The First Sheet, Being The SHERIFFS CASE.
Whether, and How they may Lawfully Qualifie themselves for their Holding the Office, according to the Act for
Corporations.
IN this Act there are Two things imposed, An
Oath, and A
Renunciation of the
Covenant. And we must lay down this
*
Rule at firsT, That all Impositions of our Superiours, must be taken in the Sense and Meaning of those that Impose them: There need be no Scruple else in Submission to any thing enjoyned. The bottom is this; The
Law is the
Will of the
Lawgiver; and it is the
Lawgiver's
Meaning, which is his
Will, howsoever the Words of the
Law is expressed.
Not that when we
distinguish the
Words and the
Meaning, we do
divide them. An
Imposition must be taken in the
very Words, and the
Sense of the
Words, but the
Sense of the
Words must be the
Meaning of the
Lawgiver: Although there are
Words sometimes also to be
understood, when it is apparent either from the Subject-matter, or from other
Acts where that Meaning is fully, or fuller declared. The
law it self now (we know) hath no
Meaning or
Intention, but the
Lawgiver, or They that make it. The
Parliament here is the
Lawgiver, and this
Oath then must be
taken, and
Renunciation made in the Sense and Meaning of the Major Part of the
Parliament which passed the
Act.
Here we must also premise thus much, That it is not for any
Sheriff, Alderman, or any other Person upon whom this
Oath is imposed, (for we must begin with
That) to put a
Meaning of his
Own upon it, which is to be taken only in
Theirs that passed the
Act; but to consider verily, what he believes to be
that Meaning, which is indeed the
Lawgivers. Not to determine neither and say,
This is the Meaning; but to be able to say, I
*
Believe this to be their
meaning, which is necessary to every one that takes it, to determine for himself, that he may act in Faith in what he does.
We must add, That when we say the
Parliament is the
Lawgiver, we understand by the
Parliament, the
King, Lords and
Commons; and consequently, that the Sense of the
Law, (and so of this
Oath) must be always that Sense, wherein the
House of Lords did concur with the
House of Commons, and the
King with
Both. If there be any Sense therefore of an Imposition, which may be supposed to be the Meaning of the
King, and not of the
Houses; or of
One of the
Houses, and not the
Other; or a
lesser part of
either Houses, and not the
majority of
both; that Sense must be still lookt on as too narrow, and ought not to scruple the Conscience: the true Sense obliging the
Subject, being the
concurrent Sense of the
King, Lords and
Commons, who as assembled joyntly to this end of Legislation, not
One without the
Other, but all
Three together as
One Corporation (and not otherwise) are the
Lawgiver.
Neither is this sense to be collected, from the first floating Apprehensions of any one, that moves a matter in the
House, but from the digested Thoughts of
both Houses, after a mature Debate, and the thing hath thrice passed in them
both; so that no Sense of any Imposition, but that which is agreable to Reason, and more especially to the Fundamental Laws of the Constitution, must be received as the
* Meaning of a
Parliament; the Reason being, because the nature of the
Constitution is such, as it cannot be infringed by an Act or Law for the
Administration.
This is a Note to be laid in here, that by and by will be needful: And thus much therefore farther, and no less being premised, we proceed.
By
taking Arms, Let us suppose the
Sheriffs believe the
Parliament meant the raising an Army, or War; and by the
King, the
King's own Sacred
Person, as there is nothing else indeed can be meant: And we can see no
* Objection, which may not be answer'd from this Little, in the First Clause of the Oath.
I A. B.
do swear, That I hold (These words,
I hold, I believe, or the like, must doubtlesly be understood)
it is unlawful to Take up Arms against the King, (His Authority, or Rightful Government)
upon any Pretence whatsoever.
If
David's Heart smote him for cutting off but
Saul's Skirt, when he was actually in Arms to
defend hemself against
Saul's Forces, only because he was the
Lord's Anointed: It is not in this first Clause (any one may conjecture) but in the ensuing, where the chief Scruples against the
Oath are to be removed.
In the Second Clause, By
those Commissionated by Him, let us suppose they beleive the
Parliament meant, & could mean, no other than such as have a due Authority from HIm, and exercise it only according to Law: And so long as the
King's Authority, and
such Commissions are one, (or the same,) we can see no more difficulty remaining in the Second Clause, than in the former:
And I do abhor (that is,
disown or
disclaim)
that Trayterous Position, of taking Arms by his Authority against
[Page 5]His Person, or against any Commissionated by Him, in the pursuit of such Commissions: That is,
Legally Commissionated by Him, in the
Legal pursuit of such Commissions.
