THE Bounds set to FRANCE BY THE Pyrenean Treaty; And the Interest of the CONFEDERATES Not to accept of the Offers of Peace Made at this Time by the FRENCH KING.

To which are added Some short Reflections; shewing, How far England is concern'd in the Restitution of that Treaty.

Together with a List of the Towns and Countries that the French have taken since that Time.

LONDON: Printed for R. Baldwin, at the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-Lane, 1694.

[...]

THE BOUNDS OF France, &c.

FOUR Things have contributed to render France so Potent and Formi­dable as we behold her at this day. In the first Place, the ill observance of her Word, in reference to Treaties of Peace or Truces concluded with other So­veraign States, and which she has violated in a little time after the Exchange of the Ratifi­cations; which has been the Original of all the terrible Misfortunes that have turmoil'd [Page 2] Europe for above these Thirty Years, and which, perhaps, will hardly end but with the Princes Reign that first began the fatal Di­sturbance.

The second Cause of the Grandeur of France, was the easiness she met with to give her Ambition its full Swinge, by pushing for­ward to the utmost of their Extent her Exor­bitant Pretensions to the Territories and Do­minions of her Neighbours, with a Resolu­tion to confine 'em within no other Bounds then those of all Europe, unless a greater Force oppos'd her.

The third Cause of her Grandeur, is the Arbitrary Power, and the Soveraign Autho­rity which the Reigning Price has made him­self Master of by degrees, by encroaching up­on the Liberties of the People, and the Au­thority of Parlaments. And the fourth, is the extraordinary Means she makes use of to encrease her Teasury, and the good use she makes of it, through the good Conduct of those who are entrusted with the management of it.

As to the first of these Causes which is, The Violation of Treaties, and which we have made choice of for the Subject of this Discourse; All the World knows the Condi­tion to which France was reduc'd, before the Conclusion of the Pyrenean Peace; or to de­scend a little lower, during the King's Mino­rity. She could hardly then bring an Army of a­bove [Page 3]thirty thousand Men into the Field, and [...]ind Mony proportionable to pay 'em. For proof of which, the Queen Mother has been often heard to say, talking Face to Face with her prime Minister Mazarin; Good God! where shall we find Men to continue the War, and Mony to supply so many pressing Necessities! And a little while after, did we not see M. de Turenne reduc'd to melt down his Plate, and as it were strip himself to the last Farthing, to keep his Army from Perishing? So hard a thing it was to get Mony from the Court, for that many times the Chequer was quire drain'd, and utterly unable to pay the Soldiers.

It may be said, that the French Monarchy was supported then by the Cunning and Po­licy of her Ministers, rather then by her own Forces. Witness what Mazarin said one day to the King. Sir, said he, in respect of the Treasure, Your Majesties Conquests in your Ca­binet, are without all Contradiction, far the greater Number, then those of your Armies. In a word, the Negotiations and Alliances which were made during Mazarin's Ministry, and afterwards under the Marquiss of Louvais, contributed more to the Aggrandizing France, and extending her Limits, then the Force of her Arms.

France then having extreamly suffer'd, du­ring the space of several Years that the War with Spain lasted, she was reduced to a la­mentable condition by reason of her Tea­sure's [Page 4]being exhausted, and the oppression of her Subjects; and it may be said, that not­withstanding all the Polities of Mazarin, the King was fain to put a good Face upon a bad Matter, which is a thing frequently practis'd among the French. Tho' at the same time she made a bouncing shew of nothing less then of being inclin'd to Peace, a Conduct quite opposite to what she observes at this day: And yet the Proceedings of Mazarin made it plainly appear, that France had a greater Inclination to it then Spain. In a word, that Minister had hardly time to bid the Queen adieu; so earnest he was to be up­on the Frontiers of the Kingdom.

But some will object against this, the Pains that Don Antonio Piemontel took at Paris, to perswade Mazarin to hearken to the Proposi­tions of Peace: The great number of Confe­rences which the Cardinal had with Don Lewis de Haro; the Delays and Difficulties that oc­curr'd before the Points of that Peace could be agreed to; all which things manifestly prove the contrary, and that France was not so low as I represent her to be. But I an­swer, that this was only a Master-piece of Mazarin's fine-spun Politicks, who made use of all the Shifts and cunning Artifices imagi­nable, to incline Don Lewis, and Don Piemon­tel, the Spanish Plenipotentiaries, to grant him all those Advantages which he look'd for.

In a word, Experience shews us, that he was not deceiv'd, since the Project which he had drawn up at Court was follow'd point by point, and every way to the Advantage of France. The greatest Fault that Spain at that time committed was, that she did not make choice of a Plenipotentiary more sharp-sight­ed, and more nimble-witted then Lewis de Ha­ro, who was mifinform'd of the Rights which the Princes had, who were most remarkably concern'd in that Peace. Don Lewis made a World of Oversights in that Negotiation, and had committed many more but for the Assist­ance of M. d' Aigremont, whom the Prince of Conde sent away Post out of Flanders to instruct him in many things of which he was igno­rant.

It was to have bin wish'd, that for the good and repose of all Europe, and for the particu­lar Interests of the House of Austria, that Spain had been more circumspect in an Affair of that great Importance, wherein the high Dispute was, not only about concluding a so­lid and lasting Peace, but the Marriage of the Infanta. And I am persuaded that if the King of Spain had had any Idea of good Po­licy, he would have taken juster Measures then he did, since it was impossible but he must have foreseen, that by that Alliance he went about to lay the foundation of the utter Ruin of the House of Austria. Nor did he want any other Example then that of Lewis XIII. [Page 6]to teach him that the Matches of the Infanta's of Spain, with the Kings of France had bin always fatal to the Spaniards.

It must be acknowldg'd that the Spanish Court at that time labour'd under a most ter­rible Blindness, that while they were moyling at the Negotiation of Peace, and the Marri­age of the Infanta, one of the two young In­fant Princes happening to die, there remain'd no more then the Reigning Price to suceed to the Crown, and he so young and so sickly, that 'twas much question'd whether he would out-live the third Year of his Age. Never­theless, the Tidings of that young Prince's death, which ought to have made the Court of Spain tremble, considering the Misfortunes that threatned the Kingdom, being carry'd to Don Lewis de Haro, never put so much as a Minutes stop to the Negotiation. True it is, that de Haro had a deep sense of it; but Ma­zarin, who had his Prospects, redoubl'd his Importunities, and hasten'd more then ever the Conclusion of the Treaty.

When the Kings of France had the Misfor­tune to make Alliances that were likely to prove fatal to 'em, and which infallibly would have prov'd the Ruin of their Dominions, what did they do to break 'em? Witness the Conduct that Lewis XII. observ'd upon the like Occasion. He had concluded a Treaty of Confederacy with the Emperor Maximilian. The second and third Article of which Treaty [Page 7]imported, that the two Princes should engage themselves to ratify and confirm the Contract of Marriage concluded between Charles Duke of Luxemburgh Son of Arch-duke Philip, and Madam Claudia of France, the most Christian King's Daughter.

Lewis promis'd, that in case he died with­out Issue Male, that the Dutchies of Milan, Genoa, as also the Countries of Ast and Blois, and all the other Lands and Signiories of his Demesnes should be deliver'd up, after his Death, and immediately after the Consumma­tion of the Marriage of the Duke of Luxem­burgh with Madam Claudia of France, into the Hands of that Princess his Heiress, to en­joy to Perpetuity, upon condition that if she happen'd to have any Sisters, she should allow 'em a Dowry in Mony proportionable to their Birth.

The Ministers of Lewis XII. after they had seriously consider'd how disadvantagious this Marriage was to France, and how powerful the House of Austria was like to grow, set all their Engins at work to break it. To which purpose, by the King's consent, there was an Assembly order'd to be summon'd, which was held in the year 1506. at Plesses-Les-Tours, where the King was present, and by a knack of Policy, as daring as well found out, they order'd underhand, a famous Doctor of the University of Paris to appear upon the Stage, who came and made a Speech to the King, [Page 8]beseeching him in the Name of all the States of France to match the Princess, his Daughter, with the Duke of Valois, presumptive Heir of the Crown.

This Doctor, with so much Eloquence, set before the King, the Misfortunes that sudden­ly threatned France, if he suffer'd Madam Claudia to marry Charles of Austria, or any other Foreign Prince, that from that very mo­ment the Match was brok'n off; and by that manner of Proceeding Lewis XII. disingag'd himself from his Word and Oath; and the Treaty which was made in 1501. and con­firm'd by another three Years after at Blois, was declar'd null and void.

There's no Question to be made but that Lewis the XII. himself was the Person who order'd the Duke of Valois to be nominated to him by all the States of the Kingdom, to the end that by that means he might bring him­self off fairly from his Agreements with Ma­ximilian and Philip his Son, who had reck­ned upon the word of that Prince, as upon a thing that was irrevocable.

This is an Example past all Contradiction, besides a great number of others that might be found in History, sufficient to justifie the Reasons which the Court of Spain had then, has she minded her own Interests, to have re­fus'd the Marriage of the Iufanta to Lewis XIV. who was a Foreign Prince, that they might have bestow'd her upon the Emperor's Son, [Page 9]who was of the House of Austria, and had de­manded her at the same time.

However it were, Mazarin in this particu­lar acted the part of a great Politician, and not to mention other Important Services which he did the French Monarch, it may be said, that tho' he had done nothing else during the whole course of his Ministry, this alone was a thing that never ought to be forgot by France. So that he made no scruple, to write to Monsieur le Tellier, immediately after the signing of the Treaty, ‘That there was great Reason to hope a long continuation of the Treaty, in regard that both Parties were equally satisfy'd. But that in his Opinion, the King had reason to be more contented, because that all the advantage was on his side: And, besides, that there was also this farther Benefit, that Don Lewis, believing he had don his Business admirably well, would never dream of laying hold upon Op­portunities for the furture, should they pre­sent themselves, to repair the great Prejudi­ces that Spain had receiv'd by the Conclu­sion of that Peace.’

However, had France stook to this Treaty, how disadvantagious soever it was for Spain, and had not transgress'd the Limits that were prescrib'd him, we should not have now be­held all Eurpoe in Arms, and the Princes of the August League unanimously resolv'd not to surcease the War, till France has restor'd to [Page 10]every one what she has wrested from 'em since the Conclusion of that Treaty. Her want of Faith and Sincerity not only tran­sported her to declare her self the Irreconcile­able Enemy of the House of Austria, by vertue of those Rights which she pretends to claim as yielded up to her by vertue of that Peace, but has openly invaded the Domini­ons of other Sovereigns of Europe; and with­out any other Right and Title, then the Chal­lenges of her Ambition and Power, she has run her self into those Excesses, that now make her lookt upon with Detestation and Abhor­rency.

We have shew'd ye the Fault, never to be repair'd, that the Court of Spain committed in consenting to the Marriage of the Infanta with Lewis XIV. and to a Treaty of Peace so disadvantagious to her Interests. Now let us see the fatal Event that attended 'em, and be­gin with the Bounds that were prescrib'd to France by the Treaty; which done we will examin the Conduct which she observ'd, to extend those Limits as far as we see 'em now extended: And, lastly, we shall conclude with representing to the Princes of the League, the necessity of being inexorable to the Importu­nities of France for Peace, unless extreamly to their Advantage: Their Interest to keep inviolably united together, and never to listen to the Proposals of France, unless she makes Restitution of all that she has usurp'd since the Pyrenean Peace.

All the World knows, that the main thing that obstructed the Pyrenean Treaty, was the Accommodation of the Prince of Conde. We shall not, therefore, trouble our selves to recite all the Particulars that pass'd in the great number of Conferences between the Ministers of the two Crowns upon this Subject, as be­ing otherwhere to be met with. 'Tis suffici­ent to say, that Mazarin had the Honour of the Triumph, and that he obtain'd of Don Lewis all that he could expect. So true it is, that the Right and Justice of a good Cause are not battry proof against the Artifices of a Crafty Minister, and that Honesty and Sin­cerity frequently become the Cullies of wily Cunning.

Don Lewis demanded, that the Prince in consideration of the Services which he had done Spain, should be restor'd to the Govern­ments and Employments which he possess'd before his disgrace, and that the King should secure the Enjoyment of 'em to him and his Son the Duke of Enguien.

Mazarin, who was the Prince's Irreconcile­able Enemy, neatly eluded all that Don Lewis could advance to support his Pret ensions, and told him in a word, that it would be a fruit­less loss of Time to make many Disputes a­bout a thing, which the King, his Master, would never consent to. That the Restora­tion of the Prince to his Governments and Employments, was enough to open a wide [Page 12]Gate for Rebellion, and to encourage the great Lords of France to take up Arms against their Sovereign, and take part with her Ene­mies upon the least discontent.

Mazarin's unshaken Constancy in this Parti­cular, quite disarm'd Don Lewis, and was the reason, that at length he granted France the two Important Places of Avennes and Juliers, to obtain the Prince's Restoration. So that had not Mazarin bin afriad of some unlucky Disappointment, as well on the King of Spain's part, who might alter his Resolution, and refuse his consent to the Infanta's Marri­age; as on the Christian Kings side, who was become passionately in love with his Niece, to whom he had made Promises of Marri­age: These Considerations, I say, made him press on the Negotiation, or otherwise 'tis most certain that Mazarin had also obtain'd the City of Cambray.

'Tis true, that in the first Conferences Don Lewis had propos'd to the Cardinal to make an Exchange of Bethune and St. Venant, for some other Places which he offer'd to give him, upon condition he would consent to let 'em go. Mazarin enlarg'd himself at first very cunningly upon the Difficulties of accepting an exchange of two such Posts, so important and usefull to France; however, if Don Lewis would part with the City of Cambray, toge­ther with Cambresis, he hop'd he might be able to persuade the King not only to deliver up [Page 13] Bethune and St. Venant, but also bergues and Bassee.

Don Lewis, having consider'd with himself, that the loss of Cambray would be a great disadvantage to Spain, and that thereby the whole Low Countries would be expos'd to the Invasions of France upon the first Rupture, return'd for Answer to the Cardinal, that he would never consent to the exchange of a Fortress so considerable.

In the mean time Cardinal Mazarin, be­ing very well satisfi'd with Avennes and Ju­liers, thought he had gain'd sufficient, to make amends for his missing Cambray. Which made him say one day, as he was talking to M. de Lionne, that if he could but persuade Spain to deliver up Juliers to the Duke of Newburgh, t'would be a great satisfaction to him, as be­ing convinc'd that it would be more for the Honour of France, then the winning of four good Towns.

So that he made no scruple of writing to the Duke of Orleans, ‘That he had not only got Avennes, which his Royal Highness deem'd so important, but also the Restitu­tion of Juliers to the Duke of Newburgh, with other Advantages, which had cost the King no more then the Government of Bur­gundy for the Prince, and the Employment of Grand Maistre for the Duke of Anguien his Son.’

Avennes, as all the World knows, is a Place of Importance in the Low Countries within the Province of Hainault, between the Sambre and the Meuse. It bears the Title of an Earldom, and lies not above four Leagues from Landrecy, and as many from Maubeuge: And this Town was in part the Boundary that was allotted to France on that side: And by the yielding up of that City, the particular Interests of the Prince of Chimai, were sacri­fic'd to the Publick. Now let us view the rest of the Boundaries.

By the XXXV. Article of the Treaty it was concluded, That the King of France should remain seiz'd of, and effectually enjoy the following Places, viz. Arras in the Coun­ty of Artois, Hesden, Bapaume, Bethune, Lil­lier, Lens in the County of St. Pol, Terroane, Renti, as also all the other Bailliages and Ca­stellan-ships of the said Artois; except only Aire and St. Omer, with their Appurtenances and Annexes.

By the XXXVI. Article it was agreed, That in the Province of Flanders, the King of France should be possess'd of Graveline, the Forts Philip, Ecluse, Hannuin, Bourbourg and St. Venant.

By the XXXVII. is was concluded, That in the Province and County of Hainault, the most Christian King should enjoy Landre­ci and Quesnoi.

By the XXXVIII. Article it was likewise greed, That the most Christian King should enjoy in the Dutchy of Luxemburgh, the strong Holds of Thionville, Montmedi and Damvilliers; the Provostship of Ivoy, Chavanci, Chateau and the Provostship belonging to it, the Town and Post of Marville, seared upon a little River called Vexin, which belong'd formerly in part to the Dukes of Luxemburgh, and partly to those of Barr.

By the XXXIX. it was agreed, That Ma­rienburgh and Philippeville, seated between the Sambre and the Meuse, with their Appurte­nances and Annexes should be allowed the most Christian King, in exchange for la Bassee and Berg St. Winox, and the Fort Royal, of which the Catholick King was to remain in Possession.

by the XLIV. Article it was covenanted, That the Catholick King should re-enter into, and enjoy the County of Charleroy.

By the XLV. the King of Spain engag'd to restore to the most Christian King, Rocroy, Chatelet and Linchamp, with their Dependen­ces and Annexes.

By the XLVI. Article it was agreed, That the most Christian King should restore to the Catholick King, the Cities and Places of Ypre, Dixmude, Oudenard, Furnes, with their De­pendances, &c.

These were the Boundaries prescrib'd to France in the Low Countries: We shall now [Page 16]set down the Bounds that were assign'd her in Spain.

