NOvations in Religion, which are uni­versally acknowledged to bee the main cause of commotions in King­domes and States, and are knowne to bee the true cause of our present troubles, were many and great, be­side the bookes of Ordination, and Homilies, 1. Some perticular alterations in matters of Reli­gion, pressed upon us without order, and against Law, contrary to the forme established in our Kirk. 2. A new booke of Canons and Constitu­tions Ecclesiasticall. 3. A Liturgie or booke of Common-prayer, which did also carry with them many dangerous errours in matters of doctrine. Of all which we chalenge the Prelate of Canter­bury, as the prime cause on earth.

And first, that this Prelate wes the author and urger of some particular changes, which made [Page 2] great disturbance amongst us, wee make mani­fest: 1. By fourteen letters subcribed, W. Cant. in the space of two years, to one of our preten­ded Bishops, Bannatine, wherein hee often en­joyneth him, & other pretended Bishops, to ap­pear in the Chappell in their whites, contrary to the custome of our Kirk, & to his promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edinburgh, at the co­ronatiō, that none of them after that time, should be pressed to weare these garments, thereby mo­ving him against his will to put them on for that time, wherein he directeth him to give order for saying the English Service in the Chappel twice a day, for his neglect shewing him that hee wes disappointed of the Bishopricke of Edinburgh, promising him upon his greater care of these no­vations, advancement to a better Bishoprick, tax­ing him for his boldnesse in preaching the sound doctrine of the reformed Kirkes, against Master Mitchell, who had taught the errors of Arminius, in the point of the extent of the merit of Christ, bidding him send up a list of the names of Coun­cellours and Senatours of the Colledge of Iu­stice, who did not communicate in the Chappell in a forme which wes not received in our Kirke, commending him when he found him obsequi­ous to these his commands, telling him that hee had moved the King the second time for the pu­nishment of such as had not received in the chap­pell: and wherein hee upbraideth him bitterly, [Page 3] that in his first Synod at Aberdein, hee had onely disputed against our custome of Scotland, of fa­sting sometimes on the Lords day, and presumptu­ously censuring our Kirk, that in this we were op­posite to Christianity it selfe; and that amongst us there were no Canons at all: More of this stuffe may be seene in the letters themselves.

Secondly, by two papers of memoirs and in­structions from the pretended Bishop of Saint An­drois, to the pretended Bishop of Rosse, comming to this Prelate for ordering the affaires of the Kirk, and Kingdome of Scotland, as not onely to obtaine warrants, to order the Exchequer, the Privy Counsell, the great Commission of Surren­ders, the matter of Balmerino's processe, as might please our Prelates, but warrants also for sitting of the High Commission Court once a week in Edin­burgh, and to gain from the Noblemen, for the benefit of Prelates, and their adherents, the Ab­bacies of Kelso, Arbroith, S. Androis, and Lindors: and in the smallest matters to receive his comands, as for taking downe Galleries, and stone-walls, in the Kirks of Edinburgh, and Saint Androis, for no other end but to make way for Altars, and a­doration towards the East, which besides other evills, made no small noise, and disturbance a­mongst the people, deprived hereby, of their or­dinary accommodation for publique worship.

The second Novation which troubled our peace, wes a booke of Canons, and Constituti­ons [Page 4] Ecclesiasticall, obtruded upon our Kirk, found by our generall assembly to be devised for establi­shing a tyrannicall power, in the persons of our Prelates, over the worship of God, over the con­sciences, liberties, and goods of the people; and for abolishing the whole discipline, and governe­ment of our Kirk, by generall and provinciall as­semblies, Presbyteries, and Kirk sessions, which wes setled by law, and in continuall practise since the time of reformation; that Canterbury wes Ma­ster of this worke, is manifest.

By a booke of Canons sent to him, written up­on the one side onely, with the other side blanke, for corrections, additions, and putting all in better order, at his pleasure; which accordingly wes done as may appeare by interlinings, marginalls, and filling up of the blanke page with directions sent to our Prelates; and that it wes done by no other then Canterbury, is evident by his Magiste­riall way of prescribing, and by a new copy of these Canons, all written with Saint Androis owne hand, precisely to a letter, according to the former castigations, sent backe for procuring the Kings warrant unto it, which accordingly wes obtained; but with an addition of some other Canons, and a paper of some other corrections: According to which the booke of Canons thus composed, wes published in print, the inspection of the bookes, instructions, and his letters of joy, for the successe of the worke, and of others [Page 5] letters of the Prelate of London, and the Lord Sterling, to the same purpose; all which we are ready to exhibite, will put the mat­ter out of all debate.

