Diadema Regis in manu Dej Esaj.60.3.

DIEV ET MON DROIT Ps. 36.6.

FLOS Jesse, Iudae (que) Leo, sacra quem LYRA Laudat

FLORES at (que) LYRAM CAROLI (QUE) tuere LEONES

THE ROYAL CHARTER GRANTED UNTO KINGS, BY GOD HIMSELF. And collected out of his holy Word, in both Testaments.

By T.B. Dr. in Divinitie.

Whereunto is added by the same Au­thor, a short Treatise, wherein Episco­pacy is proved to be Jure Divino.

Matt. 22.21. Da Caesari quae sunt Caesaris.
Job 14.7. There is hopes of a Tree, if it be cut down, that it will sprout again, &c.
Sublato Episcopo tollitur Rex. King Jame's Bas. Dor.

LONDON, Printed in the Year 1649.

[...]
[...]

Chara dei Soboles magnum Jovis incrementum.

THe Of-spring of so many Loyal showers of blood and tears, and Heir ap­parent to all the love and affection that Your royall Father had first purchased, and then intail'd upon You by a deed of Martyrdome: The Anchor of hope which we expect daily to be cast upon Englands shore, by the hand of providence: Hope hath for a long time brought up the rear, but now shee's in the van of all Your squadrons; and when the Sun is [Page] once set in an Island, how can it rise again but out of the water? may the sighs of Your People fill Your sailes with such a prosperous gale, as may land You safely upon English ground, and seat You in Your Fathers Throne; [...]ay the flower of Jesse▪ and the true Lion of the Tribe of Judah, whom the sacred Harp so often praised, de­fend all Your Lyons, Harp and Lil­lies.

Never was there a Prince, whose People were all Prophets, and whose Prophets did all center in their Princes future happinesse be­fore: whilst the Enemy stands like the every-where wounded man in the Almanack, pointed at by all the caelestiall signs; never was their an Army, who gloried so much in their strength, when they are not able to stand, by reason of the slipperinesse of the ground un­dar their feet, made so, by the tears [Page] of the People, and the Bloud of their Soveraign. Nothing but Your Majesties Royall Fathers sufferings could have made Him so famous and them so imfamous: Nothing but that could have made the Peo­ple know the difference between a Golden Cepter, and an Iron Rod. Your Father had been now living, had He been lesse wise: and he had not been put to death, had not His People loved him too well. Was ever Prince put to death by two such hands? They forced the Laws to take away their own life; they made Wisdome to sley her own chil­dren, by whom shee should be justi­fied; and the love of the People the murderer of their own darling: who can help it? to cure the Kings evil requires a royall hand. I doe not teach my pen so high ambition as to undertake such cures: but it may be Inke will serve to [Page] cure a tetter or a wring-worm, if it doe but so, I shall think my pains well bestowed, and my duty high­ly approved of, if, when I have pre­sented this Royall Charter to Your Royall hand, it may be graced with Your Princely Eie; being it proceeds from as loyall a heart as can direct a pen how to subscribe the pen­man

Your Majesties most faithfull and loyall Subject T.B.

To the Reader.

Reader,

THis wretched Kingdome, lately the envy of other Nations, and now the object of pitty to all but to her selfe; upon whom, Peace had long doted, and dandled their Kingdomes in her lap; whose natives, as though they had clipt the wings of Peace, so that she could not flie away from them, nor make the hap­pinesse of peace, once common to all the world, now an inclosure, within the broad ditch of their narrow Seas, and the strong fence of their innume­rable [Page] Ships, having attain'd to all the prosperity and happinesse that such Sun-shine daies could ripen; Shee fell from thence into the most bitter War, that the greatest plenty could uphold, and thence into the greatest miseries, that the highest pride could cast her downe; and now lies plunged in all the miseries of a Civill War: whose direfull effects are as remedilesse, as those, whose causes are not to be found, and as far from redressing, as is the malady for which no reason is to be given: though we cannot fathome the depth of these our unserchable mise­ries, nor dive into the bottom of this Ocean of calamities, yet let us wonder a little, how we could squander away so great a share of that felicity, which we once enjoyed; out our selves of pos­sessions so full stockt with blessings, trifle away, not sell, our birth-rights of Peace, for a messe of pottage, that hath death in the pot.

[Page]If for Religion we have fought all this while, when did the Church change her weapons? must prayers and tears be turned into pike and mus­ket? did God refuse to have his Tem­ple built by David a man after his own heart, because only his hands were bloudy? and will he now be conten­ted to have his Church repaired, and her breaches made up with skuls and carkasses? must bloud be tempered with morter that must bind the stones of his Temple in Ʋnity? or are the smitings of brethren, strokes fit to pollish her stones withall? Hath God refused the soft voice to remaine in thunder? or hath his spirit left the gentle posture of descending downe up­on his Apostles, to the approaching of a mighty and rushing winde? To go about the reforming of a Church by humane strength, is as quite opposite to the nature of Reformation, as is the going about the repairing of a Ca­stle [Page] wall with a needle and thred. He that looks for such inestimable good­nesse within Iron sides, may as well looke to find a Pearle in a Lopster. No, no, the Church must not be defended with Helmets, the risisters of blows, but with Miters which have received the cleft already; not by broken pates, but by cloven tongues: not by men clad in Buffe, but by Priests cloathed in righteousnesse: Decitions in matters of faith, must not be determined by armour of proof; nor did the sword of the spirit ever make way to the con­science by cutting through the flesh. He therefore who takes up Armes a­gainst his Soveraigne, with pretenses of defending his Religion, doth but take such courses, as are condemned by the same Religion he would defend; and indeed he doth but make Religion his stalking-horse, to blind him, whilst he aimes at that, which he would have least suspect him, which when he [Page] hath effected, he meanes to get up upon the horse and ride him at his pleasure: they pretend the good of the Church, when, you may be assured, they intend nothing more, then the goods thereof, and like dissembling Lapwings, make a shew of being nearest the nest, when they are furthest of it.

If we Fight for our Liberties, what Liberties are they that we Fight for? if for Liberty of Conscience, what doe you meane thereby? if by Liberty of Conscience you mean, that it shall be lawfull for every one to chuse his owne Religion, or to be of his own opinion, those are things which we ought not to have, much lesse to Fight for; for then let us not blame every panim that bakes his cake to the Queen of heaven, or e­very ignorant votary, who creeps to his own Image, or makes his own Idoll; for in this kind of Liberty, we do but sacrifice unto the net wherein we see our selves caught, and burne [Page] incense to the drag that hales us to de­struction. Christians are not to be at such liberty, loose Christians are but lost men; true Christians will be con­tented to be bound up in the unity of the same spirit, and the bond of peace: if the bond be broken, the sheaf of corn is but so many loose eares, and no way fit to be carried into the Lords barne: if we be sons and daughters, let us be­long all to one house, if we be servants, let us be all of one family, if we be live­ly stones, let us be all of one building, if we be severall grapes, let us be all of one cluster, if we be severall clusters, yet let us be all of one vine; if we be saints, let us have a communion, for this is it which is called the communi­on of Saints, this is it which is called Religion, which commeth of the word Religando, which signifieth to bind. Wherefore for a man not to thinke himself bound to those Articles which the Church proposes, is to be of no Re­ligion, [Page] and to fight for this, is to fight for nothing: and if by Liberty of the Subject, you mean liberty from op­pression, I know not any man or wo­man of any quality or condition what soever, that knows what belongs to any such thing, except it be some few, who have liberty to do what they will with all the rest.

If we fight for the property of the Subject, I beleeve the Subjects have so altered the property of their goods, that had they but their old properties restored, they would not think it good sighting for a new; their expectations being so much deceiv'd, that instead of fighting for the property of the Sub­ject, they rather see themselves sub­jest to have all things in common.

If we fought for the Laws of the Land, whose Laws are they? are they not the Kings? will he not maintaine the foundation of his house from sin­king? will he not maintaine his leggs [Page] under him? are they not supporters of that body politick whereof he is the head? nay, doth he not maintaine himself when he maintaineth them? for the King and his Lawes may be compared to God and his word, both inseperable: for as God is the word, and the word is God; so the King is the Law, as the life thereof, and the the Law is the King, as the body of that soule, wherefore there needed not any fighting against the King for this, ex­cept it be by those, who would be Kings themselves.

And for priviledges of Parliament, I remember to have read of Jack Cade, in the Reigne of Richard the second, who comming up as far as London-stone, and resting himselfe thereon, vowed that within three daies, there should be no other Law, but what did proceed out of his mouth: now if it stand with the privilidges of Parliament to have a few Jack Cades, [Page] relying on their London-stones, to tell them what they must doe, and they will have; if it stands with the priviledges of Parliament; to have Tumults to drive away their King, Armies to awe themselves; Coun­tries to send up their Inhabitants in multitudes with Petitions in their hats, cudgels in their hands, and threatnings in their mouths; so that the King was faine to slash the Citi­zens from White-Hall, and then the Parliament, the Country­men from Westminster-Hall, then they have fought to some purpose: but suppose that the Parliament did really Fight for all these particulars; so did the King too; so that the King may safely expostulate with His Parlia­ment, as S. Paul did with the rest of the Apostles, are ye fighters for the Protestant Religion? so am I: are you for the Liberties of the Subject? so am I: are you for the Laws of the Land? so am I: are you for the pro­perties [Page] of estates? so am I: are you for the priviledges of Parliament? so am I: and in all these things I have laboured more abundantly then you all; where lies the quarrell then? it must consist then in nothing but this, that they do not believe one another, in that they both fight for one and the same thing, the meanes of reconciliation is taken away: for should they differ in their grounds, the Law may be Judge between them, rea­son may be judge, the world may be judges: but rebus sic stantibus, in­stead of having reason to fight, we do but fight against reason, both con­tend for the same power, like the two women that contended for the same child: Solomon judg'd the child to belong to her who would rather part with it all, then have the child divided: Now the Parliament would have this powerfull child divi­ded, half to the King, and half to themselves: the King rather then so, [Page] is contented to lose all: in whom there is most affection and pitty, in him is the right of true parentage: but be­cause there are no Solomons in this age, let us go the down-right way to worke. The two Houses gave out that they fought in defence of the Kings Person, Crown and Dignity, do ye beleeve them? don't ye believe the King did? the Parliament said they [...]ought only to bring him to his Par­liament, was the Parliament at Holmeby house? or was it at Caris­brook-Castle in the Isle of Wight? was he in honour, or was he dignified by being there? have they not fought then all this while upon a false ground? have not they given them­selves the lie? and will you believe them still? but instead of being in­structed by Solomons divided child, they divided their Solomon. O Coun­try-men, do but remember what ill luck the Nation hath had, by impri­soning [Page] their Kings: when they had im­prisoned the old Lyon and the young within their grates, the 3 Henry and his son; did they not, like the inclosed wind, make the whole Land shake? had not the whole Kingdom a shrewd fit of an ague then? did they not (lik [...] fire too close beseiged with clouds) sal­ly out in thunder and lightning, to the terrour and destruction of all thos [...] who stood in the way? what successe [...] had the imprisonment of Edward 2 ▪ upon his imprisonment followed his deposement, and the murder of his person was a consequent of the depose­ment of his dignity, but what becam [...] of those who did it? is there one re­maining of the name of Mortimer? was not that Mortimer, who was th [...] cause of his Imprisonment, beheaded? were not all those who had a hand in it condignly punished? Nay, was not th [...] immediate heire of this too much con­niver at his fathers sufferings, and too ready accepter of his fathers office▪ [Page] imprisoned, deposed and murdered in like manner? and what successe (I pray you) had the imprisonment of Richard the 2? it cost the Kingdome whole ages of miseries, 80 of her No­bility, and 100000 of her Commons, & the disposing of all her Royall Roses in their budds, and before they were halfe blown, untill they was but one of a colour left in the Royall Garden of Great Brittaine; and they being Mar­ried, made such a composure of Red and White, as blushing at the former mischiefs: and it is worth your ob­servation, how that the last two Kings (to save their lives) resigned their Crowns, and so lost both; whereas the former, by keeping his Crown up­on his head escaped the blow. Let all these base begotten meteors appear glorious for a time, till by their yeild­ing more and more to aire, they fall to earth; whilst Kings, like Suns in firmaments, look biggest when they [Page] are going down, with confidence that they shall rise againe.

Lastly, Henry 6. and his son must be Imprisoned and murdered, to make way for Edward 4. and Edward 4. his two Sons and heires must be Im­prisoned & murdered to make way for Richard 3. and Richard 3. murders these two little Children, and Hen­ry 7. slayes Richard 3. with infinite of his followers, for his usurpation: if you go on with your worke, you see your wages; Gods hand is not short­ned, but stretched out still, and he is as great an enemy to such proceedings as ever he was: He is yesterday, and to day, and the same for ever: Do ye thinke that ever ye shall have Peace till the King be restored? ye may as well expect the needle of the Compasse to leave its treppidation be­fore it point at the North Pole, as to find quietnesse in the Land before the hearts of the people turne to their So­veraigne. [Page] Do you not see that the Par­liament cannot bring any thing to maturity, and what's the reason? but because their labours will not admit a Treaty with the Sun. Good men should endeavour to take off, not ve­refie that saying of Maximilian the Emperour (as Johannes Aventinus witnesseth de bello Turcico) viz. that the Emperour of Germany was Rex regnum, because his Princes were so great: the King of Spaine was Rex hominum, because his people were so obedient: that the King of France was Rex asinorum, because they bare such heavie burdens but the King of England was Rex Diabolorum, be­cause the people use to treat their Kings so wickedly. Now Reader, whe­ther thou be'st christian, or kind, or courteous, or otherwise; whether thou be'st for one, or other, or neither, or both, yet as thou art an English-man, suffer not thy self to be so abused, and [Page] thy Country so ruined, by the names of King and Parliament, Religion, and Liberty, Priviledges and Pro­perties, for many a Snake lies under the strawberry leaves of such pretences, and stings you ere you be aware, and feeds you with poisons instead of dain­ties; but return to your old obedience, if you would return to your old Peace, and if you would have God speed the Plough, begin to cry, GOD SAVE THE KING, that we may once more hear the voice of joy and gladnesse amongst us, that our Oxen may be strong to labour, that there may be no decay, no leading into captivity and no complaining in our streets; that every man may sit quietly under his own vine, and his own hands pluck his own grapes, that the mowers may fil their sithes with their own rights, and the rea­pers bind up their sheaves in the bonds of justice.

[Page]One word to thee O thou Great City, the pantapolis of all miseries: the se­minary of Rebellion, the magazine of Gunpowder Treasons, the treasury of the wages of iniquity, the Tower a­gainst David, wherein hangs so ma­ny shields and bucklers; the Mart Towne for conspiracies; you nursed up this Rebellion when it was but ten­der; you both fed and taught it, when it was but young: you maintain'd it in its wantonnesse, when it was in its youth; when it came un­to its full strength, ye gloried in your production; and now Rebellion is in its declining age, you ceres its wrin­kles, you lend it artificiall eyes, leaden its gray haires, lend it your staffe for fear it should fall; and now at last you help it to crutches when it cannot o­therwise go: take my advice, and judge not salubrity by sweetnesse, a plaine dealing friend is like those saw­ces which a man praises with teares in [Page] his eyes; though you have brought it to this, yet cast off the old man of sin, and put on the new man of righteous­nesse. An Eagle reneweth her age, saith David, David saith so, and therefore you must believe it: but how it is done? you must be advised by Ply­ny; when the Eagle hath surfeited by reason of her age, not being able to di­gest so great a quantity of bloud as formerly shee was wont, shee bathes and molts her self in a fountaine, un­till all her feathers fall away, and beats her beak against a rock, untill it loo­sens and fals off, and thus with re­newing of her bill and feathers, in a manner, shee becomes young againe, Now after seven years sucking of the bloud of innocents, if ye find your aged stomakes to be fil'd up to your consciences, like the Eagles bath and molt your selves in the tears of repentance, untill your Peacocks plumes come downe, and strike with [Page] the fists of contrition, upon your hard and stony hearts, so you shall become new men; new to God, new to his Vicegerent, new to your selves; which will be the best newes, that hath been cried in your streets these many years. And as you have been principium & caput, so be but finis hujus rebel­lionis, and habebis laudem ex illa, Rom. 13. and as it hath been your fault to begin this Rebellion, so let it be your vertue to make an end of it, for if you will not make an end of it, there will be an end of you.

THE CONTENTS.

  • CHAP. I. GOd himself was the first founder, and the first that instituted the Office of Kings. pag. 1
  • CHAP. II. The people cannot make an Anointed King. 9
  • CHAP. III. The meaning of the Anointing of Kings. 11
  • [Page] CHAP. IV. The reason why they are called the Lords Anointed. 19
  • CHAP. V. Bad Kings are the Lords Anointed as well as good. 25
  • CHAP. VI. It is not lawfull upon any pretences whatsoever to depose, or so much as touch the Lords Anointed. 29
  • CHAP. VII. What is meant by touching the Lords Anointed. 39
  • CHAP. VIII. That Kings now adayes are to be had in the same veneration and esteeme as the Kings of Judah and Israel [Page] were, notwithstanding our Christi­an Liberty. 50
  • CHAP. IX. That a King failing in his duty, and not performing those things which he hath sworn unto at his Co­ronation (so solemnly) yet the peo­ple are not dis-obliged in their obe­dence unto him. 57
  • CHAP. X. Touch not mine Anointed, Psal. 105. meant by Princes, and not other­wise. 65
  • CHAP. XI. The Objection of the ten Tribes revol­ting from Rehoboam, Answered. 72
  • [Page] CHAP. XII. The Objection of Jehu slaying his Ma­ster Joram, and taking the Kingdome upon him Answered. 79
  • CHAP. XIII. A discourse concerning the necessity and excellency of Monarchy. 83
  • CHAP. XIV. That there is no such thing as a Free-State in the World. 93
  • CHAP. XV. A Discourse concerning Episcopacy, proving it to be Jure Divino. 112

The Royall Charter GRANTED UNTO KINGS, By God himselfe:

CHAP. I.

Who was the first founder, or the first that Instituted the Office of KINGS.

WEE say some people were the first that desired them, and moved for them, and had them, and chose them. And all the people went to Gilgall, and there they made Saul King before the Lord in Gilgall. 1 Samuel 11.15. 1 Samuel [...].5.

Soft and fair, good people; do not [...]istake your selves; you desired, and [Page 2] moved for, and would have, and had a King▪ but God gave him you: I gave thee a King, O Israel, in mine anger, and I too [...] him [...] [...]n my wr [...]th. Hosea 13.10, 11. According to this we read, Acts 13.2 [...]They desired a King, and God gave unto the [...] Saul, &c. And for your making of [...] King at Gilgall; your making was bu [...] approving, and applauding him, tha [...] was made already; for Saul was bot [...] made a King, and confirmed King, an [...] executed his Office, before the people a [...] said to have made him King in Gilgal▪ He was anointed King over Israel: 1 Sam. 1▪1. he was confirm'd by signs. 1 Sam. 10.2, 3, &c. He executed his office. 1 Sam. 11.7, [...]

God first, sent.

And secondly, shewed.

And thirdly, chose.

And fourthly, Anointed.

And fifthly, found them out a Kin [...] before ever i [...] is said, they made him.

First, God sent him; I will send thee man out of the tribe of Benjamin, and thou sh [...] anoint him to be Captain over my People.