It is not to be imagined, that the
Parliament, when they passed this
Act, (that is, the
Major part of them) should design the setting up an Arbitrary Government in the Nation: But if the meaning of
those Commissionated by Him, be otherwise than thus, they must design it. An
Arbitrary Power, as soon as they passed this Clause in any Act, must be accounted to
Commence, or be declared to be alwayes the Right of the
King. A thing most absurd to be believed, and in the contrary Belief whereof, the most scrupulous Man (we thank
God) may resolvedly take this Oath.
In the Third Clause, we distinguish an
Endeavour to
change or reform any thing in Church or State, which we think conducive to the good of the Nation in a
Parliamentary way only, as is allowed by the Fundamental Law and Course of the Realm, from an
Endeavour in any other way that is not warranted by the same: to wit, in a seditious way, or in such manner
as they did in the late Times, when they endeavoured the Extirpation of Frelacy by force
against, and
without the
King's Consent in
Parliament, (which may be believed to be the assured Sense of the Majority in the
Houses, when they passed this
Act) and so long
as to do so
*
now, may be acknowledged (as assuredly) to be unlawful, and what ought to be disclaimed, the offence must be over in the last part of the
Oath also:
And that I will not endeavour any Alteration of Goverment either in Church or State; to wit, in any manner not warranted by the
Constitution of the
Land, or any otherwise, than by Act of
Parliament.
[Page 6]The Preamble of the
Oxford Act, (where the same Oath is Imposed on the
Nonconformist Ministers) declaring it to be made, for the preventing the Opportunity of their instilling into Folks the Principles of
Schism and
Rebellion, may give some Credit to this Exposition: But it is this one clear Reason or Argument we rest pon, for our Confirmation in it. The great Thing intended by this Oath, is the Preservation of the Government, in the Fundamental Constitution, against all Alteration. But the Constitution of our Government being such in the
Foundation, that whatever is needful or convenient to be altered, it may be proposed to that end in Parliament: to take away that Liberty which is universally radicated in the whole Nation in order thereunto, were a piece of the greatest Alteration that could be, and consequently never to be understood, as intended by the
Lawgiver.
As for the
Solemn League and Covenant (the Renunciation whereof, is the Second thing here imposed) it is an
Oath so long since in Being,
that, 'tis two to one but Both the Sheriffs that shall be Chosen, (as well as those of late before them) never took; so that they may safely say, there lies no Obligation upon them at all from it; And as for others that did, we humbly conceive, that being taken in it's
Complex Consideration, as it was pressed and used at that time, for the engagement of the People to the Extirpation of the
Bishops, and Change of Church-Government without the King, against
[Page 7]His Consent and Publick Declarations, and by Force; it must needs be
Ʋnlawful, and could not bind any body
to do so: and consequently we trust, that such Gentlemen shall not offend God, or any good Men, if they farther subscribe this Declaration, which is also required:
I. A. B. do declare, Taht I hold there lies no Obligation on me, or on any other Person, from the Oath commonly called, The Solemn League and Covenant,
to endeavour any Change or Alteration of Government either in Church or State; And that the same was in it self an unlawful Oath, and imposed on the Subjects of this Realm, against the known Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom.
We confess here, that these Words,
[to endeavour any Alteration of Government in Church or State] were put in by the Author, unwittingly thinking them to be in this
Act, because they are in others, and it passed two Impressions, without any Knowledge of ours, that it was otherwise: But now do we let them stand,
de Industria, because it appears, they are to be
* understood, both from
other Acts, The
Ʋniformity Act, The
Vestry Act, The
Oxford Act, which have the same Declaration with these words in it (wherein we are yet more confirm'd by that Act, where it is made a
Premunire to say, There lies an Obligation upon any from this Oath, the
Obligation being expressed,
to do thus): As also, from
the Nature of the Thing; for so long as the Meaning of the Lawgiver is the Rule we go by, let us but suppose we could go to the same
Parliament, Man by Man, & ask them, Was it your Meaning by this Declaration, that any man, who took that
Covenant, should profess, that he is not bound to reform his Life, to repent to his Sins, to eschew
Profaneness, Popery, &
Schism, or the like things they then covenanted to do, because that Oath in some respect otherwise was unlawful; the Generality, without Question, would Answer NO, by no means; but our meaning was onely, that there lies no Obligation on any from that Covenant, to endeavour to
Extirpate Prelacy, as it was there, or
any Alteration of Government, as it is expressed
[Page 8]by us in other Acts. This being supposed then the undoubted Meaning, we go on.
