Anno Dom. 1610. An. Jac. Reg. 8. The Case of Sir John Kenne­dy and his Lady.

UPon the Treaty with Gray Lord Chandoyes it was thought meet that 16500. l. should be allotted to the Lady for her right, to the value of 14500. l. in Land, and 2000. l. in money: But in regard the whole estate moved from the Lady, and that Sir John Kennedy, was able to give her no ad­vancement or dower out of his Estate, It was thought meet, that the Lady should have, 8000. l. at her sole dis­pose, and the residue to be at their joynt dispose.

After upon motion on the Ladies behalf, out of a fear, that the Estate might be wasted by Sir John, and there­by she deprived of maintenance (she [Page 49] [...]hen haveing no knowledge of the Mar­riage in Scotland, or hope of a Divorce, [...]r nullity of the said Marriage) it was [...]ppointed, that the same should be con­ [...]onveyed over to certain Feoffees in [...]rust, to her use, that she by her Inden­ [...]ure under her hand and Seal, solely and without Sir John, might dispose there­of.

The which Conveyance was directed [...]y three liveing of this Honourable board, viz. the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Privy-Seal, and the Lord Stanhope, and by the Lord Popham, Lord Tanfeild, Sir Thomas Heskt [...], Serjeant Dodridge, and Mr. Stephens.

The land allotted the Lady being sold for 7800 l. with 6500 l. thereof Barne-Elmes was purchased, but Sir John be­ing trusted by the Lady to go to Mr, Stephens to draw the Conveyance. went to other Councel, and in the Clause where it should be freely at the Lady's disposal, solely without Sir John; [...]he caused to be inserted these words, that the Lady should have power to convey the same to such intents and [Page 50] purposes, as by the said Elizabeth solely, and without the said Sir John Kennedy by writing under her hand and Seal enrolled, should be limited and ap­pointed; wherein besides the contra­dictoriness of the sense he caused in that Deed delivered the Lady (the more to blind her Eyes) Enrolled to be rased and made Indented Deed. 31. Decem­ber 3d. Jac. 8.

And after the rasure was found out then by his Deed Dat. 2. July 4. Jac. he the said Sir John did limit power to the Lady by her Deed, Inrolled or not Inrolled to limit Uses.

The Lady hath been a suiter two Years (if Sir John for saving his own credit will not confess matter to make a Divorce) then that in course of Justice she may be admitted to her proof, which for that it concerneth matter of state (as is suggested) she is denyed.

1. And therefore she hopeth, it is [...]ut the same Equity to stay his proceed­ings touching her Estate, against her or her Feoffees in Course of Justice, con­sidering it is not by her laches that the [Page 51] Marriage is not disproved, until both the said causes having a dependency one upon another, may be handled at this Board.

2. The Course of Conveyance by Feoffees, was by Honourable Person­ages, grave Judges and learned Law­yers, directed when the Lady was sup­posed the true Wife of Sir John, and they held in Law and Equity sufficient, and now à fortiorè it should be more sufficient, she being none of his Wife, if she may be admitted to proofs.

3. Sir John hath already advanced himself by the sale of the Ladys Estate, over and above the Purchase of Ton­bridge which cost 8500 l. wherein he hath a Joynt Estate of Inheritance, and all her Debts that he hath Paid 7700 l.

4. If the Course propounded at this Honourable Board shall not hold, then will the Lady never assent to sell, and so shall the Debts of the Lady before Marriage now resting unpaid being 2207 l. and Sir John's own Debts rest unsatisfied to the oppression and cla­mour [Page 52] of many poor men, and the King still troubled with renewing his pro­tections.

5. If Sir John should proceed in Course of Justice, and that the Conveyance made to Feoffees should not be held sufficient, and strong enough to con­vey the same to the Lady; yet Sir John can have but the profits thereof, being but 300 l. and not that clear, which is not able to pay half the Use of the Money.

6. Besides before any Suite began, the said Manner of Barne-Elms was for Valuable Consideration of money lent, mortgaged, and now resteth forfeited, for non-payment of 2000 l.

Anno Dom. 1611. An. Reg. Jac. 9. The Commission and Warrant, for the Condemnation, and burning of Bar­tholomew Legatt, who was burnt in Smith-feild in London, 1611. for Heretical Opinions.

Where the Reverend Father in God John Bishop of London, haveing judicially pro­ceeded in a Cause of Heresy against Bartholomew Legatt of the City of Lon­don, in the Diocess of the Bishop of London, concerning divers w [...]cked Er­ours, Heresies and Blasphemous Opini­ons, holden, affirmed and published [Page 73] by the said Bartholomew▪ Legatt, and ch [...]ifly in these thirteen Blasphemous Pos [...]ons following, viz. That the Creed called the Nicene Creed and Athanasius Creed, contain not. a pro­fession of the true Christian Faith, or that he will not profess his Faith ac­cording to the same Creeds, that Christ is not God of God begotten, not made, but begotten and made; that there are no Persons in the God-head; That Christ was not God from Everlasting, but began to be God when he took flesh of the Vir­gin Mary, that the World was not made by Christ, that the Apostles teach Christ to be man only, that there is no Generation in God, but of Crea­tures, that this Assertion, God to be made Man, is contrary to the Rule of Faith, and monstrous Blasphemy; That Christ was not before the full­ness of time Except by Promise, that Christ was not God otherwise than an anoynted God, that Christ was not in the form of God Equal with God, that is in substance of God, [Page 74] but in Righteousness and giveing Salvation, that Christ by his God­head wrought no Miracle, that Christ is not to be prayed unto; where­in he the said Bartholomew Legatt, hath before the said Reverend Father, maintained his said most dangerous and Blasphemous Opinions, as ap­peareth by many his Confessions publickly made and acknowledged, for which his Damnable and Here­tical Opinions, he is by Difinitive sentence, by the said Reverend Fa­ther John Bishop of London, with the Advice and Consent of other Reve­rend Bishops, Learned Divines, and others Learned in the Laws assisting in Judgment, Justly adjudged, pro­nounced and declared to be an ob­stinate and incorrigible Heretick, and is left by them under the sen­tence of the great Excommunicati­on: and therefore as a Corrupt Member to be Cutt off from the Chruch of Chist, and society of the Faithful, and is to be by our secu­ [...]ar Power and Authority as an Here­tick [Page 75] punished, as by the Significavit of the said Reverend Father in God, the said Bishop of London, bearing date at London the third day of March, in the year of our Lord, 1611. In the ninth year of our Reign▪ and remaining in our Court of Chancery more at large appeareth. And although the said Bartholomew Legatt hath since the said sentence pronouced against him, been often very Charitably moved, and exhorted, as well by the said Bishop, as by many grave and Learn­ed Divines, to disswade, revoke and remove him from the said Blas­phemous and Heretical Opinions; yet he arrogantly and willfully per­sisteth and continueth in the same: We therefore according to our Regal Functi­on and Office, minding the Execu­tion of Justice in this behalf, and to give Example to others, lest they should attempt the like here­after: Have determined by the Assent of our Councel to will and require, and do hereby Authorize and Re­quire [Page 76] you our said Chancellor, Im­mediatly upon the receipt hereof, to award and make out under our great Seal of England, our Writ of Exe­cution according to the Tenor in these Presents ensuing; and these Presents shall be your sufficient Warrant and Discharge for the same.