Beside this generall, there be some things more speciall worthy to be adverted unto, for discovering his spirit. 1. The 4. Canon of Cap. 8. for as much as no refor­mation in Doctrine, or Discipline can be made perfect at once in any Church; there­fore it shall, and may be lawfull for the Church of Scotland, at any time to make re­monstrance to his M. or his successors, &c. Because this Canon holdeth the doore o­pen to more innovations, he writeth to the Prelate of Rosse his privy Agent, in all this worke, of his great gladnesse, that this Canon did stand behind the Curtaine, and his great de­sire that this Canon may be printed fully as one that wes to be most usefull. Secondly, the title prefixed to these Canons by our Prelates. Canons agreed upon to be proponed to the se­verall Synods of the Kirk of Scotland, is thus changed by Canterbury; Canons and con­stitutions Ecclesiasticall, &c. Ordained to be observed by the Clergy. He will not have Canons to come from the authority of Sy­nods, but from the power of Prelates, or from the Kings prerogative. Thirdly, the [Page 6] formidable Canon, Cap. 1.3. threatning no lesse then excommunication against all such persons whosoever shall open their mouthes against any of these books, procee­ded not from our Prelates, nor is to be found in the copy sent from them, but is a thunder­bolt forged in Canterburies own sire. 4. Our Prelates in divers places witnesse their dis­like of Papists. A Minister sal be deposed if if hee bee found negligent to convert Pa­pists. Chap. 18. 15. The adoration of the Bread is a superstition to be cōdemned, Cap. 6. 6. They call the absolute necessity of Baptisme an errour of Popery, Chap. 6.2. But in Canterburies edition, the name of Papists and Popery is not so much as mentioned. 5. Our Prelates have not the boldnesse to trouble us in their Canons, with Altars, Fonts, Chancels, reading of a long Leiturgie before Sermon, &c. But Canter­bury is punctuall, and peremptory in all these. 6. Although the words of the tenth Canon Chap. 3. be faire, yet the wicked in­tentions of Canterbury and Ross, may bee seen in the point of justification of a sinner before God, by comparing the Canon as it came from our Prelats, and as it wes retur­ned from Canterbury, and printed, our Prelates say thus: It is manifest that the su­perstition of former ages, hath turned into a [Page 7] great prophanenesse, and that people are growne cold, for the most part, in doing any good thinking there is no place to good workes, because they are excluded from justification, Therefore shall all Ministers, as their text giveth occasion, urge the necessity of good workes, as they would be saved, and remember that they are via regni, the way to the kingdome of heaven, though not causa reg­nandi, howbeit they be not the cause of salvation. Here Ross giveth his judgement, That hee would have this Canon simply commanding good workes to be preached, and no mention made what place they have or have not in justification. Upon this motion, so agreeable to Canter­buries mind, the Canon is set down as it stan­deth without the distinction of via regni, or causa regnā [...], or any word sounding that way, urging onely the necessity of good works. 7. By comparing Can. 9. chap. 18. as it was sent in writing from our Prelates, and as it is printed at Canterburies command, may be also manifest, that hee went about to esta­blish auricular confession, and Popish abso­lution. 8. Our Prelates were not acquain­ted with Canons for inflicting of arbitrary penalties: But in Canterburies book, where­soever there is no penalty expressely set down, it is provided that it shall be arbitra­ry, as the Ordinary shal think fittest. By these and many other the like, it is apparant, what [Page 8] tyrannicall power he went about to establish in the hands of our Prelats, over the worship, & the souls and goods of men, over-turning from the foundation, the whole order of our Kirk, what seedes of Popery hee did sow in our Kirk, and how large an entry hee did make for the grossest novations afterward, which hath beene a maine cause of all their combustion.

The third and great Novation wes the booke of Common Prayer, administration of the Sacraments, and other parts of divine Service, brought in without warrant from our Kirk to be universally received, as the only forme of divine Service, under all highest paines both civill and Ecclesiasticall; which is found by our nationall assembly, beside the Popish frame, and formes in di­vine worship, to containe many Popish er­rors, and ceremonies, and the seeds of ma­nifold and grosse superstitions, and idolatries and to be repugnant to the Doctrine, Di­scipline, and order of our reformation, to the confession of faith, constitutions of ge­nerall assemblies, and Acts of Parliament, establishing the true Religion: that this also wes Canterburies worke, Wee make mani­fest.

By the memoirs, and instructions sent un­to [Page 9] him from our Prelates; wherein they gave a speciall account of the diligence they had used, to doe all which herein they were enjoyned, by the approbation of the Service Booke sent to them; and of all the margi­nall corrections, wherein it varieth from the English booke, shewing their desire to have some few things changed in it, which not­withstanding wes not granted: This we find written by Saint Androis owne hand, and subscribed by him, and nine other of our Prelates.

By Canterburies owne letters, witnesses of his joy, when the book wes ready for the presse, of his prayers that God would speed the worke, of his hope to see that service set up in Scotland, of his diligence to send for the Printer, and directing him to prepare a black letter, and to send it to his servants at Edinburgh, for printing this booke. Of his approbation of the proofes sent from the presse. Of his feare of delay, in bringing the worke speedily to an end, for the great good, (not of that Church, but) of the Church. Of his encouraging Rosse who wes entrusted with the presse, to go on in this peece of Service without feare of enemies. All which may be seene in the Autographs and by letters sent from the Prelate of [Page 10] London to Rosse, wherein as he rejoyceth at the sight of the Scottish Canons; which although they should make some noise at the beginning, yet they would be more for the good of the Kirk, then the Canons of Edin­burgh, for the good of the Kingdome. So concerning the Leiturgy he sheweth, that Rosse had sent to him, to have an explanati­on from Canterbury of some passage of the Service Booke, and that the presse behoved to stand till the explanation come to E­dinburgh, which therefore he had in haste obtained from his Grace, and sent the dis­patch away by Canterburies owne convai­ance.