By some of the last words of the Declaration it appears, that this
Oath was framed for the
Subjects of the Realm, (we say, that this
Oath (
i.e. the
Covenant) was, in the meaning of the Imposers of this Declaration,
the Subjects Oath, and consequently by the words,
or any other Person, they must mean,
or any other Subject:) which appears also manifestly in the
preamble of it;
We Noblemen, Barons, Knights, Gentlemen, Citizens, Burgesses, Ministers of the Gospell, and Commons of all sorts, being under the King. There is one part of it moreover express for the
preservation of the King; we do suppose therefore, that though an
Oath to the same main effect, or one like it, was imposed on
this King by the
Scots, that
Oath must be conceived
another than this, and not the very
same, being not so in every point, but an
Oath indeed (as they call'd it)
to confirm the Covenant, when He offer'd this very Exception against taking the
Covenant it self, because it was an
Oath for the
Subjects only.
7
And this being enough to save the Conscience in
one chief Scruple, (and chiefest one,) we will gather up again what is said before into one Argument (which we fix upon) for a fuller satisfaction in regard to
all others. To own the
KIng and his Authority in the same
Oath, and yet to swear to change the Government
without His Will, and
against it, is (we think)
in it self unlawful. Such an
Oath was the Covenant; and
Qua unlawful, it must be unobligatory.
And what indeed shall now hinder these Sheriffs to subscribe, That there lies no obligation upon them, or others, from the Covenant,
to endeavour any Alteration of Government; in that sense as they swear before, that they
will not endeavour any, in the third clause of the Oath preceding? For so long as the meaning of the Lawgiver, is no other than
That which is made to appear there, upon the account given, and the
Endeavour which is here, and which is there, is the same out of doubt, we do not see but the Reason which does satisfie any Man upon the Point about taking the
Oath, must be sufficient for the
Declaration also. In short,
There lyes no obligation upon any from this Oath, to do as they sware
[...]t; It is in it self unlawfull to do so; and the Imposition of it was
*
illegal.
In the Sacred Story concerning
Rahab and the
Spies, it appears that no body can be engaged any farther by an
Oath, then what he agrees or consents to in the taking it. Where he declares before-hand he will not be bound, he is free. We cannot tell how much
larger, or how much
narrower a Compass others may draw to themselves from that
Instance, than we: But we will come to this Conclusion. We have laid down the
Rule we are to walk by in these
Impositions, and applied it to this
Oath and
Subscription. If any Man is perswaded in his Conscience, that the Meaning of the
Lawgiver was no more than thus, he may submit to them Both, and make no stand: But if he believes their Meaning was otherwise (or doubts that it was more than thus,) he cannot
Swear or
Subscribe, but with
Limitations; and he must declare those
Limitations, or
Forbear. But if he shall
Swear or
Subscribe (supposing him
one that
doubts) w
th
making a Declaration for
himself (if this Paper will not serve for
All) when he Takes the Oath, and Subscribes the
Renunciation enjoyn'd, that he does it
in this Meaning, which we have all along expressed, supposing it true, and with these Explanatory Limitations to the meaning, if in any thing indeed it be otherwise, and so give (or throw) in this Paper to the Persons before whom he is to do it; we are persaded, that his
Conscience may receive Satisfaction thereby in his complyance with the
*
Law in these Impositions.
Whether they receive the Paper, and admit of your sense or not, it is no matter; for they have no Power about it, and the thing will be alike known. And thus have we lent our
hands to get the Concern'd over these blocks, and yet so, as to deliver also our
Souls.
The Second Sheet, Being The MINISTERS CASE, WITH THE SHERIFFS, In Regard to the
Five Mile Act of
Oxford.
BY the Act at
oxford there is this Oath enjoyned every
Nonconformist Minister, upon the Penalty of debarring him the coming within Five Mile of any Corporation. J. A. B.
Do Swear, that it is unlawful to take Armes against the King, upon any pretence whatsoever: And that I abhor that Trayterous Position, of Taking Armes by the King's Authority against his Person, or any Commissionated by him: And that I will not at
[Page 12]any time Endeavour any Alteration of Government, either in Church or State. In which Oath there are three Clauses.
