I. CENTURIE.

THat we may the more freely and fully pay the tribute of our thanks to Gods goodnesse, The dolefull case of the Pagan Britans. for the Gospel which we now enjoy, let us recount the sad Condition of the Britans our Predecessours, before the Christian Faith was preached unto them. At that time they were without Christ, being Aliens from the Common-wealth of Israel, and strangers from the Covenants of promise, having no hope, and without God in the World. They were foul Idolaters, who, from misapplying that undeniable Truth of Gods being in every thing, made every thing to be their God, Trees, Rivers, Hills, and Mountains. They worship­ped Devils, whose Pictures remained in the dayes of Epist. de Ex­cid. Brit. Gildas, within and with­out the decayed. Walls of their Cities, drawn with deformed Faces, (no doubt, done to the Life, according to their Terrible Apparitions,) so that such ugly Shapes did not woe, but fright people into Adoration of them. Where­fore if any find in Tully that the Britans in his time had no Pictures, understand him, they were not Artists in that Mystery, (like the Greeks and Romans) they had not pieces of Proportion, being rather Dawbers then Drawers, Stainers then Painters, though called Picti, from their self-discoloration.

2. Three paramount Idols they worshipped above all the rest, Their Princi­pall Idols. and ascribed divine honour unto them:

• 1. Apollo, by them styled Belinus the Great.
• 2. Andnaste,
  Xiphil. Epi. in Nerone.
  or Andate, the Goddesse of Victorie.
• 3. Diana, Goddesse of the Game.

This last was most especially reverenced, Britain being then all a Forest, where Hunting was not the Recreation but the Calling, and Venison, not the Dainties but the Diet of Common people. There is a place near S. Pauls in London, called in old Records DIANA'S CHAMBER, where, in the daies of K. Camden. Britann. in Middlesex. Edward the first, thousands of the Heads of Oxen were digged up, where­at, the Ignorant wondred, whilest the Learned well understood them to be the proper Sacrifices to Diana, whose great. Temple was built thereabout. This rendereth their Conceit not altogether unlikely, who will have LONDON [Page 2] so called from LLAN-DIAN, which signifieth in British the Temple of DIANA. And surely Conjectures, if mannerly observing their Distance, and not impudently intruding themselves for Certainties, deserve, if not to be re­ceived, to be considered. Besides these specified, they had other Portenta Dia­bolica, Gildas ut prius. pene numero Aegyptiaca vincentia: as indeed they who erroneously conceive one God too little, will find two too many, and yet Millions not enough. As for those learned Druides unum esse Deum semper inculcarunt. Camden and Bp. Godwin. Pens, which report that the Druides did instruct the Ancient Britans in the Knowledge and Worship of one onely God, may their Mistake herein be as freely forgiven them, as I hope and desire that the Charitable Reader will with his Pardon meet those unvoluntary Errours, which in this Work by me shall be committed.

3. Two sorts of People were most honoured amongst the Britans:

• 1. Druides, who were their
  • Philosophers
  • Divines.
  • Lawyers.
• 2. Bards, who were their
  • Prophets.
  • Poets.
  • Historians

The former were so called from [...], The office and employ­ment of the Druides. signifying generally a Tree, and pro­perly an Oak, under which they used to perform their Rites and Ceremonies. An Idolatrie whereof the Iews themselves had been guilty, for which the Prophet threatneth them; Isai. 1. 29. They shall be ashamed of the Oaks which they have de­sired. But the signall Oak which the Druides made choice of, was such a one, on which Pliny Na­tur. Hist. lib. 6. cap. 44. Misletoe did grow; by which privie token, they conceived, God marked it out, as of soveraigne vertue, for his service. Under this Tree, on the sixth day of the Moon, (whereon they began their Year) they invocated their Idols, and offered two white Bulls, filleted in the horns, with many other Ceremonies. These Pagan Priests never wrote anything, so to procure the greater Venera­tion to their Mysteries; men being bound to believe that it was some great Treasure, which was locked up in such great Secresie.

4. The Bards were next the Druides in Regard, The power­full practices of the Bards on the peo­ple. and played excellently to their Songs on their Harps; whereby they had great Operation on the Vulgar, surprising them into Civility unawares, they greedily swallowing whatsoever was sweetned with Musick. These also, to preserve their Ancestours from Corruption, embalmed their Memories in Rhiming Verses, which looked both backward, in their Relations, and forward, in their Predictions: so that their Confidence meeting with the Credulity of others, advanced their wild Conjectures to the Reputation of Prophesies. The Immortality of the Soul they did not flatly denie, but salfely believe, disguised under the opinion of Transanimation, conceiving that dying mens Souls afterward passed into other Bodies, either preferred to better, or condemned to worse, according to their former good or ill behaviour. This made them contemn Death, and alwayes maintain erected Resolutions, counting a valiant Death the best of Bargains, wherein they did not loose, but lay out their Lives to Advantage. Generally they were great Magicians; insomuch that Natur. Hist. lib. 30. cap. 1. Plinie saith, that the very Persians, in some sort, might seem to have learn't their Magick from the Britans.

5. So pittifull for the present, 37 and more fearfull for the future was the condition of the Heathen Britans, The first preaching of the Gospell in Britain. Causes which haste­ned the con­version of Britain be­fore other kingdoms which lay, nearer to Palestine. when it pleased God with a strong hand, and stretched-out Arme, to reach the Gospel unto them, who were afarre off, both in locall and theologicall Distance. This was performed in the later end of the Reigne of Tiberius, some thirty seven years after Christ's Birth: as Po­lydor Virgil collecteth out of the testimony of Tempore (ut scimus) sum­mo Tiberii Caesaris. inp Epist. de Ex. Brit. Gildas.

6. If it seem incredible to any, that this Island, furthest from the Sunne, should see Light with the first, whil'st many Countries on the Continent in­terposed, (nearer in Situation to Iudaea, the Fountain of the Gospell) sate, as yet, and many years after, in Darknesse, and in the Shadow of Death: Let such con­sider, First, That Britain being a by-Corner, out of the Road of the World, [Page 3] seemed the safest Sanctuarie from Persecution, 37 which might invite Preachers to come the sooner into it. Secondly, it facilitated the Entrance of the Gospell hither, that lately the Roman Conquest had in part civilized the South of this Island, by transporting of Colonies thither, and erecting of Cities there; so that, by the Intercourse of Traffick and Commerce with other Countries, Christianity had the more speedy and convenient Wastage over. Whereas on the other side, this set the Conversion of Germany so backward, because the in-land Parts thereof entertained no Trading with others; and (out of Defiance to the Romans) hugged their own Barbarisme, made lovely with Liberty bolting out all Civility from themselves, as jealous that it would usher in Subjection. Lastly and chiefly, God in a more peculiar manner did alwayes favour the Islands, as under his immediate Protection. For as he daily walls them with his Providence, against the scaling of the swelling Surges, and constant Battery of the Tide: so he made a particular promise of his Gospell unto them, by the mouth of his Isai. 66. 19. Prophet, I will send those that escape of them, to the Isles afarre off, that have not heard my Fame. To shew that neither height, nor depth, (no not of the Ocean it self) is able to separate any from the Love of God. And for the same purpose, Christ employed Fisher­men for the first Preachers of the Gospell, as who, being acquainted with the Water, and mysteries of Sailing, would with the more delight undertake long Sea-voyages into Forreign Countries.

7. But now, who it was that first brought over the Gospell into Britain, is very uncertain. S. Peter fals­ly reported to have preached in Britain. The Conversioner (understand Parsons the Iesuite) mainly Parsons 3 Conversions, 1. part. 1. chap. pag. 19. stickleth for the Apostle Peter to have first preached the Gospel here. Yea, when Protestants object against S ^t. Peter's being at Rome, because S ^t. Paul, in his Epistle to the Romans, omitteth to name or salute him; The Iesuite hand­somely answers, That Peter was then probably from home, employed in Preaching in Britain, and otheres places. His Arguments to prove it are not so strong, but that they easily accept of Answers, as followeth.

[Page 4] We have stayed the longer in confuting these Arguments, because from Pe­ters preaching here, 37 Parsons would inferre an obligation of this Island to the See of Rome, which how strongly he hath proved let the Reader judge. He that will give a Cap, and make a Legge in thanks for a Favour he never received, de­serveth rather to be blamed for want of Wit, then to be praised for store of Manners. None therefore can justly tax us of Ingratitude, if we be loath to con­fesse an engagement to Rome more then is due. The rather because Rome is of so tyrannicall a disposition, that making herself the Mother-Church, she expects of her Daughters not only Dutifulnesse, but Servility; and (not content to have them ask her Blessing, but also do her Drudgerie,) endeavoureth to make Slaves of all her Children.

8. Passing by Peter, proceed we to the rest of the Apostles, whom severall Authours alledge the first Planters of Religion in this Island.

The Result of all is this: Churches are generally ambitious to entitle them­selves to Apostles, for their Founders; conceiving they should otherwise be esteemed but as of the Second Forme, and Younger House, if they received the Faith from any inferiour Preacher. Wherefore as the Heathen, in searching after the originall of their Nations, never leave Soaring till they touch the Clouds, and fetch their Pedigree from some God: So Christians think it nothing worth, except they relate the first Planting of Religion in their Countrie to some Apostle. Whereas indeed it matters not, if the Doctrine be the same, whe­ther the Apostles preached it by themselves, or by their Successours. We see little Certainty can be extracted, who first brought the Gospell hither; 'tis so long since, the British Church hath forgotten her own Infancy, who were her [Page 5] first God-fathers. We see the Light of the VVord shined here, 56 but see not who kindled it. I will not say, as God, to prevent Idolatrie, caused the Body of Deut. 34. 6. Moses to be concealed; so, to cut off from Posterity all occasion of Superstition, he suffered the Memories of our Primitive Planters to be buried in Obscurity.

9. Now amongst the Converts of the Natives of this Island, 63 in this Age, to Christianity, Claudia (notwith­standing Par­sons, excepti­ons) might be a British Christian. Claudia (surnamed Ruffina) is reputed a principall, wife to Pudens a Romane Senatour. And because all this is too high a Step for our belief to climb at once; the Ascent will be more easie, thus divided into Stairs, and half-paces.

But Father Parsons will not admit hereof, because willingly he would not allow any sprinkling of Christianity in this Island, but what was rained from Rome, when Eleutherius sent to Christian King Lucius; that so our ingage­ment to the Romish Church might be the more visible, and conspicuous. This of Claudia Ruffina is hudled up (saith Parsons 3 Convers. part. 1. pa. 18. he) by our late Hereticall VVri­ters; (though Pitseus de Script. Brit. pag. 72. is zealous for it. Parsons ob­jection to the contrary answered. some as Catholick as himself in his own sense, do enter­tain it:) and hereby we see that Hereticks are but sleight Provers, and very deceit­full in all matters, as well Historicall, as Doctrinall.

10. But be it known to him and others, that our History is founded on the best humane Books we can get; but our Doctrine is grounded on what is best in it self, the Divine Scriptures. The matter in hand is so sleight a Controversie, that it cannot bear a Demonstration on either side: it will suffice, if by answering his Reasons to the contrary, we clear it from all Impossibilitie, and Improbabilitie; that it is not hudled, but built up by Plum­met and Line, with proportion to Time and Place.

The issue of all is this. Claudia's story, as a British Christian, stands unre­moved, for any force of these Objections, though one need not be much engaged herein: for whosoever is more then luke-warm, is too hote in a case of so small consequence. Yet we will not willingly leave an hoofe of the British Honour behind, which may be brought on; the rather to save the longing of such, who delight on rath-ripe fruits: and Antiquaries much please themselves, to behold the probabilities of such early Converts of our Island. But now to return again to the prime Planters of Religion in Britain. As for all those formerly reckoned up, there is in Authours but a tinkling men­tion of them; and the sound of their Preaching, low and little, in compari­son of those lowd Peales, which are rung of Ioseph of Arimathea his co­ming hither. Let the Reader with patience take the summe thereof, extracted out of severall Authours.

11. The Jews, The coming of Ioseph of Arimathea in­to Britain. bearing an especiall spight to Philip (whether the Apostle, or Deacon, uncertain) Ioseph of Arimathea, Lazarus, Mary Magdalene, and Martha his sisters, with Marcella their servant, banished them out of Iudea, and put them into a Vessell without Sailes and Oares, with intent to drown them. Yet they, being tossed with tempests on the Mid-land Sea, at last safe­landed at Marseilles in France. A relation as ill accoutred with tacklings, as their Ship; and, which is unrigged in respect of time, and other circumstances; neither hath it the authority of any authentick Writer, for a Pilot to steer it: which notwithstanding, hath had the happinesse to arrive at the hearing of many, and belief of some few. Now, whilest Some hold Philip came not in this Ship, but was in France be­fore. Philip continued preaching the Gospell in France, he sent Ioseph of Arimathea over into Britain, with Ioseph his son, and ten other Associates, to convert the Natives of that Island to Chri­stianity. These coming into Britain, found such entertainment from Arvi­ragus the King, that though he would not be disswaded from his Idolatry by their preaching, yet he allowed them twelve Hides of ground (an Hide is as much as, being well manur'd, will maintain a familie; or, as others say, as much as one plow can handsomely manage) in a desolate Island, full of Fenns and Brambles, called the Ynis-VVitrin, since by translation, Glassenbury. Here they built a small Church, and by direction from Malmsbury M S. de An­tiqu. Glaston. Ecclesiae. Gabriel the Archangel, dedica­ted it to the Virgin Mary, encompassing it about with a Church-yard; in which Church, afterwards Ioseph was buried: and here these twelve lived many years, devoutly serving God, and converting many to the Christian Re­ligion.

12. Now, The history full of dross when brought to the touch. a little to examine this history, we shall find, first, that no Writer of credit can be produced, before the Conquest, who, mentioneth Ioseph's coming hither; but since that time (to make recompence for former silence) it is refounded from every side. As for Bale his citations out of Melkinus Avalonius, and Gildas Albanus, seeing the Originals are not extant, they be as uncertain, as what Baronius hath transcribed out of an English Written in our age, as Archbishop Usher ob­serves, De Brit. Eccl. prim. pag. 15. Manu­script in the Vatican. Yet, because the Norman Charters of Glassenbury refer to a succession of many ancient Charters, bestowed on that Church by several Saxon Kings, as the Saxon Charters relate to British Grants in intuition to Ioseph's being there: We dare not wholy deny the substance of the Story, [Page 7] though the leaven of Monkery hath much swoln, and puff'd up the Cir­cumstance thereof. [...]3 For, the mentioning of an inclosed Church-yard, over­throws the foundation of the Church; seeing Churches in that time got no such Suburbs about them, as any Church-yards to attend them. The bury­ing his body in the Church, was contrary to the practice of that Age; yea, dead mens Corpses were brought no nearer then the Porch, some hundreds of years after. The Dedication of the place to the Virgin Mary, sheweth the Story of later date, calculated for the elevation of Saint-worship. In a word, as this relation of Ioseph is presented unto us, it hath a young mans Brow, with an old mans Beard; I mean, novel Superstitions, disguised with pretended Antiquity.

13. In all this story of Ioseph's living at Glassenbury, 64 there is no one passage reported therein beareth better proportion to time and place, The plat­form of the most ancient Church in Christen­dome. then the Church which he is said to erect; whose dimensions, materials, and making, are thus presented unto us. It had in length sixty foot, Ancient plate of brass in the custody of Sir Henry Spelman, De conciliis Brit. pag. 11. and twenty six in breadth; Malmsbury ut prius. made of rods, watled, or interwoven. Where at one view, we may behold the simplicity of Primitive Devotion, and the native fashion of British Buildings in that Age, and some hundred years after. For we find that He was King of all Wales many years after, viz. 940. See Cambden in Carmar­thenshire. Hoel Dha, King of VVales, made himself a Palace of Hurdle-work, called Tyguyn, or, the VVhite House; because, for distinctions sake (to difference it from, and advance it above other Houses) the rods whereof it was made were unbark'd, having the rinde stripp'd off. Which was then counted gay and glorious; as white-limedhouses exceed those which are only rough-cast. In this small Ora­tory, Ioseph, with his Companions, watched, prayed, fasted, preached, having high Meditations under a low Roof, and large Hearts betwixt narrow Walls. If credit may be given to these Authours, this Church, without com­petition, was senior to all Christian Churches in the World. Let not then stately modern Churches disdain to stoop with their highest Steeples, reverently doing homage to this poor Structure, as their first platform and precedent. And let their checquered Pavements no more disdain this Ora­tories plaine Floor, then her thatch'd Covering doth envy their leaden Roofs. And although now it is meet that Church-buildings, as well as private houses, partaking of the peace and prosperity of our Age, should be both in their Cost and Cunning encreased, (far be that pride and profaneness from any, to account nothing either too fair for Man, or too foul for God:) yet it will not be amiss to desire, that our Judgements may be so much the clearer in matters of Truth, and our Lives so much the purer in Conversation, by how much our Churches are more light, & our Buildings more beautifull then they were.

14. Some difference there is about the place of buriall of Ioseph of Ari­mathea. 76 Some assigning his Grave in the Church of Glassenbury, Difference about the place of Io­seph's buriall. others in the South corner of the Church-yard, and others elsewhere. This we may be assu­red of, that he, who Math. 27. 60. resigned his own Tombe to our Saviour, wanted not a Se­pulchre for himself. And here we must not forget, how Anno Dom. 1344. the 19. of Edward 3. more then a thousand years after, one Iohn Bloone of London, pretending an injunction from Heaven, to seek for the Body of Ioseph of Arimathea, obtained a licence from King Edward the third, to dig at Glassenbury for the same, as by his In the Tower 19. of Edw. 3. part. 1. parch­ment 3. Patent doth appeare. It seems, his Commission of Enquiry never originally issued out of the Court of Heaven; for God never sends his servants on a sleeveless Errand, but faith, Ask, and ye shall have, seek, and ye shall find. Whereas this man sought, and did never find, for ought we can hear of his inquisition. And we may well believe, that had he found the Corpse of Ioseph, though Fame might have held her peace, yet Super­stition would not have been silent; but long before this time, she had roared it even into the ears of deafmen. And truely he might have digg'd at Glassenbury to the Centre of the earth, & yet not met with what he sought for, if Ioseph were buried ten miles off (as a Iesuite Guilelmus Goodus, ci­ted by Arch­bishop Usher de Brit. Ecc. prim. pag. 28. will have it) at Montacute, or, in Hampden-Hill. Hereafter there is hope, that the Masons, digging in the Quarries thereof, may light by chance on his Corpse, which (if fond Papists might prize it) would prove [Page 8] more beneficial to them, 76 then the best bed of Free-stone they ever opened. The best is, be Ioseph's Body where it will, his Soul is certainly happy in Heaven.

15. Some ascribe to the sanctity of this Ioseph, The budding Haw-thorn nigh Glassen­bury attribu­ted a miracle to Ioseph's [...]. the yearly budding of the Haw-thorn near Glassenbury, on Christmas day, no lesse then an annual Miracle. This, were it true, were an argument (as K. Iames did once pleasantly urge it.) to prove our Old stile before the New (which prevents our Computation by ten dayes, and is used in the Church of Rome) yea all Prognosticators might well calculate their Almanacks from this Haw-thorn. Others more warily affirm, that it doth not punctually and critically bud on Christmas day (such Miracles must be tenderly toucht, lest crusht by harsh handling, they vanish into smoke, like the Apples of Sodome) but on the dayes near, or about it. However, it is very strange, that this Haw-thorn should be the Harbenger, and (as it were) ride post to bring the first news of the Spring, holding alone (as it may seem) correspondency with the Trees of the Antipodes, whilest other Haw-thorns near unto it have nothing but winter upon them.

16. It is true, Different o­pinions of men con­cerning it. by powring every night warm water on the root thereof, a Tree may be maturated artificially, to bud out in the midst of Winter; but it is not within suspicion, that any such cost is here expended. Some likewise affirm, that if an Haw-thorn be grafted upon an Holly, it is so adopted into the stock, that it will bud in Winter: but this doth not satisfie the accurateness of the time. Wherefore most men, pursued to render a reason hereof, take refuge at Occulta Qualitas, the most mannerly confession of Ignorance. And God sometimes puts forth such questions, and Riddles in nature, on purpose to pose the Pride of men conceited of their skill in such matters. But some are more uncharitable in this point, who, because they cannot find the reason hereof on Earth, do fetch it from Hell: not sticking to affirm, that the Devil, to dandle the infant faith of fond people, works these prety Feats, and petty Wonders, having farther intents to invite them to Superstition, and mould them to Saint-worship thereby.

17. However, The subject of the que­stion taken away. there is no necessity, that this should be imputed to the Holiness of Arimathean Ioseph. For there is (as it is credibly said) an Oake in New-Forest, nigh Lindhurst, in Hantshire, which is indued with the same quality, putting forth leaves about the same time; where the firmness of the Rinde thereof much encreaseth the wonder: and yet to my knowledge (for ought I could ever learn) none ever referred it to the miraculous influence of any Saint. But I loose pre­tious time, and remember a pleasant Story; How two Physitians, the one a Ga­lenist, the other a Paracelsian, being at supper, fell into an hote dispute about the manner of Digestion; & whilest they began to ingage with earnestness in the con­troversie, a third man casually coming in, caried away the meat from them both. Thus whilest opposite parties discuss the cause of this Haw-thorns budding on Christmas day, some Souldiers have lately cut the Tree down, and Christmas day it self is forbidden to be observ'd; and so, I think, the question is determined.

18. To conclude this Century. The conclu­sion of this Century. By all this it doth not appear that the first Preachers of the Gospel in Britain did so much as touch at Rome, much lesse, that they received any Command, or Commission thence, to convert Britain, which should lay an eternal obligation of Gratitude on this Island to the See of Rome. Insomuch that Parsons him­self (as unwilling to confess, as unable to deny so apparent a truth) flies at last to this slight and slender Shift: 3 Conver­sions, 1 part, 1 ch. num. 26. That albeit S. Joseph came not immediatly from Rome, yet he taught in England (in Britain he would say) the Roman faith, whereof S. Paul hath written to the Romans Rom. 1. 8. themselves, that your Faith is spoken of through the whole World. Hereby the Iesuite hopes still to keep on foot the ingagement of this Island to Rome, for her first Conversion. But why should he call the Christian Religion the Roman faith, rather then the faith of Hierusalem, or, the faith of Antioch? seeing it issued from the former, and was received, & first named in the later City, before any spark of Christianity was kindled at Rome. But, what is the main, he may sooner prove the modern Italian tongue now spoken in Rome, to be the self-same in propriety & purity, with the Latine language in Tul­lie's time; then that the Religion profess'd in that City at this day, with all the Errours and Superstitions thereof, is the same in foundnesse of Doctrine, and sanctitie of Life, with that Faith, which by S ^t. Paul in the Roman Church was then so highly commended.

THE SECOND CENTURY.

1. DEsire of our Country's honour would now make us lay claim to Taurinus, 105 Bishop of York, Taurinus no B ^P. of York. and reported Martyr. To strengthen our Title unto him, we could produce many Guil. Har­rison descript. Brit. l. 1. c. 7. & Wernerus Laërius in Fasciculo, Anno 94. & Hartman­nus Schede­lius in Chro­nico. Writers affirming it, if Number made Weight in this case. But, being convinced in our judgement, that such as make him a Britan, ground their pretence on a leading Mistake, reading him Episcopum EBORACENSEM, instead of EBROICENSEM, Eureux (as I take it) in France; we will not enrich our Country by the Errours of any, or advantage her Honour by the Misprisions of others. Thus being conscientiously scru­pulous, not to take or touch a thread which is none of our own, we may with more boldness, hereafter keep what is justly ours, and chalenge what is unjustly detained from us.

2. But the main matter, 108 which almost engrosseth all the History of this Century, Difference of Authours concerning the time of King Lucius his conver­sion. and, by scattered dates, is spread from the beginning to the end there­of, is the Conversion of Lucius, King of Britain, to Christianity. However, not to dissemble, I do adventure thereon with much averseness, seeming sadly to presage, that I shall neither satisfie others nor my self; such is the Varietie, yea Contrarietie of Writers about the time thereof. If the Trumpet (saith the Apostle) giveth an uncertain sound, who shall prepare himself to the Battell? He will be at a loss to order and dispose this Story aright, who listeneth with greatest attention to the trumpet of Antiquity, sounding at the same time a March & Retreit; appointing Lucius to come into the world, by his Birth, wh [...]n others design him, by Death, to goe out of the same. Behold, Reader, a view of their Differences presented unto thee; and it would puzzle Apollo himself to tune these jarring Instruments into a Consort.

• 1 P. Iovius in Descrip. Brit. 99
• 2 Io. Cajus in Hist. Cantab. 108
• 3 Annals of Burton. 137
• 4 Ninius, in one Copie. 144
• 5 Annals of Krokysden. 150
• 6 Iefferie Monmouth. 155
• 7 Iohn Capgrave, 156
• 8 Matth. Florilegus. 158
• 9 Florence Vigorniensis. 162
• 10 Antiq. of VVinchester. 164
• 11 Tho. Redburn jun. 165
• 12 VVil: of Malmesbury. 166
• 13 Venerable Bede 167
• 14 Henry of Erphurt. 169
• 15 Annals of Lichfield. 175
• 16 Marianus Scotus. 177
• 17 Ralph de Baldu [...]. 178
• 18 Iohn Bale. 179
• [Page 10] 19 Polydor Virgil.
  Anno Dom. 108
  182
• 20 Chron. Brit. Abbrev. 183
• 21 Roger de VVendover. 184
• 22 Matth.
  • Paris.
  • Westminster. 185
• 23 Hector Boethius. 187
• 24 Martin Polonus. 188
• 25 Saxon Annals. 189
• 26 Iohn Harding. 190

Here is more then a Grand-Iury of Writers, which neither agree in their Ver­dicts with their Fore-man, nor one with another: there being betwixt the first & the last, Paulus Iovius & Iohn Harding, ninetie years distance in their Ac­count. This, with other Arguments, is used, not onely to shake, but shatter the whole reputation of the Story. And we must endeavour to clear this Ob­jection, before we go farther, which is shrewdly pressed by many. For if the two Elders, which accused Susanna, were condemned for Liars, being found in two Tales; the one laying the Scene of her Incontinency under a Susanna verse 54. and 58. Mastick-tree, the other under an Holme-tree: why may not the Relation of Lucius be also condemned for a Fiction, seeing the Reporters thereof more differ in Time, then the forenamed Elders in Place; seeing when and where are two circum­stances, both equally important, and concerning in History, to the Truth of any action?

3. But we answere, The History of K. Lucius not dispro­ved by the dissension of Authors concerning the time thereof. That however Learned men differ in the Date, they agree in the Deed. They did set themselves so to heed the Matter, as of most moment, being the Soul, and Substance of History, that they were little cu­rious (not to say very careless) in accurate noting of the Time: which being well observed, doth not onely add some lustre, but much strength to a relation. And indeed, all Computation in the Primitive time is very uncertain, there being then (and a good while after) an Anarchy, as I may terme it, in Authours their reckoning of years, because men were not subject to any one soveraign Rule, in accounting the year of our Lord; but every one followed his own A­rithmetick, to the great confusion of History, and prejudice of Truth. In which age, though all start from the same place [our Saviour's Birth] yet running in se­verall ways of account, they seldome meet together in their dating of any memorable Accident. Worthie therefore was his work, whoever he was, who first calculated the Computation we use at this day, and so set Christen­dome a Copy, whereby to write the date of actions; which since being generally used, hath reduced Chronology to a greater Certainty.

4. As for their Objection, Lucius might be a British King under the Roman Monarchy. That Lucius could not be a King in the South of Britain, because it was then reduced to be a Province under the Roman Mo­narchy; It affects not any that understand, how it was the Roman Ve [...]us & jampridem recepta populi Romani con­suetudo, ut ha­beret instru­menta [...]ervitu­tis & Reges. Tacitus in vi­ta Agricolae. custome, both to permit, and appoint Pettie Kings in several Countries (as Antiochus in Asia, Herod in Iudea, Dtotaurus in Sicilie) who, under them, were invested with Regal Power, & Dignity. And this was conceived to conduce to the state and amplitude of their Empire. Yea, the German Emperour at this day, Succes­sour to the Roman Monarchy, is stiled Rex Regum, as having many Prin­ces, and particularly the King of Bohemia, Homagers under him. As for other inconsistents with truth, which depend, as Retainers, on this Relation of King Lucius, they prove not that this whole Story should be refused, but refined. Which calleth aloud to the Discretion of the Reader, to fan the Chaffe from the Corne; and to his Industry, to rub the Rust from the Gold, which almost of necessity will cleave to matters of such Antiquity. Thus conceiving that for the main we have asserted King Lucius, we come to relate his History, as we finde it.

5. He being much taken with the Miracles which he beheld truly done by pious Christians, Lucius sen­deth to the Bishop of Rome to be instructed in Christianity. fell in admiration of, 167 and love with their Religion; and sent Elvanus and Meduinus, men of known Piety, and Learning in the Scriptures, to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome, with a Letter, requesting several things of him, but principally, that he might be instructed in the Christian Faith. The reason why he wrote to Rome, was, because at this time the Church therein was (she can ask no more, we grant no less) the most eminent Church in the World, [Page 11] shining the brighter, Anno Dom. 167 because set on the highest Candle-stick, the Imperial City. We are so far from grudging Rome the Happiness she once had, that we rather bemoan she lost it so soon, degenerating from her primitive Purity. The Letter which Lucius wrote is not extant at this day, and nothing thereof is to be seen, save onely by reflection, as it may be collected by the Answer returned by Eleutherius, which (such an one as it is) it will not be amisse here to insert.

6. ‘Ye require of us the Roman Laws, This transla­tion of the letter of Eleu­therius is transcribed out of Bishop Godwin in his Cata­logue of Bi­shops. and the Emperours to be sent over unto you, which you would practice, and put in ure within your Realm. The Roman Laws, and the Emperours we may ever reprove, but the Law of God we may not. Ye have received of late, through Gods mercy, in the Kingdom of Britain, the Law and Faith of Christ; Ye have with you within the Realm, both parts of the Scriptures: out of them by Gods grace, with the Councell of the Realm, take ye a Law, and by that Law (through Gods sufference) rule your Kingdome of Britain. There is some variety between this, and that of M ^r. Fox. For you be God's Vicar in your Kingdom. The Lords is the Earth, and the fulness of the world, and all that dwell in it. And again, according to the Prophet that was a King, Thou hast loved righteousness, and hated iniquity, therefore God hath anointed thee with the Oile of gladness above thy fellows. And again, according to the same Prophet, O God, give Iudgement unto the King, and thy Righteousness unto the Kings Sonne. He said not, the judgement and righteousness of the Em­perour; but, thy Iudgement and Righteousness. The Kings Sonnes be the Chri­stian people, and folk of the Realm, which be under your Government, and live, and continue in peace within your Kingdome. As the Gospel saith, Like as the Hen gathereth her Chickens under her wings: so doth the King his people. The people and the folk of the Realm of Britain be yours; whom, if they be divided, ye ought to gather in concord and peace, to call them to the Faith and Law of Christ, to cherish and In the Latin it is, Manu te­nere. maintain them, to rule and govern them, so as you may reign everlastingly with him, whose Vicar you are: which with the Father, and the Sonne &c.’

7. Now we have done our Threshing, A prepara­tive for the examining the truth of this letter. we must begin our Winnowing, to examine the Epistle. For the trade of counterfeiting the Letters of eminent men began very early in the Church. Some were tampering with it in the A­postles time; which occasioned S ^t. Paul's 2 Thess. 2. 2. Caution, That ye be not soon sha­ken in minde, or be troubled, neither by spirit, nor by word, nor by letter, as from us. Since, men (then but Apprentices) are now grown Maisters in this My­sterie; wherefore it will be worth our examining, whether this Epistle be genuine or no. Say not, this doth betray a peevish, if not malicious disposition, and argues a vexatious spirit in him, which will now call the title of this Let­ter in question, which time out of minde hath been in the peaceable possession of an authentick reputation, especially seeing it soundeth in honorem Ecclesiae Britannicae; and, grant it a Tale, yet it is smoothly told to the credit of the British Church. But let such know, that our Church is sensible of no Honour, but what resulteth from truth; and if this Letter be false, the longer it hath been received, the more need there is of a speedy and present Confutation, before it be so firmly rooted in mens belief, past power to remove it. See therefore the Arguments which shake the credit thereof.

In a word: we know that the Ioshua 9. 12. Gibeonites their mouldy Bread was baked in an Oven very near the Israelites, and this Letter had its original of a later See S ^•. Hen. Spelman in Councells, p. 34. &c. where there is another copy of this letter, with some al­terations and additions. King Lucius baptized. date; which not appearing any where in the World, till a thousand years after the death of Eleutherius, probably crept out of some Monks Cell, some four hun­dred years since, the true answer of Eleutherius being not extant for many years before.

8. But to proceed. Eleutherius, at the request of King Lucius, sent unto him Aliter Pha­ganus & Du­vianus. Faganus, and Derwianus, or Dunianus, two holy men, and grave Di­vines, to instruct him in the Christian Religion; by whom the said King Lu­cius (called by the Britans Lever-Maur, or the Great Light) was baptized, with many of his Subjects. For if when private Act. 16. 15. & 32. Persons were converted, Cor­nelius, Lydia, &c. their Housholds also were baptized with them; it is easily cre­dible, that the example of a King embracing the Faith, drew many Followers of Court and Country; Soveraigns seldome wandring alone without their Retinue to attend them. But whereas some report that most, yea Ita ut in bre­vi, nullus infi­delis remane­ret. Matth. Pa­ris. Westm. all of the Na­tives of this Island then turned Christians, it is very improbable; and the wea­ry Traveller may sooner climbe the steepest Mountains in Wales, then the ju­dicious Reader believe all the hyperbolical reports in the British Chronicles hereof.

9. For Ieffery Monmouth tells us, I. Monmouth his fiction of Flamens and Arch-Fla­mens. that at this time there were in England twenty eight Cityes, each of them having a Monmouth de ge [...]lis Bri­tannor. lib. 2. cap. 1. fol. 33. Flamen, or Pagan Priest; and there of them, namely London, York, and Caer-lion in Wales, had Arch-Flamens, to which the rest were subjected: and Lucius placed Bishops in the room of the Flamens, and Arch-Bishops, Metropolitans in the places of Arch-Flamens. All which, saith he, solemnly received their Confirmation from the Pope. But herein our Authour seems not well acquainted with the propriety of the word Flamen, their Use, and Office amongst the Romans; who were not set severally, but many together in the same City. Nor were they subordinate one to another, but all to the Priests Colledge, and therein to the Pontifex Maximus. Besides, the British Ja. Armach. de Brit. Eccl. prim. p. 17. Manuscript, which Monmouth is conceived to have translated, makes no mention of these Flamens. Lastly, these words Arch-Bishop and Me­tropolitan, are so far from being current in the days of King Lucius, that they were not coined till after-Ages. So that in plain English, his Flamens and Arch-Flamens, seeme Flamms and Arch-Flamms, even notorious Fals­hoods.