Secondly, God shewed him; for n [...]ther the people, nor any of the Sain [...] nor the Elders of Bethlehem, no, nor Sam [...]l himself, knew not where to find this [...] [Page 3] [...] Kings, till God said, This is he, he shall [...]ign over my People, 1 Sam. 9.17.

Thirdly, God chose him himself; and [...]muel said to all the people, See him [...]om the Lord hath chosen: Sam. 10.24. [...] the people ma [...]e him themselves, or [...]uld make him, what needed they to [...]ve come unto Samuel to bid him; make [...] a King to judge us? Sam. 8.5. and to [...], give us a King? which deprecation [...]as indeed no otherwise, then as if they s [...]ould have desired Samuel to have asked a King for them of the Lord; for so it [...]ems by the sequell, for immediately h [...]reupon Samuel went unto the Lord, and declared their importunity, and the Lord said, that he should hearken unto the [...]ce of the people in all that they said unto him, [...]rse 7. and this most certain and agree­a [...]le unto 1 Sam. 1. where Samuel tels [...] people; Yee have this day rejected your [...], &c. and have said unto him, set a King [...] us.

Fourthly, God Anointed him; Samu­el took a Violl of Oyle & powred it on his head, [...] kissed him, and said, is it not because hee [...] Anointed thee to be Captain over his in­ [...]itance: Sam. 10.1.

Fifthly, God found him out for [Page 4] them, where he was hidden from them; for when all the Tribes of Israel were come together, and the Tribe of Benja­min was taken, and the families of that Tribe drew neer; & the family of Matry was taken out of those families, and Saul the son of Kish from thence: 1 Sam. 10.20▪ 21. (the smallest Tribe, the least family, the poorest Benjamite, as shewing us that Kings were not to have derivation from the mighty people, but from the Al­mighty God: Sam. 9.21.) the people sought him, but they could not find him, so that they were fain to enquire of the Lord for him,, and the Lord shew­ed them were he had hid himself in the stuffe: 1 Sam. 12.22. so that all that the people of Israel had to doe, either in the Election, Institution, Nomination, Creation, or Invention of their first King, was (when God had done all this) to shout, and say, God save the King: 1 Sam. 10.24. And for their making a King, after all this in Gilgall, it could be no otherwise then their approbation of him, who was thus made by God already.

Neither was God only the founder of the first King of the Jews, but of all the rest also: He was Davids founder too, [Page 5] I have found David my servant, with my holy Oyle have I Annointed him: Psal. 89.20. It was well for David, for he should have been but a poor King, if he had been but of the Peoples finding; and it may be they would not have knowne what to have made of him when they had found him. David was not filius po­puli, but Dei, the sonne of God, not of the people: Psalm 89.26. He was neither exalted of the people, nor chosen of the people; I have exalted one chosen out of the People, said God, ( verse 19.) but the ex­altation was Gods, and the choice not of, [...]ut out of the People.

Kings are not children of the most voices; but children of the most high: Ps. 82.6. yet the approbation of the Peo­ple may serve ad pompam, but not ad ne­cessitatem; it may add somthing to the so­lemnity, but nothing to the essence of the constitution; what was divinely gi­ven, may be humanely received, and so are Kings.

Neither will we speak of the King, or [...]he first of the Kings of Jud [...]h or Israel, [...]ut we will go along with the first King [...]hat ere was read of (if there be not Books antienter then the Books of Mo­ses) [Page 6] and that was Melchizedec King of Salem; this Melchisedec is said to have nei­ther Father nor Mother, it could not be said so in regard of his person, for wee all know who he was, and who his Fa­ther and Mother were; he was Sem, the eldest son of Noah, but it was said so, in respect of his Office; shewing us, tha [...] Kings, they are not the off-spring of men, but an emanation from the Deity; and teaching us, that as Kings are not of the Poeples making, so they ought not to be of the Peoples marring, and as they are not the founders, so they ought not to be the confounders of them; Cujus est instituere, ejus est abrogare, they that institute, may abrogate, they that make, may un-make, what thou buildest thy selfe, thou maist lawfully pull down; thou maist diruere edificar [...], mutare, Quadrata rotundis, but if thou de­stroyest that which another hath built, thou maist chance to be sued for dilapi­dations: If a Limner draw a picture, he may alter and change it, and if he dis­like it, race it out at his pleasure; or i [...] a Carver or Ingraver mislike his owne handy-work, he may destroy it when he pleases; but if God makes a man after [Page 7] his own Image, and creates him after his own similitude, wee offend God in a high degree, when we cut off, or deface the least part, or member of his handy­work.

Now Kings are lively representati­ons, living statues, or pictures, drawn to the life, of the great Deity; these pi­ctures, for their better continuance, are done in Oyle, the colours of the Crown never fade, they are no water colours; as Kings with their own statues, will not be angry, though time and age de­vour them; yet they will not suffer them spitefully to be thrown down, or shot against; so God, though he will suffer Kings to dye like men, and fall like o­ther Princes; yet he will not suffer his character, spitefully to be rased, or his Image defaced; but though he will have them die like men, yet he will have them live like Gods. And if all this be not proof sufficient, you shall hear God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost affirm as much. God the Father plainly affirms, John 10.34. Dixi dij estis, I have said ye are Gods; but if the stroke had been in the People, then it should have been, Nos diximus, dij estis, we [Page 8] have said ye are Gods. God the Sonne told Pilate Thou shouldest have no power ex­cept it were (data desuper) given from above; but if the people had given him that power, then it should have been, Thou should'st have no power, except it were (data desubter) given from beneth; and I am sure the Holy Ghost tels us, per me Reges reg­nant, by me Kings Reign; but if they reigned by the suffrage of the People, then it should have been per nos, accor­ding to the moderne dialect, they Reign by us▪ and as long as we think fit, and when wee thinke it fit no long­er, they shall reign no more; they received their authority from us, and we may recall it when we please, and depose them when we list; for they are but proxies and Attornies of the people: see Buch. de jure Regni Fickerus & Reneche­rus &c. little thinking how by this pow­erfull doctrine of theirs, they (quite contrary to the word of God) destroy the higher powers, and give the whole Trinity the lie at once: and if these te­stimonies are not sufficient, I know why they are not, because they never were confirmed by Act of Parliament.

CHAP. II.

Whither the People can make a King or not.

IF the question be asked, whether the people doe make the King or not? I could no more grant it, then I should grant, that the people made heaven; but if you ask me, whether the people can make a King (such a one as they use to make) if they have not one already of Gods making, they may; such are Kings, and no King; not Reges, but Regentes ad placitum, Kings by Election, are alwaies Kings upon condition, and where the condition is so little worth, the obliga­tion is the lesse, and but small security will be required: for my own part I should be a shamed to were a Crown on my head, when the people must raign, and the King stand under the penthouse; and I had as live they should make me a Iack a lent, for Apprentices to throw their cudgels at me, as to make me a King to be controuled by their Masters, [Page 10] and every Tribune of the People; for as an invitation to a dinner where there is no meat, is but a distastfull banquet, so the name of a King without its adjuncts, is but a savourlesse renown; and indeed such as they are not Actu Reges, [...]hey do but agere Regem, they are not actuall Kings, they doe but act the part of a King, and I hold him that acts the part of a King an hour upon the stage, to be as reall a King for his time and territo­ries, as the best King by election, who is chosen but for his life; herein consists the difference, as the one must act his part as the Poets please, so the other must act his part as the people please; they must have their parts given them, they must act it accordingly, they must not so much as tread the Stage awry; their subejects are both spectators and judges, and it lies within the favour of the next society, whether or no the Sonne shall come to act the Fathers part. Such Kings as these the people may make; but to make a sacred and an Anointed King, an established and successive Monarch, a King that hath this Heredit [...]tem in him, a King that hath this Noli me tangere about him; whose Writs were alwaies termed, Sacri [Page 11] apices, whose commands divalis jussio, whose presence Sacra Vestigia, whose Thorne is the Lords, whose Scepter is his Rod, whose Crown is his favour, and whose representation is of himself; the People can no more make such a dei­ty, then so many tapers can make a glo­rious Sunne, or so many sparks of sprey and faggots, can make a firmament of Stars.

CHAP. III.

What is meant by Anointing of KINGS.

ANointing, in severall places of Scripture, betokens some spirituall grace, as James 5.14. Call the Elders of the Church, and let them pray over the sick, a­nointing him with oyle in the name of the Lord: which the Roman-Catholicks call extream unction, though now a­daies, we only make use of the extre­mity, and leave out the unction: and therefore some will have the anointing of Kings to signifie some spirituall grace [Page 12] also, which shall inable him with Reli­gion and aptnes to govern wel; which when they cease to doe, their anoint­ing falleth off, and they cease to be Kings; if they be not good, they are none of Gods anointed, and if they be not his anointed, they care not whose they are. This doctrine hath caused the shedding of more bloud then there is now running in the veins of living Christians; whereas the truth is, it is neither Religion, nor virtue, nor grace, that is meant by this Royall Anointing: Cyrus was Christus Domini as wel as Josias, and Saul as well as David: If Religion were that that did the deed, then Cyrus had not been the Lords Anointed; if vir­tue, then not Saul; if grace, neither: If Religion makes Kings, then there should have been of old no Kings, but those of Judah; and now no Kings, but those of Christendome. It is Jus regnandi that is meant by this Royall anointing, and Royall Ʋnction, confers no grace, but declares a just title only; Vnxit in Regem, he anointed him King, includes no­thing but a due title, excludes nothing but usurpation; gives him the admini­stration to govern, not the gift to go­vern, [Page 13] well; the right of ruling, not of ru­ling right: Kings are anointed with Oyl, to shew, that as they have Thrones to sig­nifie that they are the Cesterns of Justice; and Crowns to signifie that they are the fountaines of honours; and Scepters to sig­nifie that the hands which hold them, are the Magazines wherein the whole strength and ammunition of Kingdoms are reposed: so Anointing is a sacr [...]d signature betokning Soveraignity, ob [...]di­ence to the Throne, submission to the Scepter, allegience to the Crown, and su­premacy to the Oyle must needs be gi­ven, for Oyle will have it: poure Oyle and Wine, and Water, and Vineger, or what other liquour you please together, Oyle will be sure to be the uppermost: the three first ceremonies make him but high and mighty, and puissant, but the last only, makes him sared, and there­fore some have maintained that a King is mixta persona cum Sacerdote, whether he be so or no I will not here insist; but sure I am, that their is much divinity in the very name, and essence of Kings; which duly considered and believed, that Kings are thus sacred (as we ought, and [Page 14] Gods word informs us) we would take heed how we touch, take warning how he tear and rend in peeces, as much as in us lies (with those leaden Messengers of death (with their gunpowder com­missions) to fetch the higher to the low­er powers, and make the King a Subject to the Subjects wils) the sacred person of so great a Majesty; whereas the cut­ting off but a piece of the lappe of Sauls garment, hath checkt a greater spirit, then the proudest riser up against his Sove­raign: We would not speak so despica­bly of the Lords anointed; what is the King? he is but a man, he is but one, he hath a soule to be saved as well as o­thers; for though all this be true, yet the end for which all this is said, is most false and abhominable, for though it be true, that the King is but a man, yet it is also true, that that man is the light of Israel, 2 Kings 8.19. wee must take heed how we put it out. And though it be true, that such a piece of silver, is but a piece of silver, yet as it bears Caesars i­mage, and superscription upon it, it is more significant; & if thou either pare or impare it a jot, if thou art found either clipping, or diminishing of it in the least degree, [Page 15] [...]hou dost it to the preiudice of thine own life; so though a King be but a man [...]s in himself, yet as he [...]ears the repre­sentation of God, and hath his chara­cter stamp'd upon him, he is some-what more, if you will believe him that said [...]e are Gods, Psalm 82.6. and therefore we must take heed how we debase or detract [...]rom them who represent so great a Dei­ [...]y, who by reason of their proximity [...]nd neernes unto God in some respects, [...]re most commonly of more discerning spirits then ordinary men: for Mephi­ [...]osheth, when his servant had so grievi­vously slandred him to David, he makes but a short complaint, My servant hath [...]landred me; but (as if he should say, I need not tell thee much, thou hast wisdome enough to find it out) My Lord the King is as an Angell of God, doe therefore what is good in thine own eies: Therefore be­cause thou art as an Angell of God, and thy selfe art a good intelligence, as all Angels are, doe what is good in thine own eie; as if he should have said, if thou doest onely that which seemeth to be good in other mens eies, it may be they will perswade thee that the thing was [Page 16] true, wherein my servant slandred thy servant poor Mephibosheth, and he suffer wrongfully. I am of opinion that God gives to every King to whom he com­municates his name and authority, this extraordinary gift of discerning; but because they do not some times make use of it to the end it was bestow­ed upon them, viz. (the better govern­ment of their severall Dominions) but are contented to see and discerne with other mens eyes, and to have false spectacles put upon their noses, where­by many a good man suffers: God in his justice gives them over, that in their own particular, and wherein their own greatest good is chiefly concerned, they shall make least use of their own judge­ments and advise, and wholly give themselves to be over-swayed by the ad­vise of those, whose judgements perhaps is not so good as their own, and whose intentions (it may be) are no better then they should be.

It is written that the hearts of Kings are in the hands of the Lord, and he disposeth them as seemeth best to his heavenly wisdome; certainly I would [Page 17] [...]ake a little advice from that heart, [...]hat is so directed by that hand; the Kings head never plotted Treason a­ [...]ainst the Crown, and no man can wish [...]etter to His Majesty then the King. I [...]peak not this in derogation either of [...]he Great, or Privie Councell ( for it is [...]ritten, in the multitude of Councellors there [...] safety) but in defence only of these [...]ons of Oyle, who are supreme in both. And as it is true that the King is but [...]ne man, so it is also true, that one man [...]s worth ten thousand of the people; [...]hou art woth ten thousands of us (though all [...]is worthies were in place) 2 Sam. 18.3. [...]nd though it be true, that the King [...]ath a soul to be saved as well as others, [...]et it is also true, that he should have [...]o body to be crucified by his Subjects, [...]nd out of his dis-esteem of the person, [...]he ceremonies of State (as Anointing, [...]itting in Thrones, holding of Scepters, [...]nd Coronation it selfe) being to be [...]xploded now a daies; and who look'd [...]or it otherwise, when the lawfull and [...]ecent Ceremonies of the Church, were [...]alled reliques of Popery, and raggs of [...]he Whore of Babilon: was it otherwise [...]o be expected, but that they would call [Page 18] these ceremonies of State, Theatrica pompa: Stage-plaies, Note: See Buch. de Jure. Reg. toyes: Tush say they, what need all these [...] fopperies, a Kings Throne is his Justice, his Crown his Honour, his Scepter, and cheifest strength, the peoples hearts, his holy Oyle, is his Religion, and zeal to Gods glory; and so it is: what then? may we not have the signes, and the things signified also? because the true receiving of the Communion, is the re­ceiving of the Body, and Bloud of Christ by faith; therefore shall we have no bread and wine? or because that true Baptisme is the washing away of origi­nall sin, with the laver of regeneration; therefore shall we have no water powred on the Child? we have Scripture for these ceremonies, and I am sure we have no Scripture for the abolishing of them, but rather Scripture for their continu­ation for ever. Reges in solio, collocat in perpetuum: God establishes Kings upon their Thrones for ever, Job 36.7.

CHAP. IV.

Why they are called the Lords Anointed.

THe Lords Anointed, is as much as to say the Lords Christ, and Christi signifieth Anointed ones: In [...]he Hebrew you shall read it, who shall [...]ay his hand upon the Lords Messiah? for [...]he Lords Anointed 1 Sam. 26.9. in the Greek, who can lay his hand upon the [...]ords Christ. Kings are taken into the [...]ociety of Gods name, Dixi dii estis, I [...]ave said ye are gods; and here into [...]he society of Christs name, and all to [...]errefie subjects from lifting up their [...]ands against the Lords Anointed, as [...]uch as if he were God or Christ him­ [...]elfe.

Againe, Kings are not termed uncti [...]omini (for that were no prerogative to [...]hem at all) but Christi Domini, for not [...]nly persons, but things also, were A­ [...]ointed under the Law; not only Kings, [...]ut Priests and Phrophets likewise, nei­ [...]her did it rest there, but it extended to [Page 20] the Tabernacle it selfe, and ran down to the vessels thereof, even to the very Fireforks, Ashpans, and snuffers; but unto whom said he at any time, tu es [...] Christus meus, Heb. 1.4, 5. but unto Christ, and Kings? to Christ once, Luke 2.26. to Kings thirty two times throughout the Bible; four times by God himself; Kings are called Christ [...] mei, mine Anointed; six times to God, Christi tui, thine Anointed; ten times of God, Christi ejus, his Anointed; twelve times in termes terminant, Chri­sti Domini, the Lords Anointed: and therefore the old Translator observed it rightly, when in the same word, in th [...] Hebrew, and the Greek, he speakes of the Priest, he translates it unctus; but when of the King (alwayes) Christus.

And as they are not uncti, but Christi ▪ so they are not Christi populi, but Christ [...] Domini; not the peoples Anointed, but the Lords Anointed; there may be a master of the ceremonies, but ther [...] must be no master of the substance; they are the Lords Christs, and they hol [...] their kingdomes under him, in King [...] service; neither are the kingdomes o [...] the earth any bodies else but Gods: T [...] [Page 21] kingdomes are Gods, Dan. 4.17. neither [...]are they at any mans disposing but his, He giveth them to whom he pleaseth (loco citato) therefore for whose they are, they are the Lords; and for what they [...]re, they may thanke him and none else.

Secondly, they are the Lords, be­cause that by him, and in him, and [...]hrough him, they have their Domini­on, and regiment, from him they have [...]heir Crowns, from his hands their Coronation; Diadema Regis in [...]manu Dei, Esay 60.3. the Royal Diadem is in [...]he hand of God, and out of that hand [...]e will not part with it so much, as for [...]nother, to place it upon the Kings [...]ead; but it must be tu Posuisti (tu Do­mine) Thou, O Lord, hast set a Crown of pure gold upon his heard, Psal. 21.3. The Emperours used to stamp their Coyne with a hand coming out of the Clouds, holding a Crown, and pla­cing it upon their heads; We have no [...]uch Hierogliphicks in our Coyne, as a hand coming out of a cloud; but we have grace from heaven: Dei gra­ [...]ia, so that there is not a King but may say with the Apostle, Gratia Dei, sum [Page 22] qui sum, by the grace of God I am that I am; and indeed Kings are Kings, as Paul was an Apostle, not of men, neither by man, but by God.

Thirdly, they are the Lords Christs; because, not only their Crowns, are in the hands of the Lord, but he puts the Scepter into theirs; nay, the Scepters which Princes hold in their hands, are Gods Scepters, being there, virga Dei i [...] manibus ejus, It is Gods rod that is in their hands, Exod. 17.9. and therefore right is the Motto▪ (and reason is it that they should be esteemed the Lords Anointed) DIEƲ ET MON DRO IT, GOD AND MY RIGHT; none else have to do with it, the Scepter of a king­dome, in the hands of a King, is the livery and seison which is given him by God, of the whole Militia, within his Dominion, they that take away that, put a reed into the hand of Christs Anoin­ted; and why should it be expected that they should deal otherwise with Christs Anointed then they did with Christ himself, first put a reed in his hand, and afterwards a Spear into his heart.

