OF all the Eastern Countries to which the Light of the Gospel has been convey'd, there are few wherein more considerable Progresses have been made then in China. The prodigious number of those who have quitted their Superstitions for the Adoration of the True God, and who abandon their Pagan Follies every day, the Piety of the New Converts, their Courage and Permanency in the discharge of all the Duties of Christianity, sufficiently demonstrate how well those People are inclin'd to receive our Sacred Faith.

'Tis to succour and help forward such pious and happy Inclinations, that extream diligence has been us'd to procure as many Labourers as it was possible, to disseminate the Christian Doctrine; either to supply the room of those, who after they had gloriously ran their Race, were no longer in a condition, through their great Age, or other Infirmities, to cultivate this flourishing Mission; or to increase their number, proportionably to the New Converts, who are multiply'd to that degree, that one Pastor is forc'd to take upon him the care of several Churches.

One of the most Zealous Missionaries of China, now grown old under the Burthen of Evangelick Fatigues, declar'd to me some years ago, after a most sensible manner, the conditions of those Missions in a Letter, wherein he invited me to go along and bear my share with him in those extraordinary Imployments, which he was no longer able alone to take upon him. I am all alone, said he, in a Province which is above a hundred and thirty Leagues in extent, with four or five Churches under my care, every one of which had formerly a Father belonging to it; so that I am forc'd to travel a great part of the year, not having any one to whom to make my Confession at the point of Death, by reason of the great distance that separates us: And not only my self, but a great many other Missionaries are reduc'd to the same condition.

But notwithstanding the great care that is taken to send from time to time new recruits of Evangelic Labourers, to uphold and propagate the Faith in this vast Kingdom; what with Pirates, Shipwracks and Diseases, what with other inconveniences of a tedious and tiresome Navigation, still many more are destroy'd and miscarry then safely arrive in the Country. I have been told by Father Couplet, an Illustrious Missionary, whom all Paris beheld with so much satisfaction after his return from China, where he had resided above thirty years; That he had made it his business to make an exact computation of the number of Jesuits who had set forward out of several parts of Europe, in order to undertake the Mission he had quitted, and that he had found that of six hunder'd who had taken Shipping for China, Near four hunder'd Iesuits perish'd going to China. since our Company were permitted entrance into that Kingdom, not above a hunder'd safely arrived there▪ all the rest being sacrific'd by the way, either by Sickness, or Shipwrack.

Therefore to avoid for the future the loss of so many Missionaries,A design to find out a new way by Land to China. of which the Indies and Kingdoms farther remote, will be a long time sensible, a Resolution has been taken some few years since, to find out a Passage into China by Land. Nor was it a difficult thing to meet with people who were willing to contribute toward so great a Design. Among others who presented themselves in order to this new attempt, I my self was made choice of, and I have had the consolation to make it my business these five years together. To this purpose it was that I travell'd all over Turky, Persia, Armenia, the Southern Tartary, Muscovie, both Prussia's, and Moldavia; that I took Shipping several times in different Seas of Europe and Asia; and that I expos'd my self, though with a great deal of pleasure and delight, to all those Dangers which I knew were not to be avoided by those who undertook such laborious and toilsome Voyages.

Before my departure from Paris, I went to Montmartre, to the end I might collect together some Sparkles of that Sacred Fire which St. Ignatius and St. Francis Xavier left, even after their Death, as Reliques still sufficient to inflame the Hearts of their Spiritual Children. After which, in company with Father Couplet, I went to Lion, where I was forc'd to quit him, and continue my Journey to Marseilles, where I was to take Shipping.

There it was that God was pleas'd to give me a tast of some parts of that Comfort, before I left France, which formerly St. Bernard felt, when he forsook the World.

One of my Brethren, already a Priest, spurr'd on like my self with a desire of devoting him to the conversion of Infidels, overtook me at Marseilles, before my departure, in order to let me know his Resolution to share with me in the Toil and Labour which I was about to undertake. Now in regard he had for some time before prepar'd himself, in pursuance of a zealous and godly Life, for this Employment, I thought it high time to procure him the happiness which he had all along so passionately desir'd; which was, that we might be both together more strictly united in the Bonds of Grace, then we had been till that time by the Ties of Nature. To which purpose meeting in this Port with the convenience of a Vessel of St. Malo's, bound for Cività Vecchia, we embark'd, and after a prosperous and quick Passage landing safely, we continu'd our Journey to Rome.

