('tis reported by one that knew the man) fell mad with studying how to make this good.

Som reckon the Epilogism from Cyrus, others from Da­rius Hystaspis, and som from the seventh, others from the 20 of Artaxerxes Longimanus, accordingly ending the Weeks, som at the profanation of the Temple by Antiochus, others at the destruction of the Temple by Pompey, or that of He­rod, or els at the Passion.

The truest of the fals, is that which begineth at the se­venth year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, and endeth in our Sa­viours [Page 157] Passion: for this maketh a good account of the years. It was the opinion of the learned Bunting, Funccius, &c. but that which I perceiv to bee rested upon, is the judgment of Scaliger followed by Calvisius, and this begineth the Epilo­gism at the second year of Darius Nothus, and determineth it in the final destruction of Jerusalem by Titus. For the Angel saith expresly, that after seven Weeks and sixtie two weeks, the Messiah beeing cut off, the holie Citie shall bee destroied &c. and that in the middle of the seventieth week the Sacrifice and Oblation shall ceas, and for an overspreading of abomination, &c. which is plainly called by our Saviour, the abomination of desolation, spoken of by Daniel the Prophet &c. and therefore no question, but the feventie Weeks are to end with the Holie Citie. Their begining was to bee from the time of the going forth of the Commandment, &c. And this, though such an one was given first by Cyrus, and thirdly by Artaxerxes, yet most purposely from Darius Nothus in the second year of his reign. The 13 year of Darius Nothus is the 20 of the Pelo­ponesiack war by Thucydides that was the 92 Olympiad, and this was the 3538 from the Worlds Creätion, or 4302 of the Julian Period, therefore the 2 year of Darius Nothus was the 4290 of the Julian Period, and that was the 3562 from the worlds Creätion. The Cycle of the Sun was 6 and the Moon 15. And the Interval is expressly 490 years. For the Holie Citie was destroyed in the seventieth year of the In­carnation, which was the 4019 from the Worlds Creätion, and the 4783 of the Julian Period; the Cycle of the Sun was 23, and the Moon 14.

CHAP. X. Aera Alexandrea,

WHat time Seleucus began to succeed in his part of the Empire of Asia, The Greeks disusing their Olympian account, set up a new Aera, which though it reckoned from the reign of Seleucus, yet it bare the name of the conquerour [Page 158] from whom it was called Aera Alexandrea Graecorum, or Syr [...] Macedonum. Seleucus began to raign twelv years after the death of Alexander, as appeareth by Alba [...]egnius and the Al­magest; which consenteth also to Diodorus Siculus, who affirmeth that the first year of Seleucus was the first of the 117 Olympiad.

Therefore this Aera was fixed in the 4402 of the Julian Period, which was the 3638 from the world's Creätion; the Cycle of the Sun was 6, and the Moon 13. The Aera was fixed saith Scaliger (though Petavius will not yield it) by Calipus of Cyzicum, who finding that Meton's ciclus decennovenalis exceeded the Moon's Revolution one qua­drant of a daie, put four of these together, and detracting from thence one whole daie for the quadruple excess of hours, gave an exacter account of the Lunations then before.

This Cycle the Author to the honor of Alexander be­gan the 28 of June, in the Summer Solstice at the new Moon, which followed the fight at Gangamele. And this was in the year of the world 3619 as the Eclips assureth which hap'ned eleven daies before, but becaus this fell out to bee in the second year of that Olympiad, Calippus altered his minde, and stayed nineteen years to make his Period concur; but Alexander deceasing within seven years, the Aera could not begin till twelv years after, which was the first of the reign of Seleucus, and 3638 of the World.

CHAP. XI. Aera Dhilcarnian

IS the same with the Alexandrea Graecorum, and hath no­thing proper but the Name, which it self also is nothing but Alexander in other words as by the Arabick Geogra­pher and otherwise 'tis made known. Dhilcarnain, that is, habentis duo cornua, as Albumazer's Translator expresseth it. So Alexander was called with relation to the Ram in Da­niel's [Page 159] Vision as som divine, but then they are fain to read it Ailcarnain, not considering that it is not the word in Ara­bick as in Hebrew, for a Ram, the Arabians if they had meant thus, would have said not Aiie, but Hamelcarnain; but let that pass, for the word written in it's own language ma­nifestly importeth no more then one that hath two horns.

So Alexander, saith Christman, might bee called either for that his Empire was bipartite into Asia and Syria, (which is not altogether so true) or otherwise, for that hee joined the East and West together with Conquests, holding as it were the two Hornes of the World in his Victorious hands.

And this hee saith, becaus as Hercules in the West, so Alexander set up two Pillars for a non ultra to the Eastern World. The Arabians themselvs saie more; For though the more commonly known Historians of this Conqueror Q. Curtius and Arrian out of his Ptolomie and Aristobulus take no notice of Alexander's falling in the Western World, ( Cedren excepted, wheresoever hee had it) yet the Arabick Geographer doubteth not to affirm, that hee was the man by whose appointment and Design that Isthmos Gaditane [...]s was cut out, and the Atlantick Ocean let into the Mediter­ranean, so making that Streight or Fretum (therefore not to bee term'd Herculeum) now called the Sreights of Gibral­ter, or as it should bee Gebal Tarec, that is Tarec's Hill, so called saith the Arabick Geographer from Tarec the Son of Abdalla, who having transported his Barbarians over the Streight, secured his Army with the Natural fortification of that Place. Geographus Arabs. 1. par. cl. 4.

But why Alexander should bee called Dhilcarnain or habens duo cornua, Scaliger's reason is beyond exception, and which Petavius himself could not choos but commend. Alex­ander to rais himself a reputation of Divinitie, suborned the Priest to entitle him the son of Corniger Ammon, thence­forth the Cyrenians, who had formerly used to express this Jupiter horned in their Coins, transferred this honor to the Conqueror, and so the reputed son, as the Father was known by the name of Corniger which when it came to the Arabians was to bee said as here it is Dilcarnian.

CHAP. XII. The Jews Aera.

ALexander the Great with his Grecian Armie marching towards Jerusalem with all intention of hostilitie, the High Priests and Levites came forth to meet him, all in their Holie Garments. The King beholding this reverent Assemblie, made an approch himself alone, and drawing near to the High Priest fell down and worshipped. The Ca­ptains wondring to see the son of Jupiter Ammon, who had given command that all men should worship him, himself to fall down to a Jew, Parmenion drew near and made bold to ask him the question. To whom Alexander; 'Tis not the Priest saith hee, but his God whom I adore, and who in his verie habit appeared unto mee long ago at Dius in Ma­cedonia, and encouraged mee in my undertakings for the Empire of Asia. This don, the King ascended the Temple, where Sacrifice first don to God, the prophecie of Daniel was brought forth, the high Priest turning to that place which foretelleth of a mightie Prince of Graecia that was to conquer the Persians, which, the circumstances well agreeing, the King readily applyed unto himself, and so departed verie well pleased, and full of hope, leaving the People to their Antient peace. Antiquitat. Lib. 11. So their Historian Josephus; and the Book Taanith Cap. 9.

But it is added moreover by Abraham the Levite in his Ca­bala, that the High Priest by waie of acknowledgment made faith to the King, that all the children which should bee born that year to the holie Tribe should bee called by his Name; and moreover that from the same Time they would henceforth compute their Minian Staros, or Aera of Con­tracts, &c. fol. 3.

CHAP. XIII. AEra Dionysiana Philadelphi.

A Celestial year is such an one as keepeth touch with the Sun, the Months whereof begin at his entrance into the Signs precisely, and especially serving for the Pro­gnostication of the Seasons. Such a kinde of year Dionysius an Astrologer in Egypt set up after the example of Metan and others; (as by Theon 'tis noted upon Aratus.) The Aera whereof hee fixed in the first yeare of the famous Ptolomie, surnamed Philadelph. 'Tis often cited in the Almagest, which also giveth Testimonie that this Aera began in the 463 of Nabonassar's Thosh, Ptolm. lib. 10. C. 4. & 5 Almagesti. which was the fourth year of the 123 Olympiad, answering to the 4429 of the Julian Period, which was the 3665 of the world's Creätion. The Cycle of the Sun was 5, and the Moon 2.

But neither was this this year of Dionysius meerly coelestial, 'twas also civil, as Scaliger discovereth▪ yet of no greater use in Historie to reconcile one place in that golden book (as the same Autor termeth it) of Jesus the son of Sirach. That wise man saith that in the 38 year when Evergetes was King, hee came into Egypt, &c. but how could that bee, saith Scaliger seeing this Ptolomie raigned but 26 years. To saie as som do that hee meant the years of his own life, Emendat. Temp. lib. 5. or the life of Ever­getes, is rather to excuse the Autor, then interpret him. And therefore 'tis to bee said that hee referreth to the Dionysian Account, in the 38 whereof hee might com into Egypt in the time of Evergetes. And therefore Petavius upon his E­piphanius first, and again in his Doctrina Temporum, had little reason to fall so foully upon the much more learned Autor of this and manie other admired Revelations.

CHAP. XIV. AEra Hispanica.

JƲlius Caesar in the fourth of his Dictatorship, appointed his Mathematicians to the Correction of the Roman Year; Dion lib. 11. which is the begining of the Julian Account. The The 283 whereof Censorinus saith, was the 1014 of Iphilus, and that the 986 of Nabonassar. Therefore the Julian Ac­count began the 703 of Nabonassar which was the 4669 of the Julian Period, and 3905 from the Worlds Creätion. The Cycle of the Sun was 21, and the Moon 14. Seven Years after, and 38 before the Nativitie of Christ, the Spaniards beeing brought under the subjection of the Em­pire, received also this form of year; their Aera from that time forth bearing Date from hence: which though it was the fifth of Augustus, yet the Style went in the Dictators Name; and so the King Alphonso would bee understood in his Tables, when hee calleth this Term Aera Caesaris, mean­ing the Dictator.

CHAP. XV. Aera Actiacae Victoriae. &c.

CAEsar Augustus having triumphed over Antonie and Cle­opatra in the battel of Actium, [...] saith Dion, became himself to bee Monarch of the World, [...], &c. in­somuch that hee gave command that the Empire should be­gin to compute their Acts from this daie's Achievment; which was the second of September by Dion. It was the year of the World 3919, and 4683 of the Julian Period; as otherwise, and also by an Eclips noted in the Fasti Seculi, 'tis manifest; yet by the decree of the Senate, this Aera was fixed in the destruction of Alexandria, which was taken [Page 163] August the 29, of the year following, 'twas the 16 Julian year, and the 294 from the Death of Alexander.

Till this time the Egyptian account measured by Nabonas­sar's year, consisting of 365 daies, without anie intercala­tion of the odd hours; in the place hereof the Julian form succeeded; And becaus the Egyptians called everie daie in the year by the Name of som God, which were therefore called [...], and everie year of their Lustrum's or Quadriennals in like manner, which were therefore called [...], Anni Deorum, these years were henceforth called in honor of Augustus, Anni Augustorum Deorum, or Anni Au­gustorum, as 'tis recorded by Censorinus, who onely menti­oneth them by this Name.

This Aera Actiaca continued in use till the time of Diocle­sian, who having gained himself an Opinion of Wisedom and Fortune among his People, thought himself worthie from whom the Computation should now begin, which was don. It was therefore called by those of the Empire Aera Dioclesianea; but by the Christians Aera Martyrum San­ctorum, from the great Passion of Saints in the 19 of this Emperor's Raign, wherein more then one hundred fortie and four thousand Christians suffered persecution in Egypt. Thus Ignatius the Patriarch of Antioch answered Scaliger by his Letters; Vir, saith Scaliger, quo doctiorem Oriens nostro se­culo non tulit. But the Aera Martyrum and that of Dioclesian begin at the same time; as Christman upon his Alfraganus proveth out of Abull Hassumi an Arabick Historiographer. And to assure the beginning of Dioclesians Aera, Theon upon the Almagest noteth an Eclips of the Moon at Alexandria, Theon. Hypom. 6. in Ptolem. Al­mag. p. 248. [...], and in the 81 year of Dioclesian, and 1112 of Nabonassar. Ashyr the 29, and 6 of Phamenoth, and this Eclips, exacted to the Julian form, hapned November 25, a little after midnight, in the year of the World 4313, and 364 from the Incarnation; the Sun was in the 5 of Sagittarie. Therefore Dioclesian's Aera was fixed in the 1032 of Nabonas­sar, which was the 284 from the Incarnation. Therefore as it is called Aera Martyrum, it referreth not to the persecuti­on in the 19 of Dioclesian, but to that of his first year, [Page 164] wherein Diodorus the Bishop celebrating the Holie Commu­nion with manie other Christians in a Cave, was immured into the earth, and so buried all alive. Eusebius in Dioclesian.

This Aera is used by S. Ambrose, Epiphanius, Evagrius, Her­mannus, Contractus, Bede and others. It stood in common Chri­stian use, until the times of Dionysius the Abbot, who in stead hereof brought in the Aera of Christ's Incarnation, so that (as Peter Aliac, our Bede, and others) the Christians did not use to reckon by the years of Christ, until the 532 of the Incarnation, yet Scaliger may bee seen, De Emend, lib. 5. p. 495. & p. 496. & p. the 18 of his Prolegomena.

Nor is it to bee thought, saith Christman, that this Aera Martyrum was utterly abolished, except we mean it of Rome; for saith hee 'tis yet in use among the Egyptians, Arabians, Persians, Ethiopians, and generally the Eastern men.

Scaliger saith it once and again (how truly I doubt) that it never was but as it still is used in the Egyptian and Ethio­pian Churches: No doubt,, but that it was most proper to Egypt where it first began, for which caus it is called by the Arabians Teric Elgupti the Aera Aegyptica. From the Egyptians the most part of the world received it, though the Abassines or Ethiopians in a directer line, as whose Patriarch and Re­ligion is subject to that of Alexandria. The Ethiopians call it the Anni Gratiae.

CHAP. XVI. Aera Christi Nati.

DIonysius the Abbot who as wee said was Autor to the world of accounting by this new Aera, infinitely more concerning then that of Dioclesian, fixed the same in the 4713 of the Julian Period which answereth to the 3950 year from the World's Creätion, so that the Anni Christi were not in use of Computation till the 532 year after the Nativitie, as it was fixed by Dionysius. This Dionysian [...] the more accurate in Chronologie finde to bee at fault, but [Page 165] not themselvs agreeing upon the difference. To saie nothing of the Bishop of Middleburgh, who affirmeth that this Aera was behinde-hand with the true Nativitie 22 years, and that S Paul himself had revealed this to him, though afterward hee changed this opinion, S. Paul it seem's not beeing in the right, and believed that this Aera was so far from beeing 22 years behinde, that it was two years before-hand with the truth. Capellus laboreth to prove that it is a Metachronism of six years, Kepler of five, Decker of four, others of three, Sca­liger of two, who demonstrateth, as hee himself thinketh, that the first year Dionysian of Christ ought to bee reckoned the third Learned Bunting one of the first who took this ex­ception, demonstrateth that the difference is but of one year. Hee proveth it thus. Taking for granted out of S. Luke, that the thirtieth year of Christ is Synchronical to the fifteenth of Tiberius. Hee noteth an Eclips of the Moon set down by Tac [...]tus in the first year of Tiberius, the two Sexti, Pompeio & Apuleio Coss. This Eclips hapned upon Thursdaie the 27 of September, in the 4727 of the Julian Period, which was the 3963 from the Worlds Creätion. And seeing, as most certain it is, that this Eclips fell out in the first year of Tiberius, and that the fifteenth of Tiberius answereth to the 30 of our Sa­viour's age, it followeth, that the first of Tiberius was the fif­teenth of our Saviour; and the first of our Saviour was the 4712 year of the Julian Period, one year sooner then the Dionysian [...], or, as it may bee, the verie same; for 'tis doubt­ed what S. Luke meaneth by [...]; our own Translation rendreth, that Jesus began to bee about thirtie years old, &c. which considering, and that the first of Tiberius was but the begining of a year, the difference may seem to com within compass of som reconciliation.

For the time of the year. The Alexandrian, and therefore the Ethiopian and Armenian Churches deliver that our Savi­our was born the 6 of Januarie, the same daie hee was bapti­zed, accordingly they celebrate both the Festivals in one daie of the Epiphanie, which for that it hath been of som stand­ing in those parts, prevailed so far with Causabon, as to forsake the more received opinion, but not considering [Page 166] how slenderly this Tradition pretendeth. Som question of of old there was in the Church of Alexandria (so their Clement reporteth) as concerning the daie of this Nativitie. To resolv this doubt they observed this cours: The daie of his Baptism supposed, which as wee, they held to bee the Epiphanie, they supposed also out of the forequoted place of S. Luke, that our Saviour was born and Christ'ned the same daie, for that hee was 30 years old when hee was ba­ptized. Their conclusion therefore was, that our Saviour was born the sixth of Januarie, which how consequent it is I need not saie. The forenamed Bishop of Middleburgh set­teth down our Saviour born in April. Beroaldus thinketh, hee was born about the begining of October. So Scaliger; Calvisius about the end of September. As for the daie saith Scaliger, Vnius Dei est, non Hominis definire: and Hospinian persuadeth, that the Christians did not celebrate the 25 of December, as thinking Christ was then born, but to make amends for the Saturnalia.

How much better had it been for these men to content themselvs with the Tradition of the Church, then by this elaborate unfruitful search to entangle the Truth.

The Religion of this 25 daie, though Scaliger saie it, non est nupera neque novitia, 'tis Apostolical by the Constitu­tions of Clement. &c.

Antiquitat. Lib. 11.Nor doth Chrysostom's Oration saie much less. The Ca­tholicus Armeniorum in Theorinus Dialogue make's this good by Antient Monuments brought from Jerusalem to Rome by Titus Vespasian; or if this Autoritie could bee rendred suspicious, wee cannot elude the Persian Ephemeris, nor the Astronomical Tables of Alcas, in both which our Saviour is set down born the 25 of December. And truely the strange and rare position of Heaven at this Nativitie, doth not a little reinforce my belief, though otherwise not much given to admire matters of this nature; for Cardan finde's it in the Figure of our Saviour, there hapned this daie a Conjuncti­on of the two great Orbs, which is of that kindle, which Nature can shew the World but once, except the World en­dure more then fourty thousand years.

CHAP. XVII. Aera Passionis Dominicae.

NO less question hath been made about the Year of our Saviour's Passion, then that of his Nativitie. Thus much is certain, That hee suffered upon Fridaie the fourth of Nisan.

Not to take notice of the Acts of Pilate cited by the He­reticks in Epiphanius. Clemens of Alexandria delivereth, That our Saviour suffered in the 16 of Tiberius, and 25 of Phamenosh, which answereth to the 21 of March; but our Saviour suffered upon Fridaie, therefore the Dominical that year was E: but the 16 of Tiberius had 11 for the Cycle of the Sun, therefore the Dominical Letter was not E, but A: therefore either the Passion was not upon that daie, or els it was not that year.

Epiphanius affirmeth that our Saviour suffered the 20 of March, but hee suffered (as before) upon the feria sexta, therefore the Dominical must bee D, for otherwise Fridaie could not fall upon March the 20. This hap'ned Anno 19 of Tiberius; but the Cycle of the Moon for the year was 15, therefore the Passover that year was not celebrated March the twentieth, but the fourth of April, and feria not sexta but septima.

Manie other forms of this opinion are set down by the Antient, but which will not endure the touch of these Cha­racters.

Phlegon Trallianus noteth an Eclips of the Sun the fourth year of the 202 Olympiad, the most horrible that ever was. No man ever doubted but this was that which the Scripture noteth at our Saviour's Passion, observed also by the Astro­nomers in Egypt, reported to have said those words, Aut De­us Naturae patitur, &c. The Reverend Father Dionysius may bee seen in his Epistle to Polycarpus and to Apollophanes, but who when hee saith, that this was don by the Interposition of the Moon, doth not a little betraie his Tradition; for [Page 168] the Sun and Moon were then Diametrically opposed, and the Moon her self totally Eclipsed in Libra to the Antipodes of Jerusalem; therefore the Eclips was supernatural.

The fourth year of the 22 Olympiad answereth to the 19 of Tiberius, and the 33 of the Nativitie, which was the 4745 of the Julian Period, and 3982 of the World, in the 78 Ju­lian year, and 780 of Nabonassar; and becaus it was feria sexta, therefore it was the third daie of April, there hap­ning the verie same daie a natural Eclips of the Moon in the 11 of Libra, which began at Jerusalem at 5 of the clock and 49 minutes in the afternoon. Therefore this daie was exceeding terrible, for the Sun was totally once, and the Moon once totally, and twice Eclipsed.

CHAP. XVIII. Hegira Muchammedis.

MAhomet having introduc'd a new Superstition, which the men of Mecha impatient (as all other of altera­tion) resented not, was forced to flie that place. This flight of his, or persecution, as hee had rather it should bee thought, in allusion to that of Dioclesian, and compliance with the Christians Aera Martyrum, was called Hegira Mu­chammedis, that is [...], or the flight of the persecuted Prophet. It fell out upon Fridaie the 16 of Julie, and 622 of the Incarnation, begining (as their years are Lunar) from the new Moon of that time, but which they account not as others from the Conjunction it self, but from the Horning, which is the caus why they set up in their Steeples a Cre­scent, as wee a Cross in ours. From this Aera Fugae Mucham­medanae they reckon their years.

CHAP. XIX. Aera Jesdigerdica.

THis Aera was fixed, saith Albumazar, Anno Hegirae 11, Rabie prioris, 22. fer. 3. which answereth to the 16 of June, Anno Christi 632, so called from Jesdagerd the last Per­sian King, in whom that Empire saith Haithon the Armenian, was lost the same year of our Lord unto Othman the Saracen; to bee reckoned not from the inauguration as Alphraganus and Isaac the Monk and som others, but from the death of Jesdagerd.

The Persians begin their year at the Vernal Aequinox ac­curately observing the Sun's entrance into the first point of Aries, which daie they call Neuruz, that is, Novus dies; from ruz, which in their tongue signifieth a daie, and Neu, novus, new; entertaining this time with great solemnitie, which they hold so sacred, that no Matrimonie there is accounted legitimate if not contracted in the Spring.

Now, becaus the Aegyptian year, to which that Aera did applie, still anticipated the Sun's motion, and gave an unjust account of the Equinox, the Sultan of Corasan or Mesopota­mia, appointed eight of the most learned Astrologers of that age (amongst whom Aben sina or Avicen was one) to make an exact determination of the Tropical year, which was don as they could. This new form was fixed in the Aequinox observed by them, the Sun entring the first point of Aries, Thursdaie the 18 of Phrurdin at two of the Clock in the afternoon, in the 448 year of Jesdagard, and 471 of the He­gira, which was 1079 of the Incarnation according to Di­onysius. The Cycle of the Sun was 24, the Moon 16.

This Aera from the Style of the Emperor was called Gela­laea, that is, Aera Augusta or Imperatoria, as that word signifieth in the Persian Dialect.

CHAP. XX. What is Proleptical, and what Historical Time.

HIstorical Time is that which is deduced from the Aera Orbis Conditi. Proleptical is that which is fixed in the Chaos: The Jews call it tempus Tohu, as the Chaos is cal­led by their Moses, Gen. 1. So the new Moon which they suppose to bee upon the second of the fix daies, that is, if the Luminaries had then been, they call Novilunium Tohu, for that as yet there was neither Sun nor Moon.

The first example of Proleptical Time was given by the Greek Church, who in their Computations follow the Ho­lie Scripture of the Septuagint. Therefore their Aera Or­bis Conditi is sixed in 5500 year Ante Christum Natum. Their more Artificial men, perceiving that this vast Epilogism was good for somwhat els, besides the measuring of Times, applied it to the Characters, and they found that divided by 19 and 28, it gave the Circle of the Sun and Moon, but divided by 15 it gave not the true Indiction; therefore they added 8 to the summ, and so it became a Technical or Arti­ficial Period, comprehending the three Characters, and be­caus it supposed 8 years of the Tohu, it was Proleptical; but which the Times following not considering reckoned Historically, as if the Aera Orbis had then been fixed; but are thus to bee corrected.

This Account is used by the Maronites, Grecians, and ge­nerally by the Eastern Church, it is called Aera Graecorum, or more properly Periodus Constantinopolitana, from the Seat of the Empire, where it may seem to have been devised.

By this Example Scaliger made up his Julian Period, which it self also, as this, consisteth of Time, partly Histori­cal, and partly proleptical.

CHAP. XXI. Considering the Causses of that infinite Varietie which is found to bee amongst Chronologers.

FRederick Husman in his Epistle to the Elector Palatine reckoneth up 40 several Opinions concerning the Con­nection of those two famous Aera's; this of Christi Nati, and that other of Orbis Conditi. And I doubt not but this di­versitie might bee redoubled if anie bodie would undertake that such frivolous pains.

The extremest varietie is that of the Greek and Hebrew Scripture, making a difference of two thousand years; an occasion justly taken by som equally to disparage the auto­ritie either of the one or the other. For it cannot bee but that this Epilogism must bee detracted from the Hebrew, or superadded to the Greek, there beeing no mean waie of re­conciliation. But certainly, the Hebrew (though I hold it not so everie waies incorrupt, as if not one jot or title of the same suffered the common fate of time) yet I believ it to bee the Original, and by the incredible diligence of the Masora, subservient to the greater providence of God, to retain more of it's own puritie, then anie other Scripture whatsoever; and therefore that it resteth in the Greek Translation, to account for this difference: yet neither do I think that choice Assemblie so neglected by God in a matter so importantly cared for by him, as to recede so fouly from their Original.

I rather cast this corruption upon the dregs of Time, as­suring my self that this imposture was put upon us by the Hellenists, those among them who affected that antient He­resie of the Chiliasts; the conceit whereof I affirm to bee the occasion of this corruption.

Other differences in that Connexion have these lesser Causses.

That profane Historie maketh no certain account of Time before the Olympiads.

[Page 172]That in the Romane affairs (a most important piece of Historie) the Consulships are not registred in the Fasti with that distinction and care as was necessarie, experience where­of hath been made by the industrious examinations of Onu­phrius and Cuspinian.

That the Historians themselvs generally did not consider so much the designation of Time, otherwise then with a re­ference to their own Aera's, which were but uncertainly fixt.

That manie of them wrote not the Historie of their own Times.

That som of them took libertie to relate those things in­clusively, which others related exclusively.

That several Nations reckoned not by the same form of years. That all Nations not Christian, affected an Opinion of greater Antiquitie then their own beginings, endevour­ing therefore to leav the Storie of their rising as possibly uncertain to posteritie, as in them laie. So the Egyptians tell us of Heroes past, who by their reckoning reigned long before the world was made; which they saie with as much credit, as the Indians tell us, that they have out-liv'd four Suns alreadie, and that this which wee have is the fifth from their begining: To saie nothing of Janbazar Tsa­reth and Roani, men that lived before Adam's time, as the book Heubattish make's report, and that one Sombasher was Adam's Tutor.

But the greatest caus of all is for that Professed Chrono­logers of our own times, such as Funccius, Beroaldus, Bu­cholcer, nay Satian, Baronius, Torniellus, and Gordon themselvs were altogether unacquainted with anie Artificial waie of this work, not knowing how to make application of Na­tural and Civil Characters to the assuring of Times. One of the first who began to know what was to bee don in this matter, was the most learned, and perceiving Mercator, who Instituted a Chronologie by waie of Demonstration Astro­nomical. To this begining, somthing by Crentzeim was ad­ded; but verie much more by Bunting the Autor of a most elaborate Chronologie, demonstrating by the Characters [Page 173] of Eclipses, the Sun and Moons Circles, and with Calcu­lation of everie Eclips since the world began.

But this Art hath received greatest perfection from that excellent work of Scaliger de Emendat. Temporum, upon whose grounds Calvisius hath erected a most incomparable Chronologie for demonstration of time by Eclipfes, and Cy­cles of the Sun and Moon severally applyed to everie year, yet wanting so much to accomplishment as may seem to bee added by the incredible pains of Helvicus; who excelleth Calvisius (though otherwise excelled by him) in Synchro­nismes infinitely added, and the application of the Julian Period, which why Sethus Calvisius should not measure is ve­rie much to bee marvelled. These two therefore put toge­ther make up Chronologie everie waies absolute, and brought to such a perfection as needs not to bee added un­to; for though I doubt not, but that even those also are somtimes failing, as for som other necessarie and unavoid­able defects; so also for that they are not throughly advi­sed, whose Tables Astronomical they best and most se­curely may follow. Yet I assure my self the differences caus­sed by this is but verie small and insensible, that it cannot bee much amended though never so much care should bee taken, and that by tampering it may bee made much wors, as by the learned, infinite and equally unprofitable pain of Petavius, is too well known. Therefore good it were, that Chrono­logie brought to this degree of complement, might exspect no extremer hand, but beeing stampt with the impression of som publick autoritie, might go currant in general Opi­nion, without farther clipping or defacing upon whatsoever specious and pretending reformations.

CHAP. XXII. Of Canon Chronological.

THe designation of Time secundum intervalla, the Chro­nologers call Canon: which if it set the Aera's down singly is termed Canon, [...]: if it make a Connexi­on of them, [...].

An Example of the first is,

  Anni
From the Aera of the Julian Period Unto that of Orbis Conditi 764.
Unto the Ʋniversal Deluge 2419
Unto the Birth of Abraham 2711
Unto the Destruction of Troy 3530

An Example of the second is,

The Creätion fell out in the 764 of the Julian Period. The Flood came upon the earth Anno 1656 of the Creäti­on, and 2420 of the Julian Period. Our Saviour Christ was born Anno Mundi 3949, Anno Period. Jul. 4713, Olym­piad 194, and 748 of Nabonassar.

This Connexion of things is called Synchronism, whe­ther it bee of the intervals themselvs, or together with the Storie.

An error committed herein is called Anachronism: and either saith too much, and that is a Prochronism; or too little, and that is a Metachronism.

FINIS.
THE ASSYRIAN MONARCH …

THE ASSYRIAN MONARCHIE, BEEING A short Description of it's Rise and Fall.

By JOHN GREGORIE, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.

‘יהוה’ ‘IVSTVS VIVET FIDE’ ‘DEVS PROVIDEBIT.’

I. Y

LONDON, Printed by William Du-gard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to bee sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.

‘VIA VNA COR VNVM’


THE ASSYRIAN MONARCHIE, BEEING A short Description of it's Rise and Fall.

A Monarchie, as the Philosopher discourseth in his Politicks, is the government of one man over manie. According to the degrees of this Principalitie, the word Monarchie, is equivo­cal; in the prime meaning intending The Lawful Absolute Rule of som Prince, either Elected or Succeeding, exercising Dominion corresponding with the Law of Nature, and the Right of Nations. Thus His Sa­cred Majestie is a Monarch or sole Governor within these his Realms.

In a wider and unjuster sens, A Monarchie is taken for The Peremptorie Autoritie of som Mightie Potentate, whose Right and Title for the most part is his Sword; or, if hee hee Succeed, 'tis in the Ambition and Tyrannie of his Pro­genitors, by which hee usurpeth power where hee pleaseth, [Page 178] striking into the hearts of Men rather the fear then the love of him, whereby hee enforceth his unwilling Vassals to an unnatural Obedience. Thus the great Turk may bee cal­led a Monarch; for in this sens, though it seem to secure it self under the protection of an acceptable name; yet a Mo­narchie thus taken, [...]. differeth little from that which Aristotle calleth the ( [...],) vice of a Monarchie, to wit, a Ty­rannie.

Historians take more notice of this later, becaus the more notorious: of this kinde were those 4 great Monarchies unto whose Kings, as to famous Epoches, the stragling and unbounded affairs of the World are orderly reduced.

In this number the Kingdom of Ashur beareth a place, and the first; the Description whereof wee have here underta­ken. In the consideration of this, wee shall observ in it a tre­ble Vicissitude, which the Babylonians and Assyrians under­went, in the continuance of this Government. The first from Nimrod to Ninus, in which time the seat of the King­dom was at Babel: The second from Ninus to Asarhaddon, and in this interim the Assyrians prevailed at Ninivie; The third and last, from Merodac to Belshazar; in which again Babel got the better, which it held till all was lost to the Medes and Persians.

And for the greater illustration, to all this wee will pro­mise the Description of the Land of Ashur; as knowing this full well that the circumstance of Place as well as Time addeth much to the understanding of the Storie.

אשור

THe Land of Ashur was so called, from him that first planted a Colonie from Babel in those parts, whose name was Ashur the Son of Sem. It is the opinion of that learned Rabbin Don Isaac Abarbinel, in his Commentaries upon the first Book of Moses, called Bereshith in Parasha No­ach, fol. [...] [Page 179] [...] that is, Assur the son of Sem dwelt in Assyria, and from his name it was so called. To this opinion among the Antient Greeks, onely Eratosthenes attain'd, as hee is in­troduced by the Scholiast of Dionysius the Alexandrian, a Geographical Poet, his words are [...]. Among the Modern Suidas hath embra­ced this conceit there, where hee pleaseth to retract his own, in the word [...]. So also amongst manie others, Gem­ma Frisius for the Latine Writers, in his 22 Chapter of the Division of the Earth: from the Jew Josephus, who also fa­voureth this Assertion. The Etymologist therefore, who ever hee were, hath deceived himself in assigning the Ety­mon of this word Assyria, [...] &c. vide Etymo­logicum ma­gnum in vo­ce [...] Hesychium in voce [...]. while hee forgeth this distincti­on between it and Syria; that Syria should bee that part of Asia which was overwhelmed in the Deluge, and was there­fore so called [...] (which also are the words of Hesychius) but Assyria, saith hee, was that part which having escaped the Flood was so called from α the Particle Privative, [...] But this is a Fable befitting the Greeks, whose Nation hath been seriously taxed by its own Autors, for their luxurie of invention in fabulous discourses.

In the next place wee are to free the Description insuing from the equivocation and ambiguitie of the word Assyria, which is somtimes taken for it self, at other times for the whole Region of Syria; in that sens comprehending in it more then it self, to wit Palestine, Syrophoenicia, Syria, Damascena, Arabia, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Chaldoea, somtimes more, som­times less, according to Strabo & Plinie, and manie others. But our Master Ptolomie to deliver the delineations of the world from the Ataxie and confusions of the Antients, dealt more accurately in his observations. Ptolemaeus Asiae tab. 5. cap. 1. Hee therefore in his first Chapter of the fifth Table of Asia, describeth our Countrie in this manner, [...]. [...]. [...], &c. In [Page 180] which description Ptolomie hath vindicated this Countrie to her proper limits; aptly sequestring Assyria from the rest, comprehending the Countrie within the confines of the great America upon the North, Mesopotamia upon the West, Susian upon the South, and Media towards the Sun rising. The chief of Ptolomie's followers in this are Dominicus Ma­rius Niger, in his Geographical Commentarie upon Asia; whose words I forbear to insert, becaus they are but the meer Metaphrase of the description alreadie given. Besides him Pag. 159. Tigurinae e­ditionis. Vadian hath don the like in the Chapter which treat­eth of the Situation of Assyria. So also Gemma Frisius in his 22 Chapter of the Division of the Earth, and Mar­cianus Heracleotes, who in the description of Susian the Pro­vince, Marcianus Heracleωtes in cap. [...]. thus writeth; [...]. Hee saith that the North limit of Susian is Assyria: and Pto­lomie had said before, That the South limit of Assyria was Susian. The agreement of these Autors I oppose to the di­straction of others, in reading whereof diligent heed would bee taken of the ambiguitie of the word Assyria, lest the Reader not beeing sufficiently cautelous, might happi­ly bee then least acquainted with the Countrie, when hee hath travelled most about it.