Fourthly, Kings are the Lords A­nointed, [Page 23] because, they sit upon his Throne: sideba [...] Solomon in Throno▪ Dei, Solomon sate upon Gods Throne 1 Cor. 29.23. but if Solomon should have lived in these our dayes, instead of his six steps [...]o his great Throne of gold, and Ivory; he should have six steppers to his Throne, for the Gold and Ivory sake; instead of having a Foot-stoole of Gold under his feet; he should have much adoe to keep a Crown of pure Gold upon his head: instead of hands to stay his Throne, he should have hands enough to pull it down, and cast it to the ground: and instead of two, and twelve Lyons, fixed on each side, as a guard unto his Throne, he should have found many Lyons, without regard, running up and downe, seeking how they might destroy him.

Lastly, Kings are the Lords Anoin­ted, because they are Anointed with his own oyl, Oleo sancto meo, with my holy oyl have I Anointed him, Psal. [...]9.20. It is not with any common, or vulgar oyl, or oyl that any laies claime [...]o but himself: but it is Oleo meo, my oyl▪ neither is it oyl, that was fetch'd o [...] of any common Shop, or Warehous [...], b [...]t it is Oleo sancto, with holy oyl, oyl out [Page 24] of the Sanctuary: And no question but this is a maine reason (if they would speak out) why some have such an a­king tooth at the Sanctuaries, because they maintain in them, oyl for the A­nointing of Kings: but if the Alablaster box were broken, the ointment would soon be lost: If they could perswade the King out of the Church, into the Barne, they would soon pull a Reed out of the thatch, to put into his hand, instead of a Scepter; or if they could get him to hear Sermons under a hedge, there would not be materials wanting to make a Crown of Thornes to pleat it on his head. Thus you see the the reasons, why Kings are called the Lords Anointed, because the Lord hath appropriated them unto himself, not in a common and generall way, but in a particular and exclusive manner: my King, my Kingdome, my Crown, my Scepter, my Throne, my Oyl, where is there left any place for claime? pride may thrust down Angels out of heaven, and violence may crucifie the Son of God; But (all these things considered) who can stretch forth his hand against the Lords Anointed, and be guiltlesse? 1 Sam. 26.9.

CHAP. V.

Whether bad Kings be the Lords Anointed, or not.

THey are: for they are of the Lords sending, and appointment, as well as the good. I will set an evill man to rule over them (said God) and I gave them a King in mine anger, Hosea 13.11. which King was Saul, which Saul was a Tyrant, which Tyrant was the Lords Anointed; when he was at the worst, you cannot have two better wit­nesses then David, and the Holy Ghost, 1 Sam. 26. Cyrus was a Heathen Persian, and one that knew not God, yet for all that, Haec dicit Dominus, Cyro Christo meo, Thus saith the Lord to Cyrus mine Antinted, Esay 43.4. Nero was no good Emperour, but a Monster of man-kind, yet Saint Peter, in whose day [...]s he wrote his Epi­stle, commanded all Christians to sub­mit to him, 1 Pet. 2.13.

Hasaell, whom the Lord fore-saw, and fore-shewed unto his Prophet Elisha, to be the destroyer of his people of Israel, [Page 26] and one, that should make them like the du [...] by threshing, 2 Kings 13.7. on that wil [...] set their strong holds on fire, slay their young men with the sword, dash their children again [...] the wall, and rip up their women with child ▪ insomuch that it made the Prophet weep, to fore-see all the miseries that should happen, 2 Kings 8.12. insomuch that it made Hasaell himself (when he was told thereof) cry out, is thy servant a Dogge, that he should do all these things [...] vers. 13. yet for all this, God will have him to be King, and it be but to scurge his people, the Lord hath shewed me that thou shalt be King over Syria, vers. 13.

Julian, when from his Christianity, he fell, to flat Paganisme, yet this A­nointing held, no Christian ever sought, no Preacher ever taught to touch him, or resist him in the least degree; for whilst the cruell and bloudy Emperours were persecuting the poor Christians, they were fitting their necks for the Yoke, and teaching on another po­stures, how they might stand fairest for the strok of Death. An [...] this was not Quia deer ant vires, because they could not help it, for the greatest part of Julians Army, and the most part of his Empire were [Page 27] Christians: For saith Tertullian in his appologeticall defence of the Christians of those times, una nox pauculis faculis, &c. One night with a few firebrands will yeild us [...]ufficient revenge, if we durst, by reason of [...]ur Christian obligation: and shewes, how they neither wanted forces, nor numbers, and that neither the Moors, or the Persians, or any other Nation whatsoever, were more migh­ty, or more populous then they: and how they filled all places, Townes, Cities, Empe­ria [...]l Pallaces, Senats, and Seats of Judge­ment; and that they could do any thing, in their revenge, if it were any thing lawfull; but this Anointing was the thing that kept the swelling down, and hindred the corrupt humours from gathering to a head: And therefore it is not as Stepha­nus Junius, Franciscus, Hottomanus, Geor­gius, Buchananus, Ficklerus and Renecherus, with the rest of the pillars of the Puritan Anarchy, do answer (being gravel'd at the practice of the primitive Christian [...] ▪ and those precepts of the holy Apostle) that the Church then (as it were swa­thed in the bonds of weaknesse) had not strength enough to make powerfull re­sistance; and therefore, so the one taught, and the other obeyed: but if [Page 28] this doctrine were allowable, then would inevitably follow these two grosse absurdities.

1. That the pen of the holy Ghost (which taught submission even to the worst of Kings) was not directed accor­ding to the equity of the thing, but the necessity of the times.

2. That either the holy Ghost must turne politician, and become a time­server, or else the Church must lose the meanes of its being, and subsistance. Whereas▪ we know the contrary so well, that when Acies Ecclesiae, was so far from its bene ordinata, that when al the Souldi­ers fled, and the Life-guard routed, the Lord of Hoast (the Generall himself) taken Prisoner, yet then, like the Sun looking biggest in lowest estate, so the son of righteousnesse, thinke ye not that I can pray unto my Father, and he will send L [...] ­gions of Angels; and ra [...]her th [...]n Gods children shall be oppressed by a compa­ny of Egiptians (if it be his pleasure to deliver them) he can, without the draw­ing of one Sword, turne Rivers into bloud, produce an Army of Froggs to destroy them: and rather then they should be necessitated for lack of means, [Page 29] [...]end swarms of Flies, that may serve [...]hem in the stead of so many rescuing Angel [...], and therefore it was not any [...]ecessity, that the Church was, or could [...]e in, that procured in the Apostles, or [...]he first Christians, either that doctrine, [...]r that use; it was not dis-ability, but duty; not want of strength, but a reve­ [...]end regard of the Lords Anointed, that wrought these effects in both: Let the people be never so many and mighty, and the Princes of the people never so wicked and cruell, mos gerendus est, we must obey them; not in the perfor­mance of their unjust commands; but in submission to their just authority; if not by our active, yet by our passive obe­dience: if not for their own sakes, yet propter▪ Dominum, for the Lords sake; if not for wrath, yet for conscience sake, Rom. 13.5. if it goeth against thy con­science, say, [...]s the people were wont to say, when they fell down before the Asse that carried the Image of the God­desse Isis, upon his back, non tibi sed Re [...]i­gioni; if thy conscience condemns thee, God is greater then thy conscience, and we must look what he commands, as well as what she dictates; the one may [Page 28] be mislead, the other cannot mislead; sacrifice may be either pleasing, or di­spleasing to the Lord, but obedience was never faulty; thou maist offer the sa­crifice of Fools, when thou thinkest thou doest well; but upon how sure grounds goes he, who can say with the Prophet in all his actions, If I have gone a stray, O Lord, thou hast caused me to erre? never deviating from the expresse of his word. Now God gives us expresse command, that we should not touch his Anointed, what condition soever they are of: N [...] ­lite tangere Christos meos, touch not mine Anointed; and where Gods rules are generall, we must not put in exceptions of our own; for the wickednesse of a King can no more make void, Gods ordinance, of our orbedience unto him, then mans unbelief can frustrate Gods decree in us, Rom. 3.3. Let Saul be wicked, and let wicked Saul be hut once Anointedd, David states the question neither concerning Saul, nor his wick­ednesse, but whether he being the Lords Annointed (there's the businesse) it is lawfull to stretch forth a hand against him ( who can stretch his hand against the Lord [...] Anointed and be guiltless? 1 Sam. 26.9.

CHAP. VII.

Whether upon any pretences what­soever it be lawfull to depose, murder▪ or so much as touch the Lords Anointed.

Note: Sam. [...]4.5.THere was the first time that e­ver it was put to the Vote, [...]hether a King might be put to death [...]r not, but it was resolved upon the [...]uestion in that Parliament; Ne perdas, [...]estroy him not; it is well that David [...]ad a negative voice, or else it had been [...]ut a bad president for Kings: it is wel [...]hat the men with whom David had this [...]arley, would hearken unto reason, and [...]et that sway them, otherwise David [...]ight have been forced to flie as fast [...] ­way from his own men, as he did first [...]rom Saul: for there wanted no Lay­ [...]reachers then, to preach the destruction [...]nd slaughter of Princes, under the pre­ [...]ences of wicked government and tyran­ [...]y; who had the trick then, as well as [...]ow, to couch their foul meaning in [...]ood words and Scripture phrase, with [Page 32] a dixit dominus, when the Lord said no such thing; as Davids Zealots, 1 Sam. 24.5 [...] This is the day wherof the Lord said unto thee, I will deliv [...]r thine Enemy into thine hand, an [...] thou shalt doe unto him (what?) as shal [...] seem good unto thee, that is thou shall mur­der him, that was their meaning: though the word was a good word; and we do [...] not read where the Lord said any such thing at all: So Abishai, 1 Sam. 26.8. God hath delivered thine Enemy into thine hand: what then? therefore let me smite him; no such matter; David denies the consequence, as if he should have said God hath delivered him into my hand, but [...] will make no such bad use of his delive­rance, I had rather hereby shew him hi [...] own errour, and my innocency, then a­ny way stretch forth my hand against him, for he is the Lords anointed; and when sleep had betrayed Saul to Davids power, in the trench, and made the King a subject for Davids innocence; he estee­med himself but as a Partridge in the wildernesse, when he might have caught the Eagle in the nest: he passified Sauls Anger, by inabling his power to hurt, sent him his speare (it seems he did not think it fit to keep the Kings Militia in [Page 33] [...]s hands) and humbly begs, Let not my [...]ud fall to the earth; when, if it had not [...]en for David, Abishai would have smi­ [...]n Saul unto the earth at once, so that [...] needed not to have smiten him the [...]cond time: but David would not, de­ [...]oy him not saith he, and his reason. [...]as, Quis potest? Who can stretch forth [...]s hand against the Lords Anointed [...]d be guiltlesse?

Another most notable demonstration [...] Davids innocency, and subjection, [...]to a hard Master, a most tyrannicall [...]ing, cruell Saul; we have 1 Sam. 24. [...]hen in the Cave of Engiddi, David [...]ight have cut off Sauls head; like pre­ [...]ous oyntment, he descends only to [...] skirts of his garment, and with a [...]uid feci? checks himself, and beshrews [...]s heart that he had done so much, and [...]pon a little looking back of Saul (as [...] he had put on rayes of Majesty) Da­ [...]d bows, and stoops with his face to [...] earth to him, when he might have [...]id his honour in the dust, call'd him [...] Father; when that father came to [...]crifice him upon the mountaines, and [...] Isaac-like) nothing but See my Father, [...]hen he could see nothing but fire, and [Page 34] sword, and himself also the Lamb, rea­dy for the sacrifice. A true Isaac (though many young men staid behind with the Asse) will after his Father, though he have fire in the one hand, and a knife in the other, ready for to sacrifice his follow­er. A right David, and he that is a man after Gods own heart, though he could bite to death, and gnaw into the very bowels of his Soveraign, yet he will assume no further power to hurt, then to the biting of a Flea; after whome is the King of Israel come out? after a Flea? after whom doth Saul pursue? after a dead Dog? when he might have caught the Lion in the toyle. I could easily be endlesse in instances of the like nature, as our Sa­viour Christ's obedience to the death, under the reigne of Tiberius, his Disciples under Nero, Claudius and Caligula, whose governments were as opposite to the pro­pagation of the Gospel, as themselves were enemies to the propagators of it; yet we see they neither attempted the alteration of the one, or the destruction of the other; yet Christ could do much if he pleased, and if the Napkins of Saint Paul, and the shadow of Saint Pe­ter could cure diseases, if a word out of [Page 35] their mouthes could strike men and women dead in the place; if an oration at the Bar, could make a King tremble on the Bench, then surely you will con­fesse that his Disciples could do some­thing: Yet nothing was done or at­tempted against those wicked, cruell, and pagan Emperours, one instance shal suffice for all: what mischief or injury could be done more to a people, then Mebuchadonozer King of Babylon did unto the Jewes, who slew their King, their Nobles, their Parents, their Children, and kinsefolkes, burn'd their Country, their Cities, their Jerusalem, their Temple, and carried the re [...]idue (who were left alive) Captives with him to Babylon. And now behold (then) Ne­buchadonozers good subjects: will you hear wat advice the Prophet Daniel gives them for all this? Baruch. 1.11. Pray you for the life of Nebuchadonozer King of Ba­bilon, and for the life of Balthasor his son, that their dayes may be upon earth, as the dayes of heaven, and the Lord will give us strength; (what to do? to wage war against him?) and lighten our eyes (what, with new revelations how they may be re­veng'd? O no) that we may live under the [Page 36] shadow of Nebuchadonozer King of Babylon, and under the shadow of Balthasor his son, and that we may serve them many dayes, and find favour in their sight: truely shewing that a King is Alkum, Prov. 30.31. one, a­gainst whom there is no rising up; that is, not upon any pretences whatsoever: there can be no pretences whatsoever more faire and specious, then those of defending the Church, and red [...]essing the Common-wealth. For the first, if Religion be any thing push'd at, think you that Rebellion will keep it up, or that it ever stood in need of such hands? when God refus'd to have his Temple built by David, because he was a fighter of the Lords Battailes, thinke you that he will have his Church defended by fighters against the Lords Anointed? to defend Religion by Rebellion, were to defend it by meanes condemned, by the same Religion we would defend; and to reforme or redresse the Common­wealth, by insurrection and Rebellion, were to rectifie an errour with the grea­test of all mischiefs; no government worse then a Civill War, and the worst Governour is alwayes better then the best Rebell: Rebellion is as the sin of Witch­craft, [Page 37] and stubbornnesse is as Idolatry: and how perilous a thing it is, for the Feet to judge the Head, the subjects to choose what government and governours they will have, to condemne what, and whom they please, to make what pre­tences and surmises they have a mind to, this Kingdome by wofull experi­ence hath had sad resentments. Imbe­cilities and weaknesses in Princes, are no arguments for the chastisements, depo­sing, or murdering of Kings; for then giddy heads will never want matter or pretences to cloak their Rebellion. Shall Moses, because Pharaoh was an op­pressour of Gods people, and had hard­ned his heart, and would not let the Israelites depart, therefore inflict punish­ments upon Pharaoh, or so much as de­part without his leave? though Moses could inflict punishments upon the whole Land, yet his Commission never went so far, as to touch Pharaoh, in the least degree, though swarmes of flies came into the house of Pharaoh, and Frogs entred into the Kings chamber; yet we read not that they seized on Pha­raohs person; there were Lice in all their quarters, saith the Psalmist, and there [Page 38] became Lice in man and beast, upon the smiting on the dust, but none were smit­ten of the person of the King: Boyles and blaines were upon all the Egyptians, and upon the Magicians, so sore, as they could not stand in the presence of Pharaoh, but they were not on Pharaoh, that he could not stand himself; Pha­raoh his eldest son may die, but Vivat Rex, Pharaoh must not be touch'd. Did Absolon doe well to conspire against his Father, though he de­filed Ʋriahs bed, and cloaked adul­tery with murther? should the Priest, Peers, Prophets, or people, offer to de­pose Solomon, because he had brought strange Wives into the Land, and as strange Religion into the Church? shall Elias entice A [...]abs subjects to Rebellion, because he suffered Jezebell to put Naboth to death, and killed the Lords Pro­phets? shall Peter take vengeance upon Herod because he put him in prison, be­headed John the Baptist, and killed James? shall Reuben be no Patriarch, becuse he was unstable as water? shall Simeon and Levi lose their Patriarchal dignity be­cause they were brethren in iniquity, & instruments of cruelty, because in their [Page 39] anger they slew a man, and in their self-will digged down a wall? shall Judith be deposed from his rule and government for making a bargain with a Harlot up­on the high way? shall Issacher not be numbred amongst the other twelve, be­cause he was none of the wisest? no rea­son; they were Patriarchs as well as the rest, which was the immediate govern­ment before Kings; and (indeed) were Princes themselves: princeps Dei es inter nos, Gen. 23.6. Thou art a mighty Prince amongst us: and thus much shall suffice, (and I hope sufficient) to shew, that no faults or pret [...]nces whatsoever, can make it lawfull to depose, or so much as to touch the Lords Anointed.

CHAP. VII.

What is meant by touching the Lords Anointed, or stretch­ing forth the hand against the Lords Anointed.

NOt dare to touch the Lords Anoin­ted, is an awfull reverence, and a supposed difference to be kept, between every Subject and his Soveraign, especi­ally [Page 40] in point of violence. A Mother doubting the discretion of her Children, and being to leave some curious look­ing-glasse in a place, doth not command her children that they should not break it, but that they should not touch it; knowing full well, that if they have the liberty to meddle with it in the least de­gree, they may break it before they are aware, and destroy it when they think least of any such matter▪ So God is ve­ry chary of his King, wherein he beholds the representation of himself, and knowing him to be but brittle, and though the most refined earth, yet but glasse: he commands his people that they should not touch his Anointed; knowing that if they were permitted but to tamper with him in the least de­gree, their rude hands may break it in peeces, when they doe but think to set it right.

A touch is but of one man, though but with one of his fingers, yet this must not be; Nolite tangere, it is not said ne tan­gete, wherein only the act of touching is forbidden, but Nolite tangere, whereby the will is also prohibited: how wary should we be in touching, when the [Page 41] Lord is so cautious in his prohibi­tion?

Now stretching for [...]h the hand may signifie a combination of many into one confederacy, the hand being a part of the body, composed of five members (one and all) but this must not be; a most un­happy instrument is that hand that turns it self into the bowels of its own body; if the head break out be chance, the hands must not presently be in the head, claw­ing, with invenom'd nails, the corrup­tion there, lest that itching desire, turn into smart in the end, lest when the peaceable day springing from one high, shall happily visit us, that now sit in dark­nesse and in the shadow of death; we then see our bloudy hands, and this (once happy) Kingdome, the only pillow, whereon peace had laid her head, streamed (like the Aegyptian Rivers) all with bloud: in a word, by touching the Lords Anoin­ted; or by stretching forth the hand a­gainst him, is meant any kind of vio­lence▪ that is used against sacred Majesty; and the signification thereof is of a large extent; for we stretch forth our hands when we doe but lift up our heels in scorne against him; Who so lifteth up his heel, Psalm 41.9.

[Page 43]Secondly, we stretch forth our hands against the Lords Anointed, when wee doe but raise up Armes in our own de­fence; Whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the Ordinance of God, and draweth damnation upon himself. Rom. 3.

Thirdly, We stretch forth our hands against the Lords Anointed, when wee stretch not our tongue and voice, when we hear of any traiterous plots or con­spiracies against the Lords Anointed, and so bring such conspiracies to light: It is a foul thing to hear the voice of conspiracy, and not to [...]tter [...]: Lev. 5.1. as good lay thy hand upon the Lords Anointed, as lay thy hand upon thy mouth & conceal the treason.