Anno Dom. 1611. An. Reg. Jac. 9. The Commission and Warrant for the Condemnation and Execution of Ed­ward Wightman, at Lichfield, 1611. with an Account of his Here­tical Opinion.

[...]Ames, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and [...]eland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To our Right Trusty, and Right [...]ell-beloved Councellour, Thomas, [...]ord Ellesmere, our Chancellour of [...]ngland, Greeting. Whereas the Re­ [...]erend Father in God, Richard, Bi­ [...]op of Coventry and Lichfild, Having [...]diciously proceededf in the Examina­ [...]on, Hearing, and Determining of a Cause of Heresie against Edward Wight­ [...]an, of the Parish of Burton upon [...]rent, in the Diocese of Coventry and [...]ichfield; Concerning the wicked He­ [...]sies of the Ebionites, Corinthians, Va­ [...]ntinians, Arrians, Macedonians, of [...]imon Magus, of Manes, Manichees, [Page 82] of Photinus, and Anabaptists, and [...] other Heretical, execrable, and un­heard of Opinions, by the Instinct [...] Satan, by him excogitated and holden viz.

1. That there is not the Trinity [...] Persons, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, in the Unity of the Deity. 2. That Jesus Christ is not the true Natural Son of God, perfect God, and of the same Substance, Eter­nity and Majesty with the Father, in respect of his Godhead. 3. That Jesus Christ is only Man, and a mere Crea­ture, and not both God and Man in one Person. 4. That Christ our Saviour took not Humane Flesh of the Sub­stance of the Virgin Mary his Mother; and that that Promise, the Seed of the Woman shall break the Serpents Head, was not fulfilled in Christ. 5. That the Person of the Holy Ghost is not God Coequal, Coeternal and Coessen­tial with the Father and the Son. 6. That the three Creeds, viz. the Apostles Creed, the Nicene Creed, the Athanasian Creed, are the Heresies of [Page 83] [...]e Nicolaitaines. 7. That he the [...]id Edward Wightman is that Pro­ [...]het spoken of in the Eighteenth of [...]euteronomy in these words, I will [...]ise them up a Prophet &c. and that [...]at place of Isaiah, I alone have troden [...]e Wine-press; and that that place, [...]hose Fan is in his hand, are proper [...]d personal to him the said Edward [...]ightman. 8. And that he the said [...]ightman is that Person of the Holy [...]host spoken of in the Scriptures, [...]d the Comforter spoken of in the [...]xteenth of St. John's Gospel, 9. And at those words of our Saviour Christ the Sin of Blasphemy against the [...]oly Ghost, are meant of his Person. [...]. And that that place, the Fourth [...] Malachy, of Elias to come, is [...]ewise meant of his Person. 11. That [...]e Soul doth sleep in the Sleep of [...]e First Death, as well as the Body, [...]d is mortal as touching the Sleep [...]e first Death as the Body is: And [...]t the Soul of our Saviour Jesus [...]rist did sleep in that Sleep of Death well as his Body. 12. That the [Page 84] Souls of the Elect Saints Departed, are not Members possessed of the Trium­phant Church in Heaven. 13. That the Baptizing of Infants is an abomina­ble Custom. 14. That there ough [...] not in the Church the use of the Lords Supper to be celebrated i [...] the Elements of Bread and Wine; and the use of Baptism to be celebrated in the Element of Water, as they are now practised in the Church of Eng­land: but that the use of Baptism i [...] to be administred in Water, only to Converts of sufficient Age and Under­standing, converted from Infidelity to the Faith. 15. That God hath or­dained and sent him the said Edwar [...] Wightman, to perform his part in the Work of the Salvation of the World to deliver it by his Teaching or Ad­monition, from the Heresie of the Ni­colaitanes, as Christ was ordained and sent to save the World, and by hi [...] Death to deliver it from Sin, and to reconcile it to God. 16. And tha [...] Christianity is not wholly professed and preached in the Church of Eng­land, [Page 85] but only in part, wherein he [...]he said Edward Wightman, hath be­fore the said Reverend Father, as al­ [...]o before our Commissioners for Cau­ [...]es Ecclesiastical, within our Realm of England, maintained his said most [...]erilous and dangerous Opinions, as [...]ppeareth by many of his Confessions, [...]s also by a Book Written and Subscri­ [...]ed by him, and given to us; for the which his damnable and heretical O­ [...]inions, he is by Divine Sentence de­clared by the said Reverend Father, [...]he Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, with the Advice and Consent of Lear­ned Divines, and others Learned in [...]he Law, assisting him in Judgment, [...]ustly adjudged, pronounced and de­clared to be an obstinate and incorri­gible Heretick, and is left by them under the Sentence of the great Ex­communication; and therefore as a Corrupt Member to be cut off from [...]he rest of the Flock of Christ, lest he should infect others professing the true Christian Faith; and is to be by our Secular Power and Authority, as an [Page 86] Heretick punished: As by the Signifi­cavit of the said Reverend Father in God, the Bishop of Coventry and Lich­field, bearing Date at Lichfield the Fourteenth day of December, in the Ninth Year of our Reign, and remain­ing in our Court of Chancery, more at large appeareth. And although the said Edward Wightman hath since the said Sentence pronounced against him, been often very charitably moved and exhorted, as well by the said Bishop, as by many other Godly, Grave and Learned Divines, to dissuade, revoke and remove him from the said Blasphe­mous, Heretical and Anabaptistical O­pinions; yet he arrogantly and will­fully resisteth and continueth in the same. We therefore, according to our Regal Function and Office, minding the Execution of Justice in this be­half, and to give Example to others, lest they should attempt the like here­after, have Determined, by the Assent of our Council, to will and require, and do hereby Authorize and Require You our said Chancellour, immediate­ly [Page 87] upon the Receit hereof, to award, and make out, under Our Great Seal of England, Our Writ of Execution, [...]ccording to the Tenor in these pre­sents ensuing; And these presents shall [...]e your sufficient Warrant and Dis­charge for the same.

Then was a Warrant granted by the King, to the Lord Chancellour of Eng­land, to award a Writ under the Great Seal, to the Sherriff of Lichfield, for Burning of Edward Wightman, deli­vered over to the Secular Power by the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield.

Anno Dom. 1616. An. Reg. Jac. 14. [...] Order of the King's Privy Council sent to the Peers of the Realm, for the Tryal of the Earl and Countess of Somerset.

Whitehall January 18. 1621.

