CHAP. I. Of Examples.

That I may begin with the Examples of the sa­cred Histories; 1 Ioab Da­vidis regis in utraque fortuna in­dividuus diu comes. 1 Ioab who was for a long time King Davids bosome friend in both fortunes, the Captaine of his Guard, and one well seene aswell in Militarie disci­pline as in Civill government, and not ignorant of the fashion of the Court, by which meanes, hee grew gratious in the eyes of King and people; who to give the King contentment put Vriah to death; having neither law nor rea­son for his warant; and to the end he might endear himselfe more and more unto him, cunningly 2 Rabbathae Ammoni­orum ur­bis capti­onem regi suo reservavit. 2 he ascribed the taking of Rabbath a Citie of the Am­monites [Page] unto him, by reason of which his service hee grew so infinitly proud that not considering how odious such kinde of persons are in the sight of God and men, hee was so bold 3 Absalo­nem con­tra expres­sum Regis manda­tum con­fodit. 3 contrary to the expresse command of the King, to lay violent hands upon Absalom the Kings son; in hostilitie hee was with his Father, and by consequence, by the lawes of armes, worthy of death: yet hee had no Warrant to doe what hee did; and for that the King tooke his death very heavily, hee was so pre­sumptuous as malepertly to upbraid him, and to stir up the people to revolt and quit their allegiance; nay it so fell out that not long before by a most bar­barous trechery 4 Abnerem ducem Is­raelitarum & Ama­sam ducem Iudaeorum per sum­mam per­fidiam oc­ciderat. 4 hee slew Abner a Captaine of the Israelites, and Amasa, a Captaine of the Iewes, that stood in competition with him, and were upon the point to bee admitted into his place by the King: to conclude, which is worthy of observation, hee seditiously 5 Adoniam juvat. 5 assisted Adonijah, the Kings son, to usurp his fathers territories, in his life time; for the which 6 Iussu Re­gis inter­emptus. 6 by the Kings Command hee was put to death by King [Page 3] Solomon his son before the altar, Haman the son of Amadathus, of the tribe of Agge, Ahasuerus raised and set above all the Peares of his Kingdome, and com­manded that all his servants should ho­nour and reverence him; which grati­ous favour of his hee abused to satisfie his intolerable pride, and cruelty, when as 7 Totō gen­tem Iudae­orum propter o­dium uni­us Mardo­chaei. 7 for the hatred he bare to, Mordo­chee, he obtained licence of the King, that he might sacrifice the whole Nation of the Iewes; but fortune turning of her wheele, as God would have it, he by the Kings command was hanged on the same tree which hee had prepared for Mordochee. To come unto the Ro­mane Histories, which will shew un­to us (which is strange) that the most flourishing times of the Empire will afford us most Examples in this kinde. I will begin with Aelius Seianus, a no­table patterne of humane frailty, hee was come of a Noble house and by his policie so wond himselfe into the favor of 8 Illum tam superbum tam sae­vum, tam violen­tum im­pe [...]atorem 8 Tiberius Caesar, that proud licen­tious cruell, inconstant ambitions Empe­rour, that though he were reserved and close unto all others, yet to him he was [Page 4] open and free, hee had a body indefa­tigable; a bold spirit, close in any thing that concerned himselfe, but a deep searcher in other mens secrets, o­penly modest and shamefast, but with­in full of flatterie, pride and ambition; and to accomplish his ambitious de­signes hee did very often use briberie and entertainments in excesse, but more often Industry and vigilancy; by his Industry and cunni [...]g hee in­sinuated himselfe into the affections of the pretorian company, 9 Cohorti­bus praeto­riis prae­fectus. 9 for hee being Cheife [...]ommander of them hee summoned them very often to come to­gether, and by coming amongst them and 10 Irrepere caepit, in milita [...]es animos adeundo, appellando 10 calling them by their names he won their hearts, and the hearts of the Centurions and Tribunes; neither did he forbeare to come among the Senators, and to gratifie some with honors, others with authoritie; for Ti­berius did so much honor him that hee made him not only privie to his Councells, 11 Per thea­tra effigies ejus inter Principes legionum coli statuit. and actions, but upon all occasions graced him in the presence of the Elders, and the people, 11 hee suffered his statues to be adored in the [Page 5] Courts and theater, among the statues of the Princes. Sejanus weighed all things diligently and duely considered of things before they happened, and there­fore that hee might not lose the power which hee had with the multitude, and such as dayly did resorte unto him, hee never absented himselfe long from his owne howse, but came home to en­tertaine them, where he received them curteously, ever shewing his readines to procure pardon for such as were delinquents; and that hee might the better bring to passe his designes 12 Vitam pro­cul Româ [...]maenis locis du­cere per­suasit. 12 he prevailed with Tiberius to leave Rome and to live farre remote in the country; for he thought Tiberius being grown in yeares, and retired into the contry that he might with lesse opposition passe through those places which he held; he provided likewise that none might have accesse to Tiberius, but by him, and that he might have the scanning of all such letters as came to the Em­peror by the hands of the souldiers; but why Tiberius should so much favour this man, no reason can be given, un­lesse it were for that hee once freed him [Page 6] from a danger that was like to befall him when others forsooke him; for it happened upon a time 13 when Ti­berius was feasted in a howse called Spe­lunca, 13 Convivi­um cele­bratur in villa quae voca­tur Spe­lunca. the stones that lay at the mouth of the Cave, fell downe and slew divers therein, which bred an astonish­ment in all, and caused them that cele­brated the feast, to runne out to save themselves, whilst Sejanus staid with Tiberius, hung upon his neck, and with all his might and power kept the stones that were ready to fall upon him from him, as the Soul­diers that came to assist him and saw him hanging, related the matter; after this Sejanus grew greater and greater, and had the eare of Tiberius ready to anything that he would say, though it tended to the ruine of the common-wealth, in somuch that hee grew into that height of pride and im­pudency that 14 Nuptias petebat à Liviâ. 14 he presumed to become a suitor to Li [...]ia the neice of Tiberius, first wife to Caius Caesar, the son of Au­gustus, then to Drusus the son of Ti­berius, whom hee had secretly poyson­ed; at last hee tooke upon him the [Page 7] state of an Emperor, and esteemed of Tiberius no otherwise then the Go­vernor of a poore Iland called by the name of Capreas, so that all mens eyes and affections were fixed upon Seianus, and happie did hee thinke himselfe, that could bee the first to bee admitted unto him, unhappy to be the last; who as hee observed every thing very diligently, so especially the words and very lookes of the peeres of Tiberius: by which meanes hee grew so gratious with the Senators end the common people, that in every thing they gave the same honor unto him, as they did unto Tiberius; their statues in brasse were set up alike, their names in all writings subscribed alike, and the Chariots which carried them unto the Theaters adorned with gold alike; nay more, it was decreed that when they came unto Rome, the Consuls whom they chose every fifth yeare, should meete the one in as great state and solemnity as they did the other; and should offer the like Sacrifices to the statues of the one as to the other: so that nothing being now wanting [Page 8] to Sejanus, or rather the Emperour, (fo so indeed he was, having got all pow­er into his hands, and wanted nothing but the bare title of the Emperour, to make him so;) Tiberius began to be­think himselfe of the danger he was in; but because Sejanus had so glued to himselfe the affections of the Pretorian Souldiers, the Senators and such as were neare Tiberius, either with re­wards or with promises of rewards, that nothing could be said or done in Court, whereof Sejanus had not pre­sently notice: and nothing done abroad that tended to the dishonour of Tibe­rius that came unto his eares; Tiberius wisely by degrees, first secretly under­hand, afterwards more openly tooke a course to ruine Sejanus, and to fru­strate all his designes. Behold here a notable example of humane frailty, and a singular patterne for such as are in grace and favour with their Princes, to put them in minde the higher they are, the more reverently and submis­sively to carry themselves; this man that was in the morning attended upon like an Emperour, in the evening was [Page 9] thrown into prison like a beggar; whom not long before the people adorned with Crownes of gold, not long after they bound with fetters of iron; whom as their Lord they honoured, they beate as their slave: whom they adored and sacrificed unto as unto a God, they re­viled and dragd unto death most igno­miniously like a rogue; the same day that the Senate did him all the honour that they could, the people would have carbonaded him, and have pulled him in peices: this man that had so much that he could not desire more, either of God or Man to make him happy whilst hee lived, before hee dyed had so little that he had not wherewithall to gra­tifie the hang-man; a notable pattern I say of humane frailty; yet more of this kinde will I shew unto you; In the pulling down of Sejanus, Tiberius used the assistance of Nevius Sertorius Macro, whom not long before hee se­cretly made Commander of the Praeto­rian Company: and the Senate concei­ved so well of him, that by a decree they conferred all Sejanus his honours upon him; but hee being terrified by an ex­ample [Page 10] that was so fresh in memory, refused to accept them; yet not long after it so happened that hee became exceeding powerfull, and applyed him­selfe wholy to Caius Caligula, and stu­dyed how to make him Emperour after Tiberius, insomuch that when Tiberi­us understood it, 15 Occiden­tem fugi­entem, o­rientalem persequen­tem solem illum ex­probravit. 15 hee upbraided him for abandoning the setting, and ado­ring the rising Sunne; but Caligula in the end requited him for his good will, putting him together with his wife to death with Claudius Coesar: the most powerfull men were his freed men, and amongst them Narcissus and Pallas, whom he used to severall purposes; the one as his Secretary to write his Letters, the other as his Orator to make his speeches, whose services hee requited by a decree of the Senate, not only with infinite treasure, but with places of Au­thority and Command: insomuch that upon a time inquiring what the rea­son was that his Treasury was so emp­ty: answer was made, that it would be full enough if that the money that was taken forth of it by Narcissus and Pallas, were put into it; with these men [Page 11] and their wives Claudius was so en­amoured that he became rather their Servant then their Soveraigne: at their disposall were all Honours, Armies, Pardons, and Punishments, insomuch that Sextus Aurelius was used to call 16 Narcissum dominum domini appellat. 16 Narcissus the master of his master; for as Iuvenal saith, unto Nar­cissus Claudius denied nothing, nay spared not to kill his wife, being com­manded by him so to do; so that Dion affirmes hee was the most powerfull Man of that age, and of the age past, having a command over Princes, and Cityes, and Possessions amounting to more then foure thousand Sesters. This man notwithstanding as soone as Clau­dius was dead, Agrippina the wife of Claudius, and Neros Mother put to death; so that though these kinde of men may peradventure during the lives of the Princes by whom they have beene raised, live in grace, yet seldome doe they escape the hands of their successors. As touching Pallas, of whom we have before spoken, who perswaded and procured Claudius incestuously to marry Agrippina, his brothers daugh­ter, [Page 12] and afterwards to be his Concu­bine, though hee contracted with the Senate that for any offence past hee should not be questioned; yet Nero observing how proudly hee caried him­selfe, exceeding the limits of a free man, grew in hatred with him, so that after that he had removed him from all places of Authority which Claudius had conferred upon him, having had indeed the Key of the Empire in his power, he was by Nero put to death; the excessive pride of this man is remark­able in this one passage: he being accused by Nero upon a time for words spoken, when hee heard the Libertines named that should be his accusers, an­swered, that at home hee never spoke word, but did all by signes and tokens; if the matter were short, hee exprest himselfe either by his nod or by his hand; if long, by writing. In the next place, Tigellinus descended of meane Parentage, vitious in his youth, viti­ous in his age, who having by his dis­honest courses, wherein hee grew so notorious, that be surpassed all the men of his time, crept into Neros favour, and [Page 13] attained divers offices of Command and Authority, executed the same with all kinde of cruelty, rapine, and villa­ny, having corrupted Nero with all kinde of vices, being most inward with him; for when he was angry none ex­cept himselfe and Pappea durst speake unto him, at length was so bold as to make some attempt upon Nero him­selfe, yea to forsake him and betray him. But when Vitellius came to the Crown, the people petitioned him that he might be called to an accompt for it, and so be­ing condemned in the midst of his jol­lities whilst he was revelling with his Whores, his jawes being first cut off with a rasor, he 17 Infamem vitam in­fami exitu faedavit. 17 ended his ignomi­nious life with as ignominious a death. So Vitellius being promoted to the Empire, within four months after that he over­came Otho, 18 Asiaticum in favo­rem cepit 18 hee took into his favour one Asiaticus a freed man of his, no way inferiour in all kinde of villany 19 Policletos & Patrob i­os vetera odiorum nomina ae­quabat. 19 to the Policleti and Patrobii the old detestable names amongst the Ro­mans; but immediatly after the death of Vitellius, under Vespasian he received condigne punishment for abusing the [Page 14] power conferred upon him; Commo­dus the Emperour had many of these men whom he raised and pulled down againe, who after the time that he fell into the hands of the Southsayers and Conjurers, never shewed himselfe in publick, 20 Ne quic­quam sibi annuntiari est passus nisi quod Perrenius ante tra­ctasset. 20 neither would endure to heare or be told of anything if it had not first been made known unto Perrenius. This man therefore knowing the Empe­rours minde, found out the way how to make himselfe powerfull; hee per­swaded 21 Persuasit Cōmodo ut lipse de­liciis vaca­ret, & ut curae illi demanda­rentur. 21 the Emperour to follow his delights, and leave the cares of the Commonwealth to him: which moti­on of his the Emperour readily enter­tained; so Perrenius is the only man that swayes the Empire, puts to death whom he will, robbs and spoyls whom hee will, and all that he may make a prey out of every thing, and enrich himselfe; but why did this man thus ty­rannyse? did he thinke that though he had power for a time, that it would con­tinue for ever? no; for as soone as he was made cheife Commander of the Horse in the Brittish warr, his villanyes being everywhere divulged, he was called by [Page 15] no other name then by the name of the Enemy of the Armyes, and was deli­vered over by the Souldiers to be pulled in pieces; Herodian writes that because hee did conspire with his sonne to kill Commodus and usurpe the Empire, they were both put to death. If either of these were true, it serves well enough for our purpose. To succeed Perrenius Commo­dus chose Cleander from amongst them that waited upon him in his bed cham­ber, being a man of meane Parentage; this man so much abused the favour of Commodus, that 22 Omnes praefectu­ras pro li­bitu ven­dit & di­stribuit. 22 hee sold all offi­ces of Command and Authority, dispo­sed of them and tooke them away againe, at his will and pleasure, sent for such home as were in exile, and prefer­red them to places of dignities, disannuld the decrees of the Courts of Iustice, and made havock and sale of every thing, yea so bewitcht the Emperour that hee procured Burrhus the Emperours bro­ther in law, his owne Sisters husband with many others that stood out in his defence, to bee put to death, for no o­ther cause as hee could surmise, but for suspition that hee desired to be Empe­rour; [Page 16] and this displeasure Cleander took against him, because that Birrhus observing his unruly courses, freely re­prehended him for them, and made the Emperour acquainted with his acti­ons; but these enormious offences esca­ped not unpunished, for in the end hee smarted for them; Arrius Monta­nus being by his plots and conspiracies put to death, for crimes laid to his charge which he never did; It drew the Emperours wrath upon him, and occasi­oned deadly hatred in the people, inso­much that they made an insurrection; for pacification whereof (as Herodian and Dion observe,) the Emperour was compell'd to send his Souldiers amongst them; but untill they saw the head of Cleander they would not be pacified; wherefore the Emperour caus'd his head to be cut off, and to be set upon a pole, which when they saw, there was an end of the businesse, all parties were agreed. To succeed him were called Iulianus and Regillus, but they continued not long in his favour.

Severus the Emperour raised Plauti­anus Afer from a very meane estate, to [Page 17] bee very potent and mighty by confis­cated goods, which hee conferred upon him, yet kept from him all places of Command and Authority, whose gra­cious favour he so much abused to the exercise of his cruelty, that hee became more tyrannicall then any of the Prin­ces of former times; for when Severus preferred in Mariage Plautianus his Daughter to his Sonne Anthony against the will of Anthony, for which hee di­stasted both his Wife and Father, and threatned to kill them both, and so to aspire to the Empire, Plautianus consi­dering then what danger he was in, and on the other side being spurred on with a desire of Soveraignty, knowing well the age and weaknesse of the Empe­rour, and his own power, bethinks him­selfe how hee might kill the Father and the Sonne, and so attaine the Empire, and avoyd the danger hee was like to fall into, if Anthonyes designe should take effect; the executioner being sent to do the deed when Plautianus should give the word; the Treachery being discovered, 23 Convictus jussu An­tonii occi­sus est. 23 Plautianus was appre­hended, and being convicted by the Com­mand [Page 18] of Anthony in the presence of Seve­rus was put to death. Vnto these Ro­man examples, I will add one of the Graecians, with Philip of Macedon, the last King of that name. There was a young man called Apelles that was so powerfull that hee might more proper­ly bee called a King then a Favorite; for that every City in Greece more ob­served and feared him then they did the King; the King therefore by the advice of Aratus, taking it to heart that this man looked after nothing more then the Empire, 24 Authori­tatem om­nem mo­mento a­demit. 24 on a suddaine cast him off; whereupon hee was thrown into Prison, and shortly after put to death. Polybius writing this History, takes oc­casion to shew how happy and un­happy they that live in Princes Courts, may be in a very moment of time; he compares them unto suffrages, which are accustomed to be given in Com­mon-councells; for as in Counsells saith hee, it is in the power of the Senators to give Brasse or Silver, so in the Courts of Princes, it is in the power of the Prince to give honor or dishonor, to make their servants either happy or miserable. Hi­ero [Page 19] King of Syracuse in Sicilie, when he dyed left his Kingdome to Hieronymo, his Nephew; and for that he was a child, hee appoynted fifteene to see him ver­tuously educated, amongst whom was Andronorus his sonne in law; but the King was scant laid in his grave, but Andronorus ambitious of Command, eased the rest of that office of trust which was committed unto them, affir­ming that Hieronymo was old and able enough himselfe to governe the King­dome; but by waving of the office which to him with others was joyntly com­mitted, hee got all the power into his own hand, Hieronymo being young and vitiously addicted, fell into all manner of evill courses, and suddainly came to an untimely end. Vpon whose death Andronorus possessed himselfe of the Tower, and a great part of the City, and fortified it with Garrisons, for he he thought it more safe to run with the current, and to yeild himselfe into the hands of the Senate, though his Wife the daughter of King Hiero mad after Soveraignty, often put him in minde, to the end to encourage him to proceede [Page 20] in the course hee was in, of what Dio­nysius was used to say, that a man nee­ded not to saddle a horse to leave a Kingdome, hee might doe it well e­nough on foot, intimating that it is an easie thing when a man will to part with a fortune, but not easie to attaine unto it; yet I say he thought it more safe for the present to submit o the Se­nate, who made him one of their pre­tors; but 25 Nulla qui­es in [...]st a­nimo do­minandi Iibidine capto. 5 his thoughts bein once possessed with a desire of Soveraignty, he could not finde contentment in any thing else, 29 Vxore il­lum prae­sertim in­stigante. 26 his wife principally ani­mating him thereunto, t lling him that now is the time (if ever) to stirr in it, whilst the waters are troubled, whilst the Souldiers are ready to accept of better pay then the Kings: and whilst Hannibals Captaines are there ready to further his designe. Which per­swasion so prevailed with him that a second time hee took it into considera­tion, how he might attaine to the King­dome, which being discovered, he to­gether with Themistius to whom hee had disclosed the whole matter, was in the Senate house put to death.

