THE AMBITION OF FRANCE UPON EUROPE.

IT is no difficult thing to discern the Original of those Miseries under which we labour at this day: They who will give them­selves the Trouble to reflect upon the Transactions, which have been the most remarkable for these Twen­ty years last past in Europe, will agree with me, that if we had been so for­tunate [Page 2] to have grown wife by our Suf­ferings, we should not have seen our selves reduc'd to those Calamities un­der which we now groan. For in short this is not the first time, that France has been known to have bro­ken Leagues, tho never so sacred and inviolable. Her Ambition has not been able to keep her self reserv'd without appearing in her Colours. But we have been either so weak or so blind, as never to make a vigo­rous opposition till it was too late. Therefore we can only impute our Misfortunes to our selves, and must ingeniously confess, that if we suf­fer at this day the punishment of our Imprudence, 'tis no more than what we justly deserve.

In a word, to whom ought we to impute the Imbecillity of the Spa­niards [Page 3] but to our selves, who have so often contributed to reduce them to their present condition? Was it not easy for us to see, that they sup­ported themselves only by the means of those Cabals, that were maintain'd in France against Cardinal Mazarin, and that if the Prince of Conde had forsaken their Interest, their good Fortune and Reputation had been at an end? nevertheless when we obser­ved, that we had lost the Assistance of that Prince, who was return'd to his Duty by the Pyrenaean Peace, and that France to the prejudice of a League so sacredly ratify'd, forbore not however, not only to foment the Troubles of Portugal, but also to send considerable Supplys to their assistance at several times; I say, when we saw, that the Peace was [Page 4] no more than a Cloak for France's Ambition, have we not suffer'd the Oppression of our Neighbours, without so much as opening our Lips, as if True Policy had not taught us, that it was time to oppose the Designs of a Nation, which would never be contented, 'till she had satisfy'd her Ambition by the Conquest of the World?

Nevertheless, with what confi­dence, if I may not call it Impu­dence, did she maintain, that she acted nothing but what was confor­mable to the Peace? Did not she likewise insinuate, that whatever was done in the behalf of Portugal, was done without her Order? To which purpose while she covertly sent Supplys of Men and Money into that Kingdom, she publish'd [Page 5] her strictest Prohibitions to prevent the Transportation of Arms thither, yet underhand encourag'd her Sub­jects to carry supplys to that Crown, as the only means to purchase E­steem and Reputation; yet all this while carry'd fair with the Embassa­dor, who made loud complaints of these Breaches, especially when he saw that the Marquiss of Beauveau had permission to levy a Regiment of Cavalry for the Service of that Crown in the Metropolis of France, just under his Nose; after he had Arti­cl'd to outward appearance with the Portugal Embassador, but in re­ality with the Court of France. After all which proceedings she would needs have it, that whatever the Spanish Embassador said, was but the effect of his Fancy and Imagi­nation; [Page 6] as now at this very time she would make us believe that she has no Design to make a War, tho she has eaten up a Country within these few Months, to which she has no Right at all, and to which she has not the least of Lawful Pre­tences, if Reason and Justice were the Rule of her Actions.

All this while, though we have observ'd all along these Practises of France, without the least opposition, yet neither do we make any ad­vantage of them at this day, that we see our selves just ready to be made the Unfortunate Victims of Her Ambition. 'Tis true I know there are several who will reply that Suc­cours have been sent to the Spaniards, which if it were done, we are be­holding to the Prince of Orange, who [Page 7] having a deeper Fore-sight than o­thers, could not suffer us to be over­whelm'd, without doing at least what was his Duty to do; which is the reason we find him so firmly bent against the Persecutions and In­juries of France, which esteems not Vertue, but when it agrees with Her Interest.

But to return to the business, I say that France endeavour'd to blear the Eyes of the Spanish Embassador, who had in mind however to hunt the wrong Deer, when an unex­pected Accident made her act with more boldness, and forbear any lon­ger to disguise her Thoughts. She had treated with Montgeorges, who was slain in the late Wars, and who was then a Captain in Candale, a stout Soldier, and one who lov'd War above [Page 8] all things, to carry a Supply of Officers and Soldiers into Portugal: Now Montgeorges, being embark'd with his Company, and upon his Voy­age into Portugal, happen'd to be taken by the Spaniards, which were advertis'd of his Departure; upon which there was a necessity for France to take off her Mask; for that the Spaniards began already to talk of cutting off Montgeorges's Head.

This apparent Act of Infidelity vvas attended by several others, and yet no Neighbouring Puissance in­terpos'd it's Authority, to the end these things might be regulated ac­cording to Justice: Not but that there vvas Warranty for the Pyrenaean Peace; as vvell as there are novv for the Peace of Nimeghen, but that [Page 9] they are such, vvho after the Con­clusion of the Treaty, never mind aftervvards the Breaches vvhich are made of it, so that there is not one at this time takes any care to send a­ny succour to the Spaniards, vvhose Ruine is attempted by so many in­direct means. On the other side, the Spaniards, vvhether they are be­come insensible, or vvhich is most probable, that they understand their ovvn weakness, are contended to see themselves so rudely handl'd vvith­out testifying the least Resentment, but only by Complaints, altogether misbecoming Soveraign Princes, es­pecially if not prosecuted vvith ef­fectual Deeds; so that others seeing them so patiently svvallovv all Affronts, did not think themselves oblig'd to take their Part.

Which Weakness of theirs vvas certainly most apparent upon the Occasion of an Accident that hap­ned in London betvveen Monsieur d'Estrades and Monsieur de Vataville Embassadors of both Crowns: For after the Baron of Vataville had got the Precedence before Monsieur d'E­strades, upon the Entry of another Embassador; Spain did not only dis­claim and disavovv the Act, but al­so has for ever stain'd her Reputati­on, by an Ignominious Declaration, vvhich I dare not repeat, and vvhich I cannot remember with­out blushing out of my Respect and Love to the Nation. However if the thing be call'd to mind, we ought to lay the Fault upon those other Potentates, that shewed them­selves so passionately earnest for the [Page 11] Peace, that they never laid to heart the Affront which was offer'd to Spain, who seeing her self aban­don'd by all the World, was forc'd to abate of her wonted Haughti­ness.

Nevertheless the more notable Head-pieces, perceiving how proud­ly France behav'd her self upon that occasion were of opinion, that it was necessary to withstand Her Ambition before the further Encrease of her Strength and Power: But the Councel of these prudent Poli­ticians was listen'd to by way of Discourse only, and the Seizure of Blindness began to be so general, that they look'd upon those who dis­cours'd at that rate, as Persons that rather sought to disturb than pre­serve the Peace so necessary for all Europe.

Nor did they begin to unhood­wink their Eyes; till France, no lon­ger able to continue quiet, resolv'd to carry the War into Flanders under Pretences altogether as Chymerical as those at present; But with an Ad­vocate of Paris, such a one as they vvere careful to chuse out of the sharpest witted of the Chiurme, un­dertook to beautifie with a specious varnish, an Undertaking, which a Person of Honesty and Integrity would have been very much troubl'd to perform; only he who had serv'd his Apprentiship at the Pettie Bar, where for Two Crowns, they will defend the wickedest Injustice in the World, was of Opinion, that be­ing much better feed than so, it did not become him to neglect so fare an Opportunity for his Preferment: [Page 13] So that Interest prevailing above Truth, in a short time there came forth a Manifesto, wherein they en­deavour'd to maintain, that though the King by the Pyrenaean Treaty had renounc'd all manner of Pretences which he might hereafter have to the Low Countries or Netherlands, in right of his Wife, that Renunciati­on was invalid, because the Parlia­ment had never confirm'd the Ar­ticles.

The same Manifesto endeavour'd further to prove, that the Queen had a Right to several Provinces; and therefore to give the Manifesto a Ti­tle proper to what they went a­bout to make out, it was Entitul'd The Rights of the Queen. For you must understand, that it was the King himself, who had hindr'd the [Page 14] Pyrenaean Treaty from being Regi­stred in Parliament, to the end that for the future it might serve for a Pretence against what had been sign'd by Himself, and the chiefest Nobi­lity of France.

Which piece of Litigious Craft when it gave occasion to all the World to reflect upon the Small Faith and Sincerity of the French King, Men vvere surpriz'd with wonder, That so great a Prince, who affe­cted the Title of most Christian King should commit such Violences as would make Infidels to blush; and took pleasure to recount his Actions, that by comparing the one with the other, the disadvantage might the better appear on the Kings side. The general question was, whether a man were not oblig'd to keep his [Page 15] Word which he had so solemnly sworn upon the Gospels, confirm'd by so Great and Near an Alliance, and where there was nothing omit­ted to render inviolable by all the most considerable Acts that could be performed? And then the que­stion was whether there were any thing that could disoblige a Man from an Oath so solemn? to which the General Answer was, that it was an Action dreaded by Men, and which call'd for the just Vengeance of God.

And indeed there needs no grea­ter Skill in Theology to understand, that Christianity and the Church, which is the same Thing, sufficiently tea­ches us, that we are to keep our Words, not only to a Father-in-Law, as this occasion requir'd, but also to [Page 16] a Turk. There is a notable Exam­ple of this in the Person of a French Gentleman of the Family of An­glure, from whence there are seve­ral who derive their Descent that live in great splendor to this day. The particular History of this Fa­mily relates, that one of their An­cestors being taken in Fight by So­ladin, Sultan of Egypt, was set at Li­berty after a long Imprisonment, upon condition that he should re­turn himself in Person with the Ransom which the Soladin had laid upon his Head; the Gentleman com­ing home, and having sold part of his Estate to make good his Word, return'd back to Soladin, and told him he had brought his Ransom in Person according to his own Agree­ment and Conditions, and that if he [Page 17] pleas'd to name any Person to re­ceive it he vvould presently tell it out. Soladin, vvho never thought a­ny more of him, but believ'd, that since he had let him go, he should never see him again, vvas so surpriz'd at his Generosity, that after he had embrac'd and caress'd him vvith all imaginable Endearment, he told him, that from thence for­ward he should have a greater re­spect for the Christians than ever he had; and thereupon he did not on­ly release him of his Ransom, but or­dered his Treasurer to give him Ten Thousand Franks, which vvas a great Sum in those days. He fur­ther desir'd his Friendship, and that alvvays the Eldest of his Family might be called Saladin, to the end that if Posterity should be curious [Page 18] to know why they bore a Name so extraordinary among the Christians, they might be inform'd at the same time of the Occasion: Which Re­quest of Soladin has been observ'd e­ver since; insomuch that the Count Destoges, the Eldest of the Family, is this day nam'd Soladin.

If I might be permitted to make Reflexions upon this Story, I could without difficulty prove, that the present is far different from the Ages past. Formerly they kept their word with Turks, now adays, a most Chri­stian King will not keep his Faith with his Father-in-Law. At this day the Descendants from a Christian Race are Christened Saladine; because their Ancestor so promis'd to the Turk. At this present a most Christian King nei­ther minds the word, which his An­cestors [Page 19] have past to their Subjects of the Reformed Religion, nor the Pro­mises which he has made himself: At this day the Family of Anglure, which is only a private Gentleman's, derives all it's Honour from the No­ble Act of one of its Ancestors, who made good his profligated Faith to the Turk; but the House of France, the most renowned in the World, for the Breach of an Infinite Num­ber of the Edicts, granted in favour of the Christians.

But to return to our Subject, the King of France, grounding his Claims upon Imaginary Pretences, and upon a Nicety, that the Parliament had not ratify'd the Pyrenaean Treaty, resol­ved to break the Peace, and carry his Arms into Flanders. But here before I go any further give me [Page 20] leave to tell the World, what the Authority of this Parliament is, to prevent the Mistake of those, who may think it equal in Power to the Parliament of England. You are then to understand that the slightest Or­der of Council cancels all Edicts of Parliament, the Power of which is so limited at this day, that though it take Cognizance only of private and particular Interests, the Council sends for the Cause before themselves and laughs at all that the Parliament has done in the same Case. Former­ly nevertheless it's Authority was very great, nor was it long ago, that it was grown to that height, that every one admired at it; I mean during the Minority of the King: But there is such an Alteration since that time, that there is little notice taken of the Parliament.