Father Charles de Novelle, who was then General of the Jesuits, was readily induc'd to grant us the favour which we requested of him. For he admitted my Brother into the Society; and after several particular marks of a Goodness really paternal, he gave his Blessing to both of us. And no sooner had we receiv'd it, but we hasten'd to Leghorn, to embark our selves in a Vessel that was bound for the East, in company with a Man of War called the Thundring Iupiter, the Captain of which had been diguin'd by the King some years before, for engaging, alone, four Pirates of Tripoli for three days together, and putting 'em to flight.

Our stay in this City was longer then we expected: However we lay not idle. For in regard we were oblig'd to spend our Christmas there, till the lading of both Ships that lay bound for Cyprus were ready, the Officers and Seamen lying a Shipboard in the Road, found us business enough during that Holy Season: For we confess'd 'em, and gave 'em, almost all, the Communion, and because they were not permitted to go ashore, we made a kind of a Floating-Church of the biggest of the two Vessels; where all the people being assembl'd, found wherewithal to satisfie their Devotion, in such Exercises of Piety as we took care to settle among 'em.

Some days after,Two Vessels set sail form Leghorn for the East, in 1685. they gave us notice that they were ready to weigh Anchor, and that therefore we must hasten to take our Places in expectation of a fair Wind, which serv'd the same day that we embark'd, which was the 13th. of Ianuary, in the year 1685. insomuch that the next day we lost sight of the Islands of Capraia, Elba, and Sardenia.

Of all the Accidents that cross'd us in our Voyage,They are toss'd by terrible Tempests within sight of Candy. none discomposs'd us so much as a most dreadful Tempest, which toss'd us most severely within sight of the Coast of Candy, after we had been some days before as extreamly and inconveniently becalm'd. This happen'd upon the 21st of Ianuary, being St. Agnes's Day, that a Greek Wind rising about Midnight, after the going down of the Moon, the extraordinary redness of which was a dreadful presage to us, found us a world of employment, and exercis'd the Skill of all the Seamen for four and twenty hours together; and in regard the Storm grew fiercer and fiercer still as day began to break, it enrag'd the Sea to that degree, that in a short time we could see nothing but Mountains and Abysses of Water. All the while our Vessel, which could hardly bear her Spritsail, tho it was almost quite furl'd up, was so terribly toss'd by the Waves that continually beat upon her, and pour'd into her without ceasing, that we look'd every moment to have been swallow'd up.

These terrible shogs, together with the dreadful roaring of the Sea, and the outragious fury of the Wind, which would not permit the Seamen to hand the Sails, and stand at the Steerage, so extreamly astonish'd our people, that every body abandon'd himself to his Dispair, without minding any Orders that were given; there was nothing but hurry, alarum and confusion: Insomuch that the Captain, who knew not what course in the world to take, nor how to make the Seamen obey his Command, who stood all holding fast by some part or other of the Ship, for fear of being crush'd to pieces, or ding'd into the Sea, was forc'd to commit himself for some time to the mercy of the Billows, without any other hope then that of being thrown upon the Coast of Barbary; where if he could not save the Vessel, at least he might save the Mens Lives.

In this deplorable Condition, at what time the Image of Death, which appear'd in the faces of all the forlorn Mariners, and terrify'd me more then all the rest, God inspir'd me with so much courage, that notwithstanding the consternation I was in, I took advantage of the stupifying terror of the Seamen, and caus'd 'em to bethink themselves of their Eternal Salvation, at a time when they had no thoughts of any other. To which purpose, after I had first of all prepar'd my self for all Events that could befall us, I endeavour'd to recover 'em out of that same prodigious insensibility wherein they were, and to put 'em in mind of the preservation of their Souls; the loss of which concern'd 'em more then that of their Bodies, which seem'd to be inevitable.