[Page 21]Wee will passe from hence to the Historyes of other Countreyes and A­ges. Richard the first King of England, reposed so much trust in William Bishop of Ely, as that hee made him Chancel­lour of England, Keeper of his great seale, and Lieuetenant of the Tower of London: at the same time hee prevailed with the Pope to make him Legat à La­tere of England, France, and Jreland: and when hee was to passe the Seas to wage Warr with the Saracens, he left the Government of the Kingdome wholly to him, and gave this charge to his Subjects, that as they loved him and his Kingdome, and as they desired to live in peace and prosperity, and to en­joy their Possessions in safety, that they would shew themselves obedient to his trusty and well-beloved Chancel­lour in all things that he should direct them that did concern him, as if that hee were personally present; so this man is now the greatest man in all the Western parts, being in the Kings ab­sence the Metropolitan of all England; 27 Dignita­tes quas pretio com para­verat im­modetatè exercuit. 27 hee executed the Diginities which hee purchased at deare rates, with exces­sive [Page 22] cruelty, and oppression: and all re­spect of honesty set apart, bent his thoughts only how he might fill the baggs again which hee had emptied; to attain unto them he turned Ʋsurer, and executed the office of Legat à latere, which cost him a thousand pound, with such cruelty, that he became a burthen and eyesore to all the clergy of England: he seldome rid with a lesse number then fifteene hundred of the Clergy to at­tend him, and a band of Souldiers, as if he had been a King, as my Author saith, and not a Bishop; he was attended by the Sons of the Nobility, whom he married to his kindred, and happy did he think himselfe that could be gracious in his eyes,; there was no Land to be sold which he bought not, no Church or Dignity void which he did not either bestow upon his friends or himselfe; the keeping of all Castles and Townes by one meanes or other he engrossed, and prevail'd so by his power that hee did what he would, and no man durst once open his mouth to contradict him in any thing. But it so happened that Iohn Earle of Mortaigne, the Kings [Page 23] Brother, calling the Peeres together to consult of the affaires of the State, sent for this man likewise, assuring him that he should safely come and goe: but he suspecting them, instead of coming unto them betooke himselfe for refuge to the Tower of London; whereupon it was agreed by the Lords, that he by whom the Church of God and People had re­ceived so much detriment, should no longer govern in the Kingdom. This Chancellour and his Adherents had so deceived the Kingdom of the Treasury, that there was scarce any man that wore a girdle that had any silver in it, any woman a chaine, any Noble man a ring, or any Iew had mony, and in­deed scarce any thing of worth was left in the Kingdome; The Kings Treasury was emptied and nothing but the keyes and empty vessells found there; The State of the Kingdome standing thus, it was decreed that he should take an oath to relinquish all the power he had, not to beare any sway any longer in the Government of the Common­wealth, and to yeild up all the Castles that were committed to his charge, e­specially [Page 24] the Tower of London; These things hee put in pledges to performe, and left his Office of Legate à latere, which he executed a yeare and a halfe to the great prejudice of the Church of England, and the sea of Rome; at last he put off his accustomed habit, and in a womans apparell hee determined to crosse the Seas: but at Dover his dal­liance with a wench being discovered by a Marriner, he was hill at, beaten, and afterwards drag'd through the streets to prison: from whence as soon as he was fully delivered, he most ignomi­niously, and basely stole into Norman­dy; his end was the more miserable, by how much his fortunes were the greater. Afterwards there 28 Fuit qui­dam Co­mes War­wicensis qui à Re­ge E. 4. [...]sum­mam po­testatem erectus o­ral. 28 was an Earle of Warwick in the same Kingdome, that was raised to such a height both of pow­er and Estate by King Edward the fourth, that he was not afraid to lay violent hands upon the Queenes Father, and with many of his children and nearest friends, to put him to death; he placed such Officers about the King as he thought would do him best service, and in the end took him Prisoner. But [Page 25] not longe after the King escaping into Burgondy, being assisted by Charles the then Duke, he returned home, overcame the Earle, and made him fly for succour into France; the Earle thence returning being assisted with divers Attendants, put the King to the worst, and made him fly into Holland for succour. A second time the King returning being assisted by the aforesaid Duke, set upon him, overcame him and slew him with his Brother and many others.

In the Raign of King Henr [...] the eighth, there was one named 29 Tho. Wol­s [...]us sub H. 8. 29 Tho­mas Wolsey that was very great with the King, a man meanly descended, but so proud and haughty, that he became an eyesore not only to the Peeres and Nobility, but even the King himselfe. By the Kings speciall grace and favour he was promoted to the highest digni­ties, to be Arch-Bishoh of York, Bishop of Winchester, to be a Cardinall, to be sent Ambassadour, and indeed next to the King, to beare the greatest sway in the Kingdom: but amongst other acts of his, this was not the least that brought him in disgrace, when King [Page 26] Henry began to distast Queene Cathe­rine, and to dote upon Anne of Boloyne, this man undertook to procure a dispen­sation from the Pope, which taking not so well as the King and he thought it would have done, by degrees he fell out of the Kings favour, and being appre­hended by Thomas Duke of Norfolk, was banished the Court, and confined to his Bishoprick of Winchester, which hee taking to heart with very griefe dyed.

The Kingdome of France will af­ford us many Examples in this kinde; and amongst those, it is reported of the Earle of S. Paul, that having been ad­vanced by Lewis the eleventh to bee Constable of France, and to many other honours, and preferments, out of which he raised a very great revenue, that in the end he somuch forgate himselfe, that he studyed how to make the King stand in awe of him: and for that purpose 30 Mediocri­ter se ges­sit inter tres prin­cipes. 30 he ever carried himselfe indiffe­rently between the King his Master, the King of England, and the Duke of Bur­gondy, one while standing for the one, another while for the other, ever desi­ring [Page 27] to keepe them at variance, that so the one or the other might still stand in need of him. And so it happened that the King his Master desiring to speak with him, hee would not come unto him, but with a power able to with­stand him if occasion were offered: he met him upon a Bridg where he talked with him as sawsily as if he had been his equall, and familiar, supposing that to be the way to preserve and increase the power he had obtained; but he was deceived; for all men seeing his male­pertnesse and insolency, were offended at him, and studyed how to pull him down. And it so happened that com­ing to the Duke of Burgondy, upon safe conduct, the Duke apprehended him, and sent him to the King his Master with all such Letters as he had formerly written to him against the King. Vpon which being araigned, as also upon such Letters as he had written unto the King of England, was thereupon condemned, his estate confiscated, and he put to death.

In the same Kingdome under Philip the faire, one Taggerrandus Marria­nus attained to so much power, that no­thing [Page 28] was done in the Kingdome with­out his approbation; 31 Peculatus accusatus suspendio affectus est. 31 yet this man for robbing the Kings Treasures was ac­cused, condemned and hang'd. 32 Petrus Landaicus apud du­cem Brita­niae po­tens. 32 Pe­ter Landais likewise with the Duke of Brittaine attained to the like favour; yet by the violence of the multitude he was taken from the Duke, and judici­ally condemned and hanged, as Pau­lus Aemilius in his History of France relates the story.

To passe over into Spaine; in the Kingdom of Castile, there was 33 Alvarus de Lunâ. 33 Al­varus de Luna, borne in Arragon, of a Noble house, but a Bastard borne out of Wedlocke, that grew to such a heighth of power with King John, that no man in the Kingdome was so powerfull as he; he tooke armes against John King of Navarre, and used all meanes to oppresse Henry Knight of the order of Saint James; but it so fell out that the Queen opposing him, by the assistance of the second King of Navarre, and Henry Knight of the order, they surprized the King, and compelled Alvarus to live upon his owne possessions; and happy had hee [Page 29] beene if hee could have so contented himselfe; but hee that once tasted of the sweetnesse of Soveraignty, can hardly finde contentment in a private life; hee begins then a second time to bethink himselfe how hee might at­taine to his former height, from which hee was throwne downe: hee sets the King at liberty, installs him in the Kingdome, sits at the sterne, keeps un­der his Enemies, and incenses the King against them; but this prosperity con­tinued not, and brought him to an un­timely death; for, when as by the Kings speciall Commandement, one of the Nobility delivered a message unto him which was not pleasing, he cau­sed the Messenger to be throwne out of the window, for the which the King did afterwards ever more hate him then he did formerly love him; for caused him to be apprehended, and being judici­ally condemned, to be put to death.

Vnto the former I will adde the Ex­ample of a Germane out of the seventh book of the Annals of Aventinus. With Rudolfe, Palsgrave of Rheyne, and Duke of Bavaria, there was Ortho [Page 30] Crondorser in the greatest grace and favour; he came of meane Parentage, and comming to Court, by his dou­ble diligence in readily observing, and gravely executing whatsoever was committed to his charge, within a very short time became very graci­ous in the eyes of the Prince; by little and little he attained to Honour, and in the end became to be the Kings Vicegerent, being the greatest officer in Court. This man now relying up­on grace and favour which he was in with Rudolphus, began to grow inso­lent, to talke wantonly of Rudolphus, and his Mother, and to sow dissention between them, which drew the hatred of them both upon him, and caused them to make him an Example; for by Rudolphus he was taken and cast into Irons, and by his Mother his eyes were pulled out, and his tongue that had talked so freely of her, was cut out of his head.

The next Example is of Hungary, 34 Ludovicus primus po­rentissi­mus Rex Hungariae. 34 Lewis, the first of that name, being the most powerfull King of Hungary left behinde him one onely daughter [Page 31] named Maria, whom by his last Will and Testament, with the consent of his Counsell, he bequeatheth unto Sigismond Marquesse of Brandenburgh, the sonne of the Emperour Charles the fourth, being but of tender yeares; yet so that untill she came to full age she should not marry him, but after­wards should admit him her Compani­on in Soveraignty and Conjugall soci­ety: but in the meane time she should be sole Commander, and crowned with the title of King; in this time lived her Mother Elizabeth, the Wife of King Lewis, who during her mino­rity had a hand over her; with both whom there was one Nicholas Gara, whom Lewis had formerly advanced to be a Count Palatine, that was no­bly descended, and exceeding rich, on whom both the Mother & the Daugh­ter so much relied, that what hee said was a Law, they would doe nothing without him; hee now attaining to such Grace and Favour, did many ill offices, advised the young Queen not to suffer her Peers to grow too great, for thereby shee should diminish her [Page 32] own soveraignty, and give them encou­ragement to attempt new designes; but so to handle them, that they might have no power to hurt her: To take from such as were growen popular and potent all offices of command and au­thority, and to bestow them on such as were men of known Integrity. To conclude, hee was a man gotten into so great favour with the Queen, that what he spoke was a Law, and what he advised onely was put in execution; at which the Peers were highly offen­ded, and did conceive unplacable wrath, not onely against Gara, but against the Queen, and laid their heads together how they might take from him all government in the Common­wealth; for that much troubled them that she should so much dote upon that one man, that to give him content­ment shee should neglect and oppresse all the rest of the Nobility; whereup­on they sent for 35 Carolus parvus. 35. Carolus Parvus out of Apuleia, and in the presence both of the Mother and the Daughter, set the Crowne upon his head, and pro­claimed him King. But they being [Page 33] greedy of Revenge, and thirsting to be restored againe to the Kingdome, by the councell of Gara, they procured on Plasius Forgace de Chyines to kill Charles in the conclave; and so by his meanes they attained their former government; and this they did for the most part by the consent of the people: for after that Charles was once crow­ned, the people fell from him, and re­pented themselves of what they had done; but see what followes, the trou­bled waters being well setled and they going for their recreation to see some of the lower parts of the Kingdome, attended on by Gara and some others of the Court: Ilion the governour of Croatia, a friend and favorour of Caro­lus parvus, who had beene formerly slaine by Gara's procurement, desirous to revenge his untimely death boldly set upon them, and whilst many run a­way, Gara stood stoutly to it, and de­fended both himselfe and the Ladies; but in the end neare unto their Char­riot was hee vanquished and slaine. Pippo or Pippus, alias Philippus Floren­tinus as Aenaeas Sylvius saith, of the [Page 34] family of the Strozzi, having behaved himselfe oftentimes very bravely in the Warres, attained to such grace and fa­vour with Sigismond the Emperour of Hungary, that all men accounted him the second, many men the first in the Kingdome; insomuch that Sigismond said, that if Pippo will, it were an easie matter for him to send him with a staffe in his hand out of the Kingdome. Bon­finus writes That he prevailed twenty times against the Turkes: but after­wards being made Generall in the Ve­netian Warre, and having bravely there carried himselfe for a long time, was in the end by the Venetians corrupted with Gold to quit the Country, and to re­turne into Hungary; which being dis­covered to Sigismond, hee caused Gold to be melted, and to be powred downe his throat, and so he came to his death.

Ericus King of Sweden being ill ad­vised, committed many cruell and enor­mous offences; he contracted Matri­mony with Catherine his Concubine, and crowned her equally wth great so­lemnity; a principall furtherer of his wicked enterprises was Georgius Peirus [Page 35] his Secretary, whom he had exceeding­ly enrich'd with the confiscate goods of the Nobility, at which his proceedings John and Charles his two Brothers be­ing much offended, and assisted with many of the Peers of the Nobility, raised Armes against him: besieged him, and would not be satisfied untill they had George delivered unto them: the King to pacifie them yielded unto their demand; who after they had cruelly tormented him, divided him into foure parts, and so hee sustained condigne punishment for his many of­fences. I might produce many Exam­ples more; and as Iustus Lipsius saith, I should never make an end, if I shoud reckon up all Examples in this kinde which every Age doth afford; for this one Age afford us many Ex­amples of note, as Wolfgange Rinuphi­us who was advanced by Rodolfe Cae­sar, M. Euzlius by Frederick Duke of Wittinburgh in France, Charles Duke of Guyse, Biron, and of late yeares Marquesse D' Anchre.

CHAP. II. Of Causes.

IN the next place shall be shewed the Causes wherefore the prosperity of these men is but momentary; and why ruine is for the most part the end of them. The causes wherefore they con­tinue not in prosperity, that I may briefly summe them up, are one or both of these. Either because they doe obtaine their greatnesse by wicked practises and divises, or that having duly attained unto it, they doe disho­norably carry themselves in the execu­tion of such offices as are committed to their charge.

The Counsels of men, and the cour­ses of their lives are different, and have different successe, according to the counsell of him that adviseth and per­swadeth: if hee adviseth good things [Page 37] to a good end, the successe is good; if contrarywise, it is bad; so in the world there are divers callings, according to the diversitie of degrees, sexes and pro­fessions, and every calling different from another; some of us are men, some women; some are fathers, others children; some Lords and free men, other servants and Ministers; some rule and governe, others serve and o­bey; some are separate for the service of God, others for secular imployment. To conclude: 36 Quisque peculiari munere devinctus est. 36 Every one is called to one calling or other, and we may not believe that this commeth to passe by chance, or by the will of man, but by the divine providence of God, who hath appointed to every one both noble and ignoble, rich and poore, a certaine calling before they were borne. David, Cyrus, Jeremy, Saint Paul the Apostle, were all of them called by God in his appointed time to a peculiar office; some to beare the office of a King, o­thers of a Priest, others to other offi­ces. So God in the beginning by the eternall decree of his divine providence made every one of us; first man, then [Page 38] woman; Then gave him a charge to look to this or that Countrey; no man is free or called to be idle, for we may not think that God so neglecteth any one as that he should not put to a help­ing hand, and act his part upon the stage of the world, for the publike good; there is no man I say, no not the most con­temptible man in the world, on whom he hath not imposed some charge or other, which although for a time it may seem but mean, yet God oftentimes in the dust shews his power, and omnipo­tency. David for many yeeres was a poor shepheard, and lived in Exile, yet at length became a king of kings. 37 Contemptus à fra­tribus. 37 Io­seph was hated of his brethren, 38 Venditus in servitu­tem. 38 sold in­to bondage, 39 Conjectus in carce­rem. 39 cast into Irons, at length made chief governour in Egypt. Seeing then that there is nothing more certain then that every one is called by God in his appointed time, we ought to at­tend his good will and pleasure, and not to run before we are called of him. Therefore in what condition or state of life we are, we ought to live to the glo­ry of God and the good of our neigh­bours, which if wee neglect we labour [Page 39] in vaine, to our owne destruction; this is therefore the first cause why those that thrust themselves into businesses out of their calling, and take upon them things beyond their strength, incurre the ha­tred both of God and men; for those men never dream of God or goodnesse, but 40 Per aequa & iniqua gratiam principis acquirere. 40 seek by fraud and bribery, calumnies and all other wicked practises to attain to their ends.

First, how to procure their Princes favour, then how to attain the chie­fest place about him, by ruinating such as stand in their way. So did Tigellinus, as Tacitus observs, by his lewd practises, in which only he did excell, serue himselfe into the favour of Nero, and obtained from him rewards due to the best deserving; So did Macro win the favour of Caius Cesar by relinqui­shing of Tiberius, yea while he lived, a [...]d by standing for him to succeed in the Empire, as the same Author reports; so did Perenius to make himself more pow­erfull, seduce Commodus to all manner of licentiousnes; so did William Bishop of Ely by his bribery obtaine the chie­fest places of note both in the Church [Page 40] and common weale; so did Seianus of whom wee have spoken of before; a­mongst many other of his wicked pra­ctises, that he might remove Densus his competitor, made love unto his wife, lay with her, and what with promise of marriage, and in putting her in hope to be his consort in the Empire, caused her to have a principall hand in her hus­bands death. So did Pallas by his adul­tery win the love of Agrippina the wife of Claudius Cesar and mother of Nero, and all to keep his former greatness; It is a thing most odious and abominable in Courtiers, that they should not think of any other meanes to purchase their Princes favour, then by commending unto them the beauty and comely fea­ture of mens wives and Sisters, thereby to set their affections on fire, and binde him unto them; it is an odious and ab­ominable thing likewise, yet a com­mon thing in this age, and in all times hath been, for such as follow the courts of Princes, to obtain or retain their Princes favour, to put in execution any wicked act, if so be that he command them: So did Ioab readily put in execu­tion [Page 41] the command of King David, and slew Vriah; so did Cardinall Woolsey allow of the divorce of King Henry the eight, and Queen Katherine, and all that he might revenge the wrong that he supposed was offered him by the Emperour. When Nero took distast against his sometimes beloved Octavia, his Courtiers presently, especially those of the nobility, fearing their wives, they commended Actes unto him, and in this businesse Annaeus Serenus a great ac­quaintance of Senacae's had a great hand, he made love unto her, covered and took upon himself the extravagan­cies of the yong Prince, and such gifts as the Prince had bestowed upon her secretly, he avouched to be his openly. But men that deal in businesses of this kinde, are for the most part false and perfidious; for when they have once transgressed the bonds of modesty, their affections are inflamed and they are ne­ver satisfied: Annaeus Seneca in other things most wise, was in this kind faul­ty, when he with Byrrhus in an ora­tion perswaded Nero to put his mother to death, for that they supposed that if [Page 42] shee lived, hee could not; and although afterwards he made an Oration to ex­tenuate his offence; yet that did rather aggravate the same, then any way ex­tenuate it. The reward and deserved wages of these kinde of men is for the most part sin and destruction, as Ta­citus observes of Tiberius: For as Prin­ces would not have themselves to be cir­cumvented by others, so when they have their designes once effected, they hate and punish the executioners, having Instruments ever ready to execute their commands; 41 Gravio­rum faci­norum mi­nistri ut exprobrā ­tes aspici­untur. 41 for Princes ever behold the instruments of villany with threatning lookes; so Alexander the great beheld Parmenio whom he imployed in the death of Attalus, for the which 42 Exprobrat Hermo­laus Alex­andrum. 42 Her­molaus was not afraid to upbraid him as Curtius observes, saying, thou usest miserable men to be thy instruments to take away the lives of men, and a­non after thou usest others to take away the lives of those instruments. 43 Sytacles & Cleander experti sunt. 43 This Sitacles and Cleander found by experi­ence to be true, whom Alexander had made the instruments to kill Parmenio, whose hainous offences no death could [Page 43] satisfie, as the same Curtius affirmes, ad­ding moreover that many of Alexan­ders friends reioycing to see that his anger was fallen upon the instruments of his wrath, took not so much distast against those instruments, for all the e­normous offences that ever they com­mitted, as they did for that they had slaine Parmenio, and with all adding this, that no power unduely obtained can continue long.

It is a received opinion that they that attain to any command by unjust meanes, by the same meanes and the like, they support their magnificence; for none ever that rose unduely go­verned well, which is well manifested in Sejanus and in some other, whom we have before remembred; whence it commeth to passe that by how much the longer they have continued in their leud and wicked courses of life, adding transgression unto transgression, by so much the more they become more hatefull both to God and man, and at last undergoe deserved punish­ment.