By the Negotiation began at Madrid, in the Year 1656. upon which the present Trea­ty was grounded, it was concluded, That the Pyrenean Mountains, which had anciently divided Spain from Gaul, should also part the two Kingdoms at this day.

In pursuance of which, the most Christian King was to remain in Possession of all the County of Viguery of Jurisdiction of Roussil­lon, of the County and Jurisdiction of Con­flans, and of the Countries, Cities, Places, Castles, Burroughs, Villages and other Places of which it consists. It was also agreed That the County of Cerdaigne, in the Principality of Catalonia, should remain in the Hands of the most Catholick King.

By the XLIX. the most Christian King engages to restore to the Catholick King, the strong Holds and Ports of Roses, Trinity Fort, Capa de Quers, la Seau d' Ʋrgel, Toxen, the Castle of Bastide; the Towns and strong Holds of Baga, Ripol, and the County of Cer­daigne, wherein are Belver, Puicerda, Carol, and the Castle of Cerdaigne, in the same con­dition as then it was. 'Twas also said, That Part of Cerdaigne, that lay in the Pyrenean Mountains on that side next France, should remain to his most Christian Majesty, as should be regulated, by Umpires on both sides.

The Boundaries allotted to France on Ger­nany side were Juliers, the chief City of the Dutchy of the same Name, which belong'd to the Duke of Newburg, from whom it had bin [...]aken by the Spaniards, but restor'd to him a­gain by the Treaty: And so the Duke of Newburg being a Confederate with France, that Place was at her Disposal; and as such, we shall look upon it as one of the Barriers that were assign'd her on that side. As for Lorrain, the most Catholick King consented by the LXII. Article, that it should be restor'd to her Lawful Sovereign, upon condition that the Duke should demolish the Fortificati­ons of Nanci; never to be repair'd any more. He consented also, that the fore-mention'd Duke should be resettl'd in the Cities, Places and Countries which he formerly possess'd, de­pending upon the three Bishopricks of Metz, Toul and Verdun, except Moyenvic, surren­der'd to France by the Treaty of Munster, in 1648. excepting also the County of Clermont, and the Demesnes belonging to it, and the Fortresses, Provostships and Territories of Ste­nai, Dun and Jamets, with their Revenues; which Places, together with the Dutchy of Barr, were to remain united to the Crown of France.

On Alsatia side it was agreed by the LXVII. Article, That his Catholick Majesty should, by the Treaty, renounce all Rights and Pre­tensions which he had or might have hereafter [Page 18]to the upper and lower Alsatia, the Zuntga [...] the County of Ferrette, Brisac and its Depe [...] dencies; as also to all the Countries, Placer Rights and Claims that were surrenderd [...] his most Christian Majesty by the Treaty [...] Munster, Octob. 4. 1648. to be united and in corporated into the Crown of France: H [...] Catholick Majesty approving, by vertue [...] the said Renunciation, the Contents of the said Treaty: In lieu of which Renunciation his most Christian Majesty engages to make just payment of the three Millions of Livers which he was oblig'd by the said Treaty to pay the Archdukes of Inspruch.

In the County of Burgundy, it was con­cluded by the XLVIII. Article, That the most Christian King should restore to the Catholick King, the Fortresses of St. Amour, Bleterans Toux and their Dependences, together with all the Fortifi'd Posts possess'd by the Arms o [...] his most Christian Majesty within the said County, without reserving or detaining any thing to himself.

As to Italy, it was covenanted by the XLVIII. Article, That the most Christian King should restore to the Catholick King the Fortresses of Valence upon the Po, and Mortara with their Dependences. On the part of Spain, Vercueil was to be restor'd to the Duke of Savoy, the King of France's Confederate.

For Brevity's sake, we shall content out selves, with allowing on Italy-side for the [Page 19]French Limits, the Important Place of Pigne­rol, which we may number among the Fortu­nate Acquisitions of the King of France du­ring his Reign; and wherein Negotiation and Artifice had a greater share then the pretended Claims which he has always boasted. Such are the Cities of Dunkirk, Casal and Stras­burgh, of which more at large in the sequel of our Discourse. It will be sufficient at pre­sent to say, That the most Christian King made himself Master of Pignerol by vertue of a particular Treaty made with the Duke of Savoy, by which that Prince deliver'd to him that Fortress, and had in recompence some certain Territories in Montferrat, for which his Majesty promis'd to pay the Duke of Mantua the Sum of Fourteen Millions in Gold. Thus France has kept in ever since. And by means of that Fortress, has secur'd her Frontiers on that side, and has preserv'd a Passage open to fall into Piedmont and Savoy, when she pleases, and carry her Arms into the Heart of the Territories of the Italian Princes. By the Surrender of that Place, the Dukes of Savoy despoyl'd themselves of the ancient Liberty which they formerly enjoy'd and are become Salves and Victims to the most Christian King.

Thus in a few Words, we have set down the Limits that were assign'd to France by the Pyrenean Treaty, and, as I may so say, the most essential part of that famous Negotiation. [Page 20]I might add to all these Advantages which t [...] most Christian King receiv'd the particular Interests of the Princes ally'd to Spain, which Don Lewis sacrific'd with so much Impru­dence and Cruelty, only to improve and ad­vance the Interests of the Prince of Con [...] which vex'd the Duke of Lorrain to the So [...] to see himself despoyl'd of half his Territo­ries by a Treaty. Who, thereupon, arrivin [...] Post at the Place where the Conferences were held, his Resentment transported him to that degree, that he told Don Lewis to his Fact 'Twas a shame to see with what Ingratitude the House of Austria repaid the great Servi­ces which he had done it for about eight an [...] twenty Years together. That, in short, if [...] must be so stripp'd of his Territories; there re [...] main'd nothing more for him to do, but to com­mit himself to Sea, and wander on the Wave till Fortune found him out a Resting Place.

Mazarin, whose aim it was to draw that Prince into a closure with France, was over joy'd to see him under those Disturbances, as well to mortifie him, as to renew his vexati­on for not having laid hold of those Advanta­ges which the most Christian King had for­merly proposed to him, would he have em­brac'd her Interests, and abandon'd the House of Austria.

And indeed France offer'd to restore the best part of Lorrain, and all his Territories; as also to lend him Forces, in order to Besiege [Page 21] Clermont and Stenay, in the peaceable Possessi­on of which he should have remain'd: To [...]ve given him Mogenvic, which was at his Majesties Disposal: And besides all those great advantages, the King promis'd to look upon [...]m as a Prince, to whom he should have been beholding, for having assisted him at a time then the Civil Wars afflicted France. But [...]e Duke of Lorrain too much addicted t [...]e House of Austria, slighted all these Offers, [...]erswading himself that the King of France would make him pay dearly for 'em, if he would accept 'em.

The Unfortunate Prince then finding that [...]e had no time to lose, because the Plenipo­tentiaries were just ready to Sign, offer'd Mazarin as his last Remedy, to perswade Don Lewis to allow France a considerable Thorow­ [...]are into Alsatia through Franche Conte, with all the Towns and Cities that lay upon that Passage, provided the King would release to him the Dutchy of Barr; which was so in­considerable a thing said he, that he would give the Cardinal his Oath, that it never yielded him 4000 Livers a Year. But the two Plenipotentiaries met with so many diffi­culties to agree upon Expedients to the Duke's Content, that Mazarin carried it in this, as he had done in all other things. Besides that, he was desirous to reserve for the King his Master the Honour of doing the Duke of Lorrain a Kindness, as he had done in reference to the [Page 22]Prince of Conde, to the end he might bind both the one and the other so much the fast­er to his Interests; and because it should n'er be said, that Spain should one day boast to have inforc'd France to make Restitution of what belong'd to those Princes, at the Peril of his Majesties Clemency, who reserv'd the Honour of it wholly to himself.

But if Spain took little care of the Interests of her Confederates, France took a quite con­trary Course in respect of Portugal, the Dukes of Newburg, Savoy and Modena, her Allies; for whom the Cardinal procur'd all the Ad­vantages they could expect. What an Honour was it for France, what a Happiness at the same time for the Duke of Newburg! He did but enter into an Alliance with France, and presently had his Territories restor'd him France quits all, abandons a part of her own Interests, and causes Restitution to be made of the City of Juliers, to the prejudice of the Emperor's and the Duke of Brandenburgh's Claims: While on the Part of Spain, such Soveraign Princes as the Duke of Lorrain, who had serv'd her above Eight and twenty Years, are depriv'd of all.

In truth, most Serene Princes, who are at this day united in Confederacy against France, as I cannot but reflect upon a Conduct so little be­coming the Justice of a potent Monarchy, so I cannot but humbly lay befnre you this Noble Memento. That being upon the point of con­cluding [Page 23]a Peace with the Most Christian King, [...] stands with your Honour to take a care, [...]at it be not a Peace like the rest, and that one of the Princes comprehended in this Au­gust Confederacy, wherein you have so justly [...]rm'd your selves, may have the like oc­casion to charge you with the same Re­proach.

Methinks I hear France already loudly giv­ing out, as she did in the time of Charles the [...] and Francis I That the Protecting of the House of Austria was never capable of secu­ [...]ng the Princes that sided with her from Op­pression. Witness, say they, what at that me befell the Dukes of Savoy, and what has befallen Duke Victor Amedeas II. Which man­er of Arguing makes me judge that France as a strong Confidence in the Engine she is [...]tting at work to bring him off from the confederacy, she fails not to Peal in his [...]ars, that he is upon the brink of being For­ken by the rest of the Princes, as his Ance­ers the Duke of Lorrain, and the Prince of himai were formerly; and as an accumu­tion to his Misfortune, of seeing his unhap­py Dominions become the Innocent Victim of he Common-Cause, which freequently Sacri­fices the Weakest.

But let ut return to our Subject: And now behold all Europe wistfully expecting to enjoy he Sweets of a solid and durable Peace, after which she has panted so many Years. Spain [Page 24]is the first that has reason to conceive great Hopes from so August a Treaty, and an Al­liance that one would think should revive the Amity that flourish'd betwen the two House in the Reigns of Ferdinand and Lewis XII Those two Princes in testimony of their in­tended constant Union, and inviolable Friend ship, would needs that the first Article of the Treaty of Blois, should be express'd in the [...] Words, The Most Christian King, and the Ca­tholick King shall be as two Souls in one an the same Body.

Would to God we had as much reason o [...] our side to continue the same Language, and that we had not rather cause to say of Lewis XIV. what the Historian said of the Dauphin who fled for Succour to the Court [...] Burgundy; that upon the Marriage of the Monarch with the Infanta of Spain, Ha­tred, Altecration, Discord, Brandling, &c. A [...] the Devils entred with him into the House [...] Austria. 'Tis also observable, that the da [...] when that unhappy Alliance was conclude was so Tempestuous and so outrageously Sto [...] my, that the Plenipotentiaries were at a lo [...] whether they should stay or run out of the Room, so great the Danger was that threatn [...] 'em. It seem'd as if Heaven had had a de [...] sign to have hinder'd the conclusion of a Con­tract that was made on purpose to sow the Seeds of those Dismal Confusions and Cala­mities that afterwards o'erwhelm'd all Eu­rope.

And thus we have seen the Bounds that were prescrib'd to France by the Pyrenaean Treaty. Now let us see how far either her Ambition or her breach of Faith extended 'em and the Springs that she set at work to In­ [...]ade the Possessions of her Neighbours, and to Cloath her self with the Spoils of so many Oppressed Princes whom she Sacrificed to her Avarice to form the Powerful Monarchy that so long has been the Terror of Europe. Modern Historians have great reason to say, That France is now no longer to be found in France, she is become so much alter'd and out of Knowledge. How many States, Signio­ries, Demesnes and Principalities has she In­vaded! What Potentate could vaunt himself secure from her impious Tyranny! I find not any in all the four Parts of the World: The whole Earth upbraids her with her Infide­lity.

Let 'em not tell me, that France has ob­tain'd to that high degree of Exaltation and Power, by the Rights or Claims that have been yielded to her by virtue of Alliances, or Treaties, which have succeeded that of the Pyrenans. For to that I answer, That the Princes of the League are not to take notice of any other then the Pyrenean Treaty, and that 'tis a favour done her if they should not dispute the Places with her that were allow­ed her by that Treaty, which was brought to Perfection to the Advantage of France, by the [Page 26]Treachery and Cunning of Mazarin prevail­ing over the Weakness and witless Insufficiency of Don Lewis.

'Tis a Truth so generally receiv'd that all the World knows it, That France constrain'd the Confederates, by force of Arms, to con­clude the two Treaties of Aix la Chapelle and Nimeguen. So that if the Duke of Venice, Andrea Gritti, call'd the City of Cambray the Venetian's Purgatory, because all the Treaties there concluded between the two Emperors and the two Kings of France, had bin fatal to the most Serene Republick: We may with as much reason call the Cities of Aix la Chappelle and Nimeguen, the Purgato­ries of the Spaniards and the Confederates in regard of the Injustice of France appropri­ating to her self, while she had such numerous Armies on foot, the greatest part of their Ter­ritories under pompous and chimerical Ti­tles, claims of the Queen, Right of Devolu­tion, Dependency and Covenience, &c.

And, indeed, if I may presume to say so France may be said to have soundly purg'd both Spain and the Confederates by the Trea­ties of Aix la Chapelle and Nimeguen, if we consider the Losses which they have sustain'd through the surrender of a great many Towns and Fortresses, to which the King of France's Power constrain'd 'em, and to which he had no Right. God grant we may not fall into the like Misfortunes if it should come to ano­ther [Page 27]Treaty, in the management of which it will behove the Confederate Princes to make choice of able and faithful Plenipotentiaries. Let 'em remember, that if Mazarin had the Honour to carry away all the Advantages that France could expect from the Pyrenaean Nego­tiation; Colbert Croissi was no less successful in that of Nimeguen: And that both the one and the other of those Ministers, were as cunning to improve their Interests, as the t'other side were unwary and negligent in suffering them­selves to be surpriz'd.

After the Pyrenaean Peace, the first step that France made to the extending of her Limits into Germany, was to take a fair occasion to despoil the Duke of Lorrain of his Territo­ries: And this that follows, was the suggestion of her Crafty Ambition. The King of France always made a cunning use of Marriages, and we see but very few Negotiations wherein he has not affected to employ Women; because they are really insinuating, for that the Man must be very obdurate, who can resist the ef­fects of their Charms.

The King then proposed to the Duke (be­lieving that he would refuse him) a Match between Prince Charles his Nephew, and a Princess of France. The Duke appear'd as could as Ice, as having no mind to listen to the Proposal, and, in short, refused to consent to it; persuading himself that the Alliance would prove fatal to him, and be the infallible Ruin [Page 28]of his Territories, and his Nephew that was to succeed him. France finding the first Hook would not take, bethought her self of ano­ther Artifice. She set a foot Suspitions, Di­strusts and Menaces. Suspitions, by repre­senting to the Duke, that Prince Nicholas Francis [...] Brother, and Prince Charles his Nephew betray'd him, and held Intelligence with the Court of France, tho' there were no­thing so false. Which done, perceiving the Duke would not declare himself, she rais'd her Tone a little higher, and gave him to un­derstand, that if he continued obstinate in giving his consent to the Marriage, she would seize upon his Territories, and deliver 'em in­to' the Hands of his Nephew.

The Duke, who had had sufficient Experi­ence all his Life time, what France would do if she were not obey'd, thought there was no way to recoil, but that her unfortunate De­stiny had plung'd him into an Abyss from Whence he should never be able to deliver himself, but by the loss of what he had most dear and valuable in this World, that is to say, his Liberty and his Territories. So that he resolv'd to strip himself of his Dutchies of Lorrain and Barr, with their Dependences and Annexes in favour of France, to the end that she should enjoy 'em after his Death, with all the Rights and Priviledges of Soveraignty and that they should for ever be united and in­corporated into the Demeans of the Crown [Page 29]only that he should enjoy 'em during his Life.

But the Duke of Lorrain, who had shew'd so much Constancy at other times, when France sought his Destruction, now imprudently fell into the Springes which she set for him. Which made the Politicians say, That he had more Folly then Judgment in his Conduct. If we consider one Circumstance, that happen'd the very day that he surrender'd his Territories to France, and which is very remarkable, it must be agreed, that the Duke had in a man­ner lost his Senses. For you must know, That this same Prince being lockt up in a Chamber, where he was left all alone for a while, and afterwards told, That he must never think to be let out again till he had renounc'd his Ter­ritories: The Duke, who found himself to be a Prisoner, resolved at length to purchase his Liberty at the expence of all his Signiories. To which purpose, he took the Pen, Ink and Paper, that was left him upon the Table, and drew up in Writing, a Draught of the Resig­nation of his Dutchies to France. After he had finish'd the Draught, he fill'd the Margin of Resignation with a great number of little Birds, which he drew with his Pen, and sent the whole to be deliver'd to his Majesty, who could not forbear Laughing, to see such an Aviary in Paper: An undeniable Proof that the Duke knew not what he did.