The First and Second Clause of it, comes to this, That
it is not Lawful to take Armes against the King, or any Commissionated by Him, upon any Pretence; No, not upon the Pretence of His Authority in the Law. It is a Trayterous Position, to hold even that lawful. And all this is true, plain, and to be granted, as soon as we do but understand onely what
to be Commissionated is. To be
Commissionated by the King, is to have his Authority, or Authority from him, to do such a thing. If we take Armes against one that does do any thing by the
Kings Authority, we take Armes against His Authority, and that is all one with taking Armes against the
King; and consequently, to
declare it unlawful to take Armes against the
King, and against those
Commissionated by him, is in effect also but the same. The
Authority of the
King, and His
Person, are both alike
Sacred, and both these must be held alike
inviolable on all hands. The question then only will be this, What is the
King's Authority? Authority
(Potestas) is
jus imperandi, a Right or Power to command: This Right or Power is given the
[Page 13]
King by Law. It is
the Law makes the King, (says
Bracton),
Lex facit Regem; the meaning whereof is, that the Authority which the
King hath, can be no other but what the Law does grant him. The Government (we know) with us is
Regal, and not
Despotical, and the
King's Power, a Power onely
to Govern by the Laws. If the
King then shall Commissionate any to do that which is against Law, that Commission is void; it is a
Writing, but no
Commission; that is, it is
without Authority; For the
King hath none to give
against the Law, but
For the Law, who is the
Executioner of it. For a Man then to act in such a Matter wherein the
King hath none to give, it is invain to plead a Commission. If he be taken, and punished, he must thank himself: this is no resisting the
King, or any
Commissionated by Him. For instance, a Prince gives Commission to Levy Money, without a Tax by
Parliament; His Officers or Souldiers come hereupon, and takes a Mans Goods; the Man runs for the Constable, and the Constable Charges the Neighbourhood in the
King's Name to assist him, and so apprehends them, and brings them to the Justice; the Justice send them to Goal; and then the
Judg Hangs them: And all this is justifiable, because
[Page 14]such Authority is none; and they being therefore no
Commissionated Officers, are but
Thevies and
Robbers; who, when the
King can do no wrong, yet they
do, and are justly Executed for it. We see then here plainly, how we may declare it unlawful to take Armes against the
King, and against those that are
Commissionated by Him, upon one and the same Reason: For when no Man may take Armes against the
King, or his Rightful
Authority, and no body is indeed
Commissionated by Him, but he that acts according to the Law, and so hath his Authority; it is, and must be unlawful to take Armes against those that are
Commissionated by him, as well as against
Himself. Notwithstanding that, if any act against the Law, and plead his Commission, they be
resisted by the Law, because such are
not indeed
Commissionated by him.
For the third Clause of the Oath, the Constitution of the
English Government is such, as every Freeman hath a fundamental Liberty by the same, to endeavour the Redress of any Grievance, which he feels in the Administration; which
Administration comprizes under it the whole
Government of the Church, as External, and may make any Alteration thereof, when
Monarchy it self belongs to the
Constitution.
[Page 15]This Part then of the People, which they have in
our Government, reaches thus far. The Body do choose their
Burgesses for
Parliament; they may inform them of these Grievances; we may Petition them for Alteration; we may out of doubt, pray to God for their success. Our
Representatives, then are to prefer the Bills, and get them passed, if they can do it. Thus much (let us say) is the
Right of the People, no less than the
bearing the Sword, (that is, the Execution of the Government) is the
Prerogative of the
King, or a Negative Voice is the
Priviledge of
Both Houses. It is not now ever to be imagined therefore, that it was the Meaning of a
Parliament, to divest any
English-man of this Right, to which he was Born, because he is a
Nonconformist; neither can they indeed do it. It is not to be imagined, that an
Endeavour for the Government to act, or to exercise its proper acts, or to put its proper Power into Act, which is but to keep it alive, or keep it in motion, should be
that Endeavour, which the Majority of
Parliament would have abjured in this Oath. It is not to be imagin'd, that the
Parliament when they go about to preserve the Government from any
Alteration, should have any such Meaning, as must destroy its very
Constitution.
[Page 16]We determine consequently, it must not be an
Endeavour of any Alteration (supposed needful) in this way, that is, in a
Parliamentary way onely, which they intended we should renounce; but all
Endeavour of altering Government in any other way or manner, than what is warranted by the Fundamental Law of this Kingdom. And if this Radical Liberty be left us, we see how we
may, and
must do as much towards Reformation of the Church, after such an Oath is taken, as we may, or can do before we have taken it. We cannot endeavour any thing in a Seditious way, but we sin against
God, and the
King, which we dare not do; and the way which is lawful to be taken, is open to us still. It follows, so long as we go by the Meaning of the Lawgiver, which is the Rule laid down to go by, we may both take the Oath, and it will do us no hurt to take it.
For Surplusage, it was proposed in the
Lords House upon occasion of the
Test, and agreed upon generally, that the Meaning of the Commissionated was
Legally Commissionated, though they thought it not best to put it into a Bill for some prevailing Reasons. The like was in the
House of Commons also, as it is said. Now though a
Vote of either
House be not enough
[Page 17]to repeal a Law, it is enough to tell us the Meaning of the Lawgiver, which does resolve this Case of Conscience: Unto which, when we can add this also, that it is known to some, that the
King hath said it Solemnly more than once, in publick, and in private both, that he was not for an Arbitrary Power, but such an one onely, as the Law gives him, (we mean in words to that purpose) what is there any Man can desire more for his full Satisfaction in this Matter? What hinders, but this
Oath may be taken?
And when they had read the Epistle, they Rejoyced for the Consolation.
The Third Sheet, With Respect to the More Scrupulous, WHETHER Sheriffs, Ministers, or Others, That are Concern'd, For this Fuller Confirmation about the
Oath.