These men never take into their con­sideration [Page 44] the true end of which I have before spoken, that is, The glory of God, and the good of the Common­wealth, but bend their thoughts onely how they may satisfie their pride, co­vetousnesse, crueltie, and their carnall desires, whose condition Seneca hath set forth in his Tragedy, entituled, Hercules Oetaeus,

[Page 45] And a little after,

It is ambition which makes a man a stranger to himself, that will not en­dure a Superiour or an equall, that will be Caesar or none, that possesseth us with this foolish conceit, to think it a disparagement to goe in the com­mon road, and to bee an honest man, that makes a man thinke himself [...] bo­dy, whilst he sees another greater then [Page 46] hee, and so dazeleth our eyes that if another go before us, we will not be­leeve it, but rather that hee stands in our way, nay it is an humour that hath this property; that wheresoever it hath once taken up her lodging, it will never suffer a man to rest, untill he hath attai­ned to the end of his desires, which he shall never do, (for as Seneca saith) 44 Non pati­tur quem quam in mensura acquiesce­re. 44 This is that inconvenience which attends an ambitious humour that it never suffers a man to rest satisfied though he hath at­tained to the end of his former wishes and desires; That makes him beleeve hee can do that which is impossible for him to do, because he is powerfull. Where­fore these kind of men are aptly compa­red to such as are sick of the dropsie, the more they drink, the more they desire, as is manifested in Sejanus who being raised out of the dust to the highest de­gree of honour, could not there content himselfe, but studied how to make him­selfe equall to Caesar; nay, how to dis­place him and sit in his Throne. If these kinde of men would at any time cast their eyes downwards and behold from whence they came, it could not but [Page 47] give them much contentment, and cause them to add some bounds to their unsatiable desires; but they seldome do so, their eyes and thoughts are ever mounted aloft, for the minde of man is so unsatiable, that it will not be per­swaded but that it can doe any thing, be it never so difficult, or dangerous, if so be he had good successe in his former undertakings. Wherfore Eteocles in Eu­ripides affirmes, that if nature had given to man wings, he would have ascended above the heavens; for so saith he of himselfe, if I had had ability, I would have tried the paths of the Sun, and have descended into the Center of the Earth, that I might have ruled as the Gods doe there.

We have heard of Alvarus de Luna, before he tasted of both fortunes, who though he were once brought upon his knees, hee ascended on high again, and then resolved rather to loose his life, then to change his fortune; there­fore it happened unto him as it doth to certaine little creatures, who ha­ving once tasted of blood, will soo­ner break their bellies then quench [Page 48] their Thirst. Of the fall of Sejanus and such as he was, Iuvenal in his 10. Sa­tyre elegantly saith, That greatnes makes many a man subject to the stormes of envie and malice, casts them downe headlong into perdition, causeth their Statues to be demolished, bringeth them to untimely deaths, to the Gallows, and to have their limbs broken upon the wheel.

Sejanus that not long agoe carried a great port with him, and had his head adorned with Bayes and Cammomile, within a short time after had his head taken from his shoulders to be made a pitcher to drinke in, a bason to wash in, and a platter or pan to fry meat in.

Pride is either the mother or daugh­ter of Ambition, and the off-spring of immoderate prosperity, with the which Courtiers are infected, especially they they that are most eminent in Court, and have attained to the greatest ho­nours: An example hereof we have in Pallas a freed man of Nero, who was used to say, That he did never ex­presse himselfe at home to his servants, 45 Dominu­tu vel ma­nu servis suis loque­batur. 45 but either by nod or hand, That [Page 49] hee sometimes made use of his pen, but never of his tongue. Wee have spo­ken of the pride of Sejanus already, of whom Marc. Terentius a Romane Knight was used to say, That hee was accustomed to tell his freed men and door keepers, that to nod was a badge of a Magnifico: 46 Fastus hic hodie ma­ximo in usu est.46 This kind of pride is come in fashion in our dayes, and is u­sed by men of mean ranke and condi­tion. Seneca excellently describeth it, saying, That it is the property of a su­perstitious proud man to stand much upon the going into his house, he hath an opinion that he doth highly honour thee, if hee suffer thee to goe into it before him; and it is observable that they which stand so much upon terms of honour in this kinde, are of this condition, That they will be singular, looke big, and never salute any man, speak, walk, or eat with any man; their pride is to become like the man in Seneca, to make the pole Antar­tick kisse their toe, and Cynthia to do homage to their Tayle; they talke of Kingdomes and their Fathers posses­sions, which being once attained, they [Page] forget God, and all goodnesse; the same Seneca in his Tragedy entituled Hercules Furens saith, that God at every turne meets with the proud man.

Which saying as Philip Commines observes, Lewis the eleventh had of­ten in his mouth, where pride goes before, there shame followeth at the heeles: God resisteth the proud, and pride goeth before a fall; it is remark­able in the proud man, that he ever hates one of his own condition, and omits no opportunity to do him mis­chiefe; wherefore as at all times they are neglected and despised by such as have any predominant power over them, so then especially when they stand in competition for any honours and preferments; for as they are insoci­able and care not for the love of any, unlesse it be to bring to passe their own designes; so on the other side no man cares for them; so that in times of ad­versity, the times of triall of true friend­ship, they finde the fruits of their folly and arrogancy; men of this condition being put in places of command, ever abuse the power committed unto them [Page 51] to satisfie their greedy coveteousnesse, as we have seen in Sejanus, Narcissus, Pal­las, the Bishop of Ely, and some others, that they may pill and pole, and doe what they will, have ever opportunity; their friends being powerful, no request is denied them; all men rescue them, all men observe and obey them; their followers and attendants, are luxury, pride, pompe and prodigality, which ever add spurrs to their greedy desires; for they must be maintained, and a lit­tle will not do it. But if these were not, the minde of man is insatiable; for co­veteousnesse is of such a nature, that it will never rest content, full nor fasting, and therefore is justly said to be the root of all evill, the thing that subverts honesty & all square dealing between man and man; that occasions pride, cruelty, neglect of Religion, and the sale and shipwrack of a good consci­ence, and as Salust affirmes 47 Avaritia bellua im­manis, in­toleranda. 47 it is a Beast insufferable in a well govern'd Common-wealth, it depopulates Coun­treys, Villages, private Families, takes away the good name and reputation of a man, makes Religion a stalking [Page 52] horse to effect what it desireth, and is of that power and efficacy that no Power, or Bulwarke, or Army, is able to withstand it; it prevails with the Virgin to submit her thoughts to un­chast desires; it prevails with the Fa­ther to withdraw his affections from his Childe, and with the Childe to make him neglect his duty to his Fa­ther; it is a fault, and a great one in a meane man, but it is more dange­rous in him that is powerfull and mighty; wherefore Cicero saith, that their is no vice more hatefull in Prin­ces, and such as governe the Common-Wealth, then Coveteousnesse; for to make sale of the Common-Wealth is not onely dishonourable, but wicked and unjust. Hence it is that these kinde of men are odious in the eyes both of Prince and People; who al­though they may tyrannise and op­presse the people, and by reason of their greatnesse no man dares once o­pen his lips against them: yet God that ever takes the quarrell of the poore into his hands, and punisheth wrong doers, will discover their devi­ses [Page 53] and bring them unto shame and dis­honour: Their riches shall be made snares to intrap them, and like spon­ges chrusht together shall they send forth the water which they have so greedily suckt up. Another Vice which generally attendeth greatnesse, is Cru­elty, which they use to keep Inferiours in awe, that they should not dare to do any thing that tends to the dimi­nishing of their greatnesse; their ha­tred is like Hamans, making of a Mountaine a Molehill; small offences to be capitall, and punishing them with utter ruine and destruction; for these men having guilty Consciences, never dream of virtue or honesty, but seek by punishments to keep men in awe: Yea, 48 Dicta in se ulciscun­tur. 48 they punish words against themselves in a high degree; a Prince by forgiving of hasty words purcha­seth to himselfe Fame and Renowne; but they, unlesse they take revenge of their Enemies, have a conceit that the people conceive they are not in that grace and favour with their Princes as formerly they were; for example in this kinde wee may produce Joab, [Page 54] who by treachery slew Abner and Amasa, whose lives King David spa­red; but what befell to Haman and Joab, no man is ignorant. Another ill quality that raignes for the most part in great men, is, that they respecting more their owne private then the pub­lique good, lay heavy burthens upon the shoulders of the Subjects, and if they finde the Princes disposition so to doe, they are ever putting him in minde of it; if not, they will advise him to it; if the Prince require one penny of the Subjects, they cry two; if he doe but threaten, they cry hang him; it is good they cry for a Prince to be terrible, inexorable, cruell; and for men of meane rank to be milde, liberall, and familiar; it is a tenet a­mongst them that is better to rule by feare, then by love; that it is lawfull for a Prince to doe what hee will; that every mans Estate is in his power; nay, with Polinices in Seneca they cry,

They enveigh against Parliaments, and use all means to bring the Prince out of love with them, and study how to hinder them, ever buzzing in his eares, that what is done there, is done for private ends, without any respect to the Common good. If the Prince make any wise and discreet Judges, they must presently become their crea­tures, doe what they will have them, and keep nothing secret which they will have made known; 59 Divisiones & factio­nes se­runt. 49 they sow dissention, and maintain a Faction ever a­mongst the people, supposing that there is no better meanes to keep them in o­bedience then this, for that one Facti­on will be ever ready to assist the King to suppresse the other, and be an occa­sion to bring some grist to their Mill; so that while they are busied about their private injuries, they conceive [Page 56] publique wrongs which concerne the Common good will never be remem­bred, and so they themselves by this meanes escape unpunished: by their good will they will never suffer private quarrels to be taken up, or publique grievances to be fully redressed, that so occasion may bee ministred of dayly attendances at the Court, but especi­ally upon them, whereby they may shew their power of suppressing the one, and supporting the other, as they take affection; for which reason they will not suffer the Prince to grant a pardon, but in speciall cases, to any Delinquent, but upon condition. In all businesses between the King and his People, where their Councell is requi­red, they speak ambiguously and sub­tilly, for they feare nothing more then that the people should suppose that they doe not stand indifferent between the Prince and them. Such Councellours had Rehoboam King of the Jews, who when hls Subjects complained unto him of heavy burthens laid upon them by his Father, by the advise of his Councell, answered them, that his [Page 57] little finger should lie more heavy up­on them then all his Fathers body; my Father chastned you with whips, but I will chasten you with Scorpions: such a kinde of fellow was Nicholas Gara, a Count Palatine of the Kingdome of Hungarie, who being exceeding pow­erfull with Queene Mary the daugh­ter of Lewis the first, gave his Coun­sell that she should not suffer her Peers to become too powerfull, as wee hear'd before; but how his Counsell took effect, I have before remembred, and what befell to the Councellours of Re­hoboam, every one can tell: Sleidan re­ports that William Poyets the French Kings Chancellour was by the Kings speciall command taken out of his bed and cast into Prison, with the generall applause of the people; for that du­ring the foure yeares that hee held his office he had offended all sorts of peo­ple. Such is generally the end of these sort of people; for when the Prince is once fully informed of their conditi­ons, to satisfie the people, they punish them to their ruine and destruction. Examples hereof wee have in Cleander, [Page 58] Peter Lindais, George Peiras, and o­thers, concerning whom Philip Co­mines demands this queston, and gives this answer; who dares, saith hee, en­quire into the actions of these Gran­dees? who dare call them in question? who dare bee the Iudge to execute judgement upon them if they offend? the answer is, the inquisition will bee the lamentation and cries of the peo­ple, whom they have mercilesly op­prest and trampled upon in every kind; the teares of the Widowes and Or­phans, whose Husbands and Fathers they have put to death, and generally all they whom they have persecuted either in their Bodies or Estates; these will bring in an inquisition against them, and deliver them over to receive their doom of him who is the onely true judge, that will not peradvanture expect any other evidence, but will punish them in this life: so much hath Philip Comines, 50 Lex talio­nis. 50 the Law of Ta­lio is justly inflicted upon them; It is good justice, that they who have despi­sed and contumeliously behaved them­selves to wards others, should be despi­sed, [Page 59] and contumeliously handled by o­thers; that they who proudly insulted over others, should be reproachfully spoken of by others; that they who by rapine and fraud have gotten the E­states of others, should suddainly have their Estates by others taken from them; that they that shewed no mercy, should expect no mercy; that they that commanded others to bee dragg'd to execution, should bee dragg'd themselves; that they that caused others that stood for the Church to be put to death, should in the Church bee put to death themselves; that they that endeavoured to deprive the Subject of his rights and privi­ledges, should not onely lose the bene­fit of them, but the benefit of the Law of Nations; that they that caused o­thers to bee put to death against the Law, should before they bee heard or accused, be put to death themselves; that they which caused the rigour of the Law to be inflicted upon others, should have the same measure measured unto them, as is reported of 51 Perillus. 51 Perillus, who was the first that felt the punishment [Page 60] of the torment that hee himselfe inven­ted. These punishments doe not onely belong unto them that attaine unto their greatnesse by undue meanes, but likewise unto them who being deser­vedly preferred, do in the due executi­on of their places misbehave them­selves; for 52 Non suffi­cet bene coepisse. 52 it is not sufficient to be­gin well, but wee must prosecute our good beginnings with sutable procee­dings, which is a very hard thing for him to do, who hath attained to a great fortune; for 53 Fortuna est coena & eos efficet caecos quo [...]om plexa est. 53 fortune being blind her selfe, makes them blinde likewise for the most part whom shee doteth upon and fa­voureth; for while we are lulled a­sleep in her lap, we grow carelesse, and give occasion to such as love us not, to circumvent us; so as when there is no other cause, yet too too great prosperity willl finde in it selfe sufficient cause to bring us to our graves with shame and ignorance. Therefore it is no won­der if such as have power to doe what they will, standing in feare of none, become proud and insolent, and have their imperfections made knowne unto the world; for being on high they can [Page 61] do nothing but notice is taken of it, whereas if they lived in a mean rank, their faults would passe unregarded; our nature is such; there is no good thing in the world but it abuseth, but most of all the prosperity and good fortunes wee injoy: And why? because our wils being prone to all wickednesse, our prosperity adds spurs unto it, and doth not onely move, but continually administer occasion un­to us to satisfie our unbridled lusts and affections.

Such as have attained to the grea­test favour with their Princes, by rea­son of their daily familiarity with them, have in the end become most o­dious and contemptible in their height. Sejanus, Tiberius onely minion for the time, for that he stiled himselfe Empe­rour, and Tiberius governour of a poore Island, Tiberius hated and detested; the servant that hath beene delicately brought up from a Childe will chal­lenge to himselfe the priviledge of a sonne at last, saith Solomon. For presu­ming upon the favour of their Princes, they make them the subject of laugh­ter, [Page 62] neglect their commands, vilifie them, and mocke them, assuming the honour of what is done to themselves, attributing nothing to the power of the Prince. So Joab slew Absalom the sonne of King David, with his owne hand of his owne accord, without the Kings approbation: And though it was told him when hee was about to doe the deed, that it was the Kings will to have his life saved, and that he would call him to an account for it, yet hee went on grieving the perplext King with most unbeseeming and unmanner­ly tearms; but such things as these Princes forget not, but keep them in a Register.

Tacitus reports how that Pallas through his pride exceeding the bounds of a free man, drew hatred upon him­selfe, and how that Narcissus for that hee slew Messalina, the Wife of Clau­dius without his consent, put Claudius into a kinde of a phrensie, and made him in passion say, that Narcissus durst never attempt those things upon his Wife, though she had deserved it, un­lesse that hee had first despised her Hus­band. [Page 63] Such another was the Earle of St. Paul that was Constable of France, of whom I have spoken before, who upon all occasions relying on the fa­vour of the Duke of Burgondy, and the King of England, would rise in re­bellion against his Prince: and that his power and greatnesse might still continue together with his stipends from the King which were exceeding great, hee ever laboured to keep the King in Warr, that so he might be beholding to him to assist him when occasion offered it selfe; for he together with his associats did rather aime at their private good then the good of their Countrey. But these and the like devises, as they are most ridiculous in themselves, so they are to none more pernicious then to the Projectors, as is manifested in the History of the Constable before menti­oned, most exactly written by Philip Commines, Nicholas Picunnes Gene­rall of the Army of Philip Duke of Millane, after that he had brought the Earle of Francisfort, and the Army of his confederates into such a straight, that he was assured of the victory, he [Page 64] broke forth into such a height of in­solency, that forgetting himselfe and the charge that was committed unto him, he calls to minde how long he had served the Duke in the Warrs, and that during all that time he had not gotten so much land in his service as would cover his body when he was dead; and therefore he began to expostulate what reward should be given for all his ser­vices; and because it lay in his powet to deliver into the Dukes hands the whole Conntrey of Lumbardy, and all those Enemies that did oppresse him, he required of the Duke as a reward for his service the City of Placentia: the which unlesse hee would grant, hee plainly told him he would return home and leave the field; this mans inso­lency so much offended the Duke, that rather then he should have his will, he was content to leave an assured victo­ry; so suffered himselfe to be carried away with the insolency of this man, whom no danger or feare of Enemies could ever move a jot: wherefore hee concluded Peace with the Earle, and commanded Pricinius with his Army [Page 65] to quit the Country, accusing fortune as a step-dame, whereas there was no fault in her, but in Pricinius inso­lency.

Tacitus reports of Lentulus Getulicus, being made Generall over the Army of the upper part of Germany, and being suspected and accused by reason of the inward familiarity between him and Sejanus, was so bold as to send Letters unto Caesar, shewing that the familiarity between him and Sejanus, was not occasioned of his own head, but by the advice of Tiberius; and therefore it was nor strange, but that he as well as Tiberius might be de­ceived; neither could that be impu­ted unto him as an errour of wilful­nesse, for that he ever carried an ho­nest heart to him, and resolved ever so to do, though he had been often temp­ted to quit his allegiance, and could endure no more to heare that Sejanus should succeed in the Empire, then he could endure to heare of his damna­tion. But in conclusion, Tiberius and Getulicus made a League as it were that Tiberius should enjoy his Domi­nions, [Page 66] and Getulicus his Province. Tacitus affirmes that the bold mena­cing Epistles which Getulicus writ unto Tiberius did him no hurt at all; for Tiberius, wisely considering in what case hee stood, how he was growen old, and not beloved of his Subjects, and that he had not power of himselfe, suf­fered him alone of all Sejanus his ad­herents to live in peace and enjoy his favour. But without doubt this did much trouble Tiberius, that was of a cholerick disposition and a high spirit, and if hee had lived long, he would have called him to an account; but hee considered that Getulicus lived farr from him, and what hee writ procee­ded from the bottome of a good consci­ence, and out of an honest heart. There is another thing that doth commonly happen to such as are grown proud with prosperity, that the same cruelty which they have without controule executed upon their equals and inferiours, in the end they execute upon their So­veraign. Experience hereof we have in England in Richard Nevill Earle of Warwick, who being highly advanced [Page 67] by the King after that he had compas­sed the death of the Queenes Father, her children and many others that were neare and deare unto the King, at last was not afraid to rise in Re­bellion against the King; wherefore ^* 54 Moecaenas wisely counselled Au­gustus that he should not suffer any of his Subjects to grow too great, least there­by they should grow so powerfull as to dare to attempt any thing against him. There are others that carry themselves more moderately, and wa­rily, that relinquish the service of their Prince that raignes, and follow and adore the rising Sunne, apply themselves to him that is to succeede in the Em­pire, as Macro did; but these kinde of people never continue long in favour; for by their behaviour to the former Prince, they are deservedly had in sus­pition by the later, and undergoe the punishment in his time which they de­served in his praedecessours; perad­venture they which saucily upbraid their Prince as Clytus did Alexander with what they have deserved, are not so much to be condemned, as the for­mer [Page 68] that abandon their service; yet it is most distastefull to a Prince to be told of any such thing; for that they are more pleased in hearing what rewards they have conferred, then in hear­ing what any man hath deserved.