10. Great also is the mistake of Giraldus Cambrensis de Sedis Me­nevensis di­gnitate, apud D. Joh. Prise. pag. 75. another British Historian, A gross mis­take. affirming, how in the days of King Lucius, this Island was divided into five Roman Provinces; namely, Britain the First, Britain the Second, Flavia, Maximia, and Valentia: and that each of these were then divided into twelve Bishopricks, sixtie in the whole: a goodly company, and more by halfe then ever this Land did behold. Whereas these Provinces were so named from Valens, Maximus, and Flavius Theodosius, Romane Emperors, many years after the death of Lucius. Thus, as the Damosell convinced S ^t. Peter to be a Galilean, for, said she, Mark 14. 70. Thy speech agreeth thereunto: so this five- [...]old division of Britain, by the very Novelty of [Page 13] the Names, is concluded to be of far later date, then what that Authour pre­tendeth.

11. But it is generally agreed, Pagan Tem­ples in Bri­tain conver­ted to Chri­stian Chur­ches. that about this time, many Pagan Temples in Britain had their Property altered, and the self-same were converted into Chri­stian Churches. Particularly, that dedicated to Diana in London, and another near it, formerly consecrated to Apollo, in the City now called Westminster. This was done, not out of Covetousness, to save Charges in founding new Fabricks, but out of Christian Thrift; conceiving this Imitation, an Invitation, to make Heathens come over more chearfully to the Christian Faith; when beholding their Temples (whereof they had an high and holy opinion) not sa­crilegiously demolished, but solemnly continued to a pious end, and rectified to the Service of the true God. But humane Policy seldome proves prosperous, when tampering with Divine Worship, especially when without, or against direction from Gods Word. This new VVine, put into old Vessels, did in after-Ages taste of the Caske; and in process of time, Christianity, keeping a Thus the Pantheon, or Shrine of all Gods in Rome, was turned into the Church of All-Saints. cor­respondency, and some proportion with Paganisme, got a smack of heathen Ceremonies. Surely they had better have built new Nests for the Holy Dove, and not have lodged it where Screech-owles, and unclean Birds had formerly been harboured. If the High-Priest amongst the Iews was forbidden to marry a VVidow, or divorced woman, but that he should take a Virgin of his owne Lev. 21. 14. people to wife: How unseemly was it, that God himself should have the reversion of Profaneness assign'd to his Service, and his Worship wedded to the Relict, yea (what was worse) VVorish Shrines, formerly abused with Idolatry?

12. Some report, 178 that at this time three thousand Philosopers of the Uni­versity of Cambridge were converted, The bounty of K. Lucius to Cambridge. and baptized; that K. Lucius came thi­ther, and bestowed many Cajusde An­tiq. Cantab. p. 51. & Hist. Cantab. p. 22. Priviledges, and Immunities on the place; with much other improbable matter. For surely they do a real Wrong, under a pretended Courtesy, to that famous Academy, to force a Peruke of false gray haire upon it, whose reverend Wrincles already command respect of them­selves. Yet Cambridge makes this use of these over-grown Charters of Pope Eleutherius, K. Lucius, K. Arthur, and the like, to send them out in the Front, as the Forlorn-hope, when she is to encounter with Oxford in point of Antiquity; and if the credit of such old Monuments be cut off (as what else can be expected?) yet she still keeps her maine Battel firme and entire, consi­sting of stronger Authorities, which follow after. Nor doth Cambridge care much to cast away such doubtfull Charters, provided her Sister likewise quit all Title to fabulous Antiquity (setting Drosse against Drosse) and waving Tales, trie both the truth of their Age, by the Register of unquestioned Au­thours, if this Difference betwixt them be conceived to deserve the deciding.

13. Besides the Churches afore-mentioned, many others there were, whose building is ascribed to King Lucius: as namely,

Of all these, that at VVinchester was K. Lucius his Darling, which he endowed [Page 14] with large Revenues, Anno Dom. 187 giving it all the land twelve miles on every side of the City, fencing the Church about with a Church-yard, on which he bestowed Priviledges of a Sanctuary, and building a Dormitory, and Refectory for the Monks there; if the little History of Manuscript. in Bibliothecâ Cottonianâ. Winchester be to be believed, whose credit is very suspicious, because of the modern Language used therein. For as Country-Painters, when they are to draw some of the ancient Scripture-Patriarchs, use to make them with Bands, Cuffs, Hats, & Caps, al a mode to the Times wherein they themselves doe live: so it seemeth, the Authour of this History last cited (lacking learning to acquaint him with the Garbe, and Cha­racter of the Age of K. Lucius) doth pourtraict and describe the Bounty, and Church-buildings of that King, according to the Phrase, and Fashion of that model of Monkery in his own Age.

14. Some Dutch Writers report, Two Lucius's confounded into one. that K. Lucius in his Old Age left his King­dome, and went over into France, thence into Germany, as far as the Alpes; where he converted all Velser. Re­rum August. Vindelic. lib. 6. ad annum 179. Rhetia, and the City of Auspurg in Suevia, by his Prea­ching, with the assistance of Emerita his Sister; it being no news, in Gods Harvest, to see Women with their Sickles a reaping. It is confessed that Converting of Souls is a work worthy a King; David's and Solomon's preaching hath silen­ced all Objections to the contrary. It is also acknowledged, that Kings used to renounce the World, and betake themselves to such pious Emploiment; though this Custome, frequent in after-Ages, was not so early a riser, as to be up so near the Primitive Times. It is therefore well observed by a Learned Achilles Gassarus in Augustanae ur­bis descriptione. man, that Lucius the German Preacher was a different person from the British King, who never departed our Island, but died therein. I have read, how a woman in the Lower Palatinate, being bigg with Twinns, had the fruit of her Wombe so strangely alter'd by a violent Munster de Germania, in the Description of the Lower Palatinate. Contusion casually befalling her, that she was delivered of one Monster with two Heads, which Nature had intended for two perfect Children. Thus the History of this Age being pregnant with a double Lucius at the same time, is by the carelesness of unadvised Authours so jumbled, and confounded together, that those which ought to have been par­ted, as distinct Persons, make up one monstrous one, without due proportion to Truth, yea, with the manifest prejudice thereof.

THE THIRD CENTURY. Anno Dom.

1. OF all Centuryes this begins most sadly; 201 at the en­trance whereof we are accosted with the Funeralls of King Lucius, The death, buriall, and Epitaph of King Lucius. (the brightest Sun must set:) buried, as they say, in Glocester. Different dates of his Death are assigned, but herein we have followed the Annals of Sarum, M. Paris. Westm. with London tables and hist. of Rochest. most judicious. Long after, the Monks of that Con­vent bestowed an Epitaph upon him, having in it no­thing worthy of translating.

It seems the puddle-Poet did hope, that the jingling of his Rhyme would drown the sound of his false Quantity. Except any will say, that he affected to make the middle Syllable in Idola short, because in the days of King Lucius Idolatry was curb'd and contracted, whilest Christianity did dilate and extend it self.

2. But Christianity in Britain was not buried in the Grave of Lucius, The Chri­stian faith from the first preaching thereof, ever continued in Britain. but sur­vived after his Death. Witness Gildas, whose words deserve to be made much of, as the clearest evidence of the constant continuing of Religion in this Island. Christ's Precepts (saith Quae praecepta [...]in Britan­nia [...] licet ab incolis tepidè suscepta sunt, apud quosdam tamen integre, & alios minùs, usque ad perse­cutionem Dio­cletiani no­vennem per­mansere. Gil­das in Epist. de excidio Brit. he) though they were received but luke-warmly of the Inhabitants, yet they remained entirely with some, less sincerely with others, even untill the nine years of Persecution under Diocletian. Whose expression con­cerning the entertaining of Christianity here, though spoken indefinitely of the British Inhabitants, yet we are so far from understanding it universally of all this Island, or generally of the most, or eminently of the principal parts thereof, that, if any list to contend, that the main of Britain was stil Pagan, we will not oppose. A thing neither to be doubted of, nor wondered at, if the modern Complaints of many be true, that even in this Age, there are dark Corners in this Kingdome, where Profaneness lives quietly with invincible Ignorance. Yea, that the first Professours in Christianity were but luke-warm in Religion, will (without Oath made for the truth thereof) be easily believed by such, who have felt the temper of the English Laodiceans now a days. However, it appeares there were some honest Hearts, that still kept Christianity on foot in the King­dome. So that since Religion first dwelt here, it never departed hence; like the Candle of the vertuous Wife, Prov. 31. 18. It went not out by night: by the Night neither of Ignorance, nor of Security, nor of Persecution. The Island generally never was an Apostate, nor by Gods blessing, ever shall be.

3. To the Authority of Gildas, Two Fathers to be believ'd before two children. we will twist the Testimony of two Fathers, both flourishing in this Century, Tertullian and Origen; plainly proving Chri­stianity in Britain in this Age; both of them being undoubtedly Orthodox, [Page 16] (without mixture of Montanist, Anno Dom. 201 or Millenary) in historical matters. Hear the former. There are places of the Britanno­rum inaccessa Romanis loca, Christo verò subdita. Ter­tull. advers. Iudaeos, cap. 7. Britans, which were unaccessible to the Romans, but yet subdued to Christ. Origen in like maner: Virtus Do­mini Salvato­ris & cum his est, qui ab orbe nostro in Bri­tannia divi­duntur. Orig. in Lucae c. 1. Homil. 6. The power of God our Saviour is even with them which in Britain are divided from our world. These ought to pre­vail in any rational belief, rather then the detracting reports of two modern men, Paradine and Dempster, who affirm that after Lucius death, the British Na­tion returned to their Heathen Rites, and remained Infidels for full five hundred years after. Which Paradine Ang. descrip. cap. 22. Dempster in Apparat. Hist. Scot. cap. 6. words, if casually falling from them, may be passed by with pardon; if ignorantly uttered (from such Pretenders to Learning) will be heard with wonder; if wilfully vented, must be taxed for a shameless and impudent Falshood. Had Dempster (the more positive of the two in this point) read as many Authours as he quoteth, and marked as much as he read, he must have confuted himself: yea, though he had obstinately shut his Eies, so clear a Truth would have shined through his Eye-lids. It wil be no wilde Justice, or furious Re­venge, but Equity, to make themselves satisfaction, if the Britans declare Demp­ster devoid of the faith of an Historian, who endeavoured to deprive their An­cestours of the Christian Faith for many yeares together; his Pen, to be friend the North, doing many bad offices to the South part of this Island.

4. The Magdeburgenses, The judge­ment of the Magdebur­genses in this point. Compilers of the General Ecclesiastical History, not having lesse Learning, but more Ingenuity, speaking of the Churches through Europe in this Age, thus express themselves. ‘Then follow the Isles of the Ocean, where we first meet with Britain; Centuria ter­tia, cap. 2. co­lum. 6. Mansisse & hac aetate ejus Insu­lae Ecclesias, affirmare non dubitamus; We doubt not to affirme, that the Churches of that Island did also remain in this Age.’ But as for the names of the Places, and Persons professing it, we crave to be excused from bringing in the Bill of our particulars.

5. By the Levitical Law, Want of work no fault of the work­man. Exod. 22. 12. If an Oxe, Sheep, or Beast, were delivered to a man to keep, and it were stolen away from him, the keeper should make restitution to the owner thereof; but if it was torn in pieces, and he could bring the fragments thereof for witness, he was not bound to make it good. Had former Historians de­livered the entire memory of the passages of this Century to our custody, and charged us with them, the Reader might justly have blamed our Negligence, if for want of our Industry or Carefulness, they had miscarried: but seeing they were devoured by Age, in evidence whereof we produce these torn Rever­sions hardly rescued from the Teeth of Time, we presume no more can just­ly be exacted of us.

6. Gildas very modestly renders the reason, Reason why so little left of this Age. why so little is extant of the ‘ Bri­tish History. Scripta patriae, Scriptorumve monumenta, si quae fuerint, aut igni­bus hostium exusta, aut Civium exulum classe longius deportata, non comparent. The Monuments (saith he) of our Country, or Writers (if there were any) appear not, as either burnt by the fire of enemies, or transported farr off by our banished countrymen.’

7. This is all I have to say of this Century; Conclusion of this Cen­tury. and must now confess my self as unable to goe on, so ashamed to break off; scarce having had, of a full Hun­dred Years, so many Words of solid History. But, as I find little, so I will feign nothing; time being better spent in Silence, then in Lying. Nor do I doubt but clean Stomacks will be better satisfied with one drop of the Milk of Truth, then foul Feeders (who must have their Bellies ful) with a Trough of VVash, mingled with the water of Fabulous Inventions. If any hereafter shall light on more History of these times, let them not condemn my Negligence, whilest I shall admire their Happinesse.

THE FOURTH CENTURY. Anno Dom.

1. DArk and tempestuous was the Morning of this Century, 303 which afterward cleared upto be a fair Day. First persecu­tion in Bri­tain under Diocletian. It began with great Affliction to Gods Saints. The Spirit saith to the Church of Smyrna, Revel. 2. 10. Ye shall have Tribulation ten dayes. This is commonly understood of the Ten generall Per­secutions over all the Christian world. But herein Di­vine Mercy magnified it self towards this Island, that the last Oecumenicall▪ was the first Provinciall Persecution in Britain. God, though he made our Church his Darling, would not make it a Wanton; she must taste of the Rod with the rest of her Sisters. The Fiery 1 Pet. 1. 12. Triall spoken of by the Apostle, now found out even those which by water were divided from the rest of the World. This tenth Persecution as it was the last, so it was the greatest of all, because Satan the shorter his Reign, the shar­per his Rage; so that what his Fury lacks in the Length, it labours to ga [...] in the Thickness thereof.

2. In this Persecution, Alban the Bri­tish S ^t. Ste­phen how a Citizen of Rome. the first Britan which to Heaven led the Van of the noble Army of Martyrs, was Alban, a wealthy Inhabitant of Verolam-cestre, and a Citizen of Rome; for so Alexander In his Poem on Verulam. Neccham reports him.

None need stop, much lesse stumble at this seeming Contradiction, easily re­conciled by him that hath read S ^t. Paul, in one place proclaiming himself an Philipp. 3. 5. Hebrew of the Hebrews, and Acts 22. 25. elsewhere pleading himself to be a Roman, be­cause born in Tarsus a City of Cilicia and Roman Colony; as Verolam-cestre was at this time enfranchised with many Immunities. Thus Alban was a Britan by Parentage, a Roman by Priviledge; naturally a Britan, naturallized a Roman: and, which was his greatest Honour, he was also Citizen of that spi­ritual Hierusalem, which is from above.

3. His Conversion happened on this manner. The manner of Alban's Conversion. Amphibalus, a Christian Preacher of Caer-lion in VVales, was fain to fly from persecution into the Eastern parts of this Island, and was entertained by Alban in his house in Verulam. Soon did the Sparks of this Guests Zeal catch hold on his Host, and [Page 18] inflamed him with love to the Christian Religion. Anno Dom. 303 Herein our Saviour made good his promise, Matth. 10. 41. He that receiveth a Righteous man in the name of a Righteous man, shall receive a Righteous mans reward. And the Shot of Amphibalus his Entertainment was plentifully discharged, in Alban's sodain and sincere Con­version. Not long after a search being made for Amphibalus, Alban secretly and safely conveighed him away, & Beda lib. 1. cap. 7. exchanging Cloaths with him, offered himself for his Guest to the Pagan Officers, who at that instant were a sacrificing to their Devil-Gods; where not onely Alban, being required, refused to sacrifice, but also he reproved others for so doing, and thereupon was condemned to most cruell Torments. But he conquered their Cruelty with his Patience: and though they tortured their Brains to invent Tortures for him, he endu­red all with Chearfulnesse; till rather their Wearinesse then Pity made them desist. And here we must bewaile, that we want the true Story of this mans Martyrdome, which impudent Monks have mixed with so many improbable Tales, that it is a Torture to a discreet Eare to heare them. However, we will set them down as we find them; the rather, because we count it a thrifty way, first to gult the Readers belief with Popish Miracles, that so he may loath to look or listen after them in the sequele of the History.

4. Alban being sentenced to be beheaded, The miracu­lous Martyr­dom of Alban. much people flockt to the place of his Execution, which was on a Hill, called Understand [...] so called after­wards in the time of the Sa­xons. Holm-hurst; to which they were to go over a River, where the narrow Passage admitted of very few a-breast. Alban being to follow after all the Multitude, and perceiving it would be very late, before he could come to act his Part, and counting every Delay half a Denial, (who wil blame one for longing to have a Crown?) by his Prayer obtained that the River, parting asunder, afforded free Passage for many together. The corrupted Copy of Gildas calls this River the Thames is wanting in the Manuscript Gildas, in Cambridge Li­brary. Thames. But if the Miracle were as farre from Truth, as Thames from Verulam (being 16 Miles distant) it would be very hard to bring them both together. The sight here of so wrought with him who was appointed to be his Executioner, that he utterly refused the Imployment, desiring rather to Die with him, or for him, then to offer him any Violence. Yet soon was another substituted in his place: for some cruel Doeg will quickly be found to do that Office, which more mercifull men decline.

5. Alban at the last being come to the Top of the Hill, A new spring of Water at Alban's sum­mons ap­pears in the top of a Hill. was very dry, and desirous to drink. Wonder not that he being presently to tast of Ioyes for ever­more, should wish for fading Water. Sure he thirsted most for God's Glory, and did it only to catch hold of the handle of an occasion to work a Miracle, for the good of the Beholders. For presently by his Prayer, he summoned up a Spring, to come forth on the top of the Hill, to the amazement of all that saw it. Yet it moistened not his Executioners Heart with any Pity, who not­withstanding struck off the Head of this worthy Saint, May 23 Ali­ter, Iune 22▪ and instantly his own Eyes fell out of his Head, so that he could not see the Vilany which he had done. Presently after, the former Convert-Executioner, who refused to put Al­ban to death, was put to death himself, baptized no doubt, though not with Water, in his, own Bloud. The Body of Alban was afterwards plainly buried: that Age knowing no other [...] Saints Dust, then to commit it to the Dust, Earth to Earth; not acquainted with Adoration, and Circumgestation of Reliques; as ignorant of the Manner, how, as the Reason, why, to do it. But some hundred yeares after, King Offa disturb'd the sleeping Corps of this Saint, removing them to a more stately, though lesse quiet Bed, enshrining them, as (God willing) shall be related hereafter.

6. Immediately followed the Martyrdom of Amphibalus, Amphibalus. Difference a­bout his name. Alban's Guest, Sep­temb. 16 and Ghostly Father, though the Story of his Death be incumbred with much Obscurity. For first there is a Quaere in his very Name: why called Amphiba­lus? and how came this compounded Greek word to wander into Wales? ex­cept any will say, That this mans British Name was by Authours in after-Ages [Page 19] so translated into Greek. Besides, the Name speaks rather the Vestment then the Wearer, signifying a Cloak wrapt or cast about, (Samuel was mark't by such a Mantle;) and it may be he got his name hence; as Robert Curt-hose, Sonne to William the Conquerour, had his Surname from going in such a Gar­ment. And it is worth our observing, that this good man passeth namelesse in all Authours, till about 400 yeares since; when Ieffery Monmouth was his God­father, and Usher de Brit. Eccl. Pri­mord. p. 159. first calls him Amphibalus, The cruel manner of his Martyr­dome. for reasons concealed from us, and best known to himself.

7. But it matters not for Words, if the Matter were true, being thus repor­ted. A thousand Inhabitants of Verulam went into Wales, to be further informed in the Faith, by the Preaching of Amphibalus; who were pursued by a Pagan Army of their fellow-Citizens, by whom they were overtaken, overcome, and murthered: save that one man only, (like Iob's Messenger) who escaped of them to report the Losse of the rest. And although every thing unlikely is not untrue, it was a huge Drag-net, and cunningly cast, that killed all the Fish in the River. Now these Pagan Verolamians brought Amphibalus back again; and being within ken of their City, in the Village called Redburn, three Miles from Verulam, they cruelly put him to death. For making an Incision in his Belly, they took out his Guts, and tying them to a Stake, whipt him round about it. All which he endured, as free from Impatience as his Persecuters from Com­passion. This died Amphibalus; and a Thomas Redburn, who wrote 1480. Writer born and named from that Place reporteth, that in his dayes the two Knives which stabbed him were kept in the Church of Redburn. The heat and resplendent lustre of this Saints Suffe­ring wrought as the Sun-beams, according to the Capacity of the matter it met with, in the Beholders, melting the Waxen Minds of some into Christia­nity, and obdurating the Hard Hearts of others with more madnesse against Religion.

7. Tradition reports, Vain Fan­cies concer­ning the Stake of Am­phibalus. that the Stake he was tied to afterwards turned to a Tree, extant at this very I mean Anno 1643. day, and admired of many, as a great Piece of Won­der; though, (as most things of this nature) more in Report then Reality. That it hath Green Leaves in Winter mine Eyes can witnesse false; and as for it stan­ding at a stay time out of mind, neither impaired, nor improved in Bignesse (which some count so strange) be it reported to Wood-men & Foresters, whe­ther it be not ordinarie. I think the Wood of the Tree is as miraculous, as the Wa­ter of the VVell adjoining is medicinall; which fond people fetch so farre, and yet a credulous Drinker may make a Cordiall Drink thereof.

8. At the time of Amphibalus his Martyrdome, The Martyr­dom of ano­ther thou­sand Britans variously re­ported. another Vsher de Brit. Eccl. primord. pag. 160. Thousand of the Verulam Citizens, being converted to Christ, were by command of the Iud­ges all killed in the same Place. A strange Execution, if true, seeing In his Book of the Bishops of Worcester. Iohn Rosse of VVarwick layes the Scene of this Tragedy farre off, and at another time, with many other Circumstances inconsistent with this Relation; Telling us how at Litchfield in Staffordshire this great multitude of People were long before slain by the Pagans, as they attended to the Preaching of Amphibalus. This relation is favoured by the name of Litchfield, which in the British tongue sig­nifies a Golgotha, or place bestrewed with Skulls: In allusion whereto that Ci­ties Armes are a Field surcharged with [...]. He needs almost a miracu­lous Faith, to be able to remove Mountains, yea to make the Sunne stand still, and sometimes to go back, who will undertake to accord the Contradictions in Time and Place, between the severall Relatours of this History.

9. The Records of VVinchester make mention of a great Massacre, Severall Pla­ces pretend to, and con­tend for the same Martyr­dome. where by at this time all their Monks were slain in their Church; whilest the Chronicle of VVestminster challengeth the same to be done in their Convent: and the Hi­story of Cambridge ascribeth it to the Christian Students of that University, killed by their British Persecuters. Whether this hapned in any or all of these Places, I will not determine: For he tells a Lye, though he tells a Truth, that perem­ptorily affirms that which he knows is but Uncertain. Mean time we see, [Page 20] that it is hard for men to suffer Martyrdom, and easie for their Posterity to brag of their Ancestours Sufferings; yea, who would not intitle themselves to the Ho­nour, when it is parted from the Pain? When Persecution is a coming, every man posteth it off, as the Philistins did the 1 Sam. 5. Ark infected with the Plague, and no place will give it entertainment: But when the Storm is once over, then (as seven Cities contended for Homer's Birth in them) many Places will put in to claim a share in the Credit thereof.

10. Besides Amphibalus, The imper­sect History of these times. suffered Aaron and Iulius, two substantiall Citizens of Caer-lion; and then Socrates, and Stephanus, forgotten by our British Wri­ters, but remembred by forreign Authours; and Augulius, Bishop of London, then called Augusta. Besides these, we may easily believe many more went the same way; for such Commanders in Chief do not fall without Common Souldiers about them. It was Superstition in the Athenians, to build an Altar to the Acts 17. 23. UNKNOWN GOD; but it would be Piety in us, here to erect a Monument in memorial of these Vnknown Martyrs, whose Names are lost. The best is, God's Kalender is more compleat then man's best Martyrologies; and their Names are Written in the Book of Life, who on Earth are wholly for­gotten.

11. One may justly wonder, The Cause of the great Si­lence of the primitive times. that the first four hundred yeares of the Primi­tive Church in Britain, being so much observable, should be so little observed; the Pens of Historians writing thereof, seeming starved for matter in an Age so fruitfull of memorable Actions. But this was the main Reason thereof, that li­ving in Persecution, (that Age affording no Christians Idle Spectators, which were not Actors on that Sad Theatre) they were not at leisure to Doe, for Suf­fering. And as commonly those can give the least account of a Battel, who were most ingaged in it, (their Eyes the while being turned into Armes, their Seeing into Fighting:) So the Primitive Confessours were so taken up with what they endured, they had no vacation largely to relate their own or others Suffe­rings. Of such Monuments as were transmitted to Posterity, it is probable most were martyred by the Tyranny of the Pagans: nor was it to be expected, that those who were cruel to kill the Authours, would be kind to preserve their Books.

12. Afterwards it pleased God to put a Period to his Servants Sufferings, Constant. Chlo­rus gives the Christians Peace. and the Fury of their Enemies. 304 For when Diocletian and Maximian had layed down the Ensigns of Command, Constantius Eusebius de vita Constanti­ni, lib. 1. c. 12. & Orosius lib. 7. cap. 25. Chlorus was chosen Emperour in these VVestern Provinces of France, Spain, and Britain; whose Carriage towards Christians Eusebius thus describeth: [...], that he preserved such Religious people as were under his Command, without any Hurt or Harm. So that under him the Church in these Parts had a Breathing­time from Persecution. But Iam affraid that that Learned Camden. Brit. in descri­ption of York. Pen goes a little too farre, 305 who makes him Founder of a Bishoprick at York, and stileth him an Em­perour surpassing in all Vertue, and Christian Piety: seeing the later will hardly be proved, that Constantius was a through-paced Christian; except by our Saviours Argument, Mark 5. 40. He that is not against us is on our part. And Constantius did this Good to Christianity, that he did it no Harm: and not only so, a Priva­tive Benefactor to Piety, but positive thus far, that he permitted and preserved those, who would rebuild the decayed Christian Churches. But the greatest Benefaction which he bestowed on Christians was, that he was Father to Con­stantine. Thus as Physitians count all Sudden and Violent Alterations in mens Bodies dangerous, especially when changing from Extremes to Extremes: So God in like manner adjudged it unsafe for his Servants presently to be posted out of Persecution into Prosperity; and therefore he prepared them by De­grees, that they might be better able to manage their future Happinesse, by sending this Constantius, a Prince of a middle disposition betwixt Pagan and Christian, to rule some few yeares over them.

13. At York this Constantius Chlorus did die, He dieth at York as is witnessed by Hieronymus, [...] in Chronico, and Eutropius, Hist. lib. 18. and was buried. And therefore [Page 21] Florilegus, Anno Dom. 305 or the Flower-gatherer, as he calleth himself, (understand Matth. of Westminst.) did crop a Weed instead of a Flower, when he reports that in the year 1283 the Body of this Constantius was found at Compare M ^r. Camden's Brit. in Caer­narvonshire with him in the description of York. Caer-Custenith in VVales, and honourably bestowed in the Church of Caer-narvon by the command of King Edward the first. Constantius dying, bequeathed the Empire to Constan­tine, his eldest Sonne by Hellen his former Wife; and the Souldiers at York cast the Purple Robe upon him, whilest he wept, and put Spurs to Horse to avoid the im­portunity of the Army, attempting and requiring so instantly to make him Empe­rour: 307 Febr. 27 But the Happinesse of the State overcame his Modesty. And whereas for­merly Christians for the Peace they possessed, were onely Tenants at will to the present Emperours Goodnesse; this Constantine passed this peaceable Estate to the Christians and their Heires, or rather to the immortal Corporation of Gods Church, making their Happinesse Hereditary, by those good Lawes which he enacted. Now because this Assertion, that Constantine was a Bri­tan by Birth, meets with Opposition, we will take some pains in clearing the Truth thereof.

14. Let none say, Worth the Scrutiny to cleare Con­stantine a Bri­tan by Birth. the Kernel will not be worth the Cracking, and so that Constantine were born, it matters not where he was born. For we may observe Gods Spirit to be very punctual, in registring the Birth-places of Famous men; Psal. 87. 6. The Lord shall count, when he writeth up the People, that this man was born there. And as 2 Sam. 1. David cursed Mount Gilboa, where Godly Ionathan got his Death: so by the same proportion, (though inverted) it follows, those Places are blest and happy, where Saints take their first good Handsel of Breath in this World. Besides, Constantine was not onely one of a Thousand, but of Myriads, yea of Mil­lions; who first turned the Tide in the whole world, and not only quenched the Fire, but even over-turned the Furnace of Persecution, and enfranchised Christianity through the Roman Empire: and therefore no wonder if Britain be ambitious in having, and zealous in holding such a Worthy to be born in her.

15. An unanswerable Evidence to prove the point in Controversy, The main Ar­gument, to prove the point. that Constantine the Great was a Britan, is fetch't from the Panegyric. 9. Panegyrist, (otherwise called Eumenius Rhetor) in his Oration made to Constantine himself; but making therein an Apostrophe to Britain; O fortunata, & nunc omnibus beatior terris Bri­tannia, quae Constantinum Caesarem prima vidisti! O happy Britain, and blessed above all other Lands, which didst first behold Constantine Caesar! Twist this Te­stimony with another Thread, spun of the same Panegyr. 5. Hand; Liberavit pater Con­stantius Britannias Servitute, tu etiam nobiles, illic oriendo, fecisti: Your Father Constantius did free the British Provinces from Slavery, and you have ennobled them, by taking thence your Originall. The same is affirmed by the Writer of the Life of S ^t. Hellen, Mother to Constantine, written about the year of our Lord 940 in the English-Saxon Tongue: as also by VVilliam of Malmesbury, Henry Huntingdon, Iohn of Salisbury, and all other English Writers. And least any should object, that these writing the History of their own Country, are too light­fingered to catch any thing (right or wrong) sounding to the Honour thereof; many most learned forreign Historians, Pomponius Laetus, Polydor Virgil, Beatus Rhenanus, Franciscus Balduinus, Onuphrius Panvinius, Caesar Baronius, Antho­ny Possevine, and others, concurre with them, acknowledging Hellen, Constan­tine's Mother, a Britan, and him born in Britain.

16. But whilest the aforesaid Authors in Prose, softly rock the Infancy of (yet little) Constantine the Great in Britain, and whilest others in Verse, (especially In Antio­cheide sua. Ioseph of EXETER, and See his Tetra­stichon in Bi­shop Usher de Brit. Eccles. primord. pag. 76. Answers to the obje­ctions of the contrary Party. Alexander Necham) sweetly sing Lullabies unto him; some Learned men are so rough and uncivil, as to over-turn his Cradle; yea, wholly deprive Britain of the Honour of his Nativity: Whose Arguments follow, with our Answers unto them.

Thus we hope we have cleared the Point with ingenuous Readers, in such mea­sure as is consistent with the Brevity of our History. So that of this Constantine (a kind of outward Saviour in the World, to deliver People from Persecution) we may say, with some allusion to the words of the Mica. 5. 2. Prophet (but with a hum­ble Reservation of the infinite Distance betwixt the Persons) AND THOU BRITAIN ART NOT THE MEANEST AMONGST THE KING­DOMS OF EUROPE, FOR OUT OF THEE DID COME A GO­VERNOUR, WHICH DID RULE THE ISRAEL OF GOD, [Page 23] GIVING DELIVERANCE AND PEACE TO THE SAINTS.

17. Now see what a Pinch In his Epistle to this Nation. Verstegan (whose teeth are sharpned by the dif­ference of Religion) gives M ^r. Fox: M ^r. Fox de­fended a­gainst the Cavils of Verstegan. What is it other then an Absurdity, for an English Authour to begin his Epistle (to an huge He meaneth his Books of Acts and Mo­numents. Volume) with Constantine the great and mighty Emperour, the Sonne of Hellen, an ENGLISH Woman, &c. VVhereas (saith he) in truth S ^t. Hellen, the Mother of Constantine, was no En­glish, but a British VVoman. And yet Fox his words are capable of a candid Con­struction, if by English VVoman we understand (by a favourable Prolepsis,) one born in that Part of Britain, which since hath been inhabited by the English. Sure in the same Dialect S ^t. Alban hath often been called the first Martyr of the English, by many Writers of good esteem. Yea the Breviary of In officio Sancti Albani. Sarum, allowed and confirmed no doubt by the Infallible Church of Rome, greets S ^t. Alban with this Salute;

Sure Hellen was as properly an English VVoman, as Alban an English Man, being both British in the Rigid Letter of History; and yet may be interpreted English in the Equity thereof. Thus it is vain for any to write Books, if their words be not taken in a courteous Latitude; and if the Reader meets not his Authour with a Pardon of course for venial Mistakes, especially when his Pen slides in so slippery a Passage.

18. And now having asserted Constantine a Britan, Three Cities contend for Constantine born in them. we are ingaged afresh in a new Controversy, betwixt three Cities; with equall Zeal and Probability, challenging Constantine to be theirs by Birth; William Fitzstephens in the descri­ption of Lon­don. London, Oratores Re­gis Angliae in Concil. Con­stant. York, and Camden's Brit. in Essex. Colchester. We dare define nothing; not so much out offear to displease (though he that shall gain one of these Cities his Friend, shall make the other two his Foes by his Verdict:) but chiefly because little Certainty can be pronounced in a matter so long since, and little evident. Let me refresh my self and the Reader, with relating and applying a pleasant Story. Once at the Burial of S ^t. Teliau se­cond Bishop of Landaffe, three Places did strive to have the Interring of his Bo­dy; Pen-allum, where his Ancestours were buried, Lanfolio-vaur, where he died, and Landaffe, his Episcopall See. Now after Prayer to God to appease this Contention, in the place where they had left him, there appeared sudden­ly three Godwin in the Bishops of Landaffe. Hearses, with three Bodies so like, as no man could discern the right: and so every one taking one, they were all well pleased. If by the like Mi­racle, as there three Corpses of Teliau encoffined, so here three Child-Constan­tines encradled might be represented, the Controversie betwixt these three Cityes were easily arbitrated, and all Parties fully satisfied. But seriously to the matter. That which gave Occasion to the Varieties of their Claims to Constan­tine's Birth, may probably be this, that he was Born in one place, Nursed in an­other, and perchance, being young, Bred in a third. Thus we see our Saviour, though born in Bethlehem, yet was accounted a Nazarite, of the City of Na­zareth, where he was brought up: and this general Errour took so deep im­pression in the People, it could not be removed out of the Minds and Mouths of the Vulgar.