WE are not unsensible of what moment an
Oath is, and the
Declaration enjoyned, who have set our selves, as in the presence of
God, that must give an account before his Tribunal for every Word that we write, in our Undertaking so solemn a Determination as this is. We warn every Man therefore, to be true to our Rule, and to take heed that he acts nothing, till he is first perswaded in his own mind of what he does; For while we endeavour to give a Resolution to the Conscience, of others, we must have a care of our own Souls.
There are two main
Objections in the Case.
The
First is this. The
Oath, and
Renunciation of the Covenant, which are here imposed, seem to be framed in direct Opposition to the late
Parliament-Cause. The
Parliament-Cause
[Page 19]stood upon this Foundation, That the Law is above the Will or Commissions. Upon the
King's Restauration to his Throne, a New
Parliament is called, and they by this
Oath, and the like Impositions, are supposed to decide the controversy. When we are put therefore here to renounce the Position of taking Armes by the Law, or the
Kings Authority, against any Commissionated by him, we must (upon this supposition) conceive the
Parliament meant, that Position should be abjured, whether those Commissions be Legal or Illegal; for otherwise the Controversy is not decided. The Position of taking Armes by the Authority of the Law, against any Commissionated by the
King, was not maintained on the
Parliament side, but onely in Case those Commissions were against Law; and unless we renounce the Position of taking Armes by the Law, against all Commissions, though illegal, we renounce ot the Position of that
Parliament.
To this
Objection, we Reply in the
First place; If the Parliament must be conceived to put thus much upon us, then must we believe that they took this for granted, that no Commission of the
King, indeed may be resisted, whether according to the Law, or against the Law; and if so, that the
King's Commissions consequently must be above Law, and his Power Absolute. But to believe, that any
Parliament should intend to allow the
King such a Power, is quite beyond sober Reason. Let him believe this who can, upon mature Deliberation.
In the
Second place, we say therefore, There is here two or three Suppositions, that are not to be yielded. It is but a false Supposition, that the
Parliament intended a Decision
[Page 20]of the Controversie between the
Kings side, and
Parliament side, by this Oath. It were a very inadaequate Intention. It is a false Supposition, That this was any of the Controversie between the Judicious (or those that understood themselves) of both sides, who did certainly agree in this, That the Authority of the
King is Royal, not Arbitrary; and consequently, that his Commmissions are valid, when according to Law, and not else. It is a false Supposition again, That those few Men that contrived these Impositions, or compiled these
Acts, were the
Parliament. 'Tis true, that what is here urged may be sufficient to suggest to a Man a belief, That the
Intention of those that were the Contrivers of these
Acts (this
Oath, and the
Militia Preambles) might be no less, than to make the
Kings Will equal to Law; at least in the Matter of the Militia: but we say, and have said in the
Margine of one of these Sheets before, That these
Contrivers or
Compilers (a few mischievous Men perhaps) were not the
Lawgiver. The
Lawgiver we have premised, and set out in the first Sheet, in the beginning, with advantage against this Supposition. We are by no means, to think that the Majority of the
Two Houses, as they agree to an
Act, could consent in this to make the
King's Commissions above, or equal to Law, which were to change the Government which is
Regal, into
Despotical. The
Law is the
Will of the
King, in conjunction with his Parliament; His Commissions are His
Single Will only, and therefore less than the Law is.
In the
Third place, we answer hereupon, That if an apprehension from this
Argument should sink into the Mind of any
particular Person so far as to perswade him to think it
probable, that this was the meaning of the
Parliament; yet if a contrary Apprehension sinck deeper, or another Argument be more prevailing, he must follow the more Praedominant
Conviction. But there is no
Argument so
probable, but, that an
English Parliament should intend to make the
King Arbitrary, is more
improbable. That they never meant this, will have the deeper impression.
In the
Fourth place, We may therefore believe rather, that the
Parliament thought not of these Positions, on both sides, and the determination of them, (which indeed is not to be imagin'd of the Majority, whatsoever the Contrivers, or a few, might do) but in general, they thought of such a Position, which in the ill Construction they would have abjured; or they intended to decry the Position upon which War was raised, but in such a confused Understanding of it, as that they would have it renounced indefinitely, without intending the Renunciation of that implicite Truth in it, which they on all sides hold to be the very Fundamental Right of the
English People, according to the Constitution of the Kingdom.