The deserts of a Subject are so long acceptable to the Prince, as it is in the Princes power when hee will to come out of his debt; but when he thinkes he hath deserved so much that hee can­not well requite him, then doth hee re­quite him with perpetuall hatred; for this very cause did Adrianus Caesar remove Tatianus and his fellow from their jurisdiction and government, to whom he was indebted as much as his Empire came to, as Spartianus saith; but it was imputed to their popularity; and if there were no other cause to make a man hatefull in the eyes of his Prince, this alone were sufficient; for there is no Prince of so poore a spirit, or slender capacity, that will indure such malepert fellowes; for it is natu­rally ingrafted into Princes, not to suf­fer an equall or a competitor. And there is good cause why such men [Page 69] should be ever had in suspition, and be neglected by them; for that they are easily corrupted, and drawn into Re­bellion; and it is wonderfull to see how that they who have attained to the greatest favour with their Princes, are ever buzzing into their eares, that they should not suffer their Subjects to grow too great, and how in the mean time they so dote upon them, that they doe not perceive that they alone are the men, of whom they admonish the Prince to have an eye; but in the end the Prince by one meanes or other be­ing made sensible of the burthen hee beareth, and being weary of them, casts them down; and if there were no other motive to induce them therunto, the too much liberty those men do assume to themselves, of doing what they wil, and the fear they stād in by reason of them, were sufficient to occasion their remo­vall; & this was the cause why Nero re­moved Seneca, of whom for a long time he stood in awe; hee was used to say, he knew not where to hide himselfe from Seneca, no not within his skin, unlesse hee did dispatch him out of the way. [Page 70] Councellours were not wanting that did suggest unto him, that hee being past a Childe, growne to mans estate, hee should cast off his Master, ha­ving Senators at hand that could bet­ter advise him; so Tiberius the Empe­rour for a long time, for the love that the Souldiers and People bare unto Germanicus, reverenced him, insomuch that during all the time that hee was advised by him, he carried himselfe very moderately in the Empire: yet in the end for the same cause hee hated him, and secretly caused him to bee put to death. For the same cause likewise Nero caused Octavia his beloved Wife who ever carried her selfe modestly and obediently towards him, to bee re­moved. So 55 Galfridus Iustitiarius Angliae sub Iohan­ne. 55 Jeffrey a Justiciary of En [...]land, that flourished in the dayes of King Iohn, being one that was well experienced in the Law, and by rea­son of his riches, his allies and his ho­nours▪ was become the most powerfull man in the Kingdome, was in the end more feared then beloved of the King, insomuch that when the King heard of his death he brake out, and swore by [Page 71] the feet of God, that then and not be­fore was he King and Lord of Eng­land. Wherefore Alvarus Castro per­swaded Sebastian King of Lusitania, who died in Africa, that hee was in some sort oppressed by his Subjects, Martianus Gousalesius and his adhe­rents, and that they were the very King, and he bore but the shape and shew of a King; insomuch, that when his Secretary brought unto him a Charter of small consequence to bee signed by him: by the perswasion of Alvarus and his associates he affirmed that he could do it safely without any scruple; for that hee made no doubt of his Soveraignty untill he came to Liz­borne. For the same cause likewise, that is, because hee challenged a kinde of Soveraignty over his fellows, was Duke Albinus hated of Charles the Emperour, but more of Philip, al­though hee observed them both, and did them faithfull service from his childe-hood to his old age, for the space of sixty yeares: wherefore it befalls these en as Titus Livius reports of the Romane Empire, that arising out of the [Page 72] dust it grew to such a greatnesse, that in the end it became a burthen to it selfe; for as our bodies when they grow and swell too much, as we have seen a man in Luxenburgh, are burthens to themselves, unhealthfull, and sub­ject to diseases: So it happens with them that out-strip their fellowes in magnificence, their greatnesse is often­times the cause of their ruine and de­struction; as they which climb on high, whilst they cast their eyes alwaies up­ward, never downwards, are brought at length to such a streight, that they can­not looke downe without being giddy, nor stand where they are in safety, nor come downe without danger; So it fares with them that s [...]rmount the ordinary pitch of their fellowes, being in as great danger as hee that holds a Woolfe by the eares, and as John Han­nois, a Captaine of the Gauntois was, who being circumvented in a certaine Temple by the Souldiers of the Earle of Flanders, when they set fire on the Temple, hee betooke himselfe to the Steeple for refuge; and when the fire came neare him hee was put to his choice, whether he would dye upon [Page 73] the speare, or be burnt in the fire; and he chose (whereby wee may perceive how dangerously they which are on high do stand) to dye by the speare; wherefore it is reported, that Maece­nas should say unto Octavius Caesar of Agrippa, whom hee had preferred to the highest degree of honour, that thou must make him thy son in Law, or put him to death: greatnesse is at­tained with no lesse danger then Vsur­pers doe attaine a Kingdome, which to doe is unjust, to relinquish dange­rous; wherefore Julius Caesar was u­sed to say, that they which have once attained to greatnesse, can never after endure to lead a private life; which saying of his wee shall finde to bee most true, if wee looke into the lives of the best men, in whom their [...]reat­nesse hath occasioned their ruine and destruction; wee may read of many that have been for a time without exception for life and conversation, and by their good services have pur­chased their Princes favour; yet in the end have been questioned for their lives upon a small occasion, and feined [Page 74] suspition. Example hereof we have in Seneca; neither is it strange it should be so; for they that stand on high are not only troubled with the vertigo in their heads, but with infirmities in their leggs; as they cannot stand without feare, so they cannot come down with­out danger; so that Tacitus affirmes, 55 Fatum potentiae est quod ra­rò sit sem­piterna. 56 That is destinated unto greatnesse not to be of long continuance, and he pro­duceth Maecenas for an example, where likewise he speaketh of Salustius Crispus, so long as Maecenas saith he was but the second in the Empire, so long he lived securely and happily; but when hee came to be the chiefe man, even hee into whose bosome the Emperour did empty all his secrets, then he began to decline and to loose the favour which hee had formerly gained; so that what Tacitus affirmes of greatnesse, is most true, if it be not founded upon a sure foundation.

Fortune is alwaies fickle, and every thing that mortall men enjoy upon earth uncertain, as it is in the Comaedi­an, and so much the more uncertain by how the greater a man is; the greatest [Page 75] honours are attended with the greatest cares and feares; neither is there any state more uncertain then the estate of great men; wherefore they have need when they have attained their wished desires, to pray to God to preserve them in the state which they have long desired and prayed for.

A chiefe cause hereof is for that the favour of Princes is subject to alte­ration, which Tacitus glanceth upon in the examples of Maecenas, and Sa­lustius before alledged, where he shews a twofold cause thereof: the one of destiny of which we have spoken be­fore, the other their own greatnesse and fulnesse, when the Prince hath gi­ven them so much, that hee can give no more; and they receive so much that they can crave no more; then doth he ease them of the burthen (as Amiratus hath at large dscovered) but the true cause thereof is for that Princes are men, and subject to the in­firmities of men: and the minde of man is of a fiery nature and change­able upon every light occasion; for as the imagination of man will in a short [Page 76] time well conceive a thousand severall things, passe over a thousand severall places; so the minde of man will in a moment be of a thousand severall opi­nions; therefore it is truly said that the minde of man delighteth in novel­ties. Wherefore the French Knig Lewis the eleventh, after he changed his bed­chamber, men and others, that waited upon him, was used to answer all such as taxed him for it, that nature delighted in novelties; many other causes may be added as the naturall inclination and disposition of man, and accidents which do often fall out, which doe al­ter and change the minde of the Prince: as Spartianus affirmes, that Adri­anus the Emperour had an open eare to heare any thing that could be told him of them unto whom he professed the greatest love; wherefore all those that he most affected and advanced to the highest degree of Honour, in the end he esteemed no better then ene­mies; so Henry the third King of Eng­land, esteemed of 57 Hugo de Burgo pro to justi [...]i­arius An­gliae sub H. 3. 57 Hugo de Burgo cheife Justice of England, being one that deserved well both of King and [Page 77] Common-wealth, who for the love that he bore unto him, and to the saf­ty of the Realme, did incurr the dis­pleasure of all the Nobility of the Kingdom; for by instigation of Pe­ter Bishop of Winchester he did not only withdraw his affections from him, but deprived him of his office, and persecuted him with all extremitie.

But most memorable are the exam­ples of the Earle Ʋlrick Cilensis and Ʋlrick Eizingerus in the Country of Austria, when Ladislaus sonne of Alburt King of Hungary and Bo­hemia, and Arch-Duke of Austria, took upon him the Government of the Kingdome; during his minority, both the King and Kingdome were in the power of the Earle; who being an eyesore to many, especially to Ʋlricus Eizingerus a man most powerfull with the King, he privily acquainted him how odiour the Earle was among ma­ny of the inhabitants of Austria, and unlesse hee did take some course with him, hee did verily perswade himselfe they would rise in rebellion: for that hee injuriously took from them their [Page 78] mony, pillaged the Common-wealth, filled his own, emptied the Kings Trea­sury; and I may Boldly say his power was so great, that he ruled as King, and did what he would; only he left the bare title of King unto the King. There is nothing that makes us more degenerate from our selves, and transgresse the lawes of God and men then ambition; it was not enough for him to enjoy the second place of the Kingdom, but he must covet after the first; neither is it a marvell that he that of late would not endure an e­quall, should not now admit of a Supe­riour; wherefote Ʋlricus perswaded the King speedily to banish him the Court, who departed thence with four Knights only, & left his place to Eizingerus, 58 Cum qua­tuor tan­tum mili­tibus in­sultante plebe & vix mani­bus tem­perante ex urbe pro­ficiscitur. 58 the people rejoycing thereat, and hardly forbearing to lay violent hands upon him; But this Eizingerus not long after be­ing complayned of to the King by Pancratius Plankenstanius, the King be­fore the yeare came about, sent for the Earle and honourably received him, and restored him to his former digni­ty. Eizingerus left the Court with much grace and favour, wisely yeilded [Page] unto the times, and betooke himselfe to live upon his own Possessions; and it is said that the Earle did much ap­plaud him for so doing: for that hee had learned by his own example, that the minds of Monarks are carried hi­ther and thither in a moment, which Gerardus de Roo taking into conside­ration, commended the saying of him who compared the Minions of Princes unto counters with which wee cast ac­count, which being removed from place to place, stand sometimes for much, sometimes for little, and sometimes for nothing. A cause likewise wherefore Princes doe withdraw their affections from their Minions, is, to give their Subjects satisfaction whom they have grieved and oppressed; examples where­of we have before alledged, unto which we may add the example of Duke Borgio Valentino, whom Nicholas Ma­chivell hath remembred, who after that hee had reduced Flaminia to his obedience, hee made Remerus Orcus a cruell man and a great undertaker go­vernour thereof, who so carried the matter, that in a short time hee had [Page 80] every man at his beck: yet not with­out a great deale of cruelty, which drew the hatred of all men upon him, inso­much that the Duke to winn their hearts againe, was faine to acquaint them that if any exorbitances were committed in Flaminia by Orcus, it was done of his own accord without his consent or approbation; and so he took that occasion early in the mor­ning to have his body divided into two parts, and girding a sword by his side, with a wooden scabberd, ex­posed him to the view of the multi­tude in the market place; which when the people saw, they went home every one well satisfied. Envy is ever an at­tendant of such a man; and not unde­servedly; for whosoever is advanced by meer favour, without any desert of his owne, or approbation of the people, to have rule and authority o­ver others of more worth, the peo­ple will hate and despise; for the favour of a Prince is like unto a faire Virgin, whom many affect, and will not in­dure that she should looke more fa­vourably, walke or talke more fre­quently [Page 81] with any then with them­selves; so that between men of this condition there is seldome or never any true friendship or familiarity; for up­on every light occasion they study how to bring one another in disgrace. Tully well saith, there is no faith or friendship observed, when a King­dome is at stake; for whatsoever is of that nature, that many may contend for, yet but one can injoy. The con­tention is great, but faith and honesty little; hee that dotes upon one, seems to neglect all others. And hee is a very bold Prince (as Christopher Besoldus observes) that for the love of one will draw the hatred of the multitude up­on him. Examples hereof we have be­fore alledged in Nicolas Gara Count Palatine of Hungary, and in others: and during the raigne of the French King Henry the second in Amiralius Comestabilius, and the Chancellour, who having attained to the chiefest de­grees of honour, envied each others prosperity. How incertaine the condi­tion of mortall men is upon Earth, Sleidan hath sufficiently shewed by his [Page 60] owne example. And who is ignorant of the civill Warres which have been in France, both in the dayes of our pro­genitors, and in our owne memories, for this cause onely, that the govern­ment of the Kingdome hath been com­mitted unto such, unto whom it did not belong? This Hanniball the great Captaine of the Carthaginians found to be true by wofull experience; for he being forced to leave his Country, be­took himselfe to Antiochus, King of Asia; who so well behaved himselfe during the time that he was with him, that within a very short time hee be­came very gracious in his eyes; there­fore when the King made warre a­gainst the Romanes, hee would have made him commander of his fleet, had not Thoas A [...]tolus disswaded him to the cōtrary, saying, it was too much honor unto him to make him Generall of the Royall Fleet: that there ought to bee but one King, one chiefe Comman­der, and one Emperour; for admit it should so fallout that Hannibal should lose the honour of the day, the dam­mage would redound unto the King; [Page 83] but if things should succeed prospe­rously the honour thereof would re­dound unto Hannibal, and not unto Antiochus; and that if fortune should so favour Hannibal to overcome the Romanes, what hope could Antiochus have to expect that this man would be true to him, that was false to his Coun­try? That it was safe for Antiochus to use him as a Councellour, but not as a Commander in the Warre? By these perswasions, for that they were grounded upon good reason, did Aetolus alienate the minde of Antio­chus from Hannibal, and occasioned him to lessen, if not to take away all power and authority out of his hands. This befals often-times where the Gen­try and Nobility be had in estimation, especially to such that from the dung­hill are raised to an extraordinary greatnesse, and want kindred and al­lies to support them; for it is incident to humane nature to looke upon men raised out of the dust with sqiunt eyes, and to expect that they of all men, who not long before were their equals and companions, should not insult and [Page 84] domineer over them: therefore did Caius Sinlius of an ancient and noble Family, bitterly enveigh against Seneca, and resolved rather to undergo any punishment then to submit himselfe to his late purchased Gentry. These kinde of men stand upon slippery ground, and every man is ready to throw them downe, and if they once fall, they seldome or never rise againe. Of the like condition are they that being borne in another Kings dominion, a­liens and strangers, attaine to honour and authority in a Country where they are meer strangers; for no men are more hated then these men, 59 Inqui [...]ni sui putant juris esse, ut sui ge­neris ho­minibus guberna­cula rerū commit­tantur. 59 Every man thinking it to bee a part of his Birth-right to be governed by men of his owne Nation, and not by strangers: for this very cause have the subjects of all Nations at one time or other rebelled against their Soveraignes. When Al­bert, the first of that name, Duke of Austria, placed neerest about him E­berhardus Henricus, and Ʋdalricus, the brethren of Waser Hermanus, Handen­burgins with others, and advanced them to the highest degrees of honour, [Page 85] the native Inhabitants tooke it ill, that they who had quit their owne Coun­tries, because they had not where with­all to give them livelihood, should come into the flourishing Country of Austria, and there enrich themselves by marriages, whilst they being na­tives were neglected, and were not permitted to open their mouths for the common good; so that they petitioned the Prince, that hee would be pleased to remove the Swedes from having any hand in the managing of the affaires of the Common-Wealth; for that they had those amongst themselves, that better understood the state of the Common-Wealth, and could better mannage the affaires thereof. Unto which, when the Prince would not listen, nor remove from him the afore­named person, the rich & powerfull men of Austria, especially the men of Vi­enna, joyning their forces with their neighbours, raised armes, thinking to remove them by force, which although it tooke not that effect as they suppo­sed it would have done, yet hence we learne how hatefull a thing it is to [Page 86] the natives of a Country to have strangers rule over them; and as all strangers are odious, and stand upon slippery ground; so especially they that quit their owne and fly for refuge into an other Country, and there as often it happeneth, do attaine to any com­mand and authority. This Thoas Ae­tolus aforenamed objected against Hannibal, who being an exiled Car­thaginian, became so powerfull with Antiochus King of Asia, that what with his wit, and what with his power, within a short time hee was able to al­ter the Government; and therefore Polybius commended Xantippus a Lace­daemonian for this that hee having brought the Common-Wealth of Car­thage into a good order, hee left it and returned home into his own Coun­try. Famous and worthy atchievements are ever attended with envy and ma­lice, and it is the condition of the na­tives of a Country by their friends and allies to vilifie the acts of strangers, and to study how to bring them into disgrace and danger.

To conclude, this one thing, that [Page 87] is to say, to take too great a burthen upon themselves, and presume with their owne wit and judgement to man­nage and rule whole principalities, doth very much hurt these kinde of people; for if that one man though qualified with rare and admirable gifts of art and nature, cannot so up­rightly carry himselfe in the mannage­ing of a businesse of small consequence, but that hee shall deserve reprehension of the multitude, and incurre the dis­pleasure of his Prince that laid that burthen upon him: how is it possible that one man should mannage as hee ought, the state of a Kingdome, which will trouble the heads of many men laid together? This Tiberius Caesar found to bee true, who after that the Senate had setled him in the Empire, considering the greatnesse thereof, and his owne weaknesse, ingenuously ac­knowledged, that the minde of Au­gustus onely was capable of such a bur­then; as for himselfe being called to bear but a part of it, he found by expe­rience how difficult and dangerous the burthen of a Kingdome was, and how [Page 88] much subject it was to change and al­ter. Therefore in a Citie where many able and deserving men are, speciall care is to be had, that one man beare not the sway alone; for that many heads together will with more ease and safety mannage the state and affaires thereof, which as it is most true, so I desire that they especially take notice thereof, who dare of themselves un­dertake to beare so great a burthen; for it cannot bee, but that these men which take so much upon them, must neglect to do many things which they ought to doe, and so deserve a just re­prehension; it is a common saying, that no man can serve two masters: Whence Plato in his eighth Booke of Laws, affirmes, that it is a most diffi­cult thing for a man, be hee of ever so good a wit and capacity, to excell in two severall arts; so that Diodorus Si­culus saith, with the Indians, it is not permitted for any man to apply him­selfe to two severall studies. Assuredly these men, though never so wise, vigi­lant, and industrious, being ever in the Sea, troubles and turmoiles of the [Page 89] world, in the end must of necessity fall upon a Rocke, and though they forecast all things warily, and turne over every stone, provide salves for every sore, and have ever instruments at hand to execute their commands; yet in the end they must come downe, and fall full low, as mariners, be they ever so skillfull, if they continue on the Seas, when their tacklings faile, must of necessity yield unto the waters; so it is with them; for it is most true,

He that hath dealings in the world, findes that the wheele of fortune is e­ver turning, and that she never dotes so upon any man as to satisfie his ex­pectation, and to give contentment to him in every thing; and I deny not, but that these men may, during the raign of one King, continue in their greatnesse; yet regularly 60 Plerum (que) isti atque omnes fe­rè à suc­cessore e­vertuntur. 60 both they and all their adherents are ruinated by his successour, as the Examples before [Page 90] alleaged doe sufficiently manifest unto unto us; These therefore and the like causes sometimes raigning all together in one person, sometimes but some of them, nay, sometimes but one of them, are the meanes to strip them out of their magnificence, and to bring them upon their knees.

CHAP. III. Of Remedies.