19. Constantine being now peaceably setled in the Imperial Throne, 312 there followed a sudden and general Alteration in the World; Peace and prosperity re­stored to the Church by Constantine. Persecutors turning Patrons of Religion. O the Efficacy of a Godly Emperours Example, which did draw many to a conscientious love of Christianity, and did drive more to a civil conformity thereunto! The Gospel, formerly a Forester, now became a Citizen; and leaving the Woods, wherein it wandered, Hils and Holes, where it hid it self before, dwelt quietly in Populous Places. The stumps of ruined Churches lately destroyed by Diocletian, grew up into beautifull Buildings▪ Oratories were furnished with pious Ministers, and they provided of plenti­full Maintenance, through the Liberality of Constantine. And if it be true, [Page 24] what one relates, that about this time, Anno Dom. 312 when the Church began to be inriched with Meanes, there came a voice from Heaven (I dare boldly say, he that first wrote it never heard it, being a modern John Nau­clerus presi­dent of Tubing University Anno 1500. Authour) saying, Now is Poison poured down into the Church: yet is there no danger of Death thereby, seeing lately so strong an Antidote hath been given against it. Nor do we meet with any par­ticular Bounty, conferred by Constantine, or Hellen his Mother, on Britain, their native Country, otherwise then as it shared now in the general Happinesse of all Christendom. The Reason might be this; That her Devotion most moved Eastward towards Hierusalem, and he was principally employed farre off at Constantinople, whither he had removed the Seat of the Empire, for the more Conveniency in the middest of his Dominions. An Empire herein unhappy, that as it was too vast for one to manage it intirely, so it was too little for two to govern it jointly, as in after-Ages did appear.

20. And now just ten years after the Death of S ^t. Alban, a Stately Church was erected there and dedicated to his Memory; As also the History of Win­chester reporteth, that then their Church first founded by King Lucius, and since destroyed, was built anew, and Monks (as they say) placed in it. But the most avouchable Evidence of Christianity flourishing in this Island in this Age, The Appea­rance of the British in for­reign Coun­cills. is produced from the

• Bishops repre­senting Britain in the Coun­cill of
  • 1 ARLES in France,
    314
    called to take Cognizance of the Cause of the Donatists; where appeared for the British
    • 1
      See the seve­rall subscri­ptions at the end of this Councill in Binnius.
      Eborius Bishop of York.
    • 2 Restitutus Bishop of London.
    • 3 Adelfius Bishop of the City called the Colony of London, which some count Colchester, and others Maldon in Essex.
    • 4 Sacerdos a Priest, both by his proper Name and Office.
    • 5 Arminius a Deacon.
      • both of the last place.
  • 2 NICE in Bithynia,
    325
    summoned to suppresse Arrianisme, and esta­blishing an Uniformity of the Observation of Easter; to which agreed those of the Church [...]
    Eusebius lib. 3. de vita Constant. c. 18.
    [...].
  • 3 SARDIS in Thracia,
    347
    called by Constantius and Constans, Sonnes to Constantine the Great; where the Bishops of
    Athanasius in the begin­ning of his se­cond Apologie against the Ar­rians.
    Britain concur­red with the rest to condemn the Arrians, and acquit Atha­nasius.
  • 4 ARIMINUM on the Adriatick Sea in Italy,
    359
    a Synod convoca­ted by Constantius the Emperour.

In this last Council it is remarkable, that whereas the Emperour ordered, that Provisions (and those very plentifull) of Diet should be bestowed on the Bi­shops there assembled, yet those of Aquitain, France, and Sulpitius Severus lib. 2. Historiae Sacrae. Britain preferred rather to live on their Proper Cost, then to be a Burden to the Publick Treasury. Onely three British Bishops, necessitated for want of Maintenance, received the Emperours Allowance: the Refusal of the former (having enough of their own) being an Act full of Praise, as the laters accepting a Salary to relieve their Want, a deed free from Censure. Collect we hence, 1. that there were many British Bishops in this Council, though their Names and Number are not particularly recorded. 2. That the generality of British Bishops had in this Age Plentifull Maintenance, who could subsist of themselves so farre off in a fortain Country: whereas lately in the Council of Trent, many Italian Bishops, though in a manner still at home, could not live without Publick Contribution. But there was good reason why the British were loath to accept the Emperours Al­lowance, (though otherwise it had been neither Manners nor Discretion for Prelats to refuse a Princes Profer,) because as Dan. 1. 8. Daniel and the Children of the [Page 25] Captivity preferred their Pulse before the Fare of King Nebuchadnezzar, Anno Dom. 359 for feare they should be defiled with his (though Princely, yet) Pagan Diet; so these Bishops did justly suspect, that Constantius the Emperour being an Arrian, had a Design to bribe their Iudgements by their Palats, and by his Bounty to buy their Suffrages to favour his Opinions. In very deed this Episco [...] Arrianus Dogma sirunt suba oppriment Constantio cundus, cap. 30. Britain beginneth to be tainted with Arrianisme. Synod is justly taxed, not that it did bend, but was bowed to Arrianisme, and being over-born by the Emperour, did countenance his Poisonous Positions.

21. Hitherto the Church in Britain continued Sound and Orthodox, in no degree tainted with Arrianisme; 360 which gave the Occasion to S ^t. Hilary in his Dedicating unto them his Book de Sy­nodis. Epistle to his Brethren, and fellow- Bishops of Germany and Britain, &c. though he himself was in Phrygia in Banishment, to solace his Soul with the considera­tion of the Purity and Soundnesse of Religion in their Countryes. But now (alas!) the Gangrene of that Heresy began to spread it self into this Island: So that what the Acts 17. 6. Iewes of Thessalonica said unjustly of S ^t. Paul and his Followers, the Britans might too truly affirm of Arrius and his Adherents, Those that have turned the VVorld upside-down are come hither also. Hear how sadly Gildas com­plaineth, Mansit namque haec Christi Capitis membrorum consonantia suavis, do­nec Arriana Perfidia atrox▪ ceu Anguis transmarina nobis evomens Venena, Fra­tres in unum habitantes exitiabiliter faceret sejungi, &c. So that the words of Athanasius, totus mundus Arrianizat, were true also of this peculiar or divided World of Britain. Naturallists dispute how VVolves had their first being in Bri­tain; it being improbable that Merchants would bring any such noxious Ver­min over in their Ships, and impossible that of themselves they should swim over the Sea (which hath prevailed so farre with some, as to conceive this, now an Island, originally annexed to the Continent:) but here the Quaere may be propounded, how these Hereticks (mystical Wolves not Acts 20. 29. sparing the Flock) first en­tered into this Island. And indeed we meet neither with their Names, nor man­ner of Transportation hither; but only with the cursed Fruit of their Labours. And it is observable, that immediately after that this Kingdome was infected with Arrianisme, the Pagan Ammianus Marcellinus in the begin­ning of his twentieth Book maketh this Irruption to happen Anno 360▪ which continued many yeares after. Maximus u­surping the empire, ex­pelleth the Scots out of Britain. Picts and Scots out of the North made a general and desperate Invasion of it. It being just with God, when his Vine-yard be­ginneth to bring forth VVild-Grapes, then to let loose the VVild Boar, to take his full and free repast upon it.

22. In this wofull Condition, 379 vain were the Complaints of the Oppressed Britans for Assistance, unto Gratian and Valentinian the Roman Emperours, who otherwayes employed, neglected to send them Succour. This gave occa­sion to Maximus, a Zosim. Histor. l. 4. Spaniard by Birth, (though accounted born in this Island by our home bred Gildas, H. Hunting. Histor. lib. 1. Galfrid. Monmouth; and before the three later, Ethelwer­dus, Chronic. lib. 1. Authors) to be chos [...]n Emperour of the West of Europe, by a predominant Faction in his Army; who for a time valiantly resisted the Scots and Picts, which cruelly invaded and infested the South of Britain. For these Nations were invincible, whilest like two Armes of the same Body they assisted each other: But when the Picts (the Right Arme, being most strong and active) suffered themselves to be quietly bound up by the Peace concluded, the Scots, as their own John For­don, Scoto-Chronic. lib. 2. cap. 45. Authors confesse, were quickly conquered and disper­sed. But Maximus, whose main Design was not to defend Britain from Ene­mies, but confirm himself in the Empire, sailed over with the Flower of the British Nation into France; where having conquered the Natives in Armorica, he bestowed the whole Country upon his Souldiers, from them named at this day Little Britain.

23. But Ireland will no wayes allow that Name unto it, 383 pleading it self to be anciently called the L [...]sser Britain, Britain in France when conquered, and why so called. in Authertick Ptolemie calles it [...] lib. 2. cap. 6. p. 31. Ed. Crae [...]. Authors▪ and therefore this French Britain must be contented to heare that Name, with the Difference of the third Brother; except any will more properly say, that the French Britain is the Daughter of our Britain, which Infant when she asks her Mother Bles­sing, doth not jabber so strangely, but that she is perfectly understood by her Parent. Although one will hardly believe what is generally reported, namely [Page 26] that these French Britans were so ambitious to preserve their native Language, Anno Dom. 383 that marrying French Women, they cut out their Wives [...]ilin's [...] in the [...]ption of [...]. Tongues, for feare they should infect their Childrens Speech, with a Mixture of French Words. Here the Britans lived, and though they had pawned their former Wives and Children at home, they had neither the Honesty nor Affection to return thither to redeem the Pledges left behind them. Strange, that they should so soon forget their Native Soil! But as the Load-stone, when it is rubb'd over with the Juice of Onions, forgetteth it's Property to draw Iron any longer; so though we allow an attractive Vertue in ones own Country, yet it looseth that alluring Quality, when the said place of ones Birth is steeped in a Sad & Sorrowful Con­dition, as the State of Britain stood at this present. And therefore these Travel­lours having found a new Habitation nearer the Sunne, and further from Suf­fering, there quietly set up their Rest.

24. But not long after, Maximus slain in his march to­wards Italy. Maximus marching towards Italy, 388 was overcome and killed at Aquilegia. A Prince not unworthy of his Great Name, had he been lifted up to the Throne by a regular Election, and not tossed up to the same in a tumultuous manner. This makes S ^t. In Oratione Funebri de exitu Theo­dosii. Ambrose, Gildas, and other Authors violently to inveigh against his Memory, notwithstanding his many most Sulpitius Severus Dia­logo secundo cap. 7. ho­nourable Atchievements. This Difference we may observe betwixt Bastards and Usurpers: the former, if proving eminent, are much bemoaned, because merely Passive in the Blemish of their Birth; whilest Usurpers, though be­having themselves never so gallantly, never gain general good will, because actually evil in their Original; as it fared with Maximus, who by good Using, could never make Reparation for his bad Getting of the Empire. Surely Bri­tain had cause to curse him, for draining it of her Men and Munition, so leaving it a Trunk of a Commonwealth, without Head or Hands, Wisedome or Va­lour, effectually to advise or execute any thing in it's own Defence; all whose Strength consisted in Multitudes of People, where Number was not so great a Benefit, as Disorder was a Burden: which encouraged the Picts, (the Truce ex­pired) to harrasse all the Land with Fire and Sword. The larger Prosecution whereof we leave to the Chronicles of the State, onely touching it here by way of Excuse, for the Briefnesse and Barrennesse of our Ecclesiastical History; the Sadnesse of the Commonwealth being a just Plea for the Silence of the Church.

25. We conclude this Century, Frequent Pilgrimages of the Bri­tàns to Jeru­salem, whil'st S. Keby lived'quietly in An­glesey. when we have told the Reader, 390 that about this time the Hierony­mus To. 1. Ep, 17. & Palla­dius Galata, Hist. Lausiat. cap. 119. Fathers tell us, how Pilgrimages of the Britans began to be fre­quent as farre as Ierusalem, there not onely to Visit Christs Sepulchre, but also to behold Simon Stilita a pious man, and Melanta a devout Woman, both residing in Syria, and at this time eminent for Sanctity. Perchance Discontent­ment mingled with Devotion moved the Britans to so long a Journey, concei­ving themselves, because of their present Troubles at home, more safe any where else then in their own Country. As for those Britans, who in this Age were zealous Asserters of the Purity of Religion against the Poison of Arria­nisme, amongst them we find S ^t. Keby a principal Champion, Son to S [...]lomon Duke of Cornwall, Scholar to St. Hilary Bishop of Poictiers in France, with whom he lived 50 yeares, and by whom being made Bishop, he returned first to S ^t. Davids, afterwards into Ireland, and at last fixed himself in the Isle of Anglesey. So pious a man, that he might seem to have communicated San­ctity to the Place, being a Promontory into the Sea called from him Holy-head, (but in Welsh Caer-guiby [...]) as in the same Island, the memory of his Master is preserved in Hilary point: where both shall be remembred, as long as there be either Waves to assault the Shore, or Rocks to resist them.

THE FIFTH CENTURY. Anno Dom.

1. NOw the Arrian Heresy, 401 by Gods Providence and good mens Diligence, Pelagius a Britan by birth. was in some measure suppressed, when the unwearied Malice of Satan (who never leaveth off, though often changeth his wayes, to seduce Souls) brought in a worse (because more plausible) Heresy of Pelagianisme. For every man is born a Pelagian, natu­rally proud of his Power, and needeth little Art to teach him to think well of himself. This Pelagius was a Britan by Birth, (as we take no delight to confesse it, so wee'l tell no Lye, to deny it;) as some say called a Jacobus Usserius, de Brit. Ecc. Prim. p. 207. & Dominus Hen. Spel­man in Con­ciliis, pag. 46. Morgan, that is in Welsh, near the Sea, (and well had it been for the Christian world, if he had been nearer the Sea, and served there­in as the Aegyptians served the Hebrew Males:) being to the same sense called in Latine Pelagius. Let no Foreiner insult on the infelicity of our Land in bearing this Monster: But consider, first, if his excellent natural Parts, and eminent ac­quired Learning might be separated from his dangerous Doctrine, no Nation need be ashamed to acknowledge him. Secondly, Britain did but breed Pela­gius, Pelagius himself bred his Heresy, and in forein Parts where he travelled; France, Syria, Aegypt, Rome itself, if not first invented, much improved his pe­stilent Opinions. Lastly, as our Island is to be pittied for breeding the Person, so she is to be praised for opposing the Errours of Pelagius. Thus the best Father cannot forbid the worst Sonne from being his Child, but may debarre him from being his Heire, affording no favour to countenance his Badnesse.

2. It is memorable what Dempster Hist. Scot. l. 15. num. 1012. one relates, Pelagius no Doctor of Cambridge, but a Monk of Banchor. that the same day whereon Pelagius was born in Britain, S ^t. Augustine was also born in Africk: Divine Provi­dence so disposing it, that the Poison and the Antidote should be Twins in a manner, in respect of the same time. To passe from the Birth, to the Breeding of Pelagius; Hist. Cantab. Academ. lib. [...]. pag. 28. Iohn Cajus, who observes eight solemn Destructions of Cam­bridge before the Conquest, imputeth that which was the third, in order, to Pelagius; who being a Student there, and having his Doctrine opposed by the Orthodox Divines, cruelly caused the overthrow and desolation of all the Vni­versity. But we hope it will be accounted no point of Pelagianisme, for us, thus farre to improve our Free-VVill, as to refuse to give Credit hereunto, till bet­ter Authority be produced. And yet this sounds much to the Commendation of Cambridge, that, like a pure Crystall-Glass, it would preferre rather to flie a pieces, and be dissolved, then to endure Poison put into it; according to the [Page 28] Character, Anno Dom. 401 which Iohn In his Poem of Cambridge. Lidgate (a VVit of those Times) gave of this Uni­versity: ‘Cambrege of Heresy ne're bore the blame.’ More true it is that Pelagius was bred in the Monastery of Banchor (in that part of Flintshire, which, at this day, is a Separatist from the rest) where he lived with two thousand Monks, industrious in their Callings, whose Hands were the only Benefactors for their Bellies, Abbey-labourers, not Abbey-lubbers like their Successours in after-Ages, who living in Lazinesse, abused the Bounty of their Patrons to Riot and Excesse.

3. Infinite are the Deductions, The princi­pal Errors of Pelagius. and derived Consequences of Pelagius his Errours.

Here to recount the learned Works of Fathers written, their pious Sermons preach't, passionate Epistles sent, private Conferences entertained, publick Disputations held, Provincial Synods summoned, General Councils called, wholesome Canons made to confute and condemn these Opinions, under the name of Pelagius, or his Scholar Caelestius, would amount to a Volume fitter for a Porters back to beare, then a Scholars Brains to peruse. I decline the Employment, both as over-painfull, and nothing proper to our Businesse in hand, (fearing to cut my Fingers, if I put my Sickle into other mens Corn;) these things being transacted beyond the Seas, and not belonging to the British History. The rather, because it cannot be proved that Pelag us in person ever dispersed his Poison in this Island, but ranging abroad, (per­chance because this False Prophet counted himself without honour in his own Country) had his Emissaries here, and principally Beda lib. 1. cap. 17. Agricola, the Sonne of Severian a Bishop.

4. It is incredible, French Bi­shops sent for to sup­presse Pela­gianisme in Britain. how speedily and generally the Infection spread by his prea­ching, 420 advantaged, no doubt, by the Ignorance and Lazinesse of the British Bishops, in those dayes, none of the deepest Divines, or most learned Clerks, as having little care, and lesse comfort to study, living in a distracted State: and those that feel practical Discords, will have little joy to busy themselves with controversial Divinity. However, herein their Discretion is to be com­mended, that finding their own Forces too feeble to encounter so great a Foe, they craved the Assistance of Foreiners out of France, and sent for Germane, Bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus, Bishop of Troyes: not being of their envious and proud Disposition, who had rather suffer a Good Cause to fall, then to borrow Supporters to hold it up, lest thereby they disgrace themselves, con­fessing their own Insufficiency, and preferring the Abilitie of others. The two Bishops chearfully embraced the Employment, and undertook the Journey, no whit discouraged with the length of the Way, danger of the Sea, and bad­nesse of the Winter; seeing all Weathers is fair to a willing mind, and Oppor­tunity to doe good is the greatest Preferment which a humble heart doth de­sire. This Lupus was Brother to Vincentius Euchetius in libello de laude Eremi ad Hilarium. Lirinensis, Usher de Brit. Eccl. Primord. pag. 325. Husband to Pime­niola, the Sister of Hilary, Arch-Bishop of Arles; one of such Learning and San­ctity, that a grave Authour of those times stileth him a Father of Sidonius lib. 6. Epist. 1. Fathers, and Bishop of Bishops; yea another James of that Age. And yet in this Employment he was but a Second to GERMANE the Principal; and both of them, like PAUL and BARNABAS, jointly advanced the Designe.

[Page 29] 5. Coming into Britain, Anno Dom. 429 with their constant Labours they confirmed the Orthodox, German and Lupus come over and preach in Britain. and reclaimed the Erroneous, preaching openly in Fields and Per trivia, per rura, per devia. High­wayes. As the Kings Presence makes a Court, so their's did a Church, of any Place; their Congregation being bounded with no other Walles, then the Preacher's voice, and extending as farre as he could intelligibly be heard. As for their formall Disputation with the Pelagian Doctors, take it from the Pen of Bede, and Mouth of Stapleton translating him.

6. The Authours and head Professours of hereticall Errour, Their dispu­tation with the Pelagian, Doctors. lay lurking all this while, and like the wicked Spirites, much spighted to see the People daily to fall from them. At length after long advisement used, they taketh upon them to try the matter by open Disputation; which being agreed upon, they come forth richly appointed, gorgiously apparaled, accompanied with a number of flattering favours, having Not presu­ming to alter any of Sta­pleton's words, take it with all the Printers saults, done probably by an out-lan­dish Presse. leifer to commit their Cause to open disputting, then to seem to the people, whom they had subverted, to have nothing to say in the defence thereof. Thether resorted a great Multitude of people, with their Wives and Children. The People was present both to see, and judge the matter: the Parties there were farre unleke of Condition. In the one side was the Faith, on the other was presumption; on the one side Meeknesse, on the other Pride; on the one side Pelagius, on the other Christ. First of all the blessed Prist Germanus and Lupus gave their Adversaries leave to speak, which vainly occupied both the time and eares of the People with naked words. But after the Reverend Bishops poored out their flowing words, confirmed with Scriptures out of the Gospels and Apostles, they joyned with their own words, the words of God, and after they had said their own mind, they read other men's mind's upon the same. Thus the Vanite of Hereticks is convicted, and Falssehed is confuted, sso that at every objection they were forced in effect to confesse their Errour, not being able to Answere them. The People had much to do to keep their hands from them yet shewed their Iudgement by their Clamours.

7. A Conference every way admirable. Many re­markables in this Dis­putation. First, in the Opponents, who came forth gallantly, as ante-dating the Conquest, and bringing the Spoils of their Victory with them. But gay Cloaths are no Armour for a Combate. Secondly, In the Defendents of the Truth, appealing to no unwritten Traditions, but to the Scriptures of the Gospels and Apostles: because the point of Grace controverted, appeared most plainly in the New Testament. Thirdly, In the Auditors, or, as they are called, the Iudges, Men Women, and Children. Wonder not at this Foeminine Auditory, seeing they were as capable of the Antidote as of the Poison: and no doubt the Pelagians had formerly (as other Hereticks) crept into houses to seduce silly 2 Tim. 3. 6. VVomen: and therefore now the Plaister must be as broad as the Sore. As for Children, we know who it was that said, In Latin, not pueri, but li­beri. Mat. 19. 14. Suffer little Children to come unto me, and forbid them not, &c. But here, though called Children in Relation to their Parents, they might be in good Age and capacity of understanding; or if they were little ones indeed, flocking out of fashion in a generall Concourse, to see ese men speek Divine Mysteries, they could not hereafter, when grown old, date their Remembrance from a more remarkable Epoche. See we here that in these times, the Laity were so well acquainted with Gods VVord, that they could competently judge, what was or was not spoken in Proportion thereunto. Lastly and chiefly, In the Successe of this Conference. For though generally such publick Disputations do make more Noise then take Effect, (because the obstinate maintainers of Errour come with their Tongues tipt with Clamorousnesse, as their Proselyte Auditours do with Eares stopt with Prejudice,) yet this meeting, by Gods Blessing, was marvellously powerfull to establish and convert the People. But here a main Difficulty is by Au­thours left wholy untouch't, namely in what Language this Conference was [Page 30] entertained, Anno Dom. 429 and managed, that Germanus and Lupus, two French Bishops, and Foreiners, could both speak with Fluentnesse, and be understood with Facility. Perchance the ancient Gaules in France, whence these Bishops came, spake still (as they did anciently) one and the self-same Tongue with the Bri­tans, distering rather in Dialect then Language: or, which is more pro­bable, both France and Britain, remaining as yet Roman Provinces, spake a course, vulgar Latine, though invaded with a Mixture of many Base words, as Britain especially, now or near this time, was infested with forein Barbarous Nations.

8. This Conference was held at S ^t. Albans, S. Albans the Place of the Conference. even where at this day a small Chappeli is extant, to the honour of S ^t. Germane: though Scot. Hist. lib. 8. Hector Boethius as­signes London the Place, adding moreover, that such obstinate Pelagians as would not be reclaimed, were, for their Contumacy, burnt by the Kings Officers. But it will be hard to find any Spark of Fire in Britain, or else­where, employed on Hereticks in this Age. We may observe that the afore­aid Hector Boethius, and Polydor Virgil (writing the Chronicles, the one of Scotland, the other of England, at the same time,) as they beare the Poe­ticall Names of two Sons of Priamus, so they take to themselves much liberty of Fancy and Fiction in their severall Histories.

9. Not long after, Germanus marcheth a­gainst the Pagan Picts and Saxons. the Aid of Germanus and Lupus was implored, and employed an hundred miles off in another service, against the Pagan Picts and Saxons. Here we meet with the first mention of Saxons, being some strag­ling Voluntiers of that Nation, coming over to pillage here of their own accord, not many yeares before they were solemnly invited hither under Horsus and Hengistus, their Generalls. Germanus, after the Lent well spent, in the Fasting of their Bodies, and Feasting of their Souls (for the people had Bede 1 Book cap. 20. daily Sermons,) and the solemnity of Easter Festivall duly celebrated, wherein he Christened Multitudes of Pagan Converts, in the River Alen, marched with an Army of them, whil'st their Baptismall water was scarce wip'd from their Bodies, against the aforesaid Enemies, whom he found in the North-East of VVales. Here the Pious Bishop turning Politick Enginier, chose a place of Advantage, being a hollow Dale, surrounded with Hils, near the Village, called at this day by the English Mold, by the British Guid­crue, in Flintshire, where the Field at this day retains the name of Usher de Brit. Ecc. Primord. p. 333. M [...]es Garmen, or Germans Field; the more remarkable, because it hath escaped (as few of this Note and Nature) the exact Observation of Master Cam­den.

10. Here Germanus placed his men in Ambush, A Victory gotten not by shooting, but shouting with Instructions, that at a Signall given, they should all shout Hallelujah three times with all their might; which was done accordingly. The Pagans were surprized with the Suddennesse and Loudnesse of such a Sound, much multiplied by the advan­tage of the Echo, whereby their Fear brought in a false List of their Ene­mies Number; and rather trusting their Eares then their Eyes, they reckoned their Foes by the increase of the Noise rebounded unto them; and then allowing two Hands for every Mouth, how vast was their Army! But be­sides the Concavity of the Vallies improving the Sound, God sent a Hol­lownesse into the Hearts of the Pagans: so that their Apprehensions ad­ded to their Eares, and Cowardice often resounded the same Shout in their Breasts, till beaten with the Reverberation thereof, without striking a Stroak, they confusedly ran away; and many were drowned for speed, in the River Alen, lately the Christians Font, now the Pagans Grave. Thus a bloudlesse Victory was gotten, without Sword drawn, consisting of no Fight, but a Fright and a Flight; and that Hallelujah, the Song of the Revel. 19. 1. Saints after Con­quest atchieved, was here the Fore-runner, and Procurer of Victory. So good a Grace, it is to be said both before and after a Battel. Gregory the Great (a grave Authour) in his Chap. 36. vers. 29, 30. Comment upon Iob, makes mention of this [Page 31] Victory, Anno Dom. 430 occasioned on those words, Can any understand the noise of his Ta­barnacle?

11. Germanus now twice a Conquerour, S. Albans in Hartford­shire, Colen, Ely, & Osell, pretend to the whole Body of Saint Alban. of Pelagians and Pagans, pre­pares for his Return, after first he had caused the Tombe of S ^t. Alban to be opened, and therein deposited the Reliques of many Saints, which he brought over with him, conceiving it fit (as he said) that their Corpses should sleep in the same Grave, whose Souls rested in the same Heaven. In lieu of what he left behind him, (Exchange is no Robbery,) he carried along with him some of S ^t. Alban's Dust, wherein Spots of the Martyr's Bloud were as fair and fresh, as if shed but yesterday. But what most concerns S ^t. Alban's Monks to stickle in, some report German to have carried the Body of Alban to Rome: whence some hundred yeares after, the Empresse to Otho the se­cond brought it to Surius Tomo 3. vita Sanct. Iunij 22. Colen, where, at this day, they maintain his uncorrupted Body to be enshrined: The Monks of Ely, in Cambridge-shire, pretending to the same; as also do those of Ottonium, or Osell, in Denmark. Thus, as Me­tius Suffetius the Roman was drawn alive by Horses four wayes: like Vio­lence is offered to the Dead Body of Alban, pluck't to four severall places by importunate Competitours; only with this Difference, that the Former was mangled into Quarters, whereas here each place pretends to have him whole and intire, not abating one Hair of his Caputenim cum barba Idem ut prius. Beard. Nor know I how to reconcile them, except any of them dare say, though without shew of Pro­bability, that as the River in Paradise went out of Eden, from whence it was parted and became into four Gen. 2. 10. Heads; Alban in like manner, when dead, had the same Quality, of one to be multiplied into four Bodies.

12. Now after Germanus and Lupus were returned home into their na­tive Country, After the de­parture of Germanus, Pelagianisme recruits in Britain. Pelagianisme began to sprout again in Britain. An Accident not so strange to him that considers, how quickly an Errour much of kin thereunto grew up amongst the Galathians, presently on Gal. 1. 6. Paul's departure. I marvel (said he) that you are so soon removed from him, that called you unto the Grace of Christ, unto another Gospell. S ^t. Paul's marvelling may make us marvel the lesse, seeing that Wonder which hath a Precedent is not so great a Wonder. Here we may sadly behold the great Pronenesse of men to go a­stray, whose hearts by nature cold in Goodnesse, will burn no longer then they are blown. To suppresse this Heresie, Germanus is sollicited to make a second Voiage into Britain: which he did accordingly, accompanied with his Partner Severus, because Lupus his former Companion was otherwise employed. Hereupon a prime Erticus An­tissiod orensis in vita S. Ger­mani. Poet of his Age, makes this Apostrophe unto S ^t. German:

The same Bede lib. 1. cap. 21. Successe still followed, and this Conquerour, who formerly had broken and scattered the main Body of the Pelagians, now routed the Remnant, which began to ralley and make head again.

13. He also called a Math. West in anno 449. Pelagianism, and King▪ Vottiger's in­cestuous mar­ridge condem­ned in a Synod. Synod, wherein those damnable Doctrines were con­demned: as also the Nennius. cap. 37. Incestuous Marriage of VORTIGER King of Bri­tain, (a wicked Prince, in whom all the Dregs of his vicious Auncestors were settled,) who had took his own Daughter to Wife. And yet of this unlawfull Copulation, a pious Son, S ^t. Faustus, was born: to shew that no Crosse-barre of Bastandy, though doubled with Incest, can bolt Grace out of that Heart, wherein God will have it to enter. Germanus having settled Bri­tain in good Order, went back to his own Country, where presently upon [Page 32] his return he died; Anno Dom. 449 as God useth to send his Servants to Bed, when they have done all their Work: and by Gods blessing on his Endeavours, that Heresie was so cut down in Britain, that it never generally grew up again.

14. Mean time the South of this Island was in a wofull condition, In vain the Britans pe­tition to the Roman Em­perour for help against the Picts. caused by the daily Incursions of the Picts. As for the Picts Wall built to restrain them, it being a better Limit then Fortification, served rather to define then defend the Roman Empire: and uselesse is the strongest Wall of Stone, when it hath Stocks only upon it: such was the Scottish Lazinesse of the Britans to man it; a Nation at this time given over to all manner of Sin, inso­much as In Prologo libri de Excid. Brit. Gildas their Country-man calls them Aetatis Atramentum, the Inke of the Age. And though God did daily correct them with Inroads of Pagans, yet like restife Horses, they went the worse for Beating. And now the Land being exhausted of the Flower of her Chivalry, (transported and disposed in Roman Garrisons, as farre as Iudaea and See Notitia Provinciarum. Aegypt it self) could not make good her ground against the Picts; and was fain to request first Theodosius the younger, then Valentinian the third Roman Emperour, (whose Ho­magers the British Kings were untill this time) for their Assistance. They dispatch Petition after Petition, Embassie on Embassie, representing their wofull estate. Now the Barbarians beat them to the Sea, the Sea repelled them to the Bar­barians; and thus bandied betwixt Death and Death, they must either be kill'd or drowned. They inforced their Request for Aid, with much Earnest­nesse and Importunity; all in vain, seeing Whisperings and Hollowings are like to a Deaf Eare, and no Answer was returned. Had they been as care­full in bemoaning their Sins to God, as clamorous to declare their Sufferings to the Roman Emperour, their Requests in Heaven had been as graciously received, as their Petitions on Earth were carelesly rejected.

15. What might be the Cause of this Neglect? True Reasons why the Ro­mans negle­cted to send Aid to the Britans. Had the Imperial Crown so many Flowers, that it might afford to scatter some of them? Was Britain grown inconsiderable, formerly worth the Conquering, now not worth the Keeping? or was it because they conceived the Britans Need not so much as was pretended; and Aid is an Almes ill-bestowed on those Beggars, who are lame of Lazinesse, and will not work for their Living? Or was the Service accounted desperate; and no wise Physician will willingly under­take a Disease which he conceives incurable? The plain truth is, the Roman Empire now grown Ruinous, could not repair it's out-Rooms, and was fain to let them fall down to maintain the rest; and like Fencers, receiving a blow on their Leg to save their Head, exposed the Remote Countries of Spain, France, and Britain, to the Spoil of Pagans, to secure the Eastern Countries, near CONSTANTINOPLE the Seat of the Empire.

16. Here Vortiger, The sad suc­cesse of the Pagan Saxons, invited by King Vortiger into Britain. forsaken of God and man, and left to himself, (Malice could not wish him a worse Adviser) resolves on a desperate Project, to call in the Pagan Saxons out of Germany for his Assistance, under Horsus and Hengistus their Captains. Over they come at first but in three great Ships, (a small Earnest will serve to bind a great Bargain:) first possessing the Island of Thanet in Kent; but following afterwards in such Swarms, that quickly they grew formidable to him that invited them over, of Guests turning So­journers, then In mates, and lastly Land-lords, till they had dispossessed the Britans of the best of the Island: the entertaining of mercenary Souldiers, being like the administring of Quick-silver to one in Hiaca Passio; a Receipt not so properly prescribed by the Physician to the Patient, as by Necessity to the Physician. If hired Aid do on a sudden the Work they are sent for, and so have a present Passage to be discharg'd, sovereign use may be made of them: otherwise if long tarrying, they will eat the Entralls, and cor­rode the Bowells of that State which entertains them; as here it came to passe.

17. For soon after the Saxons erected seven Kingdomes in Britain: And [Page 33] because their severall Limits conduce much to the clear understanding of the following History, and we for the present are well at Leisure, we will present the Reader with the Description of their severall Principalities. The respe­ctive bounds of the Saxon Heptarchie. The Partition was made by mutuall Consent, thus farre forth, that every King caught what he could, and kept what he caught; and there being amongst them a Parity of high-spirited Princes, (who more prized an absolute So­vereignty over a little, then a Propriety with Subjection in never so much,) they erected seven severall Kingdomes, in little more then but the third part of this Island: (A thing which will seem no wonder to him, who hath read how the little Land of Iosh. 12. 24. CANAAN found room at the same time for one and thirty Kings.) But let us reckon them up.

The reason that there is some difference in VVriters in bounding of these severall Kingdomes, is, because England being then the constant Cock-pit of Warre, the Limits of these Kingdomes were in daily motion, sometimes marching forward, sometimes retreating backward, according to variety of Successe. We may see what great difference there is, betwixt the Bounds of the Sea at High-water, and at Low-water Mark: and so the same King­dome was much disproportioned to it self, when extended with the happy Chance of Warre, and when contracted at a low Ebb of Ill Successe. And here we must not forget that amongst these seven Kings, during the Hep­tarchie, commonly one was most puissant, over-ruling the rest, who stiled himself Camden's Brit. pag. 139. King of the English Nation.