These were the first Fruits which France reaped from the Pyrenean Peace, and the ef­fect of the LXVII. and LXIX. Articles; Mazarin took care to insert into the Articles of the Treaty, and which he needs would un­dertake to dictate himself. By the first it was agreed, That neither Duke Charles, nor any Prince of his House, should continue in Arms, but should be oblig'd to disband his Forces upon the Publication of the Peace. The se­cond Article confirm'd, That the Duke should allow a free Thorough-fare for his Majesties Armies to march into Alsatia, to Brisac or Philipsburgh, when ever the King should demand it. Observe the depth of the Artifice. France consents the Lorrain should be restor'd to her Lawful Sovereign, but she reserves Passages and Thorough-fares to return thither when she pleases. She consents, That a Sovereign Prince shall enjoy his Liberty for the future; but, first, he must lay down his Arms; secondly, he must demolish the Forti­fications of his strong Holds, and France must have the keeping of the Keys of his Domini­ons; to the end, that when she has a mind to make her self Mistress of 'em, she may do it without meeting any Resistance.

Thus you see the Bounds of the French Mo­narchy enlarg'd of a sudden, and extended into Germany, by the addition of all the Ter­ritories of a Sovereign Prince, without having any Right or Pretence to Invade 'em, but be­cause [Page 31]they lay convenient for her: Tho' Ad­vocate Talon spent all the Reason and Argu­ment he had to the last drop, to prove the contrary in a full Parliament; asserting, That Lorrain had always depended upon the Crown of France, and, consequently, that 'twas but just it should be re-united to the Crown.

The King of France, considering the good luck that had attended him on Germany side, turn'd all his Designs toward the Low Coun­tries, to see whether Fortune would present him with any favourable occasion to aggran­dize himself, and enlarge his Frontiers that way. To that purpose, he cast his Eyes up­on Dunkirk, with a Resolution to sacrifice Hecatombs, so he might but get that Impor­tant Place out of the Hands of the English. And, indeed, the strict Ties of Amity contra­cted with King Charles, during his Exile, had decoy'd that Unfortunate Prince into an En­gagement not to refuse him any thing; and, knowing his weak side, he made him an Of­fer, underhand, of four Millions, and a fair Mistress over and above the Market-price: Charms sufficiently powerful to engage him to make such a false Step, as render'd, and will for ever render, both him and his Memory odious to Posterity.

But the Ambition of France stopt not here; there was a necessity of giving it its full swinge; the Revenues and Right of the Church must not be spar'd, when the Aggran­disement [Page 32]of France was the main thing in dispute. Her Bounds were still to narrow for her to be confin'd within 'em. Therefore she fell upon Pope Alexander VII. and seiz'd upon Avignon, after she had enrag'd the Peo­ple of that City to mutiny against the Go­vernour. If you ask what Ground she had for her Pretensions? She will answer, That the Pope did not do what he would have had done for him. Hence it came to pass, that the order of all things was ranvers'd. The eldest Son of the Church takes up the Rod to cha­stise the common Father of the Christians, because he proves disobedient; whereas, 'tis generally seen, that Fathers correct their Children when they fail of their Duty.

Pepin, the Son of Charles Martell, the Twen­ty Third King of France, of the second Race, was the Glory of his Age, and the greatest Example of Piety and Veneration towards the Popes, of any among all our Kings. His Zeal so eminent, when he march'd into Italy to succour Pope Zachary, most cruelly perse­cuted by the Lombards; the Marks of his Friendship and Tenderness bestow'd upon Pope Stephen III. who fled for Refuge into France; and his raising the Siege of Rome, which Astol­phus, King of the Lombards was constrain'd to quit, as being enforced to sue for Peace to Pepin, who kept him close block'd up; all these signal Services which he did the holy See, acquir'd him the glorious Sir-name of Most Christian.

Now if we compare King Pepin's Con­duct, with the Behaviour of Lewis XIV. to­ward the Popes, 'twill be no difficult thing to conclude, that the Court of Rome never had a greater Enemy then this Prince; and, consequently, that there is nothing which he less deserves then the Sir-name of Most Chri­stian. If you demand a Reason for all these Extravagancies, you need no more then con­sult his Ambition; that Passion will make answer, That when once it got Possession of his Heart, there was nothing in the World which it did not prompt him to undertake for the satisfaction of it. So that 'tis no won­der if the Rights of the Church, and what­ever is more Sacred and Augnst, are become Victims to his Exorbitant Desires.

But what does France do further still? She was oblig'd by one of the Articles to abandon the Protection of Portugal; promising, with­al, to employ her utmost Industry to persuade that Prince, in Friendly Terms, to compose the Differences which he had with Spain. But hardly were the Ratifications exchang'd, be­fore she made a Laughing Stock of her Pro­mises: She gave out Commissions underhand, and caus'd the Drums to beat up publickly at Paris, in order to the Raising of Souldiers for the service of that Crown.

But all this is nothing: Here comes another Tragical Event, that makes her Mistress, all of a sudden, of a vast extent of Country, of [Page 34]several Signiores, Dukedoms, Marquisats and Earldoms; and because that was not enough to satisfy her unsatiable Avarice, whole King­doms must become her Victim and her Prey. I mean the Death of Philip IV. The loss of that Prince drew Tears from the Eyes of Spain, and all Europe; but France leapt for Joy. That Ambitious Potentate finding the time was come to spread abroad his vast De­signs, and extend his Limits, at the Expences of the House of Austria, sacrifices whatever is most sacred in Religion, and in the venerable Alliance which he had contracted: Neither Honour, Oaths, Faith solemnly sworn, no­thing is capable to stop him.

However, that he might still preserve some shadow of Justice, and authorize his Conduce by some shew of Reason, his Majesty public shed a Manifesto, wherein he set up the Queens claim to Brabant, and some other Pro­vinces of the Low Countries. This Right was otherwise called a devolved Right, by vertue of which a Brother born in the second Wedlock, is excluded from the Succession, b [...] a Sister of the first Venter. And this is the Dispute between France and Spain; Charles II. being the Issue by the second Marriage.

The King of France, therefore, having demanded of the Queen Regent of Spain the Dominions devolved to him in right of Mari Teresa his Wife, he would not stay till the Council of Sapin return'd him an Answer [Page 35]His Impatience to aggrandize himself and ex­tend his Limits, spurr'd him on to be before­hand with all the World: So that without any Declaration of War he seizes upon Bergue, Furnes, Tournai, Douay, Courtray, L'Isle, Oudenard, Alost, and all the Places that lay convenient for him: And to these Conquests, he joins the Important Cities of Salins, Besan­son and Dole; after which follow'd the total Reduction of Franche Conpte.

Nothing could stop the Rapidness of his Arms; there was a necessity of altering his Bounds, and he must enlarge 'em to the ut­most extent of his boundless Ambition. No­thing could stand in his way but the Triple Alliance; nothing else could make him con­sent to a Treaty of Peace: By which he re­stores back to Spain nothing but what he plea­ses himself, while he keeps those Places which he deems of greatest Importance, and most proper to savour his Enterprizes. He there­fore consents to a Treaty at Aix la Chapelle, but with a mental Reservation, as Mahonia call'd it; that is to say, That he promis'd Spain to lay down his Arms, provided she quits to him all the Places and Towns, that he had seiz'd in 1667. reserving to him self a Power to begin the War agen, so soon as the Peace should be concluded.

Spain is there enforc'd to quit Chatle [...], Binch, Ath, Douay, Tournay, Oudenard, L'Isle, Armentier, Courtray, Bergh and Furnes, with [Page 36]all their Dependencies, Appurtenances and Jurisdictions. One would have thought, that after so many Advantages France would have been satisfy'd, and would have let the Confe­derates and Spain have been at quiet, at least, for some Years. But that was the least of her Intention. For in 1671. her old insatiable Passion rous'd her again, and she that had vio­lated the Pyrenean Peace, the most solemn, the most sacred, that France ever made, sign'd by all the Nobility and Grandees of both Crowns, might with much more reason infringe the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle.

Well, then, without consulting any other then her old Mistress Ambition (and, al­ways when that Passion gives the word, his Armies are ready to march, and his Generals are in a condition to put his Designs in Exe­cution) the first Step, then, that France made after the Peace of Aix la Chapelle, was her declaring War against Holland, after she had made use of all the Artifices imaginable to break off the Engagement, that united 'em with England and Sweden. If you demand a Reason for this Rupture; she will answer, That the King had Inducements to look upon those People no otherwise then as the Ene­mies of his Realm, and upon no other Grounds marches his Armies, and in less then six Weeks takes from the Hollanders three whole Provinces of seven that compose their Com­mon-wealth, together with all the strong For­tresses [Page 37]upon the Banks of the Vahal and the [...]ld Rhine.

She seizes upon Franche Conte the second [...]ime, and pushes on her Conquests as far as [...]t was possible for her to do, with Orders to [...]her Forces to commit all the Ravages imagi­nable; allowing no Bounds to her vast Designs, then such as the opposition of a greater Force was able to prescribe her.

So soon as she had obtain'd her Ends, and saw her Affairs in a thriving condition, by the great Advantages which her victorious Arms had acquir'd, she observ'd the same Conduct as she observes at this day; that is to say, she offer'd Propositions of Peace to the Confederates, rather to disunite 'em, then out of any Compassion to the Calamities of Europe, as she gave out, occasion'd by the most bloody and cruel War that ever was known.

Never was France more eager after Peace then at that time; there was never a petty Prince or State that was comprehended in the League, to whom she did not make advanta­gious Offers; with a Design, that if she could bring off any one, they who last laid down their Arms should become Victims to her Re­sentment, and their Territories, and their Countries be abandon'd to the Plunder and Fury of his Souldiers. I cannot here forbear to recite what the Marquiss of Louvois said one day to the King upon this occasion. ‘Sir, said he, if your Majesty can but once dis­unite [Page 38]the Princes of the League, France will have reason to admire her Happiness [...] and to boast of never having concluded so advantageous a Peace. To which purpose 'tis requisite, that she stoop to considerable Condescentions, and that she offer to make Restitution of Places that may form a good Barrier in Flanders, for which she may make her self amends, by retaking 'em after the Conclusion of the Peace.’

Charles V. having a design to enthral all Germany, finding himself so far from succeed­ing in his Enterprises, that he perceiv'd the liberty of the Princes, which he endeavour'd to oppress, gather Strength every day more then other, and that their Union became more Potent, resolv'd to make 'em very ad­vantagious Proposals of Peace: as, likewise, to Francis I. the most formidable of all his Enemies, believing, that if he consented once to an Accommodation, he should easily com­pass the rest. And this is the Course that Lewis the Great takes at this day.

However it were. France having luckily attain'd her end, after she found the knack of separating the Hollanders from their Confede­rates, surceases her offering Peace to the rest, but imposes the Law upon 'em, and forces 'em to an Acceptance, mangre their unwillingness. So that Spain was constrain'd to resign Irre­vocably and for ever Franche Conpte, together with the Cities of Valencionnes, Bouchain, [Page 39]Conde, Cambray, Aires, Sc. Omer, Ipres, War­ [...]ic and Warnton upon the Lis, Cassel, Bovay, Maubege, with all their Signiores, Appurte­nances and Dependences.

France on the other side engages, but with Mazarin's Mental Reservation, to restore Charleroy, Binch, Ath, Oudenard and Countray, which had been resign'd to her before the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle. In like manner, she restor'd the Dutchy of Limberg, and the Country of Oultremouse, together with the City and Citadel of Gaunt, the City of Leuve in Brabant, St. Ghilain in Hainault, and the City of Puicerda in Catalonia.

Now look how much France advances in the Negotiation of the Peace at Nimeguen, especially after she had found a way to satisfy the Hollanders and Spaniards, whether to their content or no it matter'd not, but more es­pecially the foremost who were the principal Sinews of the League, she raises her Tone a litter higher, and never concerns her self with what the rest of the Confederates will do: She knows what she had to do, to bring 'em to her Bow. So that the Emperor, the Prin­ces of the Empire, and the Duke of Lorrain, who are the last to be agreed with, having nothing to do but to prepare for a new War, if they obstinately stand out, and refuse the Propositions that are made 'em, Blows imme­diately follow Threats; she marches her For­ces into the Territories of those Princes, and [Page 40]constrains 'em, by the unheard of Ravages and Cruelties there committed, to accept the severe Conditions which she offers 'em, and so sells 'em their Peace at a dear rate.

After this manner the Treaty between France and Spain was concluded in 1678. and the Emperor was fain to comply the next Year: Between whom and France it was a­greed, That his Imperial Majesty and the most Christian King, should renew and confirm the Contents of the Treaty of Munster in 1648. except in some Points.

By this Treaty, the most Christian King engages to resign and transfer to the Empe­ror, and his Heirs and Successors, the perpe­tual Right of Protection and Possession of the City of Philipsburgh, which he possess'd by vertue of the Peace of Munster. On the o­ther side, his Imperial Majesty, in the name of the whole House of Austria and of the Empire, promises to resign and transfer to his most Christian Majesty and his Successors, the City and Cittadel of Friburgh, with the three Villages depending upon it, excepting the Diocesan Rights, which were reserv'd to the Bishop and Church of Constance, to which it belong'd.

Next to the Emperor, the Elector of Bran­denburgh was forc'd, in his turn, to obey France, and to restore to Sweden all that he had won from that Crown; so that the Ele­ctor, finding himself the only innocent Vi­ctim [Page 41]of the Party, whose Interests he had so [...]enerously espous'd, laid it so heinously to Heart, as to vow, That if he had bin so easie, [...]s to the time past, to intermeddle with other Peoples Quarrels, he would be so prudent for [...]e future, as to consider twice before he de­ [...]ar'd once. What a Consolation it was to [...]e most Christian King, to see that all [...]ings went to wrack on the Confederates [...]de, after the Hollanders had quitted that Union. Therefore, most Serene Princes, may [...]othing ever be so prevalent as to disunite [...]our Confederacy; for 'tis by your united [...]orce that you will obtain a lasting and [...]urable Peace; nor is there any other pro­ [...]able Means to bring down the Pride of France.

As for Prince Charles of Lorrain, it was [...]greed by the XII. Article, That he should [...]e restor'd to the Territories which Duke Charles his Uncle enjoy'd in 1670. at what [...]ime France made her self Mistress of 'em, [...]pon condition that the City of Nanci and the Dependencies, should belong to the King in Soveraignty. And it was also agreed, That besides the Thorough-fare, which the decea­sed Duke had granted to his Majesty in 1667. Prince Charles should engage to allow him two more, from Nanci to Metz; and so unto Franche Conte. In this manner France consents to the Restitution of Lorrain, as she had done by the Pyrenean Peace; but Colbert [Page 42]Croissi, in imitation of Mazarin, labours [...] preserve a Thorough-fare and High Roa [...] for his Majesties Forces, to the end that if [...] Fancy should take him to seize upon th [...] Dukedom a third time, he may always find [...] open and ready to receive him. Moreover the King engag'd by the XVII Article to [...] sign and transfer to him the Propriety an [...] Soveraignty of the City of Toul, with [...] Banlieu or Precinct of a League in compass belonging to it, to make him amends for [...] loss of Nanci. France had also promis [...] to give him in exchange for the City an [...] Provostship of Longwic, and Equivalent in o [...] of the three Bishopricks: But she made a [...] of that Article as well as of all the rest. Wh [...] the day of signing Treaties is once over, sh [...] never thinks her self bound to perform an [...] more.

The Landgraviate of Alsatia, and the Go­vernment of that Province, the three Bishop ricks of Metz, Toul and Verdun, and Sangovi [...] with Brisac, were also to be resign'd to France by the Treaties of Munster and Nime­guen.

After so many Resignations and Surrenders one would have thought that this Ambitious Potentate should have bin satisfied; but fa [...] from that, he gave the Emperor to under­stand, in a short time after, that since he had surrender'd one part of that Province to him the whole belong'd to him by Rights of De­pendency, [Page 43]Convenience, Equivocation, Com­pensation, and a thousand other Chimerical Plaims, which he readily invented, and which [...]ought Re-unions into Fashion. So that the are Langraviate, with Brisac and Sandgaw, which lie in the upper Alsatia, being resign'd [...] him, they must be taken for the whole Al­satia, tho' they make but one part of it.

As to the Government of the Province which only referr'd to the lower Alsatia, 'twas [...]presly agreed by the Treaty, That France [...]ould only enjoy the Right of the Admini­ [...]ation of Justice, without appropriating to [...]er self any Right of Soveraignty; but she [...]ugh'd at that Exception. So that 'twas a [...]anifest Usurpation, and a meer pretence to [...]ppress the Liberty of all Alsatia, as being [...]vested with a single Prerogative: That [...]iberty, which had been always so dear to [...]hat Province, and which it had enjoy'd for [...]o many Years, as a Member of the Em­ [...]ire.

I would fain know to what purpose serv'd [...]ll the Care and Pains which the Emperors Plenipotentiaries took, to insert expresly the Names of the Countries and Places which were to be resign'd to the Emperor, and which were not to be surrender'd. 'Twas said, That the Landgraviat, and all the rest of Alsatia, should enjoy the same Franchises and Privileges which they had enjoy'd under the House of Austria. But France passing by [Page 44]all these Reservations made a Jest of 'em, a [...] using the Lands that were not surrender'd [...] the same Pride and Cruelty, as those [...] were, has so order'd the Matter, that the Sub­jects of that Province have sufficiently exper­enc'd the rigorous Effecrs of his Tyranny.