• Lord Keeper.
• Lord Treasurer.
• L. President.
• L. M. Hamilton.
• Earle Marshall.
• L. Vis. Falkland.
• Lord Digby.
• Lord Brook.
• Mr. Treasurer.
• Mr. Secret. Calvert▪
• Mr. C [...]anc. Excheq▪
• Master of the Rolls▪

Whereas his Majesty is Graciously pleased to enlarge and set at Liberty the Earl of Somerset and his Lady, now Prisoners in the Tower of London [...] and that nevertheless it is thought fit▪ that both the said Earl and his Lady be consined to some convenient place▪ It is therefore, according to his Maje­sties Gracious Pleasure and Command▪ Ordered, That the Earl of Somerset and his Lady, do repair either to Gray [...] [Page 129] or Cowsham, the Lord Wallingford's Houses in the County of Oxon, and remain confin'd to one or either of the said Houses, and within three Miles compass of either of the same, until further Order be given by his Majesty.

The Duke of Buckingham' s Answer to the Spanish Ambassador's Informati­ons, &c. Anno Dom. 1624. in the 22d. of King James.
From the Original, written by Sir Ed­ward Coke's (then Attorney Ge­neral) own Hand.

MY Master's known Wisdom, Ju­stice, and constant Favour to­wards me, attended with Confidence in my own Faith and Innocency, may make it seem both needless and unfit by any Defence, to shew respect to a Libellous Information, which reflecteth wholly upon the Author's Dishonour: For who will not abhor this deplored Art of Calumniating boldly? Because no Aspersion (how false soever) can [Page 130] be wash'd off so clean, but some dis­colouring will remain.

Besides, tho' Conspiracy be a Work of Darkness, hardly to be cleared, be­cause, in it, Suspitions go for Proof; yet my Youth and manner of Life, and even that Character of Irregular Freedom which the Accusers set up­on me, will, by Caesar's known Judg­ment, acquit me thereof: And there­fore, if my Personal Disgrace or Dan­ger were the Marks they aim at, I would stand or fall by his Knowledge of me, who hath made me what I am; and hath both Right and Power to unmake me at his pleasure.

But as that Wife King well under­stood, that when his Brother demand­ed the Shunamite, he sought not her but the Kingdom; so his Majesties piercing Judgment will discover my Name to be the Mask, Himself, his Royal Children, and his Kingdomes to be the true Subjects of this practi­cing Complaint. And tho' the Par­ticulars thereof are forged, partly by Jesuites and their Factions at Home, [Page 131] and partly by corrupt Ministers and Emissaries Abroad; yet the Workmen that manage them are Publick Mini­sters of State, of whose Offices and Sway amongst us, we already feel the smart, and have cause to prevent the Danger that may ensue: especially considering, they are Engines of that affected Monarchy, which hath inlar­ged it self by Negotiations, more than by Arms: And which by advantage of late Treaties, hath not lately inva­ded the Patrimonies of his Majesties Children, but procured such Liberty and Connivance with his own King­doms, as they supposed would pro­duce a Rebellion, not to be appeased without the help of their Arms.

And since their Designs (by God's Providence) are now brought to light, what could Malice it self have attemp­ed more pernicious than by such In­fectious Breaches, fury-like to stir Jealousies betwixt the King, his Peo­ple and most obliged Servants; and which is more horrible, betwixt the Bark and the Tree: Nay, betwixt [Page 132] the Tree it self and all the Branches thereof. Now in respect of these Consequences, altho' my Person be of no Consideration, and happily, by saying nothing, or doing easie Offices, might redeem their Displeasure: Yet where my Duty is so deeply engaged, I, in my Heart, cannot hold; and there­fore for their Interests for whom by my humble thankfulness and Faith, I ac­count the chief Hopes and Fruits of my Life; yet so as the World shall bear me Witness, I plead my Cause, the demonstration that his Majesty commanded these Informations; first to be told, and then to be written in the Letters they alledge, whereby they excuse themselves of being Infor­mers, as of a Practise too base for Per­sons of their Rank. But the Truth redoundeth only to his Majesties Ho­nour. For as in their Treaties, they ever drew us on by making us rich and happy in general Promises, so now by such general contriving of strange Conspiracies and Plots among our selves, they endeavour to divert [Page 133] us from any further Discovery or Prevention of theirs.

And this his Majesty perceiving, First pressed them to Particulars, find­ing their Verbal Charges uncertain, and subject to Inlargment, or Restri­ction, at the Peoples Pleasure: he then commanded them to be written so as now they are fixed, and no more in their Power; but may be examined and judged by all men of Understand­ing, to whose Construction and Cen­sure, I willingly submit both them and my Answer. For what can be the Danger, When in the very En­trance of my Accusation they acknow­ledge, that the matters objected a­gainst me, are not such as may be clea­red by Judicial Proofs? And must his Majesty then take them merely upon Trust? Indeed Ambassadors have an Honourable Trust for their Masters Affairs; and if they obtain a like Trust with those Princes to whom they are imployed; what will they not persuade? Shall not the Restitu­tion of the Palatinate, the Marriage [Page 134] and Dispensation, and the Portion be made Articles to be added to our Creed? But the Original Sin and Root of all Treasons and Offences laid to my Charge is, that by eating the for­bidden Fruit in Spain, mine Eyes have been opened to discover the Evil as well as the Good; and so to trust them no further than they deserve.

And yet I will not here take them too short, for they say they have Wit­nesses; but such as for fear of my Pow­er do withdraw themselves; such as dare not speak and deliver their minds, though commanded by the King; and though thereby they suffer the best King in the World to be brought in­to Extremities; and such as neither will nor dare speak, if first they be not freed from Jealousie and Fear, yet these they pronounce to be his Maje­sties Most Faithful Subjects. Surely of our Faith they cannot be which holdeth them Traytors, Faithless and Perjured, that prefer not the Safety, and Honour of their Prince and Coun­try, before the Fear and Respect of [Page 135] any person whomsoever: And if this Fear proveth them to be of their Faith, how can they think, the En­tring into the Ambassador's House, to be so heinous, a matter as here is pre­tended? Doth not all the World know the Liberty they give; and which, as Papists, have taken beyond Examples in this kind? They are not then Mass-Papists, but perhaps of Higher Rank, having Place and Access to deliver their Minds to the King if they durst.