18. But to return to the British Church, and the year of our Lord 449, wherein S ^t. Patrick, Irish S. Pa­trick said to live and die at Glassen­bury. the Apostle of Ireland, is notoriously reported to have come to Glassenbury; where finding twelve old Monks, (Successours to those who were first founded there by Ioseph of Arimathea) he, though unwilling, was chosen their Abbot, and lived with them 39 yeares, observing the Rule of S ^t. Mark, and his Aegptian Monks: the Order of Benedictines being as yet unborn in the world. Give we here a List of these 12 Monks; withall fore­warning the Reader, that for all their harsh Sound, they are so many Saints, least otherwise he should suspect them by the ill noise of their Names to be worse Creatures.

• 1. Brumbam
• 2. Hyregaan
• 3. Brenwall
• 4. VVencreth
• 5. Bantom-meweng
• 6. Adel-wolred
• 7. Lowar
• 8. VVellias
• 9. Breden
• 10. Swelves
• 11. Hinloemius
• 12. Hin.

But know that some of these Names, as the 3. 6. and 9. are pure, plain First obser­ved by Mr. Camden, and since by the Arch-bishop of Armach. He is made Co-partner in the Church with the Vir­gin Mary. Saxon words, which renders the rest suspected. So that whosoever it was, that first gave these British Monks such Saxon Names, made more Haste then good Speed, preventing the true Language of that Age.

19. So great was the Credit of S ^t. Patrick at Glassenbury, that after his Death and Buriall there, that Church which formerly was dedicated to the Virgin Mary alone, was in after-Ages jointly consecrated to her and S ^t. Pa­trick. A great Presumption: For if it be true, what is reported, that at the first, by direction of the Angel See 1. Cent. 11. Parag. Gabriel, that Church was solely devoted to the Virgin Mary; surely either the same, or some other Angel of equall Power, ought to have ordered the Admission of S ^t. Patrick to the same, to be match'd and impaled with the Blessed Virgin in the Honour thereof. In re­ference to S ^t. Patrick's being at Glassenbur, severall Saxon Kings granted large Charters, with great Profits and Priviledges to this Place.

20. But now the Spight is, that an unparallel'd James U­sher, de Brit. Ecc. Primord. pag. 875. 883▪ 894. 895. Yet the Cre­dit of Pa­trick's being at Glassen­bury shrewd­ly shaken. Critick in Antiquity, leaves this Patrick at this time sweating in the Irish Harvest, having newly converted Lempster to the Faith, and now gone into the province of Munster [Page 35] on the same Occasion. Yea, he denies (and proveth the same) that this Patrick ever liv'd, or was buried at Glassenbury. But be it known to whom it may concern, that the British are not so over-fond of S ^t. Patrick, as to ravish him into their Country against his will, and the consent of Time. Yea, S ^t. Patrick miss'd as much Honour, in not being at Glassenbury, as Glassen­bury hath lost Credit, if he were never there; seeing the British justly set as high a Rate on that Place, as the Irish do on his Person. See but the Glo­rious Titles (which with small Alteration might serve for Ierusalem it self) given to Glassenbury: and seeing now the Place is for the most part buried in it's own Dust, let none envy these Epithets for the Epitaph thereof.

We are sorry therefore for S ^t. Patrick's sake, if he was never there. To salve all, some have found out another Patrick, called Seniour, or Sen Patrick, (a nice difference) equall with the Irish Apostle in Time, and not much in­feriour in Holinesse, who certainly liv'd at Glassenbury. The plain truth is, that as in the Plautus his Amphitruo. Comoedian, when there were two Amphitruo's, and two So­sia's, they made much fallacious Intricacy, and pleasant Delusion in the eyes of the Spectatours: So there being in this Age two Patricks (others See Usher. pag. 895. say three) two Ambro­sius. Caledoniꝰ Merlins, two Albanius. Gildases, Badoni­cus. The fabulous History of S ^t. Vrsula confuted. and (that the Homonymy may be as well in Place as in Persons) three In Flint­shire. In Carnar­vanshire. In Down in Ireland. Bangors, three Glasco in Scotland. Dunglasse in Ireland. Glassenburies, (as Haste or Ignorance in Writers mistake them;) these jumbled together have made a marvelous Confusion in Writers, to the great prejudice of History, where they are not exactly observed.

21. But leaving S ^t. Patrick, 450 let us trie whether we can have better Successe with S ^t. Vrsula, Daughter of Dinoth, or Deo-notus Duke of Cornwall, who in this year is said with eleven thousand Virgins to have sailed over into Little Britain in France, there to be married to the Britans their Country-men, who refused to wed French-women for their Wives: but by foul Weather these Virgins were cast on the French Shore, amongst Pagans, by whom they were cruelly murdered, for refusing to forsake their Religion, or betray their Chastity. Others tell the Story quite contrary; how the aforesaid Vrsula with her Virgin-Army, went to Rome, where she conversed with Pope Vision. Eli­zabeth. lib. 4. cap. 2. Edit. Paris. an. 1513 & Colon. anno 1628. Cy­riacus, her Country-man, and with him returning back into Britain, was murdered by the command of Attila King of the Hunnes, at Colen, with all the rest of the Virgins, and the aforesaid Pope Cyriacus; whose Name is omitted in the Papall Catalogue, because before his Death he surrendred his place to Anterus his Successour. In which Relation we much commend the even tenour thereof, consisting of so level Lies, that no one swelling Improbability is above the rest; but for matter of Time, Place, and Per­sons, all passages unlikely alike. We dare not defame Britain, as to suspect but that eleven thousand Christian Virgins, all at once, able to travail, might be found therein: though at this time Paganisme prospered in this Land, and Religion was in a low Condition. But what made these Chri­stian Amazons with Vrsula their Penthesilea to go (not to say to gad) to Rome? Surely they were no Gen. 18. 9. Daughters of Sarah, which did abide in her tent, but rather Gen. 34. 1. Sisters of Dinah, which would go abroad to see foreign Fashions; and therefore their Hard Usage is the lesse to be pittied. Was it modest for so many Maids to wander by themselves, without a Masculine Guard to protect them? did ever such a Wood of weak Ivy grow alone, without any other Trees to support it? But the City of Colen will not abate us one of the eleven thousand, where their Reliques, and Sepulchrall In­scriptions are at this day to be seen. And we may as safely believe that these [Page 36] Virgin-Martyrs lie there entomb'd, Ann. Dom. 450 as that the Bodies of the three Wise men of the East, commonly called the Three Kings of Colen, which came to visit our Infant-Saviour at Bethlehem, are interred in the same City, which the Monks of Colen brag of, and shew to Travellers. Besides all this, there is a Town in Barkshire called Camden's Brit. in Bark­shire. Maiden-head, which (as many other Churches in Christendome,) was dedicated in memory of their Virginity: which if it be not an Argument strong enough to convert the Reader to the belief of this Story, we must leave him to his Infidelity; that as Tales of Bug­bears are made to fright crying Children, so this Story of Vrsula was con­trived to befool Credulous men.

22. Nor hath the judicious Reader cause to wonder, Why so little Church Story in this Age. that no better ac­count is given of the British Church in this Age, 453 considering the generall Persecution by Pagan Saxons. Religion now a dayes plaid least in sight, hi­ding it self in Holes; and the Face of the Church was so blubber'd with Teares, that she may seem almost to have wept her Eyes out, having lost her Seers, and principall Pastours. Onely two prime Preachers appear: Vodine the learned and pious Bishop of London; who taking the confidence to reprove Vortiger the British King, for putting away his lawfull Wife, and wedding Rowen, the Heathen daughter of Hengist, was by him most barbarously Hector Boeth. Scot. hist. lib. 8. mur­dered: The second Gildas Albanius (much ancienter then his name-sake surnamed the VVise) born in Scotland, bred in France, whence returning into the South of Britain, he applied himself to the preaching of Divinity, and reading Liberall Sciences to many Auditours and Scholars at Iames Ar­mach: de Brit. Ecc. primord. pag. 442. Gildas at a strange sight suddenly si­lenced. Pepidiauc a Promontory in Pembrokeshire:

23. It happened on a day, as Gildas was in his Sermon, 462 (Reader, whether smiling or frowning, forgive the Digression) a Nunne big with child came into the Congregation, whereat the Preacher presently was Girald. Cam­brens. in the life of Saint David. struck dumb, (would not a Maid's Child amaze any man?) and could proceed no fur­ther. Afterward he gave this reason of his Silence, because that Virgin bare in her body an Infant of such signall Sanctity, as farre transcended him. Thus as lesser Load-stones are reported to loose their Vertue in the presence of those that are bigger; so Gildas was silenced at the approach of the VVelsh S ^t. David, (being then but Hanse en Keldar,) though afterward, like Zachary, he recovered his Speech again. Thus fabulous Iames Ar­mach. de Brit. Ecc. pri­mord. pag. 443. Authors, make this S ^t. David a Mock- Iohn Baptist, forceing a fond Parallel betwixt them; where to make the Proportion current, Gildas must be allowed Father to S ^t. David. But enough; I like this sent so ill, I will follow it no further.

24. Mean time fierce and frequent Fighting betwixt the British and Sax­ous, The partiali­ty of Saxon Writers. about defending and enlarging their Dominions. And although Gildas (and out of him Bede) confesse often alternation of Successe, yet other Saxon Writers mention not the least Overthrow of their own Side, but constant Conquering: as if their Generals had alwayes buckled on Victory with their Armour. It is almost incredible, that ingenuous men should be so injurious to the Truth, and their own Credits, by Partiality, were it not that the Fa­ctions of Modern Pens invite us to the belief thereof; not describing Battels with a Full Face (presenting both Sides) but with a Half Face, advancing their own, and depressing the Atchievements of the Opposite Party. Most true it is, the British got many Victories, especially under hopefull Prince Vortimer, whose Valour was the best Bank against the Saxon Deluge; untill broken down by untimely Death, the Pagans generally prevailed, much by their Courage, more by their Treachery.

25. For they invited the British to a Parley and Banquet on Salesbury Plain; The British treacherously murdered. where suddenly drawing out their Seaxes, (concealed under their long Coats,) being crooked Swords, the Emblem of their indirect Proceedings, they made their innocent Guests with their bloud, pay the Shots of their Entertainment, Here Aurelius Ambrosius is reported to have erected that Monument of Stone-Henge to their mentory.

[Page 37] 26. It is contrived in form of a Crown, Anno Dom. 463 consisting of three Circles of stones set up Gate-wise; The descri­ption of Stone-henge. some called Corse-stones, of Camden's Britann. in Wiltshire. 12 Tunne, others called Cronets, of 7 Tuns weight: (those haply for greater, and these for inferiour Officers:) and one Stone at distance seems to stand Sentinel for the rest. It seems equally im­possible that they were bred here, or brought hither, seeing (no navigable water near) such voluminous bulks are unmanageable in Cart or Wagon. As for the Tale of Merlin's conjuring them by Magick out of Ireland, and bringing them aloft in the Skies (what in Charles VVain?) 'tis too ridiculous to be con­futed. This hath put Learned men on necessity to conceive them artificall Stones, consolidated of Sand. Stand they there in Defiance of Wind & Weather, (which hath discomposed the method of them) which if made of any Pretious matter (a Bait to tempt Avarice) no doubt long since had been indited of Super­stition; whereas now they are protected by their own Weight & Worthlesness.

27. Vortiger the British King fled into VVales, 466 to his Castle Genereu, Vortiger burn­ing in lust, burnt to ashes. impreg­nable for Situation, which he mann'd and woman'd, (conveying a multitude of his Whores into it,) and there lived surfeiting in Lust, while his Land lay swel­tering in Bloud. Here Aurelius Ambrosius setting fire on his Castle, burnt him and his to Ashes. This gave occasion to the Report so constantly affirmed by many Authours, (and men are prone to believe Prodigious Deaths, of such as led Licentious Lives) that Vortiger's Palace, like another Sodom, was burnt by Fire from Heaven. Indeed in a secondary sense it was true; as all Exemplary Punishments, more visibly proceed from Divine Vengeance. But otherwise, the first Raisers of this Fable, did apparent Wrong to the Attribute of Gods Truth, in pretending to do extraordinary Right unto his Justice.

28. This Aurelius Ambrosius is said to be extracted of the Roman Race, Aurelius causelesly slandred by an Italian. who having done this Execution on Vortiger the Tyrant, was a singular Champion of the British against their Enemies. One composed of Valour and Religion, wholly imploying himself in time of Peace, to raise new Churches, repair old, and endow both: unworthy therefore the Libell of an Gotefrid. Viterbiensis Chro. part. 18. Italian Author, who on no other Evidence, then his own bare Assertion, traduceth this Ambrosius, to have been a favourer of Iudaisme, Arrianisme, Manicheisme, and a Persecuter of the Professours of true Religion. Thus the greatest Vertue is Sanctuary too small to secure any from the pursuit of Slanderous Pens: and thus some humo­rous Authors, leaving the Road of true Reports, because common, go a Way by themselves of different Relation, so to entitle themselves to more immediate and peculiar Intelligence; as if others, (being onely of Truth's Councell,) had not received such private Instructions as themselves, being Cabinet-Historians.

29. Leave we this Ambrosius bickering with the Saxons, The Acade­my of Lear­ned men under Dubri­tius. with interchange of Successe, much commended for his Constancy in all Conditions. For some­times his Valour was the Hammer upon, sometimes his Patience was the Anvil beneath his Enemies; but alwayes he bravely bare up his Spirits: and as the Sun looks biggest on the Earth when he is nearest to set; so he carried it out with the boldest appearance, in the lowest Declination of his Fortune. If we behold the Church in his time, the most visible estate thereof presents it self to us in the Academy, which Dubritius kept, near the River Wye in Monmouthshire. His Fa­ther, say Iohan. Tin­muthensis in ejus vita. some, was unknown; others make him to be son to Chro. colleg. Warwicensis. Pepiau a Petty King in this Age: it being observable, that in this and the next Century, all men eminent for Learning and Religion, are either made without known Fa­thers, or Sons to Kings (no Mean betwixt these Extremes, as by many instances may appear;) so that such as consider the Narrownesse of the Principality, will admire at the Number of British Princes. This Dubritius taught many Scholars for seven yeares together, in Humane & Divine Learning, (being Himself, in his Life, a Book of Piety of the best Edition for his Pupils to peruse:) amongst whom the chiefest, Theliau, Sampson, Vbelin, Merchiguin, Elguored, &c. for the Reader had better believe then read the Vid. Armach de Brit. Ecc. primord. pag. 445. Names of the rest, remarkable onely for Length, and Hardnesse, without any other Information. Afterward Dubri­tius [Page 38] removed to Warwick (haply mistaken for Vid. Speed's map of that County. Werwick, Ann. Dom. 469 a Village some two miles from Cardigan) and from thence it seemes returned to Moch-Rhos, that is, the Place of a Hog: because he was admonished, in a Vision in his Sleep, there to build a Chappel or Ora­tory, where he should find a white Vid. Ar­mach. ut prius. Sow lodging with the Hogs. a clean Conceit, and as full of Wit as Devotion. It seems the Friar, Father of this Fable, had read as farre as the eighth Book of Virgil's Aeueids, where the River Tiber, in a Dream, advised Aeneas to erect an Altar, and sacrifice to Iuno in the place where he should find the Sow lying with the Pigs; and from this Pagan Hint, was advantaged for a Popish Legend.

30. Here we cannot but renew our former Complaint: Forged lies obtruded on posterity in heu of lost truths. and it is some Mitigation to our Misery, (as perchance some Ease to the Reader) if we can but vent our old Grie­vances in new Expressions: how in stead of true History, devoured by Time, prodigious Tales of impudent brazen-fac'd Monks are obtruded upon us. Thus when the Golden Shields of King Solomon were taken away, 1 Kings 14. 27. Rehoboam substituted Shields of Brasse in their room; though not so Good, perchance more Gawdy, especially to ignorant eyes viewing them at distance, and wanting either the Skill or Opportunity to bring them to the Touch. Amongst which the Tale of Cungarus the Eremite, otherwise called Doc­ [...]wyn (but first let the one Man be allowed, before his two Names be admitted:) may challenge a principall place; being reported Son of a Constantinopolitan Emperour, and Joh. Cap­grave in vita S. Cungari. Luciria his Empresse. A Name un-owned by any Grecian Historians. The best is, that un­conscionable Liars, though they most hurt themselves, do the least harm others, whose Loud Ones are both the Poison & the Antidote, seeing no Wise man will believe them. Small Griet and Gravell may choak a man, but that Stone can never stop his Throat, which cannot enter into his Mouth.

31. In very deed, The ma [...]lacre of the Monks at Winche­ster. very little at this time was ever reported of Church-matters. 495 For a Drought of Christian Writers (in the Heat of Persecution) caused a Dearth of all Hi­story. Now it was that Cerdicus first King of the West-Saxons, having overcome the Britans at Winchester, kill'd all the Monks belonging to the Church of VVintoni [...] ­sis Ecc. Hist. cap. 9. S ^t. Amphibalus, & turned the same into a Temple of Idolatry. Also Theon Archbishop of London, seeing the Pagan Saxons to prevail, left his See, and But Matth. Florilegus designeth the yeare 586. about this time may be presumed to have fled into Wales. I say, about this time. For what Liberty is allowed to Prognosticatours of Wea­ther, to use all favourable Correctives and Qualifications [like to be rain, inclined to rain, somewhat rainy, &c.] the same Latitude we must request, in relating actions past in point of Chronologie; his fere temporibus, per haec tempora, circa, circiter, plus minus, &c. And what we take upon Trust in this kind, let the Reader be pleased to charge, not on the Score of our Ignorance, but on the Uncertainty of that Ages Computation. As for S ^t. Pe­trock, Son to the King of Cumberland, we remit him to the next Age, because though Budding in this, full Blown in the next Century.

32. This Age is assigned by Authors for that Famous Ambrose Merlin (differing from Sylvester Merlin the Scot) though it be doubtfull whether ever such a man in rerum na­tura; Merlin left in a twilight; whether that Magician was an Impostor, or his whole Story an Im­posture put upon credu­lous posterity. it being suspicious,

It seems, that as Vestall Virgins, when they had stollen a Great Belly, used to entitle some Deity to the getting of their Child, (so did the Mother of Romulus and Remus,) whereby they both saved themselves from Shame, & gained Reputation: so Nuns in this Age, when with child, unable to perswade people (as the Poets feign of the Spanish Mares) that they were impregnated by the Wind alone, made the World believe that some Spirit had consorted with them. This makes the whole Story of Merlin very doubtfull; and as for all his Miracles & Prophesyes, they sink with the Subject. For sure the same Hand which made the Puppet, gave it all it's Motions, and suited his Person with Properties accordingly. May the Reader be pleased to take notice of three an­cient British Writers.

All three Birds of a Feather, and perchance hatch'd in the same Nest of ignorant Cre­dulity: nor can I meet with a fourth to make up the Messe, except it be the Arabian Phae­nix. But because it is a Task too great for a Giant, to encounter a received Tradition, let Merlin be left in a Twi-light as we found him. And surely no judicious man will cen­sure the Mention of Merlin (whose Magicall Pranks and Conjurations are so frequent in our Sories) to be a Deviation from the History of the Church, who hath read both of Simon Magus, and Elymas the Sorcerer in the Acts of the Apostles.

THE SIXTH CENTURY. Anno Dom.

1. QUestionlesse we shall not be accounted Trespassers, 501 though onely Ecclesiasticall Businesse be our right Road, to go a little in the By-way of State-mat­ters, because leading the shortest Passage for the present to our Church-story. The most mi­serable estate of the British Common­wealth. Most miserable at this time was the British Common-wealth, crouded up into barren Corners, whil'st their Enemies, the Pagan Saxons, possest the East and South; if not the greatest, the best part of the Island. Much ado had Vter Pen-dragon, the British King, with all the sinews of his Care and Cou­rage, to keep his disjoynted Kingdome together: whose onely desire was to prolong the Life, it being above his hopes to procure the Health of that languishing State. And though sometimes the Britans got the better, yet one may say, their Victories were spent before they were gain'd; being so farre behind-hand before, that their Conquest made no Shew, swal­lowed up in the discharging of old Arrearages. Needs then must Religion now in Britain be in a dolefull condition; For he who expects a flourishing Church in a fading Common-wealth, let him try whether one side of his Face can smile, when the other is pinched.

2. Pen-dragon dying, 508 left the British Kingdome to Arthur his Son, King Arthur's actions much discredited by Monkish fictions. so famous in History, that he is counted one of the Nine VVorthies: and it is more then comes to the Proportion of Britain, that amongst but Nine in the whole World, Two should prove Natives of this Island, Constantine and Arthur. This later was the British Hector, who could not defend that Troy, which was designed to destruction: and it soundeth much to his Honour, that perceiving his Countrey condemned by Gods Justice to Ruine, he could procure a Re­prieve, though not prevail for the Pardon thereof. More unhappy was he af­ter his Death, Hyperbolicall Monks so advancing his Victories, above all reach of Belief, that the twelve pitch't Battels of Arthur, wherein he conquered the Pagan Saxons, find no more credit then the twelve Labours of Hercules. Belike the Monks hoped to passe their Lies for current, because countenan­ced with the mixture of some Truths; whereas the contrary came to passe, and the very Truths which they have written of him are discredited, be­cause found in company with so many Lies. Insomuch that learned Leland is [Page 40] put to it, to make a Book for the asserting of Arthur. Many are unsetled about him, Anno Dom. 508 because Gildas his Country-man (living much about his Age) makes no mention of him: though such may be something satisfied, if consi­dering, the principall Intent of that Querulous Authour is not to praise, but to reprove, not greatly to grace, but justly to shame his Country; his Book being a bare Black Bill of the Sins and Sufferings, Monsters and Tyrants of Britain, keeping no Catalogue of the VVorthies of this Island; so that neither Lucius, Constantine, nor Arthur are once named by him. But the best evidence that once Arthur lived in Britain is, because it is certain he died in Britain, as appeared undeniably by his Corps, Coffin and Epitaph, taken up out of his Monument in Glassenbury, in the reign of King Henry the second, whereof Giraldus Cambrensis an eye-wit­nesse. Camden' s Brit. in Somer­setshire. Caer-lion a principall Staple of Learning & Religion. many Persons of Quality were eye-witnesses.

3. The entire Body of the British Church at this time was in VVales, where Banchor on the North, and Caer-lion (on Vsk, in Monmouthshire) on the South, were the two Eyes thereof, for Learning and Religion. The later had in it the Court of King Arthur, the See of an Arch-Bishop, a Colledge of Thomas James out of Alexander Elsebiensis. 200 Philosophers, who therein studied Astronomie, and was a Populous place, of great extent. But Cities, as well as their Builders, are mortall: it is reduced at this day to a small Village. But as Aged Parents content and comfort themselves in beholding their Children, wherein their Memories will be continued after their Death; so Caer-lion is not a little delighted to see herself still survive in her Daughter Camden's Brit. in Mon­mouthshire. Newport, a neighbouring Town raised out of the Ruines of her Mother. Whil'st the other stood in Prime, there was scarce an Eminent man, who did not touch here for his Education; whom we will reckon in order, the rather, because all the Church-History of this Age seems confined to some principall Persons. Dubritius afore-mentio­ned was the Father and Founder of them all, late Bishop of Landaffe, now Arch-Bishop of Caer-lion, a great Champion of the Truth against Pelagius; and he had the honour here to crown two Kings, Vter and Arthur. Being very old, 516 he resigned his Arch-bishoprick to David, his Scholar; and that he might be more able and active to wrastle with Death, he stript himself out of all worldly employment, and became an Anchoret, in the Island of Fra. God­win in Episc. Menevensibus pag. 600. Bard­sey. Six hundred yeares after, (namely May the 20, 1120) his Bones were translated to Landaffe, and by Vrban, Bishop thereof, buried in the Church, towards the North side thereof.

4. David, S. David an advancer of Monastick life. the next Arch-Bishop, of Royall Extraction, was Uncle to King Arthur. He privately studied the Scriptures 10 years, before he would presume to preach, 519 and alwayes carried the Gospels about him. He kept a Synod against the Pelagian Errour (a second Edition whereof was set forth in his time) and confirmed many wavering Souls in the Faith. By leave obtained from King Arthur, he removed the Archiepiscopall Seat from Caer-lion to Menevea, now called S ^t. Davids, in Pembrokeshire. In which exchange his Devotion is rather to be admired, then his Discretion to be commended; leaving a Fruitfull Soile, for a bleach Barren Giraldus Cambrensis. place; though the worse it was, the better for his purpose, being a great promo­ter of a Monasticall life. And though the place was much exposed to the Rapine of Camden's Brit. in Pem­brokeshire. Pirats, yet this Holy man laid up his heavenly Treasure, where Thieves do not break through, nor steal.

5. Yet I am sensible that I have spent, to my shame, so much precious time in reading the Legend of his Life, One para­mount mi­racle of S. Da­vid. that I will not wilfully double my guiltinesse in writing the same, and tempt the Reader to offend in like na­ture. This Flowers of the English Saints, p. 222. Miracle I cannot omit. David one day was preaching in an open Field to the Multitude, and could not be well seen because of the Concourse; (though they make him four Balaeus Cent. prima Nu. 55. Cubits high, a man and half in Stature;) when behold the Earth, whereon he stood, officiously heaving it self up, mounted him to a competent Visibility above all his Audience. Where­as [Page 41] as our Matth. 5. 1. Saviour himself, Anno Dom. 519. when he taught the people, was pleased to chuse a Mountain, making use of the advantage of Nature, without improving his Miraculous Power. He died aged 146 yeares, on the first of March, still celebrated by the Welsh with Several rea­sons hereof as­signed by Au­thours. wearing of a Leek; perchance to perpetuate the memory of his Abstinence, whose contented mind made many a savoury Meal on such Roots of the Earth.

6. A wonder it is to see how many Methusalahs (extreme Aged men) these times did produce. Reasons why men in this Age lived so long. S ^t. Patrick See Balaeus in their general lives. died aged 122 Sampson aged 120. David 146. Gildas Badonicus 90, &c. Some Reason whereof may be alleaged, because living. Retired in a Contemplative way, they did not bruise their Bodies, with embroiling them in Worldly Affairs: or it may be ascribed to their Temperate Diet, whil'st many of our Age spill their Radicall Moisture through the Leaks of their own Luxury. Nor is it absurd to say, that God made these great Tapers of a more firm and compacted Wax then ordinary, that so they might last the longer in burning to give Light to his Church, and bestowed on them an especiall strong naturall Constitu­tion.

7. About the same time (Accurateness in computing years is not to be expected; The discreet devotion of Cadocus. for never were more Doublings and Redoublings made by a hunted Hare, then there are Intricacies in the Chronology of this Age, going backward and forward;) flourished Cadocus Abbot of Llancarvan in Glamorganshire, Son of the Prince and Toparch of that Countrey. This godly and learned man so renounced the World, that he Ioan. Tin­muthensis in ejus vitae. reteined part of his paternall Principality in his possession, whereby he daily fed three hundred of Clergy-men, Widows, and Poor people, besides Guests and Vistants daily resorting to him. He is equally commended for his Policy, in keeping the Root (the Right of his Estate) in his own hands; and for his Piety, in bestowing the Fruit (the Profits thereof) in the relieving of others. It seems, in that Age wilfull Poverty was not by vow entail'd on Monasticall life. Nor did this Cadocus (as Regulars in after-times) with open hands scatter away his whole Means, so foolishly to grasp his First full of Popular Applause. He is said afterwards to have died at Beneventium in Italy.

8. Iltutus comes next into play, Iltutus abu­sed with Monkish for­geries. a zealous man, and deep Scholar; who not far from Cadocus, at Llan-lwit in Glamorganshire (contractedly for Llan-iltut) preached Gods Word, and set up a Colledge of Scholars, be­ing himself a great observer of a Single Life. It is reported of him, that when his Wife repaired to him for due Benevolence, or some ghostly Counsell, he Balaeus de Script. Britan. centur. prima. put out her Eyes, out of Anger, for interrupting him in his constant course of Chastity. But surely some blind Monk, having one of his Eyes put out with Ignorance, and the other with Superstition, was the first founder of this Fable. Thus godly Saints in that Age were made Martyrs after their Death; persecuted (though in their Commenda­tion) with impudent and improbable Lies. It is reported also of the same Iltutus, that he turned Idem ut prius. Men into Stones. Had it been Stones into Men, (converting stupid Souls into Christians, by his Preaching) it had been capable of an Allegoricall Construction: whereas, as now told, it is a Lie in the literall, and Non-sense in the mysticall meaning thereof.

9. Sampson succeeds, 521 Scholar to Iltutus, Sampson Archbishop of Dole. made by Dubritius Bishop at large, Armach de Brit. Ec. prim. pag. 1130. sine titulo. It seems in that Age, all Bishops were not fixed to the Chair of a peculiar Church, but some might sit down in any Vacant place for their Cathedrall, and there exercise their Episcopall Authority; provided it were without Prejudice to other Bishops. Afterwards this Sampson was made Arch-Bishop of Dole in French Britain; and in those dayes, such was the Correspondency betwixt this Greater, and that Lesser Britain, that they seemed to possesse Learned men in common betwixt them. Scarce am I re­conciled [Page 42] to this Sampson, Anno Dom. 521 for Balaeus de Script. Britan. in Sampson. carrying away with him the Monuments of British Antiquity. Had he put them out to the Bank, by procuring severall Copies to be transcribed, Learning thereby had been a Gainer; and a Saver, had he onely secured the Originals; whereas now her Losse is irrecoverable: Principall and Interest, Authenticks and Transcripts, are all imbezzelled: Nor is the matter much, whether they had miscarryed at home, by Foes Violence, or abroad, by such Friends Negligence.

10. It were a Sin to omit S ^t. Patern, Paternus a Pa­tern for all Bishops. for three and twenty yeares a con­stant Preacher at Llan-Patern in Cardiganshire. 540 His fatherlike Care over his Flock passeth with peculiar Commendation; that he Camden's Brit. in Cardi­ganshire. govern'd his people by feeding them, and fed his people by governing them. Some yeares after the Place continued an Episcopall See, and was extinguished upon Occasion of the Peoples barbarously murdering of their Bishop.

11. St. Petrock comes in for his share, Petrock the Captain of Cornish Saints. (from whom Petrock-stow, 548 con­tracted Padstow, in Cornwall is denominated.) One of great Piety and Pain­fulness in that Age. Afterward he is said to have gone to the East- Indies, (all far Countreys are East- Indies, to ignorant people:) and at his return to be burried at Bodman in Cornwall. That County is the Cornu-copia of Saints, (most of Irish extraction) and the names of their Towns and Villages, the best Nomenclator of the Devoutmen of this Age. If the people of that Pro­vince have as much Holinesse in their Hearts, as the Parishes therein carry Sanctity in their Names, Cornwall may passe for another Holy Land in pub­lick reputation.

12. Next S ^t. Petrock comes S ^t. Teliau; The piety of S. Telian. for it is pity to part two such inti­mate Friends. 550 He was called, by allusion to his Name, Harp [...]field his Ecc. Ang. pag. 41. c. 27. Helios, which in Greek signifieth the Sun, because of the Lustre of his Life and Learning. But the Vulgar sort, who count it no fault to miscall their Betters, if they have hard Names, called him Eliud, (one of that Math. 1. 14 name was one of our Saviours Ancestors:) turning the Greek into an Hebrew word, and understanding both alike. He was Scholar to Dubritius, and succeeded him in the Bishop­rick of Landaffe. A pious man, constant Preacher, and Balaeus centuria prim. num. 58. zealous reprover of the reigning Sins of that time. This is all the certain truth extant of him; which some Monks counting too little, have with their fabulous breath In the book of his life ex­tant in the Church of Landaffe. blown up the Story of his Life to such a Bigness, that the Credit thereof breaks with it's own Improbability. Witnesse his Journey to Ierusalem, full of strange Miracles, where he had a Cymball given him, excelling the sound of an Organ, and ringing every hour of it's own accord. No doubt a Loud one. Loaden with Merits, saith the Flowers of the Saints. pag. 151. Author, (I had thought nothing but Sin could burthen a Saint:) he departed this Life, having his Memory con­tinued in many Churches of South-VVales, dedicated to him; and is remem­bred in the Roman Kalender on the ninth of February.

13. I had almost forgotten Congel, Several other Worthies of the same Age. Abbot of Bangor, who much altered the Discipline of that Monastery; 580 Kentigern the famous Bishop of Ellwye in North VVales; S ^t. Asaph his Successour in the same place. In whose mouth this Sentence was frequent, Godwin in his Catal. of Bishops of S ^t. Asaph. Such, who are against the preaching of God's VVord, envy the Salvation of Mankind. As for Gildas, surnamed the VVise, their Contemporary, wereserve his Vide our Li­brar. of British Histor. num. 1. Character for our Library of British Hi­storians. Many other worthy men flourished at the same time; and a Na­tionall Church being a large Room, it is hard to count all the Candles God lighted therein.

14. Most of these men seem born under a Travelling Planet; Pastours in this Age why in constant motion. seldome having their Education in the place of their Nativity: oft-times composed of Irish Infancy, British Breeding, and French Preferment; taking a Coule in one Countrey, a Crosier in another, and a Grave in a third; neither bred where born, nor beneficed where bred, nor buried where beneficed; but wandring in severall Kingdomes. Nor is this to be imputed to any [Page 43] humour of Inconstancy (the running Gout of the Soul) or any affected Un­setlednesse in them; Anno Dom. 580 but proceeding from other weighty Considerations. First, to procure their Safety. For in time of Persecution, the surest place to shift in, is constant shifting of Places: not staying any where so long, as to give mens Malice a steady aime to level at them. Secondly, to gain Experience in those things, which grew not all in the same Soile. Lastly, that the Gospell thereby might be further, and faster propagated. When there be many Guests and little Meat, the same Dish must go clean through the Board; and divine Providence ordered it, that in the Scarcity of Prea­chers, one Eminent man, travelling far, should successively feed many Countries.

15. To most of these Authours many written Volumes are assigned, Books falsly fathered on British wri­ters. the Titles and Beginnings whereof you may find in our Country-men Bale and Pits, who will perswade you that they have seen and perused some of them. This they do partly to enhaunce the merit of their Industry, in finding out so many Rarities; and partly to commend to the world the latitude of their own Reading. I shall as soon believe that they have seen all Solomon's Vo­lumes, which he wrote from the Cedar of Libanus, to the Hyssope that grow­eth on the VVall. But this Humour possesseth many men, that brag of many Books, coming under their Discovery: as if not onely with the Mice, they had crept through the Crannies of all Libraries; but also with the Mothes, had got betwixt the Leaves of all Treatises therein. In plain truth, as it is probable that those British Prelates wrote many Books of conse­quence; so it is certain that long since by Time they have been abolished. As for those spurious Tracts, which Monks in after-Ages set out under these Worthy mens names, they are no more to be accounted the true Off-spring of these learned Saints, then that common Manna, ordinarily sold in Apothecaries Shops, is the self-same with that Angels Food, which fell down from Heaven, and feasted the Israelites.

THE SEVENTH CENTURY. Anno. Dom.