But the booke it selfe as it standeth inter­lined, margined and patcht up, is much more then all that is expressed in his letters, and the changes and supplements themselves, taken from the Masse book, & other Romish Ritualls, by which he maketh it to vary from the book of England, are more pregnant testi­monies of his Popish spirit, and wicked in­tentions, which he would have put in exe­cution upon us, then can bee denied. The large declaration professeth, that all the variation of our booke, from the book of England, that ever the King understood, wes in such things as the Scottish humour [Page 11] would better comply with, then with that which stood in the English service. These Popish innovations therefore have beene surreptitiously inserted, by him without the Kings knowledge, and against his purpose. Our Scottish Prelates do petition that some­thing may be abated of the English ceremo­nies, as the crosse in baptisme, the ring in marriage, and some other things. But Can­terbury will not only have these kept, but a great many more, and worse superadded, which wes nothing else, but the adding of fewell to the fire. To expresse and disco­ver all, would require a whole booke, we sall onely touch some few in the matter of the Communion.

This booke inverteth the ordour of the Communion, in the booke of England, as may be seen by the numbers, setting downe the orders of this new Communion, 1. 5. 2. 6.7.3.4.8.9. 10. 15. Of the divers secret reasons of this change, we mention one one­ly, In joyning the spirituall praise and thanksgiving, which is in the booke of Eng­land, pertinently after the communion, with the prayer of consecration before the com­munion, and that under the name of Memo­riall or Oblation, for no other end, but that the memoriall and sacrifice of praise, men­tioned [Page 12] in it, may bee understood according to the Popish meaning. Bellar. de Missa, lib. 2. cap. 21. Not of the spirituall sacri­fice, but of the oblation of the body of the Lord.

It seemeth to bee no great matter, that without warrand of the book of England, the Presbyter going from the north end of the Table, shall stand during the time of consecration, at such a pairt of the table, where hee may with the more ease and de­cencie use both hands; yet being tried, it importeth much, as, that he must stand with his hinder pairts to the people, representing (saith Durand) that which the Lord said of Moses, Thou shalt see my hinder pairts. Hee must have the use of both his hands, not for any thing he hath to doe about the bread and wine, for that may bee done at the North end of the Table, and bee better seen of the people; but (as we are taught by the Ratio­nalists) that he may by stretching foorth his armes to represent the extension of Christ on the Crosse, and that hee may the more conveniently lift up the bread and wine a­bove his head to be seen and adored of the people, who in the Rubrick of the generall Confession, a little before, are directed to kneel humbly on their knees, that the Priests [Page 13] elevation so magnified in the Masse, and the peoples adoration may goe together, That in this posture, speaking with a low voyce, and muttering (for sometimes hee is com­manded to speake with a lowd voyce, and distinctly) hee bee not heard by the people, which is no lesse a mocking of God, and his people, then if the words were spoken in an unknowne language. As there is no word of all this in the English Service; so doth the book in King Ed. time, give to every Pres­byter his liberty of gesture, which yet gave such offence to Bucer, (the censurer of the book: and even in Cassanders own judgement, a man of great moderation in matters of this kinde) that he calleth them, Nunquam satis execrandos Missa gestus, and would have them to be abhorred, because they confirme to the simple and superstitious ter impiam & ex­itialem Missae fiduciam.

The corporall presence of Christs body in the Sacrament, is also to be found here: for the words of the Masse-book serving to this purpose, which are sharply censured by Bucer in King Ed. Leiturgie, & are not to be found in the book of England, are taken in here; Al­migh­ty God is incalled, that of his Almigh­ty goodnesse he may vouchsafe so to blesse and sanctifie with his Word and Spirit, these [Page 14] gifts of bread and wine, that they may bee unto us the body and bloud of Christ.

The change here is made a work of Gods omnipotencie: the words of the Masse, ut fiant nobis, are translated in King Edwards booke, That they may be unto us, which are a­gaine turned into Latine by Alesius, Vt fiant nobis. On the other pairt, the expressions of the booke of England at the delivery of the Elements of feeding on Christ by faith, and of eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for thee, are utterly deleated. Many e­vidences there bee in this pairt of the Com­munion, of the bodily presence of Christ, very agreeable to the doctrines taught by his Secretaries, which this paper cannot con­taine. They teach us that Christ is received in the Sacrament, Corporaliter, both objectivè and subjectivè. Corpus Christi est objectum quod recipitur, & corpus nostrum subjectum quo re­cipitur.

The booke of England abolisheth all that may import the oblation of any unbloody Sa­crifice, but here we have besides the Prepara­torie oblation of the Elements, which is nei­ther to be found in the book of England now, nor in King Edwards booke of old, the obla­tion of the body and bloud of Christ, which Bellarmine calleth, Sacrificium Laudis, quia [Page 15] Deus per illud magnopere laudatur. This also agreeth well with their late doctrine. We are ready when it shall be judged convenient, and we shall be desired, to discover much more matters of this kind, as grounds laid for mis­sasicca, or the halfe Messe, The private Messe without the people, Of communicating in one kind, Of the Consumption by the Priest, and Consummation of the Sacrifice, Of receiving the Sacrament in the mouth, and not in the hand, &c.