And indeed at that very time, when the forementioned Manifesto appear'd, the King took away all their Privileges, banished all those that were suspected to have any affection for the publick Interest, and in a word, contemned it so far that he never went thither, but in his Ri­ding Boots and his Cane in his Hand. He also deprived it of its very Name, as he serv'd the rest of the Tribunals: For to make it appear, that there were no more Masters but himself, he set forth an Edict, That neither the Parliament nor the Grand Councel, nor the Chamber of Accompts, nor the Court of Aydes should be called by any other Ti­tle than that of Superiour, whereas before they were call'd Soveraign Courts. He also put forth another [Page 22] Edict, which savoured in my opi­nion of much more wrong and In­justice: For whereas, when any new Imposition was thought upon and laid upon the People, or any o­ther Innovation was imposed upon the Government, the King was wont to go in Person to see those Edicts ratifyed; the Parliament is now obliged to make the Ratificati­on upon a bare Letter under the Privy Signet, many times carryed by a Footman; So that this great Tribu­nal formerly erected to be a Media­tor between the King and the Peo­ple, and to preserve the one from the Tyranny of the other, is now it self enforced to bow and crouch to the Kings Will: For now they dare not make those Remonstrances, which formerly they did, nor plead [Page 23] as before in behalf of the People. Or if they are permitted to make any Addresses of that Nature, they must be full of Flattery and Dissimulation; and as some Parents humble their Children to kiss the Rod after Cor­rection; so it behoves the People, who are the Kings Children, or should be so at least, to thank the King by the Mouths of their Magi­strates, for all the Taxes and hea­vy Impositions, which he lays up­on them to satisfy his profusion.

Upon this Authority, which the Parliament has in the Kingdom it was, That the King laid the Foun­dation of an approaching War. In a Word, the King of Spain was not sooner dead, but presently there appeared a small Pamphlet, under the Title of The Rights of the Queen, by [Page 22] [...] [Page 23] [...] [Page 24] which they endeavoured to prove, that the Renunciation of all Claims which the King had made by the Pyrenaean Treaty was utterly void, because it was never verifyed by the Parliament. And yet if the Renun­ciation had been good, which they did not much matter to dispute, it could not have been long in force, by reason that the Dauphin had not ratifyed the Treaty, who might pretend a greater Interest as being his Mothers Heir. In truth, this Pam­phlet was nothing but a Composure of Words well put together, con­teining very little or no reason. For to begin with the first, true it is, That the Parliament were wont to ratify the most remarkable Acts of the Kingdom, but that such a Ratifi­cation was absolutely Essential is [Page 25] that which we deny, and which I shall endeavour to prove: For Ex­ample, if the King happens to marry with any Foreign Princess, the Parliament has nothing to do with the Contract: Nor do we find, that the Parliament had any knowledg of that between H. 4. and Marie Medi­ci; or which is still fresh in Memory, of the Marriage between the Dau­phin and Madam the Dauphiness. And yet the Affairs transacted were as important, as perhaps the Kings Renunciation made by the Pyrenaean Treaty: But some perhaps will ob­ject, That the Case is far different; For in a Treaty of Peace is stated and handled the Establishment of the Peoples Peace; whereas in a Trea­ty of Marriage there is nothing transacted, but the Concern of two [Page 26] Persons. I confess the reason seems plausible but easie to refute: For if it be in respect of the Peoples In­terest that a Treaty of Peace ought to be ratifyed by the Parliament, why are not the Treaties of War ratifyed in the same manner? They will have a Treaty which exterminates War, and restores Peace to a King­dom, instead of Trouble and Con­fusion that Reigned there before, to be subject to a Parliamentary Ratifi­cation; but they will not have a Treaty of War, that banishes Peace, and brings in Disorder and Confu­sion to be ratifyed by Parliament, which nevertheless was instituted to no other end than the Preservation of the People. Let us rather say, that the Custom of verifying Trea­ties of Peace in this manner was not [Page 27] introduced, till after it was ordain­ed, that all the Royal Benevolences should be ratifyed in Parliament, and that such as were not so verifyed, should be of no value, which was done to prevent Princes who are generally prone to profuse Libera­lity, from giving away all their Pa­trimony, and being afterwards ob­lig'd, for want of Money to vex the People. Let us grant then say I, that the Parliament, setting that by some Treaties of Peace, consi­derable Alienations were made from the Crown, chiefly under John the First, to free himself out of the hands of the English; and af­terwards under Francis the First, to deliver himself out of the hands of the Spaniards, had Authority given them to verify Treaties of Peace, [Page 28] to prevent the Distipation of the Crown Revenues. But their Au­thority is yet greater, when it shall be a Law received in France, that the Parliament may vacate Treaties which are not verifyed, that is to say, if the Treaties were not made in due Form, or were found preju­dicial to the People.

But it cannot be said, that France receiv'd any prejudice by the Pyre­naean Treaty, or that the Treaty was not concluded with all the u­sual Formalities. In respect of For­malities there were so many observ'd as took up much more time than was necessary for the Repose of the People, who after so tedious a War, thirsted after nothing so much as Peace; nor was it enough that De Lionne and Pimentell set their [Page 29] hands to the Treaty, but to render it more solemn; Cardinal Mazarine and Lewis de Haro, the Principal Ministers of both Crowns, were oblig'd to sign it also, so that we may say that it was the most Authentick Treaty that had been con­cluded in a long time before. Be­sides, they had observ'd all the Cir­cumstances imaginable, insomuch that the place appointed for the Conferences, was neither in France nor in Spain, which nevertheless is very remarkable: For that then they were willing, that Spain should go cheek by jowle with France; yet afterwards they would not allow that the Treaty had been ratify'd: But that which seemed to put the Treaty not only out of the King's but out of the reach of all France [Page 30] to do it Injury was that the chiefest of the Clergy and Nobility had sign'd the Contract of Marriage between the King and the Infanta, wherein the aforesaid Renunciation was con­tain'd. So that it was an idle thing to say that the Parliament, which at most does but represent the Or­ders or Estates of the Kingdom would not approve a Treaty, which was already approv'd by the King, the Clergy and the Nobili­ty.

Now that this Treaty brought no prejudice to France is as easie to prove: For though France at that time had a great advantage over Spain, we must consider neverthe­less, that this advantage might one day turn against it self, as being ob­lig'd to share it's Conquests with Eng­land, [Page 31] then in Alliance with her. Now not to mention in the least what are the dangerous Consequences that I could draw from such a Partition, it shall suffice to say, That the Interest of France was not to let the English get Footing in Flanders, who were an Enemy much more dangerous than the Spaniard. Besides, France by that Treaty had made sure of the greatest part of Her Conquests, and had changed into a certain Right the Right of Nations, which was a Right subject to several Chances of Fortune; and then to object that the Dauphin had not ratify'd the Queens Renunciation is an Objection so weak that it does not deserve an Answer: For I wouln fain know, whether a Father and a Mother do not bind their Issue when they sign a Contract? And [Page 32] whether the Dauphin had more right to question that which the King and Queen had sign'd, than they who live under the same Laws and the same Monarchy.

All these Considerations give us plainly to see that whatever of Right belonging to the Queen was in the Treaty, was only to amuse the Common People, and particularly those of Flanders, who being per­swaded that the Queen had a Right to the Netherlands, were in a capa­city to foment a Rebellion, to which they might be provok'd by the ill Usage of the Spanish Soldiery, who for want of Pay, commit many Vio­lences and Disorders. It being there­fore a great piece of Prudence to prevent all Trouble that might a­rise from thence, the Baron of Iso­la, [Page 33] one of the Ministers of the House of Austria, put Pen to Pa­per, to shew the Vanity of the Consequences, which the preten­ded Author of the Treatise drew from the Right of the Queen. Of which a great number of Copies were sent into Flanders, Germany and the Neighbouring Parts; some were also conveyed into France; but the Court resolving that the People should make it's Ambition an Article of their Faith, made such an exact Enquiry after the Publishers that two or three were committed to the Ba­stile, and were in great danger of their Lives. For as it was not law­ful in that Kingdom to write Truth, either in Religion or Politicks, neither was it permitted to be spoken or taught to any one whatsoever. And [Page 34] therefore as well they who bought the Book, as they who published these Books were oblig'd to keep out of the way, as if they had been Malefactors. But the more they thought to restrain the Peoples Wills, the more the People endea­vour'd to set their minds at Liber­ty, so that many honest Folks made it their business to content their Cu­riosity, in spight of all the publick Prohibitions.

By vertue of these Imaginary Pre­tensions the King fail'd not to send to the Governour of the Netherlands to surrender into his hands those places, which, as he pretended, belong'd to the Queen. And because he could not choose but know, that the Go­vernour would no way answer his Expectations, he follow'd the Mes­senger [Page 35] with a puissant Army, to make himself the Master of them by force; thereupon, having received the Go­vernors Answer, that the King his Master would fairly part with no­thing, he enter'd Flanders, took Char­leroy, Aeth, Courtray, Audenard and Lisle, while the Marshal D'Aumont with another Army attack'd the Cities and Towns that lay nearer the Sea.

These Conquests carried on with such a rapid Success, astonish'd the Neighbouring States, who thought it their Interest to stop these violent Pro­ceedings; especially the Low Countries, who by no means liked the near Ap­proach of so formidable and ambi­tious a Neighbour: Therefore they engaged the King of England to en­ter into a League, wherein the King [Page 36] of Swedeland also joyn'd, by which they obliged themselves all three, to make the French and Spaniard lay down their Arms, with a Resolu­tion to declare a War against the obstinate Refuser.

This League was call'd the Triple Alliance, afterwards so fatal to Hol­land, as I shall relate in due Place, that it may be thought they had reason enough to repent their Ne­gotiation. They say it was a Per­son of Rochel, who laid the first Foundations of it, after he had made those Powerful Princes deeply sensi­ble, how little the Ambition of France was to be trusted; however it were, France, who seldom easily pardons those that have once offen­ded her, well knowing that the same Person was in Switzerland, la­bouring [Page 37] to insinuate the same Opi­nion among the Cantons, sent thi­ther the two Platells, of which the Eldest was a Captain of Horse, the other Esquire to Monsieur Turenne, to apprehend him. It had been a knot­ty Enterprize and of dangerous con­sequence for the Platells, had their Errand been discovered in Switzer­land. But being so cunning as to car­ry their business private, and to sur­prize the Person, as he passed from one City to another, they carry'd him into France, where he was bro­ken alive upon the Wheel, after he had endeavour'd to escape the Tor­ments of his Execution, by an A­ction more resolute than Christian-like: For having found in the hole of the Prison, where he lay a piece of Glass, he cut off his Privy Mem­bers, [Page 38] and hid them under the Bed, that the Jaylor might not know what he had done: but in regard he could not stanch the blood so well but that some drops would fall from the wound, besides that his Colour plainly shewed that something more than ordinary ailed him, the Jaylor would see whence the Blood came: So that after a short search having found, what was hidden under the Bed, all in a puddle of Blood; he went and gave the Jud­ges notice of it, who being resolv'd to make him a publick Example ha­sten'd to give Sentence. Thereupon they condemn'd him to be broken upon the Wheel, and fearing he might not have strength enough to be carry'd to the common place of Execution, or that he might dye, [Page 39] if they delay'd till the Afternoon, Order was given for the immedi­ate Erecting of a Scaffold before the Prison-door, and for his speedy Execution.