In the
Fifth place, we will enlarge a little this
Answer, The
Parliament-side ('tis true) held it lawful by vertue of the Law, (that is, by the
Kings Authority) to resist such as are in Commission by the
King; but the Wise of them could distinguish the Case, when those Commissionated did act according to Law, and when they did things contrary to Law; and though they held it lawful in
One Case, they did not hold it so in the
Other. The
King's side, on the contrary, held it unlawful to resist the
Kings Commissions by his
Authority, or by
Law; but the
Wise of these knew how to distinguish likewise these two cases; and it is not to be belevied, but such as Judge
Jenkins (who declares the Laws to be above the
Kings Commissions) knew and held, that in case any should come by the
Kings Commissions to take our money by force, without an
Act of
Parliament, or the like, they might legally be resisted. Now, when such a Position of the Unlawfulness to take Arms by the
King's Authority, against such as are Commissionated by Him, is required to be renounced, it is necessary to distinguish accordingly, in regard to the meaning of the
Parliament: For though some might be willing to have it renounced universally, they that understood themselves could not be of that mind: And if we could go to them all, and ask them one by one, Whether they understood the
Oath so as that they would
[Page 22]have it held unlawful to resist the
King's Officers, or Forces, that came particularly to raise Money, without any
Parliament-Tax; who can beleive, the Majority would say, it was their meaning? I do not think one Man of the whole Company would have the face to say it, whatsoever privately he intended. When the Position then is indefinite, but in a matter necessary to be distinguished, and the Question is, What was the Meaning of the Majority? it can come only to this, That they would have the Position renounced in One Sense, and that Sense must be such certainly, as the Government of the Nation, which is
Regal, may be still maintained, and not turned to
Tyranny; for the Generality, beyond doubt, never once intended to do that by any of these Impositions.
In the
Last place, We will add this, to strengthen us in the rest. That it is unlawful to take Arms against any
Commissionated by the King, according to Law, is a Sense wherein the
King, and the
Two Houses must agree, out of doubt: But that it is unlawful to take Arms against any
Commissionated by Him, if they shall come with a Commission to do that which is contrary to Law, it was not the Sense of
Both Houses, we may be sure, because the
House of Lords (as we have said in the
Second Sheet) declared, That by the
Commissionated, they all meant
Legally Commissionated: And also, which is more, when it seemed not fit (for Reasons otherwise, which they had) to have that word
[Legally] put into the
Oath, (though they agreed in their Judgment,
Nemine Contradicente, that it was meant) they threw the
Test out of the
House. Had the Major Part been of the mind, that the
Comissions of the
King may never be resisted, Why should this Clause be explained? Had not the Major Part been of another mind, Why did not the
Test pass? Now, if a Man be but assured, that any one of the
Houses, or the
King alone, be against such or such a Sense, it is enough to conclude for the Negative,
This was not the Sense:
[Page 23]When a Man must find out such a Sense as that, wherein we can believe they all Three did agree, to conclude for the Affirmative, that
This was it. The Reason of this was premised at the Beginning of the
First Sheet.
And so much for the First Objection, the Second follows. By
Government of the Church, we understand not
Episcopacy only in the Substance, which the
Scripture approves; but our
Diocesan Episcopacy, as now Established: Neither do we distinguish between Alteration
in the Government, and
of the Government, to come off so, which were Childrens Play. No, if any shall go about to take away the
Bishops Courts, or
Officers, as their
Lay-Chancellors, Commissaries, the
Arch-Deacons Courts, their
Canons by which they act, or any of their
Established Authority; This we account an Endeavour to alter the Government. Now, when these are things we would have altered, how can we swear we will not Endeavour any Alteration of Government in the Church? How can this Oath be taken?
For Answer to this, we have in the beginning laid down our Rule, and we must have our Recourse to it, and accordingly we must consider what indeed we verily believe in our Hearts, the Lawgiver intended. Was it their Meaning then, by such Impositions to fix the Church so, as nothing of this kind should ever be altered, though by
Parliament, and though there should be never so much Reason for a Redress? We cannot think so far; and if they intended not this, then cannot All
Endeavour be understood here, (
viz. that which is such only) but an Endeavour otherways. Their Meaning must be to debar us all Endeavour of altering even such things as these in any way, but this only, (the way of
Parliament) which is warrantable by the Constitution of the Kingdom. This we have said, and must say it over. A
Parliament is never to be believed to consent to that which is not in their Power. The
English Government is such in its Constitution, as that Part thereof, so far as this
[Page 24]comes to, (an Endeavour to alter such things as these, when they are Grievances) does still lie in the Body of the People; and the Meaning of a
Parliament must never beconstrued so, as to destroy that Liberty, which is Fundamental to the Kingdom. That which belongs to
Every Body by vertue of the
Constitution, (we must inculcate) cannot be taken away from
Any by a
Law for the
Administration, 'Tis true again, perhaps, that something in this Objection, as in the former, may be expressed, as to make some Men believe, that the Contrivers of this Oath had yet a farther Meaning, and might intend to bind us so by it, as to retrench this Liberty; but we are to break those Bonds, and cast away their Cords, by remembring only,
These are not the
Lawgiver. The greater Number is the
Parliament, and they are to be believed always to have a fair and equal Meaning in their Acts, and never disagreeable to the Fundamental Constitution. We will add,
As for the very
Contrivers of these
Impositions, those few malicious Men that designed by them to exclude such as are now
Nonconformists, they must be thought yet to intend the Admission of the
Loyal Party, and the Judicious and Conscientious among them that suffered for the
King more especially. But if the Meaning of these Injunctions be otherwise (in the
main purpose) than we interpret them; Those Judicious and Conciencious Men of the
Conformists themselves, could not submit to them. It will follow, by the leave even of the
Contrivers of these
Acts, that the meaning which we offer (whatsoever they might harbour in their
By-purpose) must be indeed the
Meaning of the
Lawgiver.