Our Supplications were many against these Books, but Canterbury procured them to be answered with terrible Proclamations. Wee were constrained to use the remedy of Prote­station; but for our Protestations, and other lawfull meanes, which we used for our deli­verance, Canterbury procured us to be decla­red Rebels & Traitors in all the Parish Kirks of England: when we were seeking to possesse our Religion in Peace, against these Devices and Novations, Canterbury kindleth warre against us. In all these it is known that he was although not the sole, yet the Principall A­gent and Adviser.

When by the Pacification at Berwick, both Kingdomes looked for Peace and Quietnesse, he spared not openly in the hearing of many, often before the King, and privately at the [Page 16] Counsell-table, and the privy Iointo to speak of us as Rebels and Traitors, and to speake a­gainst the Pacification as dishonourable, and meet to be broken. Neither did his malignan­cie and bitternesse ever suffer him to rest, till a new warre was entred upon, and all things prepared for our destruction.

By him was it that our Covenant, approven by Nationall Assemblies, subscribed by his M. Commissioner, and by the Lords of his M. Counsell, and by them commanded to be subscribed by all the Subjects of the King­dome, as a Testimony of our duty to God, and the King, by him was it still called Un­godly, Damnable, Treasonable; by him were Oaths invented, and pressed upon divers of our poore Countrey-men, upon the pain of imprisonment, and many miseries, which were unwarrantable by Law, and contrary their Nationall Oath.

When our Commissioners did appeare to render the reasons of our demands, he spared not in the presence of the king, and Commit­tee, to raile against our Nationall Assembly, as not daring to appeare before the World, and Kirkes abroad, where himselfe and his Actions were able to endure tryall, and a­gainst our just and necessary defence, as the most malicious and Treasonable Contempt [Page 17] of Monarchicall Government that any by­gone age had heard of: His hand also was at the Warrant for the restraint and imprison­ment of our Commissioners, sent from the Parliament, warranted by the King, and seek­ing the peace of the Kingdomes.

When we had by our Declarations, Re­monstrances, & Representations, manifested the truth of our intentions, and lawfulnesse of our Actions, to all the good Subjects of the Kingdome of England, when the late Parlia­ment could not be moved to assist, or enter in warre against us, maintaining our Religion, and Liberties, Canterbury did not onely ad­vise the breaking up of that high and honou­rable Court, to the great griefe and hazard of the Kingdome, but, (which is without exam­ple) did sit stil in the Convocation, and make Canons and constitutions against us, and our just and necessary defence, ordaining under al highest paines, that hereafter the Clergy shall preach 4. times in the yeare, such doctrine as is cōtrary, not only to our proceedings, but to the doctrine & proceedings of other reform'd Kirks, to the judgement of all sound Divines, & Politiques, and tending to the utter slavery and ruining of all Estates and Kingdomes, & to the dishonour of Kings & Monarchs. And as if this had not been sufficient, he procured [Page 18] six Subsidies to be lifted of the Clergy, under paine of Deprivation to all that should refuse. And which is yet worse, and above which Malice it selfe cannot ascend, by his meanes a Praier is framed, printed, and sent through all the Paroches of England, to bee said in all Churches in time of Divine Service, next af­ter the prayer for the Queene and Roiall Pro­geny, against our Nation by name of trayte­rous Subjects, having cast off all obedience to our anointed Soveraigne, and comming in a rebellious manner to invade England, that shame may cover our faces, as Enemies to God and the King.

Whosoever shall impartially examine what hath proceeded from himselfe, in these two books of Canons and Common Praier, what Doctrine hath beene published and printed these yeares by past in England, by his Di­sciples and Emissaries, what grosse Popery in the most materiall points we have found, and are ready to shew in the posthume writings, of the Prelate of Edinburgh, and Dumblane, his owne creatures, his neerest familiars, and most willing instruments to advance his counsells, and projects, fall perceive that his intentions were deepe and large against all the reformed Kirks, and reformation of Religion, which in his Majesties dominions [Page 19] wes panting and by this time had rendered up the Ghost, if God had not in a wonder­full way of mercy prevented us: And that if the Pope himselfe had beene in his place, he could not have beene more Popish, nor could he more zealously have negotiated for Rome, against the reformed Kirks, to re­duce them to the Heresies in Doctrine, the Superstitions and Idolatry in worship, and the Tyranny in Government, which are in that See, and for which the Reformed Kirks did separate from it, and come furth of Ba­bell. From him certainely hath issued all this deluge which almost hath overturned all. We are therefore confident that your Lord­ships will by your meanes deale effectually with the Parliament, that this great fire­brand be presently removed from his Ma­jesties presence, and that he may be put to tryall, and put to his deserved censure ac­cording to the Lawes of the Kingdome, which sall be good service to God, honour to the King and Parliament; terror to the wicked, and comfort to all good men, and to us in speciall, who by his meanes princi­pally have beene put to so many and grie­vous afflictions, wherein we had perished, if God had not beene with us.