Longitudo & Latitudo Assyriae.The Latitude of Assyria is Northern, cutting off from the Equinoctial towards the Pole Arctick an Arch of a greater Circle, containing about 5 degrees and ⅓ from the 34 de­gree to the 39 and 20 scruples. The Longitude accounted in the middle Line, from the great In the as­signing Ge­ographical Longitude, wee finde an observa­ble diffe­rence. The Moderns accounting from the Isles called Azores, guided by the variation of their compass: the Arabians account from the Pillars of Hercules, or the Streights of Gebaltarck, corruptly cal­led Gibralter; Titus-Abelfeldea, Som also from Arius under the Line, and others o­therwise: but Ptolomie from the fortunate Isles, and him here wee follow. Meridian of the World, is from the 78 degree to the 84. In assigning this Position, wee wee have rather inclined to Ptolomie, then the modern conjectures of later Writers; for though instruments bee more exact, and men's experience more universal, yet what shall all that do, cùm jam Seges ubi Troia fuit & Ninus in ipsa Nino requiratur: when 'tis brought to such ruine, that if the founder himself should rise again, Ninus would scarce [Page 181] finde Ninive, through hee sought it in it self. According therefore to the Longitude and Latitude assigned, The site of this Countrie is in the North part above the Torrid Zone, between the Tropick of Cancer, and the Arctick Circle, under and about the fourth Clime: the longest daie beeing som 14 hours, and one second part. This Situation is ap­proved by Rabbi Abraham in his description of the Climes, his words are these, [...] that is, The fourth Clime begineth at the end of the third, to the Latitude of 36 degrees of the equal line in the North portion, and his daie is fourteen hours and one second, and passeth through Assur. So far the Rabbin. Wee conclude therefore, That the position of this Region is an Oblique Sphear, whose Phaenomena are these: They enjoie, as wee do, both a Vernal and Autumnal Equinox, the Sun beeing in Aries and Libra. Their site is in the South part of the North temperate Zone, therefore their air is pleasant. Vitello Al­hazen. The Sun never culmi­nate's in their Senith point, that beeing placed beyond the Tropick of Cancer, which is the extremest circle of the Sun's Motion in his Northern declination. And becaus the Opticks teach, that everie Opacous bodie projecteth his Shadow to a part directly opposite to the bodie luminous, therefore the Sun beeing either in the Northern or Sou­thern Signes, their shadowes are never directed to the South, but contrariwise: therefore they are Heteroscii. Lastly, they have the Pole Artick alwaies elevated, and the Antarctick alwaies hid.

For the Astrological site of this place, it is comprehen­ded within the first Quadrant, in the part Oriental and Me­ridional, and is therefore subject to the second Triangle under the Dominion Taurus, Virgo and Capricorn, the Pla­netarie Lords beeing Saturn and Venus Oriental: in regard of whose rule in that earthly Triplicitie, the inhabitants must needs bee of a disposition wanton and lascivious, in apparel gorgeous, in Religion Idolaters: And becaus the Assyrian in special is subjected to Virgo, and her influence [Page 182] is Mercurial, therefore our inhabitants must bee great Astronomers. Thus Ptolomie, Cardan, &c. But whether it bee so or no, let their Ghosts dispute before Minos and Rha­damanthus. Thus much is certain, That the manners of the Antient inhabitants most aptly corresponded with this Prognostication, and if anie urge the contrarie at this daie, these Autors may easily finde an answer; that besides the translation of the Perigaeum and Apogaeum of the Planets, the precession of the Equinox, and the Suns lesser Excen­tricitie, 'tis apparent that the Signs in the eight Sphear have forsaken their places in the first Moover; Aries now beeing in the dωdecatemorie of Taurus; and Pisces in the place of Aries. And so much may suffice for the general applica­tion of Theoretical Geographie, to the Practical descripti­on of this Countrie. Before wee enter the particular parts, our discours shall tread awhile upon the Borders; Where first on the North part wee meet with the Armenian Moun­tains, which might have been slightly passed over, but that they shew the place where once Noah's Ark rested. That it rested in Ararat, or Armenia, Moses beareth witness; that it rested in that part of Armenia, wherein wee have placed it, may bee a conjecture not without probabilitie, becaus Pto­lomie placeth the Countrie Gordiena directly upon the North adjoining in Situation to these Mountains. Now that Countrie was so called from the Gordiaean Mountains, upon which the Ark rested, as is approved by a double Paraphrase of two Antient Chaldeans, Jonathan the son of Ʋziel, and Onkelos; the one translating that Text of Moses, to wit, [...] the Mountain of Ararat by [...] Cardu, the other by [...] Cardon, [...] Elias in Me­thurgeman. both entending the Gordiaean Moun­tains (whereof Strabo and Curtius discours) Elias also in his Methurgeman allowing their interpretation.

Of these Mountains Stephanus maketh mention in his Book De urbibus. So also Elmarinus the Arabian translated by Erpenius, and another of that Nation whose name is unknown, cited by Schickard in his Taric of the Kings of Persia. The later thus writeth, [...] [Page 183] [...] that is, This is (Mount) Godius, upon which that Ship rested, that Ship of Noach, on whom be peace. But whereas this Autor calleth the Mountain Godius, Schickard admonisheth that it is an error of the Transcriber, who in stead of [...] Gordi writ [...] Gadi. It is apparant then that the Ark abode upon the Gordian Mountains; but where or upon which, that is yet doubtful.

Rabbi Benjamin Tudelensis who travelled through all parts, to visit his Countrie-men the ten Tribes dispersed, [...] Rab. Benjamin in Itinerario. citante Schicha [...]do. giveth notice in his Itinerarie, that the place where the Ark rested is four miles distant from Gezir Ben Omar, and that is an Isle Situate in the mid'st of Tigris, at the foot of the Mountains of Ararat. The Armenians also design the place, urging Tradition for a certain Mountain heretofore called Gordie, but now Gibel Noe, as Andrew Thevet intimateth in these words:

Au reste quelques Chrestiens Levantins, entre autres, La Cosmo­graphie U­niverselle Livre. 8. Chap. 15. les Ar­meniens & Caspiens mainetiennent que ceste Arche s'arresta en la Montaígne que l'on nommoit jadis Gordie, à present dit par au­cuns du païs, Gibel Noe.

Wee have also those among the Moderns, who have pla­ced this Mount under a peremptorie Longitude and Lati­tude as a thing ordinarily known: yet for ought I perceiv, Posteritie in this hath obteined of Antiquitie nothing more then the verie name, and that is [...], by the Testi­monie of Nicolas of Damascus, not Lobar, as Epiphanius: Josephus [...]. à c. 4. though Junius would correct the other by this. It was cal­led [...], from [...] birath, which in the Armenian tongue signifieth properly anie stately Edifice, such as this vast Ves­sel might seem to bee: In after times 'tis like they called their Ships by the same name, and thence the Greeks tra­duc'd [Page 184] the same signification: for so Suidas, Hesychius, and the Etymologist conceiv of this word [...], that it often is ta­ken for [...]; and therefore Lycophron in his Cassandra cal­leth the Argonavis [...].

In this conjecture that it may pass the better, know that great Scaliger hath born his part, as the Reader may finde in his notes upon the Greek fragments, Scaliger in Notis ad Fragmenta. pag. 40. added as an appen­dix to his admired industrie in the Emendation of the Times. Thus much shall suffice for our abode in the North of this Countrie, where the Reader may pardon our long tarrying for Noah's sake.

Upon the East, as was said, this Region is bounded by the Medes, in special by the mountain Zagros, whereof a most Antient Geographer maketh this mention, [...], &c. [...]. Upon the South wee shall finde first Susian, the Pro­vince so called from the Metropolitane Citie Susis; which the Etymologist saith, might bee derived from Susia, signifying in the Syrian tongue a Hors, for that this place afforded good Horses. [...], Etymolo. [...]. Athenaeus. Indeed [...] in the Syriack signi­fieth so: but his other conceit is more probable, that it was so called from the Lilies which grew thereabout; as Ari­stobulus and Chares most aptly determine in Athenaeus, this onely is their error, that they say [...] signifieth a Lilie in the Greek tongue, whereas they ought to have said in the Hebrew; for the Jews indeed call a Lilie [...] Shusan: and therefore was this place so called [...], for the pleasure of the place, becaus of so manie Lilies wherewith it was most naturally and pleasantly beset.

Here the Kings of Persia kept their Courts in Winter, becaus the Region hereabouts was then most temperate, though in Summer it was so extremely hot, that when the Sun was in the Meridian, the Lizards and Serpents could not pass by the waie, but were strucken dead with the extra­ordinarie fervor which the Sun beams projected, Strabo lib. 15. Geog. beeing mul­tiplied [Page 185] more strongly by the reflection of certain Moun­tains not far from thence, Strabo. lib. 15. Geog. as Strabo the Autor most proba­bly persuadeth. Who also addeth, that for this cans the Inhabitants were forced to make earthen floors upon the tops of their Houses, the depth of two cubits, for no other reason, but to free themselvs from the intolerable heat. Strabo ibid.

By this Citie ran the River Vlai, as Daniel calleth it. Plinie. Herodotus. Maximus Tyrius. Pto­lomie and Plinie write Eulaeus; no great error: it was also called Choaspes, becaus that runneth into it. This River was venerable in the opinion of the Kings of Persia, who al­waies drank of this water where-ever they were. [...] Benjamin in Itinerario fol. 20. Rabbi Ben­jamin hath observed, that, in his time, among the ruines of Elam stood Susan the Castle, in time past the Palace of Aha­sueros, having yet manie fair and goodly buildings from the daies of old. Hee noteth also, that hee found there 7000 Jews in 14 Synagogues, there beeing before one of them erected the Sepulcre of Daniel the Prophet. Thus Rabbi Benjamin; in whose daies it seemeth by what hee saith afterwards, that the River was built upon both sides, and the citie divided into two parts, that dissevering them both; whence it came to pass in after-times, that the one part by reason of commerce thriving more then the other, it was superstitiously imputed to Daniels Tomb, which the richer part then kept; this fond conceit once set abroach caussed great emulations, and in fine to compose the debate, Singar [...] Shach with the Persians and Arabians and the neighboring inhabitants, signifieth a King: from whence is derived that form of Speech which wee use at the Chess-game, when the King is taken: to wit of [...] Shach Mat, commonly Check-Mate which in this language signifi [...]th, The King is dead. Shichard in Taris Regum Persar. Shach commanded that the Tomb should bee dis­placed and set upon the Bridg, in the midst of the River Vlai, that so both parties might enjoie their vanitie with an equal participation. Not far from Susis wee have placed the plain of Dura where Nebuchadnezar erected the golden [Page 186] statue, that stately Trophie of his Idolatrous worship. Thus Junius hath noted upon that place in Daniel. Dan. 3.1.

Next unto Susian, also upon the South is placed the land of Nimrod, Babylon. or Babylonia, and therein not far from Tigris the Citie Erce, which Ptolomie in a pardonable error, cal­leth Aracca. From hence passing over the River, wee draw near to that pregnant Relique of the new world's ambition, Babel by name; so called from the event of that, becaus there their Language was confounded. [...] For so the Hebrews intimate by the word Babel, a word which in our mother tongue wee yet retain from our Saxon Ancestors, as they from Askenaz; for when wee hear a man speak confusedly, wee saie hee bable's. The foundation of this Citie was laid in Nimrod's pride, and therefore must needs have a fall; and the fall thereof was great: upon these ruines King Ni­nus built again, but with more humble intentions, and more happie proceedings. Semiramis continued the work, and enclosed all within a wall of that height and thickness, that wee shall hereafter in her life make bold to ask the question, whither 'twas hers or no; in the mean time, doubting lest it will prove too great a work for a woman.

This Citie hath been deservedly set forth by the indu­strie of manie, [...], ( [...]) [...]. Herodotus saith, the wall was 52 of the Kings cubits in thickness, Q. Curtius 32 foot in thickness. Quintus Curtius lib. 5. and those most famous Writers; as Strabo, Diodorus, Herodotus, Solinus, Plinie, and Fustathius upon Dionysius Afer, &c. For the form of the Citie, it was four square, as Herodotus saith; the walls so thick that two Coaches might meet upon the breadth: for the Circuit, the Autors above mentioned agree not. The most exact Tra­dition for this is that of Clitarchus, that the wall was 365 furlongs about, which divided by 8, set off for the Quotient 45 ⅝, the number of English miles in the whole compass, allowing eight furlongs for one mile. Clitarchus addeth, that the wall was finished in one year, each daie one furlong, till the 365 was compleatly ended, which is the just com­plement [Page 187] of the Julian Solar year in daies, not respecting that fraction of Hours and minutes, in which the Astrono­mers agree no better then our Clocks and Dials, [...]. as the Pro­verb is. The height of the wall was 200 Cubites, the To­wers 10 foot higher then the Wall, To approve what hath been said concerning this spacious Citie, hear what the great philosopher discourseth in the third of his Politicks, that Babylon was so wide and ample, that three daies after it was taken, one part of the Citie knew nothing of it. The buildings in this place were not continued to the Walls, nor to themselvs, and if there had been no more societie among the inhabitants, then there was among their houses they had scarce ere com together; for their dwellings were all as­sunder; but the reason was politick to avoid the furie of fire, and undergo a seige in war, for the wast which laie between the houses, in time of a siege was sowen and the increas suf­ficient to maintein themselvs within themselvs: by reason whereof it was impossible to win this citie: for against a famine they had thus provided, and other waie there could bee none, for the wall of the citie was an impregnable fence against the strongest Rampiers; and hence it was that Darius could not attein to the conquest of Babylon, without a famous stratagem, as Justine relateth out of Trogus Pompey. Justin. lib. 1 This Citie opened it self at an hundred gates, and those all of brass. In the midst of the Citie upon the one side of Eu­phrates stood the Kings palace, a statelie and sumptuous stru­cture, on the other side of the river likewise in the midst stood the Temple of Jove Bell, and in the midst of that were erected 7 loftie towers upon the eighth, that beeing a fur­long high, and as much in breadth, from the top of this Tower the Chaldeans made their Astronomical observations as the noble Tycho in his Vraniburgum. See in Ty­cho's Astro­nomical Epist. the discription [...] th [...]s V­raniburgu. In [...]his Temple was placed the golden Image of Jupiter, which was to bee seen in the daies of Diodorus the Sicilian, in height fourtie foot.

Wee have reserved for the last place, that bold attempt of Art in the Horti pensiles, that pleasant Paradise which the Syrian King planted upon the battlements of a Tower, the top whereof was the base of the whole work, the foundati­on [Page 188] of the garden was laid in stone, above that were placed Hurdles compacted together with slimie sulphur, these were covered over with brick, and that overlaied with Sheets of lead, upon which was cast abundance of earth manured with that dexteritie, that plants grew there as properly as in their native soil. Strange indeed it was to see a wood upon the top of an hous, and that trees rooted in stone should grow 50 foot in heighth; and yet the credit hereof hath an interest in the best Autors, both among the Greeks and Latines. And this was once the flourishing estate of Babylon, that fierie furnace in which it pleased God to dis­solv the hardest hearts of the most refractarie Jews. But now Bel is bowed down and Nebo stoopeth, no Arabian pitcheth his tent there, nor Shepheard his fold: But Jiim crieth in the Palaces, Isa. 13.19. and the Houses are full of Ohim; The Ostriches dwell there, and the Satyres dance there.

Ibid. Mesopota­mia.Thus leaving Babylon the beautie and pride of the Chalde­ans, wee com unto Mesopotamia, which bordereth upon this Countrie South and by west. This is called in Scripture Aram naharaim, that is Aram between the two Rivers, to wit, Tigris and Euphrates, here Abraham sojourned at Carras, famous for the sight of Crassus: this also was the Countrie of Laban the Syrian. L. Florus.

Further West Tigris boundeth Ashur: Moses calleth it Hiddekel, which Rabbi Chimchi derive's from [...] and [...], either saith hee, becaus the waters are of a sharp taste, or els becaus they are of a swift cours. The Chardeans call it dig­lath [...] the Arabians [...] Aldiglath, all for the same reason: for the word Diglath or Diglito, as Plinie hath pre­served it, is corrupted out of Hiddekel; or if Diglath bee a primitive, the reason is notwithstanding the same, for that also signifieth a thing narrow and swift. Aristoteles ad Scholiast. Dionys. Af. Alexand. Let Josephus bee the interpreter. [...]. for this caus also it was called Tigris, though Ari­stotle himself hath said otherwise, who, as hee is introduced by the Scholiast of Dionysius Afer, testifieth that in times past this river had been called Sulax, which, saith hee, signifi­eth [...] prone or precipitate (such indeed it is) and in [Page 189] after times Tigris, from that Tiger which carried mad Bac­chus, I know not whether. But the word it self discover­eth its own Etymon, Tigris from [...] gir, signifying in the Persian tongue an arrow: to which if wee add the Hemantick letter [...] Tau, wee have the word entire [...] Tiger or Ti­gris, becaus the stream of this river ran so swift, that it was most like the projection of an Arrow out of a Bow. and this is the opinion of Quintus Curtius, and others. And well might notice bee taken of the swiftness of this River, the stream of whose current usually ran as fast in one daie, Shickard Taric Re­gum Pers. p. 206. as the most nimble footman can do in seven, if Shichard hath not mistaken in his Taric of the Kings of Persia; where hee citeth Plinie and Solinus, but none could give him occasion so to saie, save onely Dionysius Afer in these words, where speaking of Tigris, hee thus setteth down

[...]
[...],
[...]
[...].

Which words perhaps Shickard might understand in that sens, in which wee have cited him; but the Poëts intent is far otherwise, as hee may understand that readeth his Scho­liast who best understood him; for Eustathius upon those words thus discourseth,

[...] (id est Tigris & Euphrates) [...] ( [...]) [...]. Eustath. in Dion. Afr. &c.

Wherefore, according to the judgement of the Scholiast, the meaning of his Poet is, that the distance of the two ri­vers Tigris and Euphrates, is as much as the best fitted tra­veller could go in seven daies; that is as much as if hee had said, Mesopotamia in breadth would prove to a good foot­man seven daies journie. So though Tigris bee [...], of all Rivers the swiftest, yet in this opinion hee hath made more haste then good speed. Wee have suffi­ciently lingred upon the borders of Assyria, wee will now travel in the Countrie, begining first with Adiabene be­caus [Page 190] becaus as Plinie and Solinus testifie, Adiabene est Assyriorum initium. The begining of Ashur is that part which is cal­led Adiabene, for here 'tis probable that the founder made the first plantation of his Assyrians, becaus the King Nim­rod first conquered this place, and setled the Government in a Metropolis erected by himself.

It was called Adiabene, not as the Greeks have vainly con­jectured from [...] and [...], becaus this was a place of hard passage, as Strabo, Eustathius, and the rest; for this conceit is refuted by Marcellinus, a traveller in these parts, who witnesseth that hee passed over a certain River called Adiavas, from which the place was called first Adia­vene, Ammianus Marcellinus in vita Juli­ani. pag 302 edit. Lugdun which word when it came among the Greeks, they changed, υ into β necessitie often urguing them to this, for want of that letter in their Alphabet, so where the Original readeth David, [...], the Septuagint they read [...], the Evangelists reteining the same.

Ninive vrbs.In Adiabene that which first and best deserv's our diligence is the thrice noble seat of Ninus. The Scripture Stile's it both in Moses and the Prophets, urbs magna Deo, and there­fore seeing God himself hath taken notice of it, wee will take the more.

It was called Ninive from Ninus, quasi Nini, [...] Naveh, that is the habitation of Ninus, becaus Ninus set the last hand to the complement of this Citie, and there kept his Court.

But hee that laid the first foundation was the son of Cham, not Sem; though our English Metaphrase hath so transla­ted. To decide the matter hear Moses himself: [...] In which words, our Translation taketh Assur for a person, which beyond all doubt should bee taken for a place, and then it run's thus: From that land (to wit Babylon) hee (that is Nimrod) went out into Ashur and builded Ninive. And this is the meaning of Moses in the minde of that most learned Jew Ramban, or R. Moses ben Nachman, as shall appear by his gloss upon the place, as hee is cited by Abarbinel in his Commentaries upon Bereshith.

Ramban saith, [...] [Page 191] [...] Ramban in Abarbinelis Commen. ad Bereshith. These words intend thus much. Out of that land went Nimrod to rule over the Countrie of Ashur and there hee built Ninivie, and the rest of that Province's great Cities, whereof ( Moses) maketh mention, and this Text [...] is all one as if it had been [...] &c. Thus Ramban, who also citeth a Con­cordance necessarily requiring the like exposition in the like case, as saith hee [...], must bee rendred as if it had been [...] Ramban in this is not singular, nor hath wanted his deserved approbation among our own most learned Writers. For thus readeth M. John Drusius, so Tremelius, judicious Calvin, and diligent Parae­us: none without good reason, for what should Assur the son of Sem do among the children of Cham? And again, hee that built Babel, was as likely to build Ninive. The founder therefore of this Citie was Nimrod, for the situati­on thereof, it was set upon the River Tigris. A late Writer of our own in his Microcosm hath made bold to displace it, affirming that it was built upon Euphrates, which if it do not otherwise appear, I will ingeniously repent the mention of him, whom notwithstanding I should also have spared in this place, had hee himself spared great Sca­liger in a lesser matter: were it not that I count it frivolous to cite a modern Autor in a matter of Antiquitie; to this one I could oppose the Autoritie of manie, amongst whom Ninive upon Tigris is as ordinarie, as London upon Thames. But to fetch that situation upon this River, from the same fountain which they did, I appeal to the Antients.

Amongst the Latines Plinie is plain, that Ninus the Citie stood upon the River Tigris. Among the Greeks thus Hero­dótus, speaking of a certain Trench, [...]: where out of all doubt, though the Text bee somthing cryptical, yet [...] is not to bee referred to Euphrates, or the Trench, but to Tigris, as the same Autor expoundeth [Page 192] himself in Euterp, where hee plainly saith, that Tigris run's by Ninive. Arrian in his book of the affairs of old India speaking of Tigris thus writeth, [...], &c. that is, Tigris runing out of Armenia antiently a great and famous Citie, Arrian. re­rum Indie. &c. where a trustie and faithful Writer hath plainly set down our desire. To these wee add the last and greatest, our master Ptolomie, according to whom wee have placed this Citie upon this River towards the Sun rising.

Besides this consent of the Greeks, summ up the whole truth in the Autoritie of an Hebrew Geographer, and hee, testis oculatus, to wit, the forenamed Benjamin Tudelensis in his Itinerarie, where making mention of that Citie which the Arabians call, [...] Benjamin. Itinerar. fol. and others from them [...] Almozal, saith that Citie is built upon Hiddekel (that is Tigris) on the one side, over against Ninive, a bridg onely between it and Ninive; if therefore Mosal bee built upon Tigris, there beeing but a Bridg between it and Ninive, it is appa­rent in the judgment of an eie-witness, that wee have pla­ced it where it should bee. Onely Diodorus dissenteth whe­ther by an error in the Text, or by misinformation, one or other it is likely: for wee must not forsake all these, to lean to one. The reason of his error might bee, becaus in sine these two Rivers meet and becom one and the same.

Ninus therefore was set upon Tigris, not as Diodorus up­on Euphrates, nor upon the River Lycus, as M Nicolas Ful­ler in his Miscellanea, who for that opinion citeth all those almost, whom wee have introduced for the contrarie, adding also Ammianus Marcellinus, an Autor as hee saith beyond all exception, which wee denie not; onely this wee have found, that both hee and the rest are by Fuller in this mat­ter misinterpreted, as hee that diligently readeth shall bee readie to testifie. For the situation thus much. For the circuit and compass thereof, the Prophet Jonah describeth it to bee a great Citie, [...] Jonae. 3. even in the eies of God, of three daies journie, Diodorus saith, that the sides thereof were inaequi­later, the longest sides containing 150 furlongs in length, [Page 193] the shortest 90. According to which dimension of the parts, the whole circuit must bee 480 furlongs, which divided by eight, set off for the Quotient 60, the number of English miles, measuring the compass of this citie. The words of Diodorus are these, [...], &c. where the Autor having discoursed upon the immens and ample circuit of Ninus, addeth, That the Founder fail­ed not of his purpose: for after him (saith hee) never anie erected the like Citie, whether wee respect the greatness of the Compass, or the stateliness of the Walls: for the Walls were in height one hundred foot, and so thick that three Charriots might ride upon the breadth together. Hee addeth also, that the walls were beset with a thousand and five hundred Towers; each of them erected to the height of two hundred foot. So far Diodorus: whom after ages may for ever gratifie for this pretious monument of Antiquitie, (which hee alone seemeth to have preserved) for the illustrati­on of that which the Holie Ghost in Scripture more then once inculcate's concerning this vast and mightie Ninive.

That Citie of Babel and this of Ninive by a fatal vicissitude held up the Assyrian Monarchie, till the time of Daziavesh the Mede, and Cyrus the Persian. It suffered manie over­throws, before it received it's last: two famous, the one by the irruption of the River Tigris, which at an inundation broke out upon the w [...]ll, and threw down twentie furlongs thereof, which destruction, (notwithstanding the stream of Interpreters run's oth [...]rwise) yet let the Learned inquire whether it were not plainly foretold by the Prophet Na­chum in those words [...] that is, And with an Inundation passing by, hee shall make a full end. Nachum c. 1 versu. [Page 194] [...]. Septuag. Chro­nologie seemeth to denie this interpretation; but each man must consider, that the time of this Prophet, or his Pro­phecie is not determinate by anie autoritie of Antiquitie, and therefore in the Moderns can bee but conjectural. That the River made this ruine, [...]. Diodorus is a pregnant witness. The second destruction was undertaken and ended by Ne­buchadonosor the King of Babel, as the Jews in their Chro­nologie testifie: So Rabbi Saadias upon the Prophet Da­niel. And indeed this Citie was too great to bee destroied at once, beeing as wee have said 60 miles in compass. The Reader at the first sight may judg it incredible, Hee should saie twelve thousand. See Joha Leo Affrica­nus. were not Alcaire in Egypt at this daie extant to correct his unbelief; a place, as Buntingius hath noted, no less in circuit; and so populous, that there once died of the Plague in one daie twentie thousand.

The Prophet Jonah writeth, that in the citie of Ninive, by the testimonie of God himself, were more then one hun­dred and twentie thousand persons, which could not discern between their right hand and their left. If there were so manie children, then at the proportion, the inhabitants were almost innumerable.

The Tomb of Ninus was almost as admirable as the Citie; but of that in his Life.

It may now bee said of Ninive, which once was of a great Citie in Strabo, Magna Civitas magna Solitudo: The greater Ninive was, the greater are her ruines: for now, The rejoicing Citie that dwelt carelesly, that said in her heart I am, and there is none besides mee, how is shee becom a desolation? a place for beasts to lie down in; everie one that passeth by her shall hiss and wag his head. Zephan. 2.15. Against this Citie prophecied Jonah, Nachum, Zephanie, &c.

It is at this daie falsely called Mosall, and at that place Nestorius his Sectaries have taken their Shelter, that Heretick of Constantinople condemned by a Synod at Ephesus, &c.

Arbelitis. [...] Ir. Bel.Next unto Adiabene is Arbelitis, so called from the most antient citie Arbela, which notwithstanding, what Strabo hath said of the son of Athmoneus, I would diligently de­rive [Page 195] of [...] Ir Bel, that is the Citie of Belus, who was no doubt the first founder thereof, after the death of Nimrod. At Arbela was that bloodie battel between Dar­javesh and the great Alexander for the Empire of the world, as the common tale goe's: but Arrian in the description of this expedition affirmeth the contrarie, from the testimonie of two eie-witnesses, Ptolemaeus and Aristobulus: adding that the battel was pitcht at Gaugamela; the same thing Plutarch hath observed. [...], Scaliger giveth the reason of this mistake, Becaus, saith hee, Arbela was famous, and therefore better deserved to car­rie awaie the credit of such a victorie then Gaugamela, a poor obscure Village, which before him Arrian hath said, Solinus. Arrianus in expeditione Alexandri. Strabo lib. 16. Geog. Scaliger in lib. de emen­datione tem­porum. [...] Gaugamela intestina Ca­meli signifi­cans. [...]. Gaugamela (saith hee) is no citie, but a village, and but a little village, the place no waie fa­mous, and bearing but a homely name. And therefore hee saith, [...]. Whereas hee saith that Gaugamela is known but by a homely name, it deserv's further enquirie. Scaliger saith, that the word Gaugamela is in the language of the place as much as the inwards of a Camel, which signification the word indeed will bear in the Assyrian tongue, but for what reason? The learned Critick answer's, That som of the Antients have said that a Camel's Inwards were there in­terred. Causabon in his notes upon Strabo, deriveth it from Geh and Gamal, Geh signifying an eminent high place; but Strabo himself hath given the best, and the most antient E­tymon, who setteth down that it was called Gaugamela, that is, saith hee, the Hous of a Camel: and this will hold, for so Gaugamele might with a facile error bee written for Nau­gamela, there beeing no difference between Gimel and Nun, [...] but a smal apex or excrescence, which oft-times escape's the Printers diligence, and more often might the Transcriber's haste: and seeing it was Naugamela from [...] and [...] Nauh Gamal, it signifieth properly and aptly the hous or habita­tio of a Camel. The reason of this imposition is well ren­dred [Page 196] by Strabo, becaus saith hee, Darius the son of Hystaspis bestowed that place of rest and food upon his wearie faint­ing Camel, which had tired out himself in his hard service. At Gaugamela therefore, not at Arbele was fought that fa­mous battel of the two mightie Monarchs for the Diademe of the world, which fortunate Alexander brought awaie, Heaven it self bearing witness thereto by an Eclips of the Moon.

Not far from Arbela is the Mountain Nicatorium [...], as Strabo cal's it (for in Ptolemie wee finde it not) A­lexander the Great gave it that name from [...], Ptolomaeus lib. Gaeog. vinco, that it might bee, as to this daie it is, a constant Trophie of that famous victorie which this King atcheiv'd at Gaugamela.

In this Countrie of Arbelitis, Strabo also placeth the Ci­tie Demetrias, as also the Temple of Aeneas, and the Palace of the King of Persia, with the bituminous Fountain, all which wee have set down according to his description.

Upon the River Caprus standeth Oroba; which Junius well conjectureth to bee no other, then that which Moses in Genesis calleth Rehoboth. In the South coast of Arbelitis, be­tween Caprus and Gorgus, Ptolomie placeth Thelbe, which perhaps was so called from Tubal, as also another Citie pla­ced by the same Ptolomie in Babylonia without our Chart, so called out of doubt from Tubalcain, for hee writeth Thelbe­cain with no great error.

Arrapachiti­dis regio.Next to Arbel [...]tis is Arrhapachitis, so called from Arrhapa, a Citie lying in this coast East and South upon the limits of Apolloniatis. This Arrhapachitis, Junius had once conceived to bee no other but Arpatis, and the chief citie thereof to have been that Arpad, which is spoken of in the Kings, and elswhere: but this Learned Commentator correcteth him­self in the 49 of the Prophet Jeremie, vers. the 23. This Coast doubtless took it's name Arpachetis, from Arphacsad, the son of Sem, and brother to the founder Assur. Here lieth Darna, Obana and the rest, places better known by their names then ought els. Next them the Sambatae, and below Appolloniatis, famous for the Metropolis from whence it had it's name. These names are reckoned up by [Page 197] Vadian, Glarean, Volateran, and Niger; men who altogether followed Ptolomie in their Chronographie of the Land of Ashur: more then the names will hardly bee found either in them or elswhere, onely Apollonia, nor much of that. But [...] deserv's our consideration, for which wee gra­tifie old Isidore the Characenian cited by Athenaeus, for other­wise wee had never attained to the knowledg of that place which Moses calleth Calanne in the land of Singar, for that Calanne without question is the Metropolis of this Countrie Calonitis which our Autor old Isidore calleth [...], as wee have placed it. [...] saith hee, lieth so, [...] &c. that it is separated from the Medes by the Mountain [...], as wee have said.

Thus wee have indeavoured the delineation of the fa­mous frontiers of old Ashur, which the reader if hee pleas may behold in our Chart; alwaies provided that hee bee not offended at this, that wee have drawen the lowest paral­lel equal to the highest of that Latitude; for 'tis easily known to my slender skil, that seeing Topographical plains are all portions cut out of the entire Sphears, there­fore the Parallels as they increas in Latitude ought to bear a different proportion to their Meridians: yet this curious cours wee took not in a matter that needeth it not, but projected the Chart upon a Parallelogram, becaus in a di­stance no greater, for a purpose of no greater moment, the disproportion can nothing prejudice the Description.

THe State-Government of Assyria was Regal, it began in Tyrannie, [...] contra­rium quod▪ Imperio reg. id est, [...]. which Aristotle cal's the Vice of a Mo­narchie: it continued under the succession of absolute Princes from Jove Bel to Belshazar. The policie which this Countrie did enjoie was as in all other Kingdoms, Ecclesi­astical and Civil. In their Ecclesiastical policie wee consi­der their Religion. God they served, but not the true; nor one, but manie and fals. their Deities, for the most part, were placed in Heaven; the Sun, Moon and Stars; and in­deed, [Page 198] were men allowed to chuse themselvs a God: this was somwhat a tolerable impietie, for such great Astronomers to adore the Host of Heaven.

The Manner how they worshiped the Sun is set down by Macrobius, Macrobius Saturna pri­mo. Cap. 17 et 23. who describeth the Image under which this Pla­net was adored, adding unto his description a Symbolical interpretation. To the Sun they sacrificed Horses, and the [...]. Herodot. lib. secundo De Mapogetis loquens. idem etiam Xenophon de Armeniis scribit, eandem etiam caussam reddens lib. quarto, [...]. reason was, becaus they judged it convenient, that the most nimble God should bee served with the swiftest Obla­tions. The Altars whereupon these Sacrifices were offered, they erected either in open Courts, as 2 Reg. Chap. 21. vers 5. or els upon the tops of their Houses, as Zeph. 1.5.

Isaiah. Tremelius supposeth that the Prophet intendeth this God of the Sun by that which hee calleth Nebo, but that deserv­eth further enquirie: Doubtless Nebo was som notable Sta­tue among the Teraphins, and what they were wee will now strive to discover. [...] Taraph the root and singular of Teraphim seemeth properly to have signified anie dishonest disgraceful matter, [...] as Elias Tisbites intimateth in the word Taraph; where also hee insinuate's both the affinitie and Etymologie of the Latine word turpitudo, from this Hebrew word Taraph. For so saith hee the Latines call, id quod turpe est [...] Turpitudo. Turpitudo Tesbites in Taraph. And for this caus the Hebrews called that Magical divination of their Heathen neighbours which was made by inchanted Heads and Statues Turpah, and those Images so charmed Teraphim: [...] Ex Pirke R. Eliazer perec. [...] for the Teraphim were certain Lares or houshold-Gods in which the Divel made answer to the simple Heathen; their making is thus set forth by Tisbites out of Rabbi Eliezer. in the 36 Chapter [Page 199] whose words wee may render in this manner, speaking of those Idols, I have found (saith hee) that the Teraphim are thus contrived. They cut the throat of a first born male, they pul off his head and powder it with salt and odors, (Then) they write upon a plate of Gold the name of an unclean Spirit putting that under the head, then place they this head upon som wall, set­ing burning Lamps before it, and so worship in the presence thereof, and of these Laban asked counsel, &c. as wee have set down in the margine foregoing. So the Chaldee Paraphrast in Hosee rendreth Teraphim by [...] Mechauvi, Indicans, shew­ing or declaring: For that was the condition of these Te­raphim, as Rabbi Chimchi also approveth in the Root Taraph and Delrio an expert Magician in his Animadversions upon the words of Laban.