Fourthly, We stretch forth our hands against the Lords Anointed, when we doe not stretch forth our hands for the Lords Anointed, when we see him as­saulted with any danger, or traiterous opposings. Should a man see his own Father feircely assaulted, and should not presently run into his rescue, but should suffer him to be slain before his face, would we not equally exclaim against him with the murtherers, Qui non Vetat peccare Quum potest, jubet, he bids, that doth not forbid with all his power [Page 42] [...]like a true son) such outrages and vio­ [...]nces, to be committed against the Fa­ [...]er of his Country.

Fifthly, We touch the Lords Anoin­ [...]ed, when we touch his Crown and dig­ [...]ity, intrench upon his Regalia, hold or withhold his sons or daughters, kill or [...]ake prisoners his men of Warre. Wee must take heed of defacing the garment, as well as of hurting the person, for they are both Sacred; the precious Oyntment, wet not Aarons head alone, but it ran down upon his beard, and down unto the skirts of his garment, making all Sacred that was a­bout him; such touchings therefore are worse, then when we touch the person with the greatest violence, for then the Anointed are most touched, when they are touched where the Anointing is, which is their State and Crown, dearer to them then their lives; touch both, the murder of the person, is but a con­sequence to the deposement of the dig­nity.

Sixthly, We touch the Lords Anoin­ted, when we take away his revenue and livelyhood from him, the Devil thought that he had stretched forth his hand ex­ceedingly against Job, touch'd (and [Page 44] touch'd him to the quick) when he had procured Gods permission, that the Sa­beans and Caldeans should take away his Oxen and Asses, his Sheep and Camels, and plundred him of all he had; God called this a destruction unto Job, Job. 2.3. and that before ever a hand was stretch'd forth to touch either his bone, or his flesh.

Seventhly. Is there no stroke but what the hand gives? Yes, the tongue can strike as well as the best: Jere: tels us so, Venite percutiamus eum lingua: come let us smite him with the tongue, Jer. 18, 18. and David said, His tongue was a two-edged sword: There is, (saith Solomon) that speaketh (and that waiteth too) like the piercing of a sword: It is bad enough in a­ny, or against any man, but worst of all against the Lords Anointed; for it is said Thou shalt not revile the Gods, nor speak evil of the Ruler of the People: Saint Paul, but for calling a High Priest, painted wall, (though) when he caused him to be smit­ten Contrary to the Law, yet he eat his words, and confessed his errour; and now many, that would seem to be fol­lowers of Paul, are revilers of Kings, and make no bones thereof. The same [Page 45] God that commanded Laban, in respect of his servant, Vide ne quid loquare durius, [...]ee thou give him no ill language; cer­tainly expects that Subjects should set [...] watch before their mouths, to keep the door of their lippes, lest they offend with their tongue, in speaking ill of Princes.

Eightly, As the tongue can strike without a hand, so the heart can curse without a tongue: Eccl. 10.2. Curse not the King, no not in thy heart, for a Bird in the ayre shall carry the voice, and that which hath wings shall tell the matter: the hand implies both; never was the hand stretch­ed forth to any evil act, but the heart was the privy Counsellor, & the tongue the chief perswader unto such enormi­ties; therefore it is good, obstare principiis, to crush the cockatrice egg, kill it in the heart, lest those pravae cogitationes want room, and then out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh, and perswades the hand to be the destruction of the whole body; if hand, and heart, & tongue, & pen were thus regulated, we need not long look for peace, or despaire of an acco­modation, but whilst the hand is up, and the heart is set at liberty, and the [Page 46] tongue saith, Our tongues are our own, [...] ought to speak, who is Lord over us? and every pen is a ready writer, in matters per­taining to the King: in vaine it is to seem Christians, whilst we are such Anti­christs: the Bible under our arme▪ fals to the ground, whilst we stretch forth our hand against the Lords A­nointed: why do we take Gods word into our mouthes, if we let it not down into our hearts, to do as that word di­rects us? Christian liberty never cut the string, that tied the tongue to those observances. Of these things there might be applications made, but lap­ping as they go along is best for doggs, where there are Cordials in the Ri­ver.

It seemes by the story, that Kings may be coursely dealt withall, if men make no bones of being guilty; they stand like the forbidden tree, in the midst of the Paradise of God, men may touch them, but they had better let them alone; if God had placed (at the first) Cherubims, and a flaming sword, turn­ing every way to defend that tree, how could there have been a triall of Adams obedience? So if God by some instinct, [Page 47] [...]ad chain'd the hearts of men, and tied [...]heir hands, and bound them to the [...]eace, so that they could neither in [...]hought, word, nor deed, have com­mitted violence against his Vicegerent, how could there have been a triall of the Subjects duty? the tree had no guard, [...]or fence about it, but only, thou shalt not [...]at thereof, if thou doest, thou shalt die the death. Princes have no better security [...]or themselves, then the Almighties command for their preservation, Nolite [...]angere, &c. Touch not mine Anointed, [...]o break the first, was but death, the se­cond is damnation; if you resist the [...]igher powers, you resist the highest God, and he that resisteth shall be damned, Rom. 13.2. the command­ment concerning the tree of Paradise, was only thou shalt not eat thereof; but we are forbidden to touch so much as a leaf of our forbidden tree, much less to shake down all his fruit; there is hopes of a tree, saith Job, that if it be cut down, yet it will sprout again, but not only a finger, a hand, but an axe must be laid to the root of the tall Cedar of our Lebanus; yea, they must be rooted up like the names of Ta­ronius; they will not leave so much as a [Page 48] of stump Nebuchadnezzars tree chain'd to the earth, up must all root & branch, till all the Royall branches lie like sprey upon the ground: these men had rather be destroyed themselves, then say the Lords Anointed is not to be destroyed. Go on blind Zelots, hearken to your wives, and let them perswade you to disobedience, and the Divel them, as Eve did Adam, and the Divel her, be­hold the objects shee presents unto your view; how good they seem, how fair they look, how pleasant they are to thine eye, how wise you thinke you shall be, how full of knowledge, when poor wretches, you shall find all these promises turned into Fig-leaves, to hide your nakednesse: all these golden Apples of Palestine once touch'd, evapo­rated into stench and blindnesse: and that your disobedience hath given you nothing but curses, and brought you nothing but sorrows and death upon your selves and children, and profitted you nothing but the turning of an Edom into a wildernesse, till you be glad to eat the herbs of the field, and by the same fault, fall into the same punish­ment with our neighbours of Germany, [Page 49] [...]ye with grasse in your mouths. These [...]ings fell upon Adam for his disobedi­ [...]ce unto God, and the like will fall [...]pon us (the sons of Adam) for our dis­ [...]bedience unto Gods Anointed. O then [...]et us not by any meanes lift up our [...]ands against the Lords Anointed, lest [...]like Adam) we fall from our state of [...]nnocence, and be guilty: guilty of all [...]he bloud that hath, and shall be spilt [...]pon this land; guilty of the teares of [...]o many fatherlesse children and wi­ [...]owes: and if we will not be obedient [...]nto a Prince of men, guilty of all the [...]ternall thraldome and submission unto [...] Prince of Devils: take then the advice of the wise Solomon, Prov. 30.32. If thou [...]ast done foolishly in lifting up thy selfe, or if [...]hou hast thought evill, lay thy hand upon thy [...]outh: Fear God, honour the King, have nothing to doe with them that are subject unto [...]hange, for their destruction commeth sodainly; and so will yours. Let no man deceive himself, he who is not good in his per­ticular calling, can never be good in his general calling, he is no good man, that is no good servant, and if he be no good subject, he is no good Christian, he that honoureth not the King, doth never fear [Page 50] God; and except he obeyes both, he o­beyes neither.

CHAP. VIII.

Whether Kings now adayes are to be had in the same veneration and esteeme, as Kings were un­der the Law, by reason of our Christian liberty.

CErtainly the murmuring of Corab, Dathan and Abiram, with their com­plices: Thou seekest to make thy self altoge­ther▪ a Prince over us, the Lord is among us, we are all alike holy unto the Lord, (and therefore Moses and Aaron must be no more excellent then the rest of the peo­ple) was no prophesie to be fulfilled in these our dayes, for if it had, surely our Saviour would never have paid tribute for himself and Peter, Mat. 17.27. which was a symbole of their subjection to heathen pagans; for this cause pay ye tri­bute, Rome. 13.6. we have those who are apt enough to make arguments with our Saviour, bearing this conclusion, then are the children free, Mat. 17.26. but few that will imitate his peaceable ex­ample, [Page 51] to fish for money, rather then offend the higher powers, Mat. 17.27. [...]nd if you conjecture that our Saviour [...]id this meerly for quietnesse sake, be­hold the question rightly stated. Is it [...]awfull to give tribute to Cesar or not? Mat. [...]2.17. seriously propounded ( Master we [...]now that thou art true (and therefore we [...]ope thou wilt not deceive us with a [...]ie) and teachest the way of God in truth [...] and therefore thou wilt not cause us [...]o erre through the deceiveablenesse of [...]nrighteousnesse) neither carest thou for [...]ny man (and therefore thou wilt not [...]e afraid to speak the truth) thou regar­ [...]est not the persons of men) therefore fea­ [...]ing only God, thou wilt boldly, & faith­ [...]ully without partiality, or fear, plainly [...]ell us, whether it be lawfull or not) [...]learly determined and concluded upon; Da Caesari quae sunt Caesaris, Mat. 22.21.

If Christian liberty, should loose the [...]eignes of Civill government, then Christ would never have acknowledged Pilates power to have been of God, John 19.11. If subjection unto Kings were a hinderance to the propagation of the Gospel, then Saint Peter would never have exhorted the Christians to submit [Page 52] themselves to every ordinance of man. 1 Pet. 2.9. We have too many submitters now­adayes unto every ordinance of men, but they are not unto such ordinances, whereof the King is Supreme, 1 Pet. 2, 13.

Object. It is better to obey God then man, and therefore for his sake we can­not obey every ordinance of man.

Sol. The Apostle doth not in this place discourse of obedience, but of sub­mission: obedience is to be given to things, only lawfull; submission is to be given to any ordinance whatsoever, though not for the things sake, which is commanded, yet propter Dominum, for the Lords sake who doth command, so absolute submission: where God com­mands one thing, and the King com­mands another thing. We may refuse his will, and there is perfect obedience, when God commands one thing, and the King commands the contrary, we may not resist his authority, and therein is true submission; and this the Apostle doth not only assure us to be the will of God, but puts this well doing in the stead of knowledge and wisdome, whereby the ignorance of foolish men may be [Page 53] [...]ut to silence, 1 Pet. 2.15. when freedom [...]ands of tiptoes, her coat is too short [...]o cover her malitiousnesse, therefore [...]he Apostle exhorts us to behave our [...]elves As free, but not using our liberty, as a [...]loak for malitiousnesse, 1 Pet. 2.16.

If Christian liberty did break the [...]choole of civill Government, then [...]aint Paul would never have been [...]uch a Schoole-master to the Romans, Rom. 13. Let every soul be subject to the [...]igher powers: an excellent rule for [...]ur obedience, every soul, no exem­ [...]tion by greatnesse, or holinesse, or [...]ny by-respect whatsoever, but if he [...]ave a soul, let him be subject to the higher [...]owers: if two powers clash one against another, here we know which to stick [...]o in our obedience, that is, which is [...]ighest (and that Saint Peter plainly tels [...]s is the King, whether to the King as Su­preme, 1 Pet. 2.13.) There is no power but [...]f God, the powers that be, are of God, who­ [...]oever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth [...]he ordinance of God, and they that resist shall [...]eceive to themselves damnation. vers. 2. What Christian then can have his con­ [...]cience so misled, as to resist those pow­ers out of conscience, when the Apostle plainly tels us, verse 1. We must needs be [Page 54] subject, not onely for wrath (that is, fo [...] fear of them) but also for conscience sak [...] because God commanded it.

There were Anti-monarchists, and Anti-dignitarians even in the Apostle [...] time, but if it had been laudable, or a­greeable to Christian liberty, the Sain [...] Jude in his Epistle, verse 8. would ne­ver have called the despisers of Domini [...] and evill speakers of Dignities, filthy drea­mers, and defilers of the flesh (as he put them, so we find them both together) he never would have compared them to bruit beasts, verse 10. he never would have pronounced woes unto them, as un­to the goers into the wayes of Cain: gree­dy runners after the errour of Balaam, for re­ward; and perishers (as in the gain-saying of Corah) ver. 11. he would never have com­pared them to clouds without water: car­ried about with wind: to fruitlesse withered trees, twice dead, plucked up by the roots: to raging waves of the Sea, foaming out their owne shame: wandering stars, to whom is re­served the blacknesse of darknesse for ever. verse 12, 13. he never would have de­scribed them unto you so fully, to be Mur­murers, Complainers, walkers after their own lusts, widemouth'd, speakers of great swelling words, having of mens persons in admiration, by [Page 55] reason of advantage, separatists, sensuall, (and though they pretend never so much un­to it) having not the spirit, verse 16.19.

Christian liberty frees from the cere­money of the Law, not from the sub­stance of the Gospel: whereof we see submission & subjection unto Kings, is a great part thereof. The Romane yoke, and the Romans hands which held the plough, ploughing upon the Christians backs, and made long furrowes, and for a long time, were both adverse to the propo­gation of Christs Gospel, yet during all that time, neither Christ, nor any of his Disciples, ever attempted either the change of the one, or the displaying of the other; and shall we thinke our selves more wise then he, who is the wis­dome of the Father? or better advised then by him, who is the everlasting councellour? or that any mans doctrine can settle us in more peace and quietnesse then he, who is princeps pacis, the Prince of peace? will you have more Orthodox Fathers then the Apostles? or the Children of this generation to be wiser then the Fa­thers of old? Christ and his Apostles with all the antient Fathers taught, and subscribed to this doctrine: First, Christ, Da Caesari quae sunt Caesaris: then Saint [Page 56] Paul, Render to all their due, tribute to whom tribute is due, custome, to whom custome, fea [...] to whom fear, honour to whom honour, and all to Cesar: Then Saint Peter, submit your selves, &c. Fear God, honour the King, &c. sic passim in Scripturis.

Dear Christians, are we better plea­sed with the glittering tinsell of a pain­ted Baby from a Pedlers shop, then with the rich, and inestimable Jewels of Di­vine truth? will we suffer our selves to be cosened with the guilded slips of errour? and what enthusiasmes every pretended spirit, if not every Cobler, Weaver, Groome, or Coach-man, shall dictate, who are but velut igneae, and velut flatus, as it were of fire, or as it were a mighty and rushing winde, but nothing sensible, some hot exhalations of the braine set on fire, by the continuall mo­tion, and agitation of the tongue. Good God, have we thus learnt Christ? Is this the fruit of so clear a Gospel? and the return of all our holy mothers care, and paines for education? shall we take Gods word into our mouthes and preach Sedition, Rebellion and In­surrection, contrary to that word which we pretend to preach? to maintaine Religion by Insurrection, is to main­taine [Page 57] it by meanes, condemned by the [...]ame Religion we would maintain.

CHAP. IX.

Whether a King failing in his duty and not performing those things which he hath sworn un­to at his Coronation (so solemn­ly) the People are not disobliged in their obedience unto him, and may, thereupon, depose or put him to death.

IF Kings held their Crowns by Inden­tures from the People, then were the People disobliged to their obedience unto him, upon his failing (in those things whereto he hath been sworn) on his part; but if they receive their Crowns immediatly from God, and that by him alone Kings Reign (as hath been heretofore proved at large) then all the failings that can be in a King, can but make him a bad King; but still he must remain a King; the Oath assures us of his being a good King, not of his being a King; for he was King before he [Page 56] [...] [Page 57] [...] [Page 62] took it: Coronation is but a ceremo­ny, and his Oath is but at his Corona­tion; the issue of ceremony, must not dis-inherit the right heire, of all that substance: King and Kingdome, are like man and wife, whose marriages are made in heaven, who are betrothed by God himself; Now as in the ceremony between man and woman, the husband in the presence of God and Angels, and al the Congregation promiseth (which is as solemnly binding as any Oath) that he will live together with her after Gods holy Ordinance in the state of matrimony, that he will love and che­rish her, maintain and keep her, and forsaking all other, keep himself onely unto her: Now if he performe all these things, he doth well, he is both a good husband, and a good Christian (consi­dering the vow that he hath made) but if he doth not live with her according to Gods holy Ordinance, nor love, nor cherish her as he should, nor maintain and keep her as he ought; Shall it be law­full for a man to put away his wife for every cause? Matt. 19.3. much lesse can it be lawfull for the wife to put away her husband upon every distaste; It was God [Page 63] that made them male and female: Mat- 19.4. and therefore it is fit they should continue together so; They twain are but one flesh; Matt. 19.5. therefore they can­not be divided; God joyned them both toge­ther: Matt, 19.6. therefore no man can put them assunder. Now to apply this to the King wedding himself to his People at his Coronation; the King (solemnly) takes his Oath at his Co­ronation before all the People, that he will live together with them according to the Lawes of the Land, that he will protect and defend them to the utter­most of his power, with all other pro­testations contained in the said Oath, which if he doth perform, he doth wel, and is both a good man and a good King; but if he should not govern them according to the Laws of the Land, and if he should not cherish and defend his People, shall it be lawfull for this wife to make away this husband? God for­bid! God made him King, them Subjects, therefore they must continue so, like man and wife, for better for worse, they two are both one, the head may not be divided from the body, and quae deus con­junxit, nemo separet; there have been Bils [Page 60] of divorcement given unto these King [...] husbands in former times: but of those Bils, I may say, as our blessed Saviour said of the Bils of divorcement which Moses commanded; it was propter duritiem cordi [...], Matt. 19.7. Deut. 24.1. for the heardnes of mens hearts; and then again, this duri­ties cordis, never went so far as that the woman might put away her husband, but only the husband his wife, and that only in the case of Adultery; & if it had been otherwise, it had but a late begin­ing, a bad foundation: for our Saviour saith, Matt. 19.8. In principio autem non e­rat sic, It was not so from the beginning; and a hard heart is but a bad foundation for a good Christian to build upon. I will conclude this application with words not of my own, but of Saint Paul, which words are a commandment, Nei­ther is it I (saith the Apostle) 1 Cor. 7.10, but the Lord, that gives you this commandment, Let not the wife depart from her husband; no, if shee be an here­tique, or which is worse a heathen; If the woman hath a husband which believeth not if he be pleased to dwell with her, let her not leave him: 1 Cor. 7.13. If I would resist my Soveraign in any kind, it should be [Page 61] [...]or my Religion, but when my Religi­ [...]n tels me that I must not resist him in [...]ny case; then I think I should but doe [...]in doing so) like the boasting Jew, Ro. [...].13. who boasted of the Law, and dis­ [...]onoured God through breaking of that law, which he had boasted of: What if some did not believe, shall their unbelief make the faith of God of none effect? saith Paul Rom. 3.3. God forbid: no more can the wickednesse of a King, make void Gods Ordinance of our obedience unto him: our obedi­ence must look upon Gods command, not upon the Kings good behaviour; God doth not command things because they are fitting, but it is fit that wee should obey, because he commands them; neither ought we to have respect so much unto the goodnesse, as unto the Authority of a King; for Kings do not consist in this, that they are good, but in this, that they are Kings; for as it is pos­sible for one to be a good man, and a bad King, so it is often seen, that a bad man may be a good King; and it is an observation here at home, that the best Laws have been made by the worst of Kings. It is an observation, that divers Kingdomes have long continued in [Page 58] peace and happinesse under bad Lawes, and worse Governours. Well observed; when unwarrantable attempts to better both, and inconsiderable courses to mend all, hath brought all to ruine and confusion. He that sets a Kingdome in combustion, to advance his own opi­nion, and preferre his private judge­ment, doth but set his house on sire to roast his egges.