And such only are worthy their Nomination, and his Majesties Audi­ence in Matters of this Weight. His Majesty therefore, to go beyond Craft and Malice, hath, in his Royal Wisdom and Justice, by a new Example, per­mitted even the great men, which by their ordinary Access might be sub­ject to this Scandal, to be examined upon Oath. And what the Accusers gained thereby, let them boast, and shew reason (if they can) why the Ho­nour done me in their Answer, should not give both his Majesty and the [Page 136] World Satisfaction on my behalf; and why they themselves, (till they pro­duce other Authors) should not be reputed the Inventors of these Scan­dals and Reports? And whereas they say in in the end, that there wanteth not means to free these honest Men (as they call them) from Fear and Di­strust: Indeed the Inquisition of Spain is said to have found the way, First to Imprison, and keep close, and so en­courage Accusers, if such be not rea­dy found, then to force men by Ex­tremities to be Accusers of themselves. But howsoever this way hath prevail­ed to Exterminate from their Country that which they call Heresie, and we True Religion: Yet considering no other Nation approveth it as Lawful and Just, I hope I shall not be the first Example of planting it amongst us.

But they say further, though his Subjects durst not, yet the Ambassa­dors would have informed his Majesty against me, if any free Audience could in my Absence have been ob­tained. And why in my Absence? [Page 137] Or why should not the Ambassador of so Great a King accuse me to my Face? Or how could they without Dishonour to their Master and them­selves, traduce me behind my Back? And why did my Industrious seeking to be present, argue my Fear and Dif­fidence of Conscience, and not rather an assured Confidence in my Truth? But this (say they) is not to be done, save only where the King is of small Experience or under Age, or of no Judgment, and the Favorite wise, cir­cumspect, and of great Judgment and Experience; and not in this Case where every thing is contrary. Whereunto I answer, that I am most willing to lay my Honour at my Master's Feet in the Dust; so as the World be sensible with great­er Indignation of this Jesuit-school-wit that by the Figure of Opposing, my Master to me, and him to other Princes, seemingly flattereth, really staineth the Honour both of our and their Kings.

For ours, the Freedom of Access, Discourse, Conversation and Enter­tainment he giveth to all Ambassadors, [Page 138] is such a Singular Glory to all his Royal Abilities, and Gracious Disposition as no Favourite can Eclipse, no Car­per can blemish: And for theirs, wha [...] Power Favourites have had in their Accesses and all Affairs, every Ma [...] knoweth, that knoweth ought o [...] Spain: And must we therefore apply the Use and Honour of their Favou­rites, to the disabling of their King▪ As unexperienced and precipitate as they make me, I know my Duty bet­ter; and do well understand, that Fa­vourites do then vanish, when their Masters Greatness by them becometh less: Yet this is not all; for they tell us, that his Majesty is Most Wise, o [...] Great Experience, and the best King in the World. And this they repeat, that with the Sugar of these Epithites they may cover their Bitter Pills▪ For they forbear not withal to say, that he suffereth a Precipitate Novice to be too Powerful with him, that his Most Faithful Subjects dare not deli­ver their Minds unto him: And that thereby he is brought into Great [Page 139] Extremities, and doth many unfit things.

And are these Figures to be used to Princes? Did the Ministers of Great Monarchs thus by Deeds confute Words? And am I the Cat they whip, to make the King believe I draw him over the Pool? This savoureth not of that Modesty which I may challenge to my self, if I acknowledge those de­fects they charge me withal. And yet when they have laid me as low as they please, they shall find my weak Un­derstanding supported sufficiently with my Master's Wisdom: And for my Ex­perience, though I may assume some­what by so many Years Trust and Im­ployment under him; yet somewhat more I have learnt in Spain, to be put in practise when my Service shall be com­manded in those Parts. Notwithstand­ing I confess ingeniously, that what I do amiss, proceedeth from my own Preci­pitation and Error. And what I do well, is by my Master's Wisdom and Instru­ction, for which I owe him more, than for his great Favour, and the Fortunes [Page 140] I enjoy. But for these Actions, which under the Veil of my Name, they en­deavour to make odious to their Par­ty, I profess, that as they are really his Majesties or the Princes; so they are well approved by the chiefest and best part of Christendom, as tending to the Honour of his Wisdom, the Good of the Prince, the Happiness o [...] the People, and the Settling of this State in their Posterity for ever.

For the better clearing whereof, I will proceed to a particular Examina­tion of those Extremities to which they say his Majesty is now brought.

The First is the Enmity of their most powerful King by my industrious Pro­curement. And why his Enmity? Be­cause the Treaties are dissolved. And is this a necessary Consequence, that either we must suffer them by Trea­ties to undermine and compass all their ends, or else undergo their Enmity, and (as they afterwards interpret it) a most cruel War? And is not this a Proclamation to all the World, that they aspire to such an absolute Monar­chy, [Page 141] as so many Books Stories, Dis­courses, and the general Complaints of all Princes and States have long char­ged them with? And indeed, as the true Character of their Religion is Persecution and Blood, so the true mark of their Empire is Oppression and War: Yet connot these Threat­nings amuse or disturb the Religious and peaceable Resolutions of our King, Prince and People. They hate War, they pray against it, they love Peace, they prosper by it; and therefore en­deavour by all means to preserve it: But if they be assailed, they cannot but remember how God's Mighty Hand, by a Late Queen of peace, brought down her Enemies greatness and pride, to acknowledge the Sovereignty of a despised people, which ever since hath resisted and ballanced their power: And therefore they cannot but hope, that the same Arm by a King of peace, shall in the end prevail with them to entertain a safe peace upon more equal Terms; and then all men shall have cause to applaud that Wisdom and [Page 142] Resolution which these men are trou­bled with, and therefore speak a­gainst.

The next Extremity they complain of is the calling of a Parliament by my procurement, and to my ends, where­in the Honour they do me is more than I am capable of. And for the Jealou­sie they would raise of making my self Head of that Council, or the Pu­ritan Faction; my Master will laugh at it, and thereby know they want probable Matter to object against my Faith; which when they question, they assail me in my Strength, and shall find my Deeds as ready and con­fident Justifications as my Words. But it is not my Faith or Aspiring, they here would bring in doubt; they have a further Strain: For as before they made my Name a Fume to disquiet the Head; now they make it a Poy­son to carry Infection into the Bo­dy.

For, What is the Parliament, but the Body of the Kingdom? And why do they stain it with the hateful Name [Page 143] of Puritan, but to make it odious to the King? Indeed such Names help the Jesuits in Disputes of Religion, when they are driven from all real Defences; and would they practice this deplo­ [...]able Art in the Matters of State, if they were not in his Case that called Christ Galilean, when he was van­quished by his Power? For who knoweth not the Upper House of Parliament consisteth of all the Pre­ [...]ates and Peers, and the Nether House of near 500 Knights and Burgesses, Elected and sent out of all Parts of [...]he Kingdom? And are all these Pu­ [...]itans? Do my Plots receive better En­ [...]ertainment amongst them than with [...]he Council of State? And doth this re­ [...]roachful Comparison honour or dis­ [...]onour those Able and Wise Men who are here presented to be well [...]ffected to their Cause? but their end [...]as no Man's Honour: It was to break [...]he Parliament, by setting Faction a­ [...]ongst the Members of both Hou­ [...]es, as well as with the Head; and their [...]and is most evident in misrepresenting the Case.