The Triple Alliance, which France did not foresee, astonish'd her so, that altho she had promis'd her self the Conquest of the greatest Part of all Flanders, she was oblig'd never­theless to lay down her Arms; not but then she had an Army on foot of above a Hundred Thousand Men, but in regard that England and Holland made great Preparations by Sea, and that she had no Fleet was able to re­sist two such potent Enemies, she was afraid, least the English and Hol­landers, while her Forces were im­ployed in Flanders, might land either in Normandy or Britainy, and strike [Page 40] a panick Terror into the heart of his Kingdom.

France having thus made a Peace, as it were by Constraint, she plotted nothing more, than to revenge her self upon those, who had contri­buted most effectually toward it. Now it being apparent that the U­nited Provinces had been most active upon that occasion, and that all Eu­rope owed the Peace which it enjoy'd to Them, it was their Lot to feel the weight of his Fury; yet was she careful to watch her Opportunity be­fore she brake forth into an open Blaze of Revenge: For Holland be­ing as yet in League with England and Swedland, therefore there must be a way found out to divide her from two such Potent Friends, who being United were still sufficiently [Page 41] powerful to disappoint all the French Designs: Which as France had still watch'd to bring to pass, it was not long before an Opportunity offer'd it self, by reason of an unhappy difference between the English and Dutch about Trade. Nor did France then take any care as she had for­merly done, to offer her Mediati­on, to close up the breach between the Two Nations, but on the contra­ry used all means to incense the King of England, yet underhand set on foot a Treaty with the Hollan­ders, least they should have any thoughts of making Peace with Great Britain. The Hollanders, who had often prov'd the good Effects of the French Succours, when they had any quarrel with England, be­liev'd they would be still as effectu­al; [Page 42] depending upon the King of France, who ceased not to amuse 'em with daily hopes: But while they were thus as they thought, upon a conclusion with Him, to oppose the King of England, who was making powerful Preparations a­gainst 'em by Sea, they were not a little surpriz'd to find that the two Princes were joyn'd both together, and that while the English attack'd 'em by Sea, the French were to fall upon them by Land, and that with a Force so numerous and dreadful, that the Memory of History had not Parallel'd the like out of France in a long time: And then it was that the United Provinces found them­selves in a strange Disorder; for tho they wanted neither Ships, nor Mo­ney, yet had they not an Army suf­ficient [Page 43] to oppose the King of France who had brought his Forces alrea­dy into the Country about Cologne, from whence he intended to make the Attack.

In the midst of these Troubles to levy Men in Holland, was look'd upon as a Remedy that would but little avail; when Peace enjoy'd for so many years had render'd the People more fit for Trade than War; raw Souldiers not being proper to make resistance against inur'd and hardy veterans: Therefore the Hol­landers sent into Germany to raise For­ces, and to treat with those Princes from whom they expected aid; but all Europe was so astonish'd at the prodigious Army and Preparations of France, that every one kept his own Force at home, out of a Jealousie, [Page 44] least France, under a pretence of as­sailing the Low Countries, should break into Germany.

The Hollanders at that time had no more than Five and Twenty Thou­sand Men; for tho they had given out Commissions to all that proffered their Service, yet they could rec­kon upon none but those that were drawn down to the general Rende­vouze. But that which yet enfeebl'd their Condition the more was, that De Wit, the Pensionary of Holland, had always kept the Prince of Orange at a distance from the Management of Affairs; and therefore being a better Politician than Souldier, yet one who would have a hand in every thing, the main business was car­ried with much Disorder and Confu­sion. There was also one thing more [Page 45] which very much contributed to the Ruin of the State, tho at that time not discovered, which was that the King of France had Intelli­gence of every thing that was act­ed in the Country by means of Mombas, then in the Service of the Republic, which had given him a considerable Command in the Army: He was a Frenchman born, so that he was easily gain'd to the King, by the Industry of Des Roches Captain of the Prince of Conde's Guards, and his near Relation, and who had prevail'd with him to take a Jour­ney into France the Winter before, where he had been discoursed with by Monsieur the Prince.

This Conjuncture of Accidents had been sufficient to have utterly ruined the State, according to hu­mane [Page 46] probability, had not God determin'd the contrary. At what time, the King of France being rea­dy to enter the Country, the States assembled together to consider of the best way for the Defence of their Dominions: Monsieur the Prince of Orange, who maugre all the shuf­fling and juggling of De Wit, was chosen Captain General for the States, advis'd the quitting of all the Pla­ces above the Rhine, to put in Ten Thousand Souldiers into Maestrick, and to encamp with the rest at Bode­grave, as being a most advantage­ous Post to secure Holland. Monsieur D' Opdam and Celidrek, who spake in the behalf of the Nobility, were of the same Opinion; but the rest being of a contrary Judgmeni, it was resol­ved that they should hold all the se­veral [Page 47] Places beyond the Rhine, which nevertheless they very much weaken'd by draining those Garri­sons to supply Maestrick.

In the mean while, the King ha­ving lain for some time before Charleroy, march'd in view of Maes­trick, and stay'd some Twelve or Fifteen Days before Wise, a small Town in the Territory of Liege, in­to which he clapt a Garrison; there having received Intelligence from Mombas, that all the Towns above the Rhine were slenderly mann'd, and almost naked of Defence, he pass'd the Meuse at Wise, and after he had beaten off certain Troops that were advantageously posted, he sate down before Orsoy with a for­mal Siege. The Governor wanted no Courage, but in regard the Town [Page 48] was neither strong of it self, nor sufficiently Garrisoned, he surren­dred his Charge the day following. The French plunder'd the Town, and hang'd up all those of their own Nation that they found in Arms, and among the rest one Man that was Threescore and six years of Age, who was the chief Canonier in Or­soy. From thence the Army mar­ched to Rhineberg, which Dossery surrendr'd without striking a stroak. For which not long after the Prince of Orange caus'd his Head to be se­ver'd from his Shoulders. Nor did the Governor of Wesel make a Re­sistance much more to his Honour; though the Place was able to have sustained a long Siege, who surren­dred it to the Prince of Conde after and Entrenchment of two or three [Page 49] days. Whose Punishment therefore though not so severe as Dossory's, was something like it: For the Hangman skimm'd his Sword o­ver his Head, but spar'd him his Ig­nominious Life. Buric was at the same time taken by Marshel Tu­renne. After which the Prince of Conde advanc'd into the Country, and took in Deudetrom, Rees and E­meric with the same Ease that he ma­ster'd other Places.

These Victories though they cost but little Blood, gave the King of France the Reputation of a Caesar in his Army. For they saw that he might say like Him, I came, I viewed and vanquished, Therefore to uphold the Glory he had won, he resolved to pass the Rhine, as formerly that Emperor had done; but he would [Page 50] pass it after a more Noble and He­roick Manner: For Caesar had pass'd it by the means of a Bridge, but he was resolv'd to swim it over.

Two Gentlemen of the Country, Neighbors to Tholus, whose Names I cannot well remember, came to the Prince of Conde at Emeric, and offer'd to shew him a Place, where he had but an hundred Paces to swim. He gladly accepted their Of­fer, which made the French now look upon themselves at the End of their Conquests, in regard the Issel stopped their Entrance into the Country, not only because of its depth, but also by reason the Ene­my lay strongly entrench'd on the other side of the River. Thereupon the Prince of Conde, having high­ly caresses'd the two Gentlemen, and [Page 51] promising them large Reward's commanded the Count de Guiche to go along with them, to try whe­ther or no he might confide in what they had said; immediately they carried the Count right against Tho­lus, and throwing themselves first into the Water, the Count follow­ed with his Squire, while his Par­ty stayed behind by the River side: Upon this Tryal finding that the Gentlemen had spoken nothing but what was Truth, the Count return­ed and made his Report to the Prince, who sent the King an Account of what had happened, adding withal, if he pleased to take the Honour of the Enterprize upon himself, how ea­sie it would be for him to surprize the Enemy, who little mistrusted a­ny such Discovery, and minded no­thing [Page 52] but to guard the Issel. The King eager in the Chase of so much Honour, flew to the Prince of Conde's Camp, and after he had supped with him, marched all night along the Bank of the Rhine, and arrived at the Place about half an hour be­fore day.

In the mean time the Prince of O­range, who found more fidelity a­mong the Meaner Sort than among the Nobility, being advertized by the Boors, who saw the French, when they sounded the Depth of the River, that the King had some Design on the other side, sent thither Mombas with the Cavalry and Infantry. Mom­bas had already forfeited his Honour by keeping Correspondence with the Enemy, but tho this Opportu­nity was no less favourable for him [Page 53] to continue his Treacherous Designs, was afraid, that for want of being known, he might run some hazard in the Conflict, bethought himself of writing to the Deputies of the States, who attended the Prince of Orange; and thereupon sent them a fair Sto­ry that there was no Likelyhood, that the French had any Design to pass the River, and that therefore, if they thought good, he would put himself into Nimeghen, whither it was most probable that the French intended to march: He took his Time to send this Letter when the Prince was absent from the Camp with a Detachment; so that the De­puties not having the least Mistrust of his Fidelity, and believing the Care of Nimeghen to be of greater Con­sequence, sent him Orders to march [Page 54] thither. The Prince of Orange re­turning to the Camp, was strangly surprized, to hear what Mombas had done, and being now confirmed by this last Action of his, in some for­mer Suspitions he had of his being a Traitor, caused him to be Arrested.

Which done, he commanded Wortz a German, whom the Repu­blick had taken into their Services to march with all speed to Tholus, with some Companies that were drawn out of the Army. Wortz did all he could to hasten his Entrenchments, and order'd the Cavalry to advance to the side of the River. Whither the King being also arriv'd, caused several Pieces of Canon to be brought and levell'd against Wortz's Cavalry, who thereupon retired among the Trees that grew by the [Page 55] banks side. In the mean time the French threw themselves into the River, where they lost abundance of Men, who were swallowed up in a Gulf, which others observing took the advantage of the left hand and forded over like Cowes, one at the Tayl of the other.

Wortz his Cavalry beheld the E­nemy passing the River, without so much as giving the least Ground, till they saw some of the French Horse that were passed the River, begin to Form themselves into a Body. And then indeed they pre­sently drew out from among the Trees, but they were so far from endeavouring to repel the Enemy, who were retired back into the Wa­ter, that they stopped at the River side, from whence they discharged [Page 56] a Volley of Shot, but at such a di­stance, as did little or no Execution. Which Cowardise of theirs put Life into the French, who had they been vigorously pursued into the Water, would never have adventured to make head again, or to have made a stand till more assistance came to their Relief. So that as soon as they found themselves strong enough to march against the Dutch Horse, who still kept their Station without mo­ving, they marched out of the Ri­ver with their Swords in their hands and put the Dutch to flight. Thus Wortz's Cavalry having fordidly gi­ven ground, the French rallyed and grew stronger and stronger by the Addition of more Force; the French continually passing the River, some wading, others in Boats.

Mounsieur the Prince of Conde, also having put himself into a Boat with the Duke D' Angion, and several o­ther great Personages of the Court, was got near the opposite Shore, when he perceived that Monsieur de Longueville, having thrown him­self into the River, was very near drowning, so that he was forc'd to return back, to take him into the Boat; but then speedily recovering the other side, he was no sooner landed but he drew up his Forces into Battalia, to attack the Enemies Entrenchments. The Dutch Infantry seeing but little security in their slender Works, and on the other side having put all their confidence in their Cavalry, by which they saw themselves now totally abandoned, took more care to crave quarter, [Page 58] than to make any resistance, which Monsieur the Prince of Conde offe­red them, crying out aloud to them to lay down their Arms: All this while the French advanced forward without so much as discharging a Gun on either side, so that the King of France, who saw all that passed, thought himself sure of a Victory that would cost no Blood: But Mon­sieur de Longueville, who had been drinking hard at Emeric, advancing up to the Trenches, let fly a Pistol, so that the Hollanders, not a little asha­med that they had forborn so long, and believing now there was no Quarter to be expected, returned in answer to the Dukes Pistol such a smart Volley, that many of the most considerable of the Enemy were fetched off their Horses. Mon­sieur [Page 59] Longueville who began the skir­mish was killed outright, the Prince of Conde wounded, with many o­thers too long to Catalogue.