[Page 20]We do indeed confesse that the Prelates of England have beene of very different hu­mours, some of them of a more hot, and others of them, men of a more moderate temper, some of them more, and some of them lesse inclinable to Popery, yet what knowne truth, and constant experience, hath made undeniable, we must at this op­portunity professe, that from the first time of Reformation of the Kirk of Scotland, not only after the comming of King Iames of happy memory into England, but before, the Prelates of England, have beene by all meanes uncessantly working the overthrow of our discipline, and governement. And it hath come to passe of late, that the Prelates of England having prevailed, and brought us to subjection in the point of Governe­ment, and finding their long waited for op­portunity, and a rare congruity of many spirits, and powers, ready to cooperate for their ends, have made a strong assault upon the whole externall worship, and doctrine of our Kirk. By which their doing they did not aime to make us conforme to England, but to make Scotland first (whose weaknesse in resisting, they had before experienced, in the Novations of Governement, and of [Page 21] some points of Worship) and thereafter England conforme to Rome, even in these matters, wherein England had seperated from Rome, ever since the time of Refor­mation. An evill therefore which hath is­sued, not so much from the person all dis­position of the Prelates themselves, as from the innate quality and nature of their office, and Prelaticall Hierarchy, which did bring furth the Pope in ancient times, and never ceaseth till it bring furth Popish doctrine and worship, where it is once roo­ted, and the principles thereof fomented and constantly followed. And from that antipathy and inconsistency of the two formes of Ecclesiasticall governement, which they conceived, and not without cause, that one Iland united also under one head, and Monarch, wes not able to beare: the one being the same in all the parts and powers, which it wes in the times of Popery, and now is in the Roman Church: The other being the forme of Governe­ment, received, maintained, and pra­ctised, by all the reformed Kirks, where­in by their owne testimonies, and con­fessions, the Kirk of Scotland had amongst them no small eminency. This also wee [Page 22] represent to your Lordships, most seri­ous consideration, that not only the fire­brands may be removed, but that the fire may be provided against, that there be no more combustion after this.

IN our Declarations we have joyned with Canterbury, the Lord Lieute­nant of Ireland, whose malice hath set all his wits and power on work, to devise and doe mischiefe against our Kirke and Countrey.

[Page 24]No other cause of his malice can we con­ceive, but first his pride and supercilious disdaine of the Kirk of Scotland, which in his opinion declared by his speeches, hath not in it almost anything of a Kirk, although the Reformed Kirks, and many other Di­vines of England, have given ample testimo­ny to the Reformation of the Kirk of Scot­land.

Secondly, our open opposition against the dangerous innovation of Religion intended, and very farre promoved in all his Majesties dominions; of which hee hath shewed him­selfe, in his owne way no lesse zealous then Canterbury himselfe, as may appeare by his advancing of his Chaplain, D. Bramble not onely to the Bishoprick of Derry, but also to be Vicar generall of Ireland, a man prom­pted for exalting of Canterburian Popery, and Arminianisme, that thus himselfe might have the power of both swords, against all that should maintaine the Reformation; by his bringing of D. Chappell, a man of the same spirit, to the Vniversity of Dublin, for poyso­ning the Fountaines, and corrupting the Se­minaries of the Kirk.

[Page 25] And thirdly, when the Primate of Ire­land did presse a new ratification of the Ar­ticles of that Kirke, in Parliament for bar­ring such novations in Religion, hee boldly menaced him with the burning, by the hand of the Hang-man, of that Confession, al­though confirmed in former Parliaments.

When hee found that the Reformation begun in Scotland, did stand in his way, he left no meanes unessaied to rub disgrace up­on us, and our cause. The peeces printed at Dublin, Examen conjurationis Scoticanae, the ungirding of the Scottish Armour: the Pamphlet bearing the counterfeit name of Lysimachus Nichanor; all three so full of calumnies, slanders, and scurrilities against our Countrey, and Reformation, that the Jesuits in their greatest spite, could not have said more; yet not onely the Authors were countenanced and rewarded by him, but the bookes must beare his name, as the great Patron both of the worke and work­man.

When the Nationall Oath and Co­venant warranted by our generall Assem­blies, was approved by Parliament [Page 26] in the Articles, subscribed in the Kings name, by his Majesties high Commissioner, and by the Lords of privie Counsell, and commanded to be sworne by his Majesties subjects of all rankes: and particular and plenary information was given unto the Lieutenant, by men of such quality, as hee ought to have beleeved, of the loyalty of our hearts to the King, of the lawfulnesse of our proceedings, and innocency of our Cove­nant, and whole course, that he could have no excuse: yet his desperate malice made him to bend his craft and cruelty, his fraud and forces against us. For first, he did crafti­ly call up to Dublin some of our Country­men, both of the Nobility and Gentry, living in Ireland, shewing them, that the King would conceive and account them as conspi­rers with the Scots, in their rebellious cour­ses, except some remedy were provided: and for remedy, suggesting his own wicked invention, to present unto him and his Councell, a petition, which he caused to be framed by the Bishop of Raphoe, and was seene and corrected by himselfe, wherein they petitioned to have an oath given them, containing a formall renunciation of the Scottish Covenant, and a deep assurance ne­ver so much as to protest against any of his [Page 27] Majesties commandements whatsoever.