The like is set down in the Book of R. Simeon Ben Jo­chai which is called Zohar. fol. [...] upon the words of Mo­ses, [...] And Laban went, &c. It is therefore manifest, See M. Sel­den De Diis Syris. that the Teraphim were nothing els but the heads of first born males, made and erected under the influence of som certain Planet under whom som certain Spirit (as Orifieb over Sa­turn was predominant, whose name must bee ingraven in som thin plate, and placed ceremoniously under the Head, this don, Lamps must bee solemnly burned before it, and then after som diabolical Exorcisms, Necromantically per­formed the head shall prove vocal. The tale goe's current amongst us, that our Countrieman Roger Bacon once framed such a kinde of Magical Machination in Brass. Doubtless Albert the Great spent thirtie years to frame out a statue like a man, and in the end by the apt composure of certain en­gines and manie moovable machinations, Aquinas hearing the statue speak brake it to pieces. taught the Image to speak; but 'twas much, if not Magick: for speak it did and that so Articulately, that it well nigh frighted a great Schoolman out of his wits, even Thomas Aquinas himself, as Boterus relateth.

That which persuadeth us that the Idol Nebo was one of the Teraphim, is the Etymon of the name; for Nebo is deri­ved from a root, which signifieth to Prophecie or Divine, as they did by the Teraphim, for that reason of the word is ren­dred [Page 200] by the Jews. [...] Cae [...]era lege in loco Citato [...], &c. The [...]c. in pharma­ceutria. [...], &c. Scholiast [...]. Scholiastes ibidem. Qui sese pu­rificant in hortis po­nè Achad in medio, come­dentes car­nem porci, Abeminatio­nis, & mu­ris, confun­dentur unà dictum Je­hovae. Isa. cap. ultimo. So Abarbines upon that place in Isaiah, Nebo stoopeth.) That the Assyrians used Teraphim is mani­fest by the Storie of Laban. That they were noted Magiti­ans and Astrologers, Simoetha the Witch in Theocritus doth manifestly declare, where speaking of her Veneficial Philtra, shee confesseth to the Moon in the Dorick Language that shee learned those tricks of a Traveller that came from the Land of Ashur, that is, (saith the Scholiast) from a friend of hers that was an Assyrian. Who also addeth, that the Assyrians were a Nation in Magick most exact. And therefore seeing it cannot bee determined for certain what this Nebo should bee, I know not why this conjecture may not with others have it's pardon, seeing it hath brought som probabilitie.

That therefore the Assyrians worshiped the Sun, 'tis manifest: as also that they worshiped him not under the name of Nabo; this Nabo beeing, as wee have conjectured, som one more noted then the rest among the Teraphim, but if anie pleas to ask Antiquitie for the name of this great God the Sun, hee shall finde his Answer in Macrobius, who tel­eth us that the great God of Ashur was the Sun, and that his name was Adad; which, saith hee, by Interpretation signifi­eth (one) so indeed [...] Ada in the Assyrian tongue doth signifie from the Hebrew [...] Achad, unus. A grea­ter testimonie of this Idolatrie then Macrobius, wee finde in the Prophet Esay in the last Chapter, where God threatneth to confound those that purifie themselvs in Gardens ( [...] saith the Text) Achar Achad, behind Achad that is ei­ther the Temple, or rather sim Idol erected to the honor of the Sun, not unhappily placed in the midst of their Gardens, where each spectator might dailie behold and admire the pregnant effects of the Sun's vigorous in­fluence, and powerful operation. 'Tis the accurate inter­pretation of the learned Scaliger, in his notes upon the Greek Fragments, page 35, approved also by another Sca­liger of our own, M. John Selden in that choice work of his upon the Syrian Gods. Both these consent that the Ido­latrous Rites spoken of in the same vers, make but up a su­perstitious [Page 201] kinde of Lustration. The former part of their gloss is undoubtedly true, the later whether it bee or no, it is no waie necessarie for this place, nor (since they have saied it) these years to determine. If wee nothing help, it shall nothing hinder that wee add thereunto; that in the vers, as wee have set down, mention is made of Mice which bear their share in the Abomination, for so saith the Text. They that purifie themselvs in Gardens behinde Achad, in the mid­dle, eating Abominable flesh, as of Swine and Mice, &c.

Alexander ab Alexandro relateth the most of the Antient kindes of Lustrations, but maketh no mention of Mice. yet it is to bee noted, that manie rites performed in these Exercises, were altogether Magical; in that sens the Mice may take place, and com within the verge of their Gloss: for a Mous is [...], an Elf which Conjurers are not unacquainted with. Hear what they say.

Take the liver of a Mous and give it in a Fig to the Swine and they shall follow the doner which waie or whither hee listeth. Pierius de Mure. Pierius in his admirable discours upon the Aegy­ptian Hieroglyphicks introduceth an experiment to prove this Charm, which himself saw at Patavium.

All this is the more probable, becaus as wee have alrea­die prooved, our Assyrians were greatly given to exorcisms.

And so wee have don with their Idolatrie to the Sun.

Herodotus telleth further, that these Assyrians also wor­shiped the Moon, and good reason, or els they had no God all night, a time as I suppose, wherein they had most need. They worshiped the Moon under the name of My­litta, which word Scaliger hath well noted, [...] Mylitta, Mylitta, sig. [...] In Notis ad fragmenta Vet. Graeco­rum, &c. in their Language signifieth Genetricem, in which sens it may not unaptly bee applied to the Moon, whose power though ordinarie, Philosophie supposeth to bee meerly passive, yet not without a Contradiction, the same Philoso­phie allowing the light of the Sun to have a sensible and necessarie activitie upon the inferior bodies, allowing al­so the light of the Moon to bee borrowed from the Sun, and 'twere a notable incongruitie, that the same light should bee active in the Sun, and passive in the Moon; but if the [Page 202] Moon did nothing help the second causses in Generation, yet in the bringing forth 'tis evident, for this is most cer­tain, though everie Midwife hath not observed so much, that the most easie deliverie a woman can have, is alwaies in the increas, toward and in the full of the Moon, and the hardest labors in the new and silent Moon; which Astrono­mers call the Synode or Conjunction, which was the reason that the Midwives heretofore did alwaies in such a case im­plore the aide of this Planet, for the safe and easie deliverie of their Infants. Terent. An­dria. An Example hereof wee may have one a­mong manie in the Comedie, where the woman in the ex­tremitie of her travel, crie's out to the Moon, O Juno Luci­na fer opem. And this amongst others must needs bee a rea­son why our Assyrian worshipped the Moon, and why they worshiped her under that name. The Prophet Jeremie maketh mention of this worship in the 7 Chapter, where hee calleth the Moon the Queen of Heaven, as our English Translation hath verie well rendred. [...] Reginae Coe­terum. The Prophet addeth that the Women made Cakes to this Queen; And why the Women? First becaus the Moon was a Queen. 2. Be­caus the Women at their labor were most beholding to the Moon, who by her great moisture mollifie's the Secundine and make's the passage easie for the deliverie of their chil­dren. This Custom of offering Cakes to the Moon our Ancestors may seem not to have been ignorant of; to this daie our women make Cakes at such times, yea the childe it self is no sooner born, but 'tis baptized into the names of these Cakes; for so the women call their babes Cake-bread. Add hereunto that the Saxons did Adore the the Moon, to whom they set a daie apart, which to this daie wee call Moon-daie.

And thus wee have run through the chiefest Idolatries of this Nation: much more might bee said, and perhaps hereafter shall bee: in the mean time wee will onely add a Conjecture concerning Nisroc. Sennacherib, as hee worship­ed in the hous of Nisroc, was slain by his two sons; who or what this Nisroc should bee, is so doutbtful, that Peter Mar­tyr could finde nothing in all the Antient Writers to ex­plain [Page 203] the matter, his own opinion dependeth upon the E­tymon of the word Nesrac which signifieth (as hee saith) Deum fugae mollis, a God or a Jove [...], whither as to a Sanctuarie Sennacherib might betake himself, it may bee so, I rather suppose, if I may bee so bold, that rac in this place signifie's the Sun; for so this people somtimes cal­led the Sun, as Francis Junius hath noted upon Shad­rac in the Prophet Daniel. So then this Temple was an Asylum built in Ninive, to the Honor and under the pro­tection of the Sun, who was therefore called Nesrac, that is the Sun of flight, for the reason given.

It might bee added how these Nations applyed their de­votion to the rest of the Planets, as to Venus that is Shar: in the honor of whom their Feasts were celebrated by the same rites that the Romane Saturnalia, the servants sitting down, and their masters attending: So also wee might put in Chiun, whom som cal Saturn, but of these, See M. Sel­den. for ought I finde the matter is not so manifest; 'tis onely apparent that they worshiped the Sun and Moon chiefly: and the rest of the Host of Heaven in their order: but of that order and manner wee have nothing certain yet to saie, time may perhaps favor our industrie, and make us acquainted here­after with that, which now wee must not bee ashamed to confess our selvs ignorant of. In the interim, wee must content our selvs with what hath been said, briefly con­cerning their religious politie. Their Civil customs shall now take their places.

The King of Ashur was assisted in the Civil Government by a trebble Magistracie, chosen all out of the gravest and most noble within the Realm; The first sort were to look to the placing of their Virgins according to that manner which shall hereafter bee declared: as also to give judgment in Matters of Adulterie, &c. The second in matters of Theft: The third in the rest.

Physitians these people have none, they being such who cannot save anie man by their profession, till they have lost som by their practice. The custom here was, that all disea­sed persons should bee conducted to the Market-place, con­venient [Page 204] provision beeing made for their safetie there. The reason was, that all passengers by should visit them, by in­quiring out the nature of their diseas, and giving counsel for the remedie out of profitable experience made by them­selvs, either in themselvs or som others, upon the like occa­sion. And to this purpose it was provided by a perempto­rie Statute, that no man should dare to pass by the Market-place, till hee had made such inquisition as is aforesaid. He­rod. in Clio. Strab. lib. 16.

In this Countrie, it was not in the power of a private man to bestow his daughter in Mariage, but this was don by a publick Officer appointed for that purpose. The manner was thus.

Once everie year, all mariageable Virgins were brought by that officer into the Market-place, and there set to Sale; if they were beautiful, the fairest to those that gave most: when all the best were thus bestowed, the Monie which was paied in for them, was given to the rest which were not so comelie and meritorious in their beautie; everie one beeing supplied with a dowrie pro­portioned to her want: By this means it came to pass, that still the Gentrie and most wealthie amongst the Men had the fairest among the Women, they beeing best a­ble both to buie them and to keep them. Contrarily, the Commons and poorer people, Strabo. Herod. ibid. who had not means to compass the best, had means given them to bee content with the worst. A Law not so provident as plausible, and however it fitted their Common wealth, it would bee ve­rie unapt for ours.

Here followeth a Custom most detestable and unfit for anie. Everie woman throughout all the Countrie, was bound once in their lives to repair to the Temple of Ve­nus, and there to prostitute their bodies to whomsoever, that would but throw down a certain piece of monie, were it less, or more; which monie was given to the Temple, and to the honor of the Goddess. Their man­ner was thus. The Women sate down in the Temple, di­stinguished one from another by little lines of Cord, which [Page 205] hee that would might take awaie, or break, if the Woman seem'd to bee coie; and so take their Strumpet out of the Temple into a by-corner, &c.

The Epistle of Hieremie, (if that bee his which wee finde annexed to the Apocryphal Baruch) maketh mention of this horrible and impious practice.

[...].

And the women encompassed with lines, sit down in he Allies, burning Bran for perfume: but if anie of them drawn by som that passeth by lie with him, shee reprocheth her fellow that shee was not thought as worthie as her self, nor her Cord broken.

This Venus also they called Mylitta, as they might for as good reason as they did the Moon: but as in their Gods so in the names of their Gods, hee that readeth shall finde notable confusion. Master Selden understandeth by Suc­coth Benoth, nothing els but this Temple or Tabernacle of Venus: from Benoth also hee deriveth her name. Let the Learned examine it. Bee the conceit true or fals, it is attended with an egregious dexteritie in the cariage, and probabilitie in the conjecture.

The Assyrians burie their dead Corps in Honie, for the most part, and cover over the bodies with the Wax, their manner of Lamentations for the Dead, is to beat their breasts, and to besmear their faces with dirt not un­like in this to the Egyptians, Strabo. Herod. of whom, see what Herodotus writeth in Euterpe.

Arrian maketh mention of certain Sepulcres of the Kings of Ashur found by Alexander amongst the Fenns in Babilonia:

[...]. Lib. 7. expe­dit. Alex. A like place to this I have not as yet found, &c.

Their Habite in Apparel was to wear long garments, one without of Woollen, another under that of Linnen, wee may [Page 206] call the first a Goat, the other a shirt; they had without these a white Mantle. They alwaies wore rings upon their fingers not without a seal, they never walked without a staff, and their staves had knobs carved with a Rose, or Lilie, or such like. Herod. Strabo. ibid,

Against Ashur prophecied Balaam the Magician, Esaie, Je­remie, Zephanie, Nahum, and others.

And this was the State of antient Ashur, in her flo­rishing times, under the famous Rulers of the first Mo­narchie.

In this Countrie these Kings acted their parts, especi­ally at Babel and Ninive; the Assyrian one while bearing Rule, otherwhile the Babylonian: as hereafter shall ap­pear.

Having thus briefly and rudely surveied the position and disposition of the Land of Ashur, peculiarly and pro­perly taken, especially the two famous and Royall Seats of the Assyrian Monarchie, Ninive in Ashur, and Babel in her borders: it remaineth that wee address our selvs to di­scours the succession of her Kings, which Chronological­ly undertaken, ought according to the rules of that Art, to proceed either per [...], as the master Chronologer Eusebius hath don in his first books; or els per annos expansos, as the same hath don in his second. Upon which see Scaliger's most learned Animadversions, and his Notes upon the first.

But the injuries of time have so far prevailed against the Method of this Monarchie, that wee cannot make use of anie of these artificial waies, the wounds in our golden head beeing so near to mortal, that no Principle or Rule in Art may touch them to the quick; and therefore our in­dustrie must attemper it self to the necessitie of this Ataxie and confusion, which the neglect of Ages past hath breed in this unfortunate portion of Historie.

The first therefore and most Antient Description of this Kingdom of Ashur was performed by God himself, who upon a time discovered to the King of Babel, in the night Visions, the State and nature of this Monarchie under [Page 207] the form and figure of a golden Head: under the form of a Head, becaus it bare the first and chiefest place among those Governments which were eminent in the World. A Head of Gold; First, becaus it was the most renowned among the Monarchies, as Gold among the Metals. 2. For it's great and admired Strength; Gold beeing the strongest of all Metals, becaus best and most neerly compacted. And for this caus also, this Kingdom in another Dream of the Prophet's own, is compared to a Lion. 3. For it's Perpe­tuitie; Gold beeing the most durable Metal; and this Mo­narchie of the longest continuance, which also seemeth to bee intended by the Eagle's wings upon the Lion; for the Eagle is observed to bee of a lasting constitution, as King David intimateth in the 5. vers of the 103 Psalm, and not­withstanding this bird continued long, yet shee might live much longer, but that her upper beak crooketh in time over the lower, and so shee faileth, not with age, but hunger.

See here the Prophets own Monument, as it is preserved unto us in the tongue of the Chaldeans.

[Page 208]

דניאל

[...]

[Page 209]

Nehuchadnezar's Vision.
Thou O King, art this Head of Gold. This Images Head was of fine Gold.
After thee shall arise ano­ther Kingdom inferior to thee. His Brest and his Arms of Silver.
And a third Kingdom of Brass. His Bellie and his Thighs of Brass.
And the fourth Kingdom shall bee hard as Iron. His Legs of Iron.
And whereas thou sawest the feet part of Iron, and part of Claie; the Kingdom shall bee divided, partly strong, and partly broken. His Feet part of Iron, and part of Claie.

[Page 210]In this choice Lecture of Antiquitie, which the Antient of daies vouchsafed to read to his Prophet Daniel, to illustrate the night and darkness of the King of Babel's dream; wee finde the vast affairs of the wider World, summ'd up into a Microcosm, a stately statue of Heterogeneous structure, indigitates the various passages and different occurrences, which had been, or were to bee in the world; and all this in a Dream, becaus all these things should pass awaie like a Vision of the night.

In the Golden Head, behold pourtraied, as it were, the face of the first Monarchie. In the breast of Silver, be­hold the second, stretching out her two arms over the two mightie Kingdoms of Media and Persia. The brasen paunch swels out in the ambition of proud Alexander. The thighs of the same Metal, but weakned by division, represent the Successors of that great Captain, in special the 2 more noted Rulers of the North and South. The Iron-leggs light­ing upon an Age like themselvs, stand out for the So most of the Writers determine though I will not as yet, but in the mean time I have set down the most or­dinarie. Romane furie, whose Martial presumption, under the protection of their Grandsire the God of Battel, crusht the rest of the World in pieces like a Potter's Vessel. In the heat of these Commotions, behold a Stone cut out of the Mountain without hands, and falling upon the Statue grind's it to powder. This Stone the builders refused, but is now be­com the head of the corner. 'Tis that Rock Christ, who in­stead of all these petit Dynastie's, hath introduced an ever­lasting kingdom, but his Kingdom is not of this World. In the continuance and encreas of this spiritual Dominion, the strong union of the Iron legs devide's it self, and be­com's partly Claie, whilest the Romane Eagle displaied with two Heads, declare's that the power of Rome is impart­ed to Constantinople, and the Western Empire fallen under the rising of the Eastern.

Letting pass the rest of the members, onely the head is that which wee intend to discours of.

A golden Head, this Prophet stile's it, bee it so: but it is now so far distempered with the drossie injuries of time, that the greatest Alchimist in Historie can scarce extract one [Page 211] dram of the pure and primigenious metal. Annius a Dutch Monk undertook the cure of this broken Head, thinking to salv up the matter, by stuffing up the wound with forged fragments, obtruded to the World under the securitie of old promissing names of undoubted Grandies in Antiquitie; Egyptian, as Manetho; Chaldeän, as Berosus; Persian, as Megasthenes, whom hee falsly calleth Metasthenes. Munster undertook the defence of this Annius his Countrie­man, but without caus or Commendation, hee that would hear his reasons let him repair to his Cosmographie; Munsteri Cosmograph. l. 3. c. 8. pag. 362. and read the begining of his discours concerning Germanie: manie a creadulous Reader hath been deceived, by giving too much reverence to naked names for Berosus his sake, be­lieving Annius in that of Berosus, which Berosus never drea­med of.

Scaliger therefore upon better consideration and stricter examination, seriously abhor's him. Calvisius both re­fute's him and condemn's him: No master in Historie, but denie's him: wee may conclude him therefore Adulterine, and yet not indictâ caussâ: for in the continuance of this discours, wee shall be disturbed with unhappie opportunities to prove him so to bee. In the mean time, this supposititious crew shall nothing prejudice those precious relicks of lawful Antiquitie, though they bear the same name with the Autor of these spurious pieces: for to refuse the good becaus the bad have usurped their names, were a consequence most prepo­sterous, best fitting the stubborn Logick of a Jew, who therefore abhorred the true Christ when hee came, becaus there had been before him a fals Messias called by the name of Jesus of Nazaret.

Leaving therefore this faithless Monk to his unadvised admirers, wee will follow the steps of sacred Moses, and the best of those Jewish glosses, whose Autors have sate in Moses's seat; where these fail us, wee shall have recours to the better Berosus of the two, to the true Manetho, Mega­sthenes, Alexander Polyhistor, Diodarus, Herodotus, and Di­onysius of Halicarnassus, &c. adding conjectures where ne­cessitie enforceth, but with that moderation that shall best [Page 212] becom our Minoritie. In the later part of the Monarchie, the sacred style of the Holie Ghost will help us in the high Priest's Annals or Chronicles, in the Prophets Esaie, and Daniel and els-where. Had the entire works of Berosus the Chaldean Priest remained perfect to these daies, or those two Volumes which Juba wrote concerning the state of Ashur, this labor might have had better success: wee should also have been much enformed by Abydenus, had not hee suffered wrack with the rest under the injurious behaviour of a care­less age: however wee will make the more of those chois remainders which are yet left; out of which wee will endea­vour tenderly and carefully to gather together the decaied pieces of this maimed Monarchie.

Though this Historical work in hand bee in nature pra­ctick, yet it must bee indebted to the Theorie of this Art, for som certain terms, as Aera's or Epoches, Characters of the Sun and Moon's Circle, the Eclipses, and the Letters Dominical. First of all an Aera in Theorical Historie, is a certain bound or Terminus à quo, whereby they restrain the infinitie and indifferencie of Computation. It was called Aera from an indifferent error which escaped the Transcri­bers of the Spanish Computation. In Libro de correctione Anni. So Sepulveda (and hee a Spaniard) conceiveth in his book of the Correction of the Romane Year, where hee saith that His antient Countrie­men for the great respect they bear to Augustus Caesar, thought nothing more worthie then his Name, from whence mat­ters Noteable might bear their Date; and therefore when they would point out a Time wherein such or such a thing was don; they said, Annus erat Augusti, it was such a year of Augustus: that form in time began to bee contracted when men wrote in haste, so that instead of Annus erat Au­gusti, they set A. er. A. and after a little more negligence put this together and spelt it into a word of Art; so that now Aera in Historie signifieth a determinate and set time from whence Chronologers account their years, as each man dateth his Letter in the Aera of our Lord, when hee setteth down (as wee do at this time) dated the 20 of De­cember, in the Year, that is, in the Aera of Christ, 1630.

[Page 213] Scaliger lighting upon this Conjecture of Sepulveda, re­prehend's both the Conceit, and the Autor; Lib. de E­mendatione temporum. the Conceit becaus fals, as hee intimateth in the Chap. De Aera Hispanica, mainteining that the word Aera signified as much with the Antient Latines, as Summa, and that in old Spanish Mo­numents, it was not set Aera, but Era, and therefore could not bee corrupted out of A. er. A. The Autor hee repre­hendeth, becaus hee seemeth to bee so far in love with this new Conceit, that for no other reason hee writ the whole Book of the correction of the Romane Year, onely to ac­quaint the World with this plausible devise. A hard cen­sure from a matchless man, for whom it had been happie that hee had been ignorant but of this one thing, that hee knew so much. James Christman, Keckerman's most learned Master, fetcheth this word out of his Arabi [...]k. It was cal­led Aera saith hee, from Arah; which in the Arabians tongue signifieth computare, to reckon. Ch [...]istm. i [...] lib. de conne­xione Anno­rum. The Reader may enjoie the priviledg of this varietie, and take his Chois, if hee take them all, hee may perchance lack the right, and hee shall not take much amiss if hee take anie; by either, and by that wee have said hee may easily understand in what manner the word is used in Historie.

In stead of Aera which the Latines used, the Greeks write Epoche, the same in effect; it beeing derived from the word [...]; signifying inhibere, becaus an Aera or Epoche doth restrain matters noted in Antiquitie to that certain time which is so called. Concerning the Circle of the Sun and Moon each Almanack can tell; as for Eclipses, Simplicius in Secun [...] lib. de Coelo. the Ba­bylonians beeing great Astronomers observed the most that were visible in the Horizon of Ashur during the space of this Monarchie, as Misthenes searched out in the Chaldean Ar­chives, at the request of Aristotle in the time of Alexander; but these [...] came not to our hands, where anie such observation shall bee found to bee, wee will make use of that which is left, and griev for what is lost.

That which first require's our diligence, is to finde out whither this Monarchie were the first; which will prove a question, though it is not ordinarily doubted of. The rea­son [Page 214] of the Question is the account of Affricanus; which Scaliger following findeth it to reach backward beyond the Flood, and therefore hee setteth down according to Julius Affricanus, two Dynastics before this of the Assyrians; the first of the Chaldeans whose State was overthrown by the Arabians, In libello Ca­nonum Isa­gogic. and then theirs by the Babylonians. The Scripture maketh no mention of anie King before Nimrod, and this Monarchie of Syria is amongst all the Greeks and Latines accounted the most antient; yet if it were as Julius saith, then were they but som petit governments, or els, which is most true, this Assyrian Monarchie was the first after the Flood, R. Aben Ez­ra. which also is the verie minde and speech of a great Doctor among the Jews.

The second thing to bee don, is to finde out the Aera of this Monarchie, when it first began; which that it may bee the better performed, wee must first make sure of the great and grand Epoche of the World's Creätion, unto which the most of Nations direct their Chronologies. Supposing therefore out of Christian Philosophie, that this World had a begining, 'tis most probable that it began in som Car­dinal point of the Celestial Motions, either in the Solstice, or in the Equinox. Gerard Mercator supposeth the Worlds Creätion to have been about the Summer Solstice, the Sun beeing in Aries, but the Contrarie will appear. The greatest controversie hold's to the Equinoxes, the most holding that the Creätion was in the Vernal Equinox; the best, in the Autumnal. The Saeder Olam or Jewish Chronologie re­lates, that there was a great disputation between Rabbi Jo­sue and Rabbi Eliezer concerning this Aera: Rabbi Josue striving for the Vernal, Eliezer for the Autumnal: The Latter will bee found to bee the most Orthodox in the opi­nion, as shall thus appear.

And first no man can Question, but that the world be­gan in that Period, from whence the old world reckoned their years, which hee that maketh trial, shall finde to bee from the Autumnal intersection, as is most apparant in ac­counting the time of the Flood. Scaliger in Cap. de Cond. Mundi.

[Page 215]This manner of Computation Abraham taught the Egy­ptians, as an Antient Autor Alexander Polyhistor testifieth. Euseb. l 9. de praep. This Custom the Egyptians long reteined, the Opinion al­waies: for so, according to their minde, Julius Firmicus the great Astrologer reporteth that this was current, that the World was Creäted in posterioribus Librae: as wee finde, saith hee, in the Barbarian Sphear. Hee spake with a respect had to the Phaenomena of his time; but it appeareth plainly what the Egyptian Sphear, which hee calleth Barbarian, See for the reason the great Cri­tick upon the Sphoera Barbarica of Manilius. had de­termined for the Epoche of the World's Creätion.

The like Attestation may bee observed in the Antient Hetrurians, whose custom was at the begining of everie Year, in stead of other Kalendars, to fix a Nail in their great Temple, which Festus Rufus and Livie witness to have been don in the Autumn.

Add hereunto, that Moses calleth that the seventh Moneth, which in som part answereth to the Autumnal Equinox: This Moneth was called Aethanim, which the Chaldie Paraphrast expounding, confirmeth all that hath been said in these words.

The Moneth Aethanim, which is now the seventh, was an­tiently called the first Moneth. Wherefore the Almightie God layed the foundations of this greater World in the first daie of the Week at Even, begining the 26 of October. the first portion of Aries beeing in the first Hous, and the first of Capricorn in the tenth, Libra, in the seventh, and Cancer in the fourth. The Sun, if then hee had been, should have entred the first degree of Libra, Mercurie the twelfth, and Venus the fourteenth: The Moon at the Conjunction: Saturn in the first of Aries, Jupiter in Virgo, Mars in Leo, and the Dragons-head in Pisces.

This was the figure of the Heavens when they were first formed, the same beeing Astronomically calculated and erected according to Tycho's Tables. See Calvisius.

The Aera of the Deluge reckoned from hence will easily appear out of Moses, who listeth to search his Genealogies of the old World, shall finde the summ to bee 1656 years, with a fraction of 46 daies.

[Page 216]The Septuagint accounteth more, the Samaritans less: [...] &c. Computus Sa­mariticus ad Scaligerum, id est, Min Adam el Mocho Meeth Sha­nah, &c, from Adam to his death are 130 years, &c.

Saeder Olam, Rabba & Z [...]tah.That which wee have set down is the account of the Hebrews both in their great Chronologie and the less, and is most agreeable to their great Prophet Moses. These things beeing don; wee shall the better finde out to what Aera our Kingdom of Ashur must bee referred, which shall bee found out in this manner.

A priori this cannot bee, but à posteriori thus. It must bee observed in what year the Citie of Babylon was taken in the time of Alexander the Great, and that may easily bee accomplished by the help of the Olympiads, and Nabonassar's Aera. Calvisius, with others, hath don it to our hands, and it is exact. It was saith hee in the 3619 year of the World. This year of the World was the 1902 year of the Babylonish Monarchie, as the Chaldeans themselvs de­clared to Calisthenes the Philosopher who was imploied in this search, at the intreatie of his Tutor Aristotle, the latter summ beeing deducted from the former, Simplicius in Secund. lib. de Coelo. there remain­eth 1717 the Epoche or Aera which wee sought for within a smal matter. And for this wee are greatly engaged to the dextrous care of our great Philosopher, whose dili­gence if it had not here also helped us, the begining of this Kingdom had put Chronologers to an endlels labor. And now wee dare believe Diodorus; hee saith that the state of Ashur stood from the first to the death of Sardanapalus 1360 years, from thence to the taking of Astyages by Cy­rus, Clesius a Physitian of Cnidus accounteth 313 years, which thing happened in the year of the world 3391, in the first year of the 55 Olympiad: so 313 added 1360 make up the Sum of 1673, which deducted out of 3391 the year of the destruction of the Medes, there remaineth for the Epoche of this Babylonish Monarchie 1718. Wherefore from hence wee must begin to reckon the Acts, Lives, and Successions of these Kings of Ashur: wee begin therefore with the first; to wit, Nimrod.

NIMROD. Annus Mundi 1718. Ante Christ. Nat. 2230. Cycle of the Sun 18. Cycle of the Moon 12.

Nimrod.

NImrod was the son of Chus, and hee the son of Cham, for so saith Moses. And Chus begat Nim­rod; and going forward, describeth the Man to bee a Mightie Hunter, so fa­mous, that it became a Proverb to saie, Even as Nimrod a mightie Hunter before the Lord. The Text plainly sheweth that this Nimrod was a King, when it saith, That the begining of his Kingdom was Ba­bel; the same also in the same words declareth, that hee was a Babylonish King; So that our Mo­narchie was begun at Ba­bel by Nimrod. In that hee was called a Mightie Hunter, Aben Ezra ex­poundeth it in the bet­ter part; but for that hee is reprehended by Ram­ban, who affirmeth that hee was indeed a Hunter, but not to procure Gods [Page 222] Altars, Offerings, as the other supposeth, becaus it is said hee was a Hun­ter, mightie before the Lord; but hee was called a Hunter, becaus hee was so indeed; but not so one­ly, but an oppressor too: his continual conversati­on with bruit beasts chan­ged his humane disposi­tion into a barbarous and agrestick behaviour, and the privilege of Do­minion which hee had long used over the beasts, hee began to usurp over Men. So Ralbag expoun­deth, Hee began, saith hee, to bee Mightie; that is, (saith the Rabbin) [...] parash. Noach. becaus hee began to hunt after Domination or Principalitie. fol. [...] The same Rabbi in the same place saith, that hee was called a mightie Hunter, [...] be­caus hee was mightie to hunt men, and to subdue them under him. Don Isa­ac Abarbinel intimateth a reason of mens subjection to him. [...] [Page 223] [...] that is, Becaus hee made himself a mightie Hun­ter of Beasts and subdued them, the sons of men seeing that Bears and Li­ons were subdued before him with all their might, they also for fear of him submitted to him.

It appeareth therefore by the general consent of the Hebrews, that this Nimrod was the founder of the Babylonish King­dom, and that by a Ty­rannical kinde of abso­lute power, hee subdued the world to this new kinde of Government.

Among the Greeks, hear what Epiphanius hath said, [...], &c. Others have said as much.

Som have thought this Nimrod to bee Ninus, o­thers to bee Belus, both [Page 224] unadvisedly; for that Nimrod was not Ninus, Justin approve's out of his Autor Trogus Pompie; for it was, saith hee, from the begining of this Monar­chie till the time of Sar­danapalus 1300 years, but hee reckon's that begin­ing from Ninus: but wee have proved before, that the Epoche of this King­dom comprehendeth 60 years more, and therefore cannot begin in the reign of Ninus, but 60 years be­fore; which 60 years must bee restored to som King before Ninus, either to Nimrod or Belus, or els divided between them both, and that is most likely; becaus Eupolemon an antient Autor maketh mention of Belus the se­cond, which could not bee without som reference to a Predecessor of the same name; and this without all question was our mightie Hunter, who after hee had possessed a World of degenerate mindes with the opinion of his greatness, easily wrought the unsetled fancies of the Vulgar sort [Page 225] into a necessarie and un­doubted superstition. The true God they had for­gotten, or els they never knew him; a God they must have, quia nulla gens tam barbara, &c. Nimrod opposeth the fortitude and felicitie of his de­signs, and easily intrap­peth a multitude to wor­ship him, who must needs worship som one, and be­sides him knew not whom: therefore instant­ly they call him Baal; or as wee corruptly write Bel; which in our lan­guage signifieth a Lord: and becaus after his death another succeeded, both in his Place and Name, hee was called Bel from his Dominion, and Bel the second becaus Nimrod had reigned before him. This conjecture can pro­duce a Patron to inforce the probabilitie. 'Tis Abarbinel upon that place in Esaie▪ Bel is bowed down and Neho stoopeth. His words are these, [...] [Page 226] [...] read the rest in that place.

The Rabbin saith that the Latine Scribes have written that this Nimrod, who raigned first in Ba­bel, made himself a God, and commanded that they should serv him, be­caus 'twas hee that first had builded Babel, &c. after this hee made an Idol after his own Image and called it Bel.

To this purpose the Rabbin concerning the Sta­ture of Nimrod: I had saied nothing, had not Me­thodius said too much; who affirmeth, and from him Luca Tudensis, that this Nimrod was no less then ten Cubits high, believ this that will; if it were, or could bee so, the Seventie Interpreters did well to call him a Giant.

Of the manner of his death, Annius hath made Berosus lie, Spirits took him awaie; and Funccius will needs believ this, as appeareth by his Gloss upon the Fiction, that is (saith hee) The Divels took him awaie for his grand Impietie, &c.

Cedrene saith, that Nimrod was called Evechous▪ this hee took from an Antient Autor Estiaeus of Mi­letum whose words are these.

[...], which either are the words of the Autor wee have said, or els Eusebius. Vide Eusebium Scaligerianum. pag. 14.

I finde in one of those Manuscripts which were transported from Baroeïus his most famous Librarie to the Universitie of Oxford, an observable abstract of Chronologie deduced from Adam, thence I tran­scribed what I found most convenient, for the illu­stration [Page 227] of that which wee have now in hand. First therefore for the life of Nimrod, the Abstract saith thus.

[...], Tale ali­quod ad Cedrenum Lego & ad Chro­nicon A­lexandri­num, ubi vide. [...] & paulò post. [...] rurfus. [...], &c.

The Autor wee see giveth a pregnant testimonie to what wee have said, See also Cedren for this of O­rion, and the Chro­nicon Alexandri­num. adding also one thing more then wee knew before that this Nimrod at his death was Deified, as in his life wee have proved, so that hee seemeth to bee a God of som note, but if wee mark, wee shall finde that his divinitie transcend's not the eight sphear.

As his place was changed, so his name, that from Earth to Heaven, this from Nimrod to Orion: The Greek Poets would laugh at this, as wee will now at them, having undoubtedly found the truest mean­ing of this Constellation. I will not burden the discours nor imploie the page with their vain Ficti­ons; who list elswhere to see them, let him repair to Higinus, Aratus, Manilius, Stoffler upon the Sphear of Proclus, and the nameless Scholiast upon Cesar Ger­manicus that was found in Sicile. This onely I may saie that, the Conceit was truely Poëtical; [...], that is, meerly made, not told, as having no foot­step in Storie, nor foundation in Veritie, save onely their misconceit of the name Orion, quasi Vrion: This infirm Gloss upon that word, however at the best not able to stand by it self, was after made far more impotent by their halting between two opini­ons; one while conceiving Orion to bee that hee is; another while to bee Arctophylax: far widely guessing, [Page 228] the one beeing in the North, the other in the South. See Hesychius in [...] ▪ But how well our Autor accordeth with the truth, wee shall see and greatly approve. That Orion was a Hunter, the Greeks themselvs con [...]ess. So Theon upon Aratus his Phaeno­mena page 539 of that which was printed in quarto at Paris.