The French at first astonished at this unexpected Accident, having re­covered themselves from their Fears rallyed again and fell upon the In­trenchments, where they found some Resistance; especially at a Barricado, where stood a grey haired Officer, but one who notwithstanding his Years, shewed a Courage becom­ing the Prime of vigorous Youth; but at length being overlaid with num­ber, the rest betook themselves to flight, without demanding Quar­ter, which they thought would but be in vain.

The French having now no Ene­my to fight, pillaged the Castle of [Page 60] Tholus, and put the Island of Bet­taw under Contribution.

Nor was this the only advantage which they gained by their Passage over the Rhine; for the Hollanders fearing least the Enemy should come upon their backs, forsoke the Issel, and retreated to Utrech, where the People would have Sacrificed Mombas to their Fury, upon whom they laid all the blame of what had happened: But Monsieur the Prince of Orange, though he knew he de­served Death, but was willing to have him first examined, if not put to the Rack, to the end he might understand the depth of his Trea­son, gave Order that he should be conveyed through a Postern, and hid in a Hay-loft, to preserve him from the Rage of the People. In the [Page 61] mean while the King in Person took the City of DOESBERGH, and Monsieur Turenne took in Ni­meghen, Zuoll, Deventer, Graves, Arn­heim, the Fort of Skink, Creveceur and several other Places.

Utrech also fell into the hands of the French, without the Constraint of a Siege: For while the King lay be­fore Doesbergh, the Burgher-Masters of the Town carryed him the Keys, as if they had been afraid they should not have a new Master soon enough. Thereupon the Marquiss of Rochford, in good reputation at Court was sent thither to command in chief: But not having as yet much Experience in War, he omit­ted to make himself Master of Mai­dam which the Dutch had quitted; by the possession of which they had [Page 62] assured themselves of Amsterdam: For had they been Masters of Mai­dam, it had been an easie thing to hinder any Vessels from going in or out from Amsterdam; for that they were to pass by Maidam, which they durst not have attempted, if the French had been Masters of it; which had been the way to have compell'd Amsterdam to have sur­render'd of it self, as Utrech had done: Not but that if the King himself had appear'd before the Walls, they had certainly carryed him the Keys; in regard that such was the general Despair, that every one thought of nothing else but to save his own Family, not minding the publick Interest of their Coun­try: So that without expecting a Summons from the King, they held [Page 63] a Councel in the City, and debated whether they should not go to meet the King, and beseech him to take as well the City as the Inha­bitants into his Protection, and it was an even Lay, but that they had taken that Resolution, had not two Burghermasters, whose Memories ought to be Sacred to Posterity, and whose Names were Offte and Hassenar, encouraged the rest to pluck up good hearts, and ra­ther to call the Sea to their Assistance which was a more certain remedy, when they should be reduced to the last Necessity than to receive the French.

After the King had taken the Ci­ty of Doesbregh, he encamped be­fore Zeist, two Leagues from U­trech, where he was attended by the [Page 64] States Embassadors with Propositions of Peace, but he being swell'd with the Suecess of his Arms, propoun­ded such rigorous Conditions, that the Embassadors were forced to re­turn without being able to accom­plish their Desires. Nevertheless, when they arriv'd at the Hague, the States resolved to send them back again, for that their Affairs were then in such a desperate Condition, that they thought themselves hap­py, that they could be thought to accept of any manner of Conditi­ons.

There was yet another Difficulty in the Treaty; for that the King would conclude nothing without the King of England, who finding the Conjuncture favourable, was no less severe in his Demands.

The States Embassadors being returned to Zeist, and finding there the English Embassadors likewise, proposed a New Treaty, but very difficult to conclude: For besides that the French would not remit any thing of their former Pretensions, the English Proposals ran so high, that it had been the Ruine of the State to have agreed them. France deman­ded a Medal every year, by way of Tribute, with all the Expences of the War, which amounted, according to their Accompts, to a prodigious Sum. England demanded Possession of the Indits, and so many other things which appertained to the Republick, so that the States had as good have abandoned all, as to conclude a Treaty so disadvanta­geous. The States being advized of these [Page 68] things by their Embassadors, who were returned from Zeist, resolv'd to break down their Dams, which was their last Remedy upon the ut­most pinch of Necessity: But that which made them take this Resolu­tion so much the sooner, was this, that the People, laying all the blame of their Misfortunes upon those who managed the publick Affairs, had massacred the Pensionary of Hol­land together with his Brother, ho­ping that the Face of Affairs would change upon the Change of New Ma­sters.

These Extremities causing the States to break up their Dams, gave them leisure to think and consider of their Affairs: Whereupon they sent to the Princes of Germany the Propositions of Peace which both [Page 69] Kings had made them, thereby to prepossess their minds, with what they began already to harbour, as touching the Ambition of France: They laid before them the sad con­dition to which they were reduced, and that if they delayed their Suc­cour any longer, it would be too late, when they had a desire to do it. That their present Safety was in the Water, which could not al­ways secure them. That when the Winter came the French would march over the Ice to storm their Walls: So that if they could not resist when the Provinces were en­tire and flourishing, there was lit­tle likelyhood they should now withstand so potent an Enemy, when they were fallen from their ancient Reputation.

These Remonstrances, of which they could not doubt the Truth, con­sidering the lamentable Condition of the Republick, mov'd the Emperor to pity, as also the Marquiss of Bran­denburgh, and several other Princes of the Empire: The Marquiss of Brandenburgh, as being the most po­tent, was the first that took the field for their Relief: So that the King knowing that he had now to deal with a Prince stout, resolute and a try'd Souldier, rais'd his Camp from before Zeist, and returned toward France. But before his departure he resolved to try to make himself Master of Boysleduc, which was block'd up upon one side by the Garrison of Creveceur on the other by that of Endoue Bois le duc, is a Town seated in the midst of a Marsh, but [Page 71] notwithstanding the strength of its Scituation, the Fortifications are but weak. Nevertheless there is a Cittadel on that side next to Hol­land, with two Forts on the other side next Maestricht, which however would signifie little, did not the Situation render it almost inaccessi­ble. The King took up his Head Quarters at Boustel, but while he was preparing all things for a seige, God who had began to take Hol­land into His Protection, sent such continual Rains for four or five days together, so that the Country being Level was immediately all under Water, as if the Sluces had been opened. The King however ho­ping for hard Weather, stop't at Bockstel for eight or ten days, but finding the Weather continue bad, [Page 72] he Discamped and returned Home.

And now the Prince of Orange, who after the Death of the Pensio­nary, had the sole Authority of command conferred upon Him, seeing the People in some sort of Repose upon the Retreat of the King of France, bethought himself of giving them yet further Con­tent by the Punishment of Mombas; whose Head they eagerly demand­ed. He had been conveyed from Utrick to Wordes, and from Wordes to Nieurburk, whether the Dutch Ar­my was retired. Thereupon the Prince of Orange call'd a Counsel of War, and began to examin the bu­siness, which appear'd every day more foul than other; at length his Conscience not permitting him a­ny rest, and giving himself for lost, [Page 73] he began to think of making his e­scape, which nevertheless was a difficult thing to do, by reason he was very strictly guarded, having Sentinels at his Chamber Door, and un­der the Windows of his Lodging: While he was musing what course to take, one of his Friends brought him a Letter, which gave him to understand that he had but three Days to live, if he did not find some way to escape: For that the Council of War was resolv'd to make him an Example to others, and therefore advis'd him to look to himself. Mom­bas finding himself so severely threatned, discours'd the same day with one of his Guards, who pro­mis'd him for a certain Sum of Mo­ney to let him escape out at the Win­dow, when he should be put to [Page 74] stand Sentinel at that Post, which would fall out the next day. Having gone thus far, he also sounded a Spanish Officer, who was to be upon the Guard the same day, at a deep Water, to know if he would let him pass that way, and get him a Guide ready: The Officer no less covetous of Money than the Senti­nel, agreed for an hundred Pistols to all that Mombas desired, The Bargain being thus driven, gave the Hundred Pistols to one Villare, who served him in the Nature of his Squire, and had been an Agent in the business, to carry them to the Spaniard: but Villare, instead of gi­ving them to the Officer, ran quite away with them; whether it were that he were naturally enclin'd to such kind of Varlet's Tricks, or [Page 75] whether his Master were in his Debt, and so he thought to pay him­self while he had an opportunity; however it were Mombas reckning upon his Payment, made it his busi­ness now to deceive the Watch that guarded him in sight; to which purpose,

He first complained of a great Pain in his Leg, upon which he sent for a Chyrurgeon, and shewing him his Leg, which by reason of a wound he had received was grown bigger than the other: He also de­sired the Prince to send him one of his Chyrurgeons, who concluded, that his Grief required a large Plai­ster, which they sent him to apply to the place affected; upon this pretence, he kept his Bed without any Suspition, and upon the day [Page 76] appointed he sent for some Tobacco, telling the Guards he would smoak a Pipe with them after Supper; but pretending of a suddain to be very sick, he went to Bed in the Souldi­ers presence, desiring them withal to smoak their Tobacco in the next Chamber, because it offended him. The Souldiers seeing him in Bed, and not dreaming that he had a Design to escape, presently withdrew; who were no sooner out of the Chamber but Mombas slipt out of his Bed, took the Plaister from his Leg and clapt it upon his Eye, and leapt out at the Window where the Sentinel stood that had been brib'd, as alrea­dy has been said.

In this Disguise he got through the Camp without being discover'd; but when he came to the Spaniard [Page 77] he was strangely surpriz'd to find, that he would not let him pass any farther, unless he gave him the Hun­dred Pistols before-hand, which he had promised him. By this dispute Mombas presently discovered the Roguery and Treachery of his Man Villaire; but there was no retreiving that which was gone; and there­fore he must now satisfie the Spani­ard as well as he could; for the Spaniard was resolved he would have his Bargain, and Mombas had it not to pay over again. In the end being forced to make a Vertue of Necessity, he turned his Poc­kets the inside outermost, and of­fered him all he had about Him: But seeing that nothing but the Hundred Pistols would content him, Mombas told the Officer that he might [Page 78] do with him as he pleased, but if he were the occasion of his being retaken, he vowed to discover him in the first place, and therefore bid him quickly consider, for he had nothing farther to say. The Offi­cer terrifyed with these Threats, took what Mombas was able to give him and let him pass with his Guides. After this Mombas waded up to the Wast in Water for three Leagues together, very often in danger of being drown'd. But it was but just that a Traitor who had occasi­oned the Ruin of a Nation, should have his turn of Misery; who tho he endured a large Portion of Mis­fortune and Hardship, yet suffered not the half of what he deserved.

Mombas being thus arrived at Wordes, after he had endured an O­cean [Page 79] of Disasters more easie to ima­gine than to describe, took a Room in the Boat that goes from Wordes to Uytrecht, but he was no sooner sat down, but he perceived that a Wo­man who sat next him, knew him and had told his Name to another Woman that sat next to her. There­upon in a Peck of Troubles he quitted the Boat, being resolved to take some other way. But not da­ring to adventure the High road for fear of being known, he threw himself into any other guide then his own despair, having neither Sous nor Doit to help himself.

When he came within a quarter of a League of Utrecht he forsook the Water, but so bedaub'd with Mud and Dirt, that there was no possibility of presenting himself in [Page 80] that condition. Thereupon he got leave at the next House to dry his Cloaths, and so getting into the Town, he went to the Sign of the Palace Royal, where he met one of his Nephews by chance, who was a Captain in the French Army. His Ne­phew seeing him enter, was so far from believing him to be his Uncle, that he took him for an Apparition: For there had lodged the night be­fore a Person who came from Ni­eurburgh, who had reported it for certain News, which he had seen with his own Eyes, that Mombas's Head was cut off. And this Report was so spread about the City, that no body would believe that Mom­bas was come to Town.