SEeing then that all these things are grievous both to Prince and Peo­ple, and oftentimes the cause of the ruine of the one or the other, or both; in the next place wee must thinke of some antidote how we may prevent the disease before it commeth, rather then of a cure when it hath once seised up­on us; for this purpose I will set down some few rules, not that I will pre­scribe unto Princes a platforme of go­vernment: farre bee it from me to thinke of any such thing, being a thing beyond my capacity, and not within the compasse of my profession, but ra­ther to refresh their memories, and the memories of their subjects with such things as have come to my under­standing, [Page 92] and the understanding of o­thers of my coate and profession, and to set before their eyes some lively patterns and examples, that so they pursue those things that are profitable both to them­selves and the Commonwealth, and a­void those things which are hurtfull both in the beginning and the ending. Princes therfore in my opinion cannot think of a better meanes to avoyd the aforesaid inconveniences, then not to suffer any one of their Subiects to grow too great, and to burthen him with too much power and authority; of this Moecaenas amongst many other things admonished Augustus Casar, least such a man by reason of his power might attempt any thing against him; of this opinion was John Bodyn, who out of his own experience found it to be true that there is nothing more dan­gerous to a Prince, then to suffer any one to come so neare him as to be able at one step to step into the Royall seat, and so far to excell others in authority that they must depend upon him; and this hee found to bee somuch the more dangerous when any one is permitted [Page 93] to rule without an associate, and to enrich himselfe with the Treasure of the Common-wealth; wherefore A­drianus Caesar would never acknow­ledge any of his freed men in publick, nor suffer himselfe to be led by them; hee was used to say that all his pre­decessours were too blame for listening so much unto them: and if any one had vaunted of the power hee had in for­mer times, it was a sufficient matter to condemne him; wherefore Prin­ces ought to have in perpe [...]uall remem­brance the procedings of some of the Majors of the Court of France, who rising by little and little, at length grew so great, that they attempted to depose their Kings, and to sit in their Thrones; at first they had no power but a ministeriall office in the Kings house; but under Locharius the second they began to usurpe the title of the Goveroment of the Kingdome; under which title whilst they did assume to themselves the defence of the rights of the Kingdome, and drew all pow­er and authority into their hands, the authority of the King began to decline [Page 94] and fall away, for the Kings (whether by the subtilty of the Majors, or their own fatall idlenesse it is hard to say) left the care of the Kingdome and government thereof unto them, and gave themselves wholly to their plea­sures and delights; only once a yeare in the Calends of May they shewed themselves unto the people; in the meanetime the Majors took upon them the Government of the Kingdome, summoned Parliaments, gave audience and answers to Ambassadours, made Leagues with forraign Princes, pro­mulged edicts and decrees, and did all things as fully that did belong to the Kingly power as if they had beene Kings indeed; whence it came to passe, as the minde of man is insatia­ble, that they began by degrees to make their way into the Kings Throne, to set them at defiance, and to drive them like Captives and Children into corners; and if the King had attemp­ted to suppresse them, they with all their might and power had not been able to have done it; for they got the the whole power of the Kingdome into [Page 95] their hands; and by the long conni­vency of the King, they did seeme to challenge the Government of right, and to allow unto the Kings but the bare name and title of Kings.

Pippin the father of Charles the great, after that hee had attained to the Honour to be Major in King Chil­dericks Court: first began to traduce the King, to buzze into the eares of the people his sloth and simplicity, to extoll himselfe unto the cloudes, and by all wayes and meanes to winn the hearts of the people; having laid this foundation, hee knew there was no better way to effect his designe, 61 Nihil ad persua­dendum hominum mentes efficacius religione sciebat. 61 then to use Religion as a cloake; where­fore hee sent unto Rome unto Pope Zachery in the name of the people to know whether of the two were more fit to raign, either he that took upon him the whole burthen of the King­dome, or hee that cared for nothing, gave himselfe wholly to idlenesse, and had no more understanding then a Beast; who presently delivered his o­pinion for Pippin, and absolved the people from their allegiance to Chil­derick, [Page 96] hopeing that Pippin would as­sist him against the Lumbards; Chil­derick thereupon from a King became a Mounk, and Pippin was crowned King of France.

Let all Princes take into their con­sideration, as well for their own safe­ty as the safetie of their Posteri­ty, this example of King Childe­rick, that the same mischiefe may not fall upon them and theirs, as did upon Childerick and his posterity; where­fore if a Prince shall at any time see any of his Subjects grow too mighty and popular, let him alwayes have an eye upon him, and clip his wings in time; and if that will not do, yet if a­ny just occasion be offered, let him rid hi [...] out of the way; for a Prince must know that it is with these men, as it is with all other things, they come not to full maturity on a suddaine, but by degrees, by little and little, and no notice for the most part is taken of them untill they come to their full growth; wherefore hee must bee watchfull and use the remedy which I have before prescribed, and [Page 97] such others as I shall now acquaint him withall. For this purpose the Counsell which Moecenas gave unto Augustus Caesar, is not to bee neg­lected touching his Officers, that hee might without danger to himselfe, or prejudice to the Common-wealth, suf­fer such as had no power to hurt him, to hold their places in perpetuity: but not such as had Command of Armyes or Provinces; for when they shall con­sider that within a short time they may bee private men, they will be more carefull how they offer any wrong to any man; of whose opinion was Seneca, who affirmes that there is no­thing so profitable to the Common-wealth as 62 Nihil tam utile Rei­pub. quā brevem es­se potesta­tem quae magna est. 62 that great offices should ever be at the disposall of the Prince; wherefore Mumercus Aemylius being a dictator in the Romane Common-wealth, for that hee saw the Censors to continue in their places for the space of five yeares, and not without pre­judice to the whole Commonwealth, called a Councell together to advise, touching the liberty of the people, where he affirmes that nothing was [Page 98] so prejudiciall to the Common-wealth as to permit Governours that had great power committed unto them, to hold their places without any limi­tation of time; that other officers hold their places but for a yeare, the Cen­sors for five yeares, during the grea­test part of which time they gave them­seluer wholly to licentiousnesse: wher­fore hee thought it fit that the office of Dictator should not continue for a longer time then a yeare and six Moneths; and so by a generall con­sent there was a Law made to that purpose; and that hee himselfe might bee an example unto them, hee spake after this manner; that ye may know, ye Noble Romans, how distastfull a thing it is unto me, to see Magistrates continue long in their offices, I quit my selfe of my Dictatorship.

With Aemylius and the others before named, accords Nicholas Machiavell in opinion, who posi­tively affirmes, that it is a most dangerous thing to suffer any one to have a perpetuity in any great place, for that hee hath thereby opportunity [Page 99] to effect his designes, and this was the cause why the 63 Decemviri 63 decemviri in Rome did abuse their authority, when being 64 Dictatores 64 Dictators they did not; because they had time enough to worke their designes; therefore hee saith, if wee looke diligently into the form of go­vernment of the Romane Common-Wealth, wee shall see, that the chiefe cause of the ruine of that famous Com­mon Wealth, was by reason of the contention that arose among the com­mon people, concerning division of grounds, and prorogation of magistra­cie; for although that few or none took notice that the prorogation of ma­gistracy was the cause of seditiō in that Common-Wealth; yet it is most ma­nifest, that they that continued any long time in magistracy, attained to so much power, that it became fatall to the Common-wealth; it was this alone that administred to Marius, to Sylla, to Caesar, to turne topsie turvy the state of the Common-Wealth. Wherefore we learne this of Caesar, who after that he had ended the Warres in Affrica, made a law, that no praetor should hold [Page 100] his office above a yeare, or Consul above two years, having learn'd ad unguem, a lesson which Dion hath in his three and fourtieth book; and this hee did by his own example; for that hee having had a Command in France for the space of many yeares together, he found in himself an ambiti­on to continue that cōmanding power still; for the attaining of which swel­ling honor 65 Athenien­sibus in­ventus est Ostracis­mus. 65 among the Athenians the punishment of Ostracisme, and among the Syracusans, the punishment of Peta­lisme was devised; which Aristotle and Diodorus Siculus condemne as a remedy too violent and pernicious; 66 Syracusa­nis Peta­lismns. for it is one thing to make a Law to keep a Subject within a meane, that he get no further then the Prince will have him, and another thing to banish him his Countrey for no reason but only for that hee excells in vertue and riches; therefore both in Prince and People the golden meane is ever requisite. Hence a Prince may learn by the e [...]amples of the Majors in France, that if at any time he shall be so farr enamoured with any one man, [Page 101] as that hee shall commit all power into his hands, yet by 67 Periculo­sum est ut authoritas in filios de­scendat. 67 no meanes to let that power descend and be here­ditary to his Posterity; for there is no such inducement to make a man for­get himselfe, and to raise his thoughts beyond the ordinary pitch, as the hope of propagating of honours by his owne witt and industry unto Posterity; therefore let a Prince ever use the as­sistance of many in managing of his affaires, and not commit all things to one, nor listen to that only which one man can tell him: for if any one of a Kings Subjects shall be so great that all the rest shall stand in awe of him, hee indeed as Philip Commines observes, is very King and Lord; there­fore 68 Necessari­um est ut Princeps plures o­culos, & plures ma­nus sibi fa­ciat. 68 Aristotle admonisheth Princes to use many eyes and many hands in the governing of their affaires, which they then do when they use many Coun­cellours; for therefore are Princes said to have long hands; not that their hands are longer then other mens, but because they have many servants, by whose help and assistance they can see and heare and manage the affairs in the [Page 102] most remote places of their Domini­ons; for many eyes see more then one; and most often that which one man understands not, another will, and many hands will with more cele­rity and dexterity dispatch a businesse; wherefore Mecenas againe told Au­gustus, that it was the best course to use the helpe of many in the mannage­ing of the affaires of the Common-Wealth, that so the profit might re­dound unto many, and many gaine experience thereby, and be enabled to doe him service; by which meanes hee should not onely gaine the good will of his Subjects, but he should e­ver have able men at hand to doe him service in every kinde. The selfe same counsell doth James King of great Brittaine give unto his sonne, that he should not rely wholly upon the counsell of any one man in every thing; for such a man in the end will not on­ly be a burthen to his Lord and Ma­ster, but be subject to the envy and displeasure of all men else, as is before shewed: againe it is impossible for one man to be able to undergo all busines­ses, [Page 103] as Scipio Amiratus hath at large discovered, and before him Aristotle, who affirmes, 69 Possimum est unum plures ma­gistratus obire. 69 that it is most in­convenient to suffer any one man to under­go divers offices, for that many men will sooner, and better, execute the same; especially where the Country abounds with able and sufficient men; wherefore bitterly doth Waremund of Erenburgh deride certaine Princes of Germany; as many of the Nobility saith he, doe use one and the same horse, sometimes for the Cart, sometimes for the Saddle, sometimes for the Warre, even as they did in ancient time, the Delphian sword for divers purposes, sometimes to sacrifice to the Gods, and sometimes to punish malefactors; so doe the Princes make choice of the selfe-same counsels, to assist them in all kinde of businesses; sometimes to plead causes, sometimes to sit as judges, sometimes to treat of armes, some­times to make lawes, sometimes to play the part of Orators, nay, some­times of the Phisitian, Mathematici­an, and Artificer; whence it com­meth to passe that they have neither [Page 104] good Souldiers nor good Councellors. It comes into my minde, that not long agoe I was told a strange story, that a certaine Prince writ that a Doctor of the law might be sent unto him, whom he would use as his Councellour, and withall declared himselfe how hee would have him qualified, that hee should have a head able to carry his cups well; but for mine owne part I had rather have a sober man to be my Counsellour; and if my judgement faile me not, I thinke there is no such plague unto Princes, as to have about them these nimble undertakers, that dare adventure upon any imployment, especially if they bee, as usually they are, boasters of themselves. For these Polypragmons, for the most part, are never setled in any course, but are al­wayes desirous to try conclusions, and as the winde and tide doe serve, so doe they desist their former courses, and leave their masters. Yet Livy writes, that Marcus Cato senior was so rarely qualified, that in what place so­ever he had been in he would have rai­sed a fortune out of it; in that he knew [Page 105] what appertained to the duty of a pri­vate man, and the office of a pub­lique magistrate; and that he was expe­rienced aswell in the affaires of the Ci­ty, as the Country: and whereas some raised themselves to honour by the law, some by warre-like disci­pline, hee was excellent in all, and whatsoever he undertooke hee perfor­med with that dexterity that a man would have thought that he had beene borne to doe that onely which he un­dertooke; but such kinde of wits are very rare, and there is a great deale of difference between him and such as seem to bee like unto him; therefore doth the same Livy write of Scipio A­fricanus, that hee was a man of great account among the Romanes, and me­morable for many things; but yet that hee was better experienced in mi­litary discipline then in civill govern­ment; and this may serve as a motive to a Prince, never to trust any man a­lone, but to joyne others in commissi­on with him, that may oversee him and observe his actions; so will he be more cautelous and wary to do any thing [Page 106] that shall be prejudiciall to the Com­mon-Wealth, when hee shall see o­thers to be judges of his actions, and to be ready at hand to reprehend him if he doe amisse; wherefore Mecaenas againe advised Augustus, that he would appoint two ever to guard his person, that if the one should go about to en­snare him, he might pray in aid of the other; so Tiberius Caesar sent Germa­nicus into the Easterne Countries with a large commission, to compose the differences there; but yet hee joyned Piso with him, that had a great wit and spirit to curb him, and keep him a little under. As that mariner can­not be said to be wise, that trusts on­ly to one anchor; so that Prince that relies onely upon one man; for what can be the issue of it? admit this man should dye, or should fall off from him, a thousand accidents may hap­pen to occasion him to detest the course he is in, and then the Prince should be left alone unarmed, as it were, unlesse he had imployed others in businesses of the like nature, and thereby ena­bled them to doe him service; there­fore [Page 107] it is most fit that Princes should use the same order in trayning up of Councellors, that huntsmen do in their hounds; for as they enter their young whelpes with their old dogs, so 70 Hoc idem oportet principem observare circa con­siliarios quod ob­servant venatores in v [...]nari­onibus. 70 Princes should ever with gray head Senators joyne discreet young gentlemen to observe the manners and customes of those aged Fathers; but the most sure and soveraign remedy of all o­ther is, for a Prince ever to keep the reines of the government of the King­dome in his owne power. Yet I do not speake to this end, that I would have a Prince doe every thing by himselfe; for that doth Tacitus reprove in Claudi­us Caesar, saying, that the Prince that takes upon him the offices of judicature and magistracy hath daily occasion administred him to prey upon his peo­ple; wherefore Tiberius blamed the Senate for casting all the care of the Empire upon him alone; which place of Tacitus, Scipio Amiratus persues ve­ry farre, saying, that to lay all the burthen upon the head alone is to make a confusion, and to deprive the rest of the members of the body of their pro­per [Page 108] office; in this kinde Bonfinus re­ports, that Matthias the first of that name, and one of the wisest Kings of Hungary, was faulty, who was used to say, that he was able to mannage the affaires of his Kingdome of himselfe, and to confute his Counsellours when they would perswade him to any thing; and further, that he often heard him say at Vienna before his death, that in the government of his King­dome he never used another mans ad­vice; and that from the beginning of his raign, he could not indure to heare the advice and direction of a councel­lour for a yeare about; but what be­came of it? flatterers swarmed in his court, and he run into many dangr­rous and des [...]erate errours. Quintus Curtius in his fourth book writes, that Alexander the great would seldome listen to the Counsell of his friends, when hee was in greatest danger; and that Xerxes was more wilfull then hee, who intending to make Warre in Greece, having called the Princes toge­ther, spake in this manner unto them; I have called you that I may not seem [Page 109] to doe any thing of my owne head; but yet remember that it is your duty rather to obey then to perswade. I say, I doe not allow of this, for a Prince wholly to rely upon the strength of his owne wit, and to mannage every thing of himselfe; but with Justus Lipsius I would have him to impart the cares of his Kingdome unto others, to observe the golden mean, not to sit idle, and lay the burthen wholly upon others; but as the Governour of a Ship allots to every Mariner a proper office, whilst he sets at the sterne and over-sees them; and as a Generall in the Warre doth not alwayes fight, or take upon him the whole burthen of the War, but com­mands and enjoynes every one what he shall do: So I would have a Prince sit at the sterne, cast his eyes every way, that he may see and know what every Servant and Counsellour of his doth, or at least, that they may be­lieve that he seeth them, and knoweth what they do; the which, that Prince whosoever he bee that shall perform, though it cannot be that a Prince should see every thing, heare every [Page 110] thing, and be present everywhere; yet the very conceit that he doth see and heare them, and is present with them, will make them to be more vi­gilant and carefull; and as the Son dis­pels the clouds, so will this conceit dispell many ill thoughts out of their mindes, and hinder them to put in ex­ecution many ill counsells; therefore as the best and wariest Husbands are not alwayes present with their Servants and workmen, but are about other affaires in the world, yet sometimes step in upon them on a suddaine, as the master of the Family in the Gospell did; so a Prince ought to doe, when his servants think him safe enough, farre remote, recreating himselfe in his pleasures and delights, then to step in upon them, and see how they behave themselves. But when I speake of ser­vants; I do not speake of servants that serve him in a low place, for they have others which will over-see them, and if they doe not as they should, will punish them; but such as are neer un­to him, and serve him in high places, who as they have the higher power, so [Page 111] they have the greater liberty to wrong and oppresse the people, whom none dare controull but hee himself; especi­ally if they bee more gracious then o­thes in his eyes; wherefore upon them the Prince ought to have a speciall eye; otherwise all those inconveniences which I have before remembred may easily ensue. Of these men, as Popiscus reports, Dioclesian the Emperour was used to say, that they meet foure or five of them together, and consult how to deceive the Emperour, and deter­mine what shall passe, or not passe; the Emperour they say keeps home close, understands not the truth in any busi­nesse, or what occurrences happen, unlesse that they do impart them unto him; hee makes such Judges as are not fit to be made, and removes such as ought to be retained; what should I say, but as the same Dioclesian said, the best, the most noble, and most cau­telous Emperour is bought and sold by them; wherefore the Counsell of Philip Commines is not to be neglected, that 71 Princeps praeter cōsiliarios alios debet audire. 71 a Prince ought oftentimes to con­verse with others besides his Councellors. [Page 112] Neither are those Princes to be con­demned that sometimes in a disguised habit come among the multitude; for there they shall understand many things as well touching themselves as their Officers, which otherwise they should never have heard.

Alexander Severus the Emperour when he made any Governour of Pro­vinces or chiefe Officers, did usually send the names of them unto the mul­titude, to this end that if they could justly accuse them of any crime, they should not forbeare to doe it; but if they did wrongfully accuse them, that then they should expect no other punish­ment then that which was capitall; for hee conceived that it was as fit for Emperours by this meanes to examine the integrity of the Governours of Provinces, in whose power the lives and estates of many consisted, as it was for Christians and Iews in ancient times, to try the integrity of them that were to take upon them the Order of Priesthood; since then there is 72 Nihil dif. ficilius est, quàm be­ne impe­rare. 72 no­thing more hard as Dioclesian was used to say, then to govern well; Princes ought [Page 113] ever to be mindfull of the great charge that is committed unto them, and not to think that God hath set them on high to doe nothing else but to follow their pleasures and delights: but they must know as hee hath set them in degree above others, so their care must bee greater then others, and that one day they must give an account of their Stewardship, and of the people com­mitted to their charge; it is their vigi­lancy that keeps subjects in safety; their labour and travell that affords them ease and rest and delight; they like starrs in the firmament must ever be moving, yet not so much for their own good as the good of others, as Homer hath it in the second book of his Ili­ads. Wherefore their thoughts ought sometimes to descend to men of the lowest ranke: for there is no man so meane in a Kingdom but in some kinde may bee able to doe him service; and in this shall they follow the example of their Creator, who hath numbred the very haires of their heads; let them ever beare in minde the saying of Vespasian the Emperour, that [Page 174] a Prince should dye standing.

Henry the Sonne of Frederick the Emperour was so intensive upon the affaires of the Empire, that hee scant allowed himselfe time to eate his meat; and when hee was desired to look to himselfe and have a care of his health, he said that a private man had liberty to eat when hee would, but a Prince that weighed the heavy burthen that lay upon him, had not so.