God makes Kings of severall conditi­ons, sometimes he gives a King, whose wisdome and reach in Government is like Sauls, head and shoulders higher then all the People: And then, when we have wise Kings, and learned Judges, Psalm 2.10. we shall be sur [...] to have all those Breakers of their bonds asunder, and those casters away of their cords from them; verse 5. to be bruised with a Rod of Iron, and broken in pieces like a Potters vessell; verse 9.

Sometimes God will send us a little child, sometimes a Child in years, o­therwhile a Child in understanding, which of both it be, Vae regno (saith Sol.) cui puer dominabitur; woe to the King­dome, over which a child Reigns. for then the whole Kingdome is sure to be put upon the rack. Sometimes God in his [Page 59] [...]udgement sends a Tyrant amongst us, [...] will set an evil man to rule over them, saith God himself, & then we are never in hope [...]o be from under the lash; and some­ [...]imes in mercy he sends meek and [...]hild Princes (like Moses) who carried his People in his bosome, one that shall only make use of his Prerogatives, as Christ did of his miracles in cases of necessity; one who shall say with the Apostle Saint Paul, [...] I have no power to doe hurt, but to doe good, to edification, but not [...]o destruction: one who shall continue his Reign, as Saul began, Videre ne quid sit populo, quod fleat, who will hear and ask why do the People cry? deserve well and have well; shall we receive good from the hands of the Lord, and shall we not receive evil Princes? though they be [...]amarae sagittae, yet when we consider that they are edulci manu domini emissae, wee should not refuse them, but be conten­ted with whomsoever his mercy or his justice sends, or throws upon us: Never was there a bad Prince over any People but he was sent by our heavenly Father for a scourge to his children; and shall we kisse, or snatch the Rod out of our Fathers hand? To conclude, there is [Page 64] nothing can disoblige the People from their King, because his Authority over them is a domino, from the Lord, bu [...] their obedience towards him is prop [...]e [...] dominum, for the Lords sake; though i [...] himself there be all there asons that ca [...] be given to the contrary, many will be glad to hear the Father of their Coun­try, say, I and the Lord will go, and to be sol [...] elect, and to hear his Father tell him, de [...] providebit, as Abraham said to his Son Isaac; but if he takes fire and sword in hand threatning his follower, how many followers will he have? I had ra­ther, with Isaac, follow my Father [...] know not wherefore; and with Abraham, obey my God, contrary to my own na­ture, and beyond all hope, then to serve so great a God and his Vicegerent by rules drawn by my own fancy and reason.

CHAP. X.

Psal. 105.15.

Touch not mine Anointed, meant by Kings.

BY the words touch not mine Anointed, is meant Kings and Princes: neither [...]n any other interpretation, whatso­ [...]er, be obtruded upon this text, with­ [...]t a great deal of impudence and igno­ [...]nce; If there were no other argument [...] be used but this, to a modest man, it [...]ere sufficient. viz. That not any [...]hurch, nor any Church-men, nor [...]y Christian, nor any Father, nor any [...]xpositor whatsoever, did ever give it [...]ny other interpretation, before such [...]me as the Jesuite and the Puritan, and [...]ey both at a time, and that time, bea­ [...]ing not above 100 years date neither, [...]egan to teach the world that it was [...]awfull to murder Kings; and no mar­ [...]ell if this found some querke or other [...]o turne the streame of Scriptures sence, [...]ut of its proper channell, and con­stant [Page 66] course; the two birds of a feather, persecutors of one another, like two fighting Cocks who quarrell among [...] themselves, being both of the same kind, and yet both agree in taking councell together against the Lord and against his Anointed: or like Pilate and Herod they could not agree but in th [...] principles of condemning the Lord [...] Christ.

But it is objected, that as a little child upon a Gyants shoulders, may see far­ther then the Gyant himself, so a wea­ker understanding comming after those Fathers, and taking advantage of such helps, getting up upon the shoulders of time and learning, may see more then they did, or hath been seen in former ages; and therefore it is no wonder, i [...] a man without aspersing himself with the least immodesty, may pretend to set more, then all those who went before him had observed, and what hath this child pick-a-poke spied? a birds-nea [...] can there be a simpler thing imagined, whereby to give impudence the chaire, and throw all the Antient Fathers flat upon their backs, then this so com­mon and so much approv'd of instance [Page 67] to usher innovation, not only into the Church, but also into the very soul of Scripture it self? for what if it be gran­ted, that a child upon a Gyants shoul­ders sees further then doth the Gyant himself, doth the child know better what he sees then doth the said Gyant? must not the child aske the Gyant what is what, of all that he beholds? must not the child be informed by the know­ing Gyant, of the difference between the mountaines & the vallies, the water and the skie, a cock & a bull? if the child be thus ignorant, what doth the childs getting up upon the Gyants shoulders advantage the child in points of con­troversie? except it be such a child as Saint Christopher had got upon his shoul­ders, that was Judge of all the world: if the child be not so simple but under­stands all these things; then believe me he is no child in understanding, but a Gyant himselfe in knowledge, and so the similitude, the child, and the Gyant come tumbling all down together; seat a child never so high, he is but a child still, and sits but at the feet of a Gama­liel, when he is upon the shoulders of a Gyant; no child was ever thought wor­thy [Page 68] thy to pose all the Doctors, but the Child Jesus.

Now to clear the Text from those blots and blurs that are throwne upon the words, going before this Text of Scripture, touch not mine Anointed, viz. I have reproved Kings for their sakes, Ergo, the word Anointed could not betoken Kings, because Kings were reproved, for their sakes who were the Lords A­nointed: now say they, the word A­nointed must necessarily signifie the peo­ple of God, for whose sake these Kings were reproved, and so it doth; but yet my Corahmites, Dathamites, and Abiramites, you must not thinke to be all alike holy un­to the Lord, as that ye are all concern'd in this nolite tangere: There is no question but that in some sence the elect of God are anointed ones of the Lord, but not peculiarly the Lords Anointed: they are filii olii, sons of oyl, as the Prophet termes them, but not Christi mei, or Christi tui, or Christi ejus, or Christi Do­mini, which were attributes that were never given by the holy Ghost to any but to Christ, and Kings: the Priests who were anointed (really) never were term'd in Scripture the Lords A­nointed, [Page 69] and the proudest, and most [...]ebellious people that ever were, whose [...]rrogance claim'd an equality with, ne­ [...]er ( in sacris) strove to be above their Priests. Now if you expect clearnesse [...]n the fountaine, do not ye trouble the [...]aters, and you shall behold the springs of truth arise; 'twas the elect and [...]hosen of the Lord that were here meant by anointed, and it was the seed of Abraham, and it was not Kings that were meant by this word Anointed in [...]he text. But it was not all the elect of God, that must not be touch'd, it was not all the seed of Abraham who have this noli me tangere about them, but it was Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, for whose sake God reproved Kings, as they are plainly nominated in the same Psalm, and none else; if there be mention made of the seed of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob were the seed of Abraham; who were else mentioned? and though we cannot comprehend these three under the noti­on of nominall Kings, yet we may be pleased to consider them as reall Princes, Principi Dei es inter nos, as it was said to Abraham, thou art a mighty Prince a­mongst us, so Kings may be reproved [Page 70] for their sakes; they may be Kings too, and yet the Lords Anointed for whose sake Kings were reproved, for we doe not dispute about the name, but the thing: now wheresoever you find this word nolite tangere, you shall find this word, saying, going before it, which of necessity must have some reference to some other place of Scripture to which it must allude, and in reference to which it must be spoken, for the word, say­ing, makes it rather a question of some Authour, then the Psalmist's own, this allusion you may easily perceive, Gen. 26.11. where it is set down, how that God touched the heart of Abimelech King of the Philistims, in the behalfe of Isaac, one of the three named in the Psalm; so that King Abimelech charged all his people, saying, He that toucheth this man, shall sure­ly die: So Abimelech and King Herod were both reproved for Abrahams sake, Gen. 12.10. and to what place of Scripture can this nolite tangere be more aptly ap­plied, then to to this, where we find the same words reiterated? or what clearer testimony can be given of the Scriptures alluding to this saying, Touch not mine Anointed, then to Gen. 16.29. where to­tidem [Page 71] verbis, it is said to Abimelech in the [...]ehalfe of Isaac, we have not touched thee [...]ou blessed of the Lord; what difference [...]etween these words, and touch not mine Anointed?

Besides the Marginall notes of all our Bibles directs us to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, as to the Anointed of the Lord, [...]nd as the Princes of Gods people, which must not be touch'd, and for whose sakes Kings were so much reproved; the word, King, in the text, doth not exclude [...]hose who were Princes, but it only includes those Princes who were called Kings, and were reproved for their sakes who were Kings them­selves re, though not nomine so that all the ground that will be gained hereby, will be, that one Prince was reproved for another, though not called Kings.

To conclude, as no Christians ever in­terpreted this place of Scripture but of Kings and Princes, untill Jesuites and Puritans, undertook that it is lawfull to murder Kings: So no English Author ever interpreted it otherwise, till with­in this 7 or 8 years; when Presbyters and Independents began to put this do­ctrine in execution, and if the former of these two would wash their hands in [Page 72] innocency, as relating to this last un­parallel'd act of Regicide, let them re­member CHARLS the Proto-Martyr of Gods Church, and People, His own words, in his Book of Meditations, wherein He tels them, how vaine is the shift of their pleading exemption from that aspersion, to grant Commission for shooting of bullets of Iron and Lead in his face, and preserving Him in a Pa­renthesis of words.

CHAP. XI.

Objection.

REhoboam hearkened unto young men which gave him evil councell, and would not hearken unto his sages which gave him good advice, but an­swered the people roughly, wherefore they renounced the right they had in David, and the inheritance they had in the son of Jesse, fled to their Tents, and Crowned Jeroboam King: Ergo, we may doe the like upon the like occasion, ha­having a president from the word of God, and warrantable, because God said, This thing was from the Lord, 1 Kings 13.8.

Answer.

All this proves only that such a thing was don, not that it was well don; for if it be a sufficient proof to prove out of Scripture, that such a thing was don, and thereupon conclude that therefore we may do the like, then this is as good an argument as the best, Judas betraid Christ, therefore it is lawfull for a servant to betray his Lord and Master; first, the Scripture blames him in a most patheticall climax, 1 Kings 11.26. Jeroboam the son of Nebat, the servant of So­lomon, whose mothers name was Zeruah, even he lifted up his hand against the King, shew­ing how he had desperately run through all those obligations, and ties that were upon him; 2ly he & al his adherents are called Rebels for their paines, not only by Abijah his enemy, but also by the ho­ly Ghost, who is enemy to none who are not Gods enemies, 2 Chron. 10.19. And Israel Rebelled against the house of Da­vid unto this day, his adherents were ter­med in Scripture [...]aine men, and sons of Belial, they were punished with a destruction of five hundred thousand of [Page 74] them, which was one hundred thousand more then there were true subjects for the slaughter, the Scripture saith, God smote Abraham, verse 5. If it be objected, that the thing could not but be well done, because God saith, 1 Kings 14. I exalted thee from among the people, and made thee Prince over my people Israel, and rent the Kingdom from the house of David, and gave it thee: then it could not but be well done of Rehoboam (by the same rea­son) to answer the people as he did, for it is written, that Rehoboam hearkened not unto the people, for the [...]ause was from God, that he might performe the saying which he spake by Abijah unto Jeroboam the son of Neba [...], 1 Kings 12.15. both were passive, and neither of them could resist the will of God; but these places of Scripture are often times mistaken, and misapplied, and interpreted either by those who are not well acquainted with the nature of Scripture language, or else by those who wilfully and wickedly laid hold of such a meaning as the Scripture may seeme to give them leave; for all these and the like places of Scripture we must no [...] take as Gods beneplacence or appro­bation, but only for his permission, for [Page 85] [...]therwise we should make a mad piece [...]f worke of it, for God said, 1 Sam. 12. [...]1. I will raise up evil against thee out of thine [...] house, and I will take thy wives before [...]ine eyes, and give them to thy neighbour, [...]nd he shall lie with them in the sight of the [...]n: doth this justifie Absolon for lying with his fathers wives and concubines [...]n the sight of all Israel? Is there any euil [...]hat I have not done it, saith the Lord? therefore did the Citizens do well to do evill, because the Lord said, I did it? God did it, that is to say, he caused it to be done, as the evill of punishment, not as the tolleration of evill, so this thing was from the Lord, that is to say, the Lord suffered such a thing to come to passe as a punishment of Solomon for his Idolatry on his posterity, and yet may no way approve of any such Rebel­lious courses: neither was Rehoboam so much to be blamed for his answer, as may be supposed, nor the people justi­fied in their Rebellion neither, for they grounded their discontents upon a false ground, for the people complained when there was no cause, and deman­ded that which was not reason; hear the whole grievance and consider it a [Page 76] little, 1 Kings 12.4. Thy father made [...] yoake grievous (that was false) do t [...] make it light (no reason for that) fo [...] the people never lived happier neithe [...] before nor after, then they did in thi [...] Kings Fathers time, and might have done in his time, if they had know [...] when they had been well, and God [...] judgements would have suffered them to have seen it. For,

1. They were a populous Nation, as the sand on the Sea for multitude, 1 Kings 4.20.

2. They liv'd merrily eating and drinking and making merry.

3. The Nation was honoured abroad, for Solomon reigned over all the Kings that were round about him, verse the 21.

4. They lived peaceably, they had peace on all sides round about them, verse 24.

5. They liv'd securely and quietly, every man under his owne vine, and under his own figtree.

6. They had much Trading in his dayes, and much merchandize, 1 Kings 10.15.

7. He was very beneficiall to those Mer­chants, for he gave Solomon, not only large wisdome, but largenesse of heart, and let those Merchants have commodities from them at a price, ver. 28.

[Page 77]8. He maintained a brave fleet at Sea, Kings 4.21.

9. He made silver and gold to be in Jeru­ [...]em as plentifull as stones, and Cedars as [...]amore trees, 2 Chron. 1.16.

10. These felicities were not only in the [...]urt, or among the Nobility, or between the [...]tizens, but they were universall, even from [...]an unto Beersheba.

11. They were not for a spurt and no more, [...] at one time and not at another, but all the [...]yes of Solomon.

O me prope lassum juvate posteri.

Neither doth the Scripture make any [...]ention of any such hard yoke at all, [...]nly the margent of the Bible directs [...]s from the complaint of the people, to [...]ooke upon the first Chapter of the Kings verse 7. and there you shall only find how Solomon had 12 officers over all Israel, which provided victuals for the King and his houshold, each man his moneth in a year, but here is but a very slender ground for a quarrell, when the immediate verse after the na­ming of those 12 officers tels us, that the multitude of people as numberlesse [Page 78] as the sand upon the Sea shore, were [...] merry eating and drinking as the Kin [...] and this place unto which we are di [...]cted (and no other) to find out t [...] grievousnesse, appears by the context [...] the same Chapter, to be mentioned [...] an expression of Solomons glory and wi [...] ­dome, rather then of any tyranny, [...] polling of his people: for the whole r [...] ­lation ends with an expression, that [...] the people were as the sand of the [...] for number, so the largeness of the King [...] heart extended as the largenesse of the Sea for bounty, all were partakers of it, 1 Kings 4.29. pardon me therefore if I thinke that Rehoboam had more reason [...] answer the people as he [...]id, then the peo­ple had just reason to complaine. O [...] ­titudo! O the unserchable wayes of God where God suffers his people to be [...] rod to visit the sins of the fathers upo [...] the children, he permits them to take a wrong cause in hand, that he may also cast the rod into the fire.

I Pray God the Merchants of London b [...] not too like those Merchants of Jerusa­lem, who Traded so long, untill they brought over, together with other Mer­chandize, Apes and Peacocks, and the [Page 79] Traders begin to be too like their traf­fique, Apes for manners and behaviour, Peacocks for pride, and rusling untill the Apes grow to be so unhappy, as to be brought to their chaines, and the Pea­cocks, so vaine glorious, as to loose their feathers: and so I leave them both, ta­sting the fruits of their own follies.

CHAP. XII.

The Objection of Jehu slaying his Master Joram Answered.

Objection.

‘THus saith the Lord God of Israel, I have Anointed thee Jehu King over the people of the Lord, even over Israel, and thou shalt smite the house of Ahab thy Master, that I may avenge the bloud of all the servants of the Lord at the hands of Jezebel,’ Ergo, if a King be thus wicked, we have Gods warrant, for the deposing and putting such a one to death.

Answer.

But stay untill you have this war­rant, and then we will allow it to be lawfull; for though every one is apt enough to be a Jehu in his own case, yet e­very one is not a God-almighty, we must not clap his seal to our own warrants; what God commands at one time, we are not to make it our warrant to doe the like at all times, this is a preroga­tive of the Almighty, no priviledge of a Subject; God may command Abraham to slay his son, but we must not go about to murder our children; God may com­mand the Israelites to spoile the Egypti­ans, but we must not Rob and Cosen our neighbours; Christ may give order for the taking away of another mans goods because the Lord hath need of it, but we must not make necessity our pre­tence for arbytrarie power; these acts of the Almighty are specially belonging unto him, and we must have his speciall warrant before we go about any such thing.

But setting all such plea aside, I ut­terly deny that either Jehu did, or that [Page 81] [...]od gave Jehu any such authority as to [...]ay King Joram. Jehu slew Joram, but [...]ehu did not slay the King, for Jehu by [...]e Lords immediate appointment was [...]ing himself, before ever he laid hand [...]pon Joram; Joram was but then a private [...]an, for in the verses going before, it [...] set down how that Jehu was Anoin­ [...]d King, how he was so proclaimed, [...]nd accordingly how he took the state [...]f a King upon him and executed the [...]ffice: 2 Kings 12.13. before ever any [...]ention is made of Jehu slaying Joram, [...]rse 14. therefore here is no regicidium, [...]s yet here is but plaine man-slaughter, [...]nd a lusty warrant for that too; again, [...]e must not▪ only take heed of unwar­ [...]antable actions, but of false warrants, [...]he private spirit is no sufficient war­ [...]ant to lay hold on such a publique Ma­ [...]istrate; as there are false Magistrates, [...]o there is a false spirit, for an erroneous [...]pirit may as well condemne a good Magistrate, as a bad Magistrate may be [...]ondemned by a good spirit: but there may be a higher mistake then all this, [...]nd I wish it were not too common a­mongst us now adayes, to mistake the workes of the flesh, for the fruit of the [Page 82] spirit: Let us compare them both toge­ther, as the Apostle hath set them i [...] order.

The works of the flesh.
Adultery, Fornication,
Ʋncleanness, Laciviousness,
Idolatry, Witchcraft,
Hatred, Variance,
Emulations, Wrath,
Strife, Seditions,
Heresies, Envyings,
Murders, Drunkennesse,
Revellings.
The fruit of the Spirit▪
Love,
Joy,
Peace,
Long-suffering,
Gentlenesse,
Goodnesse,
Faith,
Meekenesse,
Temperance.

By which of these two was CHARLS th [...] First's Head cut off?

CHAP. XIII.

Of the necessity and excellency of Monarchy.