I was very much overjoy'd to see several of the Sea-men come and make their Confessions at my Feet, while others perform'd several open and signal Acts of Contrition and Conformity to the Will of God; to Faith, Hope and Charity, as I had been careful to infuse into their Minds. At the same time I took the advantage of their Pious Inclinations, to admonish 'em to put their confidence in the Holy Virgin, and to make their Addresses to her at such a time of eminent danger. In short, we soon began to be sensible of her powerful Protection in such a singular manner, that we could no longer question but that she had effectually interceded for us with him whom Seas and Winds are bound to obey. For no sooner had I brought 'em to promise me to make Confession, and receive the Sacrament in honour of her, if e're we came to be so happy as to get safe ashore; but we began to be in hopes of that assistance which we expected from above. All resum'd fresh courage in an instant; and whether it were that God made 'em look upon the Danger to be less then it was, or whether the long continuance of the Storm had made 'em less sensible, every one put themselves forward to make good the Vessel against the violence of the Waves that still tumbl'd and toss'd it with an extraordinary force; and at length the Wind being somewhat abated, the men absolutely recover'd themselves, and the Calm which insensibly return'd, put us in a condition to steer our first intended Course.

Which we did so prosperously,After three days Voyage they come to an Anchor in Lerneca Road. that within two days after we descry'd the Island of Cyprus, the Land of which appear'd so much the more delightful to us, in regard that but a little before we never thought of seeing Land any more. Now because the two Vessels that set sail from Leghorn had appointed to meet in the Road of Lerneca, we came to an Anchor there the 25th. of Ianuary, which was the twelfth of our being at Sea. There we thought to have met the Thundring Iupiter, which indeed might well have been there before us, as being the better Sailer, though the bigger Ship. But the Tempest which had separated us at first, had handl'd her so rudely, that after the Men had thought they should have been swallow'd up by the Water which she took in on every side, she was forc'd to put in by the way, and refit, before she could overtake us. However, being uncertain as we were, what was become of her, and designing to be assur'd of what we were to trust to, we were permitted to put in to Lerneca, and go ashore to refresh our selves, till we could hear news of our Man of War.

Lerneca, which was formerly a City of a large extent, as may well be judged by the spaciousness of her Ruins, is now no more then a Village seated about a quarter of a Mile from the Sea, to the South, and inhabited by several considerable and wealthy Merchants, as being one of those places in the Island of Cyprus, where the greatest Trade is driven. The Fathers of the Holy Land have there a very convenient Covent; and the Capuchins also a most delightful Mansion. Which latter being French, whereas the others are almost all Spaniards, we took up our Lodging with the Capuchins: Nor can any thing be added to the Entertainment which they gave us, nor to the charitable care which they took to recover us from our past Hardships.

The Fertility of this Island is so great,The Beauty and Fertility of the Island of Cyprus. and there is such an extraordinary plenty of all things for the support of Human Life, that there is not perhaps any part of the World where a man brought down by Sickness and Infirmities, may sooner recover his Strength and Health. The Wines are excellent, and all the Fruits delicious; the Citrons, Oranges and Limons cost little or nothing. There is a prodigious number ofA delicate Red-leg'd Fowl, of which there are two sorts; one somewhat less then our Godwitt, that feed altogether upon Fish: The other more like a Partridge that lives among Hills and high Grounds; the rarer and dearer, and perhaps the daintier of the two. Fra • colins as well as other Wild-Fowl: And in general, whatever is to be desir'd, either to supply the Exigencies, or pamper the Pleasures of a Voluptuous Life, is to be found there in such vast abundance, that this Island may contend for Delight and Conveniency with any other in the World.

But in the midst of these great Advantages, it wants fresh Water; there not being in all the Island above one Spring that is not brackish. This Fountain lies exactly upon the Sea-shore; yet notwithstanding the nearness of it to the Sea, preserves the sweet and delicious Tast which distinguishes it from the rest. I leave it to the Philosophers to unfold this Prodigy of Nature, which tho frequent enough, yet seems to have something of a wonder in it.

During our stay in this Island,The Curiosity of some French Passengers punish'd by the Turks. an ugly Accident befell some Passengers that were embark'd aboard our Vessel. One day, that they were walking upon the Sea-shore where the Turks have a little Fort, but meanly guarded, their Curiosity led 'em to enter the inside of the Place, where the Avenues were all open, never considering how dangerous it was to give the least suspicion to a People that are so jealous of the Christians, and look upon 'em as their most mortal Enemies. Upon this, a Soldier that was not far off, observing 'em, after he had call'd some of his Companions, ran to 'em in a terrible chafe, belabour'd 'em with a great Cudgel, and had certainly knockt out their Brains, but for some Domestic Servants of the French Consul, that happen'd to come by in the interim by chance, who put a stop to the Fury of the Soldiers; giving them to understand, that they were Strangers, altogether ignorant of the Custom of the Country; that they dreamt no harm, only thought they might have been allow'd the same liberty, as is usually permitted in Europe, where it was a common thing for any Body to enter into such Places which they find unguarded, and without Defence. But this business was not so put up; for the Consul sent an Express to Nicosia, to complain of the Brutishness of the Soldier, upon which he was order'd to receive a hunder'd Bastinado's.