When the Emperour Rodolph saw certaine young men that loved him, to bee sequestred from him, in some indignation, said, for Gods sake suffer them to come unto me, for I am not therefore called to the Empire that I should bee kept close in a coffin. In this thing those two Noble Emperours Ferdinando and Maxmilian, did not much swerve from him; for every day at a certaine houre they gave audience to the poore, and willingly accepted such country presents as they were able to bring unto them. Of Ferdinando it is further reported that hee should say, when hee saw one driving an old Woman from him, drive not a­way [Page 115] the poore from us, for if wee will not heare them, God will not heare us; the same custome doe the Princes of Austria observe, at this day. I was present when a poore Woman accused one of the Barrons to his face before the Emperour at the top of the staires as hee came from Church, I saw the Emperour heare her com­plaints willingly, and heard him seri­ously enjoyne him to make her a­mends; such Princes as these are wor­thy to be had in perpetuall remem­brance: but they that give themselves wholly to delights, and leave all to their servants, they must endure often­times to heare that of themselves which Claudius Caesar heard of himselfe, that they are servants to their servants, be­cause that hee was wholly led by his Wives and freed men, and did onely as they would have him; and there­fore did not carry himself like a Prince, but like a servant: for at their plea­sure were all Honours, Armies, Par­dons, Punishments, conferred and in­fli ed; and indeed the things were al­most incredible wherewith the Empe­rour [Page 116] suffered himselfe to be deluded by them, and how they gloried that by their subtility they had circumven­ted him; so we read that the Emperour 73 Galba tri­um solum­modò ar­bitrio res gerere so­lebat. 73 Galba was ruled by those onely whom the Courtiers commonly called his three Paedagogues: which occasioned Plinny the second to say, that many Princes being the Commanders of Ci­tizens, suffer themselves to be vassals of their freed men; by their Councells they are guided, by them they heare and speak, by them, nay rather from them, Praetorships, Praelacies, and Consulships are sought. In another manner doth the same Plinny speak of Trajan, thou givest respect to thy freed­men, but still thou makest them know themselves to bee freed men, thou think­est thou doest abundantly favour them, if thou thinkest them to bee honest men, thou knowest it adds a great lustre to thy greatnesse not to suffer them to be too great. Wherefore I­saacius an Emperour of the Greeks, may justly be condemned, who received into his favour a man named Theodor Castamonita, who led him hudwinkt as [Page 117] a poore servant, or rather as a slave, hither and thither at his pleasure; for Isaacius put in execution whatsoever hee commanded, who dying, the said Isaacius as if hee had been born rather to serve then to command, received into his favour a young boy that new­ly came from Schoole, and preferred him to a very high place, who not only led the Emperour as the little Fish called Propompes doth the Whale whither hee would, but whole Legi­ons of Souldiers besides; but it is no wrong unto such Princes so to bee wronged and dishonoured, because they are accessary to the wrong, and consent dispenseth with and takes a­way an errour; but the wrong indeed is as before hath been shewed, that it opens a gapp to let in the dishonesty of such as are mischevous into the Court, and administers an occasion to corrupt the manners of such as are good, by meanes whereof the Com­mon-Wealth is miserably afflicted, justice is trampled upon, and both pre­sent and future ages sustaine losse by it, the Prince beares the blame of all, [Page 118] for whatsoever is done in the Com­mon-wealth be it good or evill, it is laid upon him; and he is regularly thought to be of that condition as they are, 74 Facta mi­nistroru [...] sive bona sive ma [...]a magistro imputan­tur. whom he doth imploy in the mana­ging of his affaires, as Maecenas long ago told Octavius Caesar: but this shall suffice touching the Prince. Now will wee speak of his followers, and en­quire by what meanes they that have attained to any greatnesse, by the meer favour of their Princes, or by any o­ther meanes, may preserve themselves in that state and condition; for as I have said in the beginning, so I say still, and think it to be most true, that it is a most difficult thing for him that hath attained to any great state and magnificence, to preserve himselfe in that state all his life time. Some exam­ples we finde hereof in our histories, but very few; for we finde that Joseph was preferred by Pharoh, to the high­est degree of honour in the Kingdome, that he had the raigns of the govern­ment thereof in his owne power, that Pharoh reserved to himselfe onely the bare name and title of King, that hee [Page 119] continued in this heighth for the space of eighty yeares without any crushes or crosses, even untill death, being an hundred and ten y [...]ares of Age when he died; another example we have of M. Agrippa, who of all those that raised themselves by the Civill Wars, Seneca thought to be most happy, and without doubt (as Dion Cass: obs rves) 75 Omnium sua [...] [...]ratis optimus. 75 hee was one of the best men that li­ved in his time, hee made use of Au­gustus his favour for the sole good of the Emperour and the Common-Wealth, and looke how much hee did excell all others in vertue and good­nesse, so much did hee debase himselfe in respect of Augustus; he made use of his wisdome and fortitude, his honours and preferments to no other end then to do him service, and to deserve well of the Common-Wealth; whence it came to passe, that he was never offen­sive to Augustus, or the people, but established the government in such a manner, that hee could not wish to have it better, and so bound the people unto him by good turnes that he did for them, that he became the most po­pular [Page 120] man of his time; insomuch, that when he beautified Rome with many goodly ornaments, which was thought would have drawn the ill will of the people upon him, he did not only keep their loves still, but hee obtained great honour from Augustus; for at such time as hee would have placed in the Temple of the gods which hee built himselfe, the statue of Augustus, to pre­serve him in perpetuall memory, and would have written an inscription thereon to his name; Augustus would not suffer him to doe it, but caused him to put up the statue of the precedent Emperour in the Temple, and his own, and Augustus in the entrance unto it, which he did not doe to any other end, but to manifest his fervent love and af­fection to him, and the Common-Wealth, which Augustus so accepted and highly honoured him for it; for in his absence he made him chiefe go­vernour of the City of Rome, and that he might still heap honour upon him, being divorst from his wife, he gave him his Daughter in Law in marriage, unto which he was induced partly for that [Page 121] Maecenas was used to speak thus unto him upon good deliberation: Now thou hast made Agrippa so great, that thou must either make him thy sonne in law or hee cannot live. These and many other kinde favours he conferred upon him, which hee enjoyed all his life time, without any manner of change or alteration; for after that he had conferred the office of Tribune upon him from five years to five years, hee sent him into Pannonia with a larger Commission then ever any man had in Italy, and as soone as hee heard of his death, which happened imme­diately upon his returne into Campania; he came to see his dead corps, and after a funerall oration made in praise and honour of him, hee caused it to bee brought into the City, and to be bu­ried in his owne Sepulchre; and wher­as at his death hee bequeathed unto the people a Bath and Garden, where they mig [...]t freely wash and recreate them­selves, which he christned himself with a name, Augustus did not only con­firme his gift, but gave to every man in particular a doale, as if Agrippa [Page 122] himselfe had so desired it; and it was no way prejudiciall unto him through­out the whole course of his life, that he descended not of a noble Family, but was made Noble; this is another Ex­ample of one that continued in prospe­rity to his lives end, contrary to the ex­amples which I have before remem­bred; but because it is a rare one, and not many of them to be found, I doe not see wherefore I should swarve from the rule I have set downe. Tacitus likewise makes mention of Memmius Regulus that was of so great renown, and authority, that setting aside the Emperour no man was greater, inso­much that Nero being told, lying very sick, by certain flatterres that waited upon him, that now the Empyre was at an end, answered that there was one Memmius alive that would have a care, that it should not fal to the ground; this man afterwards betook himse [...]fe to a private life, hee was not of any great estate, nor of an ancient house, as the same author reports; this example of Regulus will give good con­tentment to them that leave all autho­rity, [Page 123] and in time betake themselves to live private lives; this man was not so great for honors and estate, as many of them whom we have formerly re­membred, but his credit with his Prince, and his fame, raised by his ver­tuous actions, was as great as the grea­test in our time, wee may remember Granvillanus Vesontinus, who for the space of twenty yeares together held the chiefe place of authority under Charles the fift, and was onely privy to his secrets, and died in great grace and favour with him; the Emperour much bewayling his death, as Sleidan reports, and which added somewhat to his happinesse, Anthony his Son Bishop of Artois succeeded him in his place, whom his father in his absence did usually depute to manage the af­faires of the Commonwealth: here this is remarkable in this Prince, that hee ever used one man alone, that was more powerfull then the rest, to ma­nage the affaires of the Empire; yet so, that hee ever had an eye to the go­vernment himselfe, and to the man: of the condition of this Prince, and how [Page 124] a Prince ought to behave himselfe, that things may fall out successefully, I have already spoken. These Examples al­though they be few do teach us, that it is not impossible for him that hath a great place in the Commonwealth un­der his Prince, to live happily in it to his dying day, which how it may come to passe, and how such men ought to carry themselves; I will set downe some few documents and pre­cepts, and the scope of them shall bee to advertise them that are on high to avoid those rocks, that many of those whom we have formerly remembred have fallen upon; & how it may be done, it will not be lost labour to search dili­gently into; the first thing therefore as wee have formerly noted is, that thou bee sure of a calling, and not thrust thy selfe into any place by bri­bery, or any indirect meanes, before thou be called, for the fabrick cannot stand, when the foundation fails; if the beginning be evill, the end must needs be so; wherefore whosoever thou art that hast attained to any place by any indirect meanes, it is thy best course [Page 125] to relinquish the same, and to betake thy selfe to thy former accustomed course of life, for that it is impossible that thou shouldst enjoy it quietly, when thou commest to it by such meanes; every misfortune that befals thee will pierce thee to the very heart, and trouble thee, because that thou in­juriously didst intrude thy selfe into a place that appertained not unto thee; for if our proper vocations duly attai­ned admister unto us many cares and troubles, much more those that are unduly gotten. Tacitus reports of Brutidius Niger that executed the of­fice of an Edile under Tiberius Caesar, 76 Brutidius Nigerarei­bus hone­ [...]is cop [...]o­sus. that he was well seen in many good Arts, and that if he had continued his course, was like to have come to the greatest places in the Commonwealth, but striving on a suddaine to out-strip his equals, and superiours, nay, the the very limits of his owne hopes, hee overthrew himselfe. The same Tacitus further adds, that there have been di­vers hopefull men in the Common­wealth, who despising that which with little patience might have beene had [Page 126] with security, have hastened to that which being gotten before due time hath bred their ruine and destruction. Hieronimus Messanius seeing Alexander ab Alexandro, as he writes of himselfe living in a mean estate and condition of life, blamed him therefore and told him, though he had taken a great deale of paines, yet he had not learn'd to be wise, and related unto him a sto­ry of a certain man that 77 Alegat exemplū cujusdam qui nullis artibus ho­nestis prae­valere po­tuit. 77 used all the lawfull meanes that hee could think of to attain to a Bishoprick, and could not prevaile; insomuch that hee be­thought himselfe of another course; he went and bought two or three tunns of the best wine hee could get for his money, and sent them to the Bishop; and not long after hee had what hee desired; hee spake of others likewise that were the most contemptible men in the Commonwealth, such as made it their trade to prey upon the people, who having injuriously gotten into their hands the Estates of many, put the same into the Treasury, and by this meanes became powerfull and mighty; hee told him of many others that were [Page 127] of the most vile condition, that by their wicked and abominable devises raised themsevles out of the dust to great ho­nours; but these examples of his pre­vailed not with Alexander, hee said hee had rather live in a low degree with the freedom of a good conscience, then by dishonest courses blemish his good name and reputation; Machiavell endeavours to prove that 78 Plures fraude quā virtute ad honores ascendunt. 78 more men raise themselves to Honours and Estates by fraud then by worth and me­rit; but that opinion of his, both Sci­pio Amiratus and others have at large confuted by explaning the Pre­sidents which hee hath alledged for the confirmation of his opinion, and shewed how hee hath no colour for his conceit. Endeavour therefore who­soever thou art to raise thy selfe by good meanes, otherwise thou shalt finde; (and so the examples which I have be­fore alleaged will manifest unto thee,) that though thou mayst flourish for a time, yet in the end thou shalt come to ruine and destruction; for it is not possible, (which is the greatest misery that can befall them) for such men as [Page 128] raise themselves by undue meanes, in future times to bee honest; for having once transgressed the bounds of justice and honesty, they are of necessity con­strained if they will continue their pla­ces to be dishonest still, and to preserve themselves by the same meanes by the which they have been raised, which in the end cannot bee but fatall unto them; the favour of thy Prince will doe thee no good if it bee not obtai­ned by good meanes, for there is no­thing more uncertaine of its own na­ture, especially when there is no ground for it, for then thou hast God thy ene­my, in whose hands are the hearts of Princes; whatsoever therefore thou doest, have God ever in thy minde, so shall all things that thou takest in hand succeede well unto thee; and contrarywise if thou doest not. After thou hast done this, in the next place, pray unto God for grace, wisedome, and understanding, that thou mayst be able to undergoe the office committed to thy charge a right; and in this let King Solomon be a pattern unto thee, who although hee had a most sancti­fied [Page 129] man to his Father, and a wise man to his Tutor, from whom hee might learn, touching the Government of his Kingdome as much as the wit of man could instruct him: yet hee prayed to God in this manner, O Lord God thou hast placed me in the Throne of my Father King David, that am a feeble person too weake for the under­standing of thy judgements and Laws: give mee wisedome that I may bee able to governe thy people in judge­ment and righteousnesse. After thou hast prayed in this manner for such things as are needfull for thee, 79 Exequere munus tu­um summe cum cura. 79 then goe on cheerefully in thy calling, and execute the same with all diligence and integrity; meddle with that which be­longs to thy selfe only, and put not thy sickle in another mans harvest; so that no man may justly taxe thee that thou hast omitted any thing which thou oughtest to have done, or that another man could have performed the same with more care and diligence: which that thou mayst do, thou must have a care that thou doest not abuse the power and authority committed unto [Page 130] thee to doe any man wrong, for any private grudge or malice conceived; neither for hatred nor affection to do any thing that belongs not to thy cal­ling: observe ever that rule that our Saviour hath given, give unto every one that which is due unto him, unto Caesar that which is Caesars, and unto God that which is Gods, and that of the Apostle, it is better to obey God then man: honour thy Prince ever and obey him, but so that thou must know that above him there is a God, whom thou must more honour and obey: have a care ever (which many doe neglect) to say or do any thing to please him, which is repugnant to the will of God, for though it be a diffi­cult and dangerous thing to oppose a Prince in any thing, and so to draw his anger and displeasure upon thy head, yet know it for a certainty, that if thou shalt feare him more then God, by avoiding the smoak thou fallest in­to the fire; cursed is hee that with hope of impunity commits an offence, and though such a man may escape for a time, yet in the end God will pu­nish [Page 131] him with ruine and destruction; for although God bee long suffering and gentle, yet when his wrath is once incensed, nothing will appease him; and be sure of this, that God whom thou hast served and obeyed, will so assist thee that though thou mayst for a time incurr the displeasure of thy Prince, yet in the end thy innocency shall be made known to thy prayse and glory, so that the Prince shall not only thank thee when hee shall know thy integri­ty, but shall commend and applaud thee; and this was Josephs case, whom when his Master had made him Stew­ard of his house, and committed all things to his power and authority, be­ing sollicited by his Mistris to lye with her, he would not consent, saying, how can I commit this great offence and not sinne against God? who though hee was for a time by his Mistris ca­lumniations wrought out of favour with his Master and cast into Prison; yer in the end by Gods assistance he was delivered, and where before he had but the Command of a private Fa­mily, hee was advanced to bee the se­cond [Page 132] man in the Kingdom, and heard the saying of our Saviour sounding in his eares, goe to good servant, thou hast been faithfull in a little, I have made thee ruler over much, enter into thy Masters joy. So when the King of E­gypt commanded Sephora and Phua, the two midwives of the Hebrews to kill all the male children of the He­brews as soone as they were borne, they fearing God, did not obey his Com­mand, but kept them alive; for which God blessed them and built them hou­ses. So when Saul commanded his servants to kill the Priests with whom David sojourned, his servants would not therein execute his Command; Io­ab was not so well-minded, for he pre­sently upon the Command of King Da­vid, betrayed Ʋriah to death, and though hee disswaded the King a little to number the people, yet when he im­portuned him thereunto, hee listned to his sollicitation and obeyed him: but it had been better for him that he had hazarded his displeasure for the present, and so have escaped and turned aside the wrath of God and miseries which [Page 133] ensued. Therefore let him as much as in him lies carry himselfe uprightly to­wards all men, not somuch to avoid the calumnies of the envious, and the backbiter, or the displeasure of the Prince, as to keep himselfe in grace and favour with God; for it is the greatest happinesse to do no wrong to any. Let him think with himselfe, that 80 Cogitor multa sibi non licere quae homi­nibus in angulo ja­centibus licent. 80 it is not lawfull for him to doe many things, which men of mean degree living out of the rode in some corner of the Earth, may doe without exception; that a great fortune is a great burthen, that all his actions are exposed to the view of the world; that his thoughts are scarse secret to himselfe, because that all mens eyes are fixed and fastned up­on him; it is not lawfull for him to intend his profit, his studies, his plea­sures, nor to addict himselfe wholly to any thing, because hee is not his owne, but his Princes servant; there­fore let him eschew Pride, Coveteous­nesse, Cruelty, and the like, wherewith they that live in high places are usually tainted; let him cast his eyes behinde him, and see what he was, not what [Page 134] he is, and at no time behave himselfe violently, or insolently towards any man; here the Councell of Amuratus is religious, that 81 Non ob propriam virtutem. 81 thou shouldst ever thinke that thou art raised to that degree of honour, not for any worth or merit of thine owne, but by the divine provi­dence of God, who hath been pleased to worke upon the affection of the Prince to favour, and affect thee a­bove other men; this if thou dost du­ly consider, it must necessarily follow, that thou wilt ever carry thy selfe re­spectively to thy Prince, and be lowly in thine owne eyes, giving the glory to God alone: thou wilt be gentle, mer­cifull, and liberall, and spend and end thy dayes quietly in the peace of a good conscience; and that thou maist doe here what Sophocles saith in Ajax Lo­rar, let these Examples move thee, that thou dost not grow proud, or speake irreverently of the name of God, if he hath endowed thee with better endowments, or a better fortune then others; for that when the sunne is at the highest it declines againe, and reduceth all humane things to that they [Page 135] formerly wre, but the love of God cō ­tinues to the end to those that are good, and his hatred to the wicked. He that is thus resolved will have a care never to advise his Prince to proceed in any dishonourable action, but to doe that which tends to his honour, and the good of the Commonwealth. I deny not but that many an honest man is put to a great strait oftentimes, in bu­sinesses of this nature; for it is a diffi­cult thing, for a man to go so equally between honesty and justice that are strict and severe, and the licentious pleasures of the Court, that hee doe not runne himselfe aground either on the one side or the other. The Exam­ples of Burrhus and Seneca, the two worthy Counsellours of Nero, doe manifest the same; they were go­vernours during his minoritie, and well agreeing, bare equall stroke in divers faculties; Burrhus ruled in military discipline, and in reforming a­buses; Seneca in precepts of eloquence and instructing him to carry himselfe courteously towards all men, helping one the other in their charge, that they [Page 136] might with more ease bridle the youths slippery age with honest and lawfull pleasures, when they saw him falling into exorbitant courses; his Mother was an eye-sore unto him, being a woman of a high spirit, and ambitious of govern­ment, of whom when Iturius and Cal­visius had reported, that he had made choice of Rubellius Plautus, a man by the Mothers side as neerly allied unto Augu­stus, as Nero was to her husband, and so to turn topsie-turvie the state of the Cō monwealth, Nero understanding ther­of, being full fraught with wine grew fearefull, and desirous to dispatch her out of the way, delaid no time, untill 82 Burrhus necem e­jus pro­mittebar. 82 Burrhus had promised him to do the deed; but notwithstanding hee did not performe it, but alledged for himselfe, that shee had no accusers; but one that lived in the house of her enemies, impu­ted what was done to ignorance and rashnesse, and so deferred the doing thereof untill night, (which was spent in rioting,) was past, and the day was come; by this time the feare of Nero was well asswaged; and when the morning came, Agrippina was heard [Page 137] first of Burrhus, then of Nero him­selfe, what she could say for her selfe, and shee did not onely purge her selfe from the crimes laid to her charge, but had her accusers punished, and satisfa­ction for them that stuck unto her in the cause; and hitherto Burrhus carri­ed himselfe noblly; but Nero still plotting her death, found out an in­vention for the purpose, took a course that there might be a gally made loose by art in the bottom, that should let her fal into the Sea, when she suspected least; but whilst Nero expected Messengers, that his plot had taken effect, newes came that shee had escaped the danger; at which Nero being amazed, fearing that shee would revenge her selfe out of hand of him, advised with Burrhus and Seneca, what course was best for him to take, being not certaine whe­ther they had any notice of his former designe; they stood mute for a time, and said nothing, fearing their Coun­sell should not take effect; but in the end they agreed, that if Agrippina li­ved, Nero could not; then Seneca, the forwarder hitherto of the two, cast his [Page 138] eyes upon Burrhus, as if that he should have asked, whether that the Souldi­ers should be commanded to execute the murther: but he answered, that the Guard being bound to all Caesars house, and so mindefull of Germani­cus, would not undertake so cruell an enterprise against his progeny; and that it was better to use Anicetus in it, who had undertaken to do it; Anice­tus without any delay committed that bloudy fact, slew Agrippina the Mo­ther of Nero; and here I doe not think it strange, that the actors of this Tra­gedy were beloved of Nero: but that they did well, or deserved praise for it, no man shall ever perswade me. To o­mit to speake any thing of the bloudy fact, Nero being now freed from his Mother, he addicted himselfe wholly to all licentious courses, and unlawfull sports, and delights. Burrhus and Se­neca willingly connived at some of his imperfections, fearing that if they should oppose him, hee would run into more desperate courses; for they hoped when he had been glutted with his de­lights, hee would have became a new [Page 139] man; but it fell out otherwise; for ha­ving once transgrest the bounds of modesty, he grew worse and worse, so that sometimes in the publique view of the world, in the Vatican he would play the part of a Coachman, drive a Chariot, sometimes of a Stage-player, and sometimes of a Harper, in the pre­sence of his familiars, among whom was Burrhus, who beheld him with a heavy heart, though he durst not as Tacitus saith, but applaud him; at length he came to that hight of impie­ty, that 83 Templ [...] per Asiam & Achai­am dispo­liat. 83 he set fire on the City, and spoiled the Temples, not onely there, but throughout all Achaia, and Asia; there­fore Seneca, that hee might avoid the displeasure of the multitude, and not be thought to be accessary to the said misdemeanour, petitioned him, which he should have done long before, and so have avoided his hatred, 84 Longin­qui ruris secessum orat. 84 that he would give him leave to spend his dayes far remote in the Country; which re­quest being denied, hee betooke him­selfe to a Chamber, and as a sick man never went out of it. I must acknow­ledge they live in a miserable condition, [Page 140] that take upon them the government of such beasts, whom all the world can hardly paralell for brutishnesse; there­fore very often as wee have heard, his vices prevailed over their vertues, their understanding and consciences, and in the end overthrew them. Vnto the for­mer Examples, it will not be imperti­nent to add the Example of Prexaspes, that so thou maist see how deerly they that are the Counsellours of Princes do sometimes pay for giving them good Counsell: Seneca who hath written most excellently of that, hath this story, Prexaspes being gracious with Cambi­ses, King of Persia, seeing him much ad­dicted to Wine, did advise him to drink more moderately, for that Ebriety was an odious thing in a Prince, that should be the patterne of sobriety to his people: unto whom he answered, that thou maist know Prexaspes, that I never forget my selfe, I will make it appeare, that though I drink hard, mine eyes and hands are able to doe their proper office; whereupon hee drank more liberally in larger boules then he did at other times: and being [Page 141] full fraught with Wine, hee comman­ded Prexaspes sonne to go beyond the threshould of the doore, and to stand there, holding his left hand over his head; Cambises then bent his bow and struck his arrow into his heart, which was the mark he shot at; and having ript up his body, shewed Prexaspes his arrowes head, sticking in his sons heart, and looking backe upon him, asked him whether his hand was not steady enough, who answered, that Apollo himselfe could not have shot more stea­dily. This might seem to deterre the servant of a Prince from giving him good Counsell. But this did nothing at all daunt Craesus, that was an eye witnesse thereof; for not long after he being one that loved Prexaspes, was so bold, as to tell Cambises of this and other his cruelties, insomuch that hee thought to dispatch him out of the way, as hee did the other with his ar­row: and when hee saved himselfe by flight, he commanded his servants to kill him; whereupon they apprehended him, and kept him close prisoner, to this end, that if the King would free [Page 142] him, he might, if not, they would exe­cute his command; but Cambises af­terwards repenting himselfe of what hee intended, was glad to heare that Craesus was safe and sound, and com­manded the ministers that apprehended him to be put to death; the innocencie of this man kept him alive, but I must confesse not without a great deale of danger; but all Princes are not of Cam­bises or Neros minde; nay, very few, which is a great blessing of God, throughout the whole world; for I am of opinion that most of the Princes will listen to any advice that tends to their honour, and wellfare of their people, and if not reward them that shall so advise them, yet not punish them, or at least not punish them to their utter ruine and destruction. 85 Ars Mini­stri est non importunè nō intēpe­stivè, non acerbè principi contradi­cere. 85 It is the wisedome of a servant, at no time to oppose and contradict his Prince importunately, unseasonably, sharply, su­perfluously, without respect of time, and place, but to take his opportunity, and with all reverence, and respect, when they shall see him wandring, to bring him in the way againe, having no o­ther [Page 143] aime or end in it, but onely the good of the Prince, and the welfare of the Common-Wealth; for as Eras­mus saith in his Book of the Praise of folly, that truth hath ever in it self a certain naturall inbred force to delight the hearer, if there be nothing in it that may offend; therfore when fooles speak the truth they are heard with delight, which if wise men should doe, would be capitall unto them; and the reason is because that fooles speake without the least suspition of love or hatred, but so doe not wise men that know and un­derstand the businesse they speake of. Therefore as far forth ss he is able let a Servant approach the presence of his Prince with all dutifull respect, and in a due time: and then let him make no doubt but truth will prevayle, if it sa­vour not of spleene or bitternesse; an example hereof we have of Augustus, with whom Maecenas was in speciall grace and favour, and not so much for any thing else as for this, that when hee was transported with choler and fury beyond himselfe, Maecenas would undertake him and bring him to him­selfe [Page 144] againe; as for example, when upon a time Augustus sate as judge himself in person, and was minded to have condemned divers to death, Mae­cenas seeing what hee was going about, and being not able to come unto him, hee writ these words in a Table, arise from thence executioner, and threw it unto him as if it had contained some other matter: which as soone as he read, he arose and condemned no man; and this passage of Maecenas did not offend Augustus, but hee was 86 Gaudebat se talem amicum habuisse. 86 glad that hee had a friend that would put him in minde of that which was not fit for him to doe, which in his choler without ob­serving a decorum he was about to do; and it was remarkable of Maecenas, that though hee did oppose Augustus in his beloved sins, yet hee was ever beloved of him, and commended by the multitude; and let that Prince that doth not follow the Example of this Emperour, know assuredly that hee doth expose himselfe to imminent dan­ger; for those Princes whosoever they are that carry themselves so that their Councellours shall not dare to tell [Page 145] them the truth, or any thing that is distastfull unto them, let them assure themselves that no good can come thereon; nay it is better for them to bee without such Councellours then to have them; for when a Prince shall understand the truth of things, hee will peradventure more seriously consider of them, and be more wary how to proceed therein; but when no man shall dare to crosse him, then what comes first into his minde is ap­proved of and consented unto as a thing done so well that no man could doe better, no not hee himselfe.