For where they say, that almost e­very one of the Council both liked and allowed of the Propositions of the Catholick King, and found therein no Cause to dissolve the Treaty. They conceal that the Proposition was then made for the Palatinate alone, suppo­sing the Treaty of the Marriage should proceed: And in that Case it migh [...] seem reasonable to very Wise Men [...] that the other Treaty should not b [...] broken off. But in Parliament where both Parties come in Question together, not one of those Able and Wise Men (for they were all Member [...] of the one House or the other) dis­sented from the Council of dissolving them both. The Altars of Provoca­tion may then be objected to Wor­shippers of Saints, or to them that ap­peal to their Idol at Rome, and no [...] to Us, who acknowledge no Sove­reign upon Earth but our King, to whom both Council of State and Parliament yield Odedience in all things. How then may it be said, tha [...] the Parliament is now above the King? [Page 145] Or how can they hope that such shame­less and impious Suggestions can make a prudent and good King jealous, and doubtful of a most obsequious and du­tiful People? Especially at this time, when it may truly be said, That the Spirit of Wisdom in the Heart of the King, hath wrought the Spirit of U­nity in the Hearts of his Subjects, which made the Success more happy than former Parliaments have had. And this indeed is the matter which the Devil and they storm at.

For who can doubt that they and their Faction cannot endure without much trouble of Mind (as they con­fess) to see the weightiest Affairs, and of greatest Moment, to be now refer­red to the Censure of the Parliament, when their fair Promises and Pretences can no longer prevail? Yet let them tell us, what greater and more Ho­nourable Senate they have seen in Spain or elsewhere.

Besides, Do not the very Writs for the Summons of Parliament, express, That is for the great and weighty Af­fairs [Page 146] of the Kingdom? And have not our greatest and wisest Kings hereto­fore referred Treaties of Leagues, of Marriages, of Peace, and War, and of Religion it self, to the Consultati­ons of their Parliaments? Those then that take upon them to undervalue this High Court, do but expose their own Judgments to Censure and Con­tempt; not knowing, that Parlia­ments, as they are the Honour and Support, so they are the Hand-maids and Creatures of our Kings, inspi­red, formed and governed by their Power. And if Charles the Fifth o [...] France, by his Parliament of Paris, recovered a great part of that King­dom from this Crown; and if Suc­ceeding Kings there, by the Assistance of that Court, redeemed the Church from the Tyranny of the Pope, We have no cause to doubt, that our King, by the Faithful Advice, Assi­stance, and Service of his Parliament, shall be able both to recover the Pa­latinate, which they here make so difficult, and to protect our Neigh­bours [Page 147] and Allies; and either to settle such a Peace as we really desire, or to execute such Vengeance as God's Justice, and their Sins shall, for their Ambition assuredly draw upon them.

But they proceed, and tell the King, that it is said, I have propounded ma­ny things to the Parliament in his Name, without his Advice or Consent, nay, contrary to his Will. And is not this to abuse the Ears and patience of a Prince, to tell him many things are said, and yet neither specifie the Mat­ters nor the Men? Or is not this to dally with my Name by Hear-says, when with a harsh and incoherent Transition, they suddenly fall upon [...]he Prince, who is the next true Mark their Malice shooteth at: And when Malice it self cannot but ac­knowledge his Ingenuity and great Gifts; and that in all things he shew­ [...]th himself an obedient and good [...]on; yet these Attributes they will [...]eeds qualifie with a Nevertheless, which cannot charge me as with a [...]ault, that I am confident in his Fa­vour: [Page 148] Or that I therefore despise all men, to which Vice of all other my Nature is least inclin'd; but indeed taxeth the Prince at least with participation of my ill Intentions, by suffering me to make those persons subject to my Will, which are most conformable to His. Whom they mean I know not; but pray God, that those Men they thus recommend to his Highness's neare [...] Trust, prove not more dangerous to his Person, than I have hitherto been refractory to his Will.

But having shot this Bolt, they come back again to me as to their Stalk­ing-horse, to chuse a new Mark. And first, for a preparative to the Prince Attention, they wish that my Action were directed to his Good. Then t [...] give at least some Varnish to thei [...] Work, they tell him, that good me believe (meaning such as believe the [...] with an implicite Faith) that I (wh [...] have imbroiled the Match with Spain will not be less able to break any o­ther his Highness should affect: i [...] which Speech, if a Man will dive t [...] [Page 149] the Bottom of their Malice, he must descend into Hell. But for the Match with Spain, can any man believe, that his Majesty sent his Son; that he went in Person; that he both trusted Spain so far, and did that Kingdom so much Honour, and yielded to such Conditions; or that I underwent that Hazard and Charge, and pressed their King; importuned his Favorite and Council, and subjected my self to so many Indignities; or that so great a Fleet even into their own Ports, with Minds to interrupt or embroil, or not rather to remove all Impediments, to [...]asten the Marriage, and to bring [...]ome the Infanta which was promi­sed with as great Assurance as words could express? But they will say, that [...]his Earnestness and Haste, was it that disturbed all the Business; and so I [...]hink it did: And I confess withal, [...]hat it was our End and Endeavour [...]o put them from their Shifts; and to [...]ring to an Issue, that Treaty, under [...]he Delay whereof we had suffered so [...]uch. And I profess further, that [Page 150] the Honour and good Success of this Intention, do properly belong to his Majesty and the Prince, by whose Wisdom and Resolution a desperate Remedy was so well applied to a de­sperate Disease.

But they say, That howsoever my Endeavours might at first concur to hasten the Match; yet after the Prin­cess Palatine had written Letters un­to me, and had sent her Secretary to confirm a Marriage betwixt her So [...] and my Daughter: Then I instantly caused the Prince to revoke his Pro­curation, and turn'd all upside down And here is revealed another mystica [...] Use they would make of my Name to divide Father and Daughter, Bro­ther and Sister, Master and Servant and to break all the Bonds of Natur [...] and Affection, by Jealousie of Stat [...] And can the Devil attempt more But what Proof? Nay, what Appea­rance do they shaddow this withal Forsooth, by telling, that they kno [...] in Spain, that the same day tho [...] Letters were delivered, the Revoc [...] ­tion [Page 151] was pronounced; but how knew they that? Or do they not know in Spain, that the Prince himself opened and read all the Letters, and heard all Addresses. And by what Inspection could they know more than the Prince? Except those innocent Letters were like indented Pictures, which shew to one's view a fair, and to another's a foul Face? Is it not strange, that Malice it self is not satiated with the Distresses of those Worthy Princes, except it bereave them not only of necessary Support and Relief; but also of that Love and good Opinion whereby they must subsist? And to what other End tendeth that careful Admonition to the King, to takeheed both to himself and to the Prince? My Precipitation, my Ambition and my Popularity, are but the Fringe and Shadow: The supplanting of these Princes the Diversion of the Af­fection of their Father and Brother, the bereaving them of all Assistance and Comfort; and finally, the Distur­bing of all our Affairs, are the true [Page 152] Ends of these Fore-warnings, and false pretended Fears: For my Ambition and Popularity, how appeared it in Parliament? by casting (say they) all Odious Matters upon the King; and arrogating the thanks of all things acceptable to my self, and by the Ti­tle given me to be Redeemer of my Country: Such Generalities are ever the Subterfuges of deceit, But let them instance in any Particular, either of odious Matter there propounded, and cast upon the King, or of plausi­ble, whereof all the Honour was not his; and that with greater Demonstra­tion of Reverence and Thankfulness, than in former Parliaments hath been seen. For the Title, it is true, that by our Journey into Spain, we were brought out of Darkness into Light; and the Discovery of former Inconve­niencies, and future Dangers of the Treaties was applauded in Parliament, as no less than a Work of Redempti­on to the State. But therein, all that I assumed, or was attributed to me, was the Happiness to have been un­der [Page 153] the Prince's Government, whose Wisdom in discovering the Insincerity of their Pretences, in refusing those things which were utterly inconveni­ent, in yielding to such, as being pre­judicial, were corrigible afterwards; and in qualifying the rest to a tolera­ble Construction, was the only means of redeeming our Safety, and settling our Affairs. And for his Majesty, who hath heard of his Name that can doubt that his deep Understanding and Experience was the true Foun­tain from which all our Directions did proceed?