1. MUch about this time Pope Gregory sent two Arch-Bi­shops Palls into England; 601 the one for Rog. Wendo­ver, Matth. Florileg. and Roff. Histor. London, Why the Arch-bishops See was re­moved from London to Canterbury. the other for York. The former of these Cities had been honoured with an Arch-bishop's See some hun­dred yeares since King Lucius. But at the instance of Augustine, and by a new Order of the foresaid Gregory, this Pall sent to London, was removed thence to Canterbury, (whereof Augustine was made Arch-Bishop) and there, for the future, fixed and confirmed for severall Reasons. First, London already had Lustre enough, be­ing the biggest City in Britain; and it was needlesse to adde new Spirituall to her old Temporall Greatnesse; which conjoyned, might cause Pride in any one place, whilest divided▪ they might give Honour to two Cities. Secondly, London, by reason of the Receit thereof, was likely to prove the residing place for the English Monarch; and it was probable that the Archiepiscopall Dignity would there be eclipst and out-shined by the Regall Diadem. Thirdly, had Augustine been Arch-Bishop of London, he might have seemed to succed the British Arch-Bishops, and to have derived some Right from them, con­trary [Page 60] to his Humour, Anno. Dom. 601 who would Lead All, but Follow None; and therefore would not wear an Old Title, but have a span-New Arch-Bishops Chaire carved out for himself. Lastly, Canterbury was the place, wherein Chri­stianity was first received by the Saxons, and therefore deserved to be ho­noured, to perpetuate the Memory thereof. Thus London hereafter must be contented with the plain Seat of a Bishop, the Mother being made a Daughter, and must come behind Canterbury, which did much wrong, and perchance something trouble her. But Churches have more Discretion and Humility, then to break their Hearts about earthly Precedency: and the matter is not much, which See went first, when living; seeing our Age hath laid them both alike levell in their Graves.

2. Augustine thus armed with Archiepiscopall Authority, Augustine summons a Synod of Saxon and British Bi­shops. to shew a Cast of his Office, by the Aid of Ethelbert King of Kent, called a Councill, for the Saxon and British Bishops to come together, in the Confines of the Wic­cians and West-Saxons. An indifferent Place, for mutuall Ease, in mid-way be­twixt both; haply presaging, that as their distant Persons met on equall termes, so their opposite Opinions might agree in some Moderation. The particular Place was called AUGUSTINES AKE (that is his Oak, in our modern Dialect) which In his Trans­lation of Bede, 2 Book, 2 Ch. Stapleton (mistaken by the affinity of Wiccii or Veccii, with Vectis, the Latine name for the Isle of Wight) seeketh near Southampton; where, indeed, he may find many Oaks in the New Forest, and yet misse the right one. For this Oak stood in the Confines of Camden's Britannian in Worcester­shire. VVorcester and Herefordshire (though at this day Time hath confounded it Root and Branch) and therefore this Meeting is in Latine called Synodus Spelman in Concilus, Anno 601. pag. 107. Vigorniensis. Many solemn Entertainments, we know, were anciently made under Gen. 18. 4. Trees: and a Palm-tree served Deborah for her VVestminster-Hall, wherein she judged Iudges 4. 5. Israel. But severall reasons are assigned, why Augustine kept this Council under an Oak. First, so publick a place was free from Exceptions; whereunto none were debarred Accesse. Secondly, being congregated under the view of Hea­ven, and not pent within the Walles of a private House, they were minded of clear, fair, and open Proceedings, without secret Ends, or sinister Intents. Thirdly, perchance some Pagan Saxons (allured with Novelty) would re­pair to the Council, whose Icalousy was such, as in no case they would come under a Roof, for fear of This reason is given by Sir Henry Spelman, ut prius. Fascination, as hath been formerly observed. Lastly, Augustine knowing that the Pagan Britans performed their Supersti­tions under an See first Cen­tury 3. Parag. Oak, celebrated his Synod under the same, in some Imitation, and yet a Correction of their Idolatry: As in a religious Parallel, Pagan Tem­ples had formerly by him been converted into Churches of Saints. But when all is done, the matter is not so clear, but that the place called Augustine's Oak, may as well be a Town as a Tree, so called from some eminent Oak in, at, or near it: as the Vine in Hampshire, so named from Vines anciently growing there, is a beautifull House, and principall Seat, where the Barons Sandes have their Habitation. And, what is most apposite for our purpose, Sozo­men calleth the Place where Theophilus kept a Synod against S ^t. Chrysostome, the Oak; which, notwithstanding, is notoriously known to have been a populous Suburb of the City of Chalcedon.

3. At the first Sessions of this Synod there was a very thin Appearance of the Britans: The British Clergy re­fuse submis­sion to the Pope of Rome. of whom Augustine demanded, that they should mutually con­tribute with him their Paines to convert the Heathen in Britain, and that they should submit to the Pope, and embrace an Uniformity with the Romish Rites, especially in the Celebration of Easter. What their Answer was, it is pitty it should be delivered in any other Words, then what the Abbot of Ranchor, be­ing the Mouth for the rest, represented, as followeth; and let it shift, as well as it can, for its own authenticalness.

[Page 61] BId ispis a diogel i, chwi ynbod ni holl vn ac arral, yn vuidd ac ynn ostingedig i Eglwys Duw, ac ir Paab o Ruvam, ac i Boob Kyar grisdic n dwyuel, y garu pawb yn i radd mewn ka­riad parfaich, ac ihelpio pawb o honaunt ar air a guec­thred i vod ynn blant yDaw, ac amgenach wyddod nc hwn nidadwen i vod ir neb yr yddeck chwi y henwi yn Paab ne in Daad o Daad, yw glemio ac ywo ovunn: ar uvyd­dod hivn idden in yn varod yw rodde ac yw dalu iddo ef ac i pob Krisdion yn drag­widdol. He uid yry dym ni dan lywodrath Esoob Kaer­llion ar Wysc, yr hien ysidd yn oligwr dan Duw ar nom ni, y wuenthud i ni gadwr fordd ysbrydol.

BE it knovvn and vvithout doubt unto you, Copied exactly many yeares since by S ^r. Henry Spelman out of an ancient British manu­script of Mr. Peter Mostons a Welch Gentle­man; Spel­man's Concilia pag. 108. that vve all are, and every one of us, obedient and subjects to the Church of God, and to the Pope of Rome, and to every godly Christian, to love every one in his degree in perfect Charity, and to help every one of them, by vvord and deed to be the children of God: and other Obe­dience then this I do not knovv due to him vvhom you name to be Pope, nor to be the Father of Fa­thers, to be claimed and to be de­manded. And this Obedience vve are ready to give, and to pay to him, and to every Christian conti­nually. Besides, vve are under the government of the Bishop of Kaerlion upon Uske, vvho is to oversee under God over us, to cause us to keep the vvay spiri­tuall.

See we here the Pedigree of the British Church, which the shorter the ancien­ter, the fewer Steps it had, the higher it reached. They were subject in Spirituall matters to the Bishop of Caer-lion, and above him unto God, with­out any subordination unto the Pope: so that it was more then a Presump­tion, that Religion came into Britain, not by the Semicircle of Rome, but in a Direct Line from the Asiatick Churches. We must not forget, that though many yeares since, the Archiepiscopal See of the Britans was removed from Caer-lion to S ^t. Davids; yet it still retained the Title of Caer-lion, as of the first and most famous place.

4. A late Papist much impugneth the Credit of this Manuscript (as made since the Dayes of King Henry the eighth) and cavilleth at the VVelsh there­of, The Cedit of this Manu­script impu­gneth. as modern, and full of false Spelling. He need not have used so much Violence to wrest it out of our Hands, who can part with it without con­siderable Losse to our selves, or Gain to our Adversaries; for it is but a Breviate or Abstract of those Passages, which in Bede and other Authours appear most true, of the British refusing Subjection to the See of Rome. Whilest therefore the Chapter is Canonicall, it matters not if the Contents be Apocrypha (as the Additions of some wel-meaning Scribe.) And though this VVelsh be far later then the Dayes of Abbot Dinoth, and the English (added in the ori­ginall) later then the VVelsh; yet the Latin, as ancienter then both, containeth nothing contrary to the sense of all Authours, which write this Intercourse betwixt Augustine and the VVelsh Nation.

5. But this Synod in fine proved ineffectuall, The Synod proves inef­factual. the British Bishops refusing to submit, and Augustine to communicate with them without such Sub­mission. Whereupon, at Augustine's motion, a Blind man was publick­ly [Page 62] presented amongst them: on whom the British Bishops practised in vain with their Prayers, to restore him to his Sight; which, at the Request of Au­gustine to God, was Bede's Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 2. presently and perfectly performed. This Miracle con­vinced the Britans, that Augustine was in the right for the criticall Observa­tion of Easter. But yet, they could not absque suorum consensu ac licentia, without the National Consent of their own People, and principall Elders therein, renounce their ancient Customes, to embrace new Practices. In­deed, as for their submitting to Augustine's Jurisdiction, they apprehended it unsafe for the present, and mischievous for the future; having another Civil Government under Kings of their own, and suspecting his Spirituall Power might in processe of time intrench upon their Temporall Liberty.

6. Departing hence, The Dialogue betwixt the British Bishops and the Anchoret the Britans repaired to an Aged Anchoret, chara­ctered by Beda to be sanctus & prudens, holy and wise (and none would wish his Counseller better qualified) and craved his Advise, how hereafter they should behave themselves in the next Synod, wherein they had pro­mised to give Augustine a meeting: which out of our Authour may thus be Dialogue-wise digested.

Armed with these Instructions, the British Bishops advance to the second Synod. Where Augustine, Pontifically sitting in his Chair, at their En­trance, entertained them onely with Neglect and Contempt; which by the Britans was accordingly requited.

7. Herein that stately Prelate forgot S ^t. Gregorie's Precept to him, Proud [...]io­trephes Au­gustine. Not See his an­swer to Augu­stine's third question. to proceed too rigorously in the Alteration of Ceremonies, but to allow a Latitude according to Time and Place. Oh, for a little in him of S ^t. Paul's Temper, who was 1 Cor. 9. 22. made all things to all men, that by all means he might gain some. Had Au­gustine's Joynts been suppled with the Oyl of Humility, one bended Knee might probably have bowed many Hearts unto him; whereas now he lost their Affections. Pride being an unwinning Quality, rendering the Proud party scorned by his Betters, hated by his Equals, feared (perchance) by his In­feriours, but loved by None. Had not he, who is said to have cured the Blind, need to have his own Eies opened herein? Who, though he be commonly called Augustine the lesse, in distinction from his Name-sake, Father S ^t. Augustine of Hippo; yet may be allowed Augustine the great, if a Measure be taken from the Dimensions of his Pride and Haughtinesse.

8. We passe now from this Augustine's Pride, Augustine's Prophesie. to his Prophesie: who en­raged at the British Bishops, for denying Subjection unto him, flatly fell a menacing them; that, seeing they would not submit to his Motion, and [Page 63] joyn with him in Preaching to the Saxons, soon after they should feel the force of their Enemies Sword, and be suddenly confounded by those, whom they would not endeavour to convert. Which accordingly came to passe.

9. For not longafter, 603 alias Ethelfride the Pagan King of Northumberland, The massacre of the Monks of Baugor. ha­ving conquered Chester, invaded VVales, and bade the Britans battel. A­mongst them was a Regiment of the Monks of Bangor, 605 all naked, and unar­med, save with Tears and P [...]ayers (whole Vollies whereof they discharged to Heaven for the good Successe of their Country-men) being all by them­selves upon an Advantage of Ground; and one Brockmaile a Britan (as Captain of their Life-guard) had a Company of Souldiers to defend them. Ethelfride being informed that these Monks prayed against him, concluded them to be his effectual Enemies, though otherwise offering him no Hostility; and fiercely falling on them, put twelve hundred of them to the Sword, fifty onely escaping: Brockmaile most basely deserting them, whom he was set to defend.

10. But here some Birds sing a different Note from the rest, Augustine suspected to be their mur­derer. which must be listened unto; namely, such Authours, considerable for their Number, Antiquity, Gravity, and Learning, who accuse this Augustine for the Designer of the Death and Destruction of these innocent British Monks: so that he cunningly foretold, what he himself cruelly intended to fulfill. Thus, well might Iezabel, who Revel. 2. 20. calleth herself a Prophetesse, certainly foreshew the death of Naboth, for denying his Vine-yard to Ahab, when she had purposely be­fore-hand packed and plotted the same. An heavy Accusation if true, that Augustine (to use my M ^r. Abra­ham Whee­lock is his notes on Bede, pag. 115. Friend's Expression) Gregorii Vicarius, should be Gregis sicarius; & Ecclesiae futurae Anglicanae Conversor, should be praesentis Britannicae everfor; so that instead of a Prophets Reward, he deserved the Punish­ment of a Murderer. But to clear this point, conceive we a Grand-Jury of four and twenty judicious Readers empannelled, before whom the Memory of Augustine is indicted of Murder, and Witnesses produced on both Sides. Let none censure me, if in these Proceedings my Pen failes in legal Forma­lities, such Exactnesse not being by me intended, but onely some general Conformity with a Law-triall, to fix the History in our Fancies with more Pleasure and Delight.

11. The Bill first was solemnly read, Witnesses produced a­gainst him. running to this effect, That Augu­stine the Monk (commonly called the English Apostle) not having the Feare of God before his Eyes, out of fore-thought Malice, feloniously did plot, project, and contrive the Murther of twelve hundred Monks of Bangor, by soliciting Ethel­bert the Christian King of Kent, to move Ethelfride the Pagan King of Northum­berland, with force of Armes to kill and slay the Monks aforesaid, &c. An Ac­cusation so hainous, that at first it filled the whole Jury with Silence, Hor­rour, and Amazement; till afterwards they recollected themselves to attend unto the following Witnesses.

These Testimonies much moved the Jury; who, notwithstanding, reserved their other Eare, as it became Honest men, to hearken to the Depostions in Augustine's behalf.

12. Amongst these, Testimonies in his behalf. that of Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 2. editione VVho­lochiana. Bede was most materiall: Sicque completum est praesagium sancti Pontificis Augustini [quamvis ipso jam multo antè tempore ad coelest▪ a regna sublato] ut etiam temporalis interitus ultionem sentirent perfidi, quòd oblata sibi perpetuae salutis consilia spreverant. Which words (for, it is sea­sonably remembred, all Pleas must now be in English) may thus be translated; And so the prophesy of holy Bishop Augustine was fulfilled [although himself long before that was taken out of this Life to the Kingdome of Heaven] that also the treacherous People might feel the Revenge of Temporal Ruine, because they had despised the Counsells of Eternall Salvation offered unto them.

13. Much Difference arose hereabouts: The Para­graph in Bede's testi­mony que­stioned. the rather, because some urged that Parenthesis (Although himself long before, &c.) to have been studious­ly interpolated in Bede, on purpose for the Purgation of Augustine, by some in after-Ages that favoured him; alledging, that it is not in the ancient Saxon Copies, being put in as a piece of new Cloth into an old Garment, with intent to fill it up, but in event making it worse; because this Passage checketh the Pen of Bede in the full Speed thereof (no lesse against the Rules of History, then of Horsemanship) as he was writing the Life of Augustine, the Story where­of notwithstanding still runs on, and continues untill the end of the next Chapter. Here some of the Jury betook themselves to the point of Chrono­logie, as most proper to decide the matter now depending; but such was the Variety of Authors, that no Certainty could thence be extracted. For, though the Massacre of the Monks of Bangor is generally noted to be Matt. West. Chichestr. MS. Bibl. pub. Canta­b [...]ig. Anno 603. which falls out before the Death of Augustine: yet the Annals of Vlster (whose Authority is not to be contemned) Iames U­sher Brit. Eccles Antiq. pag. 1157. Mr. Fox his moderation much moveth the Iury. observe the same in the year 613. which undoubtedly was after Augustine's Decease.

14. Then a second sort of Witnesses presented themselves, as Antiq. Bri­tan. pag. 48. M. Parker, Apol. part 1 page. 11. Bishop Iewel, and others, somewhat sharp against Augustine in their Expres­sions: which wrought the lesse with the Jury; partly, because of such Authours their known Opposition to the Romish Church; and partly, because of their Modern writing, almost a thousand years after the matter in fact. Onely the Moderate Testimony of Reverend M ^r. Fox much moved the whole Court, as one throughly well-affected in Religion, and averse from all Popery and Cruelty, thus expressing himself: Acts and Monum. part 1. p. 154. col. 2. This seemeth rather suspicious then true, that Ethelbert being a Christian King, either could so much prevail with a Pa­gan Idolater, or else would attempt so far to commit such a cruel Deed: But of un­certain things I have nothing certainly to say, lesse to judge. This (I say) pre­vailed so far with the Iury, that consulting with themselves, they found an Ignoramus. With whose commendable Charity I concurre; preferring rather to clear a Twi-light Innocence into Noon-day, then to darken it into Midnight.

15. To return to the Monks of Bangor. Their innocent Bloud went not long unrevenged: for we find Nicolas Tri­vet, largely cited by Sir Henry Spelman in his Councills, pag. 112. recorded, The bloud of Bangor Monks re­venged. how three British Princes, namely, Blederick Duke of Cornwall Margaduc Duke of South-VVales, and Cadwan Duke of North-VVales, bade Battel to the Northumberlanders, as they were invading [Page 65] VVales, and not onely dangerously wounded the aforesaid Ethelfride their King, but also discomfited his Army, and slew ten thousand and sixty of his Souldiers, forcing him at last to Articles of Composition; that he should con­fine himself within his own Country, North of Trent, and leave all VVales to be entirely and peaceably enjoyed by the Britans, the true Owners thereof.

16. However here, to our great Grief, we are fain to take our Farewell, Farewell ta­ken for some years of the British Church. for some hundreds of years, of the British Church, wanting Instructions concerning the Remarkable Particulars thereof. Yet D ^r. Harpsfield deserves a Check, both for his false Eccles. Hist. Seculo 7. c. 39. pag. 114. Ground-work, and presumptuous. Inference built thereupon. For, first, he slighteth the British Nation, as such an one, as since this their Dissenting from Augustine, and the Romish Church in Ceremonies, never archieved any Actions of Renown, or mounted to any Eminency in the world. Then, he imputeth their being so long depressed, and at last subdued by the English, as a just Punishment of God, on their not Complying with Rome: so pragmaticall a Prier he is into Divine Secrets. But he who thus casteth forth a National Abuse, can never see where such a Stone lighteth; for (besides the Nation for the time being) their Posterity ingaged therein have just cause either to find, or make Reparation to themselves. I could, and would my self assert the British from this Scandalous Pen, were it not against the Rules of Manners and Discretion, to take this Office out of the hands of some of their own Nation, for whom it is more proper, as they are more able to perform it.

17. Onely give me leave to insert a Line or two (some Pleasant Discourse will not do amiss, Commenda­tion of the British lan­guage, after so much Sad matter) in Commendation of the British Tongue, and Vindication thereof, against such as causelesly traduce it. First, their Language is Native. It was one of those which departed from Babel: and herein it relates to God, as the more immediate Authour thereof; where­as most Tongues in Europe ow their Beginning to humane Depraving of some Original Language. Thus the Italian, Spanish, and French, Daughters, or Neeces to the Latine, are generated from the Corruption thereof. Secondly, Unmixed. For, though it hath some few Forrain Words, and useth them sometimes; yet she rather accepteth them out of State, then borroweth them out of Need, as having besides these, other Words of her own to express the same things. Yea, the Romans were so far from making the Britans to do, that they could not make them to speak as they would have them: their very Language never had a perfect Conquest in this Island. Thirdly, Unaltered. Other Tongues are daily disguised with forrain Words, so that in a Century of years, they grow Strangers to themselves: as now an English-man needs an Interpreter to understand Chaucer's English. But the British continues so constant to it self, that the Prophesies of old Teliessin (who lived above a thousand years since) are at this day intelligible in that Tongue. Lastly, Durable; which had it's Beginning at the Confusion of Tongues, and is likely not to have it's Ending till the Dissolution of the World.

18. Some indeed inveigh against it, Causelesly traduced by ignorance. as being hard to be pronounced, ha­ving a conflux of many Consonants, and some of them double-sounded; yea, whereas the Mouth is the place wherein the Office of Speech is generally kept, the British words must be uttered through the Throat. But this rather argues the Antiquity thereof, herein running parallel with the Hebrew (the common Tongue of the Old World, before it was inclosed into severall Languages) and hath much Affinity therewith, in joynting of words with Affixes, and many other Correspondencies. Some also cavil, that it grates and tortures the eares of Hearers with the Harshnesse thereof: whereas indeed it is unpleasant onely to such as are Ignorant of it. And thus every Tongue seems stammering, which is not understood; yea, Greek it self is Barbarisme to Bar­barians. Besides, what is nick-named Harshness therein, maketh it indeed more full, stately, and masculine. But such is the Epicurisme of Modern [Page 66] Times, to addulce all words to the Eare, that (as in the French) they melt out, in pronouncing, many essentiall Letters, taking out all the Bones, to make them bend the better in speaking: and such Hypocrites in their Words speak them not truly in their native Strength, as the plain-dealing British do, which pronounce every letter therein more manly, if lesse melodious. Lastly, some condemn it unjustly as a Worthlesse Tongue, because leading to no matter of moment; and, who will care to carry about that Key, which can unlock no Treasure? But this is false; that Tongue affording Monuments of Antiquity, some being left, though many be lost; and moe had been extant, but for want of Diligence in Seeking, and Carefulnesse in Preserving them.

19. But, Augustine bapitzeth 10000. in one day. craving pardon of the Reader for this Digression, we reassume our Augustine, who all this while was very industrious, and no lesse successefull in converting the Saxons to the Christian Faith. Insomuch that a certain Cited by Mr. Camden, Presace of Brit. pag. 136. Authour reporteth, how in the River Swale near Richmond in Yorkshire, Au­gustine on one day baptized above ten thousand; adding withall, that the People not onely passed without Danger through so deep a River, but also they who weresick, and deformed when they went in, were whole Flores Sanctorum: tom. 1. wrote by Hie­rome Porter pag. 515. and hand­some when they came forth again. The judicious Reader may in this Mi­racle discover, how the Authour thereof (no doubt some ignorant Monk) hath therein jumbled and confounded three distinct Seripture-Histories, to make a mock-Parallel betwixt the Rivers Iordan and Swale;

• Borrowing
  • 1. The Peoples safe pas­sing through it,
  • 2. Their being baptized in it,
  • 3. The curing of their Infirmities by it,
• from
  • Ioshuas
    Ios. 4. 1.
    conducting the Israelites through
  • Iohn's
    Matth. 3. 6.
    baptizing the Iews in
  • Elisha's
    2 Kin. 5. 14.
    healing Naa­man's leprosie in
• Iordan.

But here it must be remembred, that Bede maketh no mention at all hereof, and ascribeth this numerous Baptizing to Paulinus Arch-Bishop of York many years after. It would argue too much Morosity in us, to demurre in our saith to the whole Fact, till Authours are all agreed about the Doer thereof. For mine own part, I conceive Paulinus the more probable Person, as question­ing whether Augustine most conversant amongst the South and VVest-Sa­xons) ever moved so far Northward.

20. And, The simpli­city of an­cient Bap­tisme. if so many were baptized in one day, it appeares plainly, that in that Age, the Administration of that Sacrament was not loaded with those Superstitious Ceremonies, as essentiall thereunto, of Crossing, Spittle, Oyl, Cream, Salt, and such like Trinkets; which Protestants generally as little know what they are, as Papists why they use them. I say, in that Age nothing was used with Baptisme but Baptisme; the VVord and the VVater made the Sacrament. Yea, the Arch-Bishop is said to have Camden ut prius. commanded by the voice of Cryers, that the People should enter the River confidently, two by two, and, in the name of the Trinity, baptize one another by turns. This, indeed, was the most compendious way; otherwise Ioshua's day, wherein the Sun stood still, had been too short for one mans personal performance of such an Employ­ment.

21. Another considerable Accession was made to Christianity in the South­West part of this Isle, The Idol Healedestroi­ed by Augu­stine at Cern. and particularly in Dorsetshire; where Augustine at Cern, destroyed the Idol of Heale, or Aisculapius, which the Saxons formerly Camden's Brit. in Dor­setshire. adored. But in his journey hither (Reader, they are not mine, but my Flores San­ctorum in the life of Augu­stine, P. 515, 516. Authours words) with his Holy Company, they were cruelly oppressed with the three familiar Discommodities of Travellers, Hunger, Thirst, and VVearinesse; when Augustine striking his Staffe into the Ground, fetch'd forth a crystal Foun­tain, which quenched the extremity of their Thirst: whence the Place was after­ward [Page 67] called Cernel, from Cerno in Latine, to see, and El in Hebrew, God. A Com­position of a Name hardly to be precedented, that a Word should commence per saltum, from Latine into Hebrew, without taking Greek by the way there­of. Why not rather Cernwell, Behold the fountain; or Cernheal, See the De­struction of the Idol? But in truth, in all Books ancient and So both in Camden, and Harpsfield. modern, the Place is plainly written Cern, without any paragogical apposition there­unto.

22. Indeed, A ridiculous miracle. most of the Miracles assign'd unto this Augustine, intended with their Strangenesse to raise and heighten, with their Levity and Absur­dity do depresse and offend true Devotion. Witnesse, how when the Villa­gers in Dorsetshire beat Augustine, and his Fellows, and in Mockery fa­stened Fish-tailes at their Backs, in punishment hereof, All that Flores San­ctorium ut prinus Genera­tion had that given them by Nature, which so contemptibly they fastened on the Backs of these Holy men. Fy for shame! he needs an hard Plate on his Face that reports it, and a soft Place in his Head that believes it.

23. However, The great improve­ment of the Gospel. for the main, we undoubtedly believe that the Preach­ing of Augustine and his Fellows took good Effect, finding the visible Progresse, and the Improvement thereof, in the Conversion of so many from Paganisme to Christianity. For, Sebert King of Essex (nephew to Ethel­bert King of Kent, by Ricula his Sister) embraced the Faith, with all his Kingdome, by the Ministery of Mellitus, whom Augustine ordained Bishop of London; much about the same time making one Iustus a Roman (who was vir sui nominis, a man answering his Name) Bishop of Rochester. Many other remarkable matters happened in the Life of Augustine, especially those Que­stions and Answers, which passed betwixt him and Gregory the Great; by us purposely omitted, partly, because they are too voluminous to insert; and partly, because they are at large in many Bede, Book of Mareyrs, and others. Augustine' s death and Epitaph. Authours, to whom we remit the Reader.

24. And now was the time come of Augustine's Dissolution, 610 alias whose Body was buried in the Northern Porch of the New Church in Canterbury, 611 alias de­dicated to Peter, and Paul, 612 having (as Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 5. Bede informs us) this Inscription writ­ten upon his Monument; Here resteth Lord Augustine the first Arch-Bi­shop of Canterbury; who being in times past sent hither from Blessed Gregory Bi­shop of the Roman City, and supported by God with the working of Miracles, brought King Ethelbert and his Countrey, from the worshipping of Idols to the Faith of Christ: and the dayes of his Office being finished in Peace, he died the seventh of the Calends of Iune, the same King reigning.

25. But in this Epitaph one thing is wanting, The date of the year, how wanting therein. and that mainly materiall; namely the Year when he died. Strangely is that Watch contrived, and is generally useless, which shews the Minute of the Hour, not the Hour of the Day. As this Epitaph points at the Day, of smaller consequence; lea­ving out the Year, of greater concernment. This hath put mens Fanisies on various Conjectures. Some make it a mere Omission of Bede: which not­withstanding is very strange, because otherwise he is most Criticall, and Pun­ctuall in the Notation of Time. Others conceive it a fault of Commission, in some of after-Ages, who purposely expunged the Year (beshrew their Fingers that thrust out the Eyes, the Date of this Epitaph) lest the same should make too clear Discoveries of Augustine's surviving after the Massacre of the Monks of Bangor; which would increase the Suspicion of his having a Fin­ger therein. Others place the Neglect in the Monument maker, and not in Bede; seeing he was but the bare Relater of the Epitaph, and therefore loath to add, or alter any thing thereof. Perchance the Tombe-maker registred the Day, as a Nicity most likely to be forgotten; omitting the Year, as a thing generally, universally, and notoriously known, all men keeping a Record thereof, which in processe of time became wholly forgotten. Thus, those things are not long effectually kept by any, which are equally to be kept by [Page 68] All, Anno Dom. 610 and not charged on any One mans particular Account. Sure I am, the setting up of this Land-mark, the nothing of the Year of his Death, had given excellent Direction to such as travel in the Saxon Chronologie, who now wander at Randome for the want of it.

26. And now we take our Farewell of Augustine, Farewell to S. Augustine. of whom we give this Character. He found here a plain Religion (Simplicity is the Badge of Anti­quity) practised by the Britans, living some of them in the Contempt, and many moe in the Ignorance of Worldy Vanities, in a barren Country: And surely, Piety is most healthful in those places, where it can least surfeit of Earthly Pleasures. He brought in a Religion spun with a Courser Threed, though garded with a Finer Trimming, made luscious to the Senses with pleasing Ceremonies; so that many, who could not judge of the Goodnesse, were cour­ted with the Gaudinesse thereof. Indeed the Papists brag, that he was the A­postle of the English; but not one in the Stile of S ^t. Paul, Gal. 1. 1. neither from men, nor by man, but by Iesus Christ; being onely a derivative Apostle, sent by the second hand: in which sense also he was not our sole Apostle; though he first put in his Sickle, others reaped down more of the English Harvest, propagating the Gospel farther, as shall appear hereafter. But because the Beginnings of things are of greatest consequence, we commend his Paines, condemn his Pride, allow his Life, approve his Learning, admire his Miracles, admit the Foundation of his Doctrine Iesus Christ; but refuse the Hay and Stubble he built thereupon. We are indebted to God his Goodnesse in moving Gregory, Gregorie's Carefulnesse in sending Augustine, Augustine's Forwardnesse in preaching here: but above all, let us blesse God's exceeding great Favour, that that Doctrine which Augustine planted here but impure, and his Successours made worse with watering, is since, by the happy Reformation, cleared and refined to the Purity of the Scriptures.

27. After the death of Augustine, Laurentius succeedeth Augustine. Laurentius a Roman succeeded him, whom Augustine in his Life-time not onely designed for, but ordained Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 4. in that Place, out of his abundant Caution, that the Infant-Church might not be Orphan an Hour, lest Satan should assault the Breach of such a Vacancy, to the Disadvantage of Religion. Such a super-Ordination in such cases was Ca­nonicall, it being Idem Ibidem a Tradition, that S ^t. Peter in like manner consecrated Cle­ment his Successour in the Church of Rome. And sure it is, the Prophet Elijah (no doubt to his great Comfort whilest living) 1 Kings 19. 16. anointed Elishe to minister in his Room, in his Propheticall Function. In one respect Laurentius exceeded Augustine, that he reduced the Recusant Britans and Scots, (probably de­meaning himself more humbly then his Predecessour) to some tolerable Con­formity to the Romish Ceremonies, especially in the Celebration of Easter. Now, seeing frequent Mention hath formerly been made, of the Difference between the Romish and British Churches, in Observation of that Festivall; we will endeavour, as truly as briefly, to state the Controversie betwixt them, with Arguments each side produceth in their own behalf.

28. But, The contro­versie about Easter be­twixt Rome and the Bri­tans, stated. because the Point in hand is so nice (rather then necessary) that a little Variation therein may be materiall, I will carefully follow the truest Copy I can get, in stating the Question, taking it from a Learned Iames U­sher, in the Religion of the ancient Irish, cap. 9. pag. 63. Pen exactly skilled therein.

[Page 69] It is enough to prove the Practice of Rome was the right, that it was the Pra­ctice of Rome; yea, did it not deserve the Stab of Excommunication, for any dissenting from her practice, tantamountingly to give her the Lie? However, it seems the Reputation of Rome's Infallibility was yet in the Nonage thereof, that the British durst so boldly differ from them, without danger of Damnation.

29. Yea, The Britans their plea. they pretended ancient Tradition on their side, from the Pri­mitive Times, derived from S ^t. Iohn himself; as by the ensuing Verses (which we thought fit to translate) may appear:

Time was, when once the Activity of Peter and Iohn with holy Zeal was ex­cellently emploied, contending in a Race, which should first come to the Grave of our Iohn 20. 4. Saviour: but see here the Romans and the Britans, the pretended Followers of these two Apostles, not running, but wrestling in a violent Conten­tion, who should most truly observe the Resurrection of Christ out of his Grave.

30. Strange! The contro­versie recon­ciled by Lau­rentius. that so Good, and Wise men, should thus fall out about the Mint and Cummin of Religion, a Ceremony not at all decided in Scripture. It is to be feared, that the When marred the How of Easter; and the Controversie about the Time, spoiled a more materiall Circumstance, of the Manner of keeping this Feast; these opposite Parties searce being mutually in Charity at the receiving of the Sacrament, at that solemn Festivall, kept among the Iews with unleavened Bread, celebrated among Christians with too much Leaven (sowre and swelling) of Anger and Passion. 613 The best is, for the present Lau­rentius composed the Quarrel, and brought both Bede's Hist. lib. 2. cap. 4. Britans and Scots (that is, the Inhabitants of Ireland) to complie with the Romans therein. But as every small Wrinch, or stepping a wrie, is enough to put an ill-set Bone out of joynt: so each petty Animosity was great enough to discompose this Agreement. But enough of this Controversie for the present, we shall meet it too soon again; which like a restlesse Ghost, will haunt our English History, for more then an hundred and fifty yeares together.

31. Onely I will adde that, The antiqui­ty of this dif­ference. although about Augustine's time, this Contro­versie was then most heightned and inflamed; yet an old Grudge it was long before, betwixt the Romans and Britans. For, if old Taliessyn (stiled Chief of Bards by the Britans) lived (as De Britan. Scriptoribus aetale 6 ^a. pag. 95. Pitseus, a Catholick Writer, will have it) in the year five hundred and fourty; and if the following verses be Taliessyn's, as it is Chron. of Wales p. 254. undoubtedly believed; then this Difference was on foot fifty yeares before Au­gustine came into England.

[Page 70] These words, Anno Dom. 613 From Romish Wolves, relate to the Vigilancy of the British Pastours, to keep their People from Rome's Infection in these points. Thus, whilest the Britans accounted the Romans Wolves, and the Romans held the Britans to be Goats, what became of Christ's little flock of Sheep the whiles? The best is, the good God, we hope, will be mercifull in his Sentence on Men, though passionate Men be merciless in their Censures one on another.