Moses recordeth the like of this Nimrod; the Fa­bles also saie hee was a King; and in Jansson's Globes hee is called Bellator fortissimus. The Astronomers of Arabia call him [...] Algebar, that is as the Lxx doth, the Giant. All this agree's. Add hereun­to his posture in the Heavens, highly becoming his profession, to shew hee was a Souldier, hee is placed with sword and Buckler, and is therefore called by the sweetest Poët [...]. Musaeus in Her. & Leandro. [...]. To beetoken his Huntsmanship hee holdeth in his hand the skin of a wilde Beast, and in the Asterisms of Cesar Germani­cus, hee hath a Bowe readie drawn: besides this hee hath a Hare at his Feet, and the two Dogs behinde. Cisleu f [...]om Cesil becaus of the in­constant weather which is caussed at the rising of this Star; for Cesil si­gnifieth inconstan­cie;, of this see R. Benja­min in his Itinerarie. Let now the Reader judg: nay Homer saith, That is Orion's dog, in these words: [...].’ to which Theon in Aratus addeth, [...], &c. becaus Orion beeing a hunter must have his Dog to follow him. Of this Orion Moses maketh mention, if hee wrote the Book of Job, Chap. 9. and 9. yea God himself in the 38 of that Book, becaus hee had to deal with an Arabian, questioneth him in his own Astrologie, Canst thou binde (saith hee) the swift influence of the Pleiades, or loos the bands of Orion? The Original in both pla­ces, as also in Amos, who had it from hence, is [...] Cesil, so called from the inconstancie of the weather at the Astronomical Asscension of this Constellation: from whence also their Moneth Cisleu.

[Page 225]That this Cesil here signifieth a Star all agree, the difference is amongst them, which of all those innumerable Lights, this Cesil should bee. Hierome by the instruction of his Jew no doubt, translate's it Orion. Rab Jonah in M. Kimchi saith, [...] that by this Cesil is meant that great Star which the Arabians cal Sohel: Rab. Jonah in Rab. K [...]mchi. this Sohel is not Orion, but Cano­pus a bright Star that strike's the Horizon of Rhodes, and is placed in the Argonavis, as James Christman most truly collecteth out of the Arabian Alfraganus; and for this caus the learned Linguist turn's head up­on the whole strein of Interpreters who translate's (with a general consent) Orion. I will not bee so bold, becaus I am not so well able: yet I should ask his leav to follow the old interpretation for one rea­son of my own, becaus I see the Chaldee Paraphrast render's that word Cesil by [...] which signifieth a Giant; and therefore in all probabilitie intended this mightie Hunter great Nimrod, bold Orion.

The Reader may perchance ask one question, why Nimrods name should bee changed into Orion. I an­swer as near as I can conjecture, that this is the rea­son: Beeing upon the earth as hee was, hee was fitly called Nimrod, which signifieth a Tyrant; but when hee began to bee numbred among the Stars of Hea­ven, hee was not unaptly termed Orion, [...] from [...], or which signifieth the Sun, in the plu­ral in Chaldee [...] Orin, which signifieth the con­spicuous Lights of Heaven, as these Stars in Orion rise to the elevation of Chaldea, glittering * upon the Equinoctial in the North and South part of Heaven.

Synchronism.

The Language is Con­founded, and the Earth divided.

And therefore a man of note born at that time was called Peleg, that is Division, from [...], divi­dere.

In Nimrod's time Serug deserveth to bee remem­bred, if that bee true which Suidas writeth, [...]

The Autor saith, hee was a Carver of Images, nay hee addeth, that hee was a teacher of Idola­trie. If so, then this might bee the man that made Nimrod God; see Suidas in [...], and the same in Estiaeus of Miletum, whence Suidas had it. Eusebii Scaliger, pag. 13.

Nahor is born in the thirtieth year of Serug, hee lived one hundred [Page 222] and fortie eight years; and was Abraham's grand­father.

Nimrod teacheth the worship of the Host of Heaven, maketh the Sun the greatest God above, and himself below. See Abarbinel, upon Genesis at these words: [...] Abarb. in par. Noach.

Of the worship of the Sun wee have alreadie discoursed in the Man­ners of the Assyrians; from these the Idolatrie spread it self to the Egyptians, Persians, Medes, and throughout the whole world: No Nation but worshipped the Host of Heaven. The Scythians worshipped the North Star, and called it the I­ron immoveable Nail. As for the Planets they were the constant Gods of all Countries, to whom the verie Week-daies have been by the most Antient Nations religiously dedi­cated. Wee will instance onely in our own, Sun-daie [Page 223] and Moon-daie from the Sun and Moon; Tuesdaie from Tuisco, Mercurie; wednesdaie, from Woden, Mars; Thursdaie from Thor, Jupiter; Fridaie from Friga, Venus; Satur­daie from Seater, Saturn.

These were the first Gods the Greeks knew, and therefore they called from these all other; [...], because these kept their continual cours without interruption.

The Paeonians adored the Sun under the form of a Cup-dish. [...]. Maximus the Tyrian, Serm. 38. Becaus the Sun seemeth to resemble that form, and therefore [...] is somtimes taken for So­lis Orbis.

The Reason that mo­ved Nimrod to command the worship of the Sun, was first, the manifold benefits redounding to Men by this most glori­ous Planet: Secondly, be­caus the Sun was chief a­mongst the Planets, which these Nations easily [Page 224] knew by their great sear­ches of Astrologie.

Nimrod teacheth the worship of fire, as seem­ing to bear a great affini­tie with the Sun; or els becaus it was the custom of Sem's God to answer by fire, as at Abraham's of­fering when the birds were divided, and as som think, at Abel's offering; for this was a great argu­ment of God's acce­ptance if hee consumed the offering; which is the reason, that where the English Metaphrase rea­deth, Thou shalt accept our offerings, Psal. 51. The Hebrew saith, Thou shalt consume &c. The like was don in the time of King Solomon, and in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes un­der the Maccabees, where­of see Josephus in his He­brew Historie.

It might therefore com thus to pass, that these perceiving that there was a voice came in the fire, and the fire onely appear­ed and consumed the of­ferings, upon this con­ceit they thought reve­rently of the fire; This [Page 225] Idolatrie also was not conteined within Vr of the Chaldees, but the Per­sian had it in high estima­tion. Herod. Diodor. Q Cur­tius, Arrian, Strabo, &c. After these the Trojanes, then the Romanes.

Maximus Tyrius verie elegantly reprehendeth this kinde of Idolatrie in his Sermon aforesaid. Suidas and Ruffinus tell a Storie of our Chaldeäns concerning their God Fire. Suidas thus, [...], &c.

The summ is, that the Chaldeäns once upon a time carried their God about to trie the masterie amongst all others, so it came to pass that the fire consumed all Gods that were made, of brass, gold, silver, wood or stone: but when they came to Egypt, Canopus the Priest work't wililie, and to save the credit of the old Gods, make's a new in this man­ner: Hee takes an old wa­ter vessel full of holes, stopt up with wax, and upon this hee set's the head of an old Idol, in [Page 226] coms the fire, and beeing placed under the God, the wax melt's, and the fire was extinguished: from henceforth the Fire lost it's credit among all Nations, as it is at this daie.

Belus 2.

THis Belus whether hee were this Son or Nephew of Nimrod, or what affinitie to him hee might have, Antiquitie discovereth not. Reynecci­us is bold to conceiv, that this was Arphaxat; if yee ask the reason, hee answe­reth, Becaus S. Cyril cal­leth this Belus Arbelus, which hee indeavoureth to wring out of Arphaxat; the conceit as I conceiv is slender, though this Au­tor deserveth well of all Historians.

Sanchuniathen, an anti­ent Autor among the Phoenicians, affirmeth that this Belus was the Son of Saturn: This was Nimrod so called by the profane Autors, as manie have conceived: if so, then Nimrod is hee of whom Ovid speak's, that in his time the Golden age flou­rished, So Eupolemon.

Certainly that Conceit of the Poëts, in compa­ring the Ages of the World to Metals, seemeth to have sprung from Da­niel's own Comparison, which hee relateth out of the Kings dream concern­ing [Page 227] the Head of Gold, the Arms and Shoulders of Silver, &c. In that sens, Nimrod might bee Saturn; & Belus might bee his suc­cessor, to wit, Jove; for so this Bel was called: And thus, forgiving Ovid the fable, this is nothing els, but what hee hath said, That the golden Age, that is, the Age designed by the head of Gold, was in the daies of Saturn, that is, Nimrod. 'Tis ordina­rily granted, that Ovid had seen the books of Moses, and under the same privilege hee might also read the Prophet Daniel, fetching his golden daies from hence, and Saturn from thence.

Whereas this Bel was called Jove, it is to bee un­derstood, that as Bel was a name proper, first to the true God (for so hee is called in Osee,) so Jehovah also was a sacred expression of the Trinitie in Ʋnitie at the first, and afterwards by the Sacrilege of a croo­ked generation unaptly given to these arrogant Kings. Belus perhaps first called the Sun so, and himself afterwards; as Nimrod did the Sun by the name of Bel: which name the Sun still kept in Phae­nicia long after these times, for there they called the S [...]n Baalsemen, that is the Lord of Heaven. And that the Sun was called Jove, the Devil confesseth in the Oracle of Apollo Clarius.

[...]
[...],
[...].

[Page 228]When or where this Bel died it is unknown; and how manie years hee lived, is altogether as uncer­tain: this onely is true, that 60 years must bee distributed between him and his predecessor, but at what proportion this distribution should bee made is no waie manifest.

Synchronismi.

OF the Sicyonians. See Pausanias, Suidas, Homer remembreth them. Iliad β.

The Kingdom of the Sicyonians was founded in the Reign of Belus in Pe­loponnesus.

[...]. The same see also in the successions of Affri­canus. both saie that this Kingdom was first foun­ded by Aegialeus, from whom Peloponnesus was first called Aegialia. Note the Antiquitie of the Greeks, whose first be­ginings were founded in Sicyonia: which place was so called from Javan, who first pitcht his Tent there, For Sicyon is [...] Succoth Javan, or it may bee set Succah Jon, the dwelling of Javon, by [Page 227] whom throughout the whole Scripture the Hebrews understood the Greeks: hence Iönes, and the Iönick tongue, in which the most antient Poëts are exstant.

Terah the Father of A­braham is born.

Ninus.

THis Ninus was the Son of Belus, so all profane Historie affirm­eth by a common consent, Justine, Diodorus, and the rest.

The brief discours of this Kings life, see in Ju­stin. Ctesias of Cnidas wrote the better part of his more noble expediti­ons, but Diodorus con­fesseth that none ever writ them all. Diodorus ex Ctesia. Hee made war with manie Nations, and was the first as these Au­tors think that violated that communitie which men formerly enjoyed. It seem's hee was the first that they knew; but Mo­ses telleth us of one before him, and Eupolemon of another.

Ninus made war with [Page 229] the King of the Bactrians, in which war his Captain Menon fell in love with Semiramis in which suit Ninus was corrival and got the Gentlewoman; not her good will; doing not what shee would, but what hee listed; for that, Menon becom's desperate, and for the loss of his Love cast's away himself. Ctesias.

[Page 231] Colophonius Phaenix a Poët, hath thus set forth the life of this Prince.

[...],
[...], &c.

Ninus vir quidam fuit, ut audio, Assyrius, qui auri Mare possidebat: Et alia, [Page 232] copiosius quàm arena est Caspia.

Astra nunquam vidit, nec forsitan id optavit.

Ignem apud Magos Sa­crum non excitavit.

Et lege Statutum est: De­um nec Virgis attigit.

Sacrificiis, Deos non est veneratus: jura non red­didit.

Subjectos sibi populos af­fari non didicit: ac nè nu­merare quidem.

Verùm ad edendum, ac bibendum strenuissimus.

Vinúmque miscens, caetera in Saxa amandabat.

Vir ille ut Mortuus est, hoc de se testimonium reli­quit omnibus.

Sepulchrum hoc conspica­tus, nunc ubi Ninus sit, Audi.

Sive sis Assyrius, sive Medus, sive Coraxus, sive à supervis Indus capillatus; frivola non denuncio.

Quondam ego Ninus fui, Spiritumque vitalem, hausi: Nunc verò aliud nihil, quàm serra factus sum.

Quicquid comedi, habeo; quicquid volupe mihi fuit.

Et quiquid pulcharum foe­minarum in amore lascivii.

Opes, quibus eram beatus; inimici coeuntes.

[Page 233]Auferent, hoedum ut cru­dum quae bacchantur Thy­ades.

Ad inferos cùm descendi, nec aurum, nec equum.

Nec argenteum currum egi.

Cinis jam multus, qui olim Mitram gestavi.

Athenaeus lib. 12.

Diodorus speaking of this Ninus giveth another report, for hee saith this Man was [...], born to bee Martial, and valorous even to emulation.

Ninus made war with the Armenians in which case their King Barzanes perceiving himself too weak, conquered his ene­mie by his submission: which Ninus ingeniously apprehending, as gene­rously rewarded, and re­stored the Kingdom to the King again. Diodor. lib. 2.

Ninus dyeth, and was buried in the Palace, in memorial of whom was erected a most stately Monument in Height nine furlongs, and in breadth ten: a wonderful sumptuous Tomb, if Ctesias saie true. But Scaliger saith, that hee was Scri­ptor Nugacissimus; If hee were, I wonder much that Diodorus should so often use his Autoritie, as is most certain that hee doth.

[Page 234]Concerning the Citie which Ninus builded, the Autor of the Chronological Abstract before cited, saith thus, [...].’

Synchronismi.

FRom Ninus to Sarda­napalus is 1300 years. Justin out of Trogus Pompeie.

Zoroastres reigned in Bactria, Justin.

Farnus in Media. Diod.

Ariaeus in Arabia. Diod,

Barzanes in Armenia. Diodorus.

In the time of Ninus also Vexores was King of Egypt. Tanaïs of Scythia. Justine ex Trogo.

Salian thinketh it ab­surd that there should bee anie King before the di­vision of the World, and therefore condemneth Ju­lius Affricanus for his Dynasties of the Arabians, and reprehendeth Justine for these Kings of Egypt and Scythia, which are set down by Trogus Pompeie. So, as if the succession had [Page 229] been long. But Justine, and these Autors deserv our credit: for the Aera of the Egyptian Dynastie, or the Scythian, I finde in the fals Berosus too much, elswhere too little, Diodo­rus is best, but with him the first Kings of Egypt were all Gods. See fur­ther, Diod. Lib. 1.

In the Reign of Ninus great Abraham was born.

Becaus the Nativi­vitie of this famous Pa­triarch Abraham is of special note and use in Histo­rie, it seemeth to deserv more at our hands, then to bee carelesly committed to the protection of a bare Assertion; meriting rather som peremptorie proof, especially since learned Scaliger hath conceived the contrarie. Rather therefore then wee will doubt of his credit, wee will for his sake call the truth in Question, doubtingly demanding

Whether Abraham were born in the 43 year of King Ninus, yea or no?

A great Master in Historie, and our onely guide in Chronologie affirmeth, Eusebius Pamphilus, and hee out of the reverend reliques of old Castor, Thallus, &c. first in his first Book, and again in his second, which hee calleth his [...]. In both hee useth these and the same words.

[...], &c. the same Au­tor pleasing himself in the veritie of this persuasion, repeat's the same again in his Evangelical Prepa­rative, where hee beareth witness to himself, and to what hee had said elsewhere,— [...] [Page 230] [...]. [...]. ità Epi­phanius lib 1. pa­gina 10. edit Basili­ensis. The Reader may bee pleased to note his confidence in these words [...]; and his great industrie herein, in those [...], &c. George Cedren and Epiphani­us, no waie mistrusting such elaborate Canons, Ced [...]enus in, Com­pendio Hi­stor. take it for granted; proposing and approving the Autoritie of this great Chronologer. [...]. Wonder wee then what should moov great Scaliger to set down Abraham born in the year of Beluchus, long after Ninus. His follower and admirer Helvicus hath no other reason but the autoritie of his great example. The truth is Scali­ger confesseth that his forerunner in this conceit was George Syncellus, a Monk. This George was learned but (in the opinion of Scaliger) a most severe Cri­tick, and Censorious judg of Fusebius Pamphilus, whose Chronologie hee transcribed and examined. In his Examination, hee found that Eusebius under­taking to follow Affricanus, yet when hee com's to the Trojan times, forsaketh him, interrupting the suc­cession by rasing out four Kings at once. Thus in­deed Eusebius hath don. Salian a diligent Writer among the Moderns, Animad. version. Scalig. ad Eusebium, pagin. 15. & in No tis. excuseth the error of his Hi­storie, by the Heresie of his profession: as if an Ar­rian (if hee were one) might not bee a good Histo­rian. Wee shall forbear to seek to save his credit, by discovering so much of his infamie: but the rea­son why hee thus did, was to rectifie the errors of Affricanus, whose Chronologie though it will no waies hold in all points, yet it best agreeth this [Page 231] waies; for if wee restore him his four Kings again hee himself will bee found subject to greater incon­veniences, and more abound in Anachronisms, then before. This I then rather incline to, for my own particular, becaus I have considered, that though George Cedren professeth himself in the first page of his work, constantly to follow the aforenamed Syn­cellus, yet in this matter hee refuseth him: at once acknowledging and leaving his error, for Cedren plainly setteth down our Patriarch born in the 43 of Ninus as aforesaid. Thus to the probable falshood of renowned Scaliger, Thus al­so Salian, Funccius, Angelocra­tor, Alapi­de, Nar­clerus: but this later desscen­teth one year, or els the the Prin­ter was too blame wee have set down the probabi­litie of the contrarie; to his greatness wee oppose three to one, and those all great, who cannot but demerit our belief, becaus their process is Astro­nomical, and their Chronologies faithfully contra­cted out of the larger Volumes of Celestial Revo­lutions and infallibly grounded upon the Laws of Heaven. These are Gerard, Merca [...]or, Cethus, Calvisius, and Capellus; who all consent in this, that Abraham was born in the 43 of Ninus, which was the thing to bee proved.

This Man for his Admirable skil in Celestial contemplations was noted by manie Autors among the Heathen. Herataeus of Abd [...]ra wrote whole Vo­lumes of his Acts and Monuments. Berosus ob­serveth that hee was a great Astronomer: and Josephus saith hee read this part of the Mathe­maticks to the Egyptians.

Nicolas of Damascus re­lateth a brief Storie of his life agreeable to Moses.

Alexander out of Eu­polemon [Page 232] maketh mention of this Abraham, testifying that hee was the inventer of Astrologie among the Chaldeans, they tell also of his Expedition, and Melchisedeth, &c. Euseb.

Artapanus recordeth, that the Jews were called Hebrews from Abraham; hee saith also that Abra­ham went into Egypt and taught the King Astro­nomie, the Kings name hee calleth Pharetho, his words are [...]: Hee would saie Pharaoh. Thus Artapanus in Euseb. [...].

Melo in his Discours against the Jews writeth also of this Abraham, and saith that hee was so called, to express thus much in force, to wit his Father's Friend, one part of his name signifieth a Father indeed; and the other, according as it might bee written, might bee forced to signifie a Friend: but let that pass. This Melo telleth of his two wives, of his sons by both, and summeth up his whole Storie. Of [Page 233] these testimonies: See more in Eusebius Pamp. [...].

Concerning Abraham thus Eusebius.

[...]. pag. 19.

See also what Julius Africanus hath storied of Abraham, and his Expe­dition to Pentapolis. Eu­seb. [...], pag. 19.

Semiramis.

ALL Writer have shewed their good will to make the world acquainted with the re­nown of this manly wo­man, but in their discours there hath been as much deceit, as in her desert. Diodorus confesseth her pedigree to have no better Autoritie then from the Fables. The most saie shee was the Wife of Ni­nus; so Ctesias and Diodo­rus, and manie besides: but Conon in Photius saith, shee was the Mother of Ninus, [...], But the error of this antient Autor is most apparant, for by Ninus hee meaneth Ninias, who also was called [...], as Affricanus witnesseth: and so indeed shee was the Wife of Ninus, and the Mother of his son Ninias, [Page 235] which Conon undoubted­ly meant: for hee saith that the reason why shee was supposed to bee his wife was, becaus shee un­wittingly laie with him. Justine expound's the Au­tors mistake, who saith indeed that shee would have been incestuous with her Son; which fact her son by an unnatural kinde of pietie, punished with her life.

Becaus Diodorus saith, that when this Semiramis was exposed (according to the Antients) a Shep­heard took her in, whose name was Simma. Reynec­cius conjectures from hence, that shee was the Daughter of Sem. 'Tis uncertain who, or what shee was: Semiramis shee was called, which becaus it signifieth a Dove in their language, therefore it seem's her Subjects for the sacred memorie of her names sake worshiped the Pigeons ever after.

But Scaliger saith hee findeth no such word in Syriack in that sens; the Critick shall bee pardon­ed for that, 'tis like there [Page 236] is now no such world; However, there might Vetus verborum interit aetas, Et juvenum ritu, florent [...] modò nata, vigéntque. So the Poët in his Arte Poëtica.

Words have their ages: the Obsolete die, and young Phrases grow up and thrive in their places. Hesychius emboldeneth us, for hee saith that,

[...]. If Semiramis bee a Wood-Pigeon in Graece, it may perchance have been an Hous-Pigeon in the Countrie of Ashur.

Semiramis her exploit of the Elephants in the Bactrian and Indian war, see in Diodorus.

The German Writers saie, her son Trebeta built Trevers, which they pe­remptorily conclude out of their own presumpti­on upon the rotten repu­tation of an old eaten Epitaph.

Of the great Stone which this Queen caussed to bee cut out of the Armenian Mountains, see also Diodorus lib. 2.

[Page 237] Justin relateth out of Trogus Pompeie, that this Queen after her Husband's death, fearing in the sub­jects hearts som disloial prejudice of her son's mi­noritie, invested her Majestical spirit in her son's habite, and approved her self to bee by valiant acts, not what shee was, a woman; but what they thought her to bee; a Prince discreet, politick, and most fortunate.

This Queen built the walls of Babylon. So Ovid, as wee have said; so Dionysius Afer

[...]
[...].

The Anonymus Scholiast upon Aristoph. saith, that shee builded the Citie.

[...].

And so manie others have been deceived with her fame, and attributed to her name the building of the Citie, who had erected nothing but the walls, nor those walls whereof Diodorus speak's; for both those, and the Citie were builded by a Syrian King: as Di­dorus confesseth of the Horti pensiles, and might have don of these also; however hee, and they that think otherwise, deceiv themselvs: for this was don by the King of Babel, as wee will prove out of Be­rosus, in the life of Nebuchadonosor.

Semiramis reigned 42 years, Justine, Africanus.

Semiramis erected her self a Tomb, inscribed thus, What King soever wanteth monie, let him open this Monument, and take his desire. This Darius Hystaspis assaying to do, found a check within the Tomb, wherein the Queen had thus written, Nisi vir malus esses, haud sanè mortuorum loculos scrutâsses.

Synchronismi.

SEmiramis fenceth in Ba­bylon the Head-Citie with a famous wall,

Coctilibus muris cinxisse
Semiramis urbem.
Ovid. Metamorph.

Shee builded a Wall, but not that famous Wall which the Greeks tell of, but for that are reprooved by the true Berosus.

In the time, and by the appointment of Se­miramis the first Eunuchs were instituted: This the Queen did for necessitie, but the Kings after her used it amongst their roy­all superfluities: a thing ordinarie in the Persian and Babylonish Court.

That this Queen was the first appointer of this chaste attendance for her Bed-cham [...] Ammianus testifiet [...].

[Page 235]In honor of Semiramis the Kingdom of Ashur bare the Dove in their Coat armour; but it is out of my element to bla­zon it, either by Planets or otherwise: for this Coat-armour is scarcely found among the He­ralds: nor can it bee certain what the Field was, though the charge is known to bee a Dove, yet becaus 'tis a Princes, one thing is undoubted, that Emperors and Kings ought to bear Gold in their Arms, and then it might bee thus;

The Field is Sol, a Dove volant proper, &c.

Learned Pierius endea­vouring as near as hee can to read all things in Egyptian Characters, sup­poseth the Storie of Se­miramis her Dove, to bee Hieroglyphical, noting out her notable lascivi­ousness; for so hee saith, that this Queen was ve­nereous.

Autors indeed are di­vers; but the most are of a contrarie opinion. Manie suppose that place in the Prophet Hieremie, [Page 236] [...] Mip­pene hreu haiônah, fugite à facie Columbae, to bee un­derstood of the Assyrians, becaus as wee said, they bare the Dove in their Warlike ensigns. So Cor­nelius à Lapide, and manie others, following the In­terpretation of Hierome, who at the 13 of Esaie writeth, that God cal­leth Nebuchadnezar, Colum­bam. So a most Antient Saxon Translation in the Librarie of Christ-Church in Oxford, from the face of the sword of the Kul­ver. If the Interpretati­on pass, as it may, that which hath been said may make for the illustration: for then 'tis thus, Flee from the Sword of the Dove, that is, from their sword who displaie their Banners in the field with the Ensign of a Dove.

Heralds may here take notice of the Antiquitie of their Art, and for their greater credit, bla­zon abroad this pretious piece of Antientrie; for before the time of Semi­ramis wee hear no news of Coats or Crests.

Zames sive Ninias.

OF this King see Ju­stine out of Trogus Pompeie.

A fragment out of Cte­sias in Athenaeus relateth, that hee was a Luxurious Prince.

[...] &c. Sic Ctesias.

Diodorus also maketh mention of this Zames Ninias, in whom see fur­ther.

That this Ninias spent his time otherwise then became a Prince, Trogus relateth in Justine in these words.

Filius ejus Ninus con­tentus elaborato à parentibus imperio, belli studia deposuit & veluti sexum cum matre mutâsset, rarò à viris visus in foeminarum turba conse­nuit. Posteri quoque, ejus exempla sequuti, respon­sa gentibus per internuncios dabant.

Synchronismi.

ABout the time of this Ninias, hap­pened that remarkable Judgment of God upon Pentapolis, or the five Cities, to wit, Sodome, Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboïm and Segor; which deserv's to bee remembred as well by us, as a profane Hi­storian Cornelias Tacitus; whose attestation to Mo­ses in this matter is well worth our consideration.

The Autor having de­scribed the Lake of Sodom, addeth as followeth,

Haud procul indè campi, quos olim uberes magnísque urbibus habitatos, fulminum jactu arsisse, & manere ve­stigia, terrámque specie tor­ridam vim frugiferam per­didisse. Nam cuncta sponte edita, aut manu sata sive herbâ tenus aut flore, seu so­litam in speciem adolevere, atra & inania velut in ci­neres evanescunt. Ego sicut Judaïcas quondam urbes igne coelesti flagrâsse conces­serim, ità halitu lacûs in­fici terram, corrumpi super­fusum spiritum eóque foetus segetum & Autumni putre­scere [Page 239] reor, Solo, caelóque juxtà gravi. Tacitus Hist. lib. 4. pag. 619. Lipsianae editionis in octavo.

The Autor of the Abstract before mentioned, when hee cometh to Ninus, setteth down to succeed him one Thourias, who was called Ares, to whom hee saith they made the first Statue, and called it [...], (that is Lord God:) of which saith hee the Prophet Daniel hath made mention. Suidas either had this from this Autor, or hee from Suidas, who hath written the same; for as I know not the Au­tor, so neither his time. It was after Eusebius; how long, I yet cannot tell, whereas they cite Daniel, wee are to understand, not that Man of desires, but his name's sake, intitled to the Storie of Bell and the Dragon, which who will may read more at large in Hebrew, then 'tis found in Greek, if they will patiently revolv the Stories of Josippus the Jew, called also Gorionides. After Thourias the Abstract pla­ceth Lames, then Sardanapalus; omitting that whole succession of Affricanus without recompens, more then of Thourias and Lames, neither of which are known.

Thus far the better hand of pure Antiquitie hath helped us.

Julius Affricanus reckoneth up [...]he Kings from Zames to Sardanapalus; and after him Eusebius: and amongst the Moderns, Funccius, Angelocrator, Henningius, Reyneccius, and divers others. Those that deserv greatest commendation, are first and chiefly Sethus Calvisius in his judicious Chronolo­gie: After him Salian in his Annals; so Joseph Scaliger in his Isagogical Canons.

However I might have both their help and Auto­ritie, yet I forbear so to fill up the great Chasm in this part of our Monarchie: yet it shall not bee said that I refus'd to follow such great Leaders, for a little reason.

[Page 240]Amongst others, these two have principally per­suaded.

First becaus the Account of Africanus, reckoned per [...], that is, summing up the years of each King together, agreeth not with the Com­putation of the years in general.

Secondly, becaus wee finde in Autors of un­doubted Credit, som Kings of Ashur, whom not­withstanding wee finde not in the succession of A­fricanus: as for Example, Moses maketh mention of Amraphel, whom the Hebrews would have to bee Nimrod: grounding their conceit upon a fabulous Etymologie; becaus they say Abraham was brought before Nimrod for burning his Father Terah's Idols, and beeing then but three years old, discoursed be­fore the Tyrant concerning the Creätor of Heaven and Earth: Nimrod proudly replied, that it was hee that made the Heavens and the host of Heaven; if so said Abram, then say thou to thy Sun, that hee should rise in the West, and set in the East, and I will believ thee; Nimrod thus exasperated with the childes audacitie and discretion, command's that hee should bee cast into the fire; therefore the Jews saie, that hee was called Amraphel from [...] amar and [...] phul that is dixit descende, hee said to Abraham, go, go down into the fire, and this saie they is Vr of the Chaldees, out of which God brought Abraham. This Storie is in the Book of Maase Torah [...] & postea. [...] See Munster's Anno­tations upon Genesis where these words and the en­tire Storie is set down out of the aforesaid Book▪ but this discours is idle.

Again Suidas maketh mention of one [...], who rained after Ninus; and Macrobius of one De­leboris: but of these or either of them, Africanus saith nothing. Som would have that [...] or [...] [Page 241] in Suidas to bee Arius in Affricanus: their reason is a Conjecture from another name, which this [...] had: for which see Suidas, in this word Thurias.

Besides all this, Diodorus reckoneth but thirti [...] Kings from Ninias to Sardanapalus; But Affricanus accounteth more. This disorder and disagreement in the matter hath mooved us to break of the Suc­cession in this place from Ninias to Sardanapalus, in­terposing one onely Prince, of whom Diodorus maketh mention, that in his time happened the Noble Expedition of the Argonautes, and the wars of Troie. The King's name was Teutames; but in what place to rank him, I finde not, not following Affricanus.

So doth the Abstract, leaving out all those Kings which in Affricanus and the fals Berosus were suspected adulterine: a thing in this nameless Autor much to bee regarded; for certainly he took it for granted, that this part of the Succession was meerely lost, and with­out hope of recoverie. I will add one reason more, which at this instant take's mee up, that the maintainers of these Kings, reciting their names, put's the Readers off so slenderly, that wee cannot but suspect them; for of each King they still disgracefully report that hee did nothing worthie of memorie: a likely matter, that all those Kings were idle.

The Trojan war is famous, and a great part there­of Fabulous.

For the Historie, see Dictys the Cretian, and Dares the Trojan; translated, the one out of the Phoenician Language, Or rather our own Josephus Iscanus. the other out of the Greek tongue by Cornelius Nepos; though som have called in question the credit of both these.

See also Valerius Flaccus in Latine, and Apollonius in Greek for these Argonautes.

The last King therefore of the first state of this Monarchie was Sardanapalus; as Diodorus and Trogus make mention. Diodor. lib. 2. Justin ex Trogo libro. 1.

Sardanapalus.

HEe was the son of Anacyndraxis. A most obscene and most lascivi­ous Prince, set forth not onely in his nature, but his name also, as Cicero hath observed.

Justine relateth his wanton and enormous practices; so Diodorus, and Athenaeus, Suidas, and ma­nie more: scarce an Autor that past by his infamie, without a reprehension and reproch.

An Antient Autor, Duris in Athenaeus deserv­eth to bee read concern­ing the manners of this womanly and effeminate Prince: Hoc solo imitatus virum, (saith Justine) in this onely hee was like a man, in that hee burned himself. Of the manner how, read Athenaeus; and of the reason why, see Causabon's discours upon that place.

The most renowned Atchievment that ere this Prince brought to pass was, that hee built two Cities in one daie, Tarsus and Anchialus: as the Epi­taphsi [Page 243] make mention in the Autors aforenamed.

For so Aristobulus report's, that his Tomb was set at Anchialus thus inscribed,

[...]. that is, Sardanapalus, Anacyndraxi filius, Tarsum & Anchialum eodem die condidit. Ede, bibe, lude: nam caetera omnia nec hujus sunt: that is, not worth a sillip. For so his Statue was carved, as if his hands had given a fillip, and his mouth had spoken those words.

The like Epitaph was inscribed upon a statelie Monument in Ninive, in the Chaldee tongue, which the Greek Poët Chaerilus thus translated:

[...], Caetera vide apud Amyntam [...]. Athenaeus.

The like was at Tarsus, where S. Paul was born: at which this Apostle without question alluding to that place. [...]. Let us eat and drink, for to morrow wee shall die.

The great Enormities of this King brought forth the Confusion of the Kingdom, the instrument whereof, was the Rebellion of his Captain Arba­ces Governor of the Medes, with whom Sardanapa­lus fought for the Monarchie, and got the victorie once, and the second time: upon which success the effeminate Prince presuming, the third time in a se­cure disdain went not in person, becaus also the Oracle had undoubted­ly fore-told, that the State of Ninive should never totter, till the River Tigris proved ho­stile; which in the Kings judgment could never bee. But it fell out [Page 244] otherwise; for in this third Skirmish, Tigris swelling over his bounds, by the vantage of a grea­ter flood then ordinarie, plaied an unneighbourly part, and battered down his own borders; at whose irruption a great part of the impregnable wall was laid level with the ground, the citie it self opening to her adversa­ries, to check the vice of her Governors.

Synchronismi.

Tarsus and Auchialus founded by Sardanapalus in one daie.

[Page 243]In the time of Sarda­napalus, Arbaces was Go­vernor of the Medes, and Belochus of the Babyloni­ans. Much question might bee made in this place, what King continued the [Page 244] Monarchie; whether Be­lochus were Phul, or no: or if not, who this Phul might bee. A question to this purpose is largely discussed in Sir Walter Raleigh's Historie; yet notwithstanding that, and what hath been els­where said of that, I in­geniously profess that I am ignorant at this time where to place this Phul: yet for the present, I ob­serv the common order.

PHUL. Circa Annum Mundi 3182.
Phul

IS an Assyrian name, as Scaliger witnesseth: somtimes used alone, as here; elswhere in Com­position, as in this Kings Successor, Tiglath Phul Afer.

Synchronismi.

IN the time of Phul, Menabem was King in Israël; 2 Kings 15. Jo­sephus, Sed. Olam.

In Egypt reigned My­cerinus, [...]: whose Life and Acts are recorded by Herodotus in Euterpe.

The Oracle brought word to this King that hee should from thence­forth live but six years, and die in the seventh. The King hearing this, commanded that certain Lamps should bee made for the night time, which hee had purposed to spend in jovialtie, whilest others slept; that so hee might delude the Oracle, and live twice the longer by taking so much more notice of his daies.

See Herodotus in Euterpe, pag. 140. circa ista verba.

[...], &c.

About this time Nabonassar lived; of whom see Ptolomie, but hee was not yet King.