A Jove principium, Let us begin with heaven, and behold its Monarchy [...]n the unity of the blessed Trinity; [...]hough there be three persons, yet there must be but one God: for the avoiding of that which we are fallen into, a confounding of persons, and dividing of substance. Descend lower, and con­sider the Angels, and you shall find one Arch-Angel above the rest, as the An­gels Monarch. Lower yet, to those senselesse and inanimate Rulers of the Day and Night, the Sun and Moon, and you shall not find (or so much as the appearance of such a thing) more Suns or Moons in the same firmament then one; without a prodegie or portent, of some dire, and direfull event. Come down to the Regions and you shall find in the head of the highest Region a Prince of the Aire. Come to the low­est and you shall find amongst the [Page 84] wing'd inhabitants thereof, the Sove­raigne Eagle, as the King of Birds. Come amongst the Beasts of the field, and the Lion will soon let you know, that there is a King of Beasts. Run in­to the Sea, and there is a King of Fishes. Descend into Hell and there is a Prince of Devils: and shall only man be Inde­pendent? Do we not observe the del­ving Labourer what paines he takes to joyn house to house, and land to land, til there be no more room for any com­petitor within his Dominions; and when he hath wrought his petty dung­hils into a mixen, he thinkes it Law and Reason, that the place should not admit the Dominion of more Cocks then one, this mans dies a Monarch in his own thoughts, and his son lives to inlarge his fathers territories, but at last dies big with thoughts of a princi­pality, his son laies hold of all the ad­vantages that may help him to the ac­complishment of his hereditary desires. Juno, Lucina per opem obsecro, he is a Prince, Caelo timendum est Regna ne summa occupet qui vicet ima, he must be an Emperour, Divisum imperium cum Jove Caesar habet, he must have all or none, none but Ju­piter [Page 85] must share with him. Mundus non [...]ufficit unus, when he hath all, and when all is done, the Empire after that it hath disimbogu'd, and incorporated into it selfe, all the Kingdomes of the earth, terminates in an everlasting King­dome, that shall never be destroyed; quam primum appropinquaver at regnum Cae­lorum, as soon as the Kingdome of hea­ven shall be at hand: and what's all this? but to shew us that not only na­ture, but God himself, who is the Cod of Nature, affects Monarchy. The fur­ther off any government is to Monar­chy, the worse it is, the nearer the bet­ter; the reason's thus, that Govern­ment which avoids most the occasion of differences, must be most happy, be­cause most peaceable; and peace only consists in unity: now where there are many Governours there must be diffe­rences: where there are few, there may be differences: where there is but one, there cannot.

The Romans, when they shooke off their Government by Kings, and were distasted with their Government, for their Governours sake; tried all the contraverted Governments of the [Page 86] world, of two by their Consuls, of three by their Triumvira [...], of ten by their Decem­viri, of ten thousand by their Tribunes: when they found that the farther o [...] they departed from Monarchy, the Cen­ter of all Government, the more they lost themselves in the the circumfe­rence of their own affaires, they began a little to look back upon the Govern­ment from which they had deviated all the while, but yet with squint eyes; first, a King, and no King, a thing that was like a King, but not a King; a thing that was so re, and tempore, but not no­mine; he must be only so, pro una vice, uno (que) anno, such were their dictators: at last this sucking Government gathered strength, and grew to be perpetuall, which perpetuity in one, begot an ever­lasting Monarchy in all ages, which is to continue unto the end of the world; for the Prophet Daniel tels us, that at the end of the last and fourth Monar­chy, which was the Roman, Christ should sit upon his everlasting Kingdom that should never be destroyed; therefore my Enthusi­asticks, must either leave dreaming of pulling down all Kingdomes, and Empires in the world, or else thinke [Page 87] themselves the Kingdome of Christ, that we have pray'd for all along.

Neither is it unworthy of your ob­servation, that as soon as ever this Mo­narchy was restored, there was univer­sall peace over the whole world; and the Saviour of the world, who was Princep [...] pacis, vouchsafed not to come into the world, under any of the fore­mentioned governments; but Imperante Augusto natus est Christus, who was the first Emperour of the Romans. He who affects purity, let him begin it in his own house, and as he likes it in the modell, so let him attempt it in the fabrick: for my part, I have read their argu­ments, and am so far from being evinced by any of them, that I do not believe that there is any such thing: I have been in all the Common-wealths in Europe, & I could not find any such thing as a Free-State, I could find the word, Libertas faire­ly written over their Gates, but within ther Wals the greatest Bondage & arbi­trary power that could possibly be ima­gined in any part of the world, but no Liberty at all that I could find, but on­ly some few there were, who had liber­ty to do what they would with all the [Page 88] rest. Geneva may of six, Genoa may have seven, Venice may have eight, the Holla [...]ders nine or ten, England may have five Members or Leading-men as they call them; but what's all this but taking the Government from off its shoulders, and putting it in some hand? and when you have done, its ten to one but you shall find one of the fingers longer then all the rest, and if you please you may call that King, and all the rest subjects; what's this but a change from a Mo­narchy with one Crown, to a Tiranny with so many heads? If it were so that all Free-States, as they call themselves, had all equall power, it would be so much the worse, all these kinds of Go­vernment have their continuation and subsistance upon this only ground, viz. that necessity and craft drive them to come so near to Monarchy, and some­times to an absolute Monarchy, when you reckon your hog and mogons only by the pole, and not by the polar star, that commonly is fixed amongst them, about which, all the rest move and turn. But what do we talke of Monarchy or Aristocracy or Democracy, behold a wel regulated Parliament, such a one as ours [Page 89] [...]ight have been, and ought to be; hath [...]he benefit and goodnesse that is in all [...]hese three kind of Governments, of Monarchy in the King, of Aristocracy [...]n the Peers, of Democracy in the House of Commons, where the acerbities of any one is taken away by their being all three together, but if one will be all, [...]hen all will be nothing. This stupen­diously wise, and Noble way of Govern­ment had its dissolution by inverting the course it took in its originall. When the first William had Conquered the Na­tion, the Normans would not admit that any Laws should be observed, or rules obeyed, but only the will of the Conquerour; and why so? but because thereby the Conquerour might take a­way the Estates of any English-man, and give them to his Conquering Normans; But in process of time; when these Nor­mans became English, they began to in­sist a little upon m [...]um and tuum, and would know the what that was belong­ing to the King, as a King, and to them­selves as Subjects; for by the former rule, the King might as well take away the Estates from one Norman, and give it to another, as he did formerly from [Page 90] the English, and give to his Normans ▪ wherefore they would have no more of that, but joyntly and unanimously Pe­titioned the King to the same effect, the King thought it reasonable, condescends to their desires, consultation was a­bout the premises, the result of the con­sultation was, that the King should issue out Writs to the Lords Spirituall (who in those) dayes were thought the wisest and most Consciencious) to reason with the King, and advise with him, as well concerning the bounding of the Ocean of Soveraignty, as bridling in the petty Rivers of private interest. These Spirituall Lords thought it a work of too high a nature for their private un­dertakings, wherefore they supplicated his Majesty, that the Lords Temporall might be also summoned by Writ, and joyn with them in the same Authority; 'twas done accordingly; being done, they both thought it a businesse so tran­scendent, and of so universall concern­ment, that they found a way to involve the whole Nation in a joynt consent, which was, that all Free-holders in the Kingdome, in their severall precincts, might by the election of two in every [Page 91] County, disimbogue all their suffrages into theirs, and to remaine the Coun­tries proxies, to Vote for, and to be directed by their several Countries; and thus the Commons were brought in: but behold the Viper, that eats through the sides of its own Parent; behold the Asses foale, who when she hath done sucking, kicks her own dam.

The King brings in the Lords Spiri­tuall, the Lords Spirituall bring in the Lords Temporall, both bring in the Commons, the Commons destroy both, both destroy the King. Neither was Kingship (as they call it) and Episco­pacy better rewarded, for being the principall, and so zealous reformers of the Gospel, to have both their Crowns and Miters broke in pieces by the same hammer of reformation; and the wals of their Pallaces mingled with Abby dust, casting thereby such a blot upon the very name of Reformation, that it will scarce be legible by Christians, ex­cept what went before, and what may follow after, may help the future ages to the true sence and meaning of the word: thus Rivers run backwards and drowne their own Head; thus the monsterous [Page 92] Children who are borne with teeth in their mouthes, bite of the nipple, and starve themselves for lack of sustenance; thus blind Sampsons revenge themselv [...]s upon their enemies, by pulling downe the house upon their own heads; thus the formes of the most glorious govern­ment of a Church & State, are wounded to death through the sides of Reformation: If you are not, I am sure you will ere it be long be satisfied, that all the specious pretences of popular Government, Free-State, Liberty of the Subject, are but fig­ments and delusions of the people, ob­truded by vaine-glorious and haughty men, who knowing that they could not be that one Governour of all the rest, yet they hope to be one of many; thus foolish children set their fathers barnes full of Corne on fire to warme their hands, when they are ready to starve for lack of bread: who had not rather live under a Government, wherein a man i [...] only bound to submit to him, whom it is honour to obey, then to live under a Government where every man is a slave, because every one is a Master? Fi­nally, my opinion is this, I had rather have my liberty to kneel before a Throne, then [Page 93] [...] be the tallest man in a crowd, and should [...]inke it more for my [...]ase and honour.

CHAP. XIV.

That there is no such thing as a Free-State in the World.

IF by a Free-State, you mean a people who have shook off their Allegiance to their Prince, there are many such Free-States to be found, but a beggars-bush, or a company of Gipsies (who propound to themselves new Laws, renouncing the old, and yet chuse a King and Queen amongst themselves, pleasing one ano­ther with a selfe-conceited opinion of a thing they call Liberty, which is no otherwise then an ignoble bondage of their own chosing, preferring the cor­rection of a bundle of rods (because their own hands have made them) be­fore the sway-meant of a Scepter, which God himself hath put into their Sove­raignes hand) is as good a Common-wealth, or Free-State as the best: but [Page 94] if you mean by a Free-State, a freedom from Tyranny, you will be as far to seek for any such thing in rerum natura, as for a reason why tyranny may not be in many, as well as in one: But if you mean by freedome an exemption from all such tyrannicall oppressions as are expressed in the Petition of Right; I see not why such a Free-State may not be under a Monarchy: certainly I have seen such Petitions, and insistances, du­ring the late Kings Reigne, as having relation to Free-born people of Eng­land, and should thinke that the Magna Charta defended by one, who had pow­er to make it good against the infringe­ment of many breakers, and by a Par­liament of many, authorized to the same purpose against the pessundation of it by any one, be it by the highest, may not be as good a way to make, pre­serve and keep a Nation free, as well as the intrusting of a Nations freedome into the hands of a few, whose Inde­pendency deny all remedies to be either above them, or below them. It may be it will not be thought tedious, if I entertaine your eye and consideration with some observations of my owne, in [Page 95] those Free-states of Christendome (as they call themselves) wherein I have been. I shall begin with the Free-State of Genoa, wherein I have been resident some time, and the rather, because whilst England was a Kingdome, they could not have the face to stand in any competition with us; but now the Kings armes were cut off as well as his head, how should we do to make a di­stinction between them and us? for both the State of Genoa, and the State of En­gland give the very same coat of Armes, and Saint George i [...] both our patrons: Certainly England must give the Halfe-moon as the younger brother; and why should not the Moon crescent follow after, now the Turkish Alcoran is come before?

When the overspreading Romane Mo­narchy, like Nebuchadnezzars overgrown and lofty tree was brought only to a stump chained to the ground, and when the Keyes of Heaven and Hell had so wel fitted the locks belonging to the Gates of Rome, as to give way to the ente­rance of that high Priest into the Impe­riall seat, then was Genoa a lop of that great fall, and soon after it was wrought [Page 96] into a bundle or faggot of a Common-wealth, untill such time as Charls the Great recovered all his Right in Italy, saving only the Holy Land, whose Prince­ly sword could never strike at the al­ready cloven Miters, but at Helmets.

Amongst other Counties whose sub­duements, acknowledged Charls to be the Great, Genoa was one; which City was no lesse happy then famous, in af­fording a man who honoured her Wals, with making it known unto the world, that he came out of them un­der the name of Andreas Dory, a Genoese; this famous Andreas Dory was a zealous Common-wealths-man, and one of the new Gentlemen, as they call'd them­selves, (for you must understand, that when these States-men had shooke off the yoke of Soveraignty, they expelled all their Gentry or Nobility; which no sooner done, but they made a new Gen­try or Nobility amongst themselves) and being a deserving man, the Empe­rour Charls the Great, will'd this Andreas Dory to aske and have what he desired of all that he had Conquered: he asked Genoa, the Emperour gave it him, to do with it what he pleased, he gave it [Page 97] [...]e Citizens, together with all their [...]iberties, and former Freedomes, upon [...]is condition, That they should recall [...]e old Gentry in againe, and settle [...]em again in all their rights and privi­ [...]edges, which being assented unto, Ge­ [...]oa became a Free-state againe; but be­ [...]old the Freedom, or rather the power [...]nd bonds of love and gratitude, nei­ [...]her the old or new Gentry, nor the Common people, would allow of any [...]hing that was said or to be done, but what this Dory should command or say: [...]or was there a more absolute and pow­ [...]rfull Monarch upon the earth then he; [...]nd whilst he liv'd he did continue so, because the people would obey: who being once dead, the people soon found they did obey, because they must: Yet still it must be a Free-state, because Li­bertas was written over the Senate-House, and City-Gates, but neither within their Senate, or their Wals, was there ever such Tyranny over the com­mon people, or the Citizens, then hath been all along, and is at this day pra­ctised by some few, who spit Monarchy in the face, and make no bones to swal­low down all its adjuncts? exercising [Page 98] their severall Tyrannies with this justi­fication, that they are the Supreme Au­thority, whilst they deny Supremacy; gulling the people into a sottish beliefe, that they are not suppressed by one hand, because it hath many fingers. I shall instance unto you one particular, which was done whilst I was there, whereby you may easily judge in what Free-state their commons live▪ There was a substanciall Citizen, between whom, and a Noble Genoese there was some grudge, this Senator studies a re­venge, and thus he intends it to be put in execution. He gives command to one of his Braves (for so they call their Executioners) to kill this Citizen: this Slaughter-man (being by reason of some former obligations) struck with some remorse, of doing so high an act of ingratitude, to one, who had so well de­served at his hands; discovers the whole plot to his so much acknowledg'd pa­tron, who very much acknowledges and commends the ingenuity of this disco­verer; bids him to follow him where he leads him over a trap, where the leader knew full wel how to order his steps, so that he might advance safely over the [Page 99] place, but the follower (ignorant of these observations) must needs fal down a pre­cipice, no lesse terrible, then destru­ctive; the poor man is slaine: this per­fidious murderer watches his opportu­nity of meeting this designer of his death, in the Merchato, and gently takes him by the arme, and de­sires him that he might speak a word with him; they withdraw themselves out of the walke to a private corner: the Citizen tels this Noble-man that his servant had betraid him, in discover­ing his design to him on whom it should be executed; in detestation of which perfidiousnesse, he had given him the reward of a Traytor (declaring the manner and forme as is expressed) and desired in all humility that he would be pacified, and that whatsoever differences were between them, that he would be­pleased to be his own Judge, whereup­on they both became friends, no lesse satisfaction being acknowledged by the one, then ingenuity on the other party. Such shifts as these, are these Free-borne people faine to make, to appease the wrath and fury of their Lords and Ma­sters: In a word, as their territories is [Page 100] no otherwise then a continued breach of three hundred miles along the sea-shore, so the Inhabitants live no otherwise then do the fishes in the Sea, the grea­ter fishes devour the lesse; so where there is no King in Israel, every man doth that which is good in his own eyes: it cannot be otherwise.

From thence I went unto the Free-state of Lucca, and there I found the Free-men to have six Princes every year; and the Senate chusing six men, who elect a Prince for the Common-wealth every two moneths; this Prince ascending his Throne up these six steps, acts what he pleaseth: nor have the com­mon people any more liberty, then the most rigid Calvinist will allow a Papist, free-will: Neither is there any other difference between this government of the Free-state of Lucca, and the Empire of Germany; but that the one have so many Prime chusers, and the other so many Prince Electors, the one keeps it within the house of Austria, and the o­ther keeps it out of the house of the Me­dices.

I went from thence unto the Ancient Common-wealth of Venice, whose go­vernment [Page 101] (if in any) I should approve of, because they never revolted from a better: but yet I must tell you, that at my first enterance into that City, I found the people full of complaints, of the heavy Taxes, exorbitant power and arbitrary government, which sei­zed upon all their plate, and what o­ther goods of value they had, for the use of the State, toward the mainte­nance of a War, which was both foolish­ly begun, and most carelesly run into by their Trustees, or Representatives; for the Pope of Rome had certaine intel­ligence that the Turke was preparing to make War against some part of Chri­stendome; the Pope sends to all the fronteir Princes of Christendome, ad­vising them that they should all agree as one man to make it their own case, and that they would assist one another, on what part of Christendome soever the storme should fall, and that the severall Embassadours would take it into con­sideration, about proportioning every Prince or State according to their abili­ties, for their severall supplies of men and money; to which they all soon con­descended, except the Venetian, who [Page 102] told the rest, that there was a League between the Grand Seigniour and the Ve­netians, and therefore they were not t [...] fear any such War to be intended a­gainst them; to which it being deman­ded, that if the Turke prevailed against other parts of Christendome round a­bout the Venetians, whether they thought he would let the Venetians alone at last or whether the Venetians thought so or no [...], whether they did not thinke them­selves bound in honour and Christiani­ty to defend their neighbour-Christi­ans against so common an Enemy? to which it was answered, by the Venetians, that the very entring into such a league and covenant with them, were enough to break the peace between them and the Turke; whereupon the Juncto was dissolved, and every tub was faine to stand on his own bottome: but it fell out, that (by the machiavillianisme of the Card. Richlieu, who taught and per­swaded the Turke to break the League between him and the Venetians, because he would not have the Venetians to lend the Emperour so much money, but would find them wayes how to dis­burse it otherwise) the Turkes waged [Page 103] War only against the Venetians, and none else, whereupon they were faine to endure the whole brunt of the War themselves, and had no body to help them: this being so grievously found fault with by the common people, and their goods taken away, ad placitum, their persons prest de bene esse, whether they thought so or no: I would faine know what liberty these people had, who could find such faults without re­medies, and lose their goods without redresse? what liberty is there in ha­ving freedome in the State, and none in the condition? I shall part with my children with tears in mine eyes, and through the same water behold the word, Libertas, written upon the Rialto; what am I the better for this freedome? am I robbed of all my money, because one thief takes it away? and am I not rob'd because six or seven layes hold up­on me? believe it, I never heard such complaints, neither in the King or Par­liaments time, of oppression and ty­ranny, as I heard in this City during the time that I was there; and this not only during the War, but also in the times of peace, five or six men rule [Page 104] the whole State, and it may be the Prince none of them neither. I shall relate unto you a story of one Loridan a Noble Venetian, who keeping a Curti­san, on whom he was intended to be­stow a favour, he went into a rich Shop for to buy her some Cloth of gold to make her a Gowne, the Prentice was only in the Shop, whom he comman­ded to cut out so much of such a piece as the Taylor gave directions, which done, he will'd the Prentice to tell his Ma­ster, that he would be accomptable to him therefore; the boy excus'd himself, it being but a servant, and not ha­ving any such directions from his ma­ster, not doubting, but that if his Ma­ster were there, he would willingly trust him for what he should be pleased to command; the Noble Venetian takes his leave, willing the Boy to tell his Master, that he should rue the day that ever he kept such a sawcy Boy to give him such an affront, and so departed in great fury: the Master of the Shop pre­sently comming in, and hearing the re­lation of what had happened, tore his haire, wrung his hands, stampt upon the ground, and like a mad-man cryed [Page 105] out that the Boy had undone him, and and all his posterity; takes the whole piece with him, follows this Noble Venetian to his Curtisans, offers to bribe the Curtisan with the whole piece, if she would intermediate for him; which with much difficulty, & many pleadings she so appeas'd his wrath, that he was satisfied: and this was as common for a Senatour of Venice to do, as for a Par­liament-man to pay no debts.