32. To return to Laurentius. The death of Ethelbert, and decay of Christianity. The great Joy for the Agreement made by him, Febr. 24. was quickly abated with Grief, at the Death of King Ethelbert: who ha­ving reigned fifty six, and been a Christian one and twenty yeares, was buried nigh to his good Wife, Queen Bertha (who died a little before him) in the Porch of S ^t. Martin's Church in Canterbury; which Fabrick, with some other Churches, by him were beautifully built, and bountifully endowed. In Ethel­bert's Grave was buried much of the Kentish Christianity: for Eadbald his Son both refused His Father's Religion, and wallowing in Sensuality, was guilty of that Sin not so much as named amongst the Gentiles, in keeping his Father's se­cond Wife. Such as formerly had took up Christianity, as the Court-Fashion, now left it; & whom Ethelbert's Smiles had made Converts, Eadbald's Frowns quickly made Apostates. Yea, at the same time (so infectious are the bare Examples of Great men) the three Sons of the King of the East-Saxons fell back to Pagnisme. These refused to be baptized, and yet, in Derision, demanded of the Bishop Mellitus, to receive the Eucharist; which he flatly denied them; Baptisme being an Introductory Sacrament, and it being unlawfull to break into the Church, without going through this Porch. Yet they gave Mellitus fair Warning, and free leave to depart; who coming into Kent, held there a Councill with Laurentius and Iustus, what was best to be done. At last they concluded, that it was in vain, prodigally to lose their Paines here, which they might expend with more profit in their own Country: and seeing Martyr­dome, as it is not cowardly to be declined, so it is not ambitiously to be affected; they resolved to go the way which Divine Providence directed them, and to return into France: which Mellitus and Iustus did accordingly.

33. Was this well done of them, Mellitus and Iustus their departure defended. to leave their Charge? Did not God place them Centinells in his Church, and could they come off from their Duty, before they were relieved by Order? But surely their ill Usage was an interpreta­tive Discharge unto them. In warrant whereof, we have not onely Christs Matt. 10. 14. Precept, to leave the unworthy House with a witnesse (namely with the Dust of our Feet shaken off as a Testimony against it;) but also his Practice, going from the Matth. 8. 34. and cap. 9. 1. Gadarenes, when they desired he should depart their Coasts. Indeed, the VVord of Life is a quick Commodity, and ought not, as a Drug, to be obtruded on those Chapmen who are unwilling to buy it; yea, in whose Nostrills the very Savour of Life unto Life doth stink, because profered unto them.

34. Laurentius entertained the like Resolution of Departure; Laurentius, intending to depart, rebu­ked. when, lying on his Bed, S ^t. Peter is Bede lib. 2. cap. 6. said to have taken him to task in a Vision. Yea, S ^t. Pe­ter was not onely seen, but felt, sharply and soundly Whipping him, for his unworthy Intention to forsake his Flock; who rather should have followed S ^t. Peter's Example (as he imitated Christ's) whom no Losses or Crosses could so deterre, as to desert his Charge. Some will say, Peter herein appeared a partial Parent, so severely disciplining this his Son, whilest two other of his Children, being more guilty, Mellitus and Iustus (who had actually done what Lauren­tius onely designed) escaped without any Correction. But we must know, though these seemed more faulty, by what appeares in open View, yet the Pas­sages behind the Curtain (Considerables concealed from us) might much alter the case. And indeed, Pastours leaving their people is so ticklish a Point, and sub­ject to such secret Circumstances, that God and their own Consciences are onely the competent Judges of the Lawfulnesse or Unlawfulnesse thereof.

35. Thus, Eadbald be­comes a Christian. all black and blew, Laurentius repaireth to Eadbald King of Kent, and presenteth himself unto him in that sad Condition. The King, much ama­zed [Page 71] thereat, demands, who durst offer such Violence to so Good a man? Whereby it plainly appears, that though Eadbald himself refused Christianity, yet he afforded Civility and Protection to Laurentius, and to all in Kent of his Religion. He largely relates what had happened unto him; and in fine so prevailed on Eadbald, that he not onely put away his VVife-Mother-VVhore, but also embraced Christianity, and at his desire, Iustus and Mellitus returned a­gain into England.

36. Rochester readily received Iustus their Bishop, Iustus recei­ved at Roche­ster, and Mellitus reje­cted at Lon­don. being a little Place, of few Persons, and they therefore the easier all to be brought to be of one Mind. But large London (though then, for Greatnesse, but the Suburbs to the present City) I say, London then, was even London then, as wanton in the Infancy, as now wayward in the Old-age thereof; where generally the People, long radicated in Wickednesse, refused to entertain their good Pastour returning unto them. But here my good Mr. Whee­lock on the place in Bede. Friend, in his Notes on this Passage, makes an ingenious Reservation, that (though the major part must be confessed peevish in all populous places) London in all Ages afforded emi­nent Favourers of Learned and Religious men. And would I could (being the meanest of Ministers) as truly entitle my self to the foresaid Qualifications, as I heartily concurre with him in my gratefull Confession, that I have effectually found plenty of good Patrons in that Honourable Corporation. Mellitus thus rejected, was glad to lead a private life in London, till that after the 619 Feb. 3. Death of Laurentius, he succeeded him in the Church of Canterbury.

37. A grave, Mellitus his character. and good man, but much afflicted with the Gout, and highly meriting of his See of Canterbury; especially if true, what Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 7. reports, that, when a grievous Fire happened in that City, Mellitus accosted the very Fury thereof with faithfull Prayer, and his own bare Hands (strange! that no modern Monk hath since in his Relation put a Crucifix, or Holy-Wa­ter-sprinkle into them) and so presently quenched the Raging of the Flames. Say not, why could he not as easily have cured his own Gout, as quenched this Fire? seeing Miracles are done, not for mens ordinary Ease, but God's so­lemn Honour. Yea, the Apostles themselves were not at pleasure Masters of their miraculous Power, for their personal use; seeing S ^t. Paul could neither cure the 1 Tim. 5. 23. often Infirmities of his dear Son Timothy; nor remove the acute, de­sperate Disease, wherewith he himself in 2 Cor. 1. 8. Asia was afflicted. Five years sate Mel­litus in Canterbury: after whose 624 April 24. Death, Iustus Bishop of Rochester succeeded him, and had his Pall solemnly sent him by Pope Boniface.

38. By the way, What a Pall is the Pall is a Pontificall Vestment, considerable for the Matter, Making, and Mysteries thereof. For the Matter, it is made of Lambs Wooll, and Superstition. I say, of Lambs VVooll, Flores San­ctorum Maii 26. pag. 506. as it comes from the Sheeps Back, without any other artificiall Colour, spun (say some) by a peculiar Order of Nunnes, first cast into the Tombe of S ^t. Peter, taken from his Body (say Latine Camden in Kent pag. 238 others) surely most sacred if from both; and [superstitiously] adorned with little black Crosses. For the Form thereof; the Flores San­ctorum ut prius. Breadth exceeded not three Fingers (one of our Bachelours Lamb-skin Hoods in Cambridge would make three of them) having two Labells hanging down before and behind, which the Arch-Bishops onely, when going to the Altar, put about their Necks, above their other Pontificall Ornaments. Three Mysteries were couched therein. First, Humi­lity, which beautifies the Clergy above all their costly Copes. Secondly, Inno­cency, to imitate Lamb-like Simplicitie. And thirdly, Industry, to follow Camden ut prius, & Luke 15. him who fetched his wandring Sheep home on his Shoulders. But to speak plainly, the Mystery of Mysteries in this Pall was, that the Arch-Bishops re­ceiving it, shewed therein their Dependence on Rome; and a Mote in this man­ner ceremoniously taken, was a sufficient Acknowledgement of their Subje­ction. And, as it owned Rome's Power; so in after-Ages it encreased their Profit. For, though now such Palls were freely given to Arch-Bishops, whose Places in Britain for the present were rather cumbersome then commodious, [Page 72] having little more then their Paines for their Labour; Anno. Dom. 624 yet in after-Ages the Arch-Bishop of Canterburie's Pall was Godwin's Cat. Episc. pag. 225. sold for five thousand A Florene is worth 4 ^s. 6 ^d. Florenes: so that the Pope might well have the Golden Fleece, if he could fell all his Lambs-Wooll at that rate. Onely let me adde, that the Authour of A Manu­script in Trin. Hall Library in Cambridge Canterbury-Book stiles this Pall, Tanquam grande Christi Mr. Whee­lock on Bede, pag. 99. Sacramentum. It is well tanquam came in to help it, or else we should have had eight Sacraments. But, leaving these Husks to such Palats as are pleased to feed on them, we come to the Kernell of Religion, how the same was propagated in other Parts of England. And first, of the Preparative for the Purge of Paganisme out of the Kingdome of Northumberland.

39. Edwine, Edwine his preparatory promise to Christianity. the King thereof, was Monarch of all England, with the Isles of Man and Anglesey, more puissant then any of His Predecessours. And this, saith Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 9. Bede, was In auspicium suscipiendae Fidei, in good Handsell of the Faith he was hereafter to receive. God first made him Great, and after Gracious; that so by his Power, he might be the more effectuall Instrument of his Glory. Now he had married Edelburge, daughter of Ethelbert King of Kent: to whom he not onely permitted free Exercise of Religion, to her self and her Ser­vants, 625 but also promised himself to embrace it, if, on Examination, it appeared the most Holy, and fittest for Divine Service. In the Court of this Queen was one Paulinus, a pious Bishop, who, with much Pains and little Profit, long la­boured in vain to convert the Pagans. God hereby both humbling him, and shewing, that the Hour of his Mercy shall not be ante-dated one Minute, by any humane Endeavours. However, Paulinus, seeing he could not be happy to gain, would be carefull to save; and daily plyed the Word and Sacraments, thereby to corroborate his owne People in Piety.

40. Now it happened that one Eumere, His condi­tion perfor­med, and yet he demurres. a Swash-buckler (a Contemner of his own life, 626 and thereby Master of another man's) sent from Guichelm, King of the VVest-Saxons, with an envenomed Dagger sought to kill King Edwine: when Lilla, one of his Guard, foreseeing the Blow, and interposing himself, shielded his Sovereign with his own Body, yea, deaded the Stroak with his own Death. Loyalty's Martyr; in a Case which is likely to find moe to commend, then imitate it, on the like occasion. Edwine, notwithstanding slightly hurt, was very sensible of the Deliverance, and promised, that if he might con­quer the treacherous VVest-Saxon King, with his Adherents, he would be­come a Christian. And though there be no indenting, and conditional capi­tulating with God (who is to be taken on any terms) yet this in a Pagan was a good step to Heaven, and Paulinus was glad he had got him thus far; especially, when in Earnest of the Sincerity of his Resolution, he consigned over his infant-Daughter Idem ibidem. Eansled, to be baptized, whom Paulinus christened, with twelve moe of the Queen's Family. Well, the VVest-Saxon King was quickly overcome, and all his Complices either killed, or conquered, and yet King Edwine demurred to embrace Christianity. But he communicated with the sagest of his Counsell, with whom he had daily Debates, being loth rashly to rush on a matter of such Moment. And truly, that Religion which is rather suddenly parched up, then seasonably ripened, doth commonly ungive after­wards. Yea, he would sit long alone, making company to himself, and silently arguing the Case in his own Heart, being partly convinced in his Iudgement of the Goodnesse of the Christian Religion; and yet he durst not entertain Truth, a lawfull King, for fear to displease Custome, a cruell Tyrant.

41. Amongst the many Debates he had with his Counsell about altering his Religion, The speech of Coify the Priest. two Passages must not be forgotten; whereof one was the Speech of Coify, the prime Pagan-Priest. Surely (said Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 13. he) these Gods, whom we worship, are not of any Power, or Efficacy in themselves; for none hath served them more conscientiously then my self, yet other men, lesse meriting of them, have received moe and greater Favours from their hand, and prosper better in all things they undertake. Now, if these were Gods of any Activity, they would [Page 73] have been more beneficiall to me, Anno. Dom. 626 who have been so observant of them. Here the Reader will smile at Coify his Solecisme, wherein the Premisses are guilty of Pride, as the Inference thereon of Errour and Mistake. If he turn Chri­stian on these termes, he will be taught a new Lesson: how not onely all out­ward things happen alike, to good and bad, to Eccles. 9. 2. him that sacrificeth, as to him that sacrificeth not; but also, that 1 Pet. 4. 17. Iudgement beginneth at the house of God, and the best men meet with the worst Successe in Temporal matters. However, God was pleased to sanctifie this mans Errour, as introductory to his Con­version: and let none wonder, if the first Glimmering of Grace in Pagans, be scarce a degree above Blindnesse.

42. Better, The Cour­tier's Com­parison. in my opinion, was the plain Comparison, which another namelesse Courtier made at the same time. Mans life (said Idem ibid. he) O King, is like unto a little Sparrow, which, whilest your Majesty is feasting by the Fire in your Parlour with your royall Retinue, flies in at one VVindow, and out at ano­ther. Indeed we see it that short time it remaineth in the House, and then is it well sheltred from VVind and VVeather; but presently it passeth from Cold to Cold, and whence it came, and whither it goes, we are altogether ignorant. Thus, we can give some account of our Soul, during it's abode in the Body, whilest housed and harboured therein; but where it was before, and how it fareth after, is to us altogether unknown. If therefore Paulinus his Preaching will certainly in­form us herein, he deserveth, in my opinion, to be entertained.

43. Long looked for comes at last. 627 King Edwine almost three yeares a Candidate at large of Christianity, Edwine con­verted, and baptized. cordially embraceth the same, and with many of his Nobles, and Multitudes of his Subjects, is solemnly bapti­zed by Paulinus, in the little Church Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 14. of S ^t Peters in York, hastily set up by the King for that purpose, and afterward by him changed into a firmer and fairer Fabrick. Thus, as those Children which are backward of their Tongues, when attaining to Speech, pronounce their words the more plainly and distinctly: so Edwine, long, yea tedious before his turning to Chri­stianity, more effectually at last embraced the same. And when it was put to the Question, what Person most proper to destroy the Heathen Altars? Coify the chief Priest tendered his Service, as fittest for the purpose, solemn­ly to demolish what he had before so superstitiously adored. Down go all the Pagan Altars, and Images at God-mundingham (now Godmanham, a small Camden's Britannia. Village in the East-Riding of Yorkshire) and those Idols with their Hands were so far from defending themselves, that their mock-Mouths could not afford one word, to bemoan their finall Destruction.

44. VVhen thou art converted, The East-Angles con­verted to Christianity. strengthen thy Brethren, was the personall Precept given to Luk. 22. 32. Peter, but ought generally to be the Practice of all good men; as here it was of King Edwine, restlesse, untill he had also perswaded Earpwald, King of the East-Angles, to embrace the Christian Faith. In­deed Redwald, Earpwald's Father, had formerly at Canterbury (to ingratiate himself with King Ethelbert) professed Christianity; but, returning home, he revolted to Paganisme at the instance of His Bede Hist. Ecc. l. 2. c. 15. Wife. So great is the Power of the Weaker Sex, even in matters of Religion. For, as Bertha and Edel­burge, the Queens of Ethelbert and Edwine, occasioned, and expedited the Conversion of their Husbands Kingdomes: so here a Female-instrument ob­structed that holy Design. Yea, Redwald afterwards in the same Church set up a 2 Kings 17. 41. Samaritane-mongrel-Religion, having Altare Bede ut prius. & Arulam, a Communion-Table and an idolatrous Altar in the same Temple. You cannot be partakers (saith the 1 Cor. 10. 21. Apostle) of the Lords Table, and of the table of Devils; that is, You cannot lawfully, conscionably, comfortably; but, de facto it may be done, was done by Bedwald in this his miscellaneous Religion.

45. But three yeares after, 630 the Conversion of the East-Angles was more ef­fectually advanced by King Sigebert, The Religion and learning of King Sigebert. Brother, and after the death of Earp­wald his Successour in the Kingdome. This Sigebert had lived an Exile in [Page 74] France, Anno. Dom. 630 and got the benefit of Learning by his Banishment. For, wanting ac­commodations to appear in Princely Equipage, he applyed himself the more close to his Studies: seeing, that Means which would maintain a Prince but like a Scholar, would maintain a Scholar like a Prince. Yea, which was best of all, on his Learning he grafted true Religion; Bede giving him this Chara­cter, that he became Vir Christianissimus & doctissimus: (can more be said in so few words?) and returning home, assisted by the Preaching of Felix, a Monk of Burgundy, Iuxta nominis sui sacramentum, saith Bede (happy was his Name, and Happinesse was with him) converted his Subjects to Christia­nity. This Felix was made the first Bishop of Dunwich in Suffolk; a place for­merly furnished with Weaver's Funerall Monuments in Suffolk. two and fifty Churches, and hath scarce two now re­maining, the rest being swallowed up by the Sea. I can hardly hold my self from calling the Sea sacrilegious; save that, on second thoughts, considering that Element to be but a Naturall Agent, yea, such whose Motions are or­dered by Divine Providence, Hither shalt thou come, and no farther, I will ra­ther reserve this Epithete, sacrilegious, to be bestowed on those men, who willingly and wilfully demolish the places appointed for God's Service.

46. This Sigebert is generally reputed the Founder of the University of Cambridge. Difference about the antiquity of the Uni­versity of Cambridge. And because the point in hand is somewhat litigious, 631 But some make it four yeares after. we will take the more Paines in clearing thereof, two things being warily premised. First, that Sigebert's founding the University of Cambridge ought not by any to be extended to lessen and abate, much lesse to drown and destroy her more ancient Title to Learning, which she deriveth (according to good See Cajus on the antiqui­ty of Cam­bridge. Au­thours) from many hundred yeares before. Valeant, quantum valere possint, let such her over grown Evidences stand as valid as they may, by us neither confirmed, not confuted for the present. And indeed, all such Old things in either University, though specious to the Eye, must be closely kept, and ten­derly touched, lest otherwise, being roughly handled, they should moulder into Dust. Secondly, let none suspect, my Extraction from Cambridge will betray me to partiality to my Mother, who desire in this Difference to be like Melchisedec, [...], without Descent, onely to be directed by the Truth. And here I make this fair and free Confession, which, I hope, will be accepted for ingenuous: That, as in Thamar's travell of Gen. 38. 28. Twins, Zarah first put out his Hand, and then drew it in again, whilest Pharez first came forth into the World: so I plainly perceive Cambridge with an extended Arme, time out of mind, first challenging the Birth-right; and Priority of place for Lear­ning; but afterwards drawing it in again, she lay for many yeares desolate, and of lesse account; whilest Oxford, if later, larger, came forth in more entire Proportion, and ever since constantly continued in the full Dimen­sions of an University.

47. These things being thus cautiously stated, The leading testimony of Bede explai­ned. we proceed, beginning with Bede, on whose Testimony all the following History is founded.

[Page 75] See here, Anno. Dom. 631 King Sigebert, to make his School complete, united therein such Conveniences for Education, as he had observed commendable

But I question, whether the Formality of Commencing was used in that Age: inclining rather to the negative, that such Distinction of Graduates was then unknown, except in S ^t. Paul's sense, 1 Tim. 3. 13 Such as used the office of a Deacon well, purchased to themselves a good Degree.

48. So much for Bede's Text. Authours commenting on Bede's text. Come we now to ancient Authours com­menting upon him. Ancient I call those, who wrote many yeares before the Differences were started about the Seniority of the Universityes, and there­fore are presumed unpartiall, as unconcerned in a Controversie which did not appear. First, Polydore Lib. 4. & lib. 5. pag. 107. Virgil, who from Bede's words plainly collects, that Sigebert then founded the University of Cambridge. Nor see I any cause for that Passage in the Written Anno 1566. pag. 20. Assertion of Oxford's Antiquity, charging Polydore, Quod affectibus indulgens, adamatae studet Academiae; who being a Forrainer, and an Italian, had nothing to byass his Affection to one University more then the other. Learned In his Com­ment. in Cy­gneam Cantio­nem. Leland succeeds, who being employed by King Henry the eighth to make a Collection of British Antiquities (much scattered at the Dissolution of Abbies) thus expresseth himself.

Here we omit the severall Testimonies of In Sigeber­to, & rursus Cent. 13. in Felice. First obje­ction against Sigebert's founding of Cambridge. Bale, George Lilie, and Thomas Cooper, in their severall Histories Anno 636. with many moe, concluding Si­gebert then the Founder of the University of Cambridge.

49. But our Cousin-germans of Oxford will scarce give Credit hereunto, multiplying Objections against it. Obj. There were (say they) many places (besides Cambridge) in the Kingdome of the East-Angles (conteining Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridgeshire) which, with equall Probability, may pretend to this School of Sigebert's Foundation, seeing Bede doth not nominatim affirm Cambridge for the particular Place, where this University was erected.

[Page 76] 50. Ans. Answer. Though Bede be Dumb in this particular, notnaming Cam­bridge; yet he makes such Signes, that most intelligent Antiquaries by us alledged, understand him to intend the same: especially seeing Cambridge is acknowledged by all Authours, time out of mind, to have been a place for the Education of Students in Literature.

51. Obj. Second Ob­jection. If any such University was founded by Sigebert, it was at Grantchester, differing, as in Appellation, so in Situation from Cambridge (as being a good mile South West thereof.) Cambridge therefore cannot entitle it self, but by apparent Usurpation, to the ancient Priviledges of Grantchester.

52. Ans. Answer. Most usuall it is for ancient places to alter their Names (Babylon to Bagdet, Byzantium to Constantinople, our old Verulam to S ^t. Albans) still retaining the numerical Nature they had before. Oxford (they tell us) was once called Bryan Twine Antiq. Acad. Ox. pag. 114. Bellositum, and yet not altered from it's same self by another Name. Nor is it any news for great Cities, in processe of time (as weary of long standing) to ease themselves a little, by hitching into another place. Thus, some part of modern Rome is removed more then a mile from the ancient Area thereof. Thus, Ierusalem at this day is come down from Mount Sion, and more South-West climbed up Mount Calvary. Yet, either of these Places would account themselves highly injured, if not reputed, for the main, the same with the former. Sufficeth it, that some part of Cambridge stands at this day, where Mr. Cam­den an Ox­ford-man in his description of Cam­bridgeshire, alloweth Grantchester and Cam­bridge for the same place. Third Obje­ction. Grantchester did (which anciently Cajus de Antiq. Can­tab. (ex libro Barnwel­lensi) pag. 11. Answer. extended North-West, as far as the Village called Howse) and that's enough to keep possession of the Priviledges of Grantchester, as properly belonging thereunto. Especially, see­ing Oxford at this day layes claim to the Antiquityes of Crekelade and Lechlade (Towns distant sixteen miles off, the one in VVilts, the other in Glocestershire) two ancient Schools of Greek and Latine (as some will have it) removed af­terwards to Oxford, from whence some of her Assertours do date her Be­ginning.

53. Obj. Sigebert founded but Scholam, which makes little to the Honour of Cambridge: For thereby her Professours are degraded to Pedants; and by a retrograde Motion Cambridge is sent back to Eaton, I mean, is made no better then a great Grammar-School.

54. Ans. If the best of Latine Oratours may be believed, Schola properly signi­fies the Place where all Arts are publickly professed. Tully De natura Deo­rum. Ex Platonis schola Pon­ticus Heraclides, Ponticus Heraclides came out of the school of Plato: Which is notoriously known to have been an Academie; yea, all his Scholars known by the name of Academicks to this day. Those of Salerno in Italy, dedicating a book of Physick to our Henry (the second, I take it) begin thus, ‘Anglorum Regi scribit Schola tota Salerni.’
School-boys deserve to be whipped indeed, if presuming to prescribe Re­ceipts to a King: But that Schola there is sufficiently known to have been a famous University. And under the favour of the University, the word Vni­versitas is but a base, and barbarous Latine (whiles Schola is pure Greek ori­ginally) to design, either the Place where generall Learning is publickly professed, or the Persons studying therein. And, though I dare not totally concurre with that Mr. Cam­den in his Britannia, pag. 381. in Oxfordshire. Fourth Obje­ction. Learned Critick, that Vniversit as was first used in the fore­said sense, about the reign of King Henry the third; yet, I believe, it will not be found in any Classicall Authour, in that modern acception.

55. Obj. In good Authours, Sigebert is said to have founded not only Scholam, a School, but Scholas, Schools, in the plurall. If Schola therefore be an Univer­sity, either he made moe Universities then one in Cambridge (which is absurd to affirm;) or else he erected moe Universities in other places of his King­dome, which Cantabrigians will not willingly confesse.

56. Ans. Answer. The variation of the Number is of no Concernment. For, if respect be had to the severall Arts there professed, Sigebert founded Schools in the [Page 77] plurall: but if regard be taken of the Cyclopaedy of the Learning resulting from those severall Sciences, he erected but one Grand School. Every Fresh-man knows that the single Quadrant, wherein the publick Lectures are read, and Acts kept, is called plurally the Schools, in each University.

57. Obj. Fifth Obje­ction. But Bede terms them Pueros, Boyes, properly under the Rod, and Ferula, whom Sigebert placed in his School: and the word Paedagogi, Vshers, placed over them, imports the same; that they were no University-Students, but a company of little Lads, that lived there under Correction.

58. Ans. Answer. Criticks will satisfie you, that the word Pueri signifies even those of more Maturity, especially if living sub regimine, under the Discipline of Supe­riours. Secondly, Bede, being a great Divine, and conversant in Scripture-phrase, borroweth an expression thence; Christ calling his Disciples [...], Iohn 21. 5. Children. He useth also Paedagogos in the same notion with 1 Cor. 4. 15. S ^t. Paul's [...], which our last Translatours reade Instructours in Christ, even to the Corinthians, who still needed such Paedagogues or Teachers, though already 1 Cor. i. 5. enriched in all utterance and knowledge. Thirdly, the Saxon ancient Copy of Bede, which (doubtlesse) doth emphatically render the Latine, translates pueri [...]eon [...]e menn. Fourthly, Asserius Menevensis, speaking of Alfred's founding of Oxford, faith, that he endowed the same, Suae propriae Gentis nobilibus Pueris, & etiam ignobilibus; and it is but equal, that the Pueri at Cambridge should be allowed as much man in them, as those at Oxford. Lastly, the young Frie of Scholars, when first admitted, is such, to whom All the Scho­lars of Pem­broke Hall in Cam­bridge, not being Fellows, are termed pueri in their Statutes. Pueri, in the proper sense thereof, may well be applyed. And here it may seasonably be remembred, how an Bryan Twine Antiq. Oxon. p. 322. Oxford Antiquary af­firmeth, that Edward the fifth Prince of VVales, and Richard his brother, Duke of York, Oxoniae studuerunt, studied at Oxford, in the life-time of their Father. Stout Students no doubt, whereof the Elder could not then be ten, the Younger not nine yeares old. But I forget what Lawyers hold, that the Kings eldest Son is at full Age (for some Purposes) at the day of his Birth (in which respect he may sue out his Liveries for the Dukedome of Cornwall:) and this (perchance) may somewhat mend the matter.

59. But enough of this matter, Conclusion with prayer. which some will censure as an Impertinency to our Church-History, and scarcely coming within the Church-yard thereof. My Prayers shall be, that each University may turn all Envy into generous, yea gracious, yea glorious Emulation; contending by laudable means, which shall surpasse other in their Serviceablenesse to God, the Church, and Com­mon-wealth: that so Commencing in Piety, and Proceeding in Learning, they may agree against their two generall Adversaries, Ignorance, and Profanenesse. May it never be said of them, what Naomi Ruth 1. 12. said of her self, that she was too old to bear Sons: may they never be superannuated into Barrennesse, but like the good Trees in Gods Garden, They shall still bring forth Fruit in their old age, they shall be fat and flourishing.

60. Seasonably Sigebert erected an University at Cambridge, 632 thereby in part to repair the late great Losse of Christianity in England when (the year after) Edwine, Edwine, King of Northum­berland, slain. King of Northumberland, was slain in Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 10. Battel by Cadwald King of VVales, and Penda King of the Mercians. After whose Death, his whole Kingdome relapsed to Paganisme; and Paulinus, Arch-Bishop of York, taking with him Queen Ethelburge, returned into Kent, and there became Bishop of the (then vacant) Church of Rochester. Mortified man, he minded not whether he went up, or down hill, whilest he went on strait in his Calling to glorifie God, and edifie others; sensible of no Disgrace, when degrading himself from a great Arch-Bishop, to become a poor Bishop. Such be­tray much Pride and Peevishnesse, who, outed of eminent Places, will ra­ther be Nothing in the Church, then any thing lesse then what they have been before.

[Page 78] 61. After the death of King Edwine, The unhappy year. his Kingdome of Northumberland was divided into two parts, Anno Dom. 632 both petty Kingdomes;

These both proved Apostates from the Christian Faith: and God in his ju­stice let in Cadwald, King of the Britans, upon them, who slew them, harassed their Countrey, 633 and made a lamentable Desolation, within the compasse of one year, without respect to Age or Sex; untill Oswald (bred and brought up in Scotland) next of the Bloud-Royall, came to be King of Northumberland, whom God sent to redeem that miserable Country from the hands of their Enemies, and many eminent Victories he obtained.

62. The fatall year, A lost year well found. wherein so many Outrages were committed on the Apostate Northumberlanders, by Cadwald King of the Britans, is detested by all Saxon Chronologers. And therefore all the Annalists, and writers of Histories in that Age, by joynt-consent, universally resolved to damn and drown the Memoriall of that Annus infaustus (as they call it) Vnlucky year, but made so by Vngodly men. Yea, they unanimously Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 1. agreed to allow those two Apostate Kings, no yeares reign in their Chronicles, adding the time (subtracted from them) to Oswald, their Christian Successour, accounting him to have reigned Idem lib. 3. cap. 9. nine yeares; which indeed were but eight of his own, and one of these Historians their Adoption. Yet is it no news even in Scri­pture it self, to bury the reign of Tyrants, under the Monument of a good Prince succeeding them. Thus when Ehud is Iudg. 3. 30. said to have judged the land four­score year; those eighteen Vers. 14. yeares are included, wherein Eglon the Moabite op­pressed Israel.

63. Amongst the many Victories atchieved by this Oswald, A victory given from heaven. one most re­markable was gained by him near Hexam in Northumberland, 635 against the Pa­gans, against whom he erected the Standard of the Crosse, in a place which time out of mind was called Heafen-feld (Haledon at this day,) by a Prolepsis, not answering the name thereof untill this time. Hence a Poet writing the life of Oswald;

Thus it is generally reported, that the place nigh Lipsick, where the King of Sweden got one of his signal Victories, was, time out of mind, termed by the Dutch Swedish In­telligencer. Gots Acre, or, Gods ground. And thus, as Onesimus and Eutychus were so called from their Infancy, but never truely answered their Names, till after the Philem. v. 11 Conversion of the one, and Reviving of the Acts 20. 12. other: so Places (whether casually, or prophetically) have Names anciently imposed upon them, which are sometimes verified many Ages after.

64. About this time Honorius the Pope sent his Letter to the Scotch Na­tion, Pope Hono­rius his inef­fectual letter. advising them to an Uniformity with the Church of Rome in the Cele­bration of Easter. His main Reason is thought to have more of State, then Strength; humane Haughtinesse, then holy Divinity in it. Namely he coun­selleth them, Ne paucitatem suam in extremis terrae finibus constitutam, sapien­tiorem omnibus Christi Ecclesiis aestimarent. This is that Honorius, of whom Leo [Page 79] the second, Anno Dom. 635 his Successour, complaineth in his Tom. 2. De­cret. Epist. ed. Romae 1591. pag. 654. Epistle to the Bishops of Spain, Flammam haertici dogmatis non (ut decuit Apostolicam authoritatem) incipientem extinxit, sed negligendo confovit; By his negligence he did coun­tenance the heretical Opinions (meaning of the Monothelites, then beginning afresh to spring up again) which he ought to have suppressed. Thus he, who could stickle about the Ceremony of keeping, Easter, could quietly connive at, yea (interpretatively) consent to the depraving of the Doctrinall part of Religion. But his Letter to the Scotch took little effect, who kept their Easter not one Minute the sooner, or later, for all his writing unto them.

65. In a better Work, Birinus con­verts the VVest-Saxons to the faith. and with better Successe, was Birinus employed, an Italian by Birth, sent over by Pope Honorius for the Conversion of the re­mainder of England; and to that purpose (that his Preaching belike might be the more powerfull) made a Bishop before his Bede lib. 3. cap. 7. coming over, by Asterius Bishop of Genoa. Here I am at a losse. Bishop of what? Where was his Dio­cese or Bishoprick? Were not Bishop and Bishoprick so correlated in that Age, that they must be together? the trick of making Titular Bishops not as yet being used in Rome. It is impossible, that Bishops here should import no more then a plain Priest; and, that he onely took Orders before he came over into England. Well, commend me to the Memory of this man, who first was made Bishop, and then made himself a Bishoprick, by earning it out of the Pagan English, whom he intended to convert to Christianity. Yea, he passed his solemn Promise in the presence of the Pope, that he would preach the Gospel in the heart of the Idem ibid. uttermost coasts of England (meaning the Northern parts thereof) whither no Teacher had at any time gone before him. Minded herein like 2 Cor. 10. 16. S ^t. Paul, not to boast in another mans line, of things made ready to his hand.

66. This his Promise Birinus, 636 though he literally brake, A broken promise well kept. Virtually kept; for he chanced to land amongst the West-Saxons (then called Gevises) in the South-VVest part of England, where as yet the Inhabitants were pure-impure Pagans. Having here found a fit subject for his Pains, why should he go far­ther to seek the same? Is not Providence the best Herauld to marshal us? and ought we not to sit down where it disposeth us? Besides, according to Military Rules, it was best to clear the Coasts as he went, and not to leave a Pagan-Foe behind his back. Moved herewith, Birinus here sets up his Staffe [Episcopal,] fixeth himself; falls a preaching, converts many, and a­mongst the rest, Kyngils the VVest-Saxon King, whom he baptized. Oswald, King of Northumberland, chanced to be Bede Eccles. Hist. l. 3. cap. 7. present at that time, and was first God-Father, then Father in Law to King Kyngils, to whom he gave his Daughter to Wife.

67. Dorchester (not the Town which denominates Dorsetshire, Dorchester made a Bi­shops See. but) an old City in Oxfordshire (not in Barkshire, as Stapleton In his trans­lation of Bede Pol. 82. mistakes it) was made the Seat of Birinus his Bishoprick. Bede faith, Donaverunt autem ambo Reges eidem Episcopo civitatem, quae vocatur Dorinca, &c. Both the Kings (Oswald, and Kynglls) gave to the said Bishop the City Dorinca, or Dorchester. Both of them] Hence observe, first, that Oswald (whose Concurrence in this Grant was required) though particular King of Northumberland, was also Monarch of all England. To justifie our former Observation, that amongst the seven Saxon Kings, alwayes one was paramount above the rest. Secondly, that this Dorchester (though it lay North of Thames in Oxfordshire, which properly be­longed to the Kingdomes of Mercia) pertained now to the VVest-Saxons, beyond the ordinary Limits assigned to that Kingdome.