This did much hurt Sebastian King of Lusitania, that dyed in Affrica, of whom Hieronymus Connestagius thus writes, In the mean time saith he, King Sebastian called his Captaines and Peeres together to advise concerning the removing of their tents, and when hee demanded of them what they con­ceived concerning the matter, many were afraid to speak their minds free­ly; for although they thought it most convenient to sayle to Laraceen, yet because they saw the King was of a­nother [Page 146] other minde, they thought it safer for them against their consciences to flatter him in his opinion, and so by councel­ling him ill to keepe his love, then by advising him well to purchase his dis­pleasure.

Of Marcus Agrippa that was both powerfull with Augustus, and beloved of the people, we have heard of before, and of Byrrhus whom we have likewise remembred, Tacitus affirmes that he is beloved still in the City for his ver­tues, which I would to God the Cour­tiers of our time would seek for; but ma­ny of them have a certain foolish con­ceit, let them pardon me if I give them a true Epithite, that then they doe the offices of faithfull servants, if they can prevaile with their Prince to oppose their Subjects and people in every thing, if they can oppresse them, afflict them, vexe them, diminish their pri­viledges, and so bring all their estates if it were possible by one project into the Princes Treasury, forgetting that by this meanes they make the Prince but a private man, no better then a Merchant or Usurer in pilling and pol­ling [Page 147] the People committed to their charge, for whose good God hath put all power and authority into his hands; but who receives good by this? the Prince is noe way enriched, or made more powerfull by it; for there is no such fortresse to a Prince as the love of his Subjects: but this is done that they may divide the spoyle among them­selves: and that those good men which staud for the Common-Wealth being brought to disgrace, they alone may beare the sw [...]y; let him therefore whom wee instruct have ever be­fore his eyes, as the end of all his acti­ons, the common good and safety of the people, being the end and scope of all Lawes and Government, the which if he shall doe, as Agrippa, Seneca, Mae­cenas, Byrrhus, whom we have before remembred did, hee will doe his ut­termost endeavour to perswade the Prince above and before all things in the world to look after that which tends to his own honour, and the good of the Common-Wealth; for as it is no way profitable to the stomack, if at one meale it shall be so glutted, that [Page 148] it be ready to burst, or in a few daies so much meate be thrown into it as will serve for six months: so it is no way profitable to a Prince at once to take all mens estates to himselfe and to care more that hee may have much then well to have gotten it, and to en­joy it long; therefore if thou wouldst well consider of it thou shalt finde that there are none that do more endam­mage the Prince, then they that do advise him to intend his own private good: and indeed if thou wouldst search into it, thou shalt see that those men doe not look so much after his private good as the good of themselves; and therefore by all manner of meanes they seek his favour; but they that seek not somuch their owne good, as the good of the Commonwealth, have ever a care that as well the people as the Prince, without whom he is but a single man, may flourish and prosper; for the head cannot be perfect, if the other mem­bers of the body be impotent, and not able to performe their proper office. Of this Seneca in his Tragedy entituled Octavia takes notice, saying,

This then is the scope of all, that a Prin­ces servant ought so indifferently to carry himselfe between him and his people, that as he honours and loves the Prince, so he should the people, yet not for their sakes, but for his; there­fore let him alwayes be carefull, that he may not justly be taxed, as Seneca [Page 150] was, that he drew the hearts of the Citizens fron the Prince to himselfe; for as it 88 Civilia in genia fili­orum reg­nantibus displicent. 88 is distastfull to Princes to see their sonnes have popular wits; so it is to see their servants; and this he shall bee sure to doe, and keep himselfe from all suspition, if he follow the Example of Agrippa, and so honour his Prince, that he may be sure that he studies no­thing more then his safety and honour; and above all things, let him have a spe­cial care, that he do not provoke him in word or deed; for 89 Pertinax memoria est verbo­rum acer­borum. 89 bitter words take a deep impression in the mindes of great persons, and the deeds which ensue thereupon, strike more deep into them: and though they doe not for the pre­sent either take notice of them, or at least revenge them; yet when any small occasion is given, they are called to remembrance; and when they lit­tle dream of it, they are severely puni­shed for them. Joab slew Absalon, contrary to the command of the King his father; and afterwards seeing him condole his death, sharply with me­naces upbraided him, which the King took very ill, and although hee did [Page 151] not at that time inflict any punishment upon him; yet upon his death-bed he commanded his sonne to punish him, and without doubt, for that cause, though he did not then expresse it. The same doth Alexander the great confesse in the case of Philotas; this man, saith hee, when I writ unto him out of love, and familiarity, to acquaint him what fortune had befallen me by the oracle of Jupiter Hammon; he was so bold as to answer my Letter, that he was glad to heare that the gods had accepted me to be one of their compa­ny; but yet I must have compassion of them that live under me; the gods doe not as men doe; they give, and take nothing from any man: these are markes of a minde long ago estranged from me, and of a man that envies to see my prosperity; which griefe, my Souldiers so long as they could for the love they bore unto Philotas, prevailed with me to conceal. The very same thing doth Chalchas testifie in Homer; now saith he, doth Jupiter give reines unto his power, and now doth hee per­secute with eagernesse the man of low [Page 152] degree; and though for a time he con­cealed his wrath, and made a faire shew, yet afterwards it returned into his bosome againe, and would not be satisfied, untill it had revenged it selfe. Therefore I say, he must have a speciall care, that hee doe not provoke his Prince with any harsh language; espe­cially that hee doe not carry himselfe so, that his Prince shall stand in feare of him: which wee have before obser­ved to be a great fault in the Earle of St. Paullont of Commines, and in Joab that threatned the King, that unlesse hee would observe him, the people would renounce their Allegiance unto him; therefore Philip Com­mines saith, that if that he had a friend, he would advise him to carry himselfe so, that his Master might love him, not feare him; for that he never knew man, of whom his Master stood in feare, that sped not ill in the end: Ex­amples whereof wee have very many. This presumtion oftentimes proceedeth of the good service he hath done; for he thinks his experience so great, that hee cannot bee spared, and his deserts [Page 153] such, that his Master ought to bear all things at his hands; but Princes on the contrary side both say and think, that hee is bound to doe him service, and desire nothing more then to be rid of such malepert fellows; and he alledgeth a saying of the King his Master, that good servic [...]s sometimes undoe a man, and are recompenced with great ingra­titude, not alwayes by the Masters forgetfulnesse, but sometimes by the servants owne fault, who presuming upon their good service behave them­selves arrogantly, either towards their Masters, or their fellowes; and further touching those that come to court, this was his opinion, that he is more hapier, that receiveth a benefit of the Prince; he serveth without any great desert, wher­by he standeth bound to his Prince, then he that hath done so great service, that his Prince seemeth indebted to him: adding that hee for his part lo­ved those better that were bound to him, then they to whom hee was bound.

Againe let not the servant of a Prince opprobriously be bragging, and boast­ing [Page 154] of his owne merits, nor in other affaires be troublesome to him, but let him containe himselfe within the bounds of modesty, and assume rather too little, then too much, unto him­selfe. Quintus Curtius affirmes, that it 90 Comme­moratio meritorū suorum in ministro gravis est principi. 90 was fatall unto Clitus and Philotas, that Alexander heard that they boasted what they had done in his service, and therefore did suspect them both of dishonesty and disloyalty to him.

Againe, 91 Ne prae­miorum petitione sit gravis. 91 let not a servant be ever craving and begging of his soveraign; for of such kinde of people a Prince desires to be freed, especially if they be proud with all, or malepertly up­braid him for what they have done for him.

Againe, 92 Injurias principis hilari val­tu ferat. 92 if thy Prince shall offer thee any hard measure, as thou concei­vest, undergo it with all alacrity, and by no meanes mu [...]mur and repine at it; for as Seneca well observeth, they will doe it againe, if they conceive they have done it before; for men of great fortunes have this property, that they will hardly be reconciled; and whom they once distaste they will ever hate. [Page 155] The answer of him is well known, who being demanded how he did continue til his old age so gracious in Court, whē many others were cast off, answered, by passing by and taking no notice of injuries offered him; so Prexaspes whom wee have before remembred, being asked by Cambises King of Per­sia, that shot his Sonne to the heart with an arrow, whether any man had a more stedfast hand then hee, answe­red, Apollo himself did not shoote more stedfastly; so Harpagus when the King of Persia feasted him, being asked how hee liked his entertainment, answered that the Table of Princes is the mirour of mirth; so when Christophorus sent Morus a special Ambassadour after the death of Sebastian King of Portugall, to congratulate with him that was to succeed in the Kingdom, John Silvi­us that was Leiger Ambassadour there before, seeing himselfe neglected, and hearing divers rumours raised of him, hee interpreted all to the best, and took it as a speciall favour, because he saw there was no remedy. Wherefore whosoever thou art, if thou desirest to [Page 156] bee powerfull thou must patiently en­dure whatsoever befals thee.

Againe, if thy Prince hath been be­neficiall unto thee, as it must needs be if thou hast served long in any high place, make it knowne unto to all the world, and to himselfe when occasion is offered; so did Seneca speake of Ne­ro, that hee had been exceeding graci­ous unto him in conferring upon him much Treasure; so that hee oftentimes took it into his consideration why he that descended not of any noble Fami­lie, should be ranked among the Peeres of the City.

Againe let him be carefull that hee never assume the honor of any achieve­ments to himself, especially if they be of any great consequence; for so the most prudent of all Nations have ever done; Ioab a Generall of King Davids Army, when he besieged Rabba a City of the Ammonites, and was upon point to have it delivered unto him, he sent unto the King that hee would be plea­sed to come in Person thither, least the honour thereof might be attributed un­to him; so did Craterus a chiefe Com­mander [Page 157] under Alexander when he be­sieged Artacena, after all Articles were agreed upon betweene them; he staid only the Kings comming, (as i [...] was fit) that hee might have the honour of it. In the acting of this part, Agrippa was most expert; for although hee at­chieved many great and famous enter­prises, and obtained many glorious victories unto Augustus, yet never did hee assume the glory of them to him­self; and whatsoever he bestowed upon him, hee imployed it not to his owne private profit, but for the good of Au­gustus and the Common-Wealth; when hee had overcome the Cantabrians, he did not somuch as write to the Senate of it, or triumphed according to the Decree of Augustus; hee brought the water which is called Virginalis at his own charge into the City, and named it Augusta, which Augustus took very kindely from him againe, when he re­turned home out of France, where he bravely quitted himselfe having sub­dued his enemies; hee forbare to ride in Triumph, because not long before his Master had been in a fight at Sea by [Page 158] Sextus Pompey, and hee thought it would not become him to ride in Tri­umph, his Master having had such ill successe; for it is reported of him that hee was used to say that very many Princes will not endure that any man should bee accounted more excellent then themselves; and therefore they doe usually goe themselves in person upon designes wherein there is small difficulty and danger: but upon de­sperate attempts they ever put others: and if at any time they are compelled to commi [...] the charge of any enter­prise to others, wherein there is little danger, yet they will not endure that they shouid have the Honour of the businesse: for as they do not desire to [...]eare of their ill successe, so they will not have the honour of the day to be ascribed [...]o [...]hem. Antipater was well experienced in this, and herefore when hee obtained a famous victory against t [...]e Spartans and their confe­derates, knowing the fame thereof would but draw envy upon him, be­ing greater then did belong to a Ge­nerall, and withall well knowing that [Page] though Alexander had a desire to have his enemies vanquisht, yet hee would not have Antipater to bee the man to have the honor of it; for that he sup­posed it would bee derogotary to his ho­nour; therefore I say Antipater well knowing the minde of Alexander, would not presume to hazard the glo­ry of the day upon his own judgement, but advised with the Graecians what was best to be done; for he thought it more safe to himself for a stranger to have the honour of it, then a Citizen, because the Citizens would envy his greatnesse, and study how to levell it with the dust; the selfe same doth Cor­nelius Tacitus commend in Agricola, that hee never gloried in any thing that hee did, but as a servant hee ever ascri­bed the honour to the chief Captaine and Commander: by which his hum­ble and modest carriage he lived with­out envy, but not without fame and reputation. It is reported that after that hee had obtained a famous victo­ry against the Britaines, and there­by raised an immortall fame to himself, that Domitian began to be jealous and [Page 160] afraid of him, that hee being but a pri­vate man, his glory and fame should be greater then the Emperours; where­upon Agricola having delivered up his charge, returned home unto Rome; and that hee might avoyd the concourse of the people and his friends that would have met him, came secretly to the Emperours Palace in the night, as he was commanded, where he was received with a short comple­ment, and not so much as a word used to any of his followers; and now be­ing at home among peaceable men, unto whom the name of a Souldier was distastfull, hee so tempered his military vertues with others 93 Otium pe­nites aux­it. 93 that as before he advanced Warre, so now hee studied to encrease and advance Peace, and Tranquility; hee was in his appa­rell comly, in his speech milde, and gentle, going, ever accompanied with one or two of his friends; so that hee that had seene Agricola, would not have judged him to have beene a man that had affected fame or popularity.

Againe, let not a 94 Ne [...]a [...]i­liarem se nimisprae­bea [...]. 94 Princes servant make himselfe too familiar with him, by [Page 161] abusing his favour and love unto him; for this hath undone many a man, w [...]o by reason of their familiarity have for­gotten their duties, and have carried themselves towards them as if they were equals and companions: an Ex­ample hereof we have in Vestinus Cosse a Romane, that was slaine by Nero. The displeasure that hee first took a­gainst him, did arise out of his over­bold, and malepert behaviour towards him; for hee being privy to Nero's imperfections, did oftentimes scurri­lously put jests upon him; which when soever they savour of truth, leave a sting behinde them; wherefore Nero fear­ing the fury of his f iend, took a sud­daine course with him. So Dagobert the sonne of Clothar, the second King of France, whipt Sadragsilius, and caused his beard to be shaved, having been sometimes his tutor, though af­terwards preferred to be governour of Aquitane, under the King, because hee carried himselfe towards him as if hee had been his fellow and companion; for amongst many other passages of his, sitting once near unto him at a so­lemn [Page 162] banquet, hee was so sawcie as to snatch the cup out of Dagoberts hand, and to drink up all the drink, as if they had been fellowes and equals; where­fore though Clothar at first took it ill from his sonne, that hee did deale so with Sadragsilius, whom hee had pre­ferred to be governour, under him, of a Country; yet in the end hee forgave him, and punisht Sadragsilius for his malepertnes and sawcy carriage of himselfe towards him.