It would require a large Volume to enu­merate all the Articles that France has viola­ted; and, therefore, we shall refer those th [...] desire a more particular Account, to th [...] Authors who have discours'd at large up [...] the Negotiation of the Peace of Nimeguen.

All Europe wearied with so many Breach [...] and wicked Incroachments, panted after [...] thing but Peace, and prepar'd to enjoy it [...] some Years; and there was some reason [...] hope, that France having reap'd such a plen [...] ­ful Harvest of Advantages from the Alli [...] would have set bounds to her Designs, a [...] liv'd in perfect Unionw ith the House of A [...] ­stria, and the rest of the Princes of Europ [...] But neither is all this any thing: Her Limi [...] are not yet enough extended; nor will an [...] thing less content heer, then the Limits of th [...] whole Earth.

The Reason why I cannot here forbear t [...] recite the words of St. Austin, To make Wa [...] upon our Neighbours, and thence to carry it sti [...] farther into other Countries, oppressing People that never did us harm, and this meerly out o [...] an Ambitious Desire of Empire; what is it els [...] but a glorious sort of Robbing upon the High [...] [Page 45]way? Thus, in a few Words, you have the [...] of all the Heroick Vertues of Lewis the [...]eat, his Panegyrick in Miniature. To [...]ich we may add, those Verses of Juvenal, [...]eaking of the Insatiable desire of Alexander, [...] aggrandize his Fame.

Ʋnus Pellaeo Juveni non sufficit Orbis:
Aestuat Infoelix Angusto Limite mundi,
Ʋt Gyarae clausus scopulis, Parvo (que) seripho.
Cum tamen a figulis munitam intraverit Ʋr­bem,
Sarcophago contentus erit—

That Prince who was too little for the Universe, and the Universe too little for him, [...]d whose Ambition could never be asswag'd, [...]eing enter'd into Babylon, was forc'd to be [...]ntented with a single Coffin.

My Opinion is, that as much may be said [...] Lewis the Great, and that this swelling Monarch, having bin the Scourge of his Age, [...]he Terror of his Enemies, and the most Am­bitious Prince that ever sway'd the Scepter of France, will be at length constrain'd to con­fine the vast extent of his Designs, and his In­satiable desire of Aggrandizing himself, to a [...]canty Tomb prepar'd for him at St. Denis's, [...]here to be laid up among the Illustrious and High-born Lumber of the World. But this is not the Business in hand; we must stay till he's dead. In the mean time, let us see [Page 46]what he has done further. He has violat [...] the Pyrenean Treaty, and that of Aix la Ch [...] ­pelle; now let us consider, whether he held [...] Peace of Nimeguen more sacred or more [...] violable.

In the Year, 1688. France makes her [...] Mistress of two the most Important Places [...] Europe: To which purpose, observe the Ar­tifices that Luovis makes use of. He co [...] ­ceals his Order of Knighthood under his u [...] ­per Coat, puts himself into a Disguize, tak [...] Post-Horses, and flies from Versailles, attent­ed only by one single Lacquey, and comes [...] cognito to Strasburgh. Being arriv'd at [...] Entrance into the Plain, within Canon-sh [...] of the City, there he found the Coach of [...] Chief Burgo-master of the Town, that [...] for his coming; into which he whipp'd, [...] fear of being known, and order'd his Lacque [...] who was also in the Disguise of a Hor [...] courser, to go before with the two Horse [...] and lodge at the White Horse, where he [...] to stay, and make a shew of trucking for Ho [...] ­ses, till he had notice of the Day and He [...] of his return.

Louvois was conducted to the Chief Burge [...] master's House, who had found a way to rid [...] himself of his Wife and Children, by sending 'em to his House in the Country, about thr [...] Leagues from the City, keeping no Body [...] attend him at home, but a very faithful Val [...] de Chambre. The rest of the Magistrates that [Page 47]were of the Cabal, were to randezouze in [...] Night-time; and as soon as they were [...] together, they fell to the Business. Lou­vois began the Treaty with a Proposal of great [...]dvantages and Rewards which his Majesty [...]serv'd particularly for them, after the Con­ [...]usion of an Affair, which he lookt upon as [...] Concern of great Importance to his other [...]esigns. And to render his Chapmen the [...]ore favourable, he added to his other Marks [...] Friendship and Acknowledgment, some [...]urses of 500 Luidores apiece, of which he [...]resented one to every particular Person, tel­ [...]ng 'em with a Smile, at the time that he [...]ade the Presents, That his Majesty was not [...] rich as fully to remunerate the great Obliga­ [...]ons which they were about to confer upon him; however, that they had to do with a Prince, who [...]anted neither Good-will nor Power to make 'em Great Lords in France.

At the Fourth Conference 'twas agreed, That Louvois should engage for the payment of 400000. Livers in ready Mony to the Chief Burgo-master, and that every one of the Pro­ [...]osts, Consuls and Magistrates the were of [...]he Cabal, should have for their share 300000 Livers; in consideration of which, the Keys of the City should be put into his Hands; and the said City was to be put into his Ma­jesties Hands, to reck'n from the 23d of Octo­ber, 1661. which was the Day made choice of for his Majesties taking Livery and Seizsin. [Page 48]Besides that, Louvois engag'd to allo [...] the said Magistrates their House-Rent fre [...] at his Majesties Charge, from the time [...] their Arrival at Paris, assuring 'em of [...] Majesties Friendship and Protection, again [...] all that should make any Attempt upon the [...] Liberty.

France having thus made her self Mistre [...] of the Capital City of Alsatia, Louvois se [...] word to the Duke of Mantua, that if he [...] a mind to quit Casal for Mony, he would [...] him down two Millions upon the Nail. [...] Importance of that Negotiation, and the fe [...] the Court was in lest the Secret should be [...] vulg'd, caus'd his Majesty to make choice [...] Colbert Croissi, in the absence of Louvois, [...] had proffer'd to undertake a Journey [...] Italy, as he had done into Alsatia, but th [...] the Fatigues of his first Journey would [...] permit him. At length Colbert Croissi depa [...] ­ed in all haste, after he had receiv'd full [...] structions, and came to Casal Incognit [...] where he had a Conference Face to Face [...] the Duke. As they were about to take the leaves, after the first Treaty which they [...] together, Colbert pulling out some Papers out [...] his Pocket, unluckily let fall his Memoirs u [...] ­der the Table, which the Duke took up, so so [...] as the Minister was gone out of the Room [...] and having read 'em, he found the Purport [...] 'em to be, That in case the Duke made a [...] scruple to part with Casal for two Millio [...] [Page 49] Colbert should come up to his Price what-ever [...] were, and that if he only stook for Mony, [...]at he should mount up to four Millions, [...]aving the rest to his Prudence. But above [...] things, he had order not to return, till [...] Affair was fully concluded.

The next day in the Morning, coming to [...]tend the Duke, as he was dressing himself, [...] of the Prince's Pages neatly slipt the [...]emoire into the Ministers Pocket, without [...]ing perceiv'd; and then the Duke making [...] if he knew nothing of his Orders, told [...], 'Twas impossible to deliver up such an [...]portant Place as Casal, under less then four [...]illions in Silver, and that he expected 'em [...] be paid upon the Day that the Town was [...] be deliver'd, or immediately after signing [...] Treaty. Colbert was extreamly surpriz'd [...] hear that the Duke's Mind was so strangely [...]er'd from what it was the Day before, and [...]gning that he would return home without [...]ing any thing, told the Duke, that he would [...] as much as lay in his Power, and that he [...]ould presume to exceed his Master's Orders [...] far as some few hundred thousand Livres [...]ould reach, above the two Millions that he [...] offer'd the Day before. 'Twas agreed [...], That his Master should give 500000 [...]vres more, above the Two Millions that he [...] offer'd the Day before, together with an [...]nnual Pension of 200000, which should be [...]gularly paid during his Life. Upon this, [Page 50]the poor Prince fell into the Snare, and [...] glitter of the French Lewidores daz'ld him [...] that degree, that he sign'd the Contract of Sal [...] and Colbert returned to Court in less then Si [...] Weeks.

Thus France became the Mistress of Tw [...] strong Barriers, without so much as drawin [...] a Sword, which secur'd her both on Germany and Italy side. Besides these notorious At­tempts upon the Peace, the most Christian King besieg'd Courtray, and won it. Whi [...] done, he spent no less then 3000 Bombs up [...] Luxemburgh, and laid it in Ashes. If the Sp [...] ­niards complain of these Cruelties, he [...] swers 'em, That the Marquis of Grana [...] committed Acts of Hostility, which he nev [...] so much as dreamt of, and then, like a [...] Man, lets loose all his Fury, and sends Bot [...] ­flers and Montal to commit all the Ravag [...] imaginable; orders 'em to waste all befo [...] 'em with Fire and Sword, to the very Ga [...] of Mons, and to act those Villanies and Cr [...] ­elties in the midst of Peace, that scarce cou [...] have bin committed in the height of a [...] bloody War.

If Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgun [...] had the Sir-name of Terrible given him 2 [...] Years after his Death, because he renew [...] the Rigour of War in former Times, [...] which had been discontinued for some Ag [...] among the Christians; it may be said [...] Lewis the Great has out-done him, and [...] [Page 51]never any Prince has rendred himself more Terrible in History, or more odious to the World, then this Monarch has made himself, by his Cruelties and Barbarities, during the whole Course of his Reign. But let us pro­ceed to the other Breaches of the Peace.

The most Christian King, perceiving that [...]ll the Princes of Europe lay secure and care­ [...]ess, and that not so much as one of 'em stirr'd [...]o oppose his Designs, while every one minded noting but his own particular Interests, thought himself at Liberty to do whatever he pleas'd. Thereupon, he bethought himself of building Fortresses along the Rhine, upon the Territories of his Enemies, and Barriers and Securities of his Conquests, but which ex­pos'd their Dominions to the first Fury and Havocks of a War, in case of a Rupture, and enabl'd him to carry his Arms into the Heart of Germany, before the Forces of the Empire could be in a Condition to march. With this Design he erected that important Fortress of Mount-Royal upon the Moselle, within the Peninsula of Trebon, upon a steep Rock, almost encompass'd with the River: he fortiy'd Sar-Lewis upon the Sar; and rais'd the Fort of Huninghen, consisting of Five Ba­stions, seated upon the Rhine, with a wooden Bridge a little below Bale in Sungouw. To which we may add the Forts which he rais'd upon the Rhine near Strasburgh, &c.

When these Enormous Actions were com­plain'd of in France, the Answer was ready [...] For the Imperial Ministers were told, That their Master had no reason to be jealous [...] what she did; for that she was very well sa­tisfy'd, there was nothing done contrary to the Peace.

In the Year 1684. France gives the Catho­lick King to understand, that he was to de­liver into her Hands the Equivalent that had bin offer'd her, in lieu of the Country o [...] Alost, and upon the King of Spain's refusing immediately to satisfy her new Pretensions, Lewis XIV. lays Siege to Luxemburgh, and in less then a Month makes him Master of that important Fortress, the Key of all Ger­many.

After she had thus worry'd all Europe, she bethought her self of citeing the Princes o [...] the Empire before Soveraign Courts and Tri­bunals, erected at Mets and Brisac, where French Commissioners, being both Judges and Parties, pronounc'd Sentences of Con­demnation, by vertue of certain Parchments gnaw'd by the Rats and soyl'd with Dust and Smoak, to the end they might look old, and consequently the more Authentick. Which Writings being drawn by a Famous Advocate of Paris, contain'd Claims and Pretensions of France, to several States, Signiories and Coun­ties, by vertue of Reunions and Dependencies of Lands, which had been granted by the [Page 53]Treaties of Munster and Nimeguen. But 'tis to be observ'd, that these Claims were so much the more Imaginary and Chimerical, because it had been agreed by the Articles of the Treaties, That France should renounce 'em: Yet all those Renunciations were not able to put a stop to her. She had always one Code or Digest, at hand, apart by themselves; and when she had a fancy to despoil any Prince of his Territories, or to seize upon any Lands that lay convenient for her, she never fail'd of a Pretence. Her Laws were like a Saddle, for all Horses, and she gave 'em what Inter­pretation she pleas'd: So that 'tis no won­der to see her Commenting upon all the Ar­ticles of the Treaties, and wresting the Sense to her own Advantage.

Two Months after the taking of Luxem­burgh, France perceiving that that New Con­quest had manifestly discover'd her Ambition, and set the Low Countries and all Germany a Murmuring, and very near incens'd 'em to a new War, and disappoint her Designs, which were, still to be gaining at a cheap rate, under the shadow of Peace, bethought her self of one of the neatest knacks of Policy that ever she was guilty of. She propos'd to the Em­peror, to Spain, and the States General of the United Provinces, a Truce of twenty Years; and in regard her Armies were still marching at the same time that she makes her Demands, that she may be able to make 'em good, she [Page 54]order'd her Embassadors to let those Poten­tates understand, That if they refus'd to con­sent to the advantagious Offers of a Truce to secure the Repose and Tranquility of Christ­endom, she was resolv'd to declare open War against 'em. Who would have thought, but that France had then bin full of Sincerity and good Will? To hear the Language of her Embassadors and Plenipotentiaries, a Man would have sworn, That the Truce would infallibly have prov'd more sacred and invio­lable then the three preceding Treaties.

The Hollanders were the first that fell into the Snare, in hopes to have enjoy'd a so­lid and durable Peace; a Lure which France has all along dextrously made use of when ever she had a design to amuse the King of Spain, who seeing himself the continual mark of that Ambitious Crown, was willing to have se­cur'd his poor Countries from the Ravages to which they were expos'd, and to deliver 'em from the Mischiefs they had suffer'd for almost thirty Years together: And, therefore, for these Reasons they consented to a Truce for 20 Years. The Emperor, who was al­ready engag'd in a War with the Ottoman Port, whose prodigious Numbers made all Germany tremble, found himself in a kind of Necessity to temporize with France, for fear of drawing that powerful and dangerous Ene­my upon his Shoulders, and so submitted to the Truce after the Example of Holland and Spain.

And thus you see how the most Christian King obtain'd his Ends. For by this Treaty he secur'd his Conquests, lull'd the Holland­ers asleep, and amus'd the Emperor and Prin­ces of the Empire: All these Potentates being so credulous as to fall into the Snare, maugre the Experience they had so many times al­ready had of his Infidelity. What does Lewis the Great do after this? He prepares to bring to an absolute Conclusion, the Grand Work which his Ambition had set on foot; and which he had bin labouring to bring about for above forty Years together, I mean, the Universal Monarchy. To which purpose, there was no Precaution which that Prince did not take. He ally'd himself to the Otto­man Port; he dispatch'd away Marshal d' Humiers to the Court of England, and enga­ges King James to side with him: He pur­chases the Friendship of Poland and the Czars of Muscovy; he proposes Offers to the North­ern Crowns and the Princes of Italy; he en­deavours to gain the three Ecclesiastical Ele­ctors, and to appoint Coadjutors that were devoted to his Interests: He does all he can to carry Fustenburgh's Election; he quarrels with the Court of Rome; he revokes the Edict of Nants, drives the Reformed out of his King­dom; makes strict Alliances with the King of Siam to ruin the Hollanders's Trade; and bargains with the Switzers what he shall give 'em to sit still and look on.

We might here give a particular Accoun [...] of the great Preparations of France to sprin [...] the Mines that were to make her Mistress o [...] all the strong Holds of Europe. She reckon'd upon the Conquest of the Remainder of the Low Countries and Holland, as a certain and infallible thing. King James had given him a Promise of it, and that Prince's word was Irrevocable. Germany being at the same time attack'd by all the Forces of France and Turky, must have sunk under the Burthen, and have become the Prey of potent Enemies: And at the same time likewise all the Dominions of the King of Spain were just ready to change their Master, and to see themselves subdu'd under the French Monarchy, which was to have no other Limits then those of all Europe.

The most Christian King had so surely built upon these Foundations, and had taken such true Measures, that a Man might have justly said, That nothing could have stopp'd him. But then of a sudden happens the Blow which could only do the Business, a Blow the most fatal and deadly that ever happen'd to France, and which render'd abortive all her Designs in an instant; ranverses that Colossus of Pride and Ambition that had bin Erected upon the Ruins of so many poor States and Sover­aignties, at the expence of Treaties broken, and which consisted only in the hopes of In­vading the rest that lay fit for Convenience. I mean, the Revolution of England; the [Page 57]Prince of Orange, his vow'd Enemy, is made King of Great Britain, and made it appear, That only England was able to deliver Europe from the oppression of the French Crown.

And, now most Serene Princes, you are within [...] very little of reducing France within the Bounds of the Pyrenean Peace, if your Union subsists but two Campaigns longer. There­fore, whatever Advantages France proposes, [...]ow soft and obliging so ever her Caresses may be, reject 'em all. Let the Experience of what is past, instruct ye to avoid at pre­sent what has been the Ruin of all the Leagues that have been formerly contracted against her. You have to do with a crafty and po­tent Enemy; and as she has found the Benefit of her Maxims practis'd in the late Wars, she makes use, at present, of the same to break your Union.