Ʋzias was now King of Juda: in whose daies hapned that notable Earthquake, of which Josephus relate's, that in the horror thereof, a Mountain toward the West cleft in sunder, and removed from it's proper place the space of four Furlongs, or half a mile; and further it had proceeded, had not a greater Mountain toward the East staied it's Cours.

Of this Earthquake the Prophet Amos maketh mention: by occasion whereof, see what Aben [Page 246] Ezra saith upon that place, page [...]; and also what Kimchi saith in the next side, in that Edition which Robert Stephanus put forth.

Tiglath Philassar.

THis King subdued Galilee.

Hee also carried the Tribe of Napthali into Captivitie.

Synchronismi.

IN the time of Tiglath Philassar, Achaz reign­ed in Judah: 2 Chron. 28.

This King had a fa­mous Dial: and there­fore the invention of the Sciateries is more Anti­ent then Anaximenes. This Dial was a South Vertical, placed upon the wall of the Kings Palace: So à Lapide: and it stand's well with the explication of the Phaenomenon of the Sun's Retrocession. And that it was a Dial, see Peter Novius, and Clavius, two incomparable Mathematicians, the one in his second Book of Na­vigation; the other, in the first of his Gnomonicks.

Salmanassar.

ORdinarie Chrono­logers commonly conceived this Salmanas­sar to bee Nabonassar, of whom Ptolomie speak's: But Scaliger dispute's the point against all. Cal­visius also; but this last, especially against Func­cius. [Page 247] Both agree, that this Salmanassar was not that Nabonassar. Scaliger gi­veth the reason, both from the name, time, and other Circumstances: which though Sir Walter Raleigh admire's, yet hee condemn's. Time now giveth not leav to en­quire, much less to deter­mine the differences. Se­thus Calvisius placeth the Prince about that time wee have set him. His time is much to bee en­quired after, it beeing a most famous Epoche, from whose time Chronolo­gie can demonstrate by the aid of Astronomie, that the Affairs passed since that time, are registred in Heaven.

Who so saith that Salmanassar was Nabonassar, is deceived; as afterwards shall appear: neither is hee anie other but himself, and none otherwise called. Scaliger was bold to call him Merodac; but hee repented of that in his Canons Isagogical.

Synchronismi.

HEre begineth, or not far of, that Nabo­nassar's famous Aera, from whence Ptolomie in his Almagest accounteth the Celestial motions.

Hee ruled in Babylonia, in the year of the world. 3203, the Circle of the [Page 247] Sun beeing 19, and the Circle of the Moon 15, the Dominical Letter E. Upon the 26 of Februa­rie at Noon, the Sun's mean motion beeing 45 Minutes in Pisces, the Moon in the eleven de­gree of Taurus, and 22 Scruples.

The Original of the Samaritans, out of a Co­lonie transplanted by the King of Ashur, they were called Cuthaei, becaus there came most from Cuth, as Elias Tisbites in voce [...] Cuth.

Sennacherib.

OF his behaviour to King Hezechiah, see the Prophet Esaie, and the High Priest's Annals or Chronicles.

The Egyptians in Herodo­tus tell a most memorable storie of this King: That going forth with his Ar­mie against Egypt, it came to pass that one night a Plague of Mice came up­on him, and unweaponed his souldiers, by devour­ing their Harness-ties of Leather. In memorie whereof the Priests pro­vided a statue like this Prince in stone, holding a Mous in his hand, with this Inscription;

[...].

Who▪ ere beholdeth mee, let him learn to bee religious; Herodot. in Euterp.

Som suppose, that this intend's that great foil of this kings Armie by the hand of an Angel. An Angel might do both.

This Sennacherib was slain by his Sons in the Temple of Jupiter [...], or Nisroc. See the reason in Rabbi Solomon upon that place. See also the Hebrew Edition of Apocryphal Tobit the first Chapter.

Synchronismi.

HEzechiah, King of Judah.

In his time hapned, that strange Phenomenon when the Sun went ten degrees back. Peter Noni­us the Portugal discourseth of this wonder and proveth it to bee a Mira­cle, becaus it was don in the temperate Zone: for (as hee proveth) Jerusa­lem is so situate. This hee conceiveth had been no wonder between the Tro­picks: but hee is twice deceived; first becaus the Sciatericks teach, that if in the Temperate Zone a Plain bee elevated less then the Sun's declinati­on, the same would com to pass. 2. Hee supposeth the wonder to bee in the Shadow's going back, which was not; but in the Regress of the Sun it self; for the Shadow might have gon back na­turally.

Asarhaddon.

HEE reigned after the death of his Father, and after this King wee read of no successor hee had; and therefore Histo­rie guided by the Circum­stances of time, conclude's that this was the next vi­cissitude, wherein the As­syrians again lose their Power; and the Babylo­nians continue, and end this first Monarchie.

Som have thought that the Kings of Babel onely in this last succession were set forth by the Golden Head: So Hugh Broughton, a most learned man: but there is nothing to defend his Tenet, but his Auto­ritie: and that hee shall have in som other thing.

The better to under­stand the Babylonish Mo­narchie, wee will set down their Succession, which Ptolomie hath re­corded from Nabonassar, to the end of this King­dom. Scaliger made much of this rare Canon, but obtained it not in the perfection: Sethus Calvisius hath the right which hee hee obtained of an English man, the then Dean of Paul's.

Κανων Βασιλεων. [...]
[...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...]

This I transcribed out of the Greek Manuscript which wee have extant in the Archive of our Pub­lick Librarie; and a most pretious Monument it is, as Sethus Calvisius truly conceived of it.

The First King in this last Dynastie of Ashur was
Nebuchadnezar.

FOr the Composition of his Name, see what Scaliger saith, where hee setteth down the Simples of the Babylonish names.

The Canon cal's him [...]; and there hee succeedeth [...], so Nabopolassar was the Father of Nebu­chadnezar. Hee is called somtimes Nebuchadonosor; That hee was the son of Nabopolassar, this Canon in Eusebius page 38 saith plainly in these words.

[...]. This was put in by Eusebius, or els left out of that Ca­non which wee have in the Archives.

Funccius therefore doth ill to make Nebuchadne­zar to bee the same with Nabopolassar, which Cal­visius hath observed, and for other, and better rea­sons refuted.

Megasthenes the Persi­an thus writeth of this King.

[...] [Page 251] [...], Euseb p 41. &c. i.e. That this Nebuchadnezar was more famous then great Hercules, and that hee sub­dued Lybia, Asia. &c.

The same Autor re­porteth, that the Chalde­ans relate, that this King returning home, fell mad: and beeing in a Fanatick vein, foretold the destru­ction of Babel,

[...], &c. that is, I Nebuchadonosor, O Babilonians, foretell your ruine, which neither Belus our Progenitor, nor our Goddess Beltis shall bee able to persuade the fates to re­move awaie. There shall com a Persian Mule, &c. mean­ing Cyrus. Caetera vide pag. 41 Eusebil scaligeriani.

The Autor intendeth that storie of this King, recorded by Daniel, that hee was among the beasts, &c.

Thus Megasthenes hath storied.

Berosus the Chaldean relateth also the notable ex­peditions [Page 252] of this famous Prince, and of his sum­ptuous buildings; and to him hee attributeth the walls of Babylon, the Temple of Belus, the Horti pen­siles: and reproveth the Greeks for their vanitie, in making Semiramis the Founder of that famous Ci­tie; which also is the conceit of Annius in the life of Semiramis, where hee introduceth his Berosus to averr that Semiramis built this place from a Town to a Ci­tie; where the Monk, by a necessarie and egregious oblivion, forgot his Method, and made a match­less Autor contradict him self. Were there no other reason to disprove this fals Berosus, but this one, it alone were sufficient: when wee finde, that Annius his Berosus setteth peremptorily down, that Semira­mis built Babylon; and yet Berosus in Joseph and Eu­sebius Pamphilus setteth down the quite contrarie, and reprehendeth the Greeks for their vanitie in af­firming that which the other Berosus doth. For the building of Babylon, notwithstanding it is certain that Nimrod began, Belus continued, and Semiramis enclosed it with a wall: but not that great and mightie wall; for this was the work of our King; as also the Horti pensiles, which Curtius and Diodorus witness to have been don by a Prince of Syria, at the request of his wife the Queen; whom Herodotus cal­leth Nitocris, as Scaliger conceiveth.

Nebuchadnezar also built the Temple of [...]el, and in fine, set his last hand to the entice consummation of a sumptuous Citie; which make's him crie out in the height of his ambition [...] &c. Is not this great Babel which I have built? &c. Dan. 4.

This Nebuchadnezar after hee ruled over Babel 43 years, hee fell into a diseas and died. Berosus in Josepho adversùs Ptol. Appion. Canon. His death was sudden according to Megasthenes: for hee saith, that when hee made an Oration to the Babylonians, hee suddenly vanished. See the fragment in Josephus, Africanus, or Scaliger.

Synchronismi.

JUdah carried Captive the first and second time.

In his time flourished the Prophet Daniel, the most learned among the Captives.

Daniel built a stately Tower at Ecbatane in Me­dia, which Josephus saith, was to bee seen in his daies, no waie diminish­ed by age, but remaining in the same fresh and sum­ptuous manner, wherein it was first erected. Joseph. lib. 9. c. 12.

After the Captivitie of Jehojakim, Nebuchadnezar came up also against Je­hojakin, and carried him also awaie Captive; for saith hee, thou Jehojakin art no better then thy Father: and taunted the King with a Proverb of those daies. [...]
[...]
[...]
Which in plain terms is, From a bad Dog will never com good Puppies; which is all one with that of [Page 251] the Greeks, [...].

For this, see the Jews Chronologie, or the Sae­der Olam Rabba.

Nebuchadnezar maketh war with Pharaoh Neco, for his pride, which hee conceived out of the vi­ctorie which hee had got­ten of King Josias.

Of this Neco, Herodotus maketh mention; and of a great Battel which hee fought with the Syrians at Magdol.

[...]

Nebuchadnezar destroi­eth the State of Tyre, in the reign of Ithobalus. Phi­lastratus apud Josephum in historiis Phaenicum. Saedar Olam Rabba in the Acts of Nebuchadnezar.

Nebuchadnezar is driven from Men, and falling mad, liveth no other life then a beast. This hee did till seven times had passed over him. Daniel. Saedar Olam Rabba, Jose­phus.

Hevil Merodac

SUcceeded after Nebu­chadnezar; so saith the afore-named Berosus, and Megasthenes: they saie al­so, for his libidinous courses hee was slain by his Sister's husband, Neri­glosoroor, who reigned after him in his stead. This Neriglosoroor must bee hee whom Daniel cal's Belshazar.

Synchronismi.

JEhojakin restored to his Libertie. 2 Chron. Saeder Olam Rabba.

Belshazar.

THis was the last King of this Monarchie. Why the Canon, and Be­rosus, with Megasthenes should call him as they do, the reason may bee, Becaus these Kings had new names when they came to the Crown, and those were named from their Gods. So this King beeing a private man, might bee called Neriglis­soroor; but when hee had the Kingdom, hee was honored with the name of Bel, and called Bel­shazar.

This King maketh an impious Feast, and pro­fane's the Vessels of God's Hous, to quaff in to the honor of Shac: for so these Feast daies were cal­led, [...]: and they were like the Romane Saturnalia, as wee have said, and as Berosus ex­poundeth in Athenaeus; and Causaubon out of him. Scaliger also in his Notes upon the Greek Frag­ments.

In this Feast the King's heart was verie merrie: the manner is exprest by the Prophet Daniel. In the [Page 255] midst of this profuse Jovialtie God interposeth his Doom: His Fate is written in Chaldee upon the Wall, [...]

And now 'tis plain to read.

Meneh. For God hath numbred this Kingdom, and finished it.
Tekel. God hath weighed this Golden Head in the balance, and found it wanting.
Perez. This Kingdom is divided, and given to the Medes and Persians.

In the same night was Belshazar the King of the Chaldeans slain.

Synchronismi.

JOsephus interposeth som Kings in this last Suc­cession, more then what the Scripture maketh mention of; and therefore must herein bee negle­cted, and left to the frui­tion of his proper sens. The truest opinion is grounded upon God's own Prophecie to the Jews, that they should serv Nebuchadnezar, his son, and his son's son; that was Evilmerodac, and Belshazar, and it is ob­servable, that the Abstract afore-mentioned setteth down the Succession, though not in the same order, yet at the same number: His words are — [...], &c. Hee invert's the order, which might not bee his error, but the Scribes: 'twas facile, and more likely.

This order and num­ber also the Saedar Olam exactly retains.

FINIS.
THE DESCRIPTION AND …

THE DESCRIPTION AND USE OF THE Terrestrial Globe.

By JOHN GREGORIE, Master of Arts of Christ-Church in Oxon.

‘יהוה’ ‘IVSTVS VIVET FIDE’ ‘DEVS PROVIDEBIT.’

I. Y

LONDON, Printed by William Du-gard, for Laurence Sadler, and are to bee sold at the Golden-Lion, in Little- Britain. 1649.

[decorative header with animals and plants]


The Description and Ʋse of the Terrestrial Globe.

THe Terrestrial or Earthlie Globe is an ar­tificial Representation of the Earth and Water under that form and figure of Roundness which they are supposed to have, describing the Situation, and measuring the Compass of the Whole Frame, and describing the Situation and measuring the Distances of all the Parts.

This Description is either of the Earth and Water both together, and it is don by Circles; or of the Water consi­dered by it self; and is not so much a Description of that, as of the Mariner's cours upon it, or to shew The Waie of a Ship upon the Sea. And this is don by lines called Rumbes, which are not all Circles, but otherwise drawn according to the Point of the Compass, at which the Mariner set's forth. But of the Compass and these lines in the second Place; and first of the Description of the Whole Frame by Circles. Now look what Circles were imagined upon the Earth, the same are expressed upon, or framed without the Globe; and they are the Greater, or the Less. The Great Circles with­out the Globe are two; the Meridian and the Horizon: the one of Brass, the other of Wood. Circles indeed they are not so properly called; for, in the rigorous sens, no Line is supposed to have anie breadth, as both these have: But that was for the more convenience; for somthing more [Page 258] then ordinarie was to bee written upon them. And more­over they could not have been so disposed of, as they are, without the Globe, if they had not been exact Lines. But Use will have it so, and wee must call them the Meridian and Horizontal Circles.

Of the Meridian without the Globe.

THe Brass Meridian is divided into 4 equal Parts or Quadrants, and each of them subdivided into 90 De­grees, that is 360 for the whole Circle. The reason why this Circle is not divided into 360 Degrees throughout, but still stopping at the 90 th, and then again begining 10, 20, 30, &c. is, becaus the Uses of this Meridian, so far as in Degrees they are concern'd, require not above that Number. As for an Example: One use of the Meridian is to shew the Elevation of the Pole, but the Pole cannot bee elevated above 90 Degrees. Another is to shew the Lati­tude or Distance of a Place from the Equator, which also can never exceed the 4 th part of the Circle; for no Place can bee further distant from the Equator then the Pole, which is just that Number of 90 Degrees.

Upon one of the North Quadrants of this Meridian, of som Great Globes, the Climes are set to the several Degrees of Latitude; and the Length of the longest Daie under the several Climes: which (if the Geographers would think so) might very fitly bee placed on the Lesser Globe's; for it were but dividing a Quadrant of the wrong side of the Meridian into 90 Degrees, and there would be room enough. In som other Globes the Climes are cast into a Table, and pi­ctured upon som void space of the Globe. But the Division upon a Quadrant of the Meridian, is much more artificial, as hereafter shall bee understood. And the reason why a North Quadrant onely need to bee divided, is, becaus for the Climes of the Southern Latitude the reason is the same. And the reason why the Division is made upon a North Quadrant rather then the South, is, becaus our Globes are [Page 259] fitted for our Selvs, and all our share of the Earth lieth in the North Latitude.

Of the Axel and Poles of the Globe and of the Hour Circle.

FRom the North and South Ends of this Meridian a strong Wyer of Brass or Iron is drawn, or supposed to bee drawn (for the Artificers do not alwaies draw it quite through) by the Center of the Globe representing the Axel of the Earth. The North End whereof standeth for the North, the South End for the South Pole of the Earth. Upon the North End, a small Circle of Brass is set, and divided into two equal parts, and each of them into twelv, that is, twentie four in all. This Circle is the onelie one above the Globe, which is not imagined upon the Earth, but is there placed to shew the hour of the daie and night, in anie place where the Daie and night exceed not 24 hours: there­fore it is called Cyclus Horarius. The Hour Circle, for which purpose it hath a little Brass pin turning about upon the Pole, and pointing to the several hours, which therefore is called the Index Horarius.

The small Circle is framed upon this ground, that in the Diurnal Motion of the Heaven 15 Degrees of the Equino­ctial rise up in the space of everie one hour, that is 360 De­grees, or the whole Circle in the space of 24. So that the Cyclus Horarius is to bee framed to that Compass, as that everie 24 th part of it, or one hour is to bear proportion to 15 Degrees of the Equator below it. And so in turning the Globe about, one may perceiv, that while the Pin is moved from anie one hour to another, just 15 Degrees of the Equi­noctial will rise up above the Horizon upon one side, and as manie more go down below it on the other side. But this Circle is not much for the Geographer's use.

Of the Horizon.

THe other Great Circle without the Globe is the Horizon; upon which (yet not as due to this Circle more then anie other, but becaus there is more room) the Geographers set down the 12. Signs with their Names and Characters.

And becaus everie Sign of the Zodiack containeth 30 De­grees, which is 360 for the whole Circle, the Horizon is divided into 360 Degrees indeed as it ought, but not from 10, 20, 30, 40, so throughout, but by Thirties, that is, 10, 20, 80. and 10, 20, 30. and so along to make the division conform to the 12 Signs, to each of which, as I said, is allotted the Number of 30 Degrees. And the reason of that is in reference to the Suns Annual Motion, in the Cours whereof hee dispatcheth everie daie one degree under or over. So that hee passeth through each of the Signs in, or in much about the space of 30 Daies. So that, though som of the 12 Moneths, answering to the 12 Signs, consist of one Daie more then thirtie, and one of 2 Daies less, yet take them one with another, and the Daies of everie Moneth correspond to the several Degrees of everie Sign, or without anie considerable difference. And after that rate, or much about it, they are placed upon the Horizon, to shew in what Degree, of what Sign the Sun is everie daie of the year. And to this purpose there is set down upon the same Horizon a Calendar, and that of three sorts in som Globes: Of two in the most, the one whereof is called the Julian, or Old, the other the Gregorian, or New Accompt, reckon­ing this latter 10 daies before the former, and the third sort, where it is found, thirteen. Now though it bee true that the greatest part of that which is written upon the Horizon, more nearly concerneth the Celestial then the Terrestrial Globe; yet it is not altogether unuseful here: and especi­ally it will bee nothing out of the Geographer's way to take along with him the ground of Difference in the 3, princi­pally in the 2 sorts of Calendars.

The Reason of the Difference in Computation be­twixt the Old and New Accompts.

A Year is that space of time in which the Sun goeth through the whole Circle of the Zodiack, as from the Tropick of Cancer, to the Tropick of Capricorn, and so to the Tropick of Cancer again, or from the Equinoctial to the Equinoctial, or from anie other Point of the Zodiack to the same again. Now, becaus of the unequal Motion of the Sun (depending upon reasons deeply engaged in the Theo­rical Part of the Spheer, and therefore here to bee taken up­on trust) it ever was, and yet is, a very hard matter to de­termine exactly in what space of time this Revolution of the Sun in the Zodiack is made; insomuch that one said, Censori­nus de Die Natali. that the Year consisted of so manie daies, and how much more or less no bodie knoweth.

This uncertaintie brought so much confusion upon the Old Romane Calendars, that Time with them was grown a Commoditie, and bought and sold at a price. Their Priests, who had to do with this Affair, having in their power to make anie year longer or shorter at their pleasure; which the Emperor Julius Caesar looking upon as a mat­ter no waie below his greatest consideration, advised with som Egyptian Mathematicians about it, by whose Instru­ctions hee found that the Sun's yearlie Motion in the Zodi­ack, was performed in the space of 365 daies, and one 4 th part of a daie, or 6 hours.

The 6 odd hours hee caussed to bee reserved in store till everie fourth year, that is, till they made 24 hours, or one whole daie; so accounting, that the 3 first years should consist of 365 daies, and the fourth of 366, one daie more; and everie fourth year was therefore (as still it is) called the Leap Year, and the thing it self Intercalation, or putting in betwixt the Calendar.

'Twas verie much that the Emperor did, and hee left as much to do; for though it cannot yet bee found out ex­actly [Page 262] in what space of the time the Sun goeth his yearlie cours, yet thus much is made good by infallible experience that the Emperor's Mathematicians allotted too much for the Number of daies: they were in the right, for it is certain no year can consist of more then 365, but for the odd hours it is as certain that they cannot bee fewer then five, nor so manie as 6; so that the doubt is upon the Minutes, 60 whereof go to the making up of an Hour; a small matter one would think, and yet how great in the recess and con­sequence wee shall see.

Julius Caesar allotted 365 daies and 6 hours to this Revo­lution, but the Sun goeth about in less time, that is, (ac­cording to the most exact Accompt) in 365 daies, 5 hours, 49 Minutes, and a little more; so that the Emperor's year is much about 10 Minutes greater then the Sun's, which must of necessitie breed a difference of so manie Minutes everie year, betwixt the Year, which the Sun it self de­scribe's in the Zodiack; and That, which is reckoned upon in the Calendar, which though for a year or two may pass in­sensibly, yet in the space of 134 years it will rise to an whole daie, that is the Begining of the year in the Calen­dar must bee set one daie back. As for Example: Let the year begin at the Vernal Equinox or Spring: In the Empe­ror's time that fell out to bee at the 24 th of March, but now this year it fell out upon the 10 th of March, 13 daies back­wards, and somwhat more, and so if it bee let alone will go back to the 1 of March, and 1 of Februarie, till Easter com to bee on Christmas Daie, and so infinitely.

To reform this difference in the Accompt, som of the later Romane Bishops earnestly endeavoured. And the thing was brought to that perfection it now standeth in (so much as it is) by Gregorie the 13 th, in the Year 1582. His Ma­thematicians (whereof Lilius was the chief) advised him thus: That considering there had been an Agitation in the Councel of Nice somwhat concerned in this matter upon the motion of that Question about the Celebration of Easter: And that the Fathers of that Assemblie after due delibera­tion with the Astronomers of that time, had fixed the Ver­nal [Page 263] Equinox at the 21 of March, and considering also that since that time a difference of 10 whole daies had been past over in the Calendar, that is, that the Vernal Equinox or Spring; which began upon the 21 of March, had prevented so much as to begin in Gregorie's daies at the 10 th of the same, 10 daies difference or thereabouts; they advised that 10 daies should bee cut off from the Calendar, which was don, and the 10 daies taken out of October of that Year 1582, as being the Moneth of that Year in which that Pope was born; so that when they came to the 5 of the Moneth, they reckoned the 15, and so the Equinox was com up to it's place again, and hapned upon the 21 of March, as at the Councel of Nice. But that Lilius should bring back the Begining of the Year to the Times of the Ni­cen Councel, and no further, is to be marvelled at. Hee should have brought it back to the Emperor's own time, where the mistake was first entered, and, instead of 10, cut of 13 daies; however this is the Reason why these 2 Calendars, written upon the Horizon, differ the space of 10 daies one from the other. And as the Old Accompt was called the Julian, from the Emperor; so the New is called from Gre­gorie the Pope and Lilius the chief Agent, the Gregorian or Lilian Accompt: and the Julian is termed the Old Style, the Gregorian the New, as in the conversation of Letters betwixt Us and Those on the other side of the Seas wee may per­ceiv; Theirs to Us bare date (for the most part) such a daie of such a Moneth, Stylo Novo; Ours to them such a daie, Stylo Veteri: And Theirs may bee dated There, by their Accompt, and received here, before they were written by Ours.

For the third Calendar there need not much bee said, though it bee more absolute then the second; for it redu­ceth the Beginings of the Year to the Emperor's own Time, and so leaveth the Old Style 13 daies behinde as it ought to do. But it is very rarely found upon the Horizons of anie Globes, neither as yet translated to anie Common Use. In the outermost Limb of the Horizon are set down the Names [Page 264] of the 32 Windes of the Compass; to what end will bee shewed hereafter.

Why the Meridians and Horizons which are so several upon the Earth, are but single without the Globe.

THe Reason of this will bee plain, if it bee considered that the Horizons and Meridians, in the use of the Globe, are to be a fitted to anie particular place at pleasure; at Oxford, Woodstock, Abingdon, &c. this could never have been don upon the Globe it self; for there must a several Horizon and a several Meridian have passed through everie Citie, Town, or Castle upon the Globe, which if it had been don, besides the confusion, the Circles would have put out the Places; therefore it was ingenuously devised of those who first thought upon it, to set one Meridian and one Horizon without the Globe to serv for all: For in this case the Globe it self may bee turned and applied to the Ho­rizon and Meridian with as much eas, as the Horizon and Meridian with impossibilitie could not bee applied to the Globe, as it will hereafter more plainly appear, then it can do yet.

Of the Quadrant of Altitude, and the Compass.

MOreover then the Circles framed without the Globe, two other Appendents are to bee noted upon; the one relating to the Meridian, the other to the Horizon: the first is the Quadrant of Altitude, and is a thin brass Plate repre­senting the fourth part of a Great Circle, and so divided into 90 Degrees, called therefore the Quadrant; and the Quadrant of Altitude, becaus it measureth the height of the Stars upon the Celestial Globe, to which it most proper­ly [Page 265] belongeth. The business it hath to do in Geographie, is to set out the Zenith of anie Place, and consequently to shew the Angle of Position, or Bearing of one Place to ano­ther, as hereafter shall bee taught. It is therefore affixed to the Meridian with a little Screw-pin, to bee removed at pleasure from anie Vertical Point of anie Place, to the Ver­tical Point of anie other. The second is the Compass, which is a Needle touched with a Loadstone, and set in a Box upon the Foot of the Horizon, upon the South side, such ano­ther as wee see in ordinarie Pocket Dyals for the Sun. The Use of it here (as in those) is to point out the North and South for the Rectification of the Globe, as shall bee more plainly said hereafter.

Of the Great Circles upon the Globe, and first of the Meridians.

THe Great Circles painted upon the Globe are the Meridi­ans, the Equator, and the Zodiack; where wee must not think much to hear of the Meridians again. That of Brass without the Globe is to serv all turns, and the Globe is fra­med to applie it self thereto. The Meridians upon the Globe will easily bee perceived to bee of a new and another Use. They are either the Great, or the Less; not that the Greater are greater then the Less, for they have all one and the same Center, and equally pass through the Poles of the Earth: but those which are called Less, are of less use then that, which is called the Great, though it bee no greater then the rest. The Great is otherwise called the Fixt and First Meridian, to which the Less are second, and respe­ctively moveable. The Great Meridian is as it were the Land­mark of the whole Spheer, from whence the Longitude of the Earth, or anie part thereof is accounted And it is the onelie Circle, which passing through the Poles, is gradu­ated or divided into Degrees; not the whole Circle, but the one half, becaus the Longitude is to bee reckoned round about the Earth. This Great Meridian might have been [Page 266] planted in anie place, as at York, or at Richmond, but must of necessitie bee set in one certain place of the Globe or other, as it is in everie several Globe, though not in the same place in all.

Concerning the Difference of Geographers in the pla­cing of their Great Meridian, and the Caus­ses pretending thereto.

IN assigning the place of this First or Great Meridian, I observ that the Geographers, whatsoever, still fix it in the Western Parts: And the Reasons are, not onely becaus those were more discovered then the Eastern, to those who had first to do in this matter; but more especially for that the Proper Motion of the Sun and Moon is from the West to the East, contrarie to their diurnal or dailie Motion; and therefore the Eclipses of the Moon are to bee observed from that Part, which is the most learned and certain Rule for the finding out of the Longitudes of Places, by observing how much sooner the Ecclips begineth in a Place more or less West then another. And moreover, wheresoever they place their Great Meridian, they still reckon the Longitude from West to East, that is, till they com up to 180 De­grees, or the Semicircle; where som of them staie and be­gin the Longitude again towards the East, calling the first Half, Eastern, the other, Western Longitude. But this Cours, howsoever Artificial enough, yet is not used by the later Geographers, for they account the Longitudes in the whole Circle throughout from West, by the East to West again, som few Spanish Geographers excepted, who, in the Descri­ptions of their New Indies, reckon the Longitudes quite con­trarie, from East to West, but which was thwartly in it self, and, in the proof, inconsiderably don. But as the Geogra­phers well enough agreed in the placing of this Great Me­ridian in the Western Parts; so they have differed much more then it becomed them in assigning out the Particular Place.

[Page 267]The Autor of the Greek Geographie intituled to Ptolomie fixeth the Great Meridian (as Marinus the T [...]ian (cited by Him) and the Antients before them) in H [...]ra; The Greek Meridian. or Junonia one of the Fortunate Islands, as they were termed of old, from an opinion of som singular Blessings imagined by the Antients upon the Genius of those Parts. They are now called by the Spaniard, Islas de Canaria: The Canarie-Isles, better known to us by the Wines of that Name, for the most part falsly so called. Ptolomie, as Plinie also, out of Juba the Affrican King findeth out but Six of these: but the late Discoverers meet with Seven: that is, Lançerotta, Forte­ventura, Teneriffa, Gomera, Fierro, Palma, and the Gran Ca­narie, which giveth Name to the rest. For the Situation of these Islands they lie not as Ptolomie placed them, within one Degree of Longitude, or little less, but more scattering, and lifted up a little above the Tropick of Cancer about the 30 th Degree of the Northern Latitude, in that Part of the We­stern (otherwise called the Atlantick) Oceän which trendeth upon the Coast of Affrick, and are therefore reckoned by Geographers to the Affrican Isles. This was the furthest part of the Earth discovered towards the West to those of about Ptolomie's time: therefore the Great Meridian was fixed there, in the Isle Hera, or Junonia, as then it was called, now Tenariff: And from this Meridian all the Longitudes in the Greek-Geographie are taken.

This the Arabian-Geographers knew well enough; The Arabick Meridian. but holding themselvs not to bee inferior (as indeed they were not) either to the Indefatigation or Skill of the Greek-Geographers, they hoped to have the begining of Longitude taken from them, which therefore they appointed to bee drawn up on the uttermost Shoar of the Western-Oceän 10 Degrees more East then that of Ptolomie: Alphraganus chap. 10. but they deceived themselvs doubly; for first, Their Meridian would not bee brought into Example by others: and again, It was not so improvidently intended, as not to serv themselvs. For according to the loss, or gains of the Sea upon that Shore, their Longitudes have proved to bee importantly different, rightly enough assign'd, but falsifying with the Place, as [Page 268] they are justly served. There is not, for the present, anie verie great Use to the Geographer of the Apabick-Meridian more then to know it; for the Turkish Histories are not so com­pletely derived down to us as to Describe the Territories by Longitude, or Latitude. And for the Arabick-Nubian-Geogra­phie Translated into Latine by the Maronites, though other­wise of a rare, and pretious esteem, yet is not commend­ed for this, That the Distances of Places are there set down by a gross Mensuration of Miles: and John Leos Af­frica is not so well. But when the Learned, and long promised Geographie of Abulfedea the Prince shall com to light, there can bee nothing don There, without this Me­ridian. The Prince setteth down the Longitude of Mecca 67 Degrees. The Greek Geographie 77: and they are both right, and yet they differ 10 Degrees: for so much were their Meridian set East, or West one then the other. Yet nei­ther is this Meridian presently altogether unuseful, for besides the Longitudes of som places noted by Saracenus, Al­bategni and others, there is a Catalogue of Cities annexed to the Astronomical Tables of the King Alphonsus accounted all from this Great Meridian, but with this difference, That whereas Abulfedea the Prince setteth down but 10 De­grees distance betwixt the Fortunate Isles, and the Western Shore. The Catalogue reckoneth upon 17, and 30 Minutes: a Difference too great to bee given over to the Recesses of the Ocean from that Shore, and therefore I know not as yet what can bee said thereto.

The Magneti­cal Meridian.Our own Geographers, the later especially, have affected to transplant this great Meridian out of the Canarie Isles in­to the Açores, or Azores, for so the çerilla will endure to bee pronounced. They were so called from Açor, which in the Spanish Tongue signifie's a Goss-Hawk, from the great number of That Kinde, there found at the first Discoverie, though now utterly disappearing. And it is no stranger a thing, then that December should bee called by our Saxon Fore-fathers ƿolfe Monat, that is, Wolfe Moneth; for that in those Daies this Isle was mischievously pestered with such Wilde-Beasts, and in that Moneth more ragingly, [Page 269] though now such a sight is grown so forreign to these parts, that they are looked upon with the Strangeness of a Camel, or an Elephant. The Azores are otherwise termed Insu;lae Flandricae, or the Flemish Isles, becaus som of them have been famously possessed, and first Discovered by them. They are now in number Nine: Tercere, S t. Michaël, S. Ma­rie, S. George, Gratiosa, Pico, Fayall, Corvo, Flores; they are situate in the same Atlantick Ocean, but North-West of the Canaries, and trending more upon the Spanish Coast, under the 39 Degree of Latitude, or therebouts. Through these Isles the Late Geographers will have the Great Meridian to pass, upon this conceit of reconciling the Magnetical Pole to That of the World. Their meaning is, That the Needle of the Mariner's Compass, which touched with the Magnet, or Loadstone, in dutie ought to point out true North, and South Poles of the World in all other Places, performeth it onely in these Isles, whereas for the most part elswhere it swerveth, or maketh a Variation from the true Meridian to­wards the East, or West, according to tht unequal temper of the Great Magnet of the Earth: therefore notwithstan­ding that the Greek Meridian was placed well enough in the Canaries, (as indeed it was, and best of all, becaus once fix­ed there) yet it pleased them to think that it would bee more Artificial, and Gallant to remove it into the Azores, where (as they would bear us in hand) the Magnetical Needle precisely directeth it self towards the North, and South of the Whole Frame without the least Variation, which might seem to bee a Natural Meridian, and therefore to bee yielded unto by that of Art, wheresoever placed before.

This Coincidencie of the Magnetical Meridian with that of the World, Som of them will have to bee in the Isles Corvo, and Flores, the most Western: Others in S. Michaël, Ridly's Trea­tise of Magne­tical Motions. Chap. 36. Norman's New Attra­tive, Chap. 9. and S. Marie, the more Eastern of the Azores. 'Tis true indeed that the Variation is less in these Isles, then in som other Places, yet it is by experience found, that the Needle in Cor­vo North-Westeth 4 Degrees: in S. Michaël it North-Easteth 6 Degrees: And therefore the Great Meridian [Page 270] should rather have been drawn through Fayal, where the Variation is but 3 Degrees to the East; Or especially through the Cape of good hope, where the Needle precisely pointeth to the True North without any Variation at all by a River side there, which therefore the Portugals have called Rio de las Agulias, The River of the Needles.

But which is more, the Magnetical Needle hath no cer­tain Pole in the Earth at all, and under the verie same Meridian is found to varie in som places but 3, or 4 De­grees; in other 17, and more; and which is wors (if it bee true) the Variation it self hath been lately charged up­on with a verie strange and secret inconstancie by the Pro­fessor in Astronomie of Gresham-College. Hee saith that the Variation of the Needle at Limehous near London, which M r Burrows found to bee 11 Degrees, 15 Minutes, in the year 1580: M Gunter in the year 1622 found it to bee but 6 Degrees 13 Minutes. But Hee himself in the year 1634 found it to bee but 4 Degrees, or verie little more; which in the space of 54 years is a difference of 7 Degrees to the Less. So little reason is there why the Greek Meridian should give place to the Magnetical, besides the great confusion which must needs follow, as it hath.