After some days Repose, the Thundring Iupiter arriving, tho very much shatter'd by the Tempest, we reimbark'd to set sail for Alexandretta, in company with another Vessel of Marseilles, that joyn'd us at Cyprus. We set sail both together at the same time, and at the same time also found our selves by the favour of a fair Wind at Nore, just against the Gulf of Alexandretta; near the entrance into which was to be discover'd at a good distance, a Point of Land running out a great way into the Sea, and which the Arabians call Canzir, or the Wild Boar, because this Cape resembles perfectly the Head of a Wild Boar.

Before we doubl'd this Promontory,Two Vessels fall foul one upon another, through the Imprudence of the Pilot. our Pilot being desirous to give notice to the Pilot of the other Vessel what Course to Steer in the Night, which was at hand, had like to have destroy'd both the one and the other, as well by Surprise, as by Imprudence. For while he bore up too near the t'other Ship, to the end he might be the better heard, not considering that we sail'd with a side-wind, he quite lost the Wind, which the Sail of the t'other Ship depriv'd him of; so that the Current having brought 'em foul upon the other, never was known such a terrible Out-cry and Confusion among the Sea-men. Presently they betook themselves to their Booms to hinder the two Massy-bulks from Bilging one against the other; and in regard the motion of the Waves carry'd 'em with great Violence, and for that their Yards Arms and Cordage were entangl'd one within another, never were two Ships thought to be so near perishing. But at length, by cutting the Masts, Yards, and Tackle, they made a shift to get clear of each other. After which, having refitted their Rigging as well as they could, for the short way they had to make, we got safe into Port the next day, maugre all the unlucky Accidents that had befallen us.

Alexandretta, which the Turks call Scandaroon, We arrived at Alexandretta. is a Town seated upon the Sea-shore in a very unwholesome spot of Ground, by reason that the Mountains, with which it is every way surrounded, hinder the Wind from ventilating and purifying the Air, which is extreamly thick, and being heated and inflam'd during the Summer, causes many violent and malignant Distempers. And notwithstanding the Advice, which had been given us before our Departure out of France, to make but a very little stop there, we were constrain'd to stay for Three whole weeks together, till the Roads infested by the Soldiers, that were continually upon their March out of Asia to Constantinople, were a little rid of those troublesome Passengers.

No sooner had we got ashore, but we had the pleasure to see dispatch'd away, before us, one of the Messengers, which they make use of in those Parts to carry such Intelligence, as they would have speedily made known. For the doing of which,A Pigeon despatch'd to Aleppo, gives notice of the arrival of the two Ships. their most usual way is this. A Merchant of Aleppo, who desires to have the most early Information of what Merchandizes are come from France, or any other parts, takes particular care by an Express to send away a Pigeon▪ that has young ones, much about the time, that the Ships are expected at Alexandretta, where he has his Correspondent; who, as soon as any Vessel comes to an Anchor, goes and informs himself of what Goods the Vessel has brought most proper for his turn; of which, when he has given a full Account in his Letter, he fastens the Paper about the Neck of the winged Courrier, and carrying her to the top of a little Mountain, gives her her liberty, never fearing her going astray. The Pigeon which we saw let go, after she had soar'd a good heighth to discover, doubtless, the place, from whence she had been taken some few days before, and push'd forward by that instinct, which is common to all Birds that have young ones, took her flight towards Aleppo, and arriv'd there in less then three hours, tho • that City be very near thirty Leagues from the place▪ from whence she was sent. However they do not make use of any sort of Pigeons to carry their Dispatches, in regard that all Pigeons are not alike proper for that Service. For there is a particular sort of these Birds, which are easily train'd up to this Exercise, and which as occasion serves, are of extraordinary use, especially for the swift management of Business, and where speed of Intelligence is requir'd, as in the Factories of the Levant, far remote one from the other.