In the mean while the Duke of Luxembergh, who was then chief [Page 81] Governour of Utrech, paus'd, whe­ther he should admit Mombas into his presence or no? For on the one side he knew it might be of advan­tage to discourse him, as who per­fectly understood the Country; and on the other side he consider'd that it would be no good Policy, to give him a kind Reception, which would but convince the World of the pri­vate Correspondence which he held with the King; which latter thoughts prevailing, he resolv'd not to see him at all, and therefore to those that told it him for great News, that Mombas was in Town, he made Answer that he did not be­leive it, adding withal, that it could never be, that a Man who had born Arms against the King would put himself into his hands. [Page 82] Every Body understood what the Duke meant, so that all Peoples mouths being clos'd after that, there was no more mention made of Mombas, than if he never had been.

As for Mombas himself, when he understood, that the Duke of Lux­embergh would not see him, he went to wait upon the Prince of Conde, at Arnheim, but that Prince be­ing as Politick as the Duke of Luxem­bergh, deny'd to speak with him, but in private, and that at such an hour, when all People else were asleep. Thereupon he sent the Captain of his Guards for him, about three of the Clock in the Morning, to bring him to his Quarters, where the Prince received him into his Closet, wrapt up in his great Leaguer Cloack. There he sold Holland a [Page 83] second time, disclosing all the se­crets of that Republick, or at least as much as he knew before he was Arrested, and after he had informed the Prince of as much as he desired to know, he retired to Collogne, in expectance there of a Promission to return into France, which was one of the wry Faces he was to make, in hopes to wipe off the suspicions which he already lay under. Some­time after he had intimation given him, that he might go and attend the Duke of Luxemburgh, who made use of him in the taking of Wordes, which the French quitted, after they had been only once Masters of it. He it was also that brought the Duke before this place, when the Prince of Orange beseig'd it; so that he seemed now as desirous to make [Page 84] his Treacherie publick, as he was before careful to conceal it.

Now though all this that I have said may seem to be rather a Histo­ry of the War then a keeping close to my Subject, which is to set forth the falshood of France, however I beleive it not so remote from the matter neither, since it serves so well to recal to Memory the Idea's of so many Treacheries and Breach­es of Faith. In a word, though it cannot be denied but that the French are sufficiently couragious, yet we may say, that she rather chooses to joyn Subtlety and Slight to Strength, without which she could never prove so Successful in all her Enterprizes; though we must needs say at the same time that ano­ther great Reason of Her Prospe­rity [Page 85] is this, that Money costs Her lit­tle or nothing; for to come now from War to Peace, let us examine how she brought to pass a separa­tion of the Allies, and whether that Metal did not stand her in more stead then all the Rhetorick of her Ministers.

One of the great Obstacles of the Peace, was the great difficulty of Reconciling the Interests of the Crown of Sweden, from the Inte­rests of those Princes who had any thing to do with it. As for the Crown of Sweden, its chiefest In­terest was this, that as it was en­gaged in a War only for the Service of France; that France should there­fore cause Restitution to be made of all those Places, which either the King of Denmark, the Princes of [Page 86] Brandenburgh, or of the House of Brunswick had taken from it. On the other side it was the Inte­rest of those Princes not to hear talk of Peace, unless they might preserve all their Conquests, or at least a good part of them. The difficulty then was to reconcile these opposite In­terests; now you shall see what it was that put this Affair into a fair way, and made it not so impossible as it seem'd to be. It hapned one day, at a Collation, that was given by one of the Three French Ministers, who understood the Court Secret, a Dish of Olives was set upon the Table, which the Swedish Embassa­dor tasting, and liking very well, the French Embassador promis'd to send him a Barril, which his Secre­tary soon after carry'd him. The [Page 87] Swedish Minister was not a little sur­pris'd to see the Secretary of the Em­bassie become a Porter of Olives, but presently recollecting himself he took the Barril in his hand, and find­ing it somewhat ponderous he ask­ed the Secretary what was in the Barril? The Secretary made An­swer, that his Excellency would see when he open'd it; and withal de­sired him to open it himself, and not to let any body see him when he open'd it: Then the Swedish Em­bassador knew what it meant, and so having dismissed the Secretary, he open'd the Barril which was cram­med to the bottom with Golden Lewisses, among which he found a little Note wherein these words were contain'd, If You intend that we should send you more Olives, you must let Us have a Peace.

Now you will ask me how a thing that was carry'd so secretly on the Minister of France's part, as on the Minister of Swedens, should come to my knowledge, to which I answer, how do so many secrets transacted in the Cabinet Councel, come to be known? but I must tell ye more then this, that France hap­pening afterwards to be at variance with Sweden, took no great care to conceal a secret, since it was of no Importance to her to keep it pri­vate. Rather she was glad of an opportuny to Divulge it, on pur­pose to raise Jealousies and Mi­strusts, among the Chief Grandees of Sweden, where the story is in e­very bodies Mouth, insomuch that the Rupture between the two Crowns is attributed to it. In a [Page 89] word, though the Homage which the King of France demanded of the King of Sweden, for the Dukedom of Deux Ponts, were a thing which that Young Prince took very un­kindly, yet the more nimble Poli­ticians beleive, that it would not have been a sufficient cause of a Rupture, had not the King of Sweden been exasperated before, by the Disadvantageous Peace which France had caused him to conde­scend to; of which it will not be from the purpose to speak a word or two, in regard that while I was at Paris, I met with few of the French, who did not maintain that Sweden vvas extremely obliged to France, since she vvould not en­dure to hear of any Treaty, till all vvas restored that had been con­quered [Page 90] from Sweden. But they vvere Ignorant, that in lieu the Swede vvas constrained to deliver up to the Duke of Brandenburgh, several places in Pomerania, in the Dutchie of Bremen several places to the King of Denmark, and several other pla­ces in the Bishoprick of Venden to the Princes of the House of Brun­swick. But now I am speaking of Sweden, I will tell ye how the Dut­chy of Deux Ponts came to be taken for Her, and under what pretence; the last Duke was a Healthy Per­son and like to live long, when France who lik'd the Country very well, as lying fit for Her, proje­cted how to get possession of it, having not yet bethought her self of the Knack of Dependency, under pretence of which she has since in­vaded [Page 91] so many Provinces. Now you must understand that the Duke having no Children, the Dukedom after his Death fell to the House of Swedland, though not immediately to the King of Swedland, in regard that Duke Adolphus pretended to ex­clude him as being the next in pro­pinquity of Blood to the present Possessor. On the other side the King of Sweden pretended that the Dukedom should descend to Him, as being the Son of the Eldest House, which seemed a very likely pre­tence. For though in several parts of Germany the Custom is such, that the next of Kin to the Deceased succeeds to his Estate, yet in the Electoral Families, especially the Palatine, which was then in dispute, the Usuage is quite otherwise. How­ever [Page 92] it were the King of France, who was willing to make the Pro­verb good, That while two are in dispute for the Possession, there comes a third and carries away the Prize, sent a considerable force to make himself Master of the Dut­chy of Deux Ponts, under pretence nevertheless to preserve it for the King of Sweden, in whose favour he had decided the difference a­gainst Duke Adolph. The Duke of Deux Ponts, who was still living, was nothing surprized that the French had entred his Country, as having often been subject to their violences, but he wondred not a little when he understood that they came to claim the Succession, espe­cially finding himself so likely to live, and having no desire to die so [Page 93] soon. Nevertheless the French having taken Possession of the place of his Residence, he saw not only his Coun­try reduced to slavery, but himself a kind of Prisoner; for in regard the French could not choose but think that a Prince of such a Noble and Illustrious Birth would not easily condescend to live under Tutelage, & fearing least that he would call the Emperor to his Assistance they watch­ed him so narrowly, that he might well be lookt upon rather as a Pri­soner then a Freeman.

However France, who was desi­rous to make sure of the King of Sweden, of whom she then stood in need (for all this happened during the War) gave him to understand that what she had done was only in kindness to Him; so that the Swede [Page 92] [...] [Page 93] [...] [Page 94] not dreaming but that France meant as she said, began to talk of send­ing a Governour into the Dutchy, but while he offered the Govern­ment sometimes to the Count of Carlson, his natural Brother in lieu of something that he had taken from Him, and sometimes to a Prince of the House of Baden, the King of France sent thither the Prince Palatine of Berkenfield, and reconciled the Prince of Baden, and the Count of Carlson, who began to look with an evil aspect one up­on another, as it is the Custom of two Persons, that aspire both to one Command.

The Peace ensuing soon after, France, who had no mind to part with so toothsom a Morsel, be­thought her self of the Right of [Page 95] Dependency, and demanded Ho­mage and Fealty from the King of Sweden. This pretention altoge­ther new, extremely surprized the Swedish King, but in regard the Dutchy lies at a great distance from his Dominions, the chiefest part of his Ministers concluded to let it pass, and not to quarrel with France, at what time France, who had laid this Rub in the way, only because she would not restore what she had got into her Clutches, caused Duke Adolph to interpose himself to the end, that according as they had a­greed among themselves, she might remain always in the Possession.

And thus as she had despoiled the Old Duke in his life time, who ended his days for sorrow remote from his own Territories, so she [Page 96] scruples not to keep from their Rights to other Princes still alive and live like. And it is very pro­bable, that without considering whether the claim belong to the King of Sweden, or Duke Adolph, that she will rather choose to sur­render it to the Palatine of Birken­field, then to either of the other two, as being loath it should fall into the Hands of the King of Sweden, for fear of enlarging the Power of a Prince, whose Friendship she has so little reason to hope, and having the same reason to be jealous of Duke Adolph, whose Interest it is to keep firmly united to the Head of his own Family.

Moreover, it cannot but be a great trouble to the Palatine House, to see such a number of Princes be­come [Page 97] subject to France. For be­sides that, the Person upon whom France shall be pleased to confer the Dutchie of Deux Ponts, will be ob­liged to do her Homage, how ma­ny others are there, who at this day groan under the weight of her Fet­ters: The Prince de la petite Pierre could say something, if the unfor­tunate example of one of his Kins­men did not oblige Him to silence. I could speak of the Prince of Wel­dens, who for having the soul of a Prince, and being willing to pre­serve himself in that high Dignity where Providence has placed him by Birth, might starve, if his own Subjects had not pity upon him; I say that he might starve; nor do I aggravate the matter; for 'tis well known to many others, be­sides [Page 98] my self, that because he would not do Homage to France, he has been dispossessed of his Territory, and lives now in a hired House upon the Alms of his Subjects. 'Tis as vvell knovvn to vvhat a mean con­dition his Son is reduced. 'Tis vvell known, I say, that his Father not having vvherevvithal to sup­port him, that rides up and dovvn upon a sorry Nag vvithout any Train or Attendance, like the poor­est Gentleman in France, being at length constrain'd to put himself in­to the Service of the States, vvho have given him a Foot Company, vvhich is all he has to subsist upon at this Day.