Then how can I be charged with Envy against the great Good of Chri­stendom, and especially of England and Spain? When all the World shall understand, that the King and Prince under God, and by his Blessings, are the chief means to rescue all Christen­dom, especially England, from the U­surpation of that pretended Empire, which they call the Good; but is tru­ly the Bondage and Misery of both—Having thus served their Turns with [Page 154] my Name against his Majesty, against the Prince, against the Parliament, a­gainst his Royal Daughter, and her Race; who could think it possi­ble their Malice could strain higher? Yet their Master-piece is behind. And whereas their former Suggestions were grounded upon, they say here, They know in Spain, and such Shaddows of Testimonies at large: For this they now hatch, because it is monstrous in it self; and hath nothing in Being, possible to ground upon. They lay a strange Foundation upon a bare Pretence, that many speak ominously fearing the worst; but withal, know­ing that his Majesties Wisdom cannot be wrought upon by Popular Appre­hensions, they say farther, that he that told it, did the Office of a good Man, both to God, his Majesty and the Prince. Yet surely, this was not the good Man of David, that imagineth no Evil, and telleth no Untruth; but such an one as St. John calleth the Ac­cuser of the Brethren, or as Doeg the Edomite, that told the King, how Da­vid [Page 155] his Son-in-law, and the Priest of Abimelech had conspired against him: For what saith this good man? For­sooth, that the Puritans (if they do desire a King, which willingly they do not) do not at all desire the Most Illustrious Prince, but the Prince Pa­latine, whose Scout Mansfield is, what­soever he pretends: And lest any man might imagine, that they mean Factious Puritans, which are now no considera­ble Number amongst us: In the next Clause, for Explanation, they menti­on the Fury of the Parliament; and soon after, the Reproach of the whole English Nation. But why then do they not call us by the old name of Pro­testants? Because that is now a Name of too much allay, and could have bred no distaste in the King; but knowing what he suffered by Puritans else­where, to make the whole Nation o­dious both to King and Prince, they turn us Puritans all at once, though that Faction be more hated and sup­prest amongst us, than in all the World besides. And what is then our Ruin?

First, In General, That we are not willing to be subject unto Kings.

Secondly, In Particular, That we desire not the Prince, but the Palsgrave to succeed.

For the First, Let them know, that these Kingdoms of Great Britain, are beyond Comparison more Antient than the Kingdoms of Spain; and yet no Story reputeth, that they ever had or desired, or were capable of any Go­vernment but Regal: And the Reli­gion we profess, binds our Conscien­ces more firmly to obey, honour, sup­port and defend our Kings against all hteir Enemies than Popish Religion can do: And this they will find to be true when they attempt ought a­gainst us,

For the Second, I will not be so vain, as to discourse of the Prince, or his Interest in the good Opinion of the People. This only I say for his Religion, they made him a Confessor in Spain, as their Faction long since made his Royal Father in his Honor a Martyr: And for his Carriage, he [Page 157] converseth with us daily, and know­eth us much better than any stranger can; and therefore we trust his own Experience and good Opinion of us, against all they can suggest. And for the Prince Palatine, we love his Na­tion, from which we were extracted; and we love his Religion, which was the Ground of the Alliance with him; and we much esteem that Noble Prin­cess by whom he participateth, with that Duty and Affection which from the King, as the Root, in due pro­portion disperseth it self in all the Branches; yet so, as whensoever they shall divide from the Head, or the Body, they cannot but know, that their Moisture will dry up. And for Count Mansfield, it is worth the ob­serving, how they labour to dissem­ble, and divert that Fear of him which they cannot have for us, but indeed for themselves; least he, who hath already so troubled them in Ger­many, should disturb them elsewhere. Now whereas they conjure King and Prince, to foresee the Vengeance of [Page 158] God, provoked by my Practises, and the Fury of Parliament, for Testimo­nies and Libels against the Honour of Spain: How much more Cause have they both, and we all, to consider and praise God's Miraculous Good­ness, in preserving their Persons, and blessing their Endeavours in so happy a Discovery and Prevention of those Dangers, which the Treaties would have brought upon our Religion and State? And thereby rest assured, that he will still bless where they curse, and establish the Scepters of the De­fenders of his Faith, and in powring his Vengeance upon the Beast, and the Enemies of his Truth. And if the Testimonies published against Spain, and believed in Parliament, were not true, why do they not con­vince them and satisfie them, and sa­tisfie the World? And for those bit­ter and ignominious Libels they men­tion, why can they not be read, with­out Ignominy to our Nation, as well as Pasquin's in Rome, and like Libels in France, Germany, and other Nati­ons [Page 159] with their Reproach? Especially considering, as the Spaniards of all People, are most pursued with Wri­ting of this kind, so the English of all other, do punish Libels with most Se­verity and Rigour.

But that which followeth, is yet more remarkable: It is apparent (say they) that the League is broken, and Histories will witness it: Surely those Histories must be of their Writing; for true histories cannot record any breach on our part. The Treaties are indeed dissolved. First, materially by them, and then formally by us. But are those Treaties any Articles of the League? Or is it in the Power of any Subject (be he never so willful) to break the Leagues of Princes without due Justice demanded and refused? But now the Ambassadors, publick Ministers of State, have made such Declaration: How far that extendeth his Majesty may consider; and whe­ [...]her it be not an Advantage cunningly [...]ought to countenance the first blow? And the rather, because immediately [Page 160] after this peremptory Declaration, which may seem a degree to a De­nunciation of War, they use all the Oratory to lull his Majesty asleep, and to persuade both him and the Prince, to prefer Peace and Quiet ever before their Kingdoms, which thereby may be lost.