To comfirm this, which hath been said above (we confess) as well as here, we will suggest something for new Strength to it. In an Act of the
Thirteenth of the
King, there are two things may be inquired. One is, Whether Petitioning in the Case of
Greviance (for so much, at least as these things we speak of) by any, not exceeding the number of
[Page 25]
Ten, is not allowed the Subject? Turn to the Statute-Book, and examine it; and if it be, then could not
All Endeavour, but such only, which is not
permitted, be intended in this Abjuration, by that
One, and the
Same Parliament that passed both
Acts. The other is, Whether after it is there,
Cap. 1. made a
Premunuire to say, That there lies an Obligation upon any from the Covenant, to Endeavour the
Alteration of Government in Church or State, there be not yet an express Exception, as to all
Parliament Speeches, and
Endeavours to repeal Statutes, or
redress Grievances? And if there be, then cannot any one use his Reason, but he mus believe our choosing
Parliament-Men, this
Petitioning them, and doing the like things which lie in our Sphere to do, in Order only thereunto, are also included. It follows still, that it is an
Endeavour consequently in some other way, and not this, (which is Parliamentary, and granted) must be that which the
Parliament intended we should abjute, when they put us upon such Impositions.
To enlarge here a little. In that
Decimo Tertio, Car. 2.
Cap. 5. After it is enacted, That no Persons shall procure Hands above the number of
Twenty, to any Petition for
Alteration of Matters Established by Law in Church or State: we have a
Provided always, That this Act shall not be construed to extend to debar, or hinder any Person or Persons, not exceeding the number of Ten, to present any Publick Grievance to any Member, or Members of Parliament. There are Two Questions now will here go to the Quick. One is, Whether under these
Matters Established by Law, there be any Exceptions to be understood, and what are those Exceptions? And we must distinguish (we think) thus only.
Matters Established by Law, are such as belong to the
Constitution of the Government, or the
Administration. Those
Matters, or
Laws, which belong to the
Original Constitution, (that is according to what the People, at first (we must suppose) agreed, when they consented to a Government) are not indeed within the
[Page 26]Cognizance of a
Parliament to
Alter them; and for that reason, such
Matters must be excepted: But as for any
Matters Established by Law, that belong only to the
Administration, there is no Exception to be apprehended, when the Words are so general without any Limitation. If any other Law or Statute be pleaded for putting in such Exception, it must be answer'd by the Distinction offer'd. There
are no
Matters (we must say) excepted by any other Statute, or rather
can (with reason) be excepted, unless they belong only to the
Constitution, and not the
Administration. The Other Question is, Whether the taking away any of the
Authority of the
Bishops, and
Arch-Deacons Courts, their
Officers, Canons, and the like, is such an
Alteration as belongs to the Administration of the Government in
England; that is, Whether it comes within the Cognizance of a
Parliament, or is in their Power to do it? We know, that such a thing as the Changing of our Monarchy into another sort of Government, were not to be proposed to
Parliament, being out of their Cognizance, if the
King and the
Houses were willing to have it: But do the
Bishops, and their
Courts stand upon the same Foundation? 'Tis true, that
Magna Charta may be pleaded; but
Magna Charta it self is but a Law for the Administration. It is, beyond all doubt, in the Power of the
King, and His
Houses, (
i. e. the
Parliament) to regulate the whole External Polity of the Church, and so take away
Diocesan Episcopacy it self, if they pleased: And can any one indeed question, whether the taking away some
Power from their
Courts, or some
Officer belonging to them, or the like, (which yet were to
Alter the present
Government fo the Church) is not within their Cognizance, or that this
Matter is not contained in those
Matters Established by Law, that in general may be
Altered; and, in case of Grievance, be
Petitioned for, to be
Altered? And if this be still permitted, the People, according to the Statutes made in the Reign of this King, then could it not be the Intent or Meaning of
[Page 27]this
Parliament, that All
Endeavour to
Alttr the
Government, when any thing is grievous in the Church, should be
Ʋnlawful; and when we are brought to distinguish of such an
Endeavour of Alteration, which is
Warrantable by Law, and that which is
Ʋnwarrantable, then are we come to the right Understanding of the
Lawgiver's Meaning,
(viz.) That the
Endeavour which they require us to abjure in the
Oath, is the One, and not the Other. This is what we say all along, and stand upon it.