Some perhaps may ask me, vvhy the Prince of Weldens carries himself so untractably considering his ovvn [Page 99] vveakness, against a Power so ab­solute? vvhy does he not give vvay to the Times, as others do; and in a Word, vvhat difference there is be­tvveen being a Vassal to the Emperor and a Homager to the King of France. For I knovv these are the Discourses generally in the Mouths not only of those that follovv the Interests of France, but also of several others, who cannot but compassionate the Misfortunes of this Prince, and en­deavour to help him: To this I an­swer that the Prince of Wildens, fin­ding himself reduced to utmost ne­cessity, has sought an Accommodati­on by all-manner of ways; but he could never resolve to be a Slave. In short, when he saw that a great many Princes of his Family had shew­ed him the way, he sent his Son in­to [Page 100] France, who offer'd on his Fathers behalf to do homage to the King, pro­vided he would use him like a Prince and suffer him to enjoy the same Rights and Privileges, as before the Change of his Affairs: But the King laugh'd at his Proposals, so that the young Gentleman was forc'd to re­turn as wise as he went. Never­theless if I may reflect upon the present Condition of the German Prin­ces, and what it was formerly, we may easily see how they abuse themselves, that think there is no difference between a Vassal to the Emperor, and a Vassal to the King of France: But I do ill, to say a Vassal to the Emperor; for all the Princes of the Empire, I mean the Soveraign Princes, as the Electors and several other great Houses, are ra­ther [Page 101] Members of the Empire, not the Emperor's Vassals. They are indeed oblig'd to assist the Empire, under Forfeiture of their Privileges and Ter­ritories, but they are not oblig'd to assist the Emperor, unless he be first attack'd. Let us then conclude that this Word Vassal is not properly ap­plyed to the Princes of Germany, who have Soveraign Authority within their own Dominions, as much as the Em­peror exercises in His own. They have the Power of Life and Death, they impose Taxes and Subsidies at their pleasure, & lastly are accoun­table for their Actions to none but God. Let us conclude, I say, that such Princes as these, who enjoy all the Marks of Soveraignty, are far dif­ferent from the Princes of France, who except that they stand with [Page 102] their Hats on, when the King gives Audience to Embassadors, are in no­thing else more than other Subjects. It may be said in some Sort, that they are inferiour to some of the Kings Subjects; for the Dukes and Peers take the Precedency of them, and that the Princes are oblig'd not to appear at any Ceremony, least they should be constrain'd to walk after them. Nevertheless if we look back to the beginning of the last Century we shall find that among those Dukes, there are some, whose Fathers were only Notaries, others no more than Merchants in Paris. And we know what the Descendants from one of these great Families did not long since, to conceal the knowledg of such a mean and ignominious Ex­traction: We know that they caus'd [Page 103] an Epitaph in the Church of St. In­nocents to be eras'd, instead of which we find another in the Celestins, wherein there are as many Falshoods as there were Truths in the other.

And yet it so falls out, that Prin­ces, whose Ancestors were in the Num­ber of Soveraign Princes, are at this day forc'd to submit to Men of that low and sordid Extraction. To which I may add, that the Princes of the Blood themselves are glad to court and fawn upon Persons of a much lower and baser Extraction than what I have already mention'd. We know the way to rise in France is not to stir from the Anti-chamber of a Great Minister; and a Colonel of Horse, whose Name I could tell, and one whom every Body knows as well as I, does not disdain to be [Page 104] a Buffoon to one of the Secretaries of State: For which reason he quitted his Regiment, for fear, least in time of War, some other Minion might step into his Honourable Employment. 'Tis well known also that while Monsieur Colbert sate at Diner, the greatest Lords of France sate pum­ping for a Jest to make him laugh, and he that had had the best Success, glory'd in his happy Fortune, as if it had been he who had defended Vienna against the Turks. Lastly 'tis well known, and yet a thing which a Man would hardly believe, that Monsieur the Kings only Brother is oblig'd to have recourse to them, when he has any particular Favour to beg of the King, and that not­withstanding this Submission, he ma­ny times is forc'd to go without the [Page 105] Grant of his Petition. I could prove by a Thousand Examples what I here alledg; but it shall suffice to men­tion only what happen'd about a year or two since, upon the score of a Person whom the Monsieur had a kind desire to put into one of the King's Farms; for not being able to obtain what he desir'd of Monsieur Colbert after many and many Entrea­ties, he was forced himself at length to speak to the King.

To give a little farther proof of the Tyrannies of the Ministers of France, and how the lofty Princes are forced to cringe and bow before those Idols, there needs no more than to repeat what hapned some few days since to Monsieur the Dauphin, he had beg'd of Monsieur Segnaly, the Son of Mr. Colbert, the Employ­ment [Page 106] of Purser of a Ship, for a Son of one of his Domesticks, which Monsieur Segnalay having granted Him with great difficulty, this same Minister of the last Edition took a Fancy sometime after to displace the Purser, pretending him uncapable of the Imployment. The Dauphin un­derstanding this, told Monsieur Segnaly that it was his desire the Per­son might be restor'd, and that if he had done amiss, it was only for his want of years, and that he him­self would undertake the Young man should do better for the future. Monsieur Segnalay having heard the Prince with that Gravity which he so awkardly affects, made answer, that the thing was out of his Pow­er, and that therefore he must speak to the King: But Monsieur the Dau­phin [Page 107] not enduring that a Person of his Condition should so unworthily requite the Honour which he did him, Schol'd him so severely that he soon humbled his vain-glorious Pride.

Let us then conclude from hence that it is a great Misfortune for a Prince to be born a Subject of the Crown of France, and a great Impru­dence in him that is free to put him­self under the Yoak. Ask the Prince Palatine who is only his Neighbour, how he likes his Neighbourhood, and I am sure he will tell you, there is no difference from being a Subject and a Neighbour. If he speaks like a Prince, they speak to him like Masters, and if he intends that France should let him be at quiet, He must submit to all her Demands. Let us ask him whether he hath any [Page 108] Subjects that are Faithful to him a­mong so many Subjects as are obedi­ent to him? and whether France have not quite debauch'd their Alle­giance? Lastly let us ask him whe­ther he dares complain, though e­very day he finds one Corner or o­ther of his Territories lopt off from his Subjection, and whither they do not tell him on the other side, that he is happy to be under the Protection of so great a Potentate? Let us now visit the Courts of the other Princes of Germany, and see what passes there, before we make any Reflection upon the Princes of France. What shall we say of the Ec­clesiastical Electors; of which the one sells his Country by the sugge­stion of her Emissaries; the other suffers her self to be scar'd by her Emissaries: [Page 109] & the other is so obedient to her Will as if the same Interest actuated in all. Yet at the same time let us confess, that this is not done with­out some sort of Violence, for who questions the various Tricks and gins that are made use of daily to separate 'em from their real Inte­rests? To some they pretend, that the most part of their Territories are Dependencies upon the Crown, and that if they do not use all means to Captivate the Kings fa­vours, he will no longer suffer 'em to enjoy that to which they have no Right at all; so that while he deprives them of the true Chara­cter of Soveraign, which is to be independent in their Authority, he endeavours to insinuate the contra­ry, that their dependance upon France is the only way to support [Page 110] their Dominion. To others he cries, that they have nothing to do but to consider his Power, & from thence to assure themselves that they have no other hopes but in Him; and while he feeds them with these fair Hopes, he boys up the People in their Disobedi­enc, to the end the Soveraigns may always standing in need of him, to suppress their mutinies. It may well be thought that I speak of Liege, where France holds her Di­van contrary to the Faith of Treaties, and where the Dissentions between the People and their Sovereign, make her as absolutely Mistress of the City, as if it belonged solely to Her; for who is so blind as not to see through her Politicks upon this occasion? For being in conti­nual fear, least Monsieur of Cologne should at length open his Eyes, she [Page 111] resolves to have a Remedy ready against all manner of Accidents. And therefore as she maintained the People of Messina in their Rebelli­on, so will she support the Inhabi­tants of Liege in all their Rebelli­ous Practices, should Monsieur of Cologne at any time bethink himself of re-assuming his Lawful Sove­raignty. For indeed if this were not the Intention of France, what could hinder Monsieur Cologne at this day, from reducing to Obedience a City which is open on all sides, without Fortifications or any Gar­rison. It were then to be wished that he would come again to him­self, and consider that his Alliance with France, has only serv'd to draw upon him the hatred of his People, and the utter Ruin of his Country [Page 112] for not to mention the Imperial-Armies, who have been Constrained to feed upon his Country, we see How he has been treated himself, by those in whom he has put all his hopes and confidence. Who can be Ignorant of the Horrible Contri­butions which France has Levied upon his Subjects, the General De­solation of his Territory, the Sacking and Plundering of his Towns, and the Destruction of his Citadels and other Stately Buildings? Who can be Ignorant of what Happened at the Hay, where the French not contented, to have Tyranniz'd o're the Inhabitants, threw the Castle to the Ground, and ru­in'd one of the Noblest Bridges upon the Meuse, by which meanes that City finds her self depriv'd of all her chief­est & most considerable advantages [Page 113] for having admitted them within her Walls. But let us go on to the other Princes of Germany, and see whether they have any more rea­son to boast of the French kindnesses.

I could Epitomize all at once what I have to say to this point, by only declaring what happened but lately to the King of Danemark. For as it may be easie for others to judge what they are to expect, by the carriage of the French toward their Allies, therefore in my opi­nion, that might suffice to prove the Violence of her Proceedings, and how she goes about to make her self Mistress of the whole World. But in regard there are several that would be glad to see what pretty Courses she takes to bring about her Designs, I will give you a short ac­count [Page 114] of her Maxims and De­vices.

There is no Body can be igno­rant of the Marriage of the Dauphin with the Dauphiness. The great Re­phuation which Monsieur of Bavaria, and the great Sway which he carries in the Empire, as well by reason of the Extent of his Dominions, as also by reason of their Situation, caus'd him to be courted of all hands du­ring the last War, as He who brought a great Accession of Strength to the side for which he should declare. The King of France being careful of losing such an Ad­vantage, dayly made him a Thou­sand advantageous Propositions to en­gage himself in his Interests. On the other side the Emperor was no less sedulous to gain him to his Party. [Page 115] So that the Duke of Bavaria judg­ing of his Power by the Applica­tions that were made to him, re­solved to hear both, and to fix where he could make his best Markets.

As for the Emperor he only offer­ed him a League Offensive and De­fensive against France, whose Am­bitious designs he laid before him, beleiving that enough to bring him over to the German Interest: But Bavaria being in hopes of some­thing more advantageous, listened more willingly to the propositions of France, which the French endea­voured to make as acceptible as possibly they could. In short too many politick Arguments, which might have been more prevalent at some other time, but now of lit­tle or no effect, they added most [Page 116] magnificent Presents, which they were careful to renew from time to time; so that Princes being wrought upon many times by such kind of Temptations as well as other Persons, the Duke began to be more and more enclined to France. Madam of Bavaria, whom the King had formerly had some thoughts to have married, and who was not a little troubled that she had missed the preferment, hoping to advance her Daughter to the Throne which she had failed off, prest her Hus­band with all her might to the French Alliance, provided he made sure of the Advancement of his Daugh­ter, who could not expect a more advantageous match in all Europe.

Nor was it long before the Mi­nisters of France discovered what [Page 117] had passed in the Duke of Bavarias Cabinet, and therefore beleiving it would be more kindly taken to pre­vent the Duke, by proposing the Match before the Duke offered it himself, they declared that they had orders from their Master to di­scourse him about it; and this they also made known to Madam of Ba­varia, who was ready to leap out of her skin for joy. After this pro­position thus made, the Emperors Ministers were no longer minded, and nothing was discoursed of but the future Alliance, which was the Foundation of the ensuing Treaty between France and Bavaria, by which the Duke of Bavaria promi­sed to remain Neuter, which was all that France desir'd. For in regard that Bavaria had a powerful Army on foot, & that he was resolved to stand Neu­ter, [Page 118] so long at the War endured, France conjectured, and that not without reason, that the Emperor would be awed by his potent strength, which would be as beneficial to France, as if the Duke acted openly. And by the Event it appeared that those Conjectures were not ill groun­ded. But not to make a repetition of things known to every body; it will suffice to say, that this Treaty continued till the Treaty of Ni­meghen, and that the Mariage of Madamoiselle of Bavaria was soon af­ter consummated, there being at that time no Princes in Europe unmarried, either of a nobler Family, or endow'd with more Princely Qualities.