68. In this year Honorius Arch-Bishop of Canterbury divided England (un­derstand, 637 so much thereof as was Christian) into Parishes. England di­vided into Parishes. But that most ex­quisite Mr. Selden in his Hist. of Tithes, cap. 9. pag. 256. Antiquary seems very unwilling to admit so early and ancient Parishes, in the modern proper Acception of the word. Who knoweth not, that Parochia at large, signifieth the Diocese of the Bishop? and two new [Page 80] Dioceses, Anno Dom. 637 (Dunwich and Dorchester) were erected under Honorius in the Pro­vince of Canterbury. But whether Parishes, as usually understood for, places bounded in regard of the Profits from the people therein, payable onely to a Pastour incumbent there; I say, whether such Parishes were extant in this Age, may well be questioned, as inconsistent with the Community of Ecclesiastick Profits, which then seemed joyntly enjoyed by the Bishop and his Clergy.

69. No sooner was Oswald (whom we formerly mentioned) settled in his Kingdome of Northumberland, A morose Preacher little the edifieth. but his first Princely Care was, to provide Pa­stours to instruct his People in Christianity. In order where unto he sends into Scotland (where he had his own Education) for some Eminent Preachers. Unu­suall the Sun should come out of the North, to enlighten the South, as here it came to passe. One Preacher was sent him thence, whose Name we find not, but thus much of his Nature; that being over-rigid and severe, his Ser­mons made no Impression on his English Auditory. Hard with hard (saith the Proverb) makes no VVall: and no Wonder, if the spirituall Building went on no better, wherein the Austerity and Harshnesse of the Pastour, met with the Ignorance and Sturdinesse of the People. Home he returns, complaining of his ill Successe; and one Aidan, of a Milder temper, and more Discretion (a Grace which none ever spake against, but such as wanted it) was sent back in his room.

70. Aidan coming into England, Aidan his due commenda­tion. settled himself at Lindisfern, or Holy-Island, in Northumberland; a place which is an Island and no Island twice in twenty four hours, as divided by the Tide from, so conjoyned at Low-water to the Continent. His exemplary Life was a Pattern for all pious Pastours. First, he left to the Clergy, Saluberrimum abstinentiae, vel continentiae exemplum; though we read not he vowed Virginity himself, or imposed in on others. He lived as he taught; and, whatsoever the Bounty of Princes or great Persons bestowed on him, he gave to the Poor. He seldome travelled but on Foot; and, when invited to large Feasts at Court, used to arise after a short Refection, and betake himself to his Meditations. He redeemed many Slaves from Captivity, making them first Free-men, then Christians.

71. Bede his al­lay. All these his excellent Practices Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 3. dasheth with this Allay, that▪ He had a Zeal of God, although not fully according to Knowledge; merely because he dissented from the Romish Church in the Celebration of Easter. But whe­ther those words of Rom. 10. 2. S ^t. Paul, spoken of his Country-men the Iews, in refe­rence to their Stumbling at Christ, the Saviour of Mankind, be fitly appliable to Aidan, onely differing in an outward Ceremony, let others decide. True it is, this Aidan was a prime Champion of the Quartadecimans, as who had been brought up under, or with S ^t. Colme, in Ireland. The writer of the Life of this S ^t. Colme (let this be inserted by the way) reports, how the said Saint had a Revelation Arch-Bishop Usher in the Religion of the Irish p. 99. of the Holy Ghost, which prophesied unto him of this Dis­cord, which after many dayes should arise in the Church, about the diversity of the Feast of Easter. Yet he telleth us not, that the Holy Ghost reproved this Colme (whose Example animated others against the Roman Rite) for his Errour; as if God cared not, which of both Sides carried the Controversie.

72. But all which Bede speaketh in Diminution of Aidan, Lay-mens di­ligence in reading Scripture. may freely be forgiven him, were it but for his faithfull recording of the following Passage in Aidan's Life: and take it with Stapleton's own Translation thereof.

Omnes qui cum eo incede­bant, sive Attonsi, sive Lai­ci, meditari deberent; id est, aut legendis Scripturis, aut Psalmis discendis ope­ram dare.

All they which went with him, were they professed into Religion, or were they Lay­brethren, gave themselves continually to Contemplation; that is to say, bestowed all their time in reading Scripture, or learning the Psalter.

Bede, speaking hereof, addeth moreover, tantum vita illius à nostri temporis [Page 81] segnitia distabat, so much differed his life from the Lazinesse of our Age: taxing those of his Time for Neglect of the Scriptures. And the Ignorance be­moaned in his Age, continued and encreased after his Death.

73. When Aidan came first into England, The royall interpreter. he was not perfect in the Language of our Country. For although the Speech of the modern Southern- Scot be onely a Dorick Dialect of, no distinct Language from English; yet Aidan, who naturally spoke Irish, was not intelligible of his English Con­gregation. Wherefore King Oswald, a better Scotch-man (as bred amongst them) then Aidan was English-man, interpreted to the People, what the other preached unto them. Thus these two put together made a perfect Preacher. And although some will say, Sermons thus at the Second-hand must lose much of their Life and Lustre; yet the same Spirit working in both, the Ordinance proved effectuall to the Salvation of many Souls.

74. This year the first Lent was kept in England; 640 conceive it in those Parts thereof which obeyed the Roman Celebration of Easter. The first Lent in En­gland. Otherwise it is suspi­cious, that the Quartadecimans were no good Quadragesimarians, and no such conscientious Observers of Lent on the Romish Account. Surely, if people were taught in Lent to fast (as from Flesh, so) from a proud and false opi­nion of Meriting thereby, Policy would be well pleased and Piety not offended at the Observing thereof; whilest Continent-Countries might keep it with­out any Losse to their Souls, and Islands with great Gain to their Estates.

75. Oswald, 642 King of Northumberland, The ill suc­cesse of good Kings. at Maserfield (since Oswa­stree) in Shropshire, against Penda the Pagan Prince of Mercia, was overthrown, slain, and his Body most barbarously abused, and chopped in Pieces. Yea, it is observable that such Saxon Kings, which were first converted to Chri­stianity, and such who were the most active Restorers of Religion after a generall Apostasie, commonly came to Violent Deaths, by the hands of Heathens. As,

Inquiring into the Causes hereof, we find, First, that the Lustre of their Lives shining before men, made them the fairer Mark for their malicious Enemies. Secondly, Satan, accounting them Traitours against his Kingdome of Darknesse, left no stone unturned, thereby to bring them to Temporall De­struction, the greatest Hurt which his Power could inflict. Thirdly, God, to try the Patience of his Infant-Church, acquainted them with Afflictions from their very Cradle. Such therefore are mistaken, who make Prosperity a note either of Piety in particular Persons, or Verity in a whole Church; seeing, take it one time with another, and it misseth the Mark oftner then it hits is As for our Oswald, Legions of Miracles are attributed unto him after Death; all which we willingly omit, insisting onely on One as most remarkable.

76. The Story goes thus. Oswald's hand said never to putrifie. On an Easter-day Oswald was sitting in his Pa­lace at Dinner with Bishop Aidan: when in comes one of his Servants, and informeth him, that abundance of Poor people from all parts fate in the Streets expecting some Almes for their Relief. Presently King Oswald com­mands, [Page 82] not onely that the Meat set before him should be given them, Anno Dom. 642 also that the large Silver-Charger holding the same should be broke in pieces, and (in want perchance of present Coin) parted betwixt them. Whereupon, Aidan laying hold on Oswald's right Hand (and that alone, we know, ought to be the Matth. 6. 3. Almoner) May this hand (said he) So Staple­ton transla­teth what is, Bede is, in­veterascat. never be consumed: which is said accordingly to come to passe. So that when all the other Members of King Oswald's Body (torn asunder by his barbarous Enemies) were pu­trified, his right Hand alwayes remained unconsumed.

But it is not enough for us, that we have the Poets Pen for it; if we also had Oswald's Hand to shew for the same, much might be wrought on our belief herein.

77. For my own part, Mystically true. I conceive that Aidan his words to Oswald; that his Handshould never wax old, or be consumed, were spiritually spoken, in a My­sticall Meaning, parallel to those Scripture-expressions; The Righteous shall be in Psal. 112. 6. everlasting Remembrance, even, when the name of the VVicked shall Prov. 10. 7. rot. The bountifull hand never consumes: neither actually, it never wastes nor em­pairs an Estate, God so ordering it, that the more he giveth the more he hath; nor passively, it is not consumed, the Acts thereof remaining in a perpetuall Memoriall here, and hereafter. But, grant this Miracle of Oswald's Hand literally true in the Latitude thereof; I desire any ingenuous Papist to consider the Time wherein it was acted. It was Easter-day, yea, such an Easter-day as was celebrated by the Quartadecimans, Aidan being present thereat, contrary to the time which the Canons of Rome appointed. Now, did not a Divine Finger in Oswald his miraculous Hand, point out this Day then to be truly observed? Let the Papists produce such another Miracle, to grace and credit their Easter Roman-stile, and then they say something to the Pur­pose.

78. It plainly appears, Over offici­ousnesse oc­casioned pur­gatory. that the Survivers had not onely, a charitable Opi­nion, but a comfortable Presumption, yea, an infallible Perswasion, that the Soul of King Oswald was possessed of Heavenly Happinesse, instantly after his Death. What better Demonstration of his present being in perfect Blisse, then those many Miracles, which the Papists confidently report to be done by him after his Death, in curing Sick people of their severall Maladies? For such Souls which they fancy in Purgatory, are so farre from healing others, that they cannot help themselves. Yea, Eccles. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 12. Bede calleth this Oswald, jam cum Domino regnantem, now reigning with the Lord. Yet the same Lib. 3. cap. 2 Authour attest­eth, that even in his time it was the anniversary Custome of the Monks of He­xam, to repair to Heofen-feld (a place hard by, where Oswald, as aforesaid, ob­tained his miraculous Victory) and there to observe Vigils for the Salvation of his Soul, plurima (que) Psalmorum laude celebrata, victimam pro eo, mane sacrae obla­tionis offerre. A Mongrel Action, betwixt Good-will and VVill-worship: though the eyes of their Souls in those Prayers looked not forward to the future, pe­titioning for Oswald's Happinesse; but backward to what was past, gratulatory to the Blisse he had received. Purgatory therefore cannot properly be founded on such Suffrages for the dead. However, such over-Officiousnesse (though at first it was like the Herb in the Pot, which doth neither good nor ill) in af­ter-Ages [Page 83] became like that wild 2 King. 4. 40▪ Gourd, Anno Dom. poysoning mens Souls with Supersti­tion, 644 when they fell to down-right Praying for the departed.

79. This year Paulinus, The death of Paulinus. late Arch-Bishop of York, since Bishop of Rochester, ended his Life; and one Ithamar succeeded him, born in Kent, and the first English-man Bishop, all being Forrainers before him. As he was the first of his Nation, I believe him the second of his Name, meeting with no moe save onely Exod. 6. 23. Ithamar, the youngest Son of Aaron, High-Priest of Israel.

80. After King Oswald his Death, 645 four Christian contemporary Kings flou­rished in England. Most Chri­stian King Oswy. First Oswy, King of Northumberland, more commendable for the Managing, then the Gaining of his Kingdome; except any will say, that no good Keeping can make amends for the ill Getting of a Crown, see­ing he defeated Ethelwald (Oswald's Son, and) the true Heire thereof, Bede Lib. 3. c. 21. termeth him Regem Christianissimum, The most Christian King; a Stile where­with the present Majesty of France will not be offended, as which many years after was settled on his Ancestours. Long had this Oswy endeavoured in vain by Presents to purchase Peace from Penda, the Pagan King of Mercia, who miserably harassed his Country; and refused any Gifts, (though never so rich and great) which were tendered unto him. At last, saith my Idem. Authour, Oswy resolved, VVe will offer our Presents to such a King, who is higher in Command, and humbler in his Courtesie, as who will not disdain to accept them. Whereupon he devoted his Daughter to God, in her perpetuall Virginity, and soon after obtained a memorable Conquest over his Enemies, and cleared the Country from his Cruelty.

81. Secondly, Sigebert the too good. Sigebert, King of Essex, and the Restorer of Religion in his Kingdome (which formerly had apostatized after the Departure of Mellitus) valiant, and pious, though taxed for his contumacious Company-keeping (contrary to his Confessours command) with an Excommunicated Count, in whose House he was afterward murdered by two Villains: Who, being de­manded the Cause of their Cruelty, why they killed so harmlesse and inno­cent a Prince, had nothing to say for themselves, but they did it, because his Beda lib. 3. cap. 22. Goodnesse had done the Kingdome hurt; such his pronenesse to pardon Offenders, on their (though but seeming) Submission, that his Meeknesse made many Malefactours. But I hope, and believe, that the Heirs of Sigebert (though the Story be silent herein) finding his Fault, amended it in themselves, and exercised just Severity in the Execution of these two damnable Trai­tours.

82. Anna may be accounted the third Successour to Sigebert, 654 and happy in a numerous and holy Off-spring. Anna happy in an holy issue. Yea, all his Children (save Firminus the eldest, slain with his Father in a Fight against Pagan Penda) were either Mitred, or Vailed, when Living; Sainted, and Shrined, when Dead: as Erkenwald, Bi­shop of London; Ethelred, or Audrey, and Sexburga, successively Foundresses and Abbesses of Elie; VVithgith, a Nun therein; and Ethilburg, Abbesse of Beorking, nigh London.

83. Peada, 656 Prince of Mercia, The conver­sion of the Mercians to Christianity. under Prince Peada. may make up the Quaternion, who married Alfrede, Daughter of Oswy King of Northumberland; and thereupon renoun­cing Paganisme, embraced Christianity, and propagated it in his Dominions. Indeed Penda, his Father, that Persecuter of Piety, was still alive (and sur­vived two yeares after) persisting an Heathen till Death, but mollified to per­mit a Toleration of Christianity in his Subjects. Yea, Penda in his Old-age used an expression (which might have beseemed the Mouth of a better man) namely. That he hated not Christians, but onely such who Beda lib. 3. cap. 21. professed Christ's Faith, without his VVorks; accounting them contemptible, who pretended to Believe in God, without Obeying him.

84. A brace of Brethren, St. Cedde, and St. Chad. both Bishops, both eminent for Learning and Religion, now appeared in the Church, so like in Name, they are oft mistaken in Authours one for another. Now, though it be pleasant for Brethren to [Page 84] live together in Vnity; Anno Dom. 656 yet it is not fit, by Errour they should be jumbled to­gether in Confusion. Observe their Difference therefore.

S ^t. Cedde (in Latine Ceddus) I believe the elder, born at Flores San­ctorum pag. 35. London (where afterward he was Bishop) bred in Holy Is­land, an active promoter in making the East-Saxons Con­verts (or rather Reverts) to the Faith. He is remembred in the Romish Kalendar, Ia­nuary the seventh.

S ^t. Chad (in Latine Cedda) born in Idem p. 224. Nor­thumberland, bred likewise in Holy Island, and Scholar to Aidanus. He was Bishop of Lich­field; a milde, and modest man, of whom more hereafter. His death is celebrated in the Kalender March the second, and the Dust of his Tombe is by Papists reported to cure all Diseases [alike] in Man and Beast. I believe it might make the dumb to see, and the lame to speak.

The later of these was, as the Longest Liver, so the most eminent in his Life; who made many Christians, and amongst the rest VVulfade and Rufine, Sons to Wulphere King of Mercia, succeeding Peada therein, who was sudden­ly slain, and his untimely Death was a great Loss to Religion.

85. Look we now on the See of Canterbury, Fridona first English Arch-bishop. where (to our comfort) we have gotten one of our own Country-men into the place, Fridona a Saxon. Yet, for the more State of the businesse, he assumed the name of Deus-dedit. We know, Arch-Bishops of his See are termed Alterius orbis Papae, and such changing of Names was fashionable with the Popes. He was consecrated by Ithamar alone, Bishop of Rochester, the first English Bishop consecrating the first English Arch-Bishop. Let no Sophister cavill with his thread-bare Maxime, Nihil dat quod non habet, and therefore a single Bishop could not conferre Archiepiscopal Power; but leave it to the Canon-Lawyers, to decide what may be done in case of Extremity. Mean time, how causelesse is the Caption of the Papists Sanders de Schism. pag. 297 at the Consecration of Matthew Parker, because no Arch-Bishop (though four Bishops) was present thereat. Seeing, though an Arch-Bishop be requisite ad Dignitatem, Bishops will suffice ad Honestatem; and a single Bishop (as Bede Hist. lib. 3. p. 217. Ithamar here) may be effectuall ad essentiam of an Archiepi­scopal Consecration. No wonder therefore if Evagrius was acknowledged a legitimate Bishop by the Binnius Tom. 1. p. 579. in Notis in Epist. 17. In­nocentis primi. Wolphere's murther of his two Sons. Pope himself, though contrary to the Rigour of the Canon, consecrated by Theodoret. lib. 5. cap. 23. Paulinus alone. Deus-dedit answered his Name (A good Arch-Bishop is Gods Gift) and for nine yeares and more, ruled the Church to his great Commendation.

86. A barbarous Murther was committed by Wolphere, 662 King of Mercia, who understanding that his two Sons, Wulfade and Rufine, had embraced Chri­stianity, cruelly slew them with his own Hands. But afterwards, repenting of so soul a Fact, he himself turned Christian; and in Testimony thereof, finished the fair Fabrick of the Monastery at Peterborough, begun by Peada his Brother. The whole Story thereof was, till lately, set forth in Painting, and Poetry (such as it was) in the Glass-windows, round about the Cloisters of Peter­borough.

87. And now, The making of Glasse brought first into England. having fallen on the mention of Glasse, be it seasonably re­membred, that just at this time one Benault, a forrain Bishop (but of what place I find not) brought the Mystery of making Glasse into England, to the great Beautifying of our Churches and Houses; the Eyes being the Grace of the Body, as Windows are of Buildings. I conceive, his Invention was White Glasse alone, more ancient then Painted Glasse in this Island, as Plain-song is much seniour to all Descanting, and running of Division.

88. The Paroxisme continued and encreased, Scotish Bi­shops dissent from others in keeping Easter. betwixt the Scotish Bishops (headed, after Aidan's Death, by Finan, Bishop of Holy-Island) and such who celebrated Easter after the Roman Rite. The later so bitterly detested the [Page 85] former, Anno Dom. 662 that they would not receive Consecration of them, or Imposition of Hands; as if their very Fingers ends were infected with Schisme, for dissen­ting from Rome. Yea, they would neither give the Sacrament of the Euacharist to them, nor receive it from them: and yet they never quarrelled at, or que­stioned the validity of Baptisme conferred by them; seeing Bishop Finan chri­stened the King of the East-Saxons, and all his Subjects. Some what more mo­derate were the Scots, or Quartadecimans, in their Cariage to the other, seeing S ^t. Chad (Scotized in his Judgement) refused not Consecration from Wyni, Bi­shop of Winchester, though one of the contrary Opinion.

89. Nor was this Controversie consined to Cloisters and Colledges, This contro­versy spreads into private families. but derived it self from the Kings Court, down into private Families. Thus Oswy, King of Northumberland, was of the Scotish Perswasion, whilest his Queen and eldest Son were of the Romish Opinion, in Celebration of Easter. One Board would not hold them, whom one Bed did contain. It fell out so sometimes, that the Husband's Palm-Sunday was the Wife's Easter-day; and in other Fami­lies, the Wife fasted, and kept Lent still, whilest her Husband feasted, and ob­served Easter. Say not, that Wife deserved to fast alwayes, who in so indiffe­rent a Ceremony would not conform to her Husband's Judgement. For Con­sciences, in such kinds, are to be led, not drawn. Great was the Disturbance in every great Family; onely the Poor gained by the Difference, causing a Dupli­cate of Festivalls, two Easters being kept every year in the same House.

90. To compose this Controversie (if possible) a Councill was called at Streanch-Hall (now Whitby in Yorkshire) by the procurement of S ^t. Hilda, 663 Ab­bess therein. A Councell is called to compose this controversie. Here appeared, amongst many others,

• For the Romish Easter,
  • VVilfride, an Abbot, a zealous Cham­pion.
  • Romanus, a Priest, ve­ry hot in the Quar­rel: And others.
• Moderatours.
  • Hilda, the Abbess of Streanch-Hall.
  • S. Cedd, Bishop of Lon­don, propending to the Scotish, but not throughly perswaded.
• For the Scotish Easter.
  • S ^t. Coleman, Bi­shop of Holy-Island, who succeeded Fi­nan in that place.

But Baronius and Binnius will in no case allow this for a Councill (though elsewhere extending that name to meaner Meetings) onely they call it a Col­lation; because (forsooth) it wanted some Council-Formalities, all Bishops not being, solemnly summoned, but onely some Voluntiers appearing therein. Besides, as there was something too little, so something too much for a Ca­nonicall Councill; Hilda, a Woman, being Moderatresse therein; which seemed irregular.

91. In this Councill, Wilfride his prevailing argument. or Collation (call it which you please) after much ar­guing pro and con, VVilfride at last knockt all down with this Argument; That the Romish Celebration of Easter was founded on the Practice of S ^t. Peter, Prince of the Apostles, and Porter of Heaven. King Oswy hearing this was af­frighted, who had rather anger all the other eleven Apostles, then offend S ^t. Pe­ter, one so high in Power and Place; for fear (as he said) left coming to Heaven­gate, S ^t. Peter should deny him a Cast of his Office, and refuse to let him into Happinesse. S ^t. Coleman, being on the other side, was angry, that so slight an Argument had made so deep an Impression on the King's Credulity. And, to manifest his Distaste, after the Councill was broken up, carried all those of his own Opinion home with him into Scotland. One Tuda succeeded him in his Bishoprick of Holy-Island, the first of that See that conformed himself in this Controversie to the Romish Church, and died in the same year, of the Plague.

92. As for VVilfride, His intended, but disap­pointed pre­ferment. he was well rewarded for his Paines in this Councill, being presently promoted to be Bishop of York, which, since Paulinus his Death, was no longer an Arch-Bishop's, but a plain Bishop's See. But, though [Page 86] appointed for the place by King Oswy, Anno Dom. 663 he refused Consecration from any En­glish Bishops, being all irregular, as consecrated by the schismaticall Scots; onely VVyni, late Bishop of VVinchester, now of London, was ordained cano­nically, but lately he had contracted just Shame for his Simony, in buying his Bishoprick. Over goes VVilfride therefore to Rome for Consecration, and stayes there so long, that in his Absence the King put S ^t. Chad into the Bishoprick of York. The writer of VVilfride's Life complains lowdly hereof;

But, by the Poets leave, York was but espoused, not married to VVilfride, whilest he was in England: and after his going over beyond-Sea, he stayed so long, that his Church presumed him dead, and herself a Maid-Widow, which lawfully might receive another Husband. At last VVilfride returning home had York restored unto him, and S ^t. Chad was removed to the new-founded Bishop­rick of Lichfield.

93. The Abbess Hilda, Abbess Hilda. whom we mentioned before, was like another Huldah, which lived in the 2 Chro. 34. 22. Colledge, superiour to most of her Sex in Learning, inferiour to none in Religion. Monks ascribe it to her Sanctity, that she turned many Serpents in that Country into Stones. Plenty of which Stones are found at this day about VVhitby, the place of her Aboad, having the Shape of Serpents, but most headlesse; as the Tale is truthlesse, relating it to her Miraculous Operation. Who knows not, but that at Alderly in Glocestershire, there are found Stones resembling Cockles, or Periwincles, in a place far from the Sea? which are esteemed by the Learned the Gamesome Work of Nature, sometimes pleased to disport it self, and pose us by propoun­ding such Riddles unto us.

94. Some impute it also to Hilda her Holinesse, A miracle imputed to her holiness. that Wilde-geese, when flying over the Grounds near her Convent, fell down to the ground, as doing Homage to the Sanctity thereof. As the Credit of the Reporters hath conver­ted wise men to believe the Thing: so they justly remain incredulous, that it proceedeth from any Miracle, but secret Antipathy. But as Philosophers, when posed in Nature, and prosecuted to render Reasons of her Mysteries, took San­ctuary at Occulta Qualitas: Monks in the same kind make their Refuge to the Shrine of some Saint, attributing all they cannot answer, to His, or Her mira­culous Operation. Yea sometimes such is Monkish Impudence, falsely to assign that to a Saint (though all Chronologies protest against the Possibility thereof) which is the plain and pregnant effect of Nature. Witnesse when they As Camden saith in Wor­cestershire. write, that Richard de la VVich, Bishop of Chicester, with his fervent Prayers obtained, that the VViches, or salt Springs, should boil out of the earth in Durtwich in VVorcestershire; which are mentioned, and described by ancient Authours dead before the Cradle of the said Richard de la VVich was made.

95. Look we now on the See of Canterbury, Theodorus Arch-bishop of Canterbury. and there after the Death of the last Arch-Bishop (and four yeares Vacancy) we find that Church hath changed her Latine into Greek, 668 I mean, dead Deus-dedit, into Theodorus his Suc­cessour, put in by the Pope. This Theodorus was a Grecian by Name, and Na­tion, fellow-Citizen with S [...]. Paul, born in Acts 22. 3. Tarsus in Cilicia; and herein like him, that he 1 Cor. 14. 18 spake with Tongues more then they all, had more skill in learned Languages then all his Brethren, Bishops of England, in that Age. Yea, as Chil­dren when young, are permitted to Play; but when of some yeares, are sent to learn their Book: so hitherto the Infant-Church of England may be said to have lost time for matter of Learning, and now Theodorus set it first to School, brought Books to it, and it to Books; erecting a well-furnished Library, and teaching his Clergie how to make use thereof.

96. I could wish this Theodorus had had one Quality more of S ^t. Paul; 67 ⅔ that in matters Indifferent, he would have been 1 Cor. 9. 22. His fierce­ness to keep Easter after the Romish rite. made all things to all men, that by [Page 87] all means he might save some. Anno Dom. 67 ⅔ Whereas he most rigourously pressed Confor­mity to Rome, in the Observation of Easter: and to that purpose a Councill was called at Herad-ford, now Hartford, and not Hereford, as judicious and in­dustrious Bishop Godwine (partiall to the place where of he himself was Bishop) doth mistake it. Here Easter was settled after the Romish Rite; and we are not sorry for the same, willing rather it should be any way ordered, then that the Reader (with whom I sympathize, more then grutch my own Pains) should be troubled any longer with such a small-great Controversie, low in it's own Merit, but heightned with the Spleen and Passion of such as prosecuted it. In this Synod nine other Articles were concluded of, as they follow here in order, out of Bede, Lib. 4. cap. 5. as Stapleton himself hath translated them.

I wonder, no mention herein of settling the Tonsure of Priests (a Controversie running parallel with that of Easter) according to the Roman Rite. To con­clude, let not the Reader expect the like exemplification of all Articles in following Synods, so largely as here we have presented them. For this Synod Stapleton In his trans­lation of Bede fol. 118. calls the first of the English Nation (understand him, whose Canons are completely extant) and therefore more Patrimony is due to the Heir and Eldest Son, then to the younger Brethren, who shall be content to be con­fined to their Pensions, I mean, to have their Articles not exemplified, but epi­tomized hereafter.

[Page 88] 97. Theodorus, He envieth Wilfride Bi­shop of York. Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, beheld VVilfride, Bishop of York (one of great Parts, and greater Passions) with envious eyes; and therefore, to abate his Power, he endeavoured that the Diocese of York might be di­vided. VVilfride offended hereat goes over to Rome to impede the Project, and by the way is tossed with a grievous Tempest. It is an ill wind whicch bloweth no man Profit. He is cast on the Shoar of Freezland in Belgia, where the In­habitants, as yet Pagans, were by his Preaching converted to Christianity. This may be observed in this Wilfride, his [...] were better then his [...], his casuall and occasionall were better then his intentionall Performances (which shews plainly, that Providence acted more vigourously in him, then his own Prudence:) I mean, when at Ease in Wealth, at home, he busied himself in Toyes and Trifles of Ceremonious Controversies; but when (as now, and afterwards) a Stranger, and little better then an Exile, he effectually promoted the Honour and Glory of God.

98. And as it is observed of Nightingales, The South-Saxons (as formerly the Freezlanders) converted by Wilfride. that they sing the sweetest, 679 when farthest from their Nests: so this VVilfride was most diligent in God's Ser­vice, when at the greatest distance from his own Home. For though return­ing into England, he returned not unto York, but stayed in the Pagan King­dome of the South-Saxons, who also, by God's Blessing on his Endeavours, were perswaded to embrace the Christian Faith.

99. These South-Saxons, The first, the last. of all the seven Kingdomes, were the last which submitted themselves to the perfect Freedome of God's Service, and yet their Country was in Situation next to Kent, where the Gospel was first planted. Herein it was verified, Many that are first, shall be last; and the last, first. Yea, the Spirit, which bloweth where it listeth, observeth no visible Rules of Motion; but sometimes taking no notice of those in the middle, reacheth to them which are farthest off. Indeed Edilwalch their King, was a little before Christened by the perswasion of VVolphere, King of Mercia (who was his Godfather, and at his baptizing gave him for a Gift the Isle of VVight, & provinciam Bede lib. 4. cap. 13. Meanuarorum in gente Occidentalium Saxonum) but his Country still remained in Paganisme. And although Dicul, a Scot, with some six of his Brethren, had a small Monastery at Bosenham in Sussex; yet they, rather enjoying themselves, then medling with others, were more carefull of their own Safety, then their Neighbours Conversion. And in­deed, the Pagans neither heeded their Life, nor minded their Doctrine.

100. However, Pagan obsti­nacy punish­ed with famine. these South-Saxons paid for their Stubbornnesse, in stand­ing out so long against the Gospel; for they alwayes were a miserable people, and at this present afflicted with a great Famine, caused by three years Drought; so that fourty men in arow, holding hand in hand, used to throw themselves into the Sea, to avoid the misery of a Lingering Death. In this wofull Con­dition did VVilfride, Bishop of York, find them, when he first preached the Gospel unto them; and on that very day wherein he baptized them (as if God from Heaven had powred water into the Font) he obtained store of Rain, which procured great Plenty. Observe (though I am not so ill-na­tured as to wrangle with all Miracles) an Apish Imitation of Elijah (who car­ried the Key of Heaven at his Girdle, to lock, or unlock it by his Prayer:) onely Elijah gave Rain after three yeares and six moneths, VVilfride after bare three yeares; it being good manners to come a little short of his Bet­ters.

101. South-Saxons first taught to fish. Also (saith my Bede ibidem Authour) he taught the people (who till then knew not how to catch any Fishes, but Eeles) how to take all kind of Fish in the Sea, and Rivers. Strange! that thus long they should live in Ignorance of so usefull a Trade, being (though Infidels) no Idiots: especially seeing mens Capacities come very soon to be of age to understand their own Profit; and the Examples of their Neighbours might have been Tutours unto them. [Page 89] But Wilfride afterward wanted no Hearers, Anno Dom. 680 People flocking unto him; as when Christ made his Auditours his Guests, they followed after him, be­cause they ate of the Loaves, and were filled. The Priests Eappa, Padda, Bruchelin, and Oidda, assisted in baptizing the common people; and King Edilwalch gave VVilfride a piece of Land, containing eighty nine Families, at Selsey, where he erected a Bishops See, since translated to Chichester.

102. Amongst other good deeds, A double good deed. VVilfride freed two hundred and fifty men and maid-Servants, both out of Soul-Slavery, and Bodily Bondage. For, having baptized them, he procured their Liberty of their Masters, which they (no doubt) chearfully embraced, according to S ^t. Paul's 1 Cor. 7. 21. coun­sel, Art thou called a Servant? care not for it: but if thou maist be made free, use it rather. And thus by God's Blessing, in the space of eighty and two yeares (from five hundred ninety seven, to six hundred seventy nine) was the whole Saxon Heptarchie converted to Christianity, and did never again re­lapse to Paganisme.

103. Godfathers used to men of nature Age. Mention being Parag. 99. lately made of VVolphere, the Mercian King, his being Godfather unto Edilwalch, King of the South-Saxons, some will much admire, that one arrived at yeares of Maturity, able to render an Account of his Faith, should have a Godfather, which (with Swadling-clouts) they conceive belong to Infants alone. Yet this was very fashionable in that Age: not onely for the greater state, in Kings, Princes, and Publick Persons; but, in majorem cautelam, even amongst Private people. For such Susceptors were thought to put an Obligation on the Credits (and by reflection on the Con­sciences) of new Christians (whereof too many in those dayes were bap­tized out of civile Designes) to walk worthy of their Profession, were it but to save their Friends Reputation, who had undertaken for their Sincerity therein.

104. Cadwallader, Cadwallader founds a VVelsh Hos­pital at Rome. the last King of VVales, wearied out with Warre, Fa­mine, and Pestilence, left his own Land, and (with some small Treasure) fled to Alan, King of Little Britain. But Princes are welcome in forrain parts, when Pleasure (not Need) brings them thither; or, whilest they are so considerable in themselves, as to command their own Entertainment. Whereas this distressed King his Company was beheld not onely as Uselesse, and Expensive, but Dangerous, as likely to draw with it the Displeasure of the Saxon Kings (his Enemies) on his Entertainer. But it seems, Cadwal­lader had better Friends in Heaven, 685 then any he found on Earth, if it be true what confidently is reported, that an Lewes Owen his running Re­gister, pag. 17. Angel appeared unto him, ad­vising him to go to Rome, there to take on him the Habite of a Monk, and spend the remainder of his Life. Here he purchased Lands, all by the fore­said Angelicall Direction, built an House (after his Death converted into an Hospitall) and by his Will so ordered it, that certain Priests of his own Country should for ever have the Rule and Government thereof. These were to entertain all VVelsh-Pilgrims with Meat, Drink, and Lodging, for the space of a moneth, and to give them a certain Summe of Money for a viaticum at their Departure, towards their Charges in returning to their own Country.

105. Many a year did this Hospitall flourish in good Plenty, Since, injuri­ously taken from the VVelsh. till the middle of Queen Elisabeth her Reign; when fair the Revenues belonging, and few the VVelsh-Pilgrims repairing thereto. This made Father Parsons, with the rest of our English Iesuites, cast an envious eye thereon, who would never be quiet, until they had obtained of Pope Gregory the 13. to eject the old British, and unite this Hospitall to the English Colledge at Rome. This, no doubt, stirred up the VVelsh bloud of D ^r. Morris, D ^r. Lewes, D ^r. Smith, M ^r. Griffith, who in vain stickled to the utmost of their Power, to continue this Foundation to their Country-men. In my poor Opinion, seeing an An­gel is said to direct in the Founding and endowing of this Hospitall, it was [Page 90] but fit that either the same Angel appearing again, Anno Dom. or some other of an higher (or at least equall Dignity and Degree, in the Celestiall Hierarchie) should have altered the Use, and confirmed the Alienation thereof. But of this more Vide Annum Domini 1569. The Ecclesiasticall Laws of King Ina. hereafter.