How earnest is she at the Court of Rome? How importunate with the Northern Crowns and the laudable Cantons to persuade 'em to take the Meditation upon 'em? To this purpose she spares neither Gold nor Silver, nor Embassies, and it is in good part disco­ver'd, that she offer'd six Millions to any one that could procure a Peace. And which is worse, we find to our Sorrow, that her Pains have not prov'd altogether fruitless, by the Steps that some People tread, who interest themselves too much in her Concerns.

But some zealous Adherents to that Crow [...] will object and say, That 'tis high time to pu [...] a stop to the Miseries that afflict Europe, an [...] you ought not any longer to refuse that Peac [...] to France which she demands, since she make [...] such advantagious Offers, seeing the Denia [...] will render you responsible before God fo [...] all the Blood that is shed and for all the dis­mal Calamities that attend War. The mo [...] Christian King, say they, offers the Confede­rates Conditions altogether reasonable; h [...] offers 'em Barriers sufficient to secure thei [...] Liberty, and to secure 'em for the future from the prodigious Forces of that Crown. Those Offers are these that follow:

France proposes, by the Danish Envoy, That first in respect of the Emperor, the Princes and States of the Empire, the Dutchess of Lorrain and Savoy, the Advantages which his Armies have gain'd upon his Enemies, shall make no alteration in the Conditions that have bin communicated to his Danish Ma­jesty.

That in respect of the King of Spain, his most Christian Majesty might justly keep all his Conquests after the Example of the Catho­lick Kings; but that to facilitate a Peace, he is willing to restore Roses and Belevers, and, in a word, all that he has conquer'd in Cata­lonia, during this last War. He adds, That he had still more reason to keep, for the safe­ry of his Frontiers, all the Conquests that he [Page 59]had won in Flanders, yet for the forming of [...] Barrier that might remove all occasion of [...]isquiet from the United Provinces, he would [...]estore to the King of Spain, Mons and Na­ [...]ur, and offer'd to demonish Charleroy.

As to the Country of Liege, he would re­ [...]ore the City and Castle of Huy to the Bi­ [...]hoprick, and make amends for Dinant and Bouilion, by reuniting such a Portion of the Country of Luxemburgh, as should lie most for the convenience of the Bishoprick, and as should be deem'd reasonable by chosen Arbi­trators.

He consents to the re-settling of Trade with the States General, according to the Agreements in the Treaty of Nimeguen with­out any Alteration.

In case of the King of Spain's Death, he consents that the Elector of Bavaria shall en­joy those Countries, provided the Emperor will declare the same to be his Will and Plea­sure: And, that tho' the Deceased Queen's Re­nunciation to Spain during her Minority be Void, for the Reasons already made publick to the World, his Majesty is willing, as well for himself as for the Dauphin, to confirm he said Renunciation in favour of the Duke of Bavaria, with all the requisite Formalities; adding withall, that he makes no question but that this Engagement will convince the Con­federates beyond all other things of the reali­ty of the Peace which he proposes to 'em.

As to the Affairs of England, the Royal Majesty [...] being wounded in the Person of the K. of Grea [...] Britain, his Most Christian Majesty makes no question but that the King of Sweeden and the Emperor himself will propose some Expedi­ent to put an end to that Difference: And moreover his Most Christian Majesty has no pretention directly nor indirectly to England; excepting what he claim'd during this War to the Islands and Continents of America, of which he demands Restitution, being ready to renew with that Crown the last Treaty of Commerce, which was in force when the War began.

As for what concerns Germany, his Most Christian Majesty-consents, that the Treaty of Munster and Nimeguen, shall remain in full Force and Vigour.

That the Truce in 1684. might be chang'd into a Definitive Treaty of Peace; neverthe­less with these Exceptions.

That in compensation for Strasburg, France shall Surrender up Mont Royal and Trarbag, after the Fortifications are Demolish'd, grant­ing that it be for the security of the Empire. Besides that, his most Christian Majesty will restore Philipsbourg and Fribourg to the Em­peror and the Empire, together with the For­tifications, in the same condition as now they are. That Fort Lewis and Huninghen shall be Demolish'd: That Heydelburg and the Palatinat shall be restor'd to the Palatinate; France ta­king [Page 61]upon her to make Madam amends for the Succession of the Electors her Father and Brother; an Article which his Most Chri­stian Majesty stands very much upon.

In regard of the Duke of Lorrain, the Most Christian King consents that the Treaty of Nimeguen shall be observ'd, Sar Louis, Briche and Hombourg excepted, for which there shall be an Equivalent given of an equal Revenue.

That the most Serene Republic of Venice shall be Arbitratrix if there be any Reunions to make; and for the putting a conclusion to all Differences between France and the rest of the Princes, she will agree to any just and reasonable Proposals that shall be made on their Part and in their Name.

In truth, we must acknowledge, that France is become all on a sudden very Tractable and very Consciencious; she who was wont to gripe all, and restore nothing, now offers the Confederates the Restitution of all the Places during the last War.

Most Serene Princes, here is a particular Favour, which the Most Christian King vouch­safes ye: He is willing notwithstanding your Obstinacy to continue the War, to heap his Graces upon ye, to the end you may have reason to forget the Mischiefs he has done ye. He offers to be Reconcil'd with ye, and lay down his Arms, provided you will accept of his Propositions of Peace, and rely upon his Promises.

After this, 'tis to be thought, that you will have no cause to Complain: And the Adhe­rents of France will be apt to tell ye, that Lewis XIV. is at this day Triumphant and Victorious, and consequently that 'tis for him to give Laws to his Enemies, and to make no Restitutions at all, but what he pleases him­self. But to this I answer, If France has got such great Advantages over the Princes of the League, and is so much a gainer by the War, why do's she talk of Peace? To spare you therefore the pains of alledging some good Reason or other, in justification of a Prince whose Interests you so heartily Maintain; I shall only repeat what Mazarine upon the like occasion wrote to M. Lionne, Secretary of State, concerning the Negotiation of the Py­renaean Peace. For as to what remains, said he, I should make no scruple to acknowledge the seeking after Peace, when the Progress and Re­putation of the King's Arms in the next Cam­pain, shall have advanced his Majesties Renown to the highest pitch it can arrive at, &c.

These were the Sentiments of the most Subtle and Crafty Minister that ever France had, who decides the Question in few words. The Most Christian King has so well profit­ed by the Maxims of that great Politician, that 'tis with him an inviolable Law not to swerve from the Practice thereof to this day. Nor was Mazarin alone of this Opinion: The Marquess of Louvois jumps with him in the [Page 63]same Sentiments. And tho' he were not of so [...]ublime a Genius as Mazarin, the Reputati­on he acquir'd during his Ministry, renders [...]im Authentic enough to be quoted for a good Author. You shall hear what he said to Col­bert Croissi, when he gave him his last Instru­ctions how to carry himself at the Negotia­tion of Nimeguen, whither he was sent with the Character of a Plenipotentiary.

I know very well, said he, that the Confede­rate Princes will make a Judgment to the Pre­judice of his Majesty, of his Conduct in inviting 'em to a Peace; but it matters not, the Ad­vantages he will receive thereby, will amply re­compence the Wrong which his Honour will suf­fer; besides that, we shall come off well enough by giving out that his Majesty vouchsaf'd to af­ford Peace to Europe.

Thus you see what has been all along the Temper of France; this is no Maxim of Ye­sterday, as being practis'd by several of his Majesty's Ancestors: Witness what Comines re­ports of Lewis XI. That that same Prince to get himself out of the Bryars at a time when Paris, the Capital City of his Kingdom was within a very little of being Besieg'd by the Burgundians, deem'd it the only way in the World he could take, to Temporize. He thought it by no means proper to venture his Kingdom upon the Hazard of a Battle, and therefore labour'd under-hand to Dis-unite the Princes and Lords of the Confederacy; [Page 64]which succeeded very luckily, and by that means he got the better of his Enemies. Henry IV. and Lewis XIII. took the same Course: And still when France has been overwhelm'd with the great number of her Enemies, it has been always her way to ruin their Union with fair and plausible Proposals of Peace.

But if it may be said, that the French Mo­narchy had always Great Masters in this Sci­enice, Lewis XIV has out-done 'em all: His Reign has been a continued Series of deceit­ful Promises, violated Faith, and Treaties bro­ken. In a word, this Prince observing him­self Attack'd by the most Potent Confederacy that ever was entred into against France, can never take a better opportunity to propose Peace then when her Triumphant Arms may seem to boast of some Advantages. The same Arms are fickle and uncertain, and Fortune that has favour'd him hitherto, may forsake him, and reduce his Affairs to the most Piti­ful Condition in the World. It looks then, if we may judge of Events by the disposal and management of things, as if France affraid of strange Revolutions, sufficient to ravish from him in an instant, all the Honour and Glories he has hitherto enjoy'd, and despoil her Con­quests gain'd by breach of Treaties, sought to effect by Policy what she cannot compass by Force.

There are four things that urge the Crown of France to press the Confederates so earnest­ly [Page 65]for a Treaty of Peace. The First, is the [...]ondition of her Affairs, which at present is savourable enough, in regard of the Progresses which her Arms have made. The Second is, her Apprehensions, lest the Confederates con­siderably augmenting their Forces and redou­bling their Efforts, should weaken her in such a manner, as to disable her for the future from making a further Progress upon her Neighbours, if they permit her to keep her own. The Third is, the hopes that she has of luckily obtaining her ends by the same Artifices which she made use of at the Peace of Nimiguen. And the Fourth is, the low ebb of her Exchequer, and the deplorable condi­tion of the People, reduc'd to utmost Mise­ry by Famin and want of Corn.

As to the condition of her Affairs, most cer­tain it is, that France is well advis'd in tak­ing this time to make her Proposals of Peace. She was never so happy, nor so much caress'd by Fortune as now. For five Years together, that the War has bin declar'd, excepting the First Campaign, wherein the Confederates triumph'd, upon the reducing of Mayence, Keiserwart, Bon, &c. to which we may add, that famous Atchievment at the Boyn, the memorable Victory with which it was attend­ed, the Engagement by Sea, and the Duke of Savoy's Irruption into the Dauphinate; all other things may be said to have been pros­perous for France. So that if she could invea­gle [Page 66]the Confederate Princes into a Negotia­tion, at a time when every thing smiles upo [...] her, she may have just reason to expect tha [...] such a Negotiation will be attended with [...] Peace, no less glorious and advantagious fo [...] her, then that of the Pyreneans, Aix la Cha­pelle or Nimeguen. For proof of which, then needs no more but to reflect upon the Offer of the Envoys of Denmark to the Court o [...] England and the States of the United Provin­ces, which we have already recited. Which Offers are so inconsiderable, That 'tis a mee [...] Insulting, and an Affront put upon the Ho­nour of so many Princes, to presume that they would ever listen to such Proposals.

As to the Apprehensions of. France lest the Confederates should redouble their Efforts, and constrain the most Christian King to con­fine himself within much narrower Limits, 'tis as certain, That her Fears are not ground­less; and that 'tis but good Counsel given to the most Christian King to advise him to bid his Generals and his Souldiers whet their Swords betimes, and have their Arms in a readiness, because that in all Likelihood we shall have a warm Campaign of it.

The most Christian King, perhaps, did ne're expect that England, turmoil'd as she had been with Factions and Dissentions, that harrass'd the Peace and Tranquility of the Kingdom, would have taken a Resolution to conclude the War by Efforts of Puissance and [Page 67]constant Opposition, by granting the Men [...]nd Mony which King William desir'd. Nor [...] England the only Confederate so well in­ [...]in'd to the common Cause: The United [...]rovinces, and the rest of the Princes and [...]tates that compose the League, unanimously [...]onclude, to sacrifice the whole toward the [...]btaining a lasting and durable Peace. And [...]ence it is that we behold such numerous Armies, such prodigious Forces muster'd to­gether on the Confederates side, amounting, [...]s they say, to no less then 400000 Men: Which, if it be true, France will find it a difficult Task to fend off the Blows on every side. And I am persuaded, that Marshal Luxemburgh, as much pufft up as he is with the Advantages that he obtain'd by number, will be constrain'd to acknowledge himself mistaken, when he promis'd the King his Ma­ster, that he would sing Te deum, before the end of April, in the Cathedral of Maestrich.

As to his hopes of attaining his Ends by means of the same Artifices which he made use of at the Peace of Nimeguen, that you may be plainly convinc'd of it, there needs no more then to reflect upon the Conduct which he observes in respect of every Prince in particular, and of all in general, to dis­unite and draw 'em off the one from the o­ther. He began with the Duke of Savoy, upon whom he put the Duke of Orleans, believing his Highness might be wrought to a Conde­scension, [Page 68]when touched in the most sensible part, which was, when he came to be impor­tun'd by the Dutchess, his Wife.

It may be said, that she omitted nothing to infuse into him favourable Sentiments in the behalf of France. She has been seen to weep warm Tears, to fall upon her Knees and im­brace the Prince her Husband, beseeching him with all the Tenderness imaginable, To put an end to the War; to have Compassion up­on his Family and his harass'd Territories, and lastly to rememember that France was only able to restore him to his ancient Liberty. She also deliver'd to him Letters, written with the King's own Hand, wherein that Mo­narch promis'd him, upon the Faith of a Prince, that he would forget what was past, and that he was ready to grant him all the Advanta­ges that he could desire. That to render the Peace the more venerable and inviolable, it should be seal'd for a perpetual Alliance be­tween the two Houses, to which his Majesty would add the Marriage of one of the Sons of France with the young Dutchess of Savoy, when they should be of Age, which would knit those indissoluble Knots, that nothing would be able to unty for the future, &c.

After he had thus assail'd the Duke of Sa­voy, what Springs did he not set at work in the Court of Rome to gain their Favour, and incline the Pope openly to favour his Interests, by inculcating into the Catholic Princes the [Page 69]Necessity of Breaking those Engagements [...]hat united 'em with the Protestants. A Uni­on, added he, that drew after it the inevi­ [...]able Destruction of the Roman Religion, and [...]rected. Heresie upon the Ruins of it, if the Holy Father did not save it, by inspiring into [...]he Emperor, the King of Spain, and the rest of the Cotholick Princes speedy Inclinations [...]o reconcile themselves with France.

As for his Imperial Majesty, what Pains [...]as he Court of France not taken to draw him off from the rest of the Confederates? And finding that all the Importunities of the Court of Rome wrought no impression upon the Mind of that Prince, and that nothing was able to shake his Constancy, did not the most Christian King dispatch an Express to the Court of Vienna, to present the Emperor with a Treaty of separate Peace, and make him very advantagious Offers, if he would but consent to it? After he had gone thus forward, did he not publish a Manifesto upon the Rhine, and in all the Courts of Germany, to engage the Princes and States of the Em­pire to lay down their Arms, and stand Neu­ters, or else to accept the Proposals already made 'em?

What has he left undone to obtain the Me­diation of the Northern Crowns, of the Re­publick of Venice, of the laudable Cantons, to incline those Potentates to espouse his In­terests? Has he not sent away Embassie upon [Page 70]Embassie, and how many Millions has he of­fer'd besides? The Count d'Avaux offer' [...] Sweden the Restitution of the Dutchy of Deu [...] Ponts, and repayment of all the Losses su­stain'd, reckoning from the very first Day tha [...] France made herself Mistress of it; beside four Millions, and 500000 Livres, which would be actually paid down, together with a Pension of 200000 Livres, if his Swedis [...] Majesty would effectually interpose his Medi­ation with King William, the most zealou [...] for continuance of the War. Upon the Kin [...] of Sweden's refusal to accept these Offers Bonrepos offer'd the Court of Denmark Six millions, together with Mademoiselle de— to be given in Marriage to the Prince Roya [...] of Denmark, according to the Project begu [...] at Paris, before the departure of that Prince [...] his most Christian Majesty offering, besides, [...] pay the Dowry, and to decree all things im­mediately after the Ratification of the Peace And the Steps which the Envoys of his Da­nish Majesty tread both in the Court of Eng­land and in Holland, have made it appear that those Offers were not made in vain. Now let us see what Proposals M. de la Haye, the French Embassador made to the Republick of Venice. He offer'd the Signiorie, besides Three Millions in Silver, which were to be paid down, that the King his Master should en­gage to prevail with the Grand Signior to grant her Great Advantages, and conclude a [Page 71]separate Treaty of Peace with her, [...] the Exclusion of the Emperour and [...]he King of Poland, if she would imploy her Good Offices, as well at Rome, to per­ [...]wade the Duke of Savoy to restore Peace to [...]taly, as in other Courts of the Catholic Princes in confederacy against France. I omit several private Conferences between his most Christian Majesty and the Venetian Envoy, upon this Subject, before his departure from Paris, when he went from thence to reside in [...]he Court of Spain.

How did Amelot labour with the laudable Cantons? He display'd all his Eloquence in se­veral Speeches, which he made in their Dy­ets, and left nothing undone to advance the King his Master's Interests. His most effectu­al Propositions were reduc'd to an Offer of Four Millions and 500000 Livres, to which he addded, the Payment of all their Arrears: All which Advantages, said he farther, would be attended with a perpetual and inviolable Alliance with the Crown of France, by ver­tue of which the laudable Cantons would be protected at all Times, and the Liberty and Repose which they have enjoy'd hitherto would be secured from the Attempts of all that sought their Disturbance. And all that the King demanded for so many Favours, was only that they should be Mediators for a Peace.