The Toletan Meridian.But yet more impertinently, the Spanish Describers remem­bred before, not onely account their Longitude from East to West, utterly against all other Geographie, but not content­ed with the Greek, Arabian, or any Magnetical Meridian, must needs reckon their Indies from that of Toledo. But they are verie few that take this cours, and this Pragmatical Meridian is onely found upon a Map, or two, but hath not as yet gotten (nor is it like to do) any relation to the Globe.

The Greek Meridian a­gain.As the case standeth with the Great Meridian, the ad­vice and counsel of Stevinus a Dutch Geographer is very much to the purpose: That the Great Meridian should bee brought back to the Fortunate Isles again, that one certain Isle of the seven should bee chosen; and in That, one cer­tain place; Exiguus quidem, sed notabilis & perpetuus, As smal, but as notable and perpetual as 'tis possible. The Island hee assigned was Teneriff, thought to bee the same with [Page 271] Ptolomie's Hera, or Junonia. The place Pico de Teide, or el pico, The Peak, a Mountain so called from the sharpness of the top, and therefore the place is Locus exiguus, as Smal as could bee, and 'tis Perpetual, for Hils are everlasting; and as notable, for by the reports of som in Julius Scaliger it riseth above threescore Miles in height, which though it bee more then is generally believed, yet thus much is, That it is the highest Mountain in the World.

This Johnson a great Master of this Art considering with himself, though in his lesser Globe of the year 1602 hee had made the Great Meridian to pass through the Isles Cor­vo and Flores; yet since that, in his Greater of the year 1616 hee hath it drawn upon the Peak in Tenariffe, as hee ex­presseth himself in a void place of the Globe. Onely, whereas hee addeth that by this means the Arabick Meridian, and That of Ptolomie will bee all one upon the matter (which hee saith was fit to bee admonished) it must needs bee mista­ken. 'Tis true, that the Canaries lie near upon the Coast of Affrick: But the Arabians mean not this so much by the uttermost Shore, as the uttermost Points of the Western Land runing along by the Streights of Gebal Taric, or Ta­ric's Hill, as they rightly (wee Gibralter) call it, where the Pillars of Hercules were set of old, as our Stories deliver, but of Alexander they saie, to whom, and not to Hercules the Arabick Nubian Geographer asscribeth this Labor, naming there the verie Artificers which that great King provided himself of to force out the Streight; which may possibly bee the reason, why the Arabians (over and above their am­bition of Change) draw their Great Meridian by this Part, in honor to Alexander, whom therefore they call not so, but Dhilcarnain, that is, The man of the two Horns, for that hee joined the Ends of the Known World together by those Pillars in the East upon one side, and these in the West on the other. Which seeing it is so, the Reduceing of the Great Meridian to Tenariff again will bee so far from closing with that of the Uttermost Western Shore, that ac­cording to the Account of som they will stand at 15 De­grees distance one from the other, which also maketh show [Page 272] of som reason of the Disagreement betwixt Abulfeda the Prince, and the King Alphonsus in assigning the difference of the Arabick Meridian from the Greek, the Prince allowing but 10, The Catalogue 17 Degrees, which was noted before.

For any concurrence therefore of the Greek, and Arabick Meridians by this means, wee are not to take the Ge­ographer's word; but nevertheless to embrace this Alterati­on of his Cours in bringing the Greek Meridian to his place again.

The same advice of Stevinus is commended and taken by Wil. Bleau (a man very like to, if not the very same with John­son himself) Cap. 4 of his first Part, which teacheh the Use of the Globes according to the Improper Hypothesis of Ptolomie (as the Title termeth it) per terram quiescentem. For the se­cond Part maketh good the same Use of the Celestial and Terrestrial Spheres by the Supposition of Copernicus per ter­ram mobilem. His words are Longitudo alicujus loci, &c. The Longitude of anie place is an Arch of the Equator compre­hended between two half Meridians, the one passing through the Place it self, the other through the High Mountain called Pico de Teide in Tenariffe, Qui tam in maximo nostro Glo­bo Terrestri (saith hee) quàm in variis Tabulis Geographicis à no­bis editis pro Initio Longitudinis terrae assumptus est, & pro eo in bac descriptione semper assumatur, &c. And 'twill never bee well with Geographie till this bee believed in, and made the common and unchangeable Practice.

What Cours is to bee taken with this Varietie of Meridians, and how followed, or neglected by the Geographers.

ANd now if one may make so bold as to give Law to the Geographers, it cannot bee denied but that the readiest and least entangling waie of reckoning the Longitudes is to meet again upon the first Meridian in Tenariffe, but for want of this, and til it can bee rellish't universally, the likest waie [Page 273] to the Best is for the Describers either of the Whole, or any Part of the Earth not to fail of setting down the se­veral Meridians obteining as then. Also the Difference of Longitude betwixt these Meridians, and lastly which of those they mean to go by. If I were to draw up (If I could) a New Geographie of the Whole Earth, This, or the like to this ought to prepare to the Description.

That the Great Meridian by the most Antient Greek Geo­graphers was made to pass through the Fortunate Islands, now called The Canaries. That from thence it was translated by the Arabians to the uttermost Point of the Western-Shore. That our own Geographers removed it into the Azores pla­cing it som of them in S. Michaël, others in Corvo. That the Best of them brought it back to the Canaries again, and drew it upon the Pico in Tenariffe; The same, or thought to bee the same with Ptolomie's Junonia. That the Difference of Longitude from El Pico to the Arabick Meridian is 10 De­grees more East, according to Abulfeda the Prince. From Pi­co to the Isle of S. Michaël 9 Degrees. From Pico to Corvo 15, and both so much more West. And such, or such a Meridian I mean to follow.

To this very purpose the same Abulfeda in the Intro­duction to his Geographie. It is received by Traditon (saith hee) that the Inhabited Earth begineth at the West in the Fortunate Isles, as they are called, and lying waste as now. From these Islands som take the Begining of Longitude. Others from the Western Shore. The Difference of Longi­tude is 10 Degrees accounted in the Equator, &c. As for the Longitudes reckoned in this Book, they are all taken from the Shores of the Western Oceän, and therefore they are 10 Degrees short of those which are taken from the Fortu­nate Isles, &c.

If wee now exact (as I think wee may) to this Rule, which hath been lately don by our own Describers espe­cially, wee may perhaps finde it otherwise then wee thought for.

Here it will not need to take much notice of those who have described the Situation of Countries by the Climes and [Page 274] Paralells. Thus much onely, That they had as good as said nothing. I confess I conclude under this Censure, the verie good Autor of the Estates du Mond, translated by Grimstone. But it was to bee noted. For what if I saie that Great Bri­tain lieth under the 9 th and 13 Climates of the Northern Temperate Zone (as 'tis no otherwise Describ'd to the Site by a Geographer of our own) is this to tell where England is? No more then to tell where the Streights of Anian are much about the same Clime and Paralel, and yet 160 De­grees distant and more.

They are not much more accurate who Describe the Si­tuation of Countries by their Latitudes onely as the Gentle­man in his Description of Huntingdon Shire inserted into M. Speed. And the most learned Sir Henrie Spelman in his Description or Northfolk. It is no more to saie the Situation of this, or that place then of anie other in the Whole Sphere lying under the same Parallel. But to saie the truth, By reason of the Varietie of Meridians. The Longitudes were grown to such an uncertain and confused pass, that it was not everie man's work to set them down.

M r Carew in his Survey of Cornwall setteth down that Shire in the Longitude of 6 Degrees (I believ hee mean't 16) as most men account. But what doe's hee mean by that; or what manner of account is it which most men use in this case? Norden in the Introduction to his Speculum Britanniae saith, That the Center of this Land, which hee taketh to bee about Titburie Castle in Stafford-Shire is 21 Degrees and 28 Minutes of Longitude. But from what Meridian all this while? for the Longitude may bee manie Degrees more, or less, or just so much as hee saith, and yet all may bee true.

M. Speed more particularly professeth to follow Merca­tor; as in assigning the Longitude of Oxford, hee saith, that it is distant from the West 19 Degrees 20 Minutes by Mer­cator's Measure. So M. William Burton in the Description of Leicester-Shire. But how are wee the wiser for this? Merca­tor's Measure was not the same, for in his Globe dedicated to the Lord Granvella the great Meridian passeth through [Page 275] the Canaries; but in his great Map through the Azores. M. Ga­briel Richardson in the State of Europe yet more distinctly telleth his Reader, That the Longitudes in his book shall bee taken from that Meridian, which passeth through the Azores. But whether from that in S. Michaël, or from the other in Corvo is not set down, and yet the Difference is 7 Degrees, and more: But hear lastly the Kingdom's Geo­grapher in the Preface to his Britannia. At insimulabunt jam Mathematici & in crimen vocabunt quasi in Geographicis Latitu­dinis & Longitudinis Dimensionibus toto Coelo aberrârim. Audi quaeso: Tabulas Astronomicas, novas, antiquas, manuscriptas, Oxonienses, Cantabrigienses, Regis Henrici Quinti dili­genter contuli. In Latitudine à Ptolomeo plurimùm discrepant inter se ferè conspirant: nec tamen Terram è suo Centro dimotam esse cum Stadio existimo. His igitur usus sum, In Longitudine autem nullus consensus, concentus nullus. Quid igitur facerem? Cum Recentiores perpendiculum navigatoria pyxide Magnete illi­tum inter Azores insulas rectà Polum Borealem respicere deprehen­derim, indè Longitudinis Principium tanquam à Primo Meridiano cum illis dixi quam nec ubique [...] permensus sum. So the Learned Cambden. Where note by the waie, that if the Translator hath rendered the Book no better then hee hath this Claus of the Preface, the best cours will bee for those that can, to read it in the Latine. The Autor's meaning I think was this.

But now (saith hee) the Mathematicians will accuse and call mee in question, as if I were altogether out in my Geo­graphical Dimensions of Latitude and Longitude. But praie heare mee: I diligently compared the Manuscript Astrono­mical Tables of Henrie the Fifth, as well the old, as the new, Calculated for the Meridians som of Oxford, others for that of Cambridg. In Latitude I found them to differ from Ptolo­mie very much, but well enough agreeing among themselvs: and yet I cannot think that the Earth is any whit startled aside from it's Center, as Stadius did. These Tables there­fore I made use of. But in the Longitude I found no agree­ment at all. What should I do? Considering that the Mo­dern Geographers had found that the Needle of the Mariner's [Page 276] Compass touched with the Loadstone directly pointeth to the North-Pole by the Azorian Isles, I did as they did, and took the begining of Longitude from thence, as from the First Me­ridian, but which I have not alwaies set down exactly, or to a Minute.

And now the least that can bee exspected is, that the Longitudes of all Places in the Britannia are accounted from the Meridian which passeth by the Azores. But from which of the Meridians? If it bee as the book expresseth ab Ʋlti­mo Occidente, 'tis from that of Corvo: then the Mathema­ticians have caus to complain, for all the Longitudes are fals. But I can perceiv that the Geographer, though otherwise most accomplished, yet was not so well seen in this piece of the Skill; for though it bee pretended in the Preface that all the Longitudes in the Description shall bee taken from the Azores, yet in setting down the Longitude of Oxford, hee saith, That as hee hath it from the Mathematicians of the Place, it is 22 Degrees from the Fortunate Islands which can never bee true, for 'tis but 19 from the Azores reckoning by S. Michaël: But this is not all: In assigning the Longi­tude of Pen-von-las; or, The Land's-end in Cornwall, Hee saith that is 17 Degrees à Fortunatis Insulis vel potiùs Azoris, from the Fortunate Islands or rather from the Azores. But is is the Difference so small did hee think? But 9 De­grees at least.

But I finde by the Longitudes that Mercator was the Man that set up all these for Geographers.

Mercator first of all kept himself to the Greek Meridian, as, Appian, Gemma Frisius, Maginus, and others; but under­standing by Francis of Deip, an experienced Mariner, that the Compass had no Variation in the Islands of Capo Verde. And by others, that it had very little in Tercera, and S. Marie of the Azores, but not anie at all in the Isle Corvo, that hee might go a mean waie to work, and compile with the Common Meridian of the World (as hee took it to bee). Hee made his Great Meridian to pass (as himself saith) be­twixt the Isles of Capo Verde and the Azores; that is, Through the Isles of S. Michaël and S. Marie, which was [Page 277] afterwards taken for Example by Plancius, Saunderson, and the common sort of others, so that little or no notice at all was taken of the Meridian by Corvo, no not by those of the biggest: exspectation, as M. Carpenter, M. Camden, M. Speed, and the rest; although this also was the known Meridian of som Globes of the very same Times; and before that, that is, before they had set their last hand to their Descriptions. And 'tis no mervail, for Mercator's Longitudes were more exactly accounted then before, and therefore they might well take his Meridian along with them. And 'twas not amiss to go by the most received, but then they should have said so, and withall, have set down the three severall Meridians at least, and the difference of Longitude betwixt them; and all this with more distinction then so, that ano­ther man should com after them to tell themselvs what Me­ridian they went by.

And thus much of the First, or Great Meridian.

Of the Lesser Meridians.

THe Lesser are those Black Circles, which you see to pass through the Poles, and succeeding to the Great at 10 and 10 Degrees as in most Globes; or as in som, at 15 and 15 Degrees Difference.

Everie place, never so little more East, or West then ano­ther, hath a several Meridian. Shot-over hath a distinct Meri­dian from Oxford, becaus more East; Osney hath not the same as near as it is, for it lieth West of the Citie: The exact Meridian whereof must pass directly through the middle; yet becaus of the huge distance of the Earth from the Hea­vens, all these Places, and Places much further off may bee said to have the same Meridian, as the Almanack-makers Calculate their Prognostications to such, or such a Meridian where they pretend to make their Observations: But saie too, that it may generally serv, &c. And indeed there is no verie sensible Difference in less then 60 Miles, upon which ground the Geographers, as the Astronomers allow a New Meridian to everie other Degree of the Equator, which would [Page 278] bee 130 in all, but except the Globes were made of an Ex­treme and Unuseful Diameter, so manie would stand too thick for the Description. Therefore most commonly they put down but 18; that is at 10 Degrees distance one from the other, the special use of these Lesser Meridians beeing to make a quicker dispatch in the account of the Longitudes. Som others, as Mercator set down but 12 at 15 Degrees dif­ference, aiming at this, That the Meridians might bee distant one from the other a full part of time, or an hour: for seeing that the Sun is carried 15 Degrees off the Equi­noctial everie hour, as was said before. The Meridians set at that Distance must make an hours difference in the Rising or Setting of the Sun to the several places, as if the Sun Rise at such an hour, such a daie of the year at Oxford. In a place 15 Degrees more distant towards the East the Sun riseth an hour sooner. In a place 15 Degrees distant towards the West, an hour later, the same daie of this, or that year.

Now becaus the Spaces of time are reckoned by the same Degrees of the Equator as the Distances of Place, The De­grees of Longitude have been called Tempora; which word Camden somtimes delighteth to use, as in the Longitude of Bath hee saith it is 20 Temporibus, 20 Times, that is 20 Degrees distant from the Great Meridian. Hee expresseth by the same word in setting down the Latitude, but not so cun­ningly as I think.

Of the Equator, and the Lesser Circles.

THe Equator is the Middle Circle betwixt two Poles gra­duated throughout, and plainly dividing the Globe into two equal Parts, from North to South, This is the Circle of Longitude, as the Meridian of Latitude; for Lon­gitude is reckoned in the Equator from the Meridian: Lati­tude in the Meridian from the Equator.

Crossing this Circle obliquely in the Middle is the Zodi­ack, the utttermost extent whereof towards the North no­teth out the Tropick of Cancer; towards the South, the [Page 279] Tropick of Capricorn, each of them distant from the Equator 23 Degrees, or not much more, as may bee accounted in the Great Meridian. Equi-distant from these, and at the same distance from the Poles as the Tropicks from the Equator, are set down the Artick and Antartick Circles; all offering themselvs to sight by their Names, and distinction of Bredth, and Color, more notably then the rest: by the rest I mean the black blinder Circles equi-distantly remooved from the Equator at 10 Degrees difference, and serving the same turn in the accounting of Latitude, as the Meridians at the same distance in the reckoning of the Longitude. And these are called the unnamed Parallels.

And so much of the Description of the Earth and Water together; Now of the Waterie-Part by it self.

The Description of the Waterie-Part of the Globe by the Rumbes of the Mariner's Compass.

THe Cours of a Ship upon the Sea dependeth upon the Windes. The Designation of these, upon the certain Knowledg of one Principal; which considering the Situ­ation and condition of the whole Sphere, ought in nature to bee North, or South. The North to us upon this side of the Line, the South to those in the other Hemisphere; for in making this observation, Men were to intend them­selvs towards one fixed part of the Heavens, or other, and therefore to the one of these. In the South Part there is not found anie Star so notable, and of so near a distance from the Pole, as to make anie precise or firm Direction of that Winde. But in the North wee have that of the second Ma­gnitude in the Tail of the Lesser Bear, making so smal, and, for the Motion, so insensible a Circle about the Pole, that it cometh all to one, as if it were the Pole it self. This pointed out the North-winde to the Mariners of old especially; and was therefore called by som the Load, or Lead-Star. But this could bee onely in the night, and not alwaies then. It is now more constantly and surely shewed by the Needle [Page 280] touched with the Magnete, which is therefore called the Load or Leadstone, for the same reason of the leading and di­recting their Courses: in the Nature and Secret of which Stone, becaus the whole business of Navigation is so throughly concern'd, somthing is to bee borrowed out of that Philosophie.

The Original of the Mariner's Compass from the Magnetical Constitution of the Earth.

A Magnetical Bodie is described to bee That, which han­ging in the Aërial or Aetherial Parts of the Univers, firmly seateth it self upon it's own Poles, in a Situation natu­ral and unchangeable, consisting also of som such parts as se­parated from the rest can take upon them the nature and conditions of the whole.

Under this Description the Magnetical Philosopher's com­prehend the Globes of Saturn, Jupiter, the Sun, &c. but be­caus these Bodies are placed so far above the reach of our Experience, and purpose; it shall bee sufficient to make the Description good upon the Earth.

To do this, I think I may suppose, First, that the Con­stitution of the Whole Earth may bee gathered from the pre­vailing parts, such parts especially as do bear upon them the Marks and Signatures of the Whole.

Then secondly, That the parts of the Earth, which lie couched about the Center, are not of a different or dege­nerous compliance from these which lie scattered about the Surface; which if anie bodie list to rais suspicions upon, as M r White hath don, they may; but I am sure they were no nearer Him, when hee lai'd the Foundations of the Earth, then wee.

The prevailing parts about the Surface of the Earth, are the Mines of Loadstone, Steel, Iron, &c. of all which, it is certain, that they are indued with a virtue Magnetical, which enableth them to place themselvs in a set position betwixt North and South: And not onely these, but even Claie it self, burnt to Brick, and cooled North and South, if it bee hanged up in a close place, and left to it's libertie, will seat it self in the same Situation.

[Page 281]But the most vigorous Magnetes are the Stone and the Steel, the Stone especially: And the Steel hath a capacitie to receiv a stronger virtue from the Stone, whereby it more firmly seat­eth it self in the North and South-Position of the Earth, directly pointing out those Windes to the Mariner; not in all parts directly, becaus in following the Constitution of the Great Magnete of the Whole Earth, it must needs bee here and there led aside towards the East or West, by the unequal temper of the Globe, consisting more of Water then of Earth in som places, and of Earth more or less Magnetical in others.

This Deviation of the Needle, the Mariners call North-Easting, or North-Westing, as it falleth out to bee; other­wise and more Artificially, the Variation of the Compass; which though it pretend uncertainly, yet proveth to bee one of the greatest helps the Sea man hath; for the Degrees of Variation, which the place it self exactly observed, giveth him a shrewd guess of the same, when hee meeteth with the same Variation again, unless the Variation it self should bee subject to a Change of Admirable Diminutions as the Late Discoverer calleth it in his Discours Mathematical, &c.

This Needle, touched with the Stone, and directing to­wards the North and South, the Mariners (as the Magnetical Philosophers) call their Directorie-Needle, M r Henrie Gellibrand. not onely for the reason intimated, but to distinguish it also from their other, called the Inclinatorie-Needle, becaus it is also found that the Needle touched with the Stone, will not onely turn towards the North, but make an Inclination under the Horizon, as to conform with the Diameter or Axis of the Earth.

This Motion of the Needle was accidentally discovered by Robert Norman, a Man of great dexteritie in the framing and dressing up of the Mariner's Compass. It hapned to him, that, as often as hee had finished his Needles, and equally poized them upon their Pins, hee had no sooner touched them with the Stone, but still the North-Point of the Needle would forsake the parallel Site in which hee had placed it, and incline it self to the Axis of the Earth. The reason whereof not presently perceiv'd, escaped a while, with a conceit, as if the Artificer had deceived himself in ballancing [Page 282] the Needle; which therefore hee endeavoured to correct with a little peice of Wax stuck upon the lighter End (as hee took it to bee) till at last, beeing imploied in the framing of a Compass, the Needle whereof was to bee 6 inches in length, and having polished and levelled it with all possible care, and yet after the touching of it with the Stone, finding one end to weigh down the other, hee was forced to cut off som part of the heavier end, (as hee still mistook it) and so more, till hee had made the Needle unserviceable: whereupon, consul­ting with som knowing Friends, hee was advised to make som Instruments to trie out the experience. And it was found to bee this verie Inclination to the Axis of the Earth, and proportionably, though not equally, answering to the Degrees of Latitude.

But this Inclination also, as the Direction, is variable, and for the same causses of the Earth's unequal temper.

But all that which I have said will more evidently and ex­pertly appear, upon the Terrella, or little Earth of Load-stone.

As the Great Magnete of the Earth, so everie Magnetical part thereof, and everie part of that, hath Poles, Axis, Equator, Me­ridians, and Parallels of it's own. The Magnetical Philoso­phers therefore, to represent unto themselvs the Great Na­ture of the Whole, take a strong small piece of a Rock, which having reduced into a Globous form, they first found out the Poles by the filings of Steel (or otherwise) which will all meet together upon the North and South Points. A Circle drawn equidistantly from these describeth the Equator. This don, they take a smal Steel wyer, of about half an inch long, and applie it to anie part of the Equator, and it will precisely turn towards the North and South Poles, which is Motion of Direction, and marketh out the Meridians of the Terrella. But supposing a Concavitie to bee let into this Little Earth, in anie part, either about the Equator, or be­twixt it and the Poles: In that case the Needle will not point directly to the Poles, but will make a Variation; unless it bee placed exactly towards the Middle of the Concavitie, and then it maketh no Variation at all, but turneth directly, as [Page 283] before; which from the Causses justifieth the Directions, and Variations of the Compass, towards and from the Poles of the Earth.

Remove this Wyer from the Equator towards the Pole, and the one End of it will rise up as Norman's Needle did, and the other End will stick down upon the Stone, making an Acute Angle, and describing a Parallel. Remove it nearer to the Pole, and the Angle will bee less and less acute, till at a a certain Parallel it becom a Right Angle to the Stone. Re­move it yet nearer, and the Angle will bee Recto Major, or more and more obtuse. Bring it up to the Pole it self, and it will there stand bolt upright, and make one Line with the Axis of the Stone; which maketh good the Inclination of the Needle to the Diameter of the Great Magnete: for if Norman had touched his Needle under the Line, it would have stood level upon the Pin without anie Declination at all. If hee had touched it in anie place beyond the Line, the In­clination, would have been on the South side; but living here more towards this Pole, it must needs fall out as hee found it. Nobile experimentum, as D r Gilbert cal's it, and hee is bold to saie, ut nullius unquam rationis aut mentis compos, &c. that hee who had considered of this, and holdeth not himself convinced of the Principles of Magnetical Philosophie, is not to bee taken for a man of sens or reason. I know what Scaliger saith to this; Gilbertus Medicus, &c. tres am­plissimos Commentarios edidit, in quibus magìs mihi probavit Do­ctrinam suam, quàm Magnetis Naturam; nam incertior sum quàm dudum. Wee know what hee meaneth by amplissimos: but why tres Commentarios? Sure the Man had not read all his Books, for the D r wrote six: but England was a kinde of Nazareth to this Great Scholar; hee would not endure anie good should com out from hence.

But to give the Art and the Nation but their due: Norman Burrough Wright Gilbert Ridley Barlow Gill [...]b [...]and As there is no point of Philosophie so admirable and secret with Na­ture as this; so none so immerst in visible practice and expe­riment, and bred up from the verie Cradle to that growth and stature, which now it hath in this verie Corner of the World, by English Men.

[Page 284]Manie other Experiments of great Wonder and Satisfa­ction are made by the Magnetical Philosophers upon the Stone; but to the purpose I speak of, these are the Principal, which is, to give the Reasons of the Needles turning towards the North and South, which is the Original of the Mariner's Compass.

The North and South Windes thus assured by the Motion either of Direction or Variation of the Needle, The Mariner supposeth his Ship to bee, as it alwaies is, upon som Horizon or other. The Center whereof is that of the Ship.

The Line of North and South found out by the Needle, a Line crossing this at right Angles sheweth the East and West, and so they have the 4 Cardinal Windes; and the Indian They are drawn upon a white China dish filled with Water, upon the Cen­ter whereof there hangeth a Needle of 6 inches long. Compass consisteth of no more. Cross again each of these Lines, and they have the 8 Whole Windes, as they call them. Another Division of these maketh 8 more, which they call the Half Windes. A third maketh 16, which they call the Quarter Windes; so they are 32 in all. Martin Cortez no­teth, that som Mariners of his time divided that Division over again, and so the Compass consisted of 64 Windes: but hee noteth also, that this Division was more exact then for the Use. Everie one of these Windes is otherwise termed a several point of the Compass, and the Whole Line consi­sting of 2 Windes, as the Line of North and South, or that of East and West, is called a Rombe. The Spaniards first gave that Name, as Peter of Medina taketh it upon them; yet not out of their own Language, but fancying to themselvs that the Lines of the Compass (as indeed they do) much resembled the Spars of a Spining Wheel, which in Latine is called Rhombus, from the Greek [...], to turn about, they call those Lines Rumbos: and the Word hath taken.

The Compass therefore is an Horizontical Division of the 32 Windes, upon a round piece of Pasteboard set in a Box, in the Center whereof upon a pin of Laten cinque bored, the Needle or Wyers, first touched with the Stone, are placed. This Box hangeth in another Box, between two hoops of Laten, that however the outermost Box bee tossed up and down by the Motion of the Ship, yet the innermost may alwaies hang [Page 285] level to the Horizon. It is placed in the middle of the Pupe, upon a right Line imagined to pass by the Main-mast through the Center of the Ship, and so putteth the Pilot in his Waie.

These Compasses are represented, as they may upon the Globe, by those Circles which you see divided into 32 Parts with their Fleurç de Lis, alwaies pointing to the North. And though the Windes are not set down by Name, yet they may bee fetched from the Horizon without the Globe. And the Rumbes are drawn out at length circularly, if the Cours bee upon a Meridian, the Equator, or anie other parallel; other­wise they are Helispherical Lines, as they call them, that is, partly Circular, and partly Helical or Spiral, as you may see them described upon the Globe.

In the Globes set out by Saunderson and Molineux, you have the Courses of S r Francis Drake, and Fourbisher's Voyages; and in Janson's Globe that of Oliver Van-Nort described by the Rumbes, whereby you may judg of the rest.

The Knowledg of all this is not of less use to the Geogra­pher, then the other Description by Circles; aswel for the Rea­ding of Sea-Voyages and Discoveries of New Lands and Passa­ges, as for that the verie Descriptions of the Earth, for a great part, cannot bee made without references to the Water.

As the Earth and Water are wholly represented upon the Globe, so the whole, Janson's Globe of the Year 1616. The Great Meri­dian passeth by the Pike in Tena­riff. The Les­ser stand at 10 Degrees di­stance. or anie part of either may bee described in Plano, or upon a plane Surface in a Map or Sea-Chart. And of these also somthing shall bee discoursed hereafter; for the present,

Thus much of the Description: now followeth

The Use of the Terrestrial Globe; and first of the Rectification.

THe first care of this is to see that the Foot of the Globe stand level or parallel to the Horizon; for which pur­pose som Globes have a Plumb-line, and there bee that advise for a Triangular Level of Wood, with a Plummet for the pur­pose, to bee applied to anie part of the Horizon, after the manner as the Mechanicks trie their Planes: but the matter is not tied to such a severitie of exactness, but that a good Eie may pass for a sufficient Judg. The next thing is, that it bee placed in the North and South-Position of the Earth as di­rectly as it may. This dependeth upon the knowledg of the Meridian of the place, but may well enough bee don by a Needle, whose Variation is known, such an one as is used to bee set upon the South side of the Foot of som Globes, for the same purpose: then lift up the North-Pole above the Ho­rizon so manie Degrees as will answer to the Latitude of the Place unto which you mean to rectifie, which suppose to bee Oxford, therefore the Pole is to bee lifted up 51 Degrees, for that is the Elevation of this Place: then finde out Ox­ford in the Globe, and bring it to the Brass Meridian, and there staie it with a piece of paper, or the like, put between the Meridian and the Globe: And you have set before you Oxford with the verie same and all respects of Situation upon the Globe, as it hath upon the Earth it self. And this is cal­led Rectification, or right setting of the Globe.

By the known Place to finde out the Longitude and Latitude, and by the known Longitude and Latitude to finde out the Place.

THese Terms of Longitude and Latitude are understood ei­ther of the same or several Plates. In the first sens they are absolutely called the Longitude or Latitude of this or that place. In the other sens wee use to say, The Difference of Longitude or Latitude between such and such a place. The Longitude of this or that place is the distance of it from the Great Meridian, to the Meridian of the Place reckoned in the Degrees of the Equator. The Latitude of a Place is the Di­stance of the Equator from the parallel of the place reckoned in the Degrees of the Meridian. Therefore if the place met with bee under the Great Meridian, it hath no Longitude at all, as the Hill in Tenariffe, unless it bee in respect of som other Great Meridian, as that by Corvo, or the other by S t Mi­chaël; and of such a place it will bee sufficient to know the Latitude. So again, if the place met with bee under the Equa­tor, it hath no Latitude at all; and of such a place it s [...] bee sufficient to know the Longitude. But if the place should fall out to bee in the verie Intersection it self of the Equator, and the Great Meridian it hath neither Latitude nor Longitude; and of such a Place it is sufficiently said, that There it is.

But if the known Place lie at anie distance from the Equa­tor, it is but bringing it up to the Brass Meridian, and the Latitude is found by observing what Degrees the Meridian setteth off. Let Oxford bee the Place you meet with, turn the Globe till it lie precisely under the Meridian, and you will finde from the Equator 51 Degrees, 32 Minutes of Northern Latitude; and, by consequence, you also have the Elevation of the Pole: for that is alwaies equal to the Latitude of the Place.

With the same labor you may finde out the Longitude, if holding still the Globe you observ the Degrees of Interse­ction [Page 288] cut off by the Meridian in the Equator: as put the case for Oxford still, it will bee found 22 Degrees from the For­tunate Islands, saith Camden; from S t Michaël in the Azores 'tis exactly true by which the Preface promised to go; but from the Fortunate Isles or the Pike in Tenariffe, not out 15.

In case anie of the lesser Meridians happen to pass through the Place, you may rekon of what number it is from the Great Meridian, as whether it bee the 3 d, 5 th, 9 th, &c. and so manie times 10 Degrees, (for at that distance they are set) is the Longitude of the Place. The same cours may bee taken by the Parallels to account the Degrees of Latitude.

And as the Longitude and Latitude are found out by the Place known, so after the same manner anie Place may bee found out by the fore-knowledg of them. This fore-knowledg was first had by Observation of the Eclipses of the Moon, and the Meridian Altitude of the Sun or Stars, but may bee now more easily gotten out of the Tables of Peter Appian, Gem­ma Frisius, Mercator, Ortelius, Tycho, and that annexed to M r Hues his Treatise of the Use of the Globes, wherein the Longitudes and Latitudes of all the Principal Cities, Capes, Ri­vers, &c. are set down, but not accounting all from the same Meridian, which therefore also must bee considered off: For the named Autors, Appian, Gemma Frisius, and Tycho reckoned from the Canaries, the rest from S t Michaël in the Azores.

Of the Difference of Longitude and Latitude, and what is to bee observed in the con­verting of the Degrees of either into Miles.

THe Respect of several Places one to another, is called the Difference of Longitude or Latitude, as the Latitude of Oxford is 51 Degrees, the Latitude of Durham 55. The Difference of Latitude is 4 Degrees. The Use of Longitude and Latitude, in the absolute sens, was to make out the Position of anie Place, in respect of the Whole Sphere. In this other [Page 289] meaning, the Intent is to shew the Situation and Distance of anie Place from and in respect of anie other. The Situa­tion of a Place to another Place, is otherwise called the Angle of Position; but of the Distance first, and how that is to bee made into Miles.

The several cases put by the Geographers of this Difference, are either of Places differing in Latitude onely, or Longitude onely, or both. Places differing in latitude onely, are all such as lie under the same Meridian, but several Parallels. This may so fall out, as that either both the Places may bee in North, or both in South Latitude, or one of them in each. If both the Places lie in North or South Latitude, then it is plain, that if the lesser Latitude bee subduced from the greater, the Re­manent of Degrees, multiplied into Miles by 60, sheweth the Distance, as the Isl' de Maio in the Latitude of 14 Degrees; and the Isle of S t Michaël 39 Degrees, are both under the same Meridian: the 14 Degrees are the lesser Latitude, which taken from the 39 the greater, the remainder is 25, which multiplied by 60, giveth the Distance in Miles. If one of the Places lie in North, the other in South Latitude, add the De­grees of both Latitudes together, and do the like.

The verie same Cours is to be taken, if the Places differ in Longitude onely, in case they both lie under the Line it self, becaus there the measure is in a Great Circle, as in the Meri­dians of Latitude; but if otherwise it fall out to bee in anie Parallel, on this or that side of the Line, the case is altered.

Wee take for instance the Difference of Longitude betwixt London and Charlton, or Charls-Town, in Charlton Island, so honored with the Name of CHARLS Prince of WALES, by Captain Thomas James, at his Attempt upon the North-West Passage in the Wintering, the 29 th of Maie, the Year 1632, which was the Daie of His Highness Nati­vitie.

The Difference of Longitude is 79 Degrees, 30 Minutes, as it was taken from an Eclips of the Moon, observed there by the Learned Captain, Octob. 29, 1631, and by M r Henrie Gellibrand at Gresham College at the same time. It is required that this Difference of Longitude bee converted into Miles.

[Page 290]The Latitude of Charlton is 52 Degrees, 3 Minutes; that of London much about the same. Here the proportion of 60 Miles to a Degree, will over-reckon the Distance almost by the half. The reason whereof shall bee first reported out of the Nature of the Sphere.

However it bee certain, that the Artificial Globe (as the Natural is supposed to bee) is of a Form precisely round, and may bee drawn upon all over with Great Circles Meridional­ly, yet considered from the Middle Line to the Poles, it hath a sensible Inclination or Depression of Sphere, as it is termed in their words, so that if the Artificial Globe bee turned about upon it's Axel, several parts of the same Bodie shall bee more swiftly moved then other at the same time; for it is plain, that the Equator is moved about in the same duration of time, as the smallest Parallel, but the Circumferences are of a Vast and Visible Disproportion, and therefore is not pos­sible they should go an equal pace.