No sooner was this Oath thus craftily contriv'd, but with all haste it is sent to such places of the Kingdome where our Coun­trey-men had residence: and men, women, and all other persons, above the yeares of sixteen, constrained either presently to take the Oath, and thereby renounce their Nati­onall Covenant as seditious and trayterous, or with violence and cruelty to be haled to the jayle, fined above the value of their e­states, and to be kept close prisoners, and so far as we know, some are yet kept in prison, both men and women of good quality, for not renouncing that Oath, which they had taken forty yeares since, in obedience to the King who then lived. A cruelty ensued which may parallell the persecutions of the most unchristian times: For weake women dragged to the Bench to take the Oath, died in the place, both mother and child: hun­dreds driven to hide themselves, till in the darknesse of the night they might escape by Sea to Scotland, whither thousands of them did flye, being forced to leave Corne, cattel, [Page 28] Houses, and all they possessed, to bee a prey to their persecuting enemies, the Lieute­nants Officers. And some indited and decla­red guilty of High Treason, for no other guiltinesse but for subscribing our Natio­nall Oath, which was not onely impiety & injustice in it selfe, and an utter undoing of his Majesties subjects, but was a weakning of the Scots Plantation, to the prejudice of that Kingdome, and his Majesties service, and was a high scandall against the Kings honour, and intolerable abuse of his Maje­sties trust and authority: his Majesties Commission, which was procured by the Lieutenant, bearing no other penalty then a certification of noting the names of the re­fusers of the Oath.

But this his restlesse rage and insatiable cruelty, against our Religion and Country, can not be kept within the bounds of Ire­land.

By his meanes a Parliament is called, And although by the sixe subsidies granted [Page 29] in Parliament not long before, and by the base meanes which himselfe and his Offi­cers did use, as is contained in a late Remon­strance, that Land was extreamly impoveri­shed, yet by his speeches, full of Oathes and Asseverations, that we were Traytors and Re­bels, casting off all Monarchiall government, &c. he extorted from them foure new Sub­sidies, and indicta causa before wee were heard, procured that a Warre was underta­ken, and forces should be leavied against us as a Rebellious Nation, which was also in­tended to be an example and Precedent to the Parliament of England for granting sub­sidies, and sending a joynt Army for our ut­ter ruine.

According to his appointment in Par­liament, the army was gathered, and brought downe to the Coast, threatning a daily in­vasion of our Countrey, intending to make us a conquered Province, and to destroy our Religion, Liberties, and Lawes, and thereby laying upon us a necessity of vast charges, to keepe forces on foot on the West Coast to waite upon his comming.

And as the Warre was denounced, and forces leavied before wee were heard. So before the denouncing of the Warre, [Page 30] our ships, and goods on the Irish Coast were taken, and the owners cast in Prison, and some of them in Irons. Frigats were sent forth to scoure our Coasts, which did take some, and burne others of our Barkes.

Having thus incited the Kingdome of Ireland, and put his forces in order there a­gainst us, with all haste he commeth to Eng­land.

In his parting, at the giving up of the Sword, he openly avowed our utter ruine and desolation, in these or the like words. If I returne to that honourable Sword I shall leave of the Scots neither root nor branch.

How soone he commeth to Court, as before he had done very evill offices against our Commissioners, cleering our procee­dings before the point; So now he useth all meanes to stirre up the King and Par­liament against us, and to move them [Page 31] to a present warre, according to the Prece­dent, and example of his owne making in the Parliament of Ireland. And finding that his hopes failed him, and his designes succeeded not that way, in his nimblenesse he taketh another course, that the Parlia­ment of England may be broken up, and despising their wisdome and authority, not onely with great gladnesse accepteth, but useth all means that the conduct of the Ar­my, in the expedition against Scotland, may be put upon him; which accordingly he obtaineth as generall Captaine, with pow­er to Invade; kill, slay, and save at his discretion, and to make any one, or moe Deputies in his stead, to doe, and execute all the power and authorities committed to him.

According to the largenesse of his Com­mission, and Letters patents of his de­vising, so were his deportments after­wards; for when the Scots, accor­ding to their Declarations sent before them, were comming in a peaceable way, farre from any intention to invade any of his Majesties Subjects, and still to sup­plicate [Page 32] his Majesty for a setled peace, he gave order to his officers to fight with them on the way, that the two Nations once en­tred in blood, whatsoever should be the suc­cesse, he might escape tryall and censure, and his bloody designes might be put in ex­ecution against his Majesties subjects of both Kingdomes.

When the Kings Majesty was againe en­clined to hearken to our petitions, and to compose our differences in a peaceable way, and the Peeres of England conveened at Yorke, had, as before in their great wise­dome and faithfulnesse given unto his Ma­jesties Counsels of peace, yet this firebrand still smoaketh: and in that honourable As­sembly, taketh vpon him to breath out threatnings against us as Traytors, and e­nemies to Monarchicall government, That we be sent home againe in our blood, and he will whip us out of England.

And as these were his Speeches in the time of the treaty, appointed by his Ma­iesty [Page 33] at Rippon, that if it had beene possi­ble, it might have beene broken up. So when a Cessation of Armes, was happi­ly agreed vpon there, yet he ceaseth not, but still his practises were for warre, His under Officers can tell who it was that gave them Commission to draw neere in Armes beyond the Teese, in the time of the treaty at Rippon.

The Governour of Barwicke and Carlile can shew, from whom they had their war­rants for their acts of Hostility, after the Cessation was concluded. It may be try­ed how it commeth to passe, that the Ports of Ireland are yet closed, our Countrey­men for the Oath still kept in prison, Traffique interrupted, and no other face of affaires, then if no cessation had been agreed upon.

We therefore desire that your Lordships will represent to the Parliament, that this great Incendiarie upon these, and the like of­fences, not against particular persons, but a­gainst [Page 34] Kingdomes, and Nations, may be put to a tryall, and from their knowne, and renowned justice, may have his deserved punishment.