Let us proceed to the fourth Reason that engages France to sue for a Peace, which is the low Estate of her Exchequer, and the miserable Condition to which the People are reduc'd. And to be fully satisfied in this particular, there needs no more then to con­sider, That the most Christian King has so little spar'd his People in Time of Peace, that 'tis no wonder to see 'em now reduc'd to utmost Misery. Certain it is, let him put on as good a Face as he pleases, that he clearly re­pents of a Conduct so opposite to his real In­terests. Good Policy requires that a Prince should diligently labour in search of all the most probable ways to procure the flourishing Condition of his Kingdom, while a sound Peace secures him from all Attempts and In­terruptions of his Enemies: To discharge his Subjects from the ponderous Burdens, with which they are overwhelm'd during the War; to revoke all Decrees and Declarations that tended to their Ruin; and lastly, to deliver 'em from all those Burthensome Impositions and chargeable Taxes with which they were oppress'd in Time of War; to the end they may have liberty to take Breath, and recover their decay'd Strength, that they may be the better enabl'd to bear new Burthens, when the Exigencies of the State require it.

Quite the contrary were the Proceedings of Lewis the Great, for no sooner were the Pyrenean Peace, the Treaties of Aix la Cha­pelle, [Page 73]and Nimeguen concluded, but he turns his Arms against his own Subjects, and not content with the Devastations of all Europe, he ransacks the Bowels of his own Kingdom [...]nd causes his People to wish a thousand Times for War rather then Peace; to the end that so many miserable Wretches might live [...]ecure from his Ambitious Tyranny. What [...]s there to be imagin'd that France has left [...]ndone to ruin his own Subjects? Her Coun­ [...]il has exhausted it self, in Decrees; no [...]ooner is one made publick, but three more [...]re in the Press. The Parliaments and Sove­ [...]aign Courts that were formerly Protectors of [...]he People, and which were erected in the Raigns of this King's Predecessors, to ballance [...]he Royal Authority, are now reduc'd to such [...] base and sordid Compliance with the Prince, [...]hat they only sit to consent to, and authorize [...]is incroachments upon the People.

The Farmers, and they who have manag'd [...]he Publick Treasure, what have they left un­ [...]one, what Artifices have they not made use [...]f to draw all the Mony of the Kingdom in­ [...]o the King's Coffers? Have we not seen a [...]olbert almost murder himself by tormenting [...]is Brains in finding out a thousand Tricks to [...]educe the People to utmost Beggary? That Great Man was the Object of Court Adora­tion, but the Abomination of the People. Nor can I here forbear to recite what one Day [...]e answer'd his Majesty, upon occasion of [Page 74]some new Imposts that were going to be laid upon his Subjects. For upon the King's tel­ling him, That such Exactions would en­force the People to cry out, meerly for Wan [...] and finding themselves utterly unable to pay their Assessments, for that no body could pay who had it not. O, Sir, said he, your Sub­jects are like a Sack of Flower, the more yo [...] shake it, the more Meal comes forth. Howe­ver it were, both that Minister, they that pre­ceded, and they that follow'd him in th [...] management of the Finances, understood [...] well to squeez the Kingdom of France, tha [...] whereas Thirty Millions was the highest Su [...] to which the Revenue of the Crown amount­ed formerly, they have rais'd it to above [...] hundred and threescore. We must not there­fore think it strange to see that Monarchy op­prest as now it is, and the People reduc'd t [...] utmost Misery.

Besides all these ways, the most Christia [...] King still puts in practise a great number [...] others, which have equally contributed to th [...] Ruin of his Subjects; such are his Quarter­ing of Soldiers, Creations of New Offices and suppressing of others; his pretended Ex­tirpation of the Huguenot Heresie; and hi [...] Pious Foundations, of which the Kingdom i [...] full. His sordid Compliance with the Monk [...] and Clergy, who possessing the fairest Po [...] ­tion of his Realm, have heap'd up vast Trea­sures and Riches, to the impoverishment [...] [Page 75]the meaner sort, who subsist only by their La­ [...]our and Industry. His prodigious Expences [...] building Royal Houses, and erecting sum­ [...]uous Monuments to his future Fame. The [...]ast Treasures he has wasted in bringing Ri­ [...]ers into Places in despite of Mountains, the [...]lid Oppositions of Nature, which he has [...]t through, and Valleys which he has fill'd [...]; all which cost France several Millions, and [...]rty Thousand of her best Men. We may [...]d to all this, the joining of two Seas, and [...]e Royal Canal, in which hard Labours the [...]ing sacrific'd the same number of his select­ [...] Subjects. The enhauncing and abate­ [...]ent of Mony, which has ruin'd Trade, and [...]ck'd his People to the last drop of their [...]ood. The vast number of Forts and For­ [...]esses which he has built and rais'd upon all [...]e Frontiers of the Kingdom, which has cost [...]m immense Sums. The Pensions which he [...]s paid in all the Courts of Europe to make [...]liances, or for the maintenance of his Emis­ [...]ries, which costs him several Millions, and [...]e keeping afoot near two hundred thousand [...]en in time of Peace, and 400000 in time of [...]ar; the vast Sums which he expends in [...]ring out great Fleets, besides what his Ma­ [...]zins of Ammunition and Provision upon the [...]ontiers cost him. All this, I say, contri­ [...]tes to the Ruin of France, and to reduce it [...] that deplorable Condition wherein we find [...]at this day.

Let it be as it will, the most Christia [...] King having consum'd the most solid part [...] the Crown Demesnes, in so many extrava­gant ways of Expence, it may be said, Tha [...] he has acted like those unwary Gameste [...] who, having undone themselves by Play [...] know not where to betake themselves to ge [...] more. But this Prince is not only contente [...] to have plaid away his own Revenues, [...] has also gam'd away the Estates of his Sub­jects; and by that means has reduc'd Fran [...] to those Extremities which are enough to over­turn it. So that 'tis no wonder to see Fami [...] rage within his Kingdom.

The most Christian Lewis XIV. might hav [...] wish'd, that his Father Lewis XIII. in imita­tion of Dagobert the 'Leventh King of Franc [...] had bin so pious, or rather a Person of so mu [...] Fore-sight, as to have cover'd the Church [...] St. Denis with Silver; to the end, that afte [...] he had drein'd his Exchequer, he might hav [...] had the same shift at a Pinch, as Clovis, the So [...] of Dagobert had, who uncovered the Church and made use of the Mony to save Franc [...] which then began to be afflicted with a mo [...] terrible Dearth. But Henry IV. and Lewi [...] XIII. had so much Work upon their Hand [...] that their Reigns might well be said, to b [...] rather Iron then Silver Reigns; and that the [...] were so far from having any Overplus's to la [...] out upon Dagobert's pious uses, that they we [...] forc'd to borrow, to supply the Exigencies [...] the State.

Lewis XIV. was the Prince who of all the Kings of France possess'd the vastest heap of Trea [...]ure, and who beheld himself the most puissant of all his Predecessors, by the prodi­gious Improvement of his Finances and Re­ [...]enues. To be convinc'd of this, there needs [...]o more but to consider, That the Revenues of the Crown hardly mounted to 16 Milli­ons in the Reigns of the Valois's. In Henry [...]V.'s time, they ascanded to Thirty. Richlieu [...]nder Lewis XIII. rais'd 'em to Forty five, [...]nd after him Mazarine advanc'd 'em to a­ [...]ove sixty: Which was nothing to what they are mounted at present; for, according to an exact Computation, Colbert and the rest of [...]he Publicans and Sinners, have advanc'd 'em [...]o above a hundred and fifty Millions. But [...]f the Treasures of this Monarch were more [...]mmense, his Ambition was also proportion­ [...]ble, and if they have bin so far from being sufficient to satisfie it, that he has bin also fain [...]o sacrifize the Estates of the Church, and [...]he Spoils of the Altars, after he has laid Im­ [...]osts upon all things else imaginable, he must [...]e forc'd, at length, to lay a swinging Tex upon Urine, as formerly Vespasian did.

An unfortunate Gamester, after he has lost all, endeavours to recover himself by all the ways he can imagin, and managing the Cards or the Dice by himself in his own Hand, be­ [...]hinks himself at length of playing soul. [Page 78]Thus the King of France, having ruin'd him­self, his People and his Kingdoms, by im­prudently engaging himself in a burthenso [...] War, and which having been prosperous a [...] the beginning, has prov'd fatal to him in th [...] end, endeavours to get himself out of th [...] Bryars as well as he can. To which purpose he offers Peace to the Princes of the Confede­racy, and sets all Springs at work to brea [...] the Union. He makes 'em Proposals ambi­guous and full of Delusion; what he offer to day, he revokes to morrow. He order Cardinal Fourbin to tell the Court of Rome That he is ready to lay down Arms, and t [...] enter into a Negotiation with the Confede­rate Princes; but first, there must be a settle­ment for King James agreed upon.

To the Northern Crowns his Embassador [...] talk another sort of Language, and tell 'em [...] That as to the Affairs of England, in regard that Royal Majesty appears to be wounded in the Person of King James, he makes no que­stion, but the King of Sweden and the Empe­ror, will take it upon 'em to propose some Expedient to determin that Difference. As to the Court of Vienna, 'tis about ten Months since, that he made Proposals of Peace to his Imperial Majesty, quite different from those that appear'd in his Manifesto publish'd upon the Rhine. There is not any one of the Con­federate Princes or States, to whom he has not offer'd Proposals altogether different from [Page 79]those which he now propounds. Witness his Temptations to the Duke of Savoy, first by Chanlais, then by Catinat, and then by other Ministers.

As to the States General of the United Provinces, France made 'em Proposals, first by Oxesterne, formerly the Swedish Embassa­ [...]or, who had two Audiences to that purpose, [...]esides the Proposals made 'em by M. Lenthe the Danish Envoy. She has observ'd the same conduct at the Court of England, where M. Scheel now talks at another rate. Several other Projects have been presented at the Courts of all the rest of the Confederate Prin­ [...]es, wherein there is nothing solid or con­stant. shich is a convincing Proof that the most Christian King seeks only to draw the Confederates into a Negotiation, to obtain a Cessation of Arms on purpose to amuse 'em, while he on the other side assays by more powerful efforts to ruin their Union.

And this is Lewis XIV's foul Play, and the compass which he fetches to [...]attain his Ends, and disintangle himself out of the Noose that hampers him, by saving, if possible, the best part of his Conquests, and delivering his Im­poverish'd Dominions from the ponderous Burthens which they groan under. And now 'tis for the Confederate Princes to consider what they have to do, and not to suffer them­selves to be deluded by the false and deceit­ful shifts of France, and seriously to reflect [Page 80]upon the fatal Misfortunes that will infallibly attend the conclusion of a disadvantagiou Peace, if lending their Ears to the Offers o [...] France, they neglect the fairest opportunit [...] that ever was, to humble that haughty and perfidious Potentate, at a time when he beg for Peace, and when there needs no more the [...] two Campaigns to obtain all the Advantage [...] which they can expect to reap from thei [...] Perseverance. Which is so much the mo [...] Important, as being the reason that has arm' [...] all Europe against him, and occasion'd tha [...] august and potent Confederacy of so many justly incens'd Princes, and who are equally interested therein.

But what Assurances shall they have tha [...] the Peace which the most Christian King now proposes, shall not be violated like th [...] Pyrenean Peace, and the Treaties of Aix [...] Chapelle and Nimeguen? How can they rely upon the Oath of a Prince, who acknowledges no other Law then that of his Ambition and Will? At the Peace of Arras, lip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, not being willing to trust Charles VII. who had brok'n his word in several other Treaties, was desirous that the last Article of the Treaty should run in these words: That the King for assurance of the observation and full performance of the said Treaty, should deliver it seal'd by the Princes of his Blood, the Grandees of the Kingdom, and the principal Men of the chief Cities; and [Page 81]that in case of any Breach, those Princes and Lords should be absolv'd from their Oaths of Fidelity toward the King, and be oblig'd to serve the Duke against him.

The Precautions of the Duke of Burgundy upon that occasion, might in some measure serve as a Garranty to secure the observance of Charles VII's Word and Oath. But it is [...]o be consider'd, That the condition of the Grandees of the Kingdom, was not then the same as now it is. Charles VII. wanted a great deal of being so well belov'd, and so much fear'd by the People and Nobility of France, as Lewis XIV. at this day. The ways which he has taken to gain the Affection of his Subjects are quite different. Formerly a little thing would have open'd a wide Gate to Faction and Revolt, and incens'd the Gran­dees and Lords of the Kingdom to take Arms: But now the Case is alter'd. The King has reduc'd 'em all equally to such a dependance upon him, that no Body dares stir; and it would be in vain for the Confede­rate Princes to think of laying the foundation of a solid and lasting Peace upon any such Article, in imitation of the Duke of Bur­gundy.

For proof of this we may observe, that since the beginning of this Reign, looking backward as far as the King's Minority, France has no longer car'd to be sensible or take notice of the Troubles that had lacerated [Page 82]her very Bowels: So that notwithstanding all the Efforts that were usd to re-kindle the same Sparks, it was impossible to bring it to pass. To which, it may be said that Maza­rin and the Ministers that succeeded him, as also the King himself, who is sharp-sighted enough, did not contribute a little by means of their good management at the beginning. And in regard the People are ignorant in Po­lities, and for that it is impossible for 'em to dive into the secrets of the Cabinet, 'twas an easie thing for that Monarch, being so good a Matchiavilian as he is, to reduce his Subjects under that Bondage, wherein we now behold 'em. He easily brought it to pass, by de­priving 'em of all the means that might prove a Bait to Insurrection.

Therefore, it behoves the Confederate Princes to take another course, which is, to oppose him with a puissant Force proportion­able to his own, and to tire him out by a prolongation of the War, which will at length enforce him, when throughly debilitated and brought upon his last Legs, to restore to every one their Rights, and what he has usurp'd by breach of Treaties, and no less treacherous in observance of his word.

As often as I revolve in my mind the Quar­rels which Lewis XII. had with Ferdinand King of Arragon, and compare the Genius's of those two Princes one with the other, as well as their Conduct, I cannot forbear to ap­ply [Page 83]it to the Contests at this present between Lewis XIV. and the Confederate Princes. For in all the Treaties that Lewis made with Ferdinand, the latter was always too hard for the former: And it may be said, That of the Princes that ever reign'd, there never was one more perfidious, or who more gloriously vaunt­ed in the Display of his Dishonesty; as may appear by the Reply which he made his Secre­tary, who telling his Master how Lewis com­plain'd extreamly of his having deceiv'd him twice. Twice! reply'd Ferdinand, By God he lies like a Tooth-drawer, I have cheated him a­bove ten times.

I am persuaded that the most Christian King has out-done Ferdinand in point of Knavery: So that if the Confederates should reproach him with having twice deceiv'd 'em, he might truly answer, that he had deceiv'd 'em as oft as he concluded Treaties with 'em. So that the Confederate Princes have no more to do then to consider, how little Ground they have to depen'd upon that Monarch, who boasts the Trophies of his Perfidiousness no less then Ferdinand. But the Friends of France will answer, That Lewis XII. was as little scrupu­lous in violating his word, in his Treaties with Maximilian the Emperor; witness the Treaties of Trent and Blois. Which if it be true, and that Princes violate their Words and Oaths as soon as they have pledg'd and sworn 'em, to what purpose do Treaties serve? We [Page 84]must say, as Silius said to Hannibal, That Alli­ance and Justice hang at the point of the Sword, and that prevailing Power is the only Law among the great ones: And thus you see a wide Gate set open for Plunder and Robbery, and there Remains no more for us to do, but to prepare our selves for open and perpetual War, and the continual shedding of Blood, with as much Cruelty and Barbarism, as Beasts of Prey: According to the words of Seneca, speaking of unjust Wars. I can safe­ly say, 'tis not only a piece of Cruelty, but the natural Inclination of a Savage Beast, to de­light in nothing but Blood. We may call it a turning of the Brains topsie-turvie, or a sort of Madness, for there are several kinds of it; Tho' none more visible then that which transports Men to Murder and Butchery.

We may aver, without wronging the Ho­nour of Lewis the Great, that Seneca learns him a good Lesson in this Place, and not only him but all other Ambitious Princes. Nor is Seneca the only Abhorrer of these abominable Principles. That Man, says Aristotle, must needs be lookt upon as very cruel, who makes his Friends his Enemies, out of a Desire only to make War. In like manner says Dio the Prusiean, To be prone to War and Combat with­out a Cause, is a pure Madness that seeks Mis­chief for Mischief's sake.

However it be, this is certain, that the most Christian King himself being the Author [Page 85]of all the Calamities and Misfortunes that at present turmoyle Europe, as well as his Coun­sellors, among whom we may number Lux­emburgh, who may be call'd his Right Hand, and the Person who infuses into him a good part of these Cruelties which his Armies commit, will be no less responsible before God, then if he should imbrue his Hands in the same Massakers. Let him give out as long as he pleases, by his Ministers and Emissaries in all the Courts of Europe, That he burns with a Desire to stop the Bleeding Veins of of so many Innocents, who shed their Blood in this cruel War: Let him publish by sound of Trumpet, by Heralds at Arms, in all the chief Streets of his Capital City, his eager Passion to restore Peace to his Subjects: Let him order the Archbishop of Paris to order the tiring all the Saints in Heaven, with his Forty Hours prayers; Let him weary the Holy Father with Importunities, to mediate an Accommodation between him and the Ca­tholick Princes, as formerly did Paul III. be­tween Charles V. and Francis I.