It is upon the same grounds, that the Autor of the Ʋse of the Globe per Terram mobilem will tell you, that in the Diur­nal Motion of the Earth, though Amsterdam (in the same Latitude with Oxford) keep pace with the Isle of S t Thomas under the Line, yet they are of a very different dispatch; for Amsterdam goeth but 548 Miles in an hour, whereas the Isle of S t Thomas posteth over 900 Miles in the same space of time, which is after the rate of 12 Miles in a Minute, and more. And all this is true (that is true to the Paradox) from the Inclination of the Sphere: But more plainly yet.

Wee see that the Meridians upon the Globe are set at 10 Degrees Distance, but wee may perceiv too that this Di­stance groweth less and less, as the Meridians draw nearer towards their concurrence in the Poles, as the Globe it self doth from the Equator upwards, and therefore the Degrees however accounted proportionable, yet cannot possibly bee equal in the Lesser Parallels to those in the Equator, but must needs make an orderlie Diminution from thence to either of the Poles.

When therefore it was formerly said that 60 Miles of the Surface of the Earthlie Globe answer to a degree in the Hea­ven, [Page 291] it is to bee understood of the Degrees of a Great Circle, and so is alwaies true in those of Latitude, but in the De­grees of Longitude it holdeth onely in the Equator it self, but in the Parallels more North, or South the proportion diminisheth from 60 to none at all. So that if I would con­vert the Longitudes of the Molucca's, or anie other parts un­der the Line into Miles, it is but multiplying the Degrees of Longitude by 60 and the thing is don; but if I would do the like by Oxford, or anie other place betwixt the Equator and the Poles, I must first know what number of Miles answereth to a Degree in that Parallel of Latitude. The knowledg of this dependeth upon the proportion which the Equator beareth to the Parallels, which is learned out by the skill of Trigonometrie, but need not now bee so hardly attained to; for the Proportions are alreadie cast up into a Table by Peter Appian in the first Part of his Cosmographie. They are there set down according to the Rate of German Miles, one of which maketh 4 of ours. According to our own Rate they are as followeth:

[Page 292]

The Proportion of English Miles answering to their several Degrees of Latitude.
Deg. of Lat. Miles Eng­lish. Seconds.
1 59 59
2 59 58
3 59 55
4 59 51
5 59 46
6 59 40
7 59 33
8 59 25
9 59 16
10 59 5
11 58 54
12 58 41
13 58 28
14 58 13
15 57 57
16 57 41
17 57 23
18 57 4
19 56 44
20 56 23
21 56 1
22 55 38
23 55 14
24 54 49
25 54 23
26 53 56
27 53 28
28 52 59
29 52 29
30 51 58
31 51 26
32 50 53
33 50 19
34 49 45
35 49 9
36 48 32
37 47 55
38 47 17
39 46 38
40 45 58
41 45 17
42 44 35
43 43 53
44 43 10
45 42 26
46 41 41
47 40 55
48 40 9
49 39 22
50 38 34
51 37 46
52 36 56
53 36 7
54 35 16
55 34 25
56 33 33
57 32 41
58 31 48
59 30 54
60 30 0
61 29 5
62 28 10
63 27 14
64 26 18
65 25 21
66 14 24
67 23 27
68 22 29
69 21 30
70 20 31
71 19 32
72 18 32
73 17 33
74 16 32
75 15 32
76 14 31
77 13 30
78 12 28
79 11 27
80 10 25
81 9 23
82 8 21
83 7 19
84 6 16
85 5 14
86 4 11
87 3 8
88 2 5
89 1 3
90 0 0

[Page 293]KNowing then the Latitude of Charlton to bee 52 De­grees, and that of London much about the same: I enter the Table, where I finde the Sum of 36 Miles, or thereabouts to answer a Degree of that Parallel, therefore muliplying the Degrees of Longitude by 36, it giveth up the number of Miles from the Great Meridian to the Place.

And very fit it were that these Proportions were written upon the Horizon of the Terrestrial Globes, rather then the Calendars. And what els there is, confessed by themselvs to belong of right to the other Globe, and of little use to the Geographer, till this will bee, they may bee cut upon a Sil­ver-Plate, or Ruler of Box, or som how, or other; for without this Table, the Use of the Globe, as to this Case of Difference, is as good as none at all.

The last Case is remaining, which is put of such Places as differ both in Longitude and Latitude; for the considerati­on whereof the Geographers have devised several waies, as the Arithmetical waie; That by the Sphaerical Triangles, by the Semi-circle, &c. But the working by either of these is of more time and intricacie then was to bee wished. The readi­est of all, and not much inferior to the certaintie of the rest is the Geometrical waie, as Peter Appian (one of the Fa­thers of this Art) hath termed it; and 'tis no more but this: Let the two Places bee the Isle of S t Thomas and Te­nariff in the Canaries. Take your Compasses and set one Foot of them in Tenariff, the other in S. Thomas, and keep­ing the Feet of the Compasses at the same distance, remove them to the Equator, or Great Meridian, and see how many Degrees they set off; for that number multiplied by 60 is the Distance of the two Places in Miles. The ground of this Rule is, that the Distance of all Places not differing onely in Longitude, are to bee understood to bee in a Great Circle, and it was known before, that the Degrees of such a one are severally answered by 60 of our Miles upon the face of the Earth. You may do the like in the Quadrant of Altitude as will bee seen in the next Invention.

To finde out the Bearing of one Place from ano­ther, and what is meant by the Angle of Position.

THe Zenith is the Pole of the Horizon through which the Astronomers imagin Circles drawn (as the Meridi­ans through the Poles of the World) so dividing the De­grees of the Horizon as to mark out the Site of the Stars from this or that Coast of the World. And becaus these Circles are supposed to bee drawn through the Semt, or Se­mith Alros, that is The Point over the Head, or Vertical Point, The Arabians called them Alsemuth, we cal them stil Azimuths. And for that the Zenith Point still altereth with the Horizon, these Circls could not have been describ'd upon the Globes, but are represented there by the Quadrant of Altitude, which is the 4 th part of anie one of those, and most properly ser­ving the other Globe, yet upon the same ground is useful to the Geograher in setting out that Angle which is made by the meeting of the Meridian of anie Place, with the Vertical Circle of anie other and of the same, called therefore the Angle of Position, or Site. To finde this out you are to ele­vate the Pole to the Latitude of one of the Places, then bring the Place to the Meridian, and it will fall out directly to bee in the Zenith of that Elevation upon this ground, That the Elevation is alwaies equal to the Latitude; then fasten the Quadrant of Altitude upon the Zenith, and turn it about till it fall upon the other Place, and the End of the Qua­drant will point out the Situation upon the Horizon. Let the Places bee Oxford and the Hill in Tenariff, set the Globe to the Elevation of Oxford, that is 51 Degrees of Elevati­on above the Horizon, then bring Oxford to the Meridian, and it falleth under 51 Degrees of Latitude from the Equator, therefore it is found in it's own Vertical Point 90 De­grees equidistantly removed from the Horizon: Fasten there the Quadrant, and move about the Plate till it fall upon the Hill in Tenariff, and the end of the Quadrant where it touch­eth [Page 295] the Horizon will shew that the Hill in Tenariff beareth from Oxford South South-West: and if you multiplie the the Degrees of the Quadrant intercepted betwixt the two Places by 60, you have the Distance in Miles, which was pro­mised before.

If you finde, as you needs must, that the Proportion of Miles upon the Globe doth not alwaies answer to that which wee reckon upon in the Earth, you are desired not to think much; for when it is promised that 60 of our Miles shall run out a Degree of a Great Circle above, it is inten­ded upon this Supposition, as if the Earth wee tread upon were precisely round as the Globe it self is, and not inter­rupted with Rivers, Hills, Vallies, &c. which though they bear no proportion otherwise, yet becaus it cometh to pass by this that wee cannot set our cours in a Streight Line upon the Earth as the Demonstration is forced to presup­pose, wee must bee contented if som difference fall out.

The more unhappie Difference will bee found in the Longitudes themselvs. The Difference of Longitude betwixt Rome and Norenberg (as M. Gellibrand hath already made the Observation) is according te Kepler, but 4 Minutes of Time: Lansbergh reckoneth it at 10 Degrees, Mercator at 12, Stadius at 18, Longomontanus at 16, Stoffler at 18, Ma­ginus at 26, Werner at 32, Origan at 33, Appian at 34, Re­giomontanus at 36: with discouragement enough it may bee noted, for the Places are verie eminent, and of a near Di­stance: the Men professed able, and for the most part reckon­ing from the same Great Meridian; and yet the less to bee wondred at, if wee consider how much in this case must bee taken upon trust, even by these Men themselvs. Wee must not think they all spake this of their own Knowledg, for it is certain the thing might have been, and is don, though not without anie at all, yet without anie considerable dis­agreement. I saie the Longitudes for a very great part, are exact­ly enough agreed on. The perfection is not one Man's, nor one Ages Work, and must bee waited for. It must not seem strange if I tell you that you may distinguish the more certain from the doubtful by their dsconvenience, for [Page 296] where you finde them to agree, you have caus to suspect (for the most part) that they have lien long upon the Lees of Time, not as yet enquired into. But if you finde them to disagree, you may conclude that they have been brought to a new Examination. And of these, you are to take the latest, and from such (if it may bee) as have don it by their own Observation, as out of the Tables of Tycho before others. The difference of Longitude by Tycho's Tables betwixt Rome and Norenberg is under 4 Degrees, which cometh nearest to Kepler, who also took it himself from two several observa­tions of the Moon. There will still seem to bee som want of satisfaction, but it is sufficient for anie man to know in this as much as anie other man doth.

If you would convert the Degrees of Longitude into Hours (for this also may bee don as well into Miles) you are to allow 15 Degrees to one Hour, upon the Reasons taught before; and that which will bee gained by this is to know, by how much sooner or later the Sun Riseth, or Setteth to one Place then to another. As the Difference of Longitude betwixt Oxford and Charlton is 79 Degrees, 30 Mi­nutes: that is, 5 Hours, 18 Minutes: and becaus Charlton lieth West from London, the Sun Riseth so much sooner here then there.

To finde out the several Positions of Sphere, Clime, Parallel, &c.

THe Latitude and Longitude of a Place once resolved upon, the other Accidents of Sphere will follow of themselvs: the Position of Sphere you cannot miss of, for if the Place you trie for have no Lati­tude at all, you know alreadie that it must of necessitie lie under the Line it self, and therefore in a right Position. If it have less, or more the Position is oblique. If it have as much as it can have, that is the Whole Quadrant, or 90 De­grees, the Position is Parallel; the reasons were told before, and may evidently bee discerned upon the Globe.

[Page 297]For the Climes and Parallels, and consequently the length of the longest Daie, The fore-knowledg of the Latitude leadeth you directly, in case the Climes bee set down upon the Brass Meridian, or in anie void part of the Globe, other­wise it is but entring the Table of Climes and Parallels pro­portioned to everie Degree of Latitude, and you have your desire. And as by the Latitude you may finde out the Clime, so if it happen that you knew the Clime before, as it may in the reading of the Estats du Monde, or the like Descri­bers, you may by the Clime finde out the Latitude; And you cannot know either of these, but you must needs know the Zone: And if you know that, you can as easily con­clude upon the Distinction of Shadows, for you knew be­fore that the Inhabitants of the Mid Zone are alwaies Ascii or Amphiscii; those of the two Extreme Periscii; those of the two Temperate or Intermedious, Heteroscii. To finde out the other Distinction of Habitation you may do thus: Let Oxford bee the Place; bring it to the Meridian, where you finde it to bee 51 Degrees lifted up above the Equator; ac­count so manie Degrees of Southern Latitude below the Equator, and you meet with the Antaeci (if anie bee) in the Terra Australis incognita; remove Oxford from the Meridian 180 Degrees, and you shall finde your Periaeci under the Meridian where Oxford was before, about the Bay of S. Mi­chaël in the Kingdom of Quivira, and your Antipodes in the place where their Antaeci stood before, but they are not, for the Place is covered over with Water.

There yet remaineth one waie of Description, but out of Curious Art, and of no great Instruction, yet becaus it is made use of by som Geographers, and not left out by M. Camden himself in his Britannia, I may tell what it meaneth.

Of Astrological Geographie, and to tell under what Sign, or Planet, a Region, or Citie is subjected.

THe Wisdom of the Antients (it was called so) held an Opinion that not our selvs onely, the Little Worlds, but the Great Globe of the EARTH also is particu­larly reigned over by the Dominion of the 12 Signs, and Influence of the 7 Planets; upon which Principle (as wee receiv it by Ptolomie's Tradition) they divided this Globe into 4 Quadrants by the Intersection of the Equator with the Great Meridian passing by the Canaries. Every of these Qua­drants they again divided into 4 Trigons, consisting each of them of 3 Signs of the Zodiack, not orderly, but so as that everie Trigon night bee made up of one Fixt Sign, one Moveable, and the third Common, as they distinguish. The first Quadrant was reckoned from the Vernal by the Pole to the Autumnal Intersection, and was called the Quadrant of the Habitable World: for every one of the other three was to that Time a Terra incognita. The first Trigon of this Qua­drant falleth to the Dominion of Aries, Leo, and Sagittarius. The Second to Taurus, Virgo, and Capricornus, and to the Influence of such Planets as are connatural to such Signs. So Britain France, Germanie, &c. fall to the share of Aries and his Planet Mars. Italie, Sicilie, &c. to Leo: Norwaie, Ba­varia, &c. to Scorpio; and so forwards, concluding all, and every Part and Province of the Globe under one, or other of the Twelv. But this emptie Speculation stopped not here, but would make us believ too, that not Whole Countries onely, but everie Citie, Castle, Village, nay, not a private Hous, or a Ship that ride's upon the Oceän but is thus di­stinctly governed by their Planets. They do it upon this ground: Those men allow as earnest a livelihood to the Beam in the Timber, and Stone in the Wall as to themselvs. And when the first Stone of a Building is laid, a Citie or [Page 299] Hous is said to bee born, and as Formal a Figure erected of that, as of the Owner's Nativitie.

The Emperor Constantine (though you would not think it) at the Building of his new Rome commanded Valens, (a named Astrologer of that Time) to Calculate the Nati­vitie, and make Judgment of the Life and Duration of that Imperial Citie. The Asscendent was Cancer, and the Astrologer said that the Empire should stand 696 years, and (whether hee knew so much or not) hee said true; the Citie lived longer indeed, but all the rest was but labor and sorrow. And for a more private Mansion, there is yet now to bee seen the Nativitie of the Warden's Lodgings of Mer­ton College in one of the Windows; the Horoscope the same with that of Constantinople; now look what Sign of the twelv shall bee found to rise up in the Horoscope or Angle of the East, that is the Sign-Regent of that Hous, or Citie. Pre­pared thus, the Astrologers sit in Judgment upon the Inclina­tions and Fatalities of States and Men: and how little soever it may seem to us, or bee in it self, it was of moment to som of old, for Tiberius (an Astrologer himself) had the Genitures of all his Nobilitie by him, and according as hee found his own, or the Kingdom's Horoscope to bee well, or ill look't upon by theirs, so hee let them stand, or cut them off by Legislative Astrolologie.

According therefore to this waie of Description, the King­dom of England is Astrologically Sited in the first Trigon of the first Quadrant, under the Dominion of Aries for the Sign, and for the Planet Mars; or otherwise under the Dominion of Pisces, now in the Place of Aries, and the In­fluence of the Moon and Mars. And Silen saith, that the Pla­net of England is the Moon, and Saturn of the Scots: Ʋnde homines illius regionis (saith an old Astrologer) sunt vagi, & instabiles, ludibrio exponuntur, nunc ad summum, nunc ad imum delati. So the Jews and wee are governed by the same Stars equally, as Cardan is pleased to saie of us; Cardan. in a Tetrabib. Pto­lomaei, cap. 3. tex. 12. A Rebellious and Unluckie Nation, ever now and then making of New Laws and Rites of Religion to the better somtimes, but for, the most part to the worst.

[Page 300]Now take an Essaie by all the waies of Description in the Geographie of Oxford.

It lieth in an Oblique Position of Sphere in the Nor­thern Temperate Zone: The Elevation of the Pole 51 De­grees, 30 Minutes: the Longitude from the Great Meridian in Tenariff 15 Degrees: under the 8 Clime, and 16 Parallel: the Longest Daie 16 Hours. The Sign-Regent is Ca­pricorn: the Noon-Shadows are Heteroscian: Wee are Pericoeci to the Baie of S. Miguel in Qui­vira: Antaeci to the Northern parts of Terra Australis incognita be­low the Promontorie: Wee are Antipodes to none.

The Description and Ʋse of Maps and Charts Ʋniversal and Particular.

IT was said before that as the Whole Earth upon the Globe, so the Whole, or anie Part thereof may bee Described upon a Plane: And howsoever the Description by Globe bee confessed on all sides to bee nearest and most commensurable to Nature. Ptolom. Geo­graph. lib. 1 cap. 20. Non facilè tamen (saith PTOLOMIE) magnitu­dinem praebet quae suscipere possit multa, quae necessariò suo collo­canda sunt loco: neque descriptionem, ut unico momento cerni va­leat, toti figurae adaptare potest: sed alterum ad alterius designa­tonem transferre necesse existit: hoc est aut visum, aut sphaeram: quorum neutrum descriptioni, quae in plano fit, accidit, sed modum quendam ad similitudinem sphaericae imaginis inquirit, ut distanti­as quae in ea statuendae sunt, quàm maximè commensuratas faciat, ac secundùm eam apparentiam, quia cum vera conveniat.

This manner of Description hath multiplied into several waies of Device; not onely from the different Ingenies of the Artificers, but from grounds in the Art it self, and from the several extents of the Known World at several times. Possidonius conceived it into the Form of a Sling as the Archbishop of Thessolonica noteth to that of Dionysius, After [...], the Delineation whereof is made by the learned Bertius, who noteth also Ad Fundam Possidonii that Possidonius did not this out of ignorance of the Sphe­rical form of the Earth, but pretending onely to exhibit as much of the World as that time was made acquainted with, [Page 302] which cast up together, was not much unlike to that Fi­gure which hee fancied. Mercator describeth it under the Form of two Hearts, Orontius of one, and under the same Form is the Arabick-Map cited by Scaliger and James Christ­man, and not wanting to our Publick Librarie, together with the Tabula Bembina, In Archiv. Bib. Bodleian. or Aegyptian Map of the World in Hieroglyphicks, wee are now for as great a reason to call it Tabula Laudina, by whose vaste expence and Providence wee are possest of that and the like Monuments of the rarest Learning.

Others have fancied som other waies; but leaving what may bee supererogated by Affectation, There bee two man­ners of this Description according to Art. The first by Pa­rallelogram: The other by Planisphere.

The Description of the whole by Parallelogram.

THe Parallelogram used to bee divided in the mid'st by a Line drawn from North to South, passing by the Azores, or Canaries for the Great Meridian. Cross to this, and at right Angles another Line was drawn from East to West for the Equator; then two Parallels to each to com­prehend the Figure in the Squares, whereof were set down rather four parts of the World then the whole: And this waie of Description howsoever not so exact, or near to Natural, yet hath been followed even by such as still ought to bee accounted Excellent, though it were their unlucki­ness to light upon those needie Times of Reformation that had to struggle with that great Neglect and Interruption which passed betwixt the Daies of Ptolomie and Our's. Mer­cator himself, I mean, Peter Plancius and others of about that time, and more lately: And som of them did not perceiv but that the Meridians might be drawn Parallel throughout, utterly against the original Nature and Constitution of the Sphere, which the Plain Charts were bound to follow at the nearest Distance. Upon the Globe it self wee know the Me­ridians about the Equinoctials are equi-distant, but as they draw up towards the Pole, to shew their distance is propor­tionably [Page 303] diminished, till it com to a Concurrence; answer­ably the Parallels, as they are deeper in Latitude, so they grow less and less with the Sphere; so that at 60 Degrees the Equinoctial is double to that Parallel of Latitude, and so proportionably. This is the Ground.

It will follow from hence, that if the Picture of the Earth bee drawn upon a Parallelogramme, so that the Meri­dians bee equally distant throughout, and the Parallels equal­ly extended; the Parallel of 60 Degrees shall bee as great as the Line it self▪ and hee that coasteth about the World in the Latitude of 60, shall have as far to go by this Map, as hee that doth it in the Equator, though the waie bee but half as long. For the Longitude of the Earth in the Equator it self is 21600; but in the Parallel of 60 but 10800, Miles. So two Cities under the same Parallel of 60, shall bee of equal Longitude to other two under the Line, and yet the first two shall bee but 50, the other two 100 Miles distant. So two Ships departing from the Equator at 60 Miles di­stance, and coming up to the Parallel of 60, shall bee 30 Miles nearer, and yet each of them keep the same Meridians, and sail by this Card upon the verie same Points of the Com­pass at which they set forth.

This was complained of by Martin Cortez and others. And the learned Mercator considering well of it, caussed the Degrees of the Parallel to encreas by a proportion towards the Pole.

The Mathematical Generation whereof M. Wright hath taught by the Inscription of a Planisphere into a Concave Cylinder, which becaus it cannot bee expressed in plainer Tearms, take here in his own words, Cap. 2. Of his Corre­ction of Errors in Navigation.

Suppose (saith hee) a Spherical Superficies with Me­ridian's, Parallels, Rumbes, &c. to bee inscribed into a con­cave Cylinder, their Axes agreeing in one. Let this Sphe­rical Superficies swell like a Bladder, while it is in blowing equally all wayes in everie part thereof (that is, as much in Longitude as Latitude) till it applie, and join it self (round about, and all alongst also towards either Pole) unto the [Page 304] concave Superficies of the Cylinder, each Parallel upon this Spherical Superficies increasing successively from the Equinoctial towards either Pole until it com to bee of equal Diameter with the Cylinder, and consequently the Meridi­ans, stil widening themselvs til they com to bee so far distant everie where each from other, as they are at the Equino­noctial. Thus it may most easily bee understood how a Spherical Superficies may by Extension bee made a Cylindri­cal, and consequently a plain Parallelogramme Superfi­cies, becaus the Superficies of a Cylinder is nothing els but a plain Parallelogramme wound about two equal equidi­stant Circles that have one common Axetree perpendicular upon the Centers of them both, Element. lib. decimo. Cylindrus est figura quae sub converso circum quiescens alte­rum latus eo­rum, quae rectum angulum conti­nent, Parallelo­grammo ortho­gonio compre­henditur, cum in eundem rarsus locum restitu­tum fuerit illud Parallelogram­mum unde mo­veri coeperat. Axis autem Cy­lindri est quies­cens illa recta linea, circum quam Parallelo­grammum ver­titur. Bases vero Cylindri sunt Circuli, à duchus adversis lateribus, quae circum aguntur, descripti. and the peripheries of each of them equal to the length of the Parallelogramme, as the distance betwixt those Circles or height of the Cylinder is equal to the breadth thereof.

In this Parallelogramme thus conceived to bee made, all places must needs bee situate in the same Longitudes, Lati­tudes, and Directions or Courses, and upon the same Me­ridians, Parallels, and Rumbes that they were in the Globe, becaus that at everie point between the Equinocti­al and the Pole, wee understand the Spherical Superficies to swell equally in Longitude as in Latitude, till it join it self unto the concavitie of the Cylinder, so as hereby no part is any waie distorted or displaced out of his true and natural situation upon his Meridian, Parallel or Rumb, but onely dilated and enlarged, the Meridians also Paral­lels and Rumbes dilating and enlarging themselvs likewise at everie point of Latitude in the same proportion.

What the Autor of the brief Introduction to Geographie meaneth, where hee saith, That this Imagination unless it bee well qualified is utterly fals, and make's all such Maps faultie in the situation of Places, I know not: The conceit I am sure is grounded upon the verie Definition of a Cylin­der by the 21. lib 10. Euclid. 'Tis confessed to bee but Hy­pothetical, which is ordinarie with Mathematical Men. The Business was (and it doth that) to bring the matter down to common apprehension.

[Page 305]But however this Description of the Earth upon a Pa­rallelogramme may bee so ordered by Art as to give a true account of the Situation and Distance of the Parts, yet it can never bee fitted to represent the Figure of the Whole.

The Description of the Whole by Planisphere.

THis way of Description rendreth the face of the Earth upon a Plain in its own proper Figure Sphe­rically, as upon the Globe it self, Definit. 21, 22, 23. the gibbositie onely allowed for: Sed quicunque (saith Bertius) Globum Terrae institue [...]it in plano describere, deprehendet fieri id uno circuli ambitu non posse.

As near to a Circle, as it might, Ortelius and others have described it upon one Face. I have seen it don upon four Ovals, but keeping touch with the Nature of a Circle, and of the sphere it self, it cannot well bee contrived upon so few as one, or more then two.

Suppose then the Globe to bee divided into two equal parts or Hemispheres. This you know cannot bee don but by a great Circle. And therefore it must bee don by the Equa­tor or Meridian, for (the Colure is all one with the Meri­dian) the Horizon cannot fix, and the Zodiack hath nothing to do here. Res est admodum impedita (saith the same Ber­tius) & per quam difficilis orbem terrarum ejúsque partes descri­bere, & quod in natura cernitur exactè in Globo, aut tabula spe­ctandum repraesentare observato partium omnium situ & figura, &c. cum suis Longitudinibus, Latitudinibus, Intervallis, & respectu ad partes Coeli, prima & naturae proxima ratio est Spherica: Se­cunda ea, quae ad Sphaeram maximè accedit ducta in plano, vel Tabula, quam idcirco vulgus Planisphaerium vocat. Sunt autem ejus modi duo. Ʋnus qui Sphaeram secat in Equatore, & duo efficit Hemisphaeria plana quorum in singulis Polus centri loco est. Circulus autem Equinoctialis loco peripheriae. Alter, qui Sphae­ram secat. In aliquo Meridiano ita ut Poli in singulis Hemi­sphaeriis [Page 306] Hemisphaeriis supra infráque compareant in extremitate axis. First then

Of the Section by the Equator.

BUt before that, it must bee commonly said of both these Sections, that the Translation of a Sphere from its pro­funditie to a Plain of two onely Dimensions, Lineal and Su­perficial, hath its Generation and Flux (I speak it in their words) from Optical or Perspective Imagination. They would have you (and by the Law of Art they may in infi­nitum & impossibilia postulare) to suppose the Eie placed near about the Center of a Sphere of Glass, inscribed with Meridi­ans, Parallels, &c. in the direct manner as upon the Globe you see the Eie so placed within the concave of this Sphere and fi­xed upon the Pole, will comprehend a Section upon the Plane of the Equator, describing the Meridians by Right, and the Parallels by Circular Lines: or fixed upon som point of the Equator, the Meridian which is drawn by that point and the Equator it self will appear in Streight, all the rest in Crook­ed Lines; for, if the the Eie bee fixed upon anie point of the Equator, the Meridians and Parallels will bee transferred to Sight, so as to bee themselvs the Bases of so manie visual Cones, the tops whereof shall meet in the same point of the Great Meridian; or if the Eie be fixed upon the Pole, the Paral­lels will present themselvs in like Cones, the sides whereof shall bee terminated by the Meridians, and therefore the Meridians ought to bee Streight Lines, and the Parallels Whole Circles.

The Projections are both according to Art; but becaus the comprehension thereof cannot bee familiar without saying too much to the purpose before hand concerning the Optical Pyramid, and the Angle of Vision, these things I require; and point you to a more capable waie of Con­ception.

Suppose the Globe of the Moon in opposition to the Sun, then shee is at the fullest. Let her bee Rising up in the East, and by the help of Refraction appear, as somtimes shee doth, [Page 307] in Diameter so big as a Bushel (as the Countrie expresseth) suppose another World there, (som Brains do more then so) but do you onely suppose it; and suppose also this Lu­narie Earth to bee written upon with Meridians, Parallels, and all other Distinctions of the Sphere, and as visible as the Bodie it self. The Globe of the Moon you may bee sure is as solid and gibbous as that of this Earth and Water, and yet it is presented to your eie in the figure of a Planisphere. The reason is out of Perspective from the infinite distance. If you grant (as you cannot denie) but that your Sight is deceived in the Soliditie, you may verie well suffer your self to bee cozened on in the Inscriptions. These Meridians and Parallels upon this Globe of the Moon, swell out there in whole Circles, in the very same manner as upon the Arti­ficial Globe it self, and yet suppose them to bee drawn there by either of the two Sections the Equator or Meridian, as the bodie of the Moon it self seemeth to you flat, and yet is not, so the Meridians and Parallels would represent them­selvs in the verie same figure and distance as you see them here below upon a paper Planisphere.

By this deceit you may perceiv what is meant by that, which would not look so plain, if it were expres't by the punctilio's of Art.

Suppose the Globe to bee flatted upon the Plain of the Equator, and you have the first waie of Projection, dividing into the North and South Hemispheres, as you may see here in the Map.

The Pole is the Center, the Equator is the Circumference divided into 360 Degrees of Longitude; the Oblique Semi­circle from Aries to Libra, is the North-half of the Zodiack; the Parallels are whole Circles; the Meridians are Streight Lines; the Great Meridian is divided into 90 Degrees of Latitude (and passeth by the Canaries); the Parallels are Pa­rallels indeed, and the Meridians equidistantly concur, Geograph. cap. 24. lib. 1. and therefore all the Degrees are equal. After this waie of Pro­jection Ptolomie describe's that part of the Habitable World, which was discovered to his time.

Among the late Geographers first, and almost onely Postel­lus [Page 308] and the Noter upon him Severtius have much admired this manner of Section. The Noter saith, Sícque haec Mappa omnium praestantissima, quae veriùs quàm reliquae orbis planiciem refert, ob certissimos ac evidentissimos suos Indices plu­res, faciliores, ac magìs ad oculum perspicaces, usus babet.

Since that, Berlius very earnestly and angerly recom­mendeth it to the Mechanicks: Consulent sibi & publico (saith hee) si modum istum reddant familiarem. But of the o­ther waie he saith, Hic autem modus cùm sit omnium nequissimus, est omnium operosissimus, & tamen hodie in maximo usu. Tantùm valet apud vulgus praeconcepta opinio: which though it may bee true enough, yet wee are to hear what Ptolomie hath to saie himself.

Of the Section by the Meridian.

HEe confesseth the other waie to bee easiest, but Porrò similiorem etiam (saith hee) & magìs commensuratam de­scriptionem orbis in Tabula faciemus, si Lineas Meridianas imagi­natione concipiamus ad similitudinem Linearum Meridianarum in Sphaera, ità ut aspectus, seu oculorum axis in Sphaerae positionem penetret, & per Sectionem quae ad asspectum est Meridiani qui Longitudinem terrae cognitae in duas dividit partes, & Paralleli, qui & ipse bifariam ejus Latitudinem, nec non centrum spherae, quo ex aequo termini oppositi visu comprehendantur, & appa­reant, &c.

Quod verò talis descriptio sphaericae formae similior sit quàm prior, per sese patet: quoniam si Sphaera fixa maneat, & non cir­cumvolvatur, quod & tabulae contingit necessariò, quum per medi­um descriptionis visus constituitur, unus quidem medius & meridi­anus per axem asspectuum seu visûs in planum cadens in imaginatio­onem rectae prebet Lineae: qui verò ex utrâque hujus parte sunt omnes, ad ipsum secundùm concava conversi apparent & magìs illi, qui plus ab eo distant, quod & hic observabitur, cum decenti convexi­tatam analogia.

Suppose the Globe to bee flatted upon the Plane of the Meridian and you have the other waie of Projection. The Equator here is a Streight Line; the Great Meridian a whole [Page 309] Circle; the Lesser are the more, so as they com near to the Great: Therefore that which passeth by the point of con­currence in the Equator, and divideth the Longitude of either Hemisphere into two equal parts is a Streight Line; and Ptolomie saith, that this is the more natural waie of Descri­ption; and yet it is certain that in this Section the Meridi­ans do not equi-distantly concur. The Parallels are not Pa­rallels indeed, and therefore all the Degrees are unequal.

However this later waie is that which is now most, and indeed altogether in use.

Example of this in the Description of the Planispherical Map of Hondius.

THen holding our selvs to the more usual waie of Pro­jection instead of anie other (for the difference would not bee much) wee set before us the two Hemispheres of Hondius of the year 1627 projected upon the Plane of the Meridian, you may understand it thus. Take the Globe out of the Frame and bring the Great Meridian to the Brass Meridian and you have the East and West Hemisphere. Sup­pose these two Hemispheres to bee flatted upon the Plane of the Meridian, and the Imagination produceth these two faces of the Earth presented upon the Map.

The Great Meridian passeth by S t Marie and S t Michaël of the Azores, as you may see in the North-West Quadrant of the East Hemisphere. And yet the Description subjoined to these Hemispheres reckoneth Longitude from the Isles Corvo and Flores, and to make you sure that it doth so, it is said there about the later end, that in the Azores the Compass va­rieth not at all (about Fayal and Flores) and that for no other reason hee took the Longitude of the Map from thence, and not as Ptolomie from the Canarie Isles. The Mistake is too great to fall from his own Pen; but it seem's the Descripti­on was made for som other Map of Hondius where the Me­ridian passed by the Azores, and ignorantly afterwards intru­ded upon this, by the Printers or som others, if it were not so the oversight is the greater.

[Page 310]This Meridian is of necessitie doubled upon the Plane, and yet is to bee supposed as one, which is easily don, if you reflect your conceit back upon the Nature of the Sphere, for do but fancie the two Faces into a Globe again, and the two Meridians will becom one. You are to conceiv as much upon the lesser Meridians: And you maie see too that they do not equally concur, for those two which are drawn quite cross to the Equator, precisely in the middle from 90 to 90, are straits Lines; all the rest as they more depart from the strait Lines, so to follow the Nature of the Globe they are more and more Circles, and at a farther distance.

In the Northwest Quadrant of the East Hemisphere, you have the nine Southerly Climes set down, as in the brass Meridian of Saunderson's Globe. The Northern Climes the Autor thought not fit to distinguish, but in the East Semi­circle of the same Hemisphere, you have the length of the longest Daie in hours and minutes, to everie several Degree of Northern, and of Southern Latitude, which by a more exact and shorter cut, doth the Business of the Clime and Pa­rallel without more ado, which therefore by som are ac­counted but superfluous Terms of this Art.

In the East Semicircle of the other Hemisphere you have the proportion of English Miles to the several Degrees of Lati­tude for both Quadrants, to the use whereof there is nothing here anew to bee said.

The Line crossing the two Hemisphers is the Equator, in the Degrees whereof the Longitude is to bee reckoned from S. Michael; and so the Latitude in the Great Meridian, no otherwise then as it was taught upon the Globe it self, though not with equal Art and assurance from the rea­sons of Deficiencie in this waie of Projection rendered before.

Neither ought any thing to bee repeted over upon the Zodiack, the Tropical, the Polar, or Parallel Cirles, for they are all the same, and of the same use as upon the Globe, the Cards, and Rumbs are alike.

The little Circles or Roundlets dispersed here and there about the Hemispheres for the most part give account of the [Page 311] several Degrees of Variation of the Compass in North-ea­sting or North-westing, as also in what Places there's no Variation at all, so as the Straits of Magellan the Roundlet there saith, Ad fauces freti Magellanici deviatio Acû 6 Grad. Orientem versus; That the Needle North-easteth six De­grees.

In the Southern Quadrant of the Eastern Hemisphere you have set down three wayes of measuring the Distance of Places. The first performeth by a Globe: the second by an Astrolabe: the third by a Semicirle: but the second and third, as not of that readiness in working as the first, may bee passed over.