And now France thought her self secure of the House of Bavaria, but the Duke and Dutches dying, and the Dukedom falling into the Hands [Page 119] of a Prince, more clear sighted than his Father and Mother, France finding he did not stand so right for their Turn, made it their business to fasten him by some new Ally­ance. To this purpose, because their is nothing sooner tempts a young Prince then Beauty, chiefly when it is accompanied by great Merit, the Ministers of France so ordered it, that they whom they had gained to their Party, should fill his Ears with their discourses of Madam Blois, the Kings natural Daughter, who appearing so love­ly in her tender Age, promised to be in a short time, one of the most charming Persons in the World. Monsieur of Bavaria perceiving him­self perhaps smitten with what was imprinted every hour in his mind, [Page 120] or else out of Curiosity to know whe­ther Fame did not too much exalt the Beautys of that Lady, seem'd to intimate as if he should not be un­willing to see her Picture. Of which his most faithful Friends, and those that were more jealous of his Honor being inform'd, they made him so effectually sensible of the Snares that were spread for his Youth, that the Prince recollecting his Thoughts, began to be asham'd of what perhaps he had only done out of Curiosity.

In the mean time several Portrai­tures of Madam de Blois were sent from France, but the Ministers of that Crown, perceiving that the Ille­gitimacy of her Birth, defaced all the Impressions that her Beauty could make, gave over the Design of that Match, of which they had concei­ved [Page 121] such hopes a little before.

After this they proposed another Match to the Bavarian, which was certainly much more suitable: And that was between the Duke and Ma­damoiselle the Queen of Spains Sister, and Daughter to the Duke of Or­leans. But the Bavarian Ministers, who had diverted his first Passions, easily beat him off from this, per­swading him that it was only a snare to keep him from allying with the Emperor, whose Daughter he might be in hopes to marry, which would not be only a greater advantage to him, but more necessary and re­quisite for his Interests. That it behov'd him to have his Eyes open and to look upon the Designs of France, which were only to ruine the Emperor and the Empire. That [Page 122] it was true she fed him from time to time with fair Fancies, as that she would cause him to be Elected King of the Romans; but that the bottom of her Design was only to disunite the Princes one from another, that when the Election should happen, she might be the better able to carve for her self, what she offer'd to others. That it was not his Inte­rest to desire a Neighbourhood so dreadful to all that had been so un­fortunate to be her Neighbours; which was no Reproach or Detracti­on, and that there needed no more than the Consideration of their Condi­tion to make others sensible of the danger of Falling into the like.

These sage Councels, made that Impression which might well be ex­pected upon the mind of a Prince, [Page 123] who lov'd Honour and scorn'd to stoop under Subjection. On the o­ther side the French Ministers not re­lishing these Proceedings, were so en­rag'd at the Dukes Refusal of their propounded Match; that they had the Insolence to tell him, that if the Duke of Bavaria had married Ma­dammoiselle de Blois, it had been no Disparagement to him. That there was no doubt but that Princes as puissant as himself would desire her in Marriage, who were like to go without her for all that; and that the King was sufficiently potent to Revenge one day the scorn and con­tempt which he had put upon his Alliance. These Rhodomontadoes gave the Duke sufficiently to understand, how France at first wound her self in by softness and mildness, but that [Page 124] she was still for force where that fail'd. But these Proceedings ser­ving to no other end then to alie­nate the Duke the farther off from the French, he presently treated with the Emperor, with whom he might be certain to find more Honour, and more Security.

Nor has the Duke of Saxonie more reason to applaud the Con­duct of France, who finding that Prince fast link'd to the true Inte­rest of Germany, not suffering him­self to be fed with her empty pro­mises, has raised him up several E­nemies both at home and abroad, and used all imaginable tricks to set him at variance with the Princes of his Family, but not being able to bring her designs to pass: She had been tampering with the Princes his Neigh­bours, [Page 125] which occasioned those jea­lousies so prudently already laid asleep by the Emperor.

As for the Marquiss of Branden­burgh and the King of Danemark, I know nothing that could beget a greater Aversion to France, then her behaviour towards them. For if we look upon the manner how she came to intrude her self into their Confidence, we shall find that she has left no Tricks unplaid to bring it to pass, but after she had got her Ends, there was no sort of Severity and Cruelty which she did not exercise to their Dammage. The Propositions are well known; which were made by the Count de Roy, upon his Arrival in the North. 'Tis well known, I say, that he demanded of the King of Danemark, in the name of the [Page 126] King his Master, that he might have a share in the Disbursement of the Money which he received from Him, adding withal, that the Mo­ney was wasted to little purpose: He demanded also little less of the Duke of Brandenburgh; yet fearing to provoke those Princes, jealous of their Honours, by such kind of harsh Complements, he kept his Pensioners, or else certain Frenchmen still at their Elbows to mollifie and sweeten those severe Pieces of Court­ship; so that those Princes being de­tain'd, as I may say, between hope and fear, knew not what to resolve upon. But let us admire the Poli­ticks of that Crown, which draws it's Advantages from all things, even from those things that seem to be contrary and prejudicial to it's Interest.

Every one knows how Monsi­eur de Bricquant was prosecuted; who after he had been a long time in the Bastile, for being stedfast to his Principles, was at length for­ced to fly his Country, having no­thing more to hope from his ser­ving France; where he had never­theless spent all his youthful years: but so soon as France understood, that he was gone to Brandenburgh, and that he was received by the E­lector, her Malice was not only ap­peased of a suddain, but she would needs Recommend him to that Prince, not immediately as from her self, for that would have been suspicious; but indirectly by the means of her Generals, so that this same Recommendation accompa­nied with the merit of the Person, [Page 128] got him in a short time a Regiment of Horse with the Government of Wesel; and of this Person it is that she makes use, but cunningly and slily to obtain her desires; For tho he does not appear to be entrusted with the secret, but that on the con­trary, he still complains of his suf­ferings and hard usage in France, he knows how to give the blow when Opportunity serves, a Blow so much the more dangerous, as com­ing from a kind and unsuspected Hand.

Boisdavid, who was constrained to fly France, where he was a Bri­gadier and Colonel of Foot, for ha­ving duell'd Monsieur d'Aubijoux, understood the way to regain her Favour by managing her Interests in the Court of Zell, where he was [Page 129] advantageously preferr'd, so that nothing there pass'd of which Mon­sieur de Louvois was not advertis'd from time to time. And that which was most extraordinary was this, that though there be no Mercy for those who are accus'd of the same Crime that he was, he forbears not to make a Journey sometimes to Paris, whether it be upon his own occasions, or which is most likely to confer with Monsieur de St. Po­vange, about such things as he dares not commit to Writing.

All the Courts of the other Prin­ces are in the same manner stuft ei­ther with bannish'd or Malecontented French. But at the same time those Princes give 'em Entertainment, if it may not be said that they receive Serpents into their Bosoms, at least [Page 130] we may say, that they are to be very wary how they easily trust 'em with their Secrets. For besides that the Genius of the French Nation carrys them to insinuate themselves into all manner of business, they rarely forget their Fidelity to their Prince, so that it is a great piece of Imprudence to confide in their A­ctions.

Having thus discoursed of the Misfortunes daily attending those Princes who are Neighbours to France or that are in any sort of Amity with Her, let us now see in what a Condi­tion they are, who are envellop'd by her in her Claims of Dependen­cies. I will say nothing of the Prince of Petite Pierre, or of Weldens, of whom we have spoken suffici­ently already, but I will mention [Page 131] something of the Prince of Baden, who no sooner came to be in the number of Her Subjects, but he was constrained to give a large Pen­sion to his Wife, who left him a long time since, with a resolution never to Cohabit with him any more. He might shew himself ready as he did, to take her home again, but there was no regard had to Reasons, and the first thing im­posed upon him was to ascertain Her a revenue, where he could not come to Finger it. I pass over in silence the Tyranny which She Ex­ercises over other Princes of less repute; for since the Princes of the Sovereign Families, are no other­wise spared then as I have related, there is no likelihood that the rest should fare any better. It would [Page 132] be tedious to recount what they daily suffer from those Petty Tyrants, who, of great Ministers Lacquies, becoming Commissaries, and Com­missary Intendants, assume to them­selves a Soveraign Authority. Nor are they contented to deprive these Princes of their Honour, but of their Estates. How many suits do they commence against them for the De­cision of Limits, and several other slight occasions; insomuch that those Princes, who but lately had the Power of Life and Death over their Subjects, are now forced to go and answer their suits at the Bar, and frequently loose their Causes. For it is a Maxim of France to sup­port the Vassals against their Lords, well knowing, that as long as they have the People of their side, the [Page 133] Princes and Gentry are not to be feared at all, who can do little with­out the People, so that Her Interest sweys Her beyond all manner of Justice, provided she can thereby Establish her Dominion, or rather her absolute Tyranny.

If we pass from hence to her u­sage of the meaner Gentry, how many may we find ruin'd by their Garrisons: For she does not stop at ordinary Forms to establish her Do­minion, though it be the Law to seize the Lands only of those that refuse Homage and Fealty, how many has she nevertheless imprisoned, to the end that by detaining at the same time, both their Persons and their Estates, necessity may con­strain them to an absolute Subje­ction to her Pleasure? But the Con­summation [Page 134] of her Tyranny and In­justice was her severity to the Baron de L'Evenop, a Gentleman of qua­lity, and of a Family that once ho­noured Sweden with a Queen. For after France had received his Fealty and Homage, she dispossessed him of his demeans, no person being able to say for what reason, nor could she ever give any her self, but her own covetous thirst after other Peoples Estates.

There is no Prince in Europe who has not had a taste of her violences: who though they are sufficiently powerful to repress her Insolence, yet such is their blindness, that instead of uniting together for the com­mon good, one would think they had conspir'd by their Disunion to surrender into her hands the Empire [Page 135] of the World. They know that she is in League with the Turk to harrass Germany, one on one side, and the other on the other side, and yet they will not unite to destroy an Enemy that seeks to reduce them to utter Slavery.

And now since I have mention'd this Allyance with the Turk, it may not be amiss to convince those who have hitherto seem'd to make some question of the Truth of it, and that by one Circumstance against which there is no Reply. Every one knows the vigorous Resistance which the Count of Starenbergh Governour of Vienna made against the Turk. So that the Grand Visier after the loss of an Infinite Number of his Men, would have raised the Siege, if he could have done it with Honour. To which [Page 136] purpose he sent back Count Albert Caprara, who was Embassador at the Emperors Court, whom he would never permit to return before that, to make him some Propositions of Peace, much more reasonable than those which he had proposed be­fore: But the Marquiss of Seppeville who attended the Emperor from the King of France, being advertis'd thereof, dispatch'd a Currier to his Master to give him advice of it; up­on which Information France sent a­nother to the Grand Visier, to lay be­fore him the Dishonour it would be to his Reputation, to raise the Siege so ignominiously after had lost such a Number of Men: Therefore that he would enter Flanders to constrain the Princes of the Rhine to recal their Succours, which they had sent to the [Page 137] Emperor; by which Diversion he might soon accomplish his Design. Monsieur Seppeville's Currier arriv'd at Fountain Bleau the 22d. of August between eight and nine of the Clock in the Morning. The Person who was dispatch'd to the Grand Visier, or to Monsieur Seppeville, which is the same thing, went away at one of the Clock in the Afternoon; and the same Afternoon they did not only noise abroad their Intentions of inva­ding Flanders, but orders were also given out in order thereto; so that the Grand Visier not questioning but that the French would keep their words this time more punctually than they had done before, continu­ed his seige, and it is very probable that he would never have raised it, had he not been constrained to it, [Page 138] till he had been Master of the Town. Which having brought me to speak of France's breach of Faith to the Grand Visier, it will not be amiss to tell the cause of it. Cer­tain it is that by a Private Treaty be­tween France and the Ottoman Port, for which Teckeley became security, and one whose name was Bohan the Instrument that managed the busi­ness, France was obliged to attach the Empire upon the side next the Rhine, at what time the Ottoman was to invade Hungary. To which purpose the King of France was al­ready advanced upon the Frontiers; but finding that the Turks having made such a prosperous Progress at the beginning, that he made no question but that they would carry Vienna, where they had already [Page 139] planted their seige, had put all Ger­many into such a Consternation, that all the Princes of the Empire gave themselves for lost, he stopped his March neither out of Moderation nor Christianity; but fearing to loose the good opinions of the Princes, imagining that in the condition to which they were reduced, they would be constrained to fly to him for Succour. And therefore think­ing himself cock sure of the Empire, he would not carry Terror and De­solation into a place which he ex­pected so soon to command; which was the reason that he rather set up­on Spain than the Empire. For he was always in hopes, that if the Turks got possession of Vienna, there was not any but himself that could oppose so formidable a Power, as [Page 140] if the Princes of the Empire would not rather have chosen to have be­come Tributary to the Turk, then to have submitted to the Yoak of French slavery. In a word, not to speak any more of Her Tyranny, which is incomparably more intol­lerable than Pagan Servitude, may we not probably believe that she will exercise the same severy over their Conscience, not permitting the publick worship of God, where­as among the Heathens you shall ne­ver hear of those terrible Edicts, that commanded the demolishing of Churches, nor of Souldiers that only serve for Hangmen and Exe­cutioners, to those that assembled together upon their Ruins, to sing Praises to their Creator.