This was the only piece of Curiosity which we could observe during our stay in this same first Port of the East. We would willingly also have seen the Shore, upon which 'tis believ'd that Ionas was thrown by the Whale, that swallow'd him up: But being inform'd, that it was very dangerous to go too far on that side, by reason of the Excursions of the Arabians, when they understand that there are any Ships arriv'd in the Road, we satisfi'd our selves with only seeing at a distance the Piramid that was erected in remembrance of that Miracle.

At length, the first Thursday in Lent being fixt upon for the day of our Departure, there was a Caravan made up of about forty Persons. They call a Caravan in Turky any number of Travellers design'd to one certain Place, and bound to keep Company together for fear of being Plunder'd or Murder'd by a sort of profess'd Robbers, with which the High Roads are numerously infested. Our Company therefore being all ready, we set forward from Alexandretta under the Guidance of a Turk, a very honest Fellow, who perform'd the Office of Caravan Bachi, or Conductor of the Caravan, and of whose Fidelity the French had a long time had experience.

Our first days Journey was but short, for we lay at a Village call'd Beilan, not above four or five Leagues from Alexandretta.

The next Morning we travell'd on by Break of day, and cross'd the Plain of Antioch, which is one of the most pleasant, and most fertile that are to be seen in the World. It is about five or six Leagues in extent, intercut with an infinite number of Rivolets, abounding in Pasturage, and cover'd with Cattel which are there brought to be fatted all the year long. The same day we pass'd the Orontes, a small Stream, the Water of which is very muddy and inclining to a ruddy colour, and considerable for nothing else but the Name.

That Night we lodg'd in one of the Villages of the Curdes, from whom that Nation now grown so numerous, is said to have been originally deriv'd. Here our People were forc'd to keep a good Guard all Night long, for fear of being surpriz'd by the Country People, that only subsist by Thieving and Robbery.

Our next days Journey was tiresom anough, by reason of the rugged and stony ways, no less tedious to the Horses then the Men. We beheld as we past along, the stately Ruins of those Ancient Monasteries, where formerly so many devout Persons led an Angelick Life. They also shew'd us at a distance, the famous Pillar where Simon the Stilite, for forty years together perform'd that rigorous Penance, which astonish'd all the Religious Persons round about. At length, after we had travell'd quite through this small Country with those extraordinary Sentiments of Devotion which the sight of all those Sacred Monuments inspire into the most insensible, we arriv'd betimes at Anjar, which is a large Burrough, where our Caravan Bachi receiv'd us into a House of his own, and where he treated us with a little Rice boil'd in Oyl, and some Fruits of the Country; the time of Lent not permitting him to be so liberal to the French, as he was wont to be at other times.

At last upon Sunday the 11th of March, We arrive at Aleppo. we arriv'd at Aleppo, where we were receiv'd by the Jesuits with those Demonstrations of Friendship, as made us forget all our past Hardships. After some few days repose, the Superior of the Missions of Syria, giving me to understand the great want of Labourers almost in all the Eastern Parts, through the loss of several excellent Missionaries, understood so well how to engage me in all his Affairs; that, notwithstanding my extraordinary Inclinations to have hasten'd into Persia, in order to my Grand Journey intended for China, which I had had in my thoughts for so many years, I could not refuse to go for some Months into Curdistan, from whence Father Roche had ply'd him with importunate Letters, to let him know how impossible it was for him to abide there any longer without a Companion to ease him of the great Burthen, that lay upon his Shoulders every day.

This sacrificing of my self cost me in truth somewhat dear, as also for that I was constrain'd to separate from my Brother, who was design'd for the same reason to another Mission, tho we had flatter'd our selves that we should one day both together taste the sweet Comforts of manuring those Fields, where both of us were in hopes to reap the same Harvest. But when a Man has once devoted himself to God, to what purpose is it afterwards to be sparing of himself? So that I prepar'd to be gone with a numerous Caravan, that was mustering together, and within a short time was ready to depart for Betlis, the Capital City of Curdistan.

Among the rest that made up this Caravan, there was an Armenian Merchant, who profess'd himself a Roman- Catholick, and who under that Notion seem'd to be much a Friend of the Jesuits. Now, in regard that then I understood not any of the Eastern Languages, I thought I could not do better then to put my self into the Hands of this Person, out of a Confidence that his Religion, and his Love for our Society would oblige him to take care of me in this, the first of all my Travels.