Neither is there any Law or Justice to be had against any of these States­men: There was a Noble-man who was an Austrian both by birth and fami­ly, who being a Traveler, chanc'd to cast his eyes upon a fair and virtuous Lady, who in every respect were deser­ving of each other: This Noble-man had no sooner made his mind known unto this Paragon for beauty, but he was soon obstructed with a corrivall, who was a Nobile Venetiano; who perceiving his Mistresse affections to this stranger, to be more liberally expressed then un­to him, contrives his death, and soon effects it, shee loving her Martyr more then either others conceived, or shee her self could brook so great a crosse con­cerning [Page 104] [...] [Page 105] [...] [Page 106] them, studies revenge, and be­ing an Italian found her selfe easily prompted by her own naturall incli­nation, she pretends much love, that she might the better put in execution her greatest hatred, shee gets him into a chamber, where shee praies him to rest himself in a chair, wherein he was no sooner sat, but his arms and thighs were caught with springs, & being thus faste­ned, shee murders him with her owne hands, and flies for sanctuary to the next Nunnery within the Popes Domini­ons, leaving behind her, by the murde­red, these words, written with her own hand in a piece of paper, Because there is no justice to be executed against a noble Vene­tian, I have been both Judge and Executioner my self. Men may talk what they will, and fancy what they please, but there is no more difference, in point of freedom between a Monarchy and a Free-State (as they call it) then there is between a High Sheriffe of a Shire, and a Com­mittee of a County; Ʋ [...]rum horum mavi [...] accipe.

Now for the Free-State of our Neighbour Netherlands, otherwise called the States of Holland (who have sprung up [Page 107] (as all other free-States will do at last) from the submissive and humble stilings of the distressed, to the high and Mighty) The par­ticulars which occasioned their revolt from their Soveraign the King of Spain I shall not insist upon, but referre you to the Spanish and Netherland Histories; only I shal hint upon the main induce­ments to their Rebellion; viz. Religion and Freedome.

For the first, There is not a People a­mongst whom the name of God is known, to whom Religion is a greater stranger, then unto these stilers of them­selves, Reformed Protestants; for if this Free-state, who allow all Religions both of the Jews and Gentiles, whose se­verall Churches own, in capitall letters over their doors, the severall s [...]cts of Religions, to which each Libertine is inclined, be Religious, then the Pantheo­nists were as truly reformed and religi­ous as the Amsterdamians; but as he, who sacrificed to all the Gods in generall must needs have sacrificed unto the true God, and yet know him not, because he joyned others with him, who was to be worshipped alone: So that Country which embraceth all Religions, happily [Page 108] may have the true Religion among [...] them, and yet have no Religion, because they admit of many, being there is b [...] one: This I speak in reference to the Country, not to particular men. Nei­ther is there a sort of Christians in the world who are less servants unto Christ, if it be enough to make them so, to be the greatest prophaners of his day: for the Sabbath day is only distin­guished from other daies, by a Sermon in the Church, and the Alehouse being full of Mechannicks, drinking and ca­rousing from morning untill night, the shops are open, and buying and selling all the day long, excepting halfe the window, which is to distinguish the day, but the door is open to let in the buyers, and the other halfe of the win­dow is open to let in the light: and wonderfully strange it is and remarka­ble to consider how these people, who shook off their allegiance to their Prince upon pretences of Reformation, should be so besotted, as to fall into such a strange and un heard of prophanenesse of him, and the day whereon Christ himself is to be worshipped, as in their Metropolis, or chief City, to have a dog [Page 109] [...]arket kept to the utter scandall of [...]ue Religion, and Christianity it selfe, [...]is is no more then what I have seen, [...]d if it were not true, it were easily re­ [...]rned upon my self as the greatest im­ [...]udence that could be imagined; but O [...]e partiality of the picture-drawer, [...]hen he receives large wages for a si­ [...]ilitude! he insults over his own work [...]nly because it is like, when the face it [...]elf is most abhominable.

Now for their freedome from Ty­ [...]anny and oppression; if the Turkes or Tartars had conquered them, they never would (nor never did where ever they extended their dominions) impose such taxes and rates as they have impo­sed on one another, incredible; even to the full value of the severall commodi­ties, which run through their natives hands; but you will aske me, how it is possible they should live then, to which I answer you, by sharking and cosening of strangers: Let any forraigners come there and ask for a dinner, and for such a dinner as they may well afford for eight pence a piece, they will ask you five shillings a man; find but the least fault with them, and they will demand [Page 110] twelve pence a piece more for fouling of linnen; and if you seem angry at that▪ you shall mend your self with the pay­ment of six pence a piece over and above, for fouling the roome: and seeke a re­medy, and you shall be told, the Prince of Orange himself if he were there could not help it: altom all, is all the reason they will give you; if in sadnesse you shall complaine of such abuses to indif­ferent Judges, they will tell you, that the States do lay such heavy taxes upon the Inhabitants, that they are faine to fly to such shifts for their subsistance; thus men pleased with the itch of Inno­vation, are contented to scratch the bloud out of their own bodies, till they feel the greatest smart; rather then their Physitian should let out a little spare bloud, to cure the disease, and pre­serve them in good health; but you will say, that for all this, they thrive and prosper abundantly, so do the Ar­giers men, but with what credit and re­putation in the eye of the world? I be­lieve both alike: It was not their strength or policy, which brought them to this height and flourishing conditi­on: but it was our policy of State, in [Page 111] [...]mulation to other Princes, which hel­ [...]ed these calfes to Lions hearts, teeth, [...]nd clawes, untill the high and mighty [...]utter-boxes stood in competition with [...]he Crowne: and I am afraid the siding with such Rebels, hath turned Rebel­ [...]ion into our own bosomes, as a just [...]udgement from that God who is a re­ [...]enger of all such iniquities; they may call it the Schoole of War, whilst wan­ting a good cause, it could be no other­wise then the Christians shambles: I should be sorry that Holland should be the English-mans Looking-glasse: a spur for his feet, or a copy for his hand. I hope the hand of providence will cure us, like the Physitian, who cur'd his patient by improving his disease, from a gentle Ague, to a high Feaver, that he might the better help him.

CHAP. XV.

That Episcopacy is Jure Divino.

IN this discourse I shall not trouble my selfe, nor you with Titles, Names and words of Apostles, Evange­lists, Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Patriarchs, Presbyters, Ministers, Angels of Chur­ches, &c. which were all from the high­est to the lowest, but tearmes recipro­cal; and were often taken in the Church of God, and in the Scripture it self, for one and the same: for if any man, though never so meane, a Minister of the Gospel converted any Nation, the Church ever called him, the Apostle of that Country; as Austin, though but a Monke, was every where tearmed the Apostle of England: and Saint Paul, be­ing an Apostle, stiles himselfe a Mini­ster of the Gospel of Jesus Christ: Paul bids Timothy being a Bishop, to do the work of an Evangelist; and therefore no wonder if Bishops and Presbyters be [Page 113] [...]ften mentioned for one and the same: [...]ut it is a great wonder that any man­ [...]er of men, should make this a ground [...]or any argument against Episcopacy; [...]hese kind of arguments instead of stri­ [...]ing fire that should light the candle, [...]hey do but pin napkins over our eyes [...]nd turne us round, untill we know [...]ot where we are; and then we grope [...]or we know not who, and lay hold [...]f we know not what: he that will [...]ut down this over-grown up-start tree [...]f errour, must first clear his way to the [...]oot, and brush away all those bram­ [...]les, and briers, which grow about it; [...]e must not leave any thing standing [...]hat may lay hold of the hatchet, and [...]eviate the stroke, turning the same [...]dge upon the feller, that was intended [...]or the tree: if we should insist upon [...]ames and titles, we should make but a [...]onfounded piece of worke, and run our [...]elves into a most inextricable labou­rinth and Mazes of errour; Where we might run and go forwards, and back­wards, and round about, and nere the near: Christs are Kings, Kings are Gods: God is Christ, and Christ is Bi­ [...]hop of our souls: Bishops are Presby­ters, Presbyters are Ministers, a Mini­ster [Page 114] is an Apostle, an Apostle is a Mini­ster: and so if you will quite back a­gaine. I must put off these, as David threw away Sauls Armour, non possum ince­dere cum iis, I love to knock down this monstrum informe ingens in lumen ademptum, with a blunt stone taken out of a clear River, which with the sling of applica­tion may serve well enough to slay this erroneous Philistine, though he were far greater then he is.

In the first place therefore let as un­derstand what is meant by Jus Divinum, if any man meanes that Episcopacy is so Jure Divino, that it is unalterable, and must continue at all times, and in all places; so that where it is left off there can be no Church, he meanes to give much offence and little reason; for there is no question but the Church may alter their own government (so that it be left to themselves to alter) as they shall thinke most convenient, as well as alter the Sabbath from the seventh day to the first of the week, or as well as they chang'd immersion into aspersion of the baptised, and many other things which carried as much Jus Divinum with them as Episcopacy, and yet were [Page 151] chang'd. The Jus Divinum, that is in Episcopall Government, doth not con­sist in the Episcopacy, but in the Go­vernment, be it Episcopall or what it will; but where the government is E­piscopall, no question but there Episco­pall government is Jure Divino, because a government; and if it were otherwise that government into which Episcopa­cy degenerateth, would be Jure Divino, as well it, provided that none touch this Ark of the Church but the Priests them­selves; for if the hand which belongs to the same body pull the hat from off the head, the man loses not his right, only he stands in a more humble posture, but he is in as strong possession of his owne right, as when 'twas on his head; but if another hand should chance to pull it off, the party stands disgracefully de­priv'd of his highest right and orna­ment: So if Episcopall Government of the Church be put down, or altered by Church-men themselves, the Jus Divi­num is but removed from the supremacy of one, and fastened in the stronger hold of many members, for this is a Maxim that admits no posterne; power never fals to the ground, neither in Church [Page 116] nor State, but look what one lets fall, another takes up before ever it comes to ground, wherefore loosing nothing, they keep their own; but whether this power in Church or State in the point of convenience, be better in the hands of one or many, let whose will look to that, that's not my work; neither the names of governments nor the num­bers of governours shall ever be able to fright away this Jus Divinum out of the Church government, be the govern­ment what it will, bene visum fuit spiri­tui sancto & nobis, keeps in the Jus Divi­num, be the government never so altered, whereas forbidden and improper hands, actions, as unusuall, as unwarrantable lets out this Jus Divinum, when they have changed it to what they can ima­gine; now whether or no it be proper for a Lay Parliament or a Representa­tive of Lay-men, by the power of the Sword declining the Kings Authority, will and pleasure, who was appointed by God to be a nursing Father of his Church, to alter Church-government so Antient, so begun by Christ himself in his own person, over so many A­postles, so practis'd by the Apostles o­ver [Page 117] others, so continued all along, I mean Episcopacy, that is to say, one Minister constituted an overseer of ma­ny, and to lay hold upon tumults and insurrections, to pull down these over­seers, and for men who in such cases should be governed by the Church, to pull down the Church-government without any the least consent of the Church-governours; I leave it for the world to judge, only my own opini­on is this, That any government thus set up, or by such practises as these altered, must needs be so far from being Jure Divino, that it must needs be Jure Diabolico; but it may be objected, that if they should have stayed untill the Bishops had altered themselves, they might have staied long enough; to which it may be answered, that had the Bishops been but as poor as Job, there would have been no such haste to change their cloathes: The Ark was a tipe of the Church, and whatsoever was lite­rally commanded concerning the tipe, must be analogically observed in the thing tipified; God sate in the Mercy-Seat that was over the Ark, the Ark contained within it Aarons Rod, and a [Page 118] pot of Manna, so the Church containes the Law & the Gospel, the killing letter and the reviving spirit; others interpret the Rod to signifie the government and discipline of the Church, as the Manna the Doctrine of Christ, and food that came down from heaven: I take it to signifie both, and both answers my pur­pose, if both be therein contained, nei­ther must be touch'd but by the Priests themselves; neither must we confine this prohibition to the Priests of the Law only, but we must extend it also to the Ministers of the Gospel, both which were tipified by the two Cheru­bims, or ministring Angels of the Al­mighty; these Ministers or Angels, though opposite to one another, yet they both lookt alike, and neither of them upon one another, but both of them upon the Ark that was between them, there was mutuality in their looks, and their wings touch'd one a­nother; so though the Ministers of the Law and the Gospel seem opposite in the administration of the same grace, yet they must come so near as to touch one another in the manner of the admini­stration, exempli gratia; as there was in [Page 119] the old Law High Priests, Priests and Levites, so in the new Law, Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons; as none but Priests were to touch the Ark, so none but the Ministers should reforme the Church.

Thus much for Government; now for Episcopacy, the question then con­cerning Episcopacy will be, whether or no Jure Divino, one Minister (which answers to all names and sorts of Church-men, and Church-officers whatsoever) may not exercise jurisdi­ction and power over many Ministers within such a place or territory? if this be granted, the Bishops aske no more: if it be denied, how then did Christ Je­sus, Bishop of our souls, give orders and directions to his twelve Apostles, and taught them how they should behave themselves throughout this Dioces the whole world? how did Saint Paul ex­ercise jurisdiction over Timothy and Titus who were both Bishops? and how did these two Bishops exercise jurisdiction over all the Ministers of Creet and Ephe­sus? was not this by divine institution? If I find by divine writ, that Christ laid the foundation of his Church in him­selfe [Page 120] alone being over all the Apostles, and if I find that these Apostles, every Apostle by himselfe (in imitation of ou [...] Saviour) accordingly exercised jurisdicti­on and authority over many Minister [...] which were under them, and comman­ded others to do the like, as Paul, Timo­thy and Titus, and if I find the practise of the Church all along through the whole tract of time, to continue the like Discipline; shall not I believe this Di­scipline to be Jure Divino, except Christ sends down a new conje deslier from heaven, upon the election of every new Bishop? Christ laies the foundation, we build upon it, he gives us the mo­dell, we follow the pattern, the Church is built; is not this by Divine Right, be­cause he doth not lay the severall stones with his own hands? Christ promised that he would be alwayes with his Church, and that he would send his ho­ly spirit amongst them, which should lead them into all truth, so that the gates of Hell should not prevaile against it; but if Episcopacy be Anti-Christian, then the gates of Hel have not only pre­vailed against it a long time; but all along. As all Judgements are given in [Page 121] the Kings name, and all records run Rege presente, though the King be not there in person, but in power; so the universall and un-interrupted and con­tinued and generally received Discipline of his holy Catholick Church (which Church we are bound to believe by the Apostolical Creed) is Christo presente (Ergo Jure Divino) though Christ be not there in person, but in power; which power he conferr'd upon those who were to be his successours, which were called Apostles, as my Father sent me, so send I you: and he that heareth y [...]u, heareth me; and loe I will be with you alwayes unto the end of the world: surely this Discipline of one over many, call it what you will, is to descend and continue unto the end of the world.

Object. But it may be objected, How can you prove that Christ commanded any such thing, or that Christ gave to the Apostles any such power, as to make successors in their steads, with a war­rant for it to continue from age to age?