And what Confidence is this? Do they think their Learning sufficient, to teach my Master to understand his own Note, who can much better teach them that Pacifici beati, are not pas­sive but Active? And that the Swor [...] maketh Peace, both in Governmen [...] and in War, by supporting Justice wherein the happiness of all Society doth consist. But whosoever con­strueth the Speeches of these men by the litteral sence, cometh short o [...] their meaning: For what are all these specious Adornings of his Majesty and the Prince in the Long Robes o [...] Peace; but a Figurative menacing them with the Consequences of War And to see what the Love of the one or fear of the other may happily [Page 161] work, by Peace, i. e. by a quiet sub­mitting the Marriage of the Palatinate and the safety of the Kingdoms and Allies to the Devotion of Spain. First, His Majesty may believe his Symbol (as they say) is verified in his Person; and that he is extolled and admired through the World: Or that other­wise he shall enjoy neither Happiness nor Honour.

And Secondly, That the Prince can no other way succeed peaceably into the Hereditary Possession of these Kingdoms, or the Honour of his Fa­ther; or shew that he is indeed of his Blood, or beareth him Love (as if all these should be questioned) if he do not entertain the same Peace with those Princes whose Alliances his Ma­jesty hath so well procured and deser­ved, meaning, by giving them way to work out all their Ends: And this being the sence clouded up in their unjointed Applications; all they gain thereby, is to give these due Acknow­ledgments to his Majesty and the Prince.

First, That their Royal Dispositions and Endeavours ever tended to peace.

Secondly, That of themselves they intended no alteration without vio­lent Motions, on the other part: And,

Thirdly, Those which force them, if at the very Entrance into War they want a just Cause; as the Jews called for Vengeance against themselves, so these men truly prophesie, that they shall have their Success. Hitherto I have been brought upon the Stage, to play other mens parts. Now fol­loweth my own Indictment in more particular Terms.

First, Concerning my Carriage of the Negotiation in Spain: And,

Secondly, For my Personal Actions and Behaviour.

For the Spanish Business, because greater Persons are still involved in their Censure, they make their way (as Poets do in Tragedies) by raising me as a Ghost, to possess King and Prince, and to terrifie all men that op­pose my Designs. Surely, I think, they smiled, when they writ this passage: [Page 163] For they cannot think me so predo­minant, nor so terrible a Creature. But to satisfie the World in those four first Questions which contain the Sub­stance of all the Business in Spain; I will briefly as I can, repeat the Pro­ceedings which have been related in Parliament more at large, and justifi­ed by Letters and Records; and al­lowed, not only by the most tempe­rate men they speak of, but by gene­ral and unanimons Votes, from which no one did dissent.

But First, having the honour to be of my Master's inward Council in these things, I must testifie to the Renown of his Wisdom, and especially of his Goodness; that as in the Marriage of his Daughter, his chief Intention was to settle and corroborate the Party of our Religion where it is most impro­ved; so by the Marriage of his Son, in some powerful House of the other Religion, he sought not only the strengthening and assuring is own Peace and Succession, but the Univer­sal Good of all Christendome: and a [Page 164] means to qualifie by the Cooperation of those Princes, the Spiritual Usur­pations, whereby, in time, some bet­ter accord in the Differences of Reli­gion might be made. From these In­tentions, and that special Respect and Affection his Majesty ever bore to the most Illustrious House of Austria, the former motion for the Marriage of Prince Henry (who is with God) did proceed. But that brake (as the World knoweth) by incongruous Propositions on either part. Since then an Overture being entertain'd in France for Prince Charles that succeed­ed: And Notice thereof being gotten in Spain, both the Duke of Lerma, and their Ambassador the now Count Gondomer, were imploy'd to divert that Match, by negotiating a Second Treatie for a Daughter of that King­dom: And that with such Protestati­ons for the accommodating of all for­mer differences of Religion and State, and for so great a Portion, and with so Royal Conditions, that his Majesty therupon was persuaded to give Instru­ctions [Page 165] to that purpose, to his Ambassa­dor in Spain; wherupon they proceeded, not only to Treat and to Article, but even to the granting of Commissions, and powers to contract: And all this while, no Stop, no Difficulty was pro­posed, which they made not light and easie to pass over: Nay, the Ingage­ments were so potent, that the Wars of Bohemia then happening, upon con­fidence that their Forces should not attempt the Palatinate, his Majesty forbore to assist or countenance his own Son-in-law: And thereupon en­sued the loss of the Battle of Prague, the disbanding of the Union; and un­der colour of restoring, the Conquest of that Country, and the disposing of the Electorate to another Prince: and in the mean time to add Scorn to Loss, his Majesty was drawn with great Charge, to send Ambassadors to Prague, to Vienna, to Heidelbergh, to Bruxels, to mediate for Truce, for Ces­sation of Arms, or for Peace, as best suited for their Advantage; whilst by cross Letters, or secret Intelligences, [Page 166] they cooled or kindled their promised Mediation, and kept us still in appe­tite and hope, by our own Ministers and their assuring us of the Match. At length the Treaty at Brussels gave the first Jealousie, that their Intenti­ons were indirect. And thereupon his Majesty sent Porter into Spain, with a peremptory Direction to return in ten days; and to bring express An­swer from the King, whether, accor­ding to the promise made by his Mi­nisters, he would cause the Palatinate to be restored: Or if by Mediation, he could not prevail, whether he would joyn in Arms to recover it by force; or at least, give Passage for the King's Forces thither. The Re­turn brought by Porter, was cold and unsatisfactory; and withal delayed longer than here was expected: And this moved the Prince more seriously to consider, how by holding us in Treaty, they had gotten full Possessi­on of his Sisters Estates; they had scat­tered and broken most of our Allies; they would in short time eat out our [Page 167] Neighbours; And every day gained upon us in matter of Religion.

And this wrought in him that Princ­ly and Heroical Resolution, to go in person into Spain, either with Honour and Contentment of both Nations to consummate that Marriage which his Heart was so constantly set upon; or else to free both his Father and Him­self from being any longer abused with delays. This Counsel his Highness was pleased to communicate with me, and to make me his Servant to break it to the King, which I did accordingly. And His Majesty after long and deep deli­beration, was contented to give way, and commanded me to wait upon him in his Journey. So we undertook it with that Adventure, Charge, Danger, and Travel both of Body and Mind, which I need not speak of, and yet with that Courage and Alacrity, and with that Constancy, which the con­fidence of Love, and the hope of good Success do usually bring forth in young men. And to shew how great this de­monstration was of His Majesty and [Page 168] the Princes affections and desires to settle a sure interest and corresponden­cy with that Royal House. I know not how to express by any parallel on Earth, I must do it by looking up to a Transcendent in Heaven, whence the Father sent his Son, and his Son gave himself for their love to Mankind.