It was in the time of a Lent, which the Armenians observe with so much rigour, that they make it a great scruple of Conscience to feed upon Lettice, Fish and Oyl, or to drink Wine. Therefore I thought my self engag'd to comply with the weakness of those people, who believe the whole Essence of Religion to consist in these Exteriour Observations, and to deprive my self, as they did, of all those Refreshments of Nature, which the Catholick Church allows her Children. For this purpose, after I had only made my Provision of Biscuit, Dates, and some other dry'd Fruits, together with a little Coffee, for a Journey of above two hundred and fifty Leagues, I left Aleppo, disguiz'd like an Armenian for my greater security, and went with my Conductor the 24th of March, to the General Rendevouz of the Caravan.

It was a Thursday in the Evening which the Turks The Turks never begin to travel on a Friday. made choice of on purpose to set forward, out of a Superstitious Fancy very usual among the Eastern People; who believe that if they begin a Journey upon a Friday Morning, it will infallibly draw upon 'em a great number of Misfortunes during the whole course of their Travels; though in my Opinion the misfortune of passing a whole Night so incommodiously as we were constrain'd to spend the first Night, is one of the greatest Hardships that a man can well endure. There was no great fear of not waking betimes in the Morning, in regard 'twas impossible for any body to sleep, by reason of the horrible noise and hurry, which cannot be at first avoided till every body is well setled in his Geares.

But at length the Caravan, composs'd of about 200 persons, being ready by break of day, we all together quitted the Cavern where we lay, and after we had cross'd in good order several Desart Plains of Syria, where we had a view of the still famous City of Edessa, which the Turks call Orpha; we arriv'd at the Banks of Euphrates, which we cross'd over in a large Flatbottom'd-Boat, over against a little City, by our Modern Geographers usually call'd by the Name of Birè, where this River, so much celebrated in Sacred History, may be about three hundred Paces broad.

There, although too late, I found it to be true, what a person perfectly acquainted with the East had told me; That upon the Competitorship of several Guides that usually present themselves, 'tis better to make choice of a Turk, then a Christian of the Country; the latter neither having Authority to defend you, nor courage to oppose himself against the cruel Impositions that are demanded of ye, nor that Fidelity which is always observable in the other; especially when he has sworn upon his head to conduct you safely.

In a word; The Armenian, to whose care I was recommended, before my departure from Aleppo, began to make me sensible at our passing the Euphrates, that he was not the Person he was taken to be; but that he minded much more his own Interest then my Preservation or Convenience.

For in regard the Ferrying Places over Rivers are theThe Turks understanding me to be an European, lay a great Imposition upon me. most critical Places in all Turky, more especially for Travellers, who are thought to be laden with Riches, my Conductor understood perfectly well to make his best Advantage of this Humour of the Turks; and not only drew himself out of a great deal of Trouble at my Expence, as being to have paid a great sum of Money for the Goods which he carri'd; but informing against me, that I was a Frank, ransom'd himself with his share of my Money, which he divided with the Turks, as the Reward of his Information, and which I was forc'd to pay, to redeem my own Person, and Goods which they had already seiz'd, out of their Clutches.

But this was not the only misfortune which I underwent, during this Journey. The Plains of Mesopotamia, into which we enter'd, after we had pass'd Euphrates, no less made tryal of my Health and Constitution, then they furnish'd me with occasions sufficient to exercise my Patience. The rigorous Lent which I was bound to observe, enfeebl'd me every day more and more; nor had I any Conversation with any living Soul, for that no Body understood me, neither did I understand any Body; and the Night which is usually a time of rest, was to me a time of cruel Torment. In a word, the Life of a Caravan, which I had never made tryal of before, annoy'd me so extreamly, that if God had not succour'd me after a paticular manner, I had infallibly sunk under the Burth • n the very first days that I found my self under a necessity of accustoming my self to it. Nor will it be amiss to give a short Account of this same way of Caravan-Travelling.