106. Ina, 692 King of the VVest-Saxons, about this time set forth his Saxon Laws, translated into English by M ^r. Lambert. Eleven of his Laws concer­ned Church-matters; Kings in that Age understanding their own Power, the Pope having not as yet intrenched on their just Prerogative. These Constitutions were concluded on by the King, through the Perswasion of Kenred his Father. Hedda and Erkenwald his Bishops, and all his Alder­men and wise Senatours of the People. Let none wonder that Ina, in his Preface to these Laws, termeth Erkenwald His Bishop, whose See of Lon­don was properly under the King of the East-Saxons. For he might call him his in Affection, (whose Diocese was in another King's Possession;) Ina highly honouring Erkenwald for his Piety, and therefore inviting him (for­ward of himself to all Goodnesse) to be present at the passing of these Laws. Besides, Iac. Usser. Arch. Armach. de Brit. Eccles. primord. p. 394 some assign Surrey as part of the Kingdome of the VVest-Saxons: Probably at this present Ina's Puissance sallied over the Thames, and London might be reduced into his Honorary-Protection. But see here a Breviate of his Church-Laws.

In this last Law, expresse Provision is made, Episcopi filius si occidatur, in case the Son of a Bishop be kill'd: a Passage impertinently alledged by some, for the Proof of Bishops married in that Age; seeing neither Sons natural, nor conjugal, but onely spirituall, at the Font, are thereby intended. Now let the learned in the Law render the Reason, why Murder in that Age was not punishable with Death, but might be bought off with Money.

[Page 91] 107. A great Council (for so it is tituled) was held at Becanceld by VVithred, Anno Dom. 694 King of Kent, Women pre­sent at the great Coun­cil of Becan­celd. and Bertuald, Arch-Bishop of Britain (so called therein) under­stand him of Canterbury; wherein many things were concluded in favour of the Church. Five Kentish Abbesses, namely, Mildred, Etheldred; Aete, Wil­nolde, and Hereswide, were not onely present, but subscribed their Names and Crosses to the Constitutions concluded therein. And we may observe, that their Subscriptions are not onely placed before and above all Presbyters, but also above S ^r. Henry Spelman's Councills pag. 190. Romish braggs of S ^t. Andre' s Chastity. Botred a Bishop, (but of what Diocese not specified) present in this great Council. It seems it was the Courtesy of England to allow the upper hand to the weaker Sex, as in their Siting, so in their Subscriptions.

108. We will conclude this Century with the miraculous Holiness of Ethelreda, or S ^t. Audre: professing at first to be afraid to adventure on so high a Subject, disheartened in reading a Popish Authour to rant so in her Commendation. ‘Let The Flowers of the Saints written by Hierome Porter. the fabulous Greeks talk no more of theirchast Penelope, who in the twenty yeares absence of her Husband Vlysses lived continently, in despite of the tempting Importunity of many noble Woers: and let the proud Romans cease to bragg of their fair Lucretia, that chose rather to become the bloudy instrument of her own Death, then to live after the violent Ravishment of her Honour: and let all the world turn their Minds to admire, and their Tongues and Pens to sound the Praises of the Christian Vertues and Chastity of our blessed Ethelreda,’ &c. But leaving the Bubbles of his Rhetorick to break of themselves, on serious considerations we are so far from admiring, 'tis more then we can do to ex­cuse this S ^t. Audre, as her Story is reported.

109. This Audre was Daughter to Anna King of the East-Angles, Twice a Wife, still a Maid. and from her Infancy a great affecter of Virginity. However, she was over-per­swaded to marry one Tombert, Prince of the Fen-land, with whom she lived three yeares in the Bands of unexperienced Wedlock, both, by mutuall Consent, abstaining from Carnal Copulation. After his Death, so importunate were her Friends with her that she married with Egfride King of Northumberland.

110. Strange, Pretended chastity, real injustice. that being once free, she would again entangle her self; and stranger, that being married, she utterly refused to afford her Husband what the 1. Cor. 7. 3. Apostle calls due Benevolence, though he by importunate▪ Intreaties re­quested the same. Being Benevolence, it was Uncharitable to deny it; being Due, it was Unjust to detain it; being both, she was uncharitable and unjust in the same action. Was not this a Mockage of Marriage (if in that Age counted a Sacrament) solemnly to give her self unto her Husband, whom formerly she had passed away by a previous Vow of Virginity? At last she wrested leave from her Husband to live a Nun in the Monastery of Ely, which she built and endowed. After her entrance therein she ever wore Wool­len, and never Bede Eccles. Hist. l. 4. c. 19. Linen about her: which whether it made her more Holy, or lesse Cleanly, let others decide. Our Hierome Porter in his Flowers of the Saints, and Harpsfield sec. 7. cap. 24. Her miracu­lous Monu­ment of Marble. Authour tells us, that in Memory of her, out English Women are wont to wear about their Necks a certain Chain made of fine small Silk, which they call Ethelred's Chain. I must professe my self not so well acquainted with the Sex, as either to confute or confirm the truth thereof. At last she died of a Swelling in her Throat, and was buried in Ely.

111. Sixteen yeares her Corps slept in a private Grave near her own Con­vent; when it came into the head of Bishop VVilfride and her Friends, to be­stow on her a more costly Buriall. But alass, the soft and fenny Ground of Ely Isle (where scarce a stone bigg enough to bury a Worm under it) afforded not a Tombe-stone for that purpose. Being thus at a Losse, their want Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 19. is said to be miraculously supplyed; 696 for under the ruined Walls of Grantchester, or Cambridge, a Coffin was found, with a Cover correspondent, both of white Marble, which did fit her Body so exactly, as if (which one may believe was true) it was made for it. Herein was Audre's Corps stately inshrined, and for many yeares superstitiously adored.

[Page 92] 112. But Io. Cajus, Confuted by a credible witnesse. Fellow of Gonvile-Hall, Anno Dom. 696 within ten Miles of Ely, at the Dissolution of Abbyes, being reputed no great Enemy to the Romish Religion, doth on his own Knowledge report,

Thus was her Tombe degraded & debased one degree, which makes the Truth of all the rest to be suspected. And if all Popish Miracles were brought to the Test, they would be found to shrink from Marble to Common Stone, nay from Stone to Dirt and untempered Morter. The Council at Bergham­steed. 697

113. It is needlesse here to insert the Canons concluded on at Bergham­steed, by VVithred King of Kent, and Bertuald Arch-bishop of Canterbury. First, because Topicall, confined to that small Kingdome. Secondly, hard to be un­derstood, as depending on some Saxon Law-terms, whereon Conjectures are the best Comment. Thirdly, such as are understood are obsolete; viz. If a Master gave his Servant Flesh to eat on a Fasting-day, his Servant was on the Refusall, and Complaint thereof, to be made S ^r. Henry Spelman's Councils p. 1904. &c. free. Some punishments therein were very absurdly proportioned; viz. Six shillings or a Whipping was to be paid by that Servant who ate flesh on Fasting-dayes: and just the same Penalty was inflicted on him if convicted of offering Oblations to the Devil: as if equall their Offences. And be it remembred, that this Council was kept cum viris quibusdam Militaribus, some Souldiers being present thereat; and yet the fifth Canon therein was made to punish Adultery in men of their Profession. Wilfride re­stored to York, and out­ed again.

114. As for Bishop VVilfride, whom lately we mentioned so active about the removall of S ^t. Audre's Corps, he was about this time restored to his Bishoprick of York. Whereupon he fairly quitted the Bishoprick of Sel­sey, which Edilwalch, and after Cedwall, Kings of Sussex, bestowed upon him, and returned to York. It is much this Rowling Stone should gather so much Mosse, and get Wealth enough to sound two Monasteries; who sometimes had three Bishopricks together, York, Lindisfern, and Hagulsted; sometimes none at all, living many yeares together in Exile. And indeed he continued not long in York, but being expelled thence again, was for a time made Bishop of Lei­cester. Nor was the King of Northumberland content with his bare Expulsion, but also he would have him confesse the same Legall, and resign it according to the late Decrees which the Arch-bishop of Canterbury had made against him. But more hereof, God willing, in the next Century.

THE EIGHTH CENTURY. Anno Dom.

PAinfull VVilfride was no sooner out of one Trouble, 701 but he was engaged in another. Wilfride per­secuted a­fresh by Al­fride King of Northumber­land. Hereupon Hist. Eccles. Angl. pag. 95. Harps­field calls him the Athanasius of that Age; one­ly saith he, that Father was persecuted by Here­ticks, and this VVilfride by Catholicks. He might have added, that Athanasius was troubled for Essentiall and Doctrinall Truths, whilest VVilfride was vexed about Ceremonious and Circumstan­tiall matters. And now Alfride, who succeeded Egfride, King of Northumberland, powerfully opposed him, being the paramount Prince, and in effect Monarch of the Sa­xon Heptarchie. For, as we have noted before, amongst these seven Kings, as amongst the Planets, there was ever one Sun that out-shined all the rest. This Alfride, joyning with Bertuald Arch-bishop of Canterbury, called a Malme [...]b. de Gestis Pont. lib. 3. See Sr. Henry Spelman in Conciliis Anno 701. Council, and summoned Wilfride, who appeared there accordingly. But be­ing demanded, whether he would obey the Decrees of Theodore late Arch­bishop of Canterbury, he warily returned; That he was willing to obey them so farre as they were consonant to the Holy Canons. This Answer was not satisfactory to his Adversaries, as having in it too little of a Grant, to please them, and yet not enough of a Deniall, to give them a just Offence. Then they sought by fair means to perswade him, because much Trouble had arose in the Church about him, voluntarily to resign under hand and seal his Posses­sions, and Arch-Bishoprick; affirming, it would be a glorious act, to preferre the Publick Good before his Private Profit. But Wilfride persisted loyall to his own Innocence, affirming, such a Cession might be interpreted a Conses­sion of his Guiltinesse; and appealed from that Councill to his Holinesse: and [Page 94] this tough old man, being 70. yeares of age, took a Journey to Rome, there to tugg it out with his Adversaries.

2. They accused him of Contumacy, Wilfride ap­p [...]aleth to Rome, and is acquitted. that he had contemptuously denied Canonicall Obedience to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury. 705 He cleared him­self, and complained that he had been unjustly deprived, and that two Mona­steries of his own Founding (Rippon and Hexham) were violently detained from him. No fewer then seventy severall Septuaginta concil [...]abula coacta, Malmsbury ut prius. Councils, (understand them so many severall Meetings of the Conclave) were assembled in four moneths, and employed onely, or chiefly about deciding of this Difference: belike there were Intricacies therein more then are specified in Authours (Knots to employ so many cunning Fingers to unty them) or else the Court of Rome was well at Leasure. The Sentence of Pope Iohn the seventh passed on his side, and his Opposers were sent home with Blame and Shame, whilest Wil­fride returned with Honour, managing his Successe with much Moderation; equally commendable, that his Innocence kept him from Drooping in Affli­ction, and his Humility from Insulting in Prosperity.

3. Bertuald, He is at last restored, and dyeth in peace. Arch-bishop of Canterbury, humbly entertained the Popes Letters in behalf of Wilfride, and welcomed his Person at his Return. But Alfride, King of Northumberland, refused to re-seat him in his Bishoprick, stoutly maintaining, Contra ratio­nem, homini jam bis à toto Anglor [...]m consilio dam­nato, propter quaelibet Apo­stolica Scripta communicare. Malmesbury de Gestis Pon­tificum, lib. 3. that 'twas against reason to communicate with a man twice condemned by the Council of England, notwithstanding all Apostolick Commands in favour of him. But soon after he fell dangerously sick, a consequent of, and therefore caused by his former Stubbornnesse; as those that construe all Events to the advantage of the Roman See, interpret this a Punishment on his Obsti­nacy. Suppled with Sicknesse, he confessed his Fault; and so Wilfride was re­stored to his Place: whose Life was like an April-day (and a Day thereof is a Moneth for Variety) often interchangeably fair and foul; and after many Al­terations, he set fair in full Lustre at last. Being fourty five yeares a Bishop, in the seventie-sixth year of his age, he died, and was buried in his Monastery at Rippon. And as he had been a great Traveller, when living; so his Bones took one Journey after his death, being translated by Godwin in his catalogue of the Arch­bishops of York, pag. 11. viri illi quos sanctissimos celebrat anti­quitas, Theo­dorus, Bertu­aldus, Iohan­nes Bosa, & Hilda Abba­tis [...]a, digladia­bili odio impe­tierunt Wil­fridum deo ac­ceptissimum. Sherborn ta­ken out of Winchester Bishoprick. Odo Arch-bishop of Canterbury, from Rippon to Canterbury; in Reparation (perchance) for those many Wrongs, which the Predecessours of Odo had done to this Wilfride. Let not therefore the Papists vaunt immoderately of the Unity of their Church, neither let them uncharitablie insult on our unhappy Differences; see­ing by the confession of their own Authours, there was Digladiabile Odium, Hatred (as one may say) even to Daggers-drawing, betwixt Wilfride, and cer­tain Principall Persons, conceived signall for Sanctity in that Age, and sithence put into the Calender of their Saints. And it is as sure, as sad a Truth, that as long as Corruption resides in the bosomes of the Best, there will be Dissen­sions, inflamed by malicious Instruments, betwixt Pious people, which other­wise agree in main matters of Religion.

4. The Bishoprick of Sherborn was taken out of the Bishoprick of Winche­ster, by King Ina, and Adelme his Kinsman made first Bishop thereof. I find no Compensation given to the See of Winchester, for this great Canton cut out of it: as in after-Ages, when Ely was taken out of Lincoln Diocese, the Manour of Spaldwick in Huntingtonshire was given by King Henry the first to Lincolne, in Reparation of it's Loss, for so much of the Jurisdiction taken from it. But at this time, when Sherborn was parted from Winchester, the Damage to Winchester accruing thereby, was not considerable; Episco­pall Jurisdiction in that Age not being beneficiall, but rather burthensome. So that Winchester might turn her Complaints into Thankfulnesse, be­ing thus eased of her cumbersome Greatnesse. This Adelme, Bishop of Sherborn, was the Camden's Britannia in Wiltshire. first of our English Nation, who wrote in Latine; and the first that taught English-men to make Latine Verse, according to his Promise. [Page 95]

He wrote many Works: one Bede. of Virginity, another of the Celebration of Easter: And about this time, the Libraries of Monasteries began to be re­plenished with Books, many being written in that Age.

5. By the way, Multitude of books crea­ted by a mistake. one Mistake (I could not have discerned it my self, had not a learned Spelman in Conciliis pag. 210. Writer discovered it unto me) makes Books of this Age more numerous, and the Kings therein more Learned then indeed they were. Name­ly, because every Latine Charter, granted by any King to a Monastery, is termed by the Saxon Writers, Liber, or Libellus, a Book. Wherefore, when they tell us of such and such Books, made by the Saxon Kings; understand we most of them of their Charters of Donation. In which sense King Edgar, who, some two hundred yeares after this time, founded as many Monasteries as Weeks in the year (and consequently made as many Charters) was a volu­minous Writer, of no lesse then fifty two Books. And yet this large acception of Books will not make up the Number, which Bale and Pitz pretend they have seen in this Age. A Vanity in them to affect a Title-learning; (though a Stationers Apprentice, after some weeks Experience, might excell them there­in) and the greater, because many imaginary Authours, which they make as if they had seen, either were never extant, or long since extinguished.

6. But the multitude of Books encreaseth not our Marvel so much, The nume­rosity of noble Saints in this Age. as the Numerosity of Saints (such as they were) in this Age; whereof four parts of five (according to the Herauldry of such who wrote their Lives) were of Royall, or Noble Extraction. It addeth to the wonder, because S ^t. Paul 1 Cor. 1. 26. saith, Not many Noble are called: except any confine that Observation of the Apostle to times of Persecution, whereas Christianity now in England flourished in all Peace and Prosperity. But, to render their noble Parentage at this time the more probable, know, that under the Saxon Heptarchy, Roy­alty was encreased seven-fold in England, which must beget a proportionable multiplication of Nobility attending them. Yet, when all is done, as the Iewish Rabbins, on their bare Tradition, without ground from Scripture, make Ruth the Daughter to Eglon, King of Moab, merely to make the Descent of their King David from her the more illustrious: so it is suspicious, that to advance the Temporall Reputation of these Saints, such Monks as wrote their Lives causelesly [...]arified, and refined many of their Blouds into Noble Extraction. However, if truely pious indeed, such Saints have the best Nobility in the Scripture-sense, Acts 17. 11. These were more noble, because they received the word with all readinesse of mind.

7. Of these noble Saints, 708 S ^t. Guthlake, a Benedictine Monk, S ^t Guthlake the first Saxon Heremite. was the first Saxon that professed an Heremitical life in England; to which purpose he chose a Fenny place in Lincolnshire, called Crowland, that is, the raw or crude­land; so raw indeed, that before him no man could digest to live therein. Yea, the Devils are said to claim this place as their peculiar, and to call it Flores San­ctorum written by Hierome Porter in the life of St. Guthlake, pag. 348. their own land. Is any place, but the Prison of Hell, properly theirs? Yet wonder not at their Presumption, pretending this Spot of ground to be theirs, whose Impudence durst affirm, that God had given them Matth. 4. 8. all the World, and the Glory thereof. Could those infernal Fiends, tortured with immateriall Fire, take any Pleasure, or make any Ease to themselves, by padling here in Puddles, and dabling in the moist dirty Marishes? However Guthlake took the Boldnesse to enter common with them, and erect his Cell in Crowland. But if his prodi­gious Life may be believed, Ducks and Mallards do not now flock thither faster in September, then Heards of Devils came about him; all whom he is [Page 96] said victoriously to have vanquished. Anno Dom. 708 But, whom Satan's Power could not foil, his Policy had almost destroyed; by perswading Guthlake to fast fourty dayes and nights together, after the Example of Moses Idem. P. 347. and Elias: till, find­ing this Project destructive to Nature, he was forced in his own Defence, to take some necessary, but very sparing Refection. He died in his own Cell, and Pega his sister, an Anchoritesse, led a solitary life, not far from him.

8. Doves also, Aswinish conceit of a Monk. a poor plain man, was eminent in this Age: a Shepheard, say some; a Neatheard, others; Swineheard, say the third sort, and that most pro­bable. For whilest he lived in Worcestershire, not far from the River Avon, the Virgin Mary is said to have appeared unto him, even where (fare well all good Tokens) he found a lost Sow Godwin in Catalogo Epi­scoporum, pag. 301. with seven Piggs sucking upon her; and to have given order, that in that very place a Monastery should be erected to her Honour. The beastly Monk, who made this Vision, had e'ne learned as far as Virgil's Aeneids, whence he fetched the Platform of this pretty Conceit, a place so marked being foretold fortunate to Aeneas, to found Alba [since Rome] therein.

Here the Monk, mutatis mutandis, (but principally shrinking the Number of the Pigs from thirty to seven, as more mystical) he applies the Apparition to his Purpose. A pretty Parallel, that Pagan-Rome, and Popish Superstition (if Hue-and-cry should be made after them) might be discovered by the same Marks. This gave the first motion to the Foundation of Eovesham Abbey (so called from Eoves aforesaid) first built in that Sow-place.

9. But the Building thereof was hastened by a second, The first Synod for Image-wor­ship in En­gland. more neat and clean­ly, Apparition of the Virgin Mary in the same place; who is pretended to have shewed her self, with two Maiden-attendants, to Egwin, Bishop of Worcester, prompting him to expedite a Structure therein. See Sir Henry Spel­man's Coun­cils pag. 210. Egwin posts presently to Rome, and makes faith of this Vision to Constantine the Pope; who convinced in his judgement of the truth thereof, dispatcheth his Commands to Bright­wall, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, 709 to assemble a Synod at Alncester in VVorce­stershire, to promote the building of an Abbey in that place: which was done accordingly, and the same was bountifully endowed by Offa, and other Mercian Kings, with very large Revenues. And not long after, another Synod (saith my Magdebur­genses Cent. sed ex recentio­ribus authori­bus, Nauclero viz. & Balaeo. Binnius and Baronius sul­len, and why. Authour) was called at London, to introduce into England the Doctrine of Image-worship, not heard of before, and now first beginning to appear in the publick practice thereof.

10. Here we expected that Binnius and Baronius, two of the Romish Cham­pions, should have been both joyfull at and thankfull for this London Synod, in favour of Image-worship, a point so beneficiall to the Popish Coffers. But behold them, contrary to our expectation, sad and sullen; insomuch as they cast away the Credit of this Synod, as of no account, and disdain to accept the same. For, say they, long before, by Augustine the Monk, Worship of Images was introduced into England. But let them shew us when, and where the same was done. We deny not but that Augustine brought in with him, in a Banner, the See our se­cond Book, Cent. 6. pa­ragr. 10. Image of Christ on the Crosse, very lively depictured; but this makes nothing to the Worshipping thereof. Vast the distance in their own nature, betwixt the Historical Use, and Adoration of Pictures; though, through [Page 97] humane Corruption, Anno Dom. 709 the former, in after-Ages, hath proved introductory to the later. Nor was it probable, that Augustine would deliver Doctrine point-blank against Gregory, that sent him, who most zealously In his epistle ad Serenum Massiliensem. inveigheth against all Worshipping of Images. Wherefore, let Binnius and Baronius make much of this London-Synod for Image-worship, or else they must be glad to accept of later Councils in England to prove the same, seeing before this time none can be produced tending thereunto.

11. Now also flourished another noble-born Saint, The miracle-working of S ^t. Iohn of Be­verley. namely Iohn of Bever­ley, Arch-bishop of York, a Learned man, and who gave the Bede ac­knowledgeth that he recei­ved the order of Priesthood from him. Education to one more learned then himself, I mean, Venerable Bede. Now, though Iohn Baptist did Iohn 10. 41. none, yet Iohn of Beverley is said to have done many Miracles. But, did not the Monk over-do, who reports in his Relation, that this Iohn of Beverley, by making the Sign of the Crosse on a Dumb Youth, with a scalled head, not onely restored him to Speech, and an Head of Haire, but Eloquent Discourse, and brave Flowers of the lives of English Saints pag. 416. Curled Locks? Some yeares before his Death, he quit­ted his Arch-bishoprick, 718 and retired himself to his Monastery at Beverley, where he died: and which afterwards King Athelstan made (I will not call it a SANCTUARY, because unhallowed with the largenesse of the Liberties allowed thereunto, but) a place of Refuge for Murderers and Malefactours: so that the FREED-STOOL in Beverley, became the Seat of the Scorn­full; and, such hainous Offenders as could recover the same, did therein secure­ly desie all Legall Prosecution against them.

12. About this time it grew fashionable with Kings and Queens in En­gland, Kings and Queens turn Monks and Nuns. to renounce the World, and turn Monks and Nuns, commonly in Convents of their own Foundation. Surely, it is not onely lawfull, but com­mendable for men to leave the World, before it leaveth them, by being Gal. 6. 14. crucified thereunto, and using it as if they used it not: But let others dispute, whether this properly be Renouncing the World, for Christians to bury their Parts and Persons in a Cloister, which, put forth to the Bank, would turn to good Account for Church and Common-wealth. David (I dare say) as holy a man as any of these, lived a King, and died a King: the swaying of his Scep­tre did not hinder the tuning of his Harp; his Dignity being no Impediment to his Devotion. And whilest these Kings turning Monks, pretended to go out of the World, a world of spirituall Pride and Superstitution went into them, if (as it is too too supicious) they had an high opinion to Merit Heaven there­by.

13. Amongst the Saxon Princes who thus renounced the World, King Ina his fine, and rent to the Church. in this and the next Century, these nine following were the principall.

• 1. Kinigilsus, King of VVest-Saxons.
• 2. Ina, King of VVest-Saxons.
• 3. Ceololfus, King of Northumberland.
• 4. Edbertus, King of Northumberland.
• 5. Ethelredus, King of Mercia.
• 6. Kenredus, King of Mercia.
• 7. Offa, King of East-Saxons.
• 8. Sebbi, King of East-Saxons.
• 9. Sigebertus, King of East-Angles.

Of all whom King Ina was paramount, for his reputed Piety; who account­ing himself to hold all that he had of God, his Land-Lord in chief, paid not onely a great Fine, but settled a constant Rent on the Church; then accounted the Receiver-general of the God of Heaven. Great Fine; for besides his Bene­faction to other, he bestowed on the Church of Glassenbury two thousand six hundred fourty pounds Sir Henry Spelman in his Councils, pag. 229. weight, in the Utensills thereof, of massie Gold and Silver. So that whiles some admire at his Bounty, why he gave so much; others wonder more at his Wealth, how he got so much; being in that Age wherein such Dearth of Coin, and he (though perchance, the honorary Mo­narch of England) but the effectuall King of the VVest-Saxons. The constant Rent he settled, 726 where the Antiq. Brit. sol. 58. Peter-pences to the Pope of Rome, to be paid out of [Page 98] every fire-house in England (a small Summe in the single Drops, Anno Dom. 726 but swelling great in the general Chanel) which (saith Polydore Virgil) this King Ina be­gan in England. I say, Polydore Virgil (and let every Artificer be believed in his own Art) seeing (as he confesseth) this place was his first Preferment in En­gland, which brought him over to be the Popes Publicane, or Collectour of that Contribution. Afterwards this King went to Rome, & there built a School for the English, and a Church adjoyning unto it, to bury their Dead.

14. But, Winnisride an English­man conver­teth the Ger­mans. if my Judgement mistake not, 730 Winnifride, an English-man, was better employed, being busied, about this time, to convert to Christ the Pro­vinces of Franconia and Hassia in Germany. True it is, the English were indebted to the Dutch, from them formerly deriving their Originall, by Naturall Genera­tion: and now none will censure them for Incest, if the Son begate his Parents; and this VVinnifride, descended from the Dutch, was an active Instrument of their Regeneration.

15. Now, Bede, though sent for, went not to Rome. although many in this Age posted from England to Rome, pos­sessed with an high opinion of the Holinesse thereof; yet sure I am, one of the best Judgement (namely Venerable Bede) was often sent for by Pope Ser­gius himself, to come to Rome, yet, for ought we can find, never went thither: which, no doubt, he would not have declined, if sensible of any transcendent Sanctity in that Place, to advantage the Dwellers therein the nearer to Heaven. This Bede was born in the Kingdome of Northumberland, at Camden's Brit. pag. 743. Girwy [now Yarrow] in the Bishoprick of Durham, brought up by S ^t. Cuthbert, and was the profoundest Scholar in his Age, for Latine, Greek, Philosophy, History, Divinity, Mathematicks, Musick, and what not? Homilies of his making were read in his Life-time, in the Christian Churches; a Dignity afforded to him alone. We are much beholding to his Ecclesiasticall History, written by him, and dedicated to Ceolwoolfus King of Northumberland. A worthy Work indeed, though, in some respect, we could heartily wish that his Faith had been lesse, and his Charity more. Faith lesse, in believing and reporting so many prodi­gious Miracles of the Saxons: except any will say, that this in him was not so much Vitium Hominis, as Seculi. Charity more, I mean to the Britans, being no Friend to them, and over-partial to his own Country-men; slightly, and slenderly touching British matters, onely thereof to make a Pedestall, the more fairly to reare and advance his Saxon History thereupon.

16. Some report that Bede never went out of his Cell, Bede probably went out of his Cell. but lived and died therein. If so, the Scholars of Cambridge will be very sory, because thereby deprived of their Honour, by Bede's living once in their University; whose House they still shew, betwixt S ^t. Iohn's Colledge and Round-Church, or S ^t. Sepulchres. Surely Bede was not fixed to his Cell, as the Cockle to his Shel, seeing no Observance of his Benedictine Order imposed such a Penance upon him. Indeed his own words, in the end of his Book, give some Countenance to their Conjecture of his voluntary Confinement, speaking of himself, Cun­ctum tempus vitae in ejusdem Monasterii habitatione peragens. But his Expres­sion imports onely his generall Residence therein, that he was no Gadder abroad, or Discontinuer from his Convent, for a long time; though he might for some short space make his Abode elsewhere. Thus, when of the Prophe­tesse it is said, Luke 2. 37. that she departed not from the Temple: we understand it not so, as if she never went out thereof; but that for the main, she spent the most of her time therein.

17. He is generally surnamed Venerable, Bede why sur­named Vene­rabilis. but why, Authours differ therein. Some say, a Dunce-Monk, being to make his Epitaph, was non-pluss'd to make that Dactyle, which is onely of the Quorum in the Hexameter, and therefore at Night left the Verse thus gaping, ‘Hic sunt in fossa Bedae—ossa.’ till he had consulted with his Pillow, to fill up the Hiatus. But returning in the morning, an Angel (we have often heard of their Singing, see now of their [Page 99] Poetry), Anno Dom. 730 had filled up the Chasma with Venerabilis. Others, disclaiming this Conceit, assign this Reason: Because Bede's Homilies were (as aforesaid) read in all Flores San­ctorum in the life of Bede, pag. 528. Churches in his Life-time; plain Bede was conceived too little, and S ^t. Bede too much; because, according to Popish; (but not S ^t. Paul's) Prin­ciples, Saint is too much Flattery to be given to any whilest alive; Solon allowing none happy, and this mine Authour none, in this degree, holy, be­fore their Death. Wherefore Venerable was found out as an Expedient to ac­commodate the Difference, luckily hitting the Mark, as a Title neither too high, nor too low; just even to so good a man, and great a Scholar, whilest alive. This is observable in all those who have written the Life of Bede; that, whereas such Saxon-Saints, as had not the tenth of his Sanctity, nor hundredth part of his Learning, are said to have wrought Miracles ad Lectoris nauseam; not one single Miracle is reported to have been done by Bede. Whereof (under favour) I conceive this the Reason: Monks, who wrote the Lives of many of their Saints, knew little more of many of them then their bare Names, and Times wherein they lived; which made them Historiae vacua miraculis sup­plere, to plump up the Hollownesse of their History with improbable Mi­racles, swelling the Bowells of their Books with empty Wind, in default of sufficient solid Food to fill them. Whereas Bede's Life affording plenty and variety of reall and effectuall Matter, the Writer thereof (why should a Rich man be a Thief, or Lyar?) had no Temptation (I am sure no Need) to farse his book with fond Miracles, who might rather leave, then lack of materiall Passages therein.

18. One of the last things he did, 734 was the translating of the Gospel of S ^t. Iohn into English. Bede's last blaze, and the going out of the candle of his life. When Death seised on him, one of his devout Scholars, whom he used for his Secretary, or Amanuensis, complained, My beloved Master, there remains yet one Sentence unwritten. Write it then quickly, replied Bede: and summoning all his spirits together (like the last Blaze of a Candle going out) he indited it, and expired. Thus Gods Children are immortall, whiles their Father hath any thing for them to do on Earth; and Death, that Beast, cannot overcome and kill them, till first they have Revel. 11. 7. finished their Testimony: which done, like Silk-worms, they willingly die, when their Web is ended, and are comfortably entombed in their own Endeavours. Nor have I ought else to observe of Bede, save onely this; A forreign Embassadour, some two hundred yeares since, coming to Durham, addressed himself first to the high and sum­ptuous Shrine of S ^t. Cuthbert, If thou beest a Saint, pray for me: then coming to the plain, low, and little Tombe of Bede, Because (said he) thou art a Saint, good Bede, pray for me.

19. Now began the Saxons to be infected with an universall Vitiousnesse. 735 The cause whereof was; The general viciousnesse of the Saxons, how occasio­ned. Ethelbald, King of Mercia, contemned Marriage: and though Abstinence from it in some cases may be commendable, the Contempt thereof alwayes is dangerous, yea damnable; as it proved in him. For, his un­lawfull Lust made no difference of Places, or Persons. Castles, or Cloisters; com­mon-Kerchief, or Nuns-vaile; all came alike to him. But, oh the legislative power which is in a great Prince his Example. His Subjects presumed, they might not onely impune, but legitime, follow his Precedent; which made the Land swarm with Wickednesse.

20. This caused the Letter of Boniface, Arch-bishop of Ments an English-man born, The effect of Boniface his letter to the King of Mer­cia. and lately very eminent for converting the Germans to Christianity) to King Ethelbald; wherein he observed the prudent method of S ^t. Paul to the 1 Cor. 11. 2. and 22. Corinthians. As the Apostle first commended them, I praise you, Brethren, that you remember me in all things, &c. so he began with a large Encomium of King Ethelbald his Charity, and bountifull Almes-giving. Hence seasonably he descended to his Faults; shall I praise you in this? I praise you not; and soundly and roundly told him of his notorious Incontinency; proving, both by Scri­pture, and Reason, the Hainousnesse of that Sin, and heavy Iudgements of [Page 100] God upon it. In fine, Anno Dom. 735 this wrought so farre on the King's good Nature, that he not onely reformed himself, but, with Cuthbert Arch-bishop of Canterbury, called a solemn Synod at Cloves-Ho, or Clives-at-Ho, for the Reformation of others.

21. But where this Cloves-Ho should be, Cliff in Kent probably the ancient Cloves Ho. Authours make much Inquiry. It is generally conceived the same with Cliff, near Gravesend, in Kent. Though a learned Camden's Brit. in Kent. Authour will hardly consent thereunto; and his Intimations to the contrary are of no great Validity. For, whereas he alledgeth that this Cliff is in Kent, whilest Ethelbald, who called this Synod, was King of Mercia; He minded not mean time (what, no doubt, he knew well) that this Ethelbald is stiled in the Extant in S ^t. Henry Spelman's Councils, pag. 233. Letter of Boniface Arch-bishop of Ments unto him, Inclyta An­glorum Imperii sceptra gubernans, Ruling the famous Sceptre of the English Em­pire. And whereas he objecteth, the Site of that place inconvenient for such an Assembly; It seems fit enough (though confessed dirty in Winter, and un­healthy at all times) for the Vicinity thereof to London and Canterbury, the residing places of the King and Arch-bishop, the two Persons in this Synod most concerned. Nor doth the modern Meanness of the place make any thing against it; it might be a Gallant in that Age, which is a Beggar now-a-dayes. And though, we confesse, there be many Cliffs in the In-land Shires (properly belonging to Mercia;) yet the addition of Ho, or Haw, speaketh the maritime positure thereof. So that Clives-Ho, Plimmouth Haw. See Speed his Survey of London, the meaning of Haw. The chief Canons of this Synod. or Haw, seems to be a Cliff near the Sea, well agreeing to the Situation of Cliff in Kent aforesaid.

22. But the Acts of this Synod are more certain, then the Place thereof, being (generally accounted) one and thirty Canons (although some small Va­riation in their Number, and Order) all extant at large in De Gestis Pont. lib. 1. in Cuthberto. Malmesbury; and of which we take notice of these four, as of most Concernment;

[Page 101] This Synod being finished, Anno Dom. 747 with the Royall Assent, & all the Bishops their Sub­scriptions thereunto; Cuthbert, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, with wonderfull Ce­lerity, returned the Canons concluded therein, by Rinebert his Deacon, to Boni­face Arch-bishop of Ments, who was affected with great Joy at the sight thereof.