So at the first, the great Obligati­on put hereby upon all Spain, was ac­knowledged and magnified, by their Oracle Conde d' Olivares; who in thankfulness concluded, it must needs be a Match; and that the two Kings of Great Britain and Spain must part the world betwixt them: But this was the flourish of a mind which found it self surprized, and was not yet resolved in what mould to cast it self. For the very next day, upon se­cond thoughts, he mixed a specious welcome, with a great deal more strangeness, and with a disavowing of all that was past, & spake of the match, as of a new thing; forgetting even the Laws of Hospitality and Honour, pro­pounded an uncouth Condition to the [Page 169] Prince of changing his Religion; as if all former agreed Articles by the Ad­vantage of this honour done unto them, had been utterly disanull'd. And when the Prince's brave constancy put them from this hold, then they cast all upon the Popes Dispensation, which must be expected before any thing could be done. But in the mean time the Prince being in their power, what Difficul­ties? what Jealousies? what F [...]ars were raised up? what Arts of Divines, what Councels, what Persuasions, and what Engines were used to batter a young, but well resolved Heart, were too long to repeat. At length the Dis­pensation came clogg'd both in matter and manner contrary to agreement, and new Conditions were also stood upon, either to draw the Prince, by accepting them, under their yoke, or by refusing to make him the Author of the breach. Notwithstanding by his care, wisdom, and patience, and also with some resent­ment and shew of Resolution to depart unsatisfied; their expectation was gone beyond: and thereupon the Match [Page 170] brought again to some tollerable terms tho' advantageous on their part, ye [...] such, as thereupon the sending away o [...] the Infanta with the Prince, & a Blank for the restoring the Palatinate were again promised and assured, if these Conditions might be ratified in Eng­land, which was all they now required Insomuch that even in Spain, it was then believed, and much rejoyced at, that the Match was fully concluded on all parts. But it is to be noted, that this fair shew was made whilst Mansfield [...] and Brownsweek stood entire in the field, for after they were broken, tho' all was done in England according to their de­sires, yet then they found it too late to send the Infanta till the Spring; they complained that their Rebels in the Low-Countryes were served by our men; they required our assistance to reduce them to obedience; and the matter of Religion was meanly insisted on; so that now the Prince could not but un­derstand that he was but juggled with, as himself has declared; and therefore he began to make way for his return, [Page 171] which was all the hope left him to make [...]his a good Voyage. And because they [...]till bare him in hand, that they inten­ [...]ed that Ma [...]ch, he was still contented [...]o pursue the Treaty; so as the resti­ [...]ution of the Palatinate, which before [...]ad been assumed as a divided Article, [...]ight now go hand in hand; and to that effect he left the power of Despon­ [...]atories with the Ambassadors, which was afterwards restrained, and renew­ed, and finally revoked, as the confi­dent or cold Answers out of Spain did require. And this is the substance of that Negotiation.

The other particulars delivered in Parliament, how they said and unsaid, promised and denied, remembred and forgot, and plaid fast and loose at their pleasures, and what indignities they put upon us, I take no more pleasure to repeat, than I did to suffer. It sufficeth that by this which is said, the Questions propounded by the Informers are an­swered: First, who they were that gave the first cause of distaste. Secondly, whe­ther the Complaints against the King [Page 172] of Spain be true. Thirdly, whether th [...] King of Spain did desi [...]e to give satisfa­ction to the Prince. And, Fourthly whether he did faithfully endeavour the Marriage? And if in any of these points any scruple doth remain, for th [...] perfect discovery of their intentions an [...] proceedings, the Letters produced by the Conde D'Olivares, and read in Par­liament will justifie my Report; being (as it were) a Manifest from that King and his Councel, that they never in­tended the Match, nor held it lawfu [...] or convenient for that State, and the King therein requiring some other way to be found, to give without the Match contentment to the Prince; whereby I make as little doubt of that Kings own Royal disposition and affection towards the Prince for all personal respects, as I do of the insincerity of his Ministers in all their proceedings.

In the rest of my Indictments, the In­terrogatories which followed concer [...] for the most part my Behaviour to­ward the Prince, whereunto I will not answer by Recrimination, tho' I have a [Page 173] [...]ge field, nor by way of Defence; [...]d for these Reasons, First, in Persons [...]hich they now, & I then did instance, [...]e reflexion of our faults upon the ho­ [...]ur of our Masters maketh the pub­ [...]hing as offensive as the Facts. Se­ [...]ndly, by giving Answer unto them [...]at Charge but by Reports, I shall [...]eak my Duty to the Prince, who [...]est knoweth the Truth in these things [...]ey object; and if there had been cause [...]ould have called me to an account. [...]nd, Thirdly, my purpose is not (as I [...]id) to Apologize further than may [...]ncern the interest of that Cause which [...]rough my sides they have laboured [...] wound. For my self, I know well, [...]at I shall stand or fall in the opini­ [...]ns of wise men, neither by the slan­ [...]ers of any, be they never so great, or by my verbal Justifications, be they ever so confident; but rather by the [...]ctions and Carriage of my Life, my [...]irth, Breeding and Fortune, which [...]ay happily, raise me above base Im­ [...]utations, and also give hopes of A­ [...]endment, if in ought I have done [Page 174] amiss. As for the Conde D'Olivar [...] when he chargeth me with breach [...] Faith towards him, I will make hi [...] such Answer as may give him just co [...] tent. And for revealing the Secre [...] Treaty for Holland, I did it not wit [...] out leave from the Prince, nor till might appear that it was entertaine on our parts, but for the Discovery [...] the advantages they sought.

And this is all the Answer I wi [...] make to these unworthy Reproache raked out of the Channel to be ca [...] in my Face, only to Disfigure m [...] and then serve their turns with me i [...] what shape they please: And so having used me (as I said) for thei [...] Stalking-horse, from under my Shadow, to shoot at other Games, the [...] tell me they wish me well, and tur [...] me off to Grass: yet in requital of thei [...] favour, I will give them this Advic [...] before I go: That the best way fo [...] them and me to do the Christian worl [...] good, which they seem to desire, is t [...] persuade our Masters to moderatio [...] and peace, and not to busie our selve [...] [Page 175] [...]ith malitious aspersions upon the A­ [...]ions of Princes, or Parliaments or [...]overnments wherein we have no skill. [...]or which fault of theirs, I presume their [...]ommission giveth no warrant. And [...]o' my Master should think it punish­ [...]ent enough for them, thus to disho­ [...]our themselves, and justifie mens com­ [...]aints against their unthankfulness & [...]alice, where they have found so much [...]espect; yet let them take heed, lest [...]me occasion may not fall out, to move [...]heir own Masters to question them [...]r this scandalous example, which [...]annot but reflect upon his own Go­ [...]ernment and State, as having no pre­ [...]edent in any former time.