16 Decemb. 1640.

COncerning our Sixt demand, al­though it hath often come to passe, that these who have beene joyned by the bonds of Religi­on, and Nature, have suffered themselves to be divided a­bout the things of this World; And al­though our Adversaries, who no lesse labor the division of the two Kingdomes, then we doe all seeke Peace, and follow after it, as our common Happinesse, doe presume that this will be the Partition wall, to divide us, [Page 36] and to make us lose all our labours taken a­bout the former Demand, Wherein by the helpe of God, by his Majesties Princely goodnesse, and Iustice, and your Lordships noble, and equall dealing, We have so fully accorded, & to keep us from providing for a firme and weell grounded Peace, by the wisdome, and justice of the Parliament of England, which is our greatest desire ex­pressed in our last Demand. We are still Confident, that as we shall concerning this Article represent nothing but what is true, Iust, and Honourable to both Kingdomes; So will your Lordships hearken to us, and will not suffer your selves, by any slanders, or suggestions, to be drawne out of that straight and safe way wherein yee have wal­ked since the beginning.

IT is now Wee suppose knowne to all England, especially to both the Honou­rable Houses of Parliament, And by the occasion of this Treatie, more particularly to your Lordships, That our distresses in our Religion, and Liberties, were of late more pressing then We were able to beare, That our Complaints and Supplications for redresse, were answered at last with the terrours of an Army; That after a Paci­fication greater Preparations were made [Page 37] for warre, whereby many Acts of Hostili­tie were done against us, both by Sea and Land; The Kingdome wanted administra­tion of Iustice, and Wee constrained to take Armes for our defence; That we were brought to this extreame, and intollerable necessity, either to maintaine divers Armies upon our borders against Invasion from England, or Ireland, still to be deprived of the benefit of all the Courts of Iustice, and not onely to maintaine so many thousands as were spoiled of their ships, and goods, but to want all Commerce by Sea, to the vndoing of Merchants, of Saylors, and many others who lived by Fishing, and whose callings are vp­holden from hand to mouth by Sea trade: Any one of which evils is able in a short time to bring the most potent Kingdome to Confusion, Ruine and Desolation, how much more all the three at one time com­bined to bring the Kingdome of Scot­land to be no more a Kingdome: Yet all these behoved Wee either to endure, and vnder no other hope, then of the per­fect slavery of our selves, and our posteri­ty in our Soules, lives, and Meanes; Or to resolve to come into England, not to make Invasion, nor with any purpose [Page 38] to fight, except we were forced, God is our Iudge, our actions are our witnesses, and England doth now acknowledge the truth, against all suspitions to the contrary, and a­gainst the impudent lyes of our Enemies, But for our reliefe, defence, & preservation which we could find by no other meanes, when we had essayed all meanes, and had at large expressed our pungent, and pressing necessities, to the Kingdome, and Parlia­ment of England. Since therefore the war on our part (w ^ch is no other but our com­ming into England with a guard) is defen­sive, and all men doe acknowledge, that in common equity, the defendant should not be suffered to perish in his just and nece­ssary defence, but that the pursuer, whether by way of Legall Processe in the time of Peace, or by way of violence, and unjust in­vasion in the time of warre, ought to beare the charges of the defendant. We trust that your Lordships will thinke that it is not a­gainst reason for us to demand some repa­ration of this kind, and that the Parliament of England by whose Wisdome and Iustice wee have expected the redresse of our wrongs, will take such course, as both may in reason give us satisfaction & may in the notable demōstration of their Iustice serve most for their owne honour.

[Page 39]Our earnestnesse in following this our De­mand, doth not so farre wrong our sight, and make us so undiscerning, as not to make a dif­ference betweene the Kingdome, and Parlia­ment of England, which did neither decerne nor set forward a Warre against us, And that Prevalent faction of Prelats and Papists who have moved every stone against us, and used all sorts of meanes not onely their counsells, Subsidies and forces, but their Kirk Canons, and prayers for our utter Ruine, which maketh them obnoxious to our just accusations, and guilty of all the losses, and wrongs, which this time past wee have sustained: Yet this wee desire your Lordships to consider, That the Estates of the Kingdome of Scotland be­ing assembled, did endeavour by their De­clarations, Informations, and Remonstrances, and by the proceedings of their Commissio­ners, to make knowne unto the Counsell, Kingdome, and Parliament of England, and to forewarne them of the mischiefe intended against both Kingdomes, in their Religion, and Liberties, by the Prelates, and Papists, to the end, that our Invasion from England might have beene prevented, if by the Prevalencie of the faction it had beene possible. And therefore wee may now with the greater rea­son, and confidence presse our Demand, That your Lordships, the Parliament, the King­dome, and the King himselfe may see us re­pared [Page 40] in our losses at the cost of that faction by whose meanes we have sustained so much dammage, And which, except they repent, will find sorrow recompenced for our griefe, Torments for our toyle, and an infinite grea­ter losse for the Temporall losses, they have brought upon a whole Kingdom, which was dwelling by them in Peace.