The people of Arragon being de­stitute of a King, they by the Popes authority, sent for one Ranimirus, a Bastard-sonne of Sancius, out of a Mo­nastery, and put the Crowne upon his head; who intending Warre against the Moores, after the Nobility had fitted him with a horse for that pur­pose, and had put a buckler in his right hand, and a spear in his left, they reaching unto him the reines of his bridle, hee desired them that they would put that into his mouth, for that his hands were full already; the Barons observing his simplicity, in that, and other things, smiled, and derided [Page 163] him, whereupon setting aside his for­mer monasticall simplicity, sent for eleven of the chiefest of them to Osea. and caused their heads to bee cut [...]ff, telling them of a Spanish proverbe, that the Woolfe would not endure jests.

So that as I have said, and produ­ced Philotas for an Example, who re­lying upon the favour of Alexander spoke too freely unto him: let him ne­ver with offensive words or deeds pro­voke his Prince, let him with all cir­cumspection reflect his thoughts upon himselfe, so shall hee never runne into this errour; we read that Anna Mon­temorant was very gracious with the French King, Henry the s [...]cond, and admitted to bee his bed-fellow; but who can say if the King had lived long, that hee would have continued his for­mer favour unto her?

Againe, let him bee carefull, that hee doe not as Sejanus, and Perennius did, and as many doe at this day, take 95 Ne prince­pem a re­bus geren­dis avertat 95 upon him to direct the Prince, and to divert him from his intended designe, but rather to doe what he doth, especi­ally [Page 164] in businesses of consequence by the Princes speciall command and autho­rity; for by this meanes if the businesse succeed not according to expectation, or if hee be questioned for it, hee may easily answer it, and give satisfaction both to the Prince and People. 96 Cautè omnia a­gat. 96 let him be ever cautelous and wary, and think that every place he comes into is beset with traps of Treachery, hatred and calumny for him; this doth Cice­ro elegantly prescribe in an Oration, which hee hath made in the behalfe of Flaccus, wherein hee shews the unhap­pinesse of such as are powerfull and mighty: O the miserable estate (saith he) of them to whom the governments of Provinces are committed, who if they be diligent they be hated, if they be negligent reproached, if liberall un [...]ewarded, if they speake it is misin­terpreted, if they heare it is dangerous, upon whom all smile, when many think full ill, being ever exposed to publick and private displeasure; at their first comming they are saluted, whilst they stay they are observed, but when ehey depart they are neglected; therefore [Page 165] as much as lies in his power, let him take heed of envy, the most ge­nerall scourge to such as are in high places, which as hee may by divers meanes prevent, so especially, if he lay this foundation of which we have spo­ken before, that all his actions shall tend to the good of his King and Coun­try, and not to his own private profit, or to satisfie his lusts and affections, 97 Sit mode­stus, hu­milis. 93 whosoever proposeth this end to himselfe, will alwayes be of an humble lowly and temperate Spirit, and so stop all the passages of envy hatred and calumnies which otherwise would have accesse unto him.

Againe, the higher hee is let him ever the more lowly and reverently esteeme of himselfe, and consider that the greatest fortunes have the least free­dome, and by how much the larger his Commission is, by so much his mode­ration should bee the more in the exe­cution of it; let him feare the turning of the wheele: for fortune never prefers a man but shee threatneth to bring him down again.

98 Immo [...]i­cos hono­res fugiat. 98 Let him never desire to climb too high, but avoid those honours which make him equall with his Soveraigne, for that high places are subject to thun­der and lightning, and if Elpenor fall it is fatall unto him, when he that is below may fall and rise againe with­out any detriment: this did Macro doe, whom we have before remembred, and this did Clodius Albinius, who when Commodus Caesar for his good service would have conferred upon him the Title of Caesar, and have given him a power to grant Pensions, and invested him in a Princely robe, refused his [Page 167] courtesies, saying, that Commodus sought to overthrow him. And as great honours, 99 Immodi­cas opes declinet. 99 so great Possessions in my opinion are not to bee desired; I am not ignorant that in the judgement of many this that I say will seeme to be a paradox, because they cōceive the more they enjoy, the more fortunate they think themselves to bee; they seldome consider that great estates are attended with great hatred and envy, nay they are of Plautus minde, I had rather mine enemies envy me then I them; for to bee envied is a badge of prosperity, to envy of adversity; the poore are envi­ous, they that are envied have the world at will: but whatsoever they say, this Counsell is not to be neglected, unlesse they will minister unto themselves an occasion of ruine and destruction, as the former examples doe suffic ently teach us. I will not here produce any thing, either out of the writings of the Philosophers or Theologians, which have written very judiciously in con­tempt and derision of riches; neither will I shew that the great fortunes of many men are provocations unto them [Page 168] to carry themselves proudly towards their inferiours, and insolently towards all men: and so by abusing of them never attaine their hopes and desires; for it is a very difficult thing for a man to bridle his affections, when he hath such Instruments to spurre him on, so that he that accused P. Anteius unto Nero, told him the cause of his licentious course of life was his riches, which had undone many a man; for he that hath gotten the Estates of ma­ny rich men into his hands, will easily be perswaded that he is a Prince; there­fore I will put them in minde of that which Seneca heard from his enemies, that upon many of them that followed the Courts of Princes, their riches have drawn envy, upon many ruine and destruction; what a massy Estate did Seneca raise under Nero by his wit and learning within the space of foure yeares? with what eagernesse did hee search after Wils and Orphanes at Rome? how did he drayne Italy, and the Provinces adjoyning with his ex­cessive usury? how did he endeavour to winn the love of the Citizens, and [Page 169] in his Gardens, and houses, to exceed, as if he had been a Prince? The same thing, that is for that he did not add bounds to his riches, but out of a Stoicall pride, which makes such as are active turbulent, occasioned Plautus his death. The selfe-same thing overthrew Valerius Asiaticus un­der Claudius, of whom Sosibius, that brought up Germannicus, under a pretence of friendship gave the Em­perour a Caveat, affirming that e­states too great in subjects are prejudi­ciall to Princes. Dion observes, that he refused to accept the consulship a second time to the end, that he might enjoy his riches, and free himselfe from envy, and danger; but that did him no good; his riches in the end occasi­oned his ruine: many other Exam­ples hath Dion to that purpose; and Scipio Amiratus evidently demon­strates, that great fortunes, and estates, are as dangerous to great men, as ex­treame poverty is troublesome to poor men: on the contrary side, as Tacitus observes, in extremity of sicknesse, Nero thought Memmius Regulus newly rai­sed [Page 170] to be a Gentleman addicted to Peace, and Tranquility, worthy of the Empire; his course of life was out of the compasse of danger; it nothing availed Valerius Asiaticus, as wee have a little before remembred, nor Seneca to doe as they did to avoid danger; nay, Seneca had done more warily, and wisely, if so be he had ob­served his owne precepts, stopt the pas­sage of his immoderate desires, and for­borne to have made that cold and poor excuse that it was no good manners to refuse the curtesies of a Prince. A meane therefore as well in this, as in every thing else, is to be preferred, and the holy Prayer of King Solomon to be had in perpetuall remembrance. Two things have I required of thee, saith he, before I die, deny mee not them, re­move from me vanity, and lies, give me neither poverty, nor riches; feed mee with food convenient for me, lest I be full, and deny thee, and say, who is the Lord; or lest I become poore, and steale, and take thy Name in vaine. So that the same our Seneca affirmes our Patrimonies ought to bee contra­cted [Page 171] into narrow roomes, that so wee may not be subject, and exposed to the spoiles and sports of fortune; those bo­dies that are low, and little, and may be contracted into narrow roomes, are not so subject to the dangers of the E­nemy, as those that are high and migh­ty; hee is the happiest man that is not in poverty, yet is a neighbour unto it. Againe, the same Seneca saith, that in this Sea of the World, there is such a vicissitude, and alteration of estates, that it cannot be but that hee that is full fraught, must bee assaulted with many stormes, and tempests; therefore his Counsell is not to be neg­lected; let them reduce their estates into a narrow roome, that the wea­pons of envy and malice may doe them no harme; hee that loves the golden meane, lives neither in a sor­dide Cottage, or golden Palace.

Againe, let such a man have a spe­ciall care, 100 Ne publi­ca praedia sibi acqui­rat, 100 that hee doe not at any time make a prey of the Commrnwealth, which is a thing too too common with many that are in grace and favour with their Princes; for goods gotten [Page 172] by such meanes do like a moth, or canker usually consume goods well gotten, and give occasion both to Prince, and people to envy their estates; for although great estates, if well gotten, ought not to be hurtful, and prejudiciall to a man; yet a very lit­tle occasion will perswade a Prince, that such estates joyned with authority, may prove dangerous unto him; for generally we doe not prye into mens actions, and observe what they doe, but what they are able to doe; but tru­ly when I perswade a man to observe a meane in the getting of an estate, that hath opportunity to exceed a meane, I speake to a man that hath no eares; wherefore though hee relish not what I say, yet let him observe in the getting of his estate, the rule which Se­neca prescribed the Philosopher; if he have a desire to have abundance, let him satisfie his desires, yet let him not raise himselfe by wronging, or ruina­ting of any, in questioning them for their lives to gaine their estates, or by any sordide or base projects, and then no doubt they will continue with [Page 173] them and their Posterity; and none will envy them but malignant spirits.

Againe the Councell that wee have given to the Prince, the same do we give to his servants, that hee would not take upon himselfe the sole Government of the Common-Wealth, which many doe seek with all eagernesse, being of Gneius Pompeius minde that would not end [...]re an equall, or that any man should beare any rule but himselfe; but let the man we speake of, if hee love his owne safety, desire that one may bee joyned in Commission with him, though the Prince desire to repose the whole trust in him alone; and if the Prince doe so much favour him that hee will have him to bee the chief man still in power and authority, which cannot bee without exceeding great danger unto him, yet let one or other bee privy to all his actions with whom hee may consult and bee assisted: so shall he with more ease and safety undergoe businesses, and if things succeed prosperously, he shall have the honour of them: if not, he hath ever a witnesse to cleare him, upon whom [Page 174] if occasion bee, hee may lay part of the blame; and this all wise men ever did, and doe at this day; so did Di­omedes whom Homer hath remembred, who being commanded in the night to take a survey of his enemies, desired that one might goe along with him, because that two heads would be able to see and understand more then one, and with more boldnesse and alacrity proceede: for one man may think of a thing that is profitable, and his heart may faint, and feare occasion him not to proceed therein; but when two are joyned, their Courage and Councells are more resolute and constant: whose request being granted, hee chose Ʋ ­lysses for his Companion, saying with him hee did not feare to goe through a band of armed men, through fire and water, and to adventure upon any de­signe were it never so dangerous; so Byrrhus and Seneca were Neros gover­nours during his minority, in equall authority, well agreeing, and bare e­quall stroke in divers faculties; but when Byrrhus dyed, Nero gave himself to licentiousnesse, and Senecas autho­rity [Page 175] began to decline, because he wanted his friend to advise withall; but the examples of Publius Furius, and Lucius Crassus two Noble Romanes which are remembred by Valerius Maximus, are most pertinent to this purpose: the one of them being chosen to goe Ambassa­dour into Spaine, being an imployment which hee much desired, compelled Q. Metellus, and Q. Pompeius two consulary men, and his deadly profest enemies, to accompany him; the other from a Consull attaining to be a gover­nour in Gallia, Caius Carbo whose Fa­ther he had condemned came thither to pry into his actions, who was so far from removing him, that he assigned him the office of a Tribune, and for no other cau [...]e, but that hee might assist him with his Counsell and Advice. These are famous examples, but they rellish not with them that desire to have all Dominion in their own power, howsoever they are insallible signes of innocency, and without perill and danger.

Againe I would advise the servant of a Prince to stand firme and constant [Page 176] unto him in his allegiance to the end, and not for future hopes to adore the rising Sunne, and to decline the ser­vice of his present Soveraign: for as such a man deserves punishment of his Prince, so the memory of him is hate­full to his successour, and upon the first occasion rhat is given hee is ruinated; so it sell out with Joab, who after that he had followed King David for a long time, and performed all the duties of a faithfull servant unto him, at length in his old age hee neglected him, and fol­lowed Adonijah that was to succeed him in the Kingdome; so Macro for­sook Tiberius while hee lived, and ap­plied himselfe to Caius Caesar, which Tiberius perceiving, in some indignati­on told him how hee looked after the rising, and neglected the declining Em­perour; so Tigellinus that was most neare and deare unto Nero at the first, at last fell of, and became a Traytor unto him: but all of them received the deserved wages of perfidious tempori­sers by the succeeding Princes, and were put to death as wee have before heard.

[Page 177]Above all things I would have the servant of a Prince take into conside­ration the uncertainty of all humane things: but more especially the insta­bility and slippery estate of such as have attained to any great fortune, and in time seek to prevent imminent dangers, or at least how they may undergoe them without vexation if they befall them; which how they may bring to passe many have read excellent lessons unto us, but especially Seneca: they saith he, whom Fortune hath set in slippery places, shall bee more secure, 101 Super [...]iā fugiat. 101 if they banish pride and arro­rogancy out of their thoughts, being in­cident to great fortunes, and carry themselves as if they were private men; indeed many that are on high must of necessity stick unto their places, for that they cannot come down but they must fall; yet let them deserve this Testimony, that it is their griefe that they must bee grievious unto others, and that they did not intrude them­selves but were placed there; let them arme themselves with justice, milde and gentle behaviour, and with libe­rality, [Page 178] that so they may stand safe and secure.

Again, it will be very advantageous unto them if they know and beleeve what is said in Titus Livius, that it is the part of a wise man, nay more, of a fortunate man, to add bounds to his prosperity, and not to rely too much upon the present times, or fortunes fa­vours; for then is she most to bee sus­pected when she smiles most upon us; of this Sirach gives us a caveat in his first Chapter; humble thy selfe that thou maist not fall, and bring shame to thy soule; and likewise Seneca; as when wee are at Sea in a storme wee desire the Haven, so should wee desire to ease our selves of the burthen of our fortunes, and not stay untill wee are eased of them. This Seneca himselfe would have done, when after the death of Burrhus hee saw his friends faile him, and his enemies accuse him; there­fore in that elegant Oration of his, which is extant in Tacitus, in which hee amongst other things acknow­ledgeth, that there was nothing want­ing to his felicity but that hee could [Page 179] not containe himselfe, and add bounds to his felicity; as being weary, saith hee, on the way by long travells, I would desire rest; so being grown old, and not able to mannage my estate, and undergo these cares that attend it, I de­desire that you would take it into your tuition, and command your Pro­ctours, that they would have a care of it for your benefit, and give mee leave to spend the remainder of my dayes in the Countrey with such allowance as will keep mee from want; but Nero not contented with this, cunningly dissembled his hatred in flattering termes; Seneca gave him thankes, and began to change his former course of life, for­bidding any to come to visit him, but his followers; seldome came into the City, kept his house, as if hee had been sicke, or a student in some faculty; and when he saw he grew deboist, and to give himselfe to all kinde of wicked­nesse, that hee might be out of the reach of his envy, he desired his leave that he might live farre remote in the Country; which being denied, he fei­ned [Page 180] himselfe sick, and never came out of his Chamber; but how came it to passe, that doing as he did, he did not avoid the displeasure of the Tyrant? and may not the remedy now prescri­bed bee said to be no remedy by the Example of Seneca? truly I will not say any thing that may derogate from the understanding of so wise a man, yet I must say what I think, that Se­neca, either 102 Tardius hoc usus est. used the remedy too late, when Nero's anger was much in­censed against him, or that hee took not so fit a time as hee should have done, to move Nero in it; or rather which I doe most incline unto, that what was done may rather be impu­ted to his beastly cruelty, from which the most innocent man in the world cannot be safe, and against which no remedy may be prescribed; therefore as we cannot finde many Princes of the world like unto Nero, so by his Exam­ple the remedy before prescibed is not to be neglected, or condemned; but doe thou as Sylla the dictator did, as Dioclesian, and Charles the fifth, and many other Noble Princes of the [Page 181] World have done; who of their own accord, without any such cause moving thereunto, in the declining times of their ages, laid downe their Scepters, and retired themselves. Doe thou I say provide for thine owne safety, add bounds to thy prosperity, and expect not fortunes comming to ease thee of thy burthen. Historians affirme that Polycrates a Tyrant of the Samnites lived happily, and enjoyed his ho­nours and preferments without any manner of crosse all his life time; but Amasis King of Aegypt did feare the end of him; for he was of opinion, that where there is no entercourse, or change of fortune in the whole course of life, that the end will bee fatall; therefore his advice was, that if a man hath had no crosses all his life-time, that he would afflict himselfe, and de­part from that thing which hee most affecteth. This Counsell I would give unto them that are in power and authority, that they would volunta­rily ease themselves of that burthen; It is harsh I know, but yet it is good and wholsome Counsell, and not to be [Page 182] neglected; and why? doe we not see that death is advantageous to many, whom shee takes away in the midst of their prosperity; for had they lived they might have survived their hap­pinesse; wherefore Seneca adviseth, that they that are most fortunate, in the very heighth of their fortunes should desire to dye, because there is nothing certaine in this World, but that what is past. And Lucan speaketh thus, of [...]neius Pompey, that 103 Destruit ingentes animos longius aevum. 103 long life is a dishonour to a man, when he sur­vives his honour; and Juvenal speakes of him and Ca. Marius; who had been ever more famous then Marius, if he had died at Rome in the midst of his Army, when hee returned out of Germany? or then Pompey, if hee had died of the fever which took him in Campania? Titus Livius reports of Alexander, that hee was happy in this, that he dyed in the spring of his age in the heighth of his prosperity, before he had tasted of both fortunes; on the o­ther side saith he, to omit many other noble Princes Examples of humane frailty, what was it that gave occasi­on [Page 183] and opportunity to fortune to work upon Cyrus that was so famous among the Graecians, as also upon Pompey, but onely long life? 104 Quod mors invi­to hoc tu sponte fac 104 that cure therefore which death may doe to thee against thy will, doe thou to thy selfe willingly, and without doubt it will administer solace and comfort unto thee. These are almost all the meanes by which those that are powerfull with their Princes, may avoid the change of for­tune, and descend without a fall: yet to these in their owne wisedomes and dis­cretions, as they see the state of the present times, they may add many more; some there are that think them­selves secure enough by reason of the sacred order they are entred into, as Sleidan reports of G. Poyets Chancel­lour of France; others by reason of their allies and kindred, as is reported of Duke Lerma in Spaine; but unlesse their supportors be better then these, as the Examples before doe sufficiently manifest unto us, they cannot stand; but doe not thou my friend look so much after these things, as that sove­raign Antidote of the Christain Poet; [Page 184] he is a happy man, saith he, and most like a Saint, that relies not upon the fading glory of the World, that de­lighteth not in pompe and pride, that lives in the Countrey contented with a meane habite and estate without cares or feares, that is secure which way soever the Scepter fals; that never feares the direfull menaces of the Planets, nor the prodigious progno­stications of the Comets, or that re­lies upon the fraile and fickle favour of greatnesse, or is ever distracted with ambitious thoughts; wherefore [...]ene­ca wisely, beware of ambition, for it is vaine and windy, and never satisfied, nay, it is of so troublesome a nature, that it will neither endure any one to goe before it, nor yet to com [...] after it; it is ever attended with a double feare within and without; for as it hates all men, so it is hated of all men, and therefore most miserable; dost thou not see how the houses of such as are powerfull are annoied with the braw­lings and quarrellings of such as meet therein? 105 Multum habent contume­liarum ut intres plus cum intra­veris. 105 thou canst not come into them withou reproach, nor stay there [Page 185] without greater; and if thou chance to passe up the stayrs, they are so slippery that thou canst not stand there without danger of falling; wherefore apply thy selfe unto wisedome, which will not onely afford thee rest and tranquility, but riches in abundance; all the honours and preferments in the World, though they are small, in re­spect of other things, yet they are hard to come by, and the way unto them is tedious, and troublesome; and if fortune so favour thee, that thou dost attaine to [...]he top of them, thou shall see all those wayes that did seeme unto thee when thou was below to be mountainous and steepie, to bee plaine and easie, and that through that plain thou didst ascend to that heighth.