We must answer him in a Word, that 'tis not his Grief for the Sufferings of Christen­dom, that inclines him to a Peace, but his eager desire to dissolve the Union of the Con­federate Princes, whose power infuses in­to him Fears of dreadful Consequence; re­solv'd, after he has recover'd Strength, to recommence the War, and plague all Europe [Page 86]with more Mischiefs in the midst of Peace then in the heat of blody War.

If this Monarch have now more pious and equitable Sentiments, and such as are truly different from those which he had when he concluded the Three so often-mention'd Trea­ties, together with the Truce for Twenty Years, let him make 'em appear by the Resti­tution of all that he has usurp'd since the first Peace concluded in the Island of Phesants. The Roman Lawyers affirm, That he is a public Robber, who being demanded, where­fore he detains the Possession of such or such a thing, has no other reason to give then only because he possesses it. To which we may add that Saying of Aristotle, speaking of those who advise War, That they very seldom take any heed whether it be Just and Lawful to reduce their Neighbours under the Yoak of Bondage, who never gave 'm any Cause; or to oppress those, who never did 'em any In­jury.

Should the Question be put to France, by what Rights she now possesses so many Prin­cipalities and separate Dominions, of which she has despoil'd so many several Soveraign Princes? It would not suffice her to allege her chimerical Rights of Reunion, Depen­dence and Conv [...]ence, pumpt from the hollow Noddle of some old Advocate of the Parla­ment of Paris, more fit to be derided then to be the Ground of any serious Contest, where­in [Page 87]important Matters of Fact must be sup­ported by sound, solid and undeniable Rea­sons. But if you can but get France from thence, as out of her Fortress, in regard she had no other Reason to give, she must be constrain'd to acknowledge, that she pos­sesses 'em, because she possesses 'em. So that is not this a perfect Robbery and a manifest U­surpation of her Neighbour's Rights? and is there any Wrong done her in demanding Re­stitution? Ought she not to be contented with her having enjoy'd 'em so many Years, and to have all-a-long receiv'd the Revenues which amount to immense Sums? It may be thought also, that the Princes of the League would do her a great Favour, if they discharge her at so cheap a rate, as the restoring 'em in the same Condition as actually now they are, which, without Contradiction, is far worse then what they were in when she first seiz'd upon 'em. For examgle, Alsatia, Franche Conte, the Dutchies of Burgundy, Lorraine and Bar; of Luxemburg and Deux Ponts, the County of Chini, the Principality of Orange, part of Brabant and Fland [...]s, all which she has usurp'd and annex'd to the Crown. No Body can be ignorant that all these were opulent and flourishing Countries under the Dominion of their Lawful Sove­raigns, whereas at present they are impo­verish'd, and reduc'd to utmost misery. Could a true Computation be made of the Wealth [Page 88]which they abounded in before they were in­vaded by France, I am perswaded there would not now be found so much Mony in all toge­ther, as one single Principality was worth at that Time. So that if France be discharg­ed for making Restitution of 'em in their pre­sent condition, she must needs be a prodigious Gainer, considering that she goes clear away with all the Spoils, of which she has stript those Provinces to their Skins, to erect a Pu­issance always formidable to her Neigh­bours.

On the other side, it may be said, that if the Confederates enforce that Crown to dis­member from her Dominions so many potent Principalities, and so many lovely Acquisi­tions, they may justly promise to themselves a just and durable Peace, by disabling her to extend her ambitious Incroachments, as hi­therto she has done. There is no doubt but the Predecessors of Lewis the Great would shave been as active and as troublesome to their Neighbours as he, had they had the same Force and the same Treasures. The Desire of growing Great is natural to all Sovereigns, and it is look'd upon as a Noble Passion, when it is sufficiently supported to carry on Great Enterprizes, and is attended with Pro­sperity. So that if the Raigns of Henry IV. and Lewis XIII. were not so fortunate and flourishing as that of Lewis XIV. 'twas be­cause they wanted Power, and because their [Page 89]Revenues were so small, that they could hard­ly bring into the Field an Army of above 40 or 50000 Men, whereas France, under this Ragin, has extended her Limits so far as she has done by the vast Augmentation of her Forces, and prodigious Advancemen of her Revenus; to which her Violation of Trea­ties has greatly contributed. She finds her­self enlarg'd by a great number of Duke­doms, Earldoms, Principalities, Lordships, Signiories and Territories sufficient altogether to compose a Kingdom as vast and of as large an extent as ancient France; nay, tho you should consider it as it was before the Pyrenean Peace.

'Tis Time then, most Serene Confederate Princes, to bethink your selves of prescribing Bounds to this ambitious Puissance, such as may secure your Liberty, your Repose, and the Welfare of your Dominions. You know full well, what your staying so long has cost ye, and past Experience ought to instruct ye, that you have no time to lose; and that if you let slip this favourable Opportunity, which Fortune has put into your Hands, such another may not suddenly return. The Marquiss of Louvois told the King, some Months before his Death, That he foresaw this War would be like the Preceding: That your Projects and your Enterprizes would vanish in Smoak; That Misunderstanding began to get footing among ye; that one Campaign [Page 90]more would shatter the Ʋnion, and that there wanted nothing but the Loss of a Battle, to make a second Peace of Nimeguen. That is to say, a Peace both Glorious and Advanta­gious for France, and unfortunate to the Con­federates. This Minister, zealous for his Master's Interests, grounded his Arguments and Conjectures upon the small Resistance which you made till now; which occasion'd the loss of several Battels, and the taking of several considerable Towns. And, to speak, as we find things, it was not greatly for the Honour of so many Princes as the Confede­racy consiss of, that only England and the Ʋnited Provinces have fought effectually a­gainst France.

These Two Potentates have done every thing, have paid every thing, have supply'd every thing: So that 'is no wonder if they have obtain'd signal Advantages. At the same Time France assails ye on every side; Her Armies are early in the Field; they ravage your Territories, and carry all before 'em with Fire, with Sword and Desolation, while you remain immoveable in Winter-Quarters, till the Enemy has made himself Master of the most Advantagious Posts, and consum'd your Forrage.

I bury in silence a great number of De­fects and Failings which King William has endeavour'd to repair with indefatigable Pains and Industry. 'Tis to that great Prince, to [Page 91]whom all Europe is at this Day heholding for the happy condition of her Affairs, which put all the Confederates in hopes of a speedy and solid Peace. It is only to be wish'd that the Zeal of that undaunted Monarch were well seconded, and that all the Confederate Prin­ces and States would push on their utmost Ef­forts, towards putting a final End to so glo­rious an Enterprize, after which so many People, under Oppression, so earnestly pant.

Now, to be convinc'd that there needs no more then the good fortune of one Compaign, successful to the Confederates, to obtain of France what has been usurp'd since the Pyre­nean Treaty, let us only consider her Advan­ces, and her Condescensions to obtain a Peace. Having hitherto sown, in vain, her Treasures in all the Courts of Europe, to pur­chase the Neutrality of several Members of the Confederacy, or the Mediation of the Northern Crowns, and other States and Prin­ces, devoted to her Interests; finding that all this produc'd nothing, she flatter'd her self, as her last Remedy, that the Court of Rome would have Authority enough to awe the Ca­tholick Princes into an Accommodation. To that purpose she left nothing omitted to pro­cure the Favour of that Court; and it may be said that her Sedulities were not Fruitless on that side, and that it was none of the Holy Fathers Fault, if the Emperor and [Page 92]the Catholick King did not abandon the Com­mon Cause, to make a separate Peace.

It had bin well for France, that the presen [...] Pope had had the good luck or the Genius o [...] Clement VIII. at the Peace of Vervin, con­cluded in 1598. That Holy Father press'd s [...] importunately upon Henry IV. and Philip I [...] that he perswaded those Two Princes at length into a Reconciliation, and to restore Tran­quility to Christendom. Nevertheless it was not procur'd without a world of Toyl and Difficulty, witness the extraordinary Pain [...] that the Popes Legate, Cardinal Alexander d [...] Medicis took, who was sent to Henry IV. and had not that Cardinal bin as cunning as he was, he had never succeeded, nor done his Busi­ness as he did, with that Prince. Nor was the Reverend Father, Friar Bonaventure Calatagi­rone, General of the Franciscan Order, less dex­trous in perswading Prince Albert, Archduke of Austria, and Nephew to Philip. II. So that the Holy Father wrought so effectually by the means of those two great Men, that he per­swaded both Crowns to lay down their Arms, and so second the Repose and Tranquility of Europe, which was almost in the same Confu­sion as now it is.

France having always observ'd that the Popes had bin always the Sovereign Umpires and Arbitrators of the Quarrels between the Two Houses, could not take a more advan­tagious and more favourable Course then [Page 93] [...]ow she did. But, as we have already ob­ [...]erv'd, 'twas not sufficient for France to be [...]econcil d to the Court of Rome, by sacrificing [...]o her all her Resentments, which seem'd to [...]end to a personal Enmity and Disobedience, which France had display'd to all the World with so much Pride and Haughtiness, and [...]y this means to have induc'd her to espouse [...]er Interests; there was a necessity of some­thing more, that should have met in the Per­son of the present Pope, a cunning Dexterity, [...]ike that of Clement VIII. and Paul III. who Mediated the Peace between Charles V. and Francis I.

If Clement was put to so much Trouble be­fore he could pacifie the Troubles that ren­der'd Henry IV. and Philip II. Irreconcilable, Pope Paul had much more to do with Charles V. and Francis I. who being come to Nice, where Pope Paul III. expeced 'em to put an end to their Differences, as a Common Father and Mediator, all that the Holy Father who was the most Perspicatious and Politic Prince of his Age, could do, was to make those two Monarchs agree upon a Truce for Ten Years, without seeing each other; it being impossible for him to perswade 'em to a final Peace. So that one may safely say, that Affairs are at present in the same posture, and that there appears but very little hope for the Most Christian King to expect a Peace by the way of Rome. The Union of the Confederate Prin­ces [Page 94]is knit so fast, that 'tis in vain for him to think to dissolve it by any Intrigues of the Spiritual Court. As Crafty as the Cardinals Fourbin and d' Estrees are, and whatever Ar­tifices they make use of, we do not find they have made any progress as yet. So that France having nothing to trust to but her Arms, of necessity she must renew her preparations for the War, or propound more Honourable and Advantageous Offers in order to a Peace, then those already presented by the Ministers of Denmark.

The Confederate Princes will never con­sent to any Treaty that is not attended with the Restitution of all that France has Usurp'd since the Pyrenean Treaty. Let her thunder out her Resentment in the rage and fury of new Cruelties: Let her Burn and lay all Waste before her: Let her do all the Mischief that formerly was practis'd by Charles the Bald, Sur-named the Terrible, with a design to ob­tain by Force what he cannot obtain by Gen­tle Means. Let him make his Protestations in all the Courts of Europe, that he is ready to lay down his Arms: Let him proclaim as loud as he pleases by the Mouths of his Emis­saries, the sincerity of his Intentions: Let him exalt himself in Promises, and with a thou­sand Rodomantadoes sound forth the Advan­tages which he offers the Confederates; All this will never inveagle 'em to accept of a Treaty.

The Confederate Princes are now resolv'd to imitate the Conduct of Henry IV. toward Philip II. For Henry having too often expe­rienc'd how little all the Promises of the Spanish Monarch were to be rely'd upon, would never enter into any Negotiation, till he had made Restitution of all his Conquests; and order'd him to be told, that when he had restor'd back all that he had taken from him, then should the Spaniard see what he would do. The Confederate Princes have both rea­son, and are likewise in a condition to hold the King of France's Nose to the same Grind­stone. When he has restor'd to every par­ticular Person what he has wrested from 'em by Invasion; the Estates and Fortresses of which he has despoiled several Sovereign Prin­ces, Then the Allies will enter into a Negotia­tion, to the end they may all together agree upon the Means the most effectual to procure a solid and lasting Peace.

If they delay to enter into a Negotiation till France shall make a Previous Offer of re­storing all she has won fince the Pyrenean Treaty, there is no question but she will do as she did at the Peace of Nimeguen, that is to say, she will commit more Havoc and Cru­elties then in the greatest heat of War, on purpose to make 'em hasten the conclusion of the Treaty, and be more willing to grant her Demands. This Condct of hers is so much the more Advantageous, because she knows by [Page 96]Experience, that her talking of Peace, was wont to lull the Confederates asleeep, while on the other side Misunderstanding crept in among 'em; besides that, they were willing to lessent their Forces at a time when it became 'em rather to redouble their Efforts.

If the King of France had the good luck to Succeed, and that he effectually perswaded the Confederate Princes to accept his Offers, He had no small reason at that imte to boast his having restor'd Peace to Europen, but they might well cry out with Horace for all that,

Quid dignum tanto feret hic Promissor hiatu,
Parturiunt Montes nascetur Ridiculus Mus.

Andbe had likewise as much reason to say, that he had the honour to make all the Confederates draw their Swords, and to Disarm 'em when they had done; and that that same Potent League, sufficient to have made the French Monarchy Tremble, and reduce her to her ancient Bounds, did nothing more then only Forge the Shackles themselves, with which France intended to have bound 'em to a more cruel Slavery then what they had endur'd before.

To be convinc'd of this, there needs no more but to consider, that all that France of­fers to restore to the Confederates, may be re-taken by her Arms in less then one Cam­pain, so soon as the Confederates should have [Page 97]laid down their Arms and Disbanded their forces. There's no necessity for me to enlarge upon the Proof of this: 'Tis sufficient to say, [...]he King of France has no other Aim, then to [...]evive his old Maxims, presently after the con­clusion of the Peace. And indeed 'tis a hard mat­ter for an Unlimited Prince to set Bounds to [...]is Designs, and to root out of his Heart, the principles which Ambition and Avarice, have Planted there with so much Industry even from [...]is tender Youth. And therefore we must not [...]buse our selves; so long as Lewis the Great continues Great, as being surrounded with such a real and effectual Power as he now Possesses, which may be said to be the highest degree of Exaltation and Grandeur to which [...] Prince can attain, he will always give Laws to Europe, and all the rest of the Princes must depend upon him in such a manner, as never to be able to Affranchise themselves but by his Downfall.

Let 'em Upbraid as much as they please Charles the Gross with his want of Sincerity during the whose course of his Reign, and the paltry Artifices he made use of to rid himself of his Enemies; he never alter'd his Conduct nor his Maxims; so long as he had the Power in his Hands, he was always the same; and it may be said, that he never began to live in Repose and to become wise, till he was Ban­ish'd into a Village of Swabia, with a very mean Pension, where he Died for Grief. Lo­thair [Page 98]the Son of Lewis Oultremer the XXXIV King of France, was a Prince the most Perfi­dious and the most Turbulent that ever ascen­ded the Throne of the French Monarchy; and as he liv'd, so he dy'd, and retain'd his abo­minable Principle to his Death. So that we may safely say, That so long as the most Chri­stian King continues as Potent as he is at pre­sent, he will never suffer his Neighbours to be at Quiet; and the Confederate Princes must be always preparing themselves for new Combustions, after the conclusion of a Peace. Which will be fo far from lessening his Forces, that it will acquire him new degrees of Glory and Grandeur.

Since then 'tis so absolutely necessary to re­ject the present Offers of the Most Christian King, and that there is no other way to ob­tain a firm Peace, but by the continuance of a brisk War, in order to bring down the Pow­er of this Monarch, there is no time to lose; within a MOnth or six Weeks, his Armies will be in the Field, and if we may believe him, he will be no longer bound to stand to his Royal Word, which he gave the 15th of March. The Duke of Luxemburg begins to Liquor his Boots, and is preparing in earnest to shew us some new Trick of his Necroman­cy. And this same Marshal, whom the Prince of Conde was wont to call L'Enfant perdu, or a Child of the forlorn Hope, in referrence to his turbulent and sanguinary Genius, has promis'd [Page 99]his Majesty, that tho' it cost him his Life, he will make him Master this Campaign, either of Liege or Mastricht, or at the worst of a second Field-Victory, no less Glorious then that of Landen, out of a confidence, that one of these Events will force the Confede­rates in despight of their Teeths, to accept the Peace which he Offers.