Reader, lay thy Hand upon thy Heart, and as thou believest this
Interpretation, or believest it not, either
Take or
Forbear the
Oath, in the Name of
God.
And what think we (after some pause upon this) of those
Sheriffs and
Ministers, who are
Conformists? Are there not many of them (which is before hinted) Men of Reason and Conscience, judicious, and that fear
God? And in what sense (judge we) have the
One subscribed, according to the
Act of Ʋniformity, the same words which the
Other swears according to the
Act for Corporations? It is strange, the
Nonconformist should make such a stand at that Sense of the Oath and Subscription proposed in this Paper, as singular and doubtful, which the
Conformist receives as the undoubted and common Sense of the Kingdom, with all the Judges and Lawyers of the Realm. If they received not this Sense, they would refuse them no less than we; and if we received it as freely as they, we should submit to them as they do. In like manner, for renouncing the Covenant, What is it also they intend by it? Is it nor this, that the Covenant was an unlawful Oath, and therefore binds no body? But let us ask again, do they think that the Covenanting to maintain the
King (which indeed helpt to bring him in again) and the
Protestant Religion, and to Reform our Lives, or the like things, is unlawful; and that therefore no Man is bound thereunto? Certainly, they cannot think so; but the Covenanting, to Change the Government, or
extirpate Prelacy, and that
without, and
against the Will of the
King, (which is consequently in a way Unparliamentary)
[Page 28]this is it they judge unlawful, and that such an Oath can oblige no body. And is there any
Nonconformist, that understands himself, who does herein disagree with them? In the name of
God then, let us come to a right understanding on both sides, of the
Oath, and of the
Declaration. Let the meaning of the
Oath be no more than this,
that it is unlawful to take Armes against the King, or his Authority, any where exerted according to Law; and that we will never go about to make any
Change, either in Church or State Affairs, but by
King and
Parliament. And let the meaning of the
Declaration also, be no more than this (as in the
First Sheet,) That,
there lies no Obligation upon any from the Covenant to do as they Swear it; It was unlawful in its self to do so; and the imposition of it was illegal. And when we come to an Agreement
in the sense, what should hinder us, but we may come also to agree
in practise, and do, as one another?
If any Man indeed remains yet unsatisfied in his Conscience, to do as the
Conformist does, (it may be only because he does it) we charge him, notwithstanding all this which we have said, to forbear: But if indeed he be satisfied as to the Sense, and pretends dissatisfaction in his Conscience, and fear of loosing his Soul for the saving onely of his Purse, we must in this Case (or in this Cause rather, at this season) lay upon him this Charge also, that in refusing his Compliance with the Law, he must give an account to
God for the refusing his Duty with it, both to him, and to his Country.
For our selves, if our Arguments satisfy any Man, and so he complies, we edify that Man, and not scandalize him: If they do not, and he forbears, we do him no hurt. It is a Mans own Conscience, is the Discerner to him of his Duty, and he is not to regard another Mans any further than to avoid active Scandal; which upon such a warning, that no man follow his Example, unless he be satisfied with his Reasons, he does prevent as much as he can, in this business.
We have done after one Acknowledgment, That the
Materials
[Page 29]of these Sheets are borrowed very much from a Book (that one of us does think, he may make bold with), whose design is greatly to offer such a kind of
Resolution to the
Conscience, touching our
present Impositions, that both they that
Conform to them, and they that
cannot, may see reason to retain a fair Opinion of one another, and to hope that neither of them do wilfully depart from is, in what they do. The Book was written many years, but Printed onely about three since, and is quoted in the Margine of the
First Sheet. We have reason to tell this, both because that which is here offer'd may not appear to be written (as some may think) only to serve an Occasion, having been really the fruit of several years digested Thoughts; and also because we may not be ashamed, if we should confess, that we had used that Book, and made this Collection to serve so honest an End. For, if our Conscientious and Substantial Citizens be put off Publick Offices, and the Ministers be discharged their Congregations, upon the account of these Impositions: Either the Snare must be broken by a general Reception of such a plain, clear, open Interpretation of them as is here presented to all Men, or they will hold us to these Grindstones, and we shall, both in regard to Soul and Body, to Religion and Property, first or last, be all undone.
Now, when Mattathias,
and his Friends understood hereof, they mourned for them right sore: And one of them said to another, If we all do as our Brethren have done, they will quickly root us out of the Earth.