All the devices and doings of our com­mon enemies were to beare downe the Truth of Religion, and the just liberties of the Sub­jects in both Kingdomes. They were confi­dent to bring this about one of two wayes: Either by blocking us up by Sea & Land to constraine us to admit their will for a Law both in Kirk, and policy, and thus to make us a Precedent for the like miserie in Eng­land, or by their Invasion of our Kingdome to compell us furiously, and without order, to break into England, that the two Nations once entred into a bloody Warre, they might fish in our troubled Waters, and catch their desired Prey. But as wee declared before our comming. Wee trusted that God would turne their Wisedome into foolishnesse, and bring their devices upon their owne Pates, by our Intentions, and Resolutions to come into England as among our Brethren, in the most peaceable way that could stand with our safety, in respect of our common Ene­mies, [Page 41] to present our Petitions for setling our Peace, by a Parliament in England, wherein the Intentions and Actions, both of our Ad­versaries, and ours might be brought to light, The Kings Majesty, and the Kingdome right­ly informed, The Authors, and Instruments of our divisions, and troubles punished, All the mischiefes of a Nationall, and doubtfull Warre prevented, and Religion, and Liberty with greater Peace, and Amity then ever be­fore established, against all the Craft and vio­lence of our enemies. This was our Decla­ration before wee set our foot into England, from which our deportments since have not varied. And it hath bin the Lords wonderfull doing, by the wise Counsels, and just procee­dings of the Parliament, to bring in a great part to passe, and to give us lively hopes of a happy Conclusion: And therefore wee will never doubt, but that the Parliament in their Wisedome and Justice, will provide that a proportionable part of the Cost, and charges of a worke so great and so comfortable to both Nations bee borne by the Delinquents there, that with the better Conscience the good People of England may sit under their owne Vines, and Figtrees, Refreshing them­selves, although upon our greater Paines and Hazard, yet not altogether upon our cost and charges, which we are not able to beare.

[Page 42]The Kingdome of England doth know and confesse, that the Innovation of Religion and Liberties in Scotland, were not the princi­pall designe of our common Enemies, but that both in the intention of the Workers, whose zeale was hottest for setling their de­vices at home: And in the Condition of the Worke, making us whom they conceived to be the weaker for opposition, to bee nothing else but a leading case for England. And that although by the power of GOD, which is made perfect in weaknesse, they have found a­mongst us greater resistance, then they did feare, or either they or our selves could have apprehended; Yet, as it hath beene the will of God that wee should endure the heate of the day; So in the Evening the pretious wages of the vindication of Religion, Liberties, and Lawes are to be received by both Kingdoms, and will enrich wee hope to our unspeakable Joy, the present Age, and the Posteritie with Blessings that cannot bee vallued, and which the good People of England esteeme more then Treasures of Gold, and willingly would have purchased with many thousands. Wee doe not plead that Conscience and Piety have moved some men to serve GOD upon their owne cost, and that Justice and Equity have directed others, where the Harvest hath been common to consider the paines of labouring, and the charges of the Sowing, yet this much [Page 43] may we say, that had a forraine Enemy, in­tending to reduce the whole Island into Pope­ry, made the first assault upon our weaknesse, Wee nothing doubt, but the Kingdome of England, from their desire to preserve their Religion, and Liberties, would have found the way to beare with us the expense of our resistance, and lawfull defence, how much more being Invaded, although not by England, yet from England, by common enemies, see­king the same ends, wee expect to be helped and relieved.

Wee will never conceive that it is either the will, or the well and honour of England, that wee should goe from so blessed a worke after so many grievous sufferings, bearing on our backs the insupportable burdens of worldly necessities, and distresses, return to our coun­trey empty, and exhausted, in which the peo­ple of all Rankes, Sexes, and conditions, have spent themselves. The possessions of every man, who devoted himselfe heartily to this cause, are burdened, not onely with his own Personall, and particular expense, but with the publike, and common charges; Of which if there bee no reliefe, neither can our Kingdome have peace at home, nor any more credit for Gommerce abroad: Nor will it bee possible for us, either to aide, and assist our friends, or to resist and oppose the [Page 44] restlesse, and working wickednesse of our Ene­nemies: The best sort will lose much of the sweetnesse of the enjoying of their Religion, and Liberties, and others will run such wayes, and undirect courses; as their desperate neces­sities will drive them into. Wee shall be but a burthen to our selves, a vexation unto others, of whose strength we desire to be a considera­ble part, and a fit subject for our Enemies to worke upon for obtaining, their now disap­pointed, but never dying desires.

Wee will not alledge the example of other Kingdomes, where the losses of necessarie and just defence had been repaired by the other party, Nor will wee remember what helpe wee have made according to our abilities to other reformed Kirks, And what the King­dome of England of old, and of late hath done to Germany, France, and Holland, Nor doe we use so many words, that England may be burthened, and we eased, or that this should be a matter of our Covetousnesse, and not of their Justice, and kindnesse; Justice, in respect of our Adversaries) who are the causes of the great misery and necessity, to which wee have been brought: kindnesse, in the supply of our wants, who have beene tender of the welfare of England as of our own, that by this equa­lity and mutuall respect, both Nations may be supported in such strength, and sufficiencie, [Page 45] that wee may bee the more serviceable to his Majesty, and abound in every good work, both towards one another, and for the comfort and reliefe of the reformed Kirks, beyond the Seas, that we may all blesse God, and that the bles­sing of God may be upon us all.