The first in effect is the Geometrical waie, Accipe Globum, quamvìs exiguum, &c. Horidius adviseth you to have a kinde of Terella, or little Globe, not adorned with all the requi­sites of the Sphere, but onely traced over with Meridians, the Equator, and the Parallels: the Meridian and Equator to bee divided into Degrees. No more but so, Let the two Places into whose Distance you enquire bee London and Pa­ris, finde the Longitude and Latitude of both the Places in the Planisphere; then again finde the same Longitude and La­titude upon the Globe, then set one foot of your Compass up­on the Place where London, and the other foot where Paris should bee upon the Globe, and bring your Compass with that Distance to the Equator: And the Degrees intercepted, multiplied into Miles by 60, shew the Distance. This is as much as to tell us, that in measuring the Distances of Pla­ces there is no great trust to bee had to any Planispherical Projection whatsoever: for though that by the Section of the Equator bee nearer to the Sphere then this by the Se­ction of the Meridian, yet they are both equally engaged in this Imperfection that they cannot satisfie for the gibbositie of the Globe.

The Description and Use of Particular Charts.

PArticular Maps are but Limbs of the Globe, and there­fore though they are drawn asunder, yet it is still to bee don with that proportion, as a remembring Eie may suddenly acknowledg, and join them to the whole Bodie.

They are most commonly described upon a Parallelo­gramme, but their relation to the Bodie it self is not to bee judged by this. It is not don to that end, but that beeing but Parts and Members severed from the Whole, they yet might make shew of as great an appearance of Integritie as could bee allowed.

Their Place in their Bodie is to bee esteemed from their proper Lineaments, drawn within the Square, that is, such Portions of Meridians and Parallels as they consisted of in the Globe it self.

Briefly to the Constitution of a particular Chart, These Moments especially make up the Projection, the Graduation, The Reference to the great Meridian, the Scale, and the Compass.

Projection.The Projection is most commonly (as I said) upon a Parallelogramme, somtimes inscribed with an Oval, as the Map of Flanders, and Germane Basse in Ortelius; or upon a Circle, as that of the North Pole in Mercator's Atlas: And becaus no Region is exactly square or round, so much of the bordering Territories are usually thrust in, as may not onely declare the Bounds, but fill up the Square too.

The Projection is mainly concerned in the fore-knowledg of the Longitude and Latitude of the Countrie: And the Latitude is to bee expressed by Parallels from North to South, as the Longitude by Meridians from West to East, each of them at 10 Degrees distance, or the Meridians at 15, as the Geographer shall pleas, and may bee drawn either by Circle, as the Maps of Asia and America in Ortelius his Thea­trum; [Page 313] or by right Line, and that either extended, as in the Map of Africa there, or onely begun upon the Parallelo­gramme, as in the Map of Europe; and then the two extreme Parallels may bee the North and South sides of the Paral­lelogramme: but if they bee right Lines, they are not (that is, the Meridians are not) to bee drawn direct or parallel, but inclining and concurring to confess the Na­ture of the Whole, whereof they are such parts, and the named Parallels are more notably to bee distinguisht then the rest, if they have place in the Map, as in that of Africa you have the Equator, and both the Tropicks either gra­duated, as the Equator, or drawn double at least, as the Tropicks, &c.

For the Graduation. Graduation. The Degrees of Longitude are most commonly divided upon the North and South sides of the Parallelogramme. The Degrees of Latitude upon the East and West sides, or otherwise upon the most Eastern and We­stern Meridian of the Map within the Square, as in the De­scriptions of Ptolemie continually; or if the Projection bee upon a Circle, as that of the North Pole in the Atlas, the Degrees of Longitude are set upon the uttermost Parallel, and those of Latitude upon a portion of the Great Meri­dian, answerable to the Semidiameter of that Latitude. And the Climes maie bee set down to the Degrees of Latitude, as in the Description of Portugal by Vernandus Alvarus. But it hath seemed good to som Geographers, nay, even to Or­telius himself in these particular Descriptions for the most part to make no Graduation or Projection at all; but to put the matter off to a Scale of Miles, and leav the rest to bee beleev'd. Whether this or Mercator's waie in the Atlas were more Artificial, I will not judg in the caus of the King of Spain's Geographer.

For the first Meridian, Reference to the great Me­ridian. It is a fault you will more general­ly finde, that there is verie seldom any expression of that Reference, so that though there bee Graduation, and the Longitude set before your eies, yet you will finde your self uncertain, unless it bee told you before, that the Longitudes in M r Camdem, Speed, Nordon, and the late English Descri­bers [Page 314] generally are taken from Mercator's First Meridian, by S. Michael in the Azores, though som of them indeed (and not M. Camdem onely, but such too as made it their busi­ness to do otherwise) have proposed the Matter in effect to bee don by the Canaries as the Autor of the Brief In­troduction to Geographie, (if I understand him) in these words.

Ʋpon the Globe there are manie (Meridians) drawn, all which pass through the Poles, and go North and South; but there is one more remarkable than the rest drawn broad with small Divi­sions, which runneth thorough the Canarie-Islands or Azores, Westward of Spain, which is counted the first Meridian in re­gard of reckoning and measuring of Distances of places one from another; for otherwise there if neither first nor last in the round Earth: But som place must bee appointed where to begin the Ac­count: And those Islands have been thought fittest, becaus no part of the World that laie Westward was known to the Antients fur­ther than that: and as they began to reckon, there wee follow them.

But as concerning Mercator himself you have more to look to. Mercator's constant Meridian was that by S. Mi­chaël, and so you will finde it in the Atlas, set out by Rumul­dus. But in that of Hondius Edition lately translated into English, you will finde it otherwise, though you shall see too in what a fair waie you are to bee deceived of this also.

In the Description of Island, pag. 33. The Book saith, It is situated not under the first Meridian, as one bath noted, but in the eighth Degree from thence. To which the Margin (but not knowing what) saith,

That this first Meridian is a great Circle rounding the Earth from Pole to Pole, and passing thorough the Islands called Azores, and namely the Isle of S. Michaël, as the same Noter to pag. 10.

Hee might think hee went upon aground good enough; for in the seventh Chapter of the Introduction, Mercator himself, saith thus:

Ptolomie hath placed the first Meridian in the Fortunate Isles; which at this daie are called the Canaries. Since, the Spanish Pi­lots [Page 315] have placed it in the Isle of Goss-hauks, which in their Lan­guage are called Assores, and som of them placed it in the middle of Spain, &c.

Now wee must hold (saith hee) that the Longitude is a certain space or interval of the Equator closed between Meridians, the one from the Isles called Azores, from whence it taketh the begin­ing; the other, from that Place or Region, whereof wee would know the Distance.

And yet for all this the Longitudes in that Book are ac­counted from the Canaries, as you may see in the East He­misphere, and in the general Description of Africa. The Editioner Hondius would have it so, and (which is marvel the Marginal Noter could chuse but know) hee himself in the verie Begining maketh this Profession of it;

Ptolomie, saith hee, and wee in this Book do make the Longi­tude to bee a segment of the Equator comprehended betwixt the Meridian of the place, and the Meridian of the Fortunate Islands, for from these Islands the Begining of Longitude is taken, &c.

Having saved you this Labor in Mercator, you may now bee told what is to bee don with Ortelius.

For his own Descriptions hee alwaies taketh to Ptolomie's Meridian by the Canaries, as you may see in his Ʋniversal Face of the World, and in the General Description of Africa, to the Description of Hispaniola, Cuba, Culiacan, &c. hee gi­veth this Admonition.

Sciat Lector Autorem Anonymunt, qui hanc Culiacanam re­gionem, & has insulas perlustravit, & descripsit, Regionum Longitudines, non ut Ptolomaeus aliíque solent; à Fortunatis insulis versus Orientem sumpsisse, sed à Toleto Hispaniae umbilico Occi­dentem versús ex Eclipsibus ab ipsomet observatis deprehendisse.

The like Note hee affixeth to the Description of New-Spain: his meaning in both is, to let the Reader know that the Describer (who ever hee was) did not in these Maps ac­count the Degrees of Longitude, as Ptolomie, from West to East, and from the Fortunate Isles; but from East to West, and from the Meridian of Toledo Hispaniae Ʋmbilico; which is the meaning of Mercator, when hee saith, That som of the Spanish Pilots placed the Great Meridian in the middle of [Page 316] Spain. And if you look upon the Longitude in the North and South sides of the Parallelogram, you shall see the De­grees reckoned backwards contrarie to the received manner of Graduation. It is no verie hard matter to reduce these Longitudes to the ordinarie waie, but rather then so, your may have recours to the Later Description of America, by Leat and others.

For the Scale, in particular Maps extending to a con­siderable portion of Longitude and Latitude, it dependeth for the ground upon the Degrees of the Great Circles, and the Proportion of Miles in several Countries to anie such Degree. But in Lesser Descriptions it hath more to do with the known distance of anie two, or more places experimentally found, or taken upon trust of Common Re­putation.

Here it is not to bee thought that the Longitudes and La­titudes of all Places in a particular Chart need to bee taken, but of the Principal onely, the rest to bee reduced by the Radius, the Angle of Position, and the like; and much also in this matter useth to bee given to the Common Suppu­tation; all which, the last especially are the Causses why the Maps agree no better, for of all other the Account of the Common People is most uncertain.

The French Cosmographer of Amiens before named, when hee took upon him to finde out how manie of their Leagues answered to a Degree, took his Journie from Paris as directly under the Meridian as hee might, till hee rode 25 Leagues according to the Account of the Inhabi­tants of the Place. Nec tamen vulgi supputationem satiatus (saith hee) vehiculum quod Parisios rectâ viâ petebat conscendi in eóque residens tota via 17024 ferè rotae circumvolutiones col­legi, vallibus & Montibus (quod facultas nostra ferebat) ad aequalita­tem redactis. Erat autem rotae illius diameter sex pedum, séxque pau­lò magìs digitorum geometricorum, ob ídque ejus ambitus pedunt erat viginti seu passuum quatuor. His ergò revolutionibus per quatuor ductis reperi passus 68096 qui milliaira sunt Italica 68, cum passibus 96. In his return to Paris hee took Coach, the Diameter of the Wheel was 6 foot and a little more, there­fore [Page 317] the Circumference 20 foot, that is, 4 paces. Hee rec­koned upon the waie 17024 circumrotations of the Wheel, which multiplying by 4 the Numerus factus was 68006 pa­ces, which amounted to 68 Miles Italian, and somwhat more. And yet according to Common Supputation they that reckon most, reckon but 25 Leagues to a Degree, and 60 Miles to 25 Leagues 8 Miles less. The Cosmographer addeth indeed, that by the same experiment hee sound, that the French-League was of a greater proportion then two Ita­lian Miles.

If it could bee exspected that so exact a cours might bee taken in all particular Mensurations, wee might put the more trust in the distances, and yet you see wee might fail too. It is enough in such a case to know the reasons of those uncertainties where the thing it self is so in­superable.

The Difference of Miles in several Countries is great, but it will bee enough to know that the Italian and English are reckoned for all one, and four of these make a German Mile; two, a French-League; three, and somwhat more, a Spanish-League; the Swedish, or Danish Mile consisteth of five Miles English, and somwhat more.

Now as the Miles of several Countries do verie much differ, so those of the same do not verie much agree: and therefore the Scales are commonly written upon with Ma­gna, Mediocria, Parva, to shew the Difference.

Of Common English and Italian Miles 60 (as you know already) answer to a Degree of a Great Circle: 68 saith Fernelius: it ought to bee 63 and somwhat more by the Se­midiameter of the Earth, as it was taken by M r Edward Wright near Plimmouth-Sound; dut 60 is most commonly beleeved and is the proportion (which in a verie small matter) receiv­ed by Ptolomie himself from Marinus the Tyrian with this ap­probation: Ptolom Geo­graph. lib. 1. cap. 11. Sed in hoc quoque rectè setit partent unam qualium est circulus maximus trecentorum sexaginta, quinginta in terra constituere stadia, id enim confessis' dimensionibus' consonum existit.

[Page 318]Of common Germane Miles 15 answer to a Degree; of common French-Leagues 25; of Spanish-Leagues 17; of Swedish and Danish 10.

In som Maps you shall finde the Miles thus hiddenly set down, as in that of Artois in Ortelius and elswhere. And the meaning still is, that you should measure the Milliaria magna upon the Lowermost Line, the Parva upon the uppermost, and the Mediocria upon the Middlemost.

Scala Milliarium.
1 2 3 4 5 6

In som other Maps, as in that of Westphalia in the same Autor, you will finde the Scale written upon with Milliaria magna, mediocria, & Horae itineris. To which you are to note, that som Nations measure their waies by hours, con­cluding of the Distance from the time spent in the going, the proportion whereof may bee gathered from this note upon the Description of Helvetia. Continet autem Milliare Helveticum, ut nunc utuntur, spacium duarum horarum equestris; duarúmque & dimidiae pedestris itineris. Computantur ergò octo millia passuum Italicoram pro uno milliario Helvetico.

Therefore one Hour-Mile of a Journie upon Hors, an­swereth to four English Miles: And yet it is set down be­fore the Atlas that the proportion of Itinerarie Hours to a Degree is 20: They cannot both bee true, 'tis enough to shew how uncertain this waie of measuring needs must bee.

For the Use of the Scale it is but setting one foot of your Compass in the little Circles of the places and bringing the Compass kept at that Distance to the Scale, and you have the number of great or middle Miles, according as the In­habitants of those places are known to reckon.

The Compass is set down to shew the Bearing of Places, [Page 319] and by what Winde and Waie the Mariner is to shape his cours from Port to Port, as in the Universal Maps and Globe it self.

Example of all this in the Description of Saxton's Map of England and Wales.

ALl this may bee exemplified in som one Particular Chart. The example useth to bee given in the De­scription of France, but might more properly bee made upon a Map of our own Countrie. There bee several of these as that of Humfrey Llyid, that of Wortnel, M r Speed's Descriptions and others; but wee chuse that of Saxton, a man recommended unto us by M r Camden himself in the Preface to his Britannia.

Nonnulli erunt fortasse qui Tabulas chorographicas hîc exspectent quas lenocinante picturâ oculis esse jucundiores, & in his Geogra­phicis studiis plurimùm interesse fateor; maximè si mutis Tabulis literarum etiam lumen accedat. Hoc taemen praestare facultatis non est nostrae; & Angliam accuratissimè in Tabulis seorsim ornatis­simus Vir Thomas Seckfordus Regiae Majestati à supplicum Libellis, suis impensis, & Christophori Saxtoni optimi Choro­graphi operâ, magnâ cum laude descripsit.

Saxton drew up Typographical Descriptions of this King­dom by the Shires and Counties into a set Volume of Tables; but whatsoever can bee severally said of them may better bee spoken all at once upon his great Chorographical Map of the Whole. A Description, which if it exceed not (as I think it doth) yet may compare with anie particular Ta­ble made or to bee made of anie Countrie whatsoever.

The Description is of England onely and Wales, that it might bee the more exact and useful, which exspectation is so accurately answered that the smallest Village may bee turn'd to there; Henxey or Botlie, as well as Oxford.

It is describ'd upon a Parallelogram: the North and South sides are Parallels of Latitude divided into Degrees of Longitude. The East and West sides stand for Meridians, and [Page 320] are divided into Degres of Latitude, and everie Degree sub­divided into 60 Parts but so, that a Degree of Longitude answereth but to so manie parts of a Degree of Latitude, as it ought in that Parallel. The Parallels as the Meridians are set down at one Degrees distance: the Parallels are Parallels in­deed; the Meridians are Streight Lines, but more and more concurring from South to North, as is required from the nature of the Sphere.

The Latitude of the Countries is from 50 Degrees 8 Mi­nutes to 55 and 50 Minutes. The Longitude from 17 to 25 Degrees and 9 Minutes: And 'tis reckoned from S t Micha­ël and S t Maries in the Azores, as the Geographer himself there expresseth: Longitudinis gradus ab eo Meridiano capiunt initium qui per Divae Mariae Insulam transit, quae omnium Azorearum ma­ximè ad Orientem vergit.

The middle Parallel of the Parallelogram is at 53 Degrees of Latitude and passeth by Newcastle upon Tine. The Middle Parallel of the Countrie it self is somwhat of a Lesser Lati­tude, and may bee imagined to pass a not much besides Tid­burie Castle in Staffordshire, as M r Norden thought. And in­deed Staffordshire hath been antiently accounted the Middle of England: and the Inhabitants of that Shire are called by BEDE Angli Mediterranei.

The Scale of Miles is answerable to one Degree of Lati­tude, and is also divided, as they, into 60 Parts. And a Degree of Longitude answereth to so manie Parts of that 60, as it ought in the Parallel of 50 Degrees of Latitude, that is 38 Miles or thereabouts; and therefore the graduation both of the Scale, the Parallels, and Meridians is exact and according to Art. And in measuring the Distances of the Places, 'tis all one to set the Compass upon the Minutes of Latitude as upon the Scale it self.

In finding out the Longitude, or Latitude of anie Citie or Town in the Map, the manner is the same as in anie other, for the Longitude is to bee reckoned in the North and South sides, the Latitude in the East and West sides of the Paralle­logram.

But the Situation and Distance of the Places in a particu­lar [Page 321] Chart are most of moment, the Situations are plain. The Distances in this Map, where I could prove them ex­perimentally, for the most part were found true. They cannot bee exact in anie Map whatsoever, as M r Norden himself, who labored much in this matter maketh his complaint in that necessarie Guide, added to a little, but not much augmented, by the late Editioner. The setting down of the places themselvs in the void Angles of the Squares pretend's verie well, but there was not room for the purpose; yet in one respect the New Book bettereth the Old, in that the Bearing of Places is annexed by an expression of the Points of the Compass upon everie Square.

In som Maps of Particulars Countries you may possibly finde the Meridians drawn directly without anie hope of Concurrence. And Ptolomie saith it maketh no matter so this caution bee observed: Preterea nil referet si aequidistantibus usi fuerimus Meridianis Lineis rectis, quoque Parallelorum dum­modo solùm partes distantiae Meridianorum eam rationem sumant ad distantias Parallelorum quam maximus habet Circulus ad illum Parallelum, qui in Tabula hâc medius erit.

It is all upon the first main ground of the Depression of the Sphere, which in anie Descriptions in anie considerable Distance from the Line, cannot really bee made good upon a Plane, but it to bee answered by proportion; for which caus Marinus the Tyrian condemned all Descriptions in Pla­no; but Ptolomie shewed his Error. And from the same Principle is to bee deriv'd the understanding of those Titles written over som Descriptions in the Atlas, as to that of Bellovacum, or the Countrie of Bollonia. The Description is, The Meridians thereof are placed at the Parallels 50, & 45. So to the Description of the Landgraviate of Hessen; The Title is, The Meridians are distant according to the proportion of the 510 Parallel to the Great Circle. The Autor himself giveth you the reason of it in his Admonition set before the De­scription of France, pag. 242.

Of Topographical Maps, and for an Example the Description of Middle sex by M r Norden.

Geograph. lib. 1. cap. 1.NOw that you may not bee mistaken in Terms, the De­scription of the Whole whether by Parallelogramme, or Planisphere is most rightfully called Geographie in Plano.

Geographiae proprium est (saith Ptolemie) unam & conti­nuam terram cognitam ostendere quemadmodum se habeat naturâ & positione.

The Description of anie verie great part of the Earth, as France, England, or the like, is most properly called Chorographie.

Ptolomie himself goeth no further in distinctions; for ha­ving said, That Geographie is an imitation of the Picture of the Earth, with intimation of reference to the drawing of the lesser Worlds; hee addeth, Porrò finis Chorographicus connexione particulari continetur, veluti si quis aurem tantùm aut oculum imitetur. And indeed the Tables of Ptolomie needed no other Difference in terms. But the late Geographers fin­ding it fittest of all to make Descriptions of small Parcels of the Earth, as Shires and Counties to us, the Circles of the Empire in Comparison to the Greatness of that, and the like; They have fallen upon a third member of this Di­vision, calling these kinde of Descriptions Topographie, though Ptolomie did minutissimas proprietates Chorographiae at­tribuere. And the word it self will not allow of anie verie great Distinction from the other, if it had not been gained upon by Use.

Now as there is no Chorographical Map or Description of the whole Region, or Countrie of this Kingdom can bee more exactly according to Art, or according to Industrie more particularly performed than that of Saxton, so for the Descriptions of the Shires or Counties thereof (which must then bee called their Topographie) No man whatsoever [Page 323] hath lighted upon a more exact and present waie of Deline­ation then the Industrious Norden.

The intent of this Man was to make an absolute Descri­ption of the Whole, and everie part of this Kingdom of Great Britain: It pleased him to call this purpose, Specu­lum Britanniae. The first Part whereof (which is onely com­pleted) affordeth us a general Description of the Kingdom, with a particular Description and Topographical Table of Middlesex. The Table is projected upon a Parallelogramme, the sides whereof are divided into Miles, so that though the sides look like Meridians and Parallels; yet they are not so, but a meer Scale, from which therefore are drawn cross the Table small black equidistant lines, looking also like to Parallels and Meridians, but serving onely for the readier taking of the Distances, the Divisions of these Lines from East to West standing for two, from North to South for four Miles. The Letters upon the East and West side, and figures upon the North and South side, serv for the finding out any place by the Direction of the Alphabet: For Ex­ample, The Alphabet, saith Brentford. H. 12. See H in the East or West side, 12 upon the North or South side, and then by the Square made by the black Lines you fall upon the Place. The Figures here and there about, which in the Parallelogramme, 2, 3, 4, 5, and to 11 Note out the Prin­cipal High-Waies from London thorough Middlesex, as num­ber the 4 by Northolt is to shew the waie to Ʋxbridg, and so to Oxford, &c. This is told you in the Speculum, fol. 49. a. And these High-Waies are distinguished out by the Lines of Points; for that of One is to define out the Bounds of the Shire, as you may see upon the West side it passeth by the River Colne to Shyreditch, &c. The Capital Letters A, B, C, &c. are to distinguish the Hundreds of the Countie, as the Speculum saith, fol 13. A.

The Compass of 8 Rumbes in the North-East Angle of the Map is of the same known use as in any other.

Thus had this indefatigable Man intended to all the Shires of this Kingdom, and hee seemeth to intimate in the Preface to his Guide, as if the Maps were fully finished. And yet there [Page 324] are but verie few of them to bee commonly met with, but for Alphabetical Descriptions (the most usefull waie that ever was or could bee devis'd, especially in small Geographie. I think the Work never went further then Middlesex (for ought at least as I can finde.) The Greater or Less.

Of the Resemblance of Countries, and to other things in Art or Nature.

ANd this also as a Cerimonie of the Art is not to bee omitted. That the Geographers in their Descriptions not unusually (where it may stand with any due proporti­on) do fancie the fashion of this or that Countrie to bee like such or such a figure, elswhere found in som other things Natural or Artificial: our own Island useth to bee like­ned to a Triangle, and it doth not much abhor from that Figure.

Antiquissimi Scriptores in Polydore Virgil have resembled the Vectis Insula or Isle of Wight to an Egg. Peloponnesus of old hath been likened Platani folio to a Plantane Leaf. Strabo like­ned Europe to a Dragon. Som of late have likened it to a King's Daughter. Spain to bee the Head. Italie the Right Arm, Cymbrica Chersonesus the Left, France the Brest, Germanie the Bellie, &c. Asia by som is likened to a half Moon. And of Africa one saith, That it is like the Duke of Venetia's Cap. The same Strabo compared Spain to an Ox-hide stretched out. Plinie and Solinas likened Italie to an Ivie-leaf, but the late Geographers more comparablie to a Man's leg.

This is the rather noted, becaus som Maps also are drawn according to this manner of Fancie, as that of Belgia by Ke­rius within the Picture of a Lion; for so those Countries have been resembled.

This cannot alwaies fall out, for when Maginus cometh to tell the Form of Scotland, hee could liken it to nothing at all.

Of the old and new Names of Places, and other Artificial Terms met with in the Maps.

IN reading the Descriptions you will finde great differ­ence betwixt the New and Old Names of the Places, as for Hispalis of old, the new Descriptions read Sevil: for the Adriatick, Sea, Golfo di Venetia: for the Baltick, Mar de Belt, and the like.

In the Descriptions themselvs distinction is most com­monly made of this, if the Describers bee as they should; but in the Maps it is not (indeed it could not bee) so usual­ly observed. To supplie this, you have the Introduction to Geographie by Cluverius, where the Old and New Names are still compared, the omission whereof is no small fault in som Describers of our own.

But especially for this purpose is the Thesaurus Geographi­cus Ortelij. A Geographical Dictionarie so called, and is a pre­sent Satisfaction in this case.

You will meet also with certain Terms of Art, (so after a sort they may bee called) as Sinus, Fretum, a Baie, The Streights, and the like; and though it seemeth to belong unto this place to tell what they are, yet will it not bee much to the purpose to make so diligent an enumeration as som would have us, of the Terms Natural and Artificial in Geographie and Hydrographie. In the Natural appertaining to the Earth to tell what Nemus, Saltus, Arbustum, Virgultum, &c. the difference betwixt a Bush and a Shrub: In the Arti­ficial to go down from Regnum, Territorium, &c. to Vicus, Pagus, Villa, Tugurium, and to saie that the definition of a Cottage is Rustica habitatio tecta ulvâ palustri. In the Natural Terms, Ad aquam spectantibus; Mare, Fretum, Sinus, &c. till you com to Torrens, Palus, Stagnum, Lacus, Rivus. Nothing but a Ditch left out. And Rivus is so called, [...], be­caus it runneth along. In the Artificial Terms you are there taught the exact Description of a Cistern, of a Fish­pond and a Sink, and all this under the Title and Prote­ction [Page 326] of Geographie. But excepting those, which you can­not chuse but know; these are the Terms.

Insula.An Island. Strabo called the Whole Globe of the Earth by this Name, becaus it is encompassed round by the Ocean. This then may bee the Great Island. The Less are such parts of the Great, as are surrounded by the Waters. It is called by the Italians, Isola; by the French Isle; by the Spaniards Ysla; by the Dutch Insel and Eijlandt, all which (the Maps so severally naming according to the Countrie) is not told you in vain.

Continens.A Continent, or Part of Land not separated by the Sea, as the Continents of Spain, France, &c. The Belgians call it Landtscap sonder eylandt, A Landskip or Region with­out an Island. It admitteth of another Sens in the Law: For Ʋlpian said, Continentes Provincias accipi debere, quae Italiae conjunctae sunt. Tryphon. de Excusat. Tutor. L. Ti­tius, Testamento Romae accepto aut in continentibus, subaudi locis.

It is otherwise termed, Terra firma; by the French, Terre ferme; by the Italian, Terra ferma; by the Spaniards, Tierra firma, the firm Land. In Greek it is called, [...] Epirus, [...] (saith the Autor de Mundo) [...] in Insulas & Continentes divisit.

Peninsula, or Penè Insula. An Island almost, onely in one part joining to the Continent, Peninsula. and that part useth to bee called Isthmus, Isthmos. or otherwise, A Neck of Land: Est an­gustia illa intermedia inter Peninsulam, & Continentem, & velu­ti quaedam Cervix, quae à Continente, velut à corpore gracilescens Pe­ninsulam cum Continente tanquā caput cum reliquo corpore connectit.

The digging thorough of these Necks of Land hath been often undertaken, but not without a secret kinde of fatalitie.

The most famous Isthmus accounted is that of Corinth, hindering the Peloponesus from beeing an Island, and so put­ting the Ships to a Circuit about; and therefore (as you may observ Plinie to saie) Demetrius Rex, Dictator Caesar, C. Princeps, Domitius Nero, perfodere tentavere infausto (ut omnium patuit exitu) incoepto. Dion saith that Nero's under­takings were entertain'd with a spring of Blood first, and [Page 327] after that auditi mugitus, ululatúsque flebiles, visáque formidabi­lia Spectra & Simulacra multa, horrible and fearful yells were heard, and manie formidable apparitions seen. Yet Demetrius is said to have desisted by the advice of the Artifi­cers, who brought in word that the Baie was higher upon the Corinthian side, which would not onely prove dange­rous by Inundation, but make the Streit unserviceable when the work was don.

Herod of Athens, Nicanor, Seleucus, Caelius Rhodi­ginus Lection. Antiqu. lib. 21. cap. 19. and others are summed up by Rhodiginus for the like Attempts, and same success: And Philip the second of Spain had once in his minde to cut through that Streight of Land (I may call it so) betwixt Panma and Nombre de dios to make that vast Peninsula of Sou­thern America (as but for this it were) an Island; but upon further consideration hee fell off from the Design.

The like undertakings were forbidden the Cnidians by the Oracle of Apollo; and Pausanias thinketh hee can tell the rea­son: Quoniam rebus divinitus constitutis manum injicere non licet.

And yet the Arabick Geographer not having heard of anie such things, tell's the Cutting of the Streits of Gibralter, but like another storie: Indeed hee saie's 'twas don by Ale­xander the Great, Qui operariis, atque Geometris ad se convo­catis suum de acida illa terra fodienda, & canali aperiendo animum explicuit praecepitque illis ut terrae solum cum utriusque maris aequo­re metirentur, &c. The sum is, that by the help of Alabii the Geographer, and other Mathematicians hee brake through the Isthmus and made it a Streit of Water.

For the Metaphor the Physicians are even with the Grammarians, for Galen saith, Galen ad 3 Sent. Hippoc. Tonsillas esse locorum ad Isth­mum pertinentium inflammationes. Per Isthmum verò oportet in­telligere partem illam quae eos & gulam interjacet, quae per Meta­phoram quandam ità nominatur abiis, qui propriè dicuntur Isth­mi. Sunt autem angusti qui dem terrae transitus inter duo maria sitae. And Julius Pollux hath it, Guttur propter angustias Isthmum dici.

A Promontorie: Mons in Mari prominens, Promontori­um. A Mountain or Head of Land butting out upon the Sea. Sceglia sepra ac­qua in mare, otherwise Capo: so the Spanish El Capo de tier­ra en mari, A Cape or Head of the Earth in the Sea. 'Tis commonly noted in the Tables by the first letter of the [Page 328] word C, as in the Map of Africa in Ortelius, C. de buona speransa, Caput bonae spei, or The Cape of good Hope. As they set down R for Rio Rivus: R. de la plate, The Plate River: P for Port, P. Grande, P. del Nort, &c. Y, or Y a for Ysla: Y del Poso: Ya del Principe and the like.

Fretum.An Isthmus, or Streit of Water. Mare angustum, & quasi brachium Maris interceptum inter duo littora. So callled à fremi­tu Maris, for which caus in the High Dutch it is called De Sund, from the Antient Saxon suno, as Kilian hath noted: Sond or Sund saith hee, Vet. Sax. Fretum.

You meet it often in the Dutch and Danish Maps, as Mil­varts sont, Golber sont; but especially that most famous Streit upon the Baltick Sea, which not unlike the Castles upon the Hellespont commandeth all the Ships in their pas­sage. It is called by them Sond, or Sund: by us the Sound. Instead of Fretum the Italian writeth Streto, or el Streto: the Spaniard Estrecho, as Estrecho di Gibralter: Gibraltarec it should bee, as was formerly noted, for the Mountain (from whence the Streit is named) is so called by the Arabick Geo­grapher, and hee saith also that the Gebal (so they cal a Moun­tain) was named from Tarec, the son of Abdalla, who made good the Place against the Inhabitants.

Sinus.A Creek or corner of the Sea insinuating into the Land. It is otherwise called Baia, a Baie: a Station, or Road for Ships: a Gulf, as Golfo di Venetia, Golfo de S. Sebastiano, &c.

Pierre.A Peer from Petra, becaus of the Congestion of great Stones to the raising up of such a Pile. 'Tis a kinde of smal Artificial Creek or Sinus, as the Peer of Dover: the Peer of Portland, &c.

The Concernment of All This.

THe things wee talk of all this while how like soever they may look to a Book-man's business, yet are such of themselvs as Kings and Princes have found their States concerned in.

Zon. Annal. Tom. 2. pag. 397 Zonaras will tell you that in Domitian's time it cost one Metius his life [...] for having a Map of the World hanging in his Chamber. The fault indeed was that (as common fame ren­dred [Page 329] him) hee was thought to asspire to the Empire; of the truth whereof, it was taken to bee a suffici­ent assurance, that hee should have so dangerous a thing about him as the picture of the Provinces.

Of what importance Julius Caesar, Antonine, and the other Emperors held these Descriptions is manifest by their very own Itineraries yet to bee seen. Felix Maleolus in his Dialogue of Nobilitie mentioneth a Description of all the World (the known Alì as then) begun by Julius Caesar, and finished by Augustus, in which hee saw set down Gentes & Civitates singulas cum suis distantiis.

The Tabulae Putingerianae annexed to the Descriptions of Ptolomie by Bertius are famous in this kinde. The Notitia utriusque Imperii singularly to the same purpose. Alexander the Great went upon no Design without his Geometers, Be­ton and Diognetus. They are called by Plinie Mensores Itinerum Alexandri, and their Descriptions were exstant in his time. Plin. lib. 6. cap. 17.

The great Defeat given at the Streights of Thermopylae only for want of cunning in the Passages is notoriously known. But the Experience of these things is harder by. Not a daie of these wee have now, but needeth thus much of a Ge­ographer. And for want of such help Julius Caesar, Quando voluit Angliam oppugnare refertur maxima specula erexisse, ut à Gallicano Littore dispositionem civitatum, Roger Bacon Perspect. Dist. ult. pag. 166. & castrorum Angliae praeviderit, possent enim erigi specula in alto contra civitates con­trarias, & exercitus, ut omnia quae fierent ab inimicis viderentur, & hoc potest fieri in omni distantia qua desideramus; &c. saith Roger Bacon in his Perspectives.

It is propounded by a man ingeniously enough conceited, as a device nothing besides the Meditation of a Prince to have his Kingdoms and Dominions by the direction of an able Mathematician, Geographical Garden. Geographically described in a Garden-plat­form: the Mountains and Hils beeing raised like small Hil­locks with Turfs of Earth, the Vallies somwhat concave within: the Towns, Villages, Castles, or other remark­able Edifices, in small green mossie Banks, or Spring-work proportional to the Platform: the Forrests and Woods represented according to their form and capacitie, with Herbs and Stubs, the great Rivers, Lakes and Ponds to [Page 330] dilate themselvs according to their cours from som Artifi­cial Fountain made to pass in the Garden thorough Chan­els, &c. All which may doubtless bee Mathematically counterfeited, as well as the Horizontal Dial, and Coat-ar­mor of the Hous in Exceter College Garden.

It is known too that a Gentleman of good Note not far from this place caussed the like Geographical Descriptions to bee curiously wrought upon his Arras, wherein hee behold­eth the Situations and Distances of the Countrie, as truly and more distinctly than in any Map whatsoever.

Geographical playing-cards.The Autor of the compleat Gentleman telleth of a Pack of French Cards which hee hath seen, The four Sutes changed into Maps of several Countries of the four parts of the World, and exactly colored for their Numbers, the Figures 1, 2, 3, 9, 10, &c. set over their Heads. For the Kings and Queens the Portraictures of their Kings and Queens in their several Countrie habits, for the Knaves their Peasants and Slaves, &c.

It is certain that the greatest and most publick affairs of any State have their dependance upon forreign Cases past, or especially present. There is not so great an alteration in the Whole, as som Men think. The Carriage of Mat­ters in times-by gon are not so unlike the things wee now presently do, as not to give us aim at the least. The Great is the same World, as the Little is the same Man, though now more stricken in years; and moreover the Compari­son faileth in this, that in everie Age som men have attein­ed to their own ripeness, though to that of the Whole Great Man none could but the Grandees of the Present. It yield­eth thus much, that the Face and Picture of all instant Acti­ons may bee seen by reflection in the future; or if the same Age look upon the Turk, or Venetian upon us, and wee upon them the like, or not much less, will bee the necessities of conversation with Record and Storie. There can bee nothing don in that, without an interview of the Places which must needs bee seen either with our own Eies there, or with other Men's in a Map.

FINIS.

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. Searching, reading, printing, or downloading EEBO-TCP texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. Permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this EEBO-TCP Phase II text, in whole or in part.