But though it be an easie thing, at least as I imagine to inculcate a horrour and dread of this unsuffe­rable Domination, it is not so easie to teach the means to avoid it; con­sidering, as I have already said, that all the Princes of the Empire seem to conspire to lay poor subju­gated Germany in Fetters, at Her Feet. For is it not a thing that would move both Pity and Indig­nation at the same time, to see that at a time when every one should labour their utmost, to withstand such an encroaching Violence, they daily strive to enlarge and support her Power? For what may they be said to think, who went about to Elect the Bishop of Cologne, or ra­ther of Strasburgh to the Bishoprick of Munster? do they not know that [Page 142] they are both entirely devoted to the Interest of France? Or if Mon­sieur of Cologne should chance to o­pen his Eyes, Monsieur of Strasburgh has such an Ascendant over him; that he would still prevail over him to continue in his Blindness? Do they not know, that if Monsieur of Cologne be a lover of Peace, Monsieur of Stras­burg affects nothing so much as War? Do they not know, that it was by the perswasions of the Deceased Arch­bishop of Cologne, and the defunct Bishop of Strasburgh, that France so furiously invaded the United Pro­vinces; and that to increase the Power of their Successors, no less passionately enclined to enslave Eu­rope, they have the same Repute, the same Inclinations, the same De­signs with the Deceased? as ha­ving the same Blood in their Veins, [Page 143] and the same Souls in their Bodies? And yet when they saw into what a Precipice the Deceased had plung'd all Germany, as if they had quite forgot what was past, they would needs put the same Power into the Hands of their Nephews to Execute those things, which the Uncles had only in their Wills to do. The one already has surrendred the Capital City of his Bishoprick into the Hands of the French; and they would have the other to deliver up the rest of Germany, which is already suf­ficiently captivated by their Trea­chery. They would in a word tie up the Hollanders Hands, by the Vi­cinity of a new Enemy, and by that means enchain the rest of Eu­rope, whose hopes depend upon 'em.

But let us conclude a discourse which 'tis to be feared will do but [Page 144] little good, in regard that all the World is of that disposition; as not to love to be too nakedly told the Truth. So that as much as France may be offended with me for disco­vering her Maxims and Policies, as much will others bear me ill will for reprehending their Weakness and Blindness. Yet I cannot for­bear from saying this, with the ha­zard of what ever they may think, that they make themselves Accom­plices in all the Enterprizes of France, if they do not put an end to those differences that have so long kept them in Dis-union. For what can we say more? For one strives to invade Lubec, another Pomeraenia, others make head against them, while on the other side a Potent E­nemy minds nothing more then to bring them altogether under his [Page 145] subjection. They will not permit one Neighbour to grow more pow­erful then another, but the never consider that there is an Enemy approaching, who not contented to have encreased his Dominions by large Conquests, will never be satisfied with being no more then their Neighbour, agreeable to what is said by the Author of a late Pasquil upon the present condition of Eu­rope. For when he speaks of the United Provinces, he brings them in saying, That they will not have the Prince of Orange Reign over them; to which answer is made, That they Act like Fools and Blindmen; they are afraid lest the Dog should bite 'em, but ne'r mind the Wolf who is ready to devour 'em. Thus the Northern Princes perceive that Dane­mark [Page 146] would fain joyn Hamborough and Su­beck to the Crown; but they do not see that France will not only joyn to her Crown, not only both those Ci­ties, but their own Territories them­selves, if they do not Unite to hin­der Her. They find that the Mar­quiss of Brandenburgh has a design upon Pomerania, from whence he believes himself Excluded contrary to Reason, but they do not observe, that while they oppose the Enlarge­ment of His Dominion, another en­creases his Power so fast, that they run the hazard of being totally swallowed up by his Oppression. What remedy then against so many Mischiefs, but to forget the Old Quar­rel, and to begin a new one. But first it behoves 'em to banish from their Councils those Treacherous Souls, [Page 147] who having crept into the favour of their Princes, reward 'em with continual Treasons for their kind­nesses. They must give ear to none but their old Servants, whose Fide­lity they have so often experienc'd that it would be an injury to sus­pect 'em. For in the age we live in, we ought to distrust all the World, considering the general Corruption that shews it self every day; For had not Strasburgh been free to this day, had she had no o­other then Persons of Fidelity with­in her Bosom? But let us here I be­seech ye consider and admire the differences between the Services that France receives from her Sub­jects, and that which other States receive from theirs, which are in the service of France. I have shew­ed [Page 148] ye before, how Boisdavid and Brignant banish'd and proscrib'd as they are, notwithstanding serve as spies, the one in the Court of Bran­denburgh, the other in the Court of Zell. I find I have shewed ye be­fore that their Fidelity ought to have been little Credited by those Princes; but now let us on the o­ther side see why the Fidelity of Count Hasfield, born a Subject to the King of Sweden, should be sus­pected by the Prince his Master.

Every own knows his Birth, and it would be superfluous to speak of it here, were it not to tell ye, that his Father being a French Man, and his Mother a French Woman, 'tis no wonder he retains the nature of a French Man himself. Nevertheless there is this to be said against him, [Page 149] that after he had been born in Swe­den, and raised from nothing by the favour of the King, all other Ob­ligations ought to have given place; for that, what was a Vertue in his Father was a Crime in Him. Now who could ever dream without having an enmity to his person, that while France treats the King his Master after so gentile a man­ner, that he should conspire the slavery of Germany? and yet was it not he that made so many Jour­neys to Strasburgh, where he had more advantage to treat then o­thers, by reason of his familiarity with the Language, and for that he was least suspected? Is not this he that kept so many Cabals in Swe­den? where he knew the Great Per­sonages were discontented, by rea­son [Page 150] that the King has taken from them sundry great profits, which they enjoyed rather by the Profusi­on then Liberality of his Predeces­sors? I only call the great Persons to Witness these things, and whe­ther it be not likewise true, that at a drinking bout, where there were about seven or eight in Company, one of the Gang said to the rest, that if Hasfield were to be belei­ved they would soon make a Tecke­ley among themselves. However it be, he cannot say but that France has recompenc'd him very well for his good Service. For besides that he receives very considerable Pen­sions and large Presents, She has advanced all his Family: He has two Brothers, of which the one is suddainly to be a Bishop, the other [Page 151] an Abbot, the King having promi­sed them, who never fails of his Word, unless it be that which he and his Ministers call Word of State. He has also two other Brothers, of which the one is at Hamborough, em­ploy'd by the King of France, the worthy Brother of Monsieur Has­field, that is to say, one as ready as himself to sell Germany, if it were in his Power, and the other in Swe­den, who gives Intelligence of all that passes there; besides all those other Noble Gentlemen there, the Son of Monsieur Bidal a Merchant, the famous Bankrupt whom Bolleau has not failed to paint forth in his Satyrs, though he was lately com­manded by an express order of the Court, to leave that passage out in in his next Edition. For Monsieur [Page 152] Hasfield performing so many re­markable Exploits, to render his Name immortal, it is but just to deface the Monuments of his Infa­my.

The way then to prevent so ma­ny Abuses, is to imitate the Exam­ple of France at this day; for she does not only confiscate the Goods of such as betake themselves to the Service of other Princes, but she always prohibits them under strict Penalties and corporal punishment, to go abroad. Nevertheless if she shews her self indulgent to any, it is easily thence to be infer'd; they only serve as spies in the Courts of those Princes that employ them; which is too serious a Truth.

Let us then conclude, that so long as there is no order taken to [Page 153] prevent these abuses, it is impossi­ble we should ever prosper; but that France on the other side will have all the Advantages she can desire. For how is it possible that any un­dertaking of ours should be Crown'd with happy Success, of which the Enemy has Intelligence long before it be put in Execution. To this let us add, that if it will not suffice for a Prince to distrust his own Mini­sters, or to change them, let him be himself his own Minister, as one that may be assur'd that if there be one Person in his Council who is Tem­tation-proof, there are hundreds that cannot resist the Golden Charms. And let him consider that if he himself as frequently now adays it happens will suffer himself to be purchased by him that offers most, his Mini­sters [Page 154] may well do the same, who have more need of Money then he has.

There might be something also said touching the Remedy to be ap­plied for prevention of these Mis­chiefs, with which we find our selves at this day overwhelm'd. But in regard I can say no more then what other People have said before me, I had rather be silent, then to make too many repetitions in vain, and for the most part ra­ther Speculative then Real. For when I consider what I have read in so many Authors, and heard in so many places, that it behoves all the Protestants to unite together, since the Catholicks are so negli­gent, to oppose themselves against the common Ruin, may not I con­clude, [Page 155] that it is much more easie to discourse in this manner, then probable to see the Effect of such advice. For how is it possible that the Protestants should singly un­dertake a War against France, when the Catholicks keep such a strict Watch upon them. We find at this day an apparent example of the Catholick designs, by which it is easie for us to judge how little Reliance there is upon the French Protestants in Silesia, and other ad­joyning Provinces, where they are reduced to that misery, that they have more need of our Assistance. But they had rather the whole Em­pire should perish, then remit any thing of their Cruelty.

The House of Austria, which is maliciously incensed to our Destru­ction, does not perceive the heavy Hand of God upon her for so many Crimes, for which she is accomp­table to his Justice in respect of us, provoking still the same Justice by new transgressions, in contempt of Heavenly Mercy. Nor does she perceive that the Authors of all these violent Councels, I mean the Jusuits do not advice these things but for their own Interest. She is resolved to sacrifice the rest of the Empire to them, as she has already sacrificed a good part. Neverthe­less let no man believe that what I have said proceeds from any natu­ral Aversion to them, so natural to those of my Religion. I protest before God, that I bear malice to [Page 157] no Man; and that I would not im­pute to them the least of our Mise­ries, but that I find that none of the honest and moderate party of their Religion, have any greater affecti­on for them than my self. 'Tis well known that it was their Hun­ger after the Estates of these four Hungarian Lords, whose Heads the Emperor caused to be struck off, rather to satisfie their urgent Impor­tunities then for any Crime (unless yo will say their zeal for their Re­ligion was a Crime) that was the main occasion of sheding their Blood. But seeing all that I could say, would as little prevail as what o­thers have said before me, it will be better to make an end, and to confess that all our Miseries are at this day reduc'd to such a Condition, [Page 158] as well as the Calamities of Germany, that our Preservation is only to be ex­pected from God alone.