Sol. Where do you find that Christ gave the Sacrament to any but his Di­sciples? drike ye all of this, but they were [Page 122] all Apostles to whom he said so? where did you find that Christ administred the Sacrament, or commanded it to be administred unto any Lay-men, or wo­men? therefore is not the Sacrament given unto them Jure Divino, because the words were left out in the convey­ance? when there grew a disputation concerning Divorcements, Christ sends us to the Originall, Sic autem, not fuit ab initio, if Christs rule be good, then the Bishops are well enough, for they may say concerning Episcopacy, I mean one over many (and that safely too) sic erat ab origine, some are very unwilling that this Episcopacy should be intaild by Christ upon his Apostles and their successours, out of these words, Mat. 28.20. I will be with you alwaies to the end of the world; they will not have it to mean in their successours; but the meaning to be this, I will be with you alwayes unto the end of the world; that is to say, in the efficacy and power of my word and Go­spel, to all ages: why may it not signifie this, and that too? that it doth one, is no argument but that it may do both: God made all things, in num­ber, weight, and measure, and will you [Page 123] [...]ike his word? shall sensus factus thrust out sensus destinatus out of the Scriptures? the first Ministers of the Gospel must adequate to the first Minister of the Law, and behold the same method observed in both their institutions: what diffe­rence is there between Christs words to his Disciples, I am with you alwayes unto the end of the world, Mat. 28.20. and Gods words unto Aaron at his setting him a part for the High Priests office? This shall be a Statute for ever unto thee, and to thy seed after thee, Exod. 28.43. Cer­tainly if the Gospel be nothing else but the Law revealed, and the Law be no­thing else but the Gospel hidden; what­soever is written or said of the Ministers of the one, must needs have reference also to the Ministers of the other: and I shall desire you to look a little back upon the words which God said to Aaron: when God speakes of the seed of Aaron, he on­ly maketh mention of the seed after him; but when he speakes of the Sta­tute, he saith it shall be for ever: if I do not flatter my own judgement that tels me, that this Statute of High Priest-hood, or Episcopacy, call it what you will, must have heires after the seed of [Page 124] Abraham is expired, and did not the Catholick Church all along call the re­ceiving of the holy Ghost, the order of Priest-hood? did ever any record above seven years date call it making of Mini­sters? and why are they angry with the word Priest? is it because the Prophet Isaiah Prophecying of the glory of Christs Church tels us, we shall be named Priests of the Lord, but that men shall call us Ministers of God? Isay 61, 6. If the Mini­stration of the Law be glorious, shall not the Ministration of the Gospel be much more glo­rious? 2 Cor. 1.3. and shall the Mini­sters of the same Gospel be lesse glori­ous? when you see a man that cannot abide to see anothers glory, you may be sure he is no kin to him, or very far off; so you may be assured that these are no true sons of the Church, nor no right children, who thinke a Chaire too great state for their fathers to sit in: In the Apostles time these Bishops, or if you will, Superintendents (which are all one in signification, only a good Greek word chang'd by Mr John Calvin, into a bad Latin word) were stiled Embassadours of the Almighty, Stars of Heaven, Angels of the Church, [Page 125] [...]c. but now these Embassadours are [...]sed like vagabonds; these Stars, are [...]ot Stars but fallings, and the Angels [...]re no where to be found bu [...] ascending [...]nd descending Jacobs Ladder, whilst [...]his reputation was given unto the Church, and to its officers: the stones [...]f its building were in unity, but as it [...]s now it seemes no otherwise, then as a Corps kept under ground seemingly in­ [...]ire, but once touch'd, soon fals to dust and ashes: Never was there such a monster as this ruling, and thus consti­ [...]uted Pre [...]bytery, the father of it Rebel­ [...]ion, the mother Insurrection, the mid­wife Sacriledge, the nurse Covetous­nesse, the milke Schism, the coats Ar­mour, the rattle Drums, a Bloudy Sword the corrall, Money the babies it delights to play withall, it grows up to be a stripling, and goes to school to a Councel of War, its lesson is on the Trumpet, its fescue a Pistoll, its going out of school in ranke and file, its play­dayes the dayes of Battaile, and black­munday the day of Judgement; it comes of age and is Married with a Solemn League and Covenant, it begets chil­dren like it self, whose blessing upon [Page 126] them is the power of the Sword, an [...] whose Imposition of hands are broke [...] pates; this monster cries downe th [...] truely Antient Catholick and Apostol­lick power which the Bishops exercised, and then take it up againe and use it themselves in a higher nature then eve [...] any Bishops or Apostles themselves did or durst have done, even to the excom­munication and deposement of their Kings (to the delivering of them up unto Satan, and to Hang-men, if they stood but in their way) to whom the Apostles taught submission (how faulty so ever they were) and if not obedience, yet submission, to every one of their ordinances, if not for their own sakes, yet for the Lords sake, and for Conscience sake: these men cry down the same au­thority, as Popish, whilst they exalt them­selves above all that are called Gods, in a higher manner, then ever any Pope of Rome ever yet did: we will begin with this Monster in the very place of its Na­tivity, and so observe him all along through the whole tract of time; we will consider how it dealt with the first Prince, under whose Dominions it pul­lulated, which was under the Prince and [Page 127] Bishop of Geneva, and these two were both nullified in the same person, as they were both here in England by the same Parliament; verefying that max­ [...]m of ours (with that fore-running of theirs) No Bishop, No King; and then we will shew you how they dealt with our Princes here at home, where ever they had a power, viz. with Mary Queen of Scots, and James and Charls the First Kings of England and of Scotland both, and then usurpe a power themselves higher then Popes or Kings. Calvin with his gladiators, having expuls'd the Prince and Bishop of Geneva, sets up a government so high, and unexpected, that the people would have nothing to do either with him, or his government: and thereupon they banished him the City: Calvin (in exile) bethinkes him­selfe how he might appease their fury, and give them satisfaction, and be in­vited in again; Calvinus de tristibus thinks it his best course of endearing him­self unto the people, to make them sha­rers with him in the government, whereupon he invented his new fangle of Lay-Elders, and so all parties were agreed; In comes Mr John Calvin (whilst [Page 128] he was scarce warme in his seat) I shall present you with a story of him and of his demeanour of himself towards the temporall Throne: There was a Noble-man of Italy, who liked the Reforma­tion which he had begun so well, that he forsook his Religion, and Country, sold his Lands and fortune, converted all into money, and took sanctuary in Geneva; as soon as he came there, great re­joycing & insulting there was, that their cause was honored with so high a con­vert: The grand Seigniour fals a buil­ding; directing his Masons, he found one of them something more sawcy then to what his Lordship (in his own Country) had been accustomed, little thinking that where there was promi­sed so large a respect of souls, there had been so little respect of persons: this Noble-man hereupon gives this Ma­son a gentle tap upon the head, the Ma­son flies upon him like a Dragon, and fhakes him by the beard: my Lord not being used to such course salutations, stabs him with his dagger, thinking nothing lesse but that so high a provo­cation would have pleaded his indemp­nity; no such matter, my Lord was soon [Page 129] [...]aid hold on and brought to his triall: Calvin upon the tribunall, not as a [...]emporall Judge in such cases (take [...]eed of him) but only to be asked his opinion in cases of Conscience; the Delinquent pleads for himself, tels them [...]ow insolently he was provoked, and wonders, considering such provocation, he should be questioned for so vile a [...]arlet: Hereupon Mr Calvin soon starts up, and tels him, that with God (whose seat they held) there was no respect of persons, and for ought he knew, that man whom he despis'd to death, was as near and dear to God and his favour, as himself▪ their Laws knew no such di­stinction as man-slaughter, and murder; but they were regulated by the Divine Law, that told them, that the man that shed mans bloud, by man shall his bloud be shed, that there was no exemption by great­nesse, nor buying it off by favour; the Noble-man replied, that he had not been long enough amongst them to be acquainted with their Laws; it was an­swered, that the law of Nature did for­bid that, of which he could not be ig­norant (all this was well enough) My Lord told them how hard a case it would be, for a man out of his love and [Page 130] liking to the place and manners, should seeke to it as a sanctuary for his consci­ence, and so soon find it his grave: that he was heartily sorry for what he had done, and would give any satisfaction to his wife and children that the Court should order, or his estate allow; h [...] intended the man no hurt, before such rough hands shook him out of himself, that he knew not what he did, and therefore he humbly begg'd their par­don, assuring the [...] for the future, that his waies should be so directly answera­ble to those paths they walked in, that he would not by Gods grace hereafter step aside; the temporall Judges, wonne with his humble and submisse behavi­our, began to relent, and desired Mr Calvin to abate a little of his rigour, for the reasons before mentioned, assuring him that his case was no common case, and therefore it ought to have respect accordingly; hereupon there grew a hot dispute between the spirituall, and the temporall Judges; Calvin remained stiffe in his opinion and would not be bent to the least mercy; the Noble­man thought to throw one graine of reason more into the ballance, that should turne the scales, and that should [Page 131] be taken out of a consideration had of their own good: for saith he, if you shed my bloud hand over head, without any the least respect had to my years, to my birth, to my education, to the little time I had of being acquainted with your Laws, nor to the provocati­on it self, nor to the suddennesse of the action, nor to the surprize of all my sen­ses, nor to the satisfation I would have given, nor ro the repentance of my ve­ry soul, who will come amongst you? what Lord or Gentleman will live within your wals? wherefore if you will have no consideration of me, yet consider your selves; consider what a blow it wil give to your Religion, how many this very thing will stave off from ever having any thing to do with you; by this time they were all prone to mer­cy, but Calvin alone, who stands up and cries fiat justitia ruat Caelum, neither could he be brought to give his opini­on, that the Jury (as we call them) might not passe upon him, but out went the Jury▪ and contrary to their owne Law, hearing the Noble-mans plea, and observing well the inclination of the Bench in generall, they brought in their verdict, not guilty; whereupon the No­ble-man [Page 132] was acquitted: hereupon John Calvin rises from the Bench, and whilst the rest proceeded to their matters, cals all the Ministers within the Wals and liberties of Geneva, who appear before the Judgement sets, with white wans in their hands, which they laid down, tel­ling them, that with those wans they laid down their offices, protesting that they would never preach the Gospel to a people whose humane Laws should run contrary to the Laws Divine; and suddenly turned about and took their leave: which being acted with so much gravity, wrought so much upon the beholders, that they presently sent for them back againe, and hanged the No­ble-man. This story I have read in their own History in Geneva, then which my thoughts were then, as they are still, that never any Pope of Rome, did act as Pope of Rome, or so much as claime halfe that authority over the Civill Magistrate, as this anti-pope did virtu­ally act; and yet was not ashamed to make lesser matters then this, the ground of his quarrell with the Bishop, who also was their Prince, when in his own person he acts the part of both.

Now we will see how these kind of [Page 133] [...]reatures have plaid the masters of mis­ [...]ule among our Princes here at home. King James in his discourse at Hampton Court, tels us, how the Presbyterians [...]ecame Lords Paramount in his King­dome of Scotland, and how they used his Mother the Queen of Scots, viz. Knox [...]nd Buchanon and the rest of that gauge, came unto Mary Queen of Scots, and told [...]er, that by right, no Pope nor Poten­ [...]ante whatsoever, had any superiority over her in her own Dominions, either [...]n cases Civill or Eccesiasticall, but that [...]hee her self was Supreme in both; and constituted by God as the only nursing mother of his Church, within her Do­minion, and therefore conjured her to look about her, and not to let the Pope of Rome or any of his agents, to have any thing to do within her territories, and to have care of Christ Evangil as [...]hee would answer it at the dreadfull day of judgement; shee gives them her [...]ar, and at last her authority, they make use of it in the first place, to the pulling down of the Bishops, and exal­ted themselves in their roome; when the Queen look'd for an absolute Su­premacy, behold all the Supremacy that these men would alow her, was, not [Page 134] so much as to have one private Chappell for her self, nor one Priest whereby shee might serve God according to her own conscience; shee finding her self so much deceived, labours to recall her authori­ty; they kept her to it, shee takes up Armes, they oppose her, fight her, bea [...] her out of her Kingdome, shee flies in­to England, they follow her with inve­ctives, thrust jealousies into the Queen of Englands bosome concerning her, shee is imprisoned, and after a long impri­sonment put to death: King James ha­ving related this passage in the foremen­tioned discourse unto Dr Renolds, and Knewstubs and the rest, turnes unto the Bishops, and closes his discourse with this animadversion, wherefore my Lords, I thanke you for my Supremacy, for if I were to receive it from these men, I know what would become of my Supremacy; the shining light of the Gospel, and the burning zeal of the Ministers thereof may fitly be compared to fire, which if it be not in every roome confind to on hearth, and limited to one tunnell, that may convey out of this so comfortable and necessary a blessing, all that may be destructive and offensive in it, up toward the highest [Page 135] [...]egion, but is suffered like wild-fire to [...]un up and down the house, it will soon [...]urne all to flames and high combusti­ [...]ns; so the government of the soul [...]eemes to be of so transcendent nature [...]o what the government of the body [...]nd goods is, that if it be not overtopt with superintendency or Episcopacy, [...]nd so disimbogued into the Supreme [...]uthority, this comfortable heat if li­mited, as it turnes to our greatest be­nefit, so neglected and boundlesse, soon converts its self into a suddaine destru­ [...]tion and ruine, If you will hear how these men dealt with King James her Son, and Father to Charls the First, you shall find it in his Basilicon Doron, Crebrae adversus me in tribunitiis Conscionibus Cal­lumniae spargebantur non quod crimen aliquod designassem sed quia Rex eram quod omni cri­mine pejus habebatur, are these men good subjects? did they not convene him di­verse times before them, school him, Chatechize him like a school-boy? did he not protest unto his Son Henry, that he mislik'd their proud and haughty carriage ever since he was ten years of age? did he not say that Monarchy and Presbytery agreed like God and the De­vil? and have we not found it so, if we [Page 136] consider the behaviour of our new mad [...] Presbyterians in England to Charls the Frist his Son? O but the Presbyterian [...] had no hand in it, they pray'd and preach'd, and writ against it, fasted and pray'd for a diversion of all such inten­tions: but I pray, who took the Scepte [...] out of his hand, in taking away the Mi­litia, of which it was an emblem, that should have defended him, was it not the Presbyterian? who cast down his Throne by taking away his Negative voice, was it not the Presbyterians? who took off his Crown, the fountaine of Honour from off his Head, by denying those honour on whom he had confer'd it without them, was it not the Pres­byterian? who took away his Supre­macy singnified by the sacred unction wherewith he was anointed, in not al­lowing him the Liberty of his owne Conscience in the point of Episcopacy and Church government, was it not the Presbyterian? who would not [...]reat a minuite with their King before they had made him acknowledge himself guilty (as they say) of all the bloud that had been spilt throughout his Dominions, was it not the Presbyterian? who (not­withstanding all the Concessions on his [Page 137] [...]rt that could be granted, even to the [...]ery grating his Princely Conscience, [...]hen he bid them aske flesh from off his [...]ones and he would not deny it them, [...]it might have been a benefit unto his [...]eople, prayed that he might keep his [...]onscience whole, it was the Queen [...]gient of all good mens actions, and [...]e hoped there were none would force [...]is Queen before him in his House, as [...]asuerus said to Haman) Voted not sa­ [...]isfactory so long, untill the Indepen­ [...]ent Army came from Edenb [...]rough, and [...]urpriz'd and murdred him, was it not [...]he Presbyterians? he that said the Pres­ [...]yterians held him down by the haire, while the Independents cut off his Head, said true enough, they murdred him as [...] King, before ever they murdred him as a man; for what may the Indepen­dent say to the Presbyter, if yuo'l take off his authority, we'l take of his Head; if you'l make him no King, we'l make him no body; if you'l make him a man of bloud, we'l use him accordingly; therefore at your doors O Persybterian hypocrites do I lay his Innocent bloud, it is but like the rest of your actions, committed by your Ancestors to for­mer Princes all along.

[Page 138]One thing I pray you well observe [...] ▪ There was never any reformed Church in Christendome, but when they shook off their Bishops, they made their apo­logies to all the Christian world, how they were necessitated to alter that anti­ent and best form of government of the Church by Bishop [...], in regard that they could not be drawn off from their obe­dience and dependance on the Pope of Rome; and if possible they would re­taine that laudable government as most convenient; but never were there any reformers in the world, but ours, that ever held Episcopacy to be unlawfull and Anti-christian before; and will you know the reason, which is only this, the Bishops what they receive, they lay down at his Majesties feet, as acknow­ledging him to be Supreme in all cases, when they would have him to be Su­preme in no case, as Buch. de jure Re­gini plainly tels us that Princes are no more but the Proxies, and Atturneies of the people, and yet for all this the authority which they hold to be as Anti-christian in the Chaire, they pra­ctise as most Christian on the Bench, and much improve it; these monsters, that they may the better cry downe [Page 139] the Divine Right that is in Episcopacy, and descended to them, from the Apostles, tel us [...]hat the calling of the Apostles was extra­ordinary, and died with them: to make answer to which assertion, we must con­sider how many wayes a thing may be ta­ken to be extraordinary, and if we find that it may be taken so many wayes, if we can prove a thing extraordinary one way, we must not take it to be extraordinary in every respect, exempli gratia; Saul was ex­traordinarily called by God, because ime­diately by him, but this doth not make the calling of Kings to be an extraordina­ry calling, for that succeded; so the Apo­stles were extraordinarily called by God, as not being called out of the tribe of Levi, nor taken from the feet of Gameliell, nor brought up in the schools of the Prophets, yet this doth not follow, that the calling of the Apostles should be extraordinary, for they had their successours: It may be extraordinary à parte ante, but nat à parte post, only in regard of the manner of their election, but not in regard of the nature of their commission, they were called Apo­stles in regard of their mission, not in re­spect of their commission, which was no more but what Bishops had, neither doth the word Apostle signifie so great authori­ty [Page 140] as doth the word Bishop, the one beto­kening but a Messenger, the other an Over­seer, and therefore there is no extraordi­narinesse hitherto, that they should not b [...] extraordinary.

2. A man may be said to be extraordi­nary, in regard of some extraordinary gift and endowment [...] which God hath gi­ven unto a man, as unto the Apostles the gift of tongues, of healing, &c. but thi [...] doth no way make the calling extraordi­nary for then it would follow, that if God Almighty should give unto any ordi­nary Minister, extraordinary gifts, then his calling should be extraordinary, or that the calling of Kings should be an ex­traordinary calling, because God bestowes on some Kings the extraordinary gift of healing.

It may be further urg'd, the calling of the Apostles was an extraordinary calling, because they were pen-men of the holy Ghost, and in regard that the holy Ghost sate upon each of them, no, that doth not make it extraordinary quoad nos, that it should not descend, for other Divines and Evangelists, were pen-men of the ho­ly Ghost as well as they, therefore what was not extraordinary to themselves, can­not be extraordinary to us.

[Page 151]4. For their receiving the holy Ghost [...] is no otherwise but what all Bishops, [...]astors and Curates do receive, when they [...]eceive orders, Receive ye the holy Ghost, only [...]he difference is this, they received it by [...]he fleeing of cloven tongues, and they by [...]position of hands, but still the extraor­dinaries, consists in the manner, but not [...]he matter of the thing received, so that [...]ll this while there is no reason why this calling of the Apostles should be so extra­ordinary, as that it should not descend; If Christ promised to be with his Apostles unto the end of the world, and they did not continue unto the end of the world; sure­ly I should thinke without any straining of Gnats, or swallowing of Cammels, that the meaning of our Saviours words should be this, that he would be with those in the assistance of his holy spirit, that should succeed the Apostles in their offices of supervising his Church, and propogati­on of his Gospel, except I should see more reason then I do yet, why the Apostles calling should be so peculiar, that it must not descend, or that the government of one over many, be so inconsistent with the Church her good in after-times, more then in the beginning, that Episcopacy should be so abominable.

[Page 142]Briefly I can compare these Presbyt [...] pulling down the Bishops, to no oth [...] thing, then to a company of unhappy boy [...] who being not tall enough to reach [...] fruit, and wanting a ladder, for the fr [...] sake, lay hold upon the branches and br [...] down a bow, making it thereby no part [...] the tree, so these men, wanting mer [...] to taste the fruit of learning, and not h [...] ­ving capacity enough in themselves, t [...] reach those preferments, which the Church holds out to those who are deserving, they render that which was part of the Church▪ as sever'd from the body, which is th [...] highest kind of Sacriledge, not only in de­priving the Church of part of its goods, but part of it self.

Lastly, If there were no other reason to be given if not for the Divine Right of E­piscopacy, yet for the lawfulnesse thereof, but this one topicall argument which I sha [...] use, raised out of the continued practise of the Church in all ages, to men whose fa­ces are not bras'd so thick, that it were reason proof, it were sufficient in my un­derstanding, viz.

Suppose all the arguments which were for Episcopacy, were as weak as so many strawes to support a cause, yet though four strawes are not able to support a table, yet [Page 143] [...] thousand bound up together in [...] bundels, will hold it up as firme as so [...] props of Iron▪ so though some few [...] of some few men within some few [...], are not able to make an argument [...] Episcopacy, that shall be evincing, yet [...] practise of the Church all along for [...] hundred years, in fourteen hun­ [...]red Dioces, and throughout fourty ages, [...]ake [...] good the argument against any few [...] Straws or Wat Tilors whatsoever.

[...] But there were no Diocesan Bishops [...] primitive times.

Sol. Was not Christ a Diocesan Bishop? [...]nd was not the world his Dioces? were [...] the Apostles Diocesan Bishops, when [...]e whole world, divided into twelve [...], were their twelves Dioces? were not [...]imothy and Titus Diocesan Bishops, when Creet and Ephasus were alotted to be their Dioces?

Ob. There were no Lord Bishops in those daies?

Sol. Those who ruled well were to be accounted worthy of double honour, and will you not allow them single Lord­ship?

Ob. The Lords of the Gentiles exercised dominion, but so shall not you.

So. No, not such dominion as they ex­ercised, [Page 144] there is a great deal of differe [...] betwixt dominion and domineering, [...] twixt Lordship and lording it over Go [...] inheritance; a paternall government [...] never accounted intollerable but by unru [...] children; if this were not to be allowed [...] how did Christ rule his Apostles? Paul, T [...] mothy and Titus? both these, all the Ministe [...] in Creet and Ephasus?

Ob. St Paul laboured with his hands th [...] he might not be chargable to the brethren▪

Sol. So might the Bishops if they neede [...] no more to study Divinity then did th [...] Apostles, but if any benefactory had bestowed large revenues upon S. Paul, I see n [...] reason why he might not be a keeper [...] hospitality, as well as he advised Timo [...] so to do; but now Julians persecution is reviv'd; Do not (saith Julian) destroy the Chri­stians, but take away the maintenance of the Church, and that will bring their Ministers in [...]o contempt, and so destroy their Religion; and now they are at it. Libera me domine (saith Sain [...] Augustine) ab homine impio id est libera me [...] me, so we had need to pray unto Almighty God, that he would save his Church out of the hands of her Church-men, for shee now lies upon the ground like the tree that complained, that she was rent in sun­der by wedges made out of her own body.

FINIS.

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