But to return to the Battle of Landen; I cannot forbear to write a pleasant Passage, which is reported of the Marshal. So soon as the Battle was over, seeing himself inviron'd with a crowd of Lieutenant Generals, Camp-Marshals, Brigadiers, Major-Generals and o­ther Officers of the Army, who came all to Congratulate him for the signal Victory he had own, Ha! Boys, said he, How shall we call this Battle? Upon which, while every one stood gaping one upon another, not knowing what to Answer, and that some were of Opi­nion to call it be the Name of the Place where it was Fought, according to Custom, the Marshal replied, No, Gentlemen, we will call it the Bavin-Battle: instead of calling it the Battle of Landen, we must call it the Battle of Bavins. And indeed he had reason enough to call it so. However, if he deceiv'd the Confederates, by Attacquing an Army of no more then Forty Thousand, with another of a Hundred and twenty Thousand, let him take heed he be not deceiv'd in his turn, if ever he be forc'd to Fight upon equal Terms, [Page 100]as in all probability he may be this very Cam­paign. Nevertheless we may be bold to tell him this, That if he acted like a Master in the Art of War in time of Fight, he committed the fault of an ignorant Apprentice, in not pursuing his Victory, and reaping no Fruit of so much Blood as had been shed. But to re­turn to the Subject,

Boufflers, another Favourite of the French Monarch, promis'd him Mountains and Won­ders; and for a greater proof of his Zeal and Devotion to his Majesty's Service, he has al­ready caus'd his Sword to be Whetted, and his own and the Arms of the French Guards, together with the Flambeaux for the House-Burners, to be Bless'd by the Arch-Bishop of Paris; with a resolution to fight like a Termagaunt, and to lay Waste all be­fore him with Fire and Sword. Catinat also no less famous for the Lawrels he gather'd in the Field of Marsaglia, makes as great Pro­mises to the King his Master; and if his Ma­jesty will believe him, the Duke of Savoy runs a great hazard of losing the rest of his Do­minions, and of hearing French Te Deums Sung in the Cathedral of Turin.

The Dauphin also, who is to Command in Germany, if he be not Countermanded, wants neither Courage nor good Will. He has gi­ven signal proofs of both upon several Occa­sions, and if we may believe him, Lewis of Baden's Business is only to seek for an Asylum [Page 101]and a Camp that may secure him from the loss of a Battle, like that of the last Campaign. And as an accumulation to the Vauntings of so many Hero's that labour by Concert for the Honour of their Prince, and to draw Dun out of the Mire, there wants nothing but a second Smyrna Fleet, and Tourville Admiral of a French Navy, to render him as Glorious by Sea, as the other Generals pretend to be by Land.

We are then in great expectation of some extraordinary Event, which must decide the good or bad Fortune of so many Princes, which the Most Christian King has enforc'd to betake themselves to Arms. And the Confederate Princes are so much the rather enclin'd to terminate the Differences by the Sword, because they find it impossible to obtain by any other means an Accomodation with France. Which is no more then what the most Christian King has made most clearly apparent, by the ri­diculous Proposals offer'd by the Ministers of the Northern Crowns. So that War being indispensably necessary, it behoves 'em to pre­pare for it in good earnest.

If we may believe the News that is brought us from some Persons residing in the Court of France, 'tis said that his Most Chri­stian Majesty was in a pelting Chafe to hear that his Offers were rejected with so much Scorn; and there was not a day past over his [Page 102]Head, that he did not confer with Marshal de Luxemburg, about what Enterprize was fi [...] to be undertaken, and where it was most proper to open the Campaign. For the King well knowing of what Importance it would be to his Affairs, would fain have something done Remarkable to raise the drooping hope of his dejected People, and which might a [...] the same time uphold the Reputation of hi [...] Arms, and constrain the Confederates a [...] length to accept the Peace which he Offer 'em. All these Considerations put him to a great Nonplus. To begin in Flanders with the Siege of some Place of Importance, would not be amiss; But as ill Luck will have it there are no more Mons's and Namur's to take, there remain two Places only be worthy the Presenceof so great a King; Liege and Maestriecht. But the Custody and Pre­servation of one of these Places, is entrusted with the Spaniards; and for that Luxemburg has had too much experience of the Bravery of the Hollanders, 'tis not his Opinion that his Majesty should adventure his Fame and Reputation upon a Siege where he must fight against whole Armies, of which the Garisons are Compos'd. So that his Majesty in all likelyhood will be contented with taking a Journey into Flanders, to give his Ladies a little fresh Air; and if he finds no probabili­ty of doing any thing considerable, he will [Page 103]return by the way of Dinant, under pretence of some Indisposition of Body.

If the Marshals of Luxemburg, de Lorge, Catinat and Bouflers, are to be believ'd, there will be some set-Battles this Year; and there­fore it was not thought convenient to under­take any this last Winter, for fear of Tyring out the Soldiers, considering the need of Fresh Men to support so many great Actions. Only the French could wish their Cavalry were a little more Numerous, and that they could be suppli'd with the Horses which the Jews of Metz engag'd to procure 'em. But the strict Order taken by the Confederates, was an Invincible Obstacle which they never expected.

Thus you see what famous Exploits were design'd in the Cabinet at Versailles. But if the Confederate Princes do their Duty, and act, by concert, 'tis in a manner certain, that France will only Triumph in Imagination, and that she runs a great hazard of seeing her self in as bad or worse Condition in the end of the Campaign as she was at the Beginning. The Confederates with much more reason, hope to Ruin her by prolonging the War, and to enforce her in despight of all her Flourishes and Bravado's, to Surrender back all her U­surpations. 'Tis a good Omen for the Con­federates, that France begins the first of all to talke of Peace, and that she offers to restore some part of her Conquests. 'Tis a sign she [Page 104]is weary of the War, and that her Conscience upbraids her with Perfidiousness, and at the same time ordains her to make restitution of her Usurpations, if she intends to be Reconcil'd with her Enemies. As for the Confederates, who are without Reproach in that Particular, they are not yet so Harrass'd by the incum­bent Necessities and fatal Exigencies attend­ing a long War, but that with far less Preju­dice, they can still maintain their Resolutions of never hearkning to a Treaty, unless that France submit to surrender whatever she has possess'd her self of by Invasion since the Pyrenean Peace.

ADDENDA.

THAT it is the general Interest of Europe, to have the Pyrenean Treaty restor'd to its full Force, has been shewn at large in the foregoing Discour­ses; but how particularly England is con­cern'd in that Restitution, is what will appear by the following Reflections; wherein I in­tend to shew that it is particularly both the Interest and Honour of this Nation, never to consent to a Peace, till the Affairs of Europe be reduc'd to the same condition as they were when the Treaty, we speak of, was con­cluded.

'Tis agreed on all hands, That the Peace of Christendom cannot be lasting and firm, unless there be an Equilibrium between the two Greatest Powers: For, when at any Time one prevails over the other, Ambition never wants a Pretence to make War; which, in its consequence, tho at first began only be­tween them Two, yet in the end sets all the [Page 106]States of Christendom together by the Ears and involves them in all the Miseries that attends a most barbarous and unmerciful War. So long as the Spaniards were at the Top of the Wheel, what Troubles, Wars and Misfortunes did they not occasion in Christen­dom by their foolish and immoderate Ambiti­on, to Lord it over all the World besides And since the French have succeeded them in their Fortunes and Designs, what Barbarities, desolations and Cruelties have we not seen and felt? This therefore sheweth the abso­lute necessity of an Equilibrum between France and the House of Austria; but the Question is how to come at it.

Whosoever will be at the pains to consider well what has bin said before, must agree, That there is no other way left to balance those two Powers, but to revive the Pyrenean Treaty; which put such reasonable Bounds to those two contending Empires, that, I dare say, it would be very easy to preserve Peace in Christendom, did the Christians but mind their own true Interest. But, perhaps, some will say against this; How can you affirm that that Treaty did set the Scales even between those two Crowns, seeing the French are grown so powerful since that time, and the Spani­ards on the other Hand have suffer'd such con­siderable Losses? This is a great Objection, I confess indeed, and that which seems, at first, a Demonstration, that that Treaty was [Page 107]too advantagious to France; yet when it is throughly enquir'd into, it will appear to be very trivial, and of no force at all, as I hope to shew before I have done.

And the better to clear this Difficulty, I say, first That to pretend to set such an exact Equilibrium between France and the House of Austria, as may infallibly secure the Peace of Europe, without the concurrence of the other States, is a foolish and an idle Speculation, and, indeed, an Impossibility.

2. That all that we can reasonably expect, is, to set France and the House of Austria in such a condition, that whenever one of them shall venture to disturb the Peace of Europe, it might be in the power of another State to turn the Scales, and command them to be quiet. And

3. I say, That the Treaty concluded at the Pyrenees, left France and the House of Austria, in such a condition.

Now to prove this, I have nothing else to do, but to shew, That there was then such a Power in being, as was able to keep both the French and Spaniards in Peace, and that was England. But to set this truth in its full Light, I shall only put the Reader in mind of the Causes of the Growth of France, in which the Author of the foregoing Treatise is, in my Opinion, very defective.

For tho' the great Ability of their Ministers of State, the good use of their Mony, and the Arbitrary Power of their King, may have con­tributed very much to these Conquests; yet, after all, they owe more, to say not all, to the kindness of King Charles II. and to the supine carelesness of the English. This will appear the more visible, if we consider the happy Circumstances that King Charles was in upon his Restoration. The Effeminacy, Lu­xury, and other Vices which have bin since so common amonst us, were then unknown to the English; for Cromwel had left him a true, sober and warlike Nation. Our Seamen hav­ing curbed the Dutch, they defied (and that with Justice) all the Powers of the World to contend with them for the Empire of the Sea: We were Masters of Dunkirk, a very conside­rable Place, and which lying between the French and Spaniards, was, as we may say, a Throne upon which a King of England could decide, without Appeal, the Differences be­tween France and Spain. In short, to crown all this, King Charles found the most liberal People that ever was. Now, after this, who will deny that England was then in a condi­tion to restrain the French, and oblige them to stand still, tho' they had bin in a much better posture then they were: For these Di­visions were not altogether appeased, and their Fleet, at that time, was so very incon­siderable, [Page 109]that they made but a very little fi­gure at Sea.

By what has bin said, I hope it appears, That if a Peace has not reigned in Europe since the Pyrenean Treaty, it is not because there was not an Equilibrum set between France and the House of Austria, but only because those whose gloriuos Province it was to maintain the publick Peace, were corrupti­ble Men; and, therefore, I conclude, that if that Treaty be restor'd, if the Affairs of Eurpoe were reduc'd to the same Condition as they were then in, we shall enjoy a lasting Peace: For it is not to be supposed that any King of England for the future, will be persuaded to sell Dunkirk to the Franch; to teach them how to manage their Fleet; to join with them against the Dutch, our Confederates; and, in a word, to suffer them to swallow Flanders, or any o­ther Country. 'Tis said, indeed, that Glory is the inseparable Companion of Princes; but sure I am, that the Prince we speak of, must be excepted out of that Rule; for had he felt any sting of that noble Passion, is it to be believ'd, that he would have divested himself of the most glorious Advantage and Title, that ever any Christian Prince enjoy'd, viz. of being the Ʋmpire of Europe, and the Defender of the Peace, as well as of the Faith?

Now since the Restitution of the Pyrenean Treaty is so absolutely necessary for the Peace [Page 110]of Christendom, 'tis plain, That England, a [...] well as other Nations now in Confederacy wit [...] her, must be engag'd to continue the War ti [...] we obtain it; but, besides, we are engag'd by the Ties of Honour and Glory in th [...] Quarrel. It hath been our ofrmer Princes Negligence, or our own, that hath made s [...] wide a Breach in Europe; and are we no [...] bound in Honour, as well as in Justice, t [...] make it up? We have lost the fairest Flowe [...] of our Crown, in parting with the Advanta [...] ges I have mention'd; are we not bound therefore, for the Glory of our Country t [...] strive to regain them? Dunkirk, I know, wa [...] not yielded to the English by the Pyrenea [...] Treaty; but was it not then our own, sino [...] soon after King Chrales sold it?

How much the loss of Calais was bewail'd by our Fore-fathers, I think needless to te [...] my Reader, since it hastened the death o [...] Queen Mary her self; but with what Tran­quility we suffer'd the loss of Dunkirk, is in­deed a Subject of Wonder; but I think it still a grerter, to hear many People say, that it is against our Interest to demand the Resti­tution of that Place, unless they will say, that Calais was of more advantage to England, which I have no reason to believe, as I could easily shew, if I would break the Bounds which I have prescrib'd to my self.

I would conclude here, and truly 'tis high time, but I think my self oblig'd to answer, or at least to prevent an Objection, which some People may possibly make. If almost all the Princes of Europe in Confederacy toge­ther, are scarce now able to resist France, how is it possible that England along should keep the Balance even between that Kingdom and the House of Austria? To this I answer, that if France was supposed to be always as pow­erful, as it is at this day, or as it has been for many Years of late, the Objection would then hold good, and I should reckon my self some­thing worse then a Fool to believe that Eng­land and Spain would be able to counter­balance it, since, as it is observ'd, so many States in conjunction together, find it a diffi­cult matter to do it; but if the French are once brought back to the Pyrenean Treaty, and once shut up within these ancient Bounds, then I dare say, That England will be able to turn the Scale to what side soever she plea­ses, and especially if Dunkirk be rrestor'd to us. All the World knows, that the French have made great Conquests, and consequently that they must be stronger then they were formerly; but the better to make this Truth sensible, and to give at the same time a just Idea of their present Strength, I'll offer to the Reader a List of the principal Towns and Countries which they have acquir'd (to use their own Phrase) since the Pyrenean Treaty.

  • [Page 112] Dunkirk
  • Bergue St. Vinox
  • Ypres
  • Menin
  • Furnes
  • Tournay
  • Lille
  • Douay
  • St. Omer
  • Valenciennes
  • Conde
  • Bouchain
  • Cambray
  • Aire
  • St. Guilain
  • Mons
  • Charleroy
  • Namur
  • Huy
  • Dinant
  • Charlemont
  • Maubeuge
  • Luxemburgh with all its Dependencies
  • The whole Dutchy of Lorrain

The County of Bur­gundy, in which are very Considerable Places, as,

  • Besancon
  • Dole
  • Salins, &c.
  • Treves or Tryers, with almost that Electo­rate.
  • Montroial
  • Strasbourgh
  • Philipsbourgh
  • Landau
  • Friburgh
  • The whole Dutchy of Savoy
  • Suse
  • Cazal
  • Nisse
  • Ville Franche
  • Roses, and many o­thers which for bre­vity-sake I shall o­mit.

All these Places are extraordinary well for­tified, and have large Dependencies, and this [Page 113]makes France so powerful, and almost impe­netrable either in Flanders or Germany; but it must be granted, that if the French were once oblig'd to restore them to their right Owners, they would cease to be so formidable; from whence I conclude again, that it is in the Py­renean Treaty alone, we can find that Equili­brium I have spoken of, and which is so ab­solutely necessary to the Peace of Europe.

FINIS.

Books Printed for Richard Bladwin, at the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-Lane.

A Poem on the late Promotions of several Eminent Persons in Church and State by N. Tate, Servant to their Majesties.

Pleasure with Profit: Consisting of Recre­ations of divers kinds, viz. Numerical, Geo­metrical, Mechanical, Statical, Astronomical Horometrical, Cryptographical, Magnetical Automatical, Chymical and Historical. Pub­lished to recreate Ingenious Spirits; and to induce them to make farther scrutiny into these (and the like) Sublime Sciences. And to divert them from following such Vices, to which Youth (in this Age) are so much in­clin'd. By William Leybourn, Philomathes To this Work is also annext, a Treatise o [...] Algebra, according to the late Improvements applied to Numerical Questions, and Geome­try; with a New Series for the speedy Ex­traction of Roots; as also a Converging Series [Page]for all manner of adsected Equations. By R. Sault, Master of the Mathematical School in Adam's Court, in Broad-street, near the Royal Exchange.

Letters of State, written by Mr. John Milton, to most of the Sovereign Princes and Republicks of Europe, from the Year 1649. till the Year 1659. To which is added, An Account of his Life; together with several of his Poems; and a Catalogue of his Works, never, before Printed.

Bibliotheca Politica: Or, an Enquiry into the Ancient Constitution of the English Go­vernment; with respect both to the just Ex­tent of Regal Power, and to the Rights and Liberties of the Subject. Wherein all the chief Arguments as well against as for the Late Revolution, are impartially represented and considered, in XIII. Dialogues. Collect­ed out of the best Authors both Ancient and Modern. To which is added, An Alphabe­tical Index to the whole Work.

The Works of Francis Rabelais, M. D. Or the Lives, Heroick Deeds and Sayings of Gargantua and Pantagruel; Done out of French by Sir Tho. Ʋrchard, Kt. and others: With a large account of the Life and Works of the Author; particularly an Explanation of the most difficult Passages in them. Never before publish'd in any Language.

Mercury; or the Secret and Swift Messen­ger: Shewing how a Man may with Privacy and Speed communicate his Thoughts to a Friend at any distance. The Second Edition, by the Right Reverend Father in God, John Wilkins, late Lord Bishop of Chester. Print­ed for Richard Baldwin, where are to be had, The World in the Moon, and Mathematical Magick.

An Essay concerning Obedience to the Su­preme Powers, and the Duty of Subjects in all Revolutions: With some Considerations touching the present Juncture of Affairs.

A Collection of Speeches of the Right Ho­nourable Henry lat Earl of Warrington, viz. I. His Speech upon his being Sworn Mayor of Chester, in November, 1691. II. His Speech to the Grand-Jury at Chester, April 13. 1692. III. His Charge to the Grand-Jury at the Quarter-Sessions held for the County of Chester, on the 11th of October, 1692. IV. His Charge to the Grand-Jury at the Quar­ter-Sessions, held for the County of Chester, on the 25th Day of April, 1693.

FINIS.

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