In the Morning you must rise before break of Day, especially in the season that the Heats are not very extream, then you must Travel till Noon, or rather till you come to some place where you may meet with Water to refresh both Men and Horses: there you must stay for about two hours, till both are somewhat refresh'd, and then you must be content to nibble upon a little dry'd Fruit, for want of Time and Wood to get any thing else ready, unless a little Coffee, and that too with a great deal of difficulty. After a stay of two hours, you must get a Horse-back again, and so Travel on till Night, that you meet with a Place proper to Encamp in; which being found, presently a kind of Entrenchment is drawn round about it, and the Entrenchment surrounded with Ropes, to which the Horses are ti'd that belong to the Caravan. This done, the Baggage, and all the Merchandize is carri'd into the middle of the Place, close to which every Body takes care to Range himself as near as may be one to another, the better to take care every body of what is their own, till Sleep seizes 'em, which it does generally very soundly, without the help of any Rocking. This done, and every body having got his Supper ready, which is seldom any more then a Plate of Rice, a Carpet is spread, both Table-cloth and Bed, upon which after Supper they compose themselves to their Rest till the next Morning, and then for the same Course of Life again.

But in regard those Plains,The care of the Caravan to preserve themselves from Robbers in the Night. as desert as they be, are always pester'd with the Arabians, that follow no other Trade then that of Robbing and Theiving, nor have any other Revenue but the Booty which they plunder, you must be continually upon your Guard for fear of being surpriz'd. For this reason, there is great care taken to have good Centinels at different Posts, who are bound to ride about all Night long, hooping and hollowing as loud as they can tear their Throats, thereby to let the Enemy know that they are ready to receive 'em; and to give notice to the Caravan that they are diligent upon their Duty.

Yet notwithstanding all the care that is taken, I my self was a Witness, that there past very few Nights wherein we were not hotly alarum'd, and that we were not forc'd to rise in disorder to repel these troublesome Guests, of whose Approach the least noise you hear makes every Body suspicious; and of whom, one or other will be sure to slip in among the croud, and do his business under the Protection of the Night.

These Inconveniences to which the People are every Night expos'd, together with the excessive Rains, which we are forc'd to endure many times in open Plains, without any manner of Covert or Shelter, from the end of one days Journey to the beginning of another, brought me down so low, that I look upon it as a kind of a Miracle, that I was able so long to undergo such excessive Hardships; wherein however I could not chuse but take some pleasure, in hopes among so many hazards, and at the expence of my Life, to advance the great Work, which had caus'd me to quit Europe, and whatever else I had most dear in the World.

God however was in mercy pleas'd to afford me Comfort in a most singular manner after all the Extremities, to which I had been reduc'd, and to encourage me to new Sufferings, wherein I was about to engage my self, by means of a pleasing and unexpected Accident, that befel me at Diarbeker, the Capital City of Mesopotamia, where we arriv'd fifteen days after our departure from Aleppo.

This City is one of the most Populous, and most Remarkable for Trade in all Turky, seated in a most lovely Plain upon the Banks of Tygre, which some confound with Chobar, where the Prophet Ezekiel convers'd so familiarly with God. The enclosure of the Walls, built by one of the Greek Emperors, is still standing, and in good Repair. The most considerable Trade, which is there driven, consists in Red Linnen Cloth, Cotten, and Goats Leather of the same Colour, for which they have an incredible utterance into Poland, Hungary, and Muscovy, and other Countries, where long Habits and Buskins are in fashion. The Women, who are look'd upon over all the Ottoman Empire as meer Slaves, are nothing at all troubl'd at it there. • hey usually go a walking with the Christian Women, with whom they keep an honest and civil Correspondence. And, in a word, all the People are sincere, and there is much more Courtesy and Affability among 'em, than among the common Turks in other Provinces.

And this it was easy for me to observe from the very first moment that I enter'd into the City. For I had no sooner made my Appearance before the Receiver of the Customs; but he, understanding that I was a Stranger, and a French man, caus'd me to be forthwith conducted to the Residence of the Capuchins, after I had let him understand my Intention to lodge there.

Those Fathers, who have made an advantageous Use of Physick, to settle themselves in a Post so advantageous to the Christian Religion, as appears by the surprizing Progresses they have made for near these fifteen years together, receiv'd me with so much Cordial Affection, and such an overplus of Joy, that their Reception, so full of Tenderness and Goodness, afforded me much more Consolation, than the Affliction of my past Miseries had dejected me.

But that, which contributed more then all the rest, to make me look upon all my Sufferings as nothing, was my meeting in those Parts with Father Barnaby, a Jesuit, then which nothing could be more acceptable to me, as being the Person, with whom I had long and passionately desir'd to conser; to the end I might take such certain Measures from his Lips, for the accomplishment of my undertaking, which he approv'd no less then my self, and had been one of those, who had giv'n me the first Draught of. Now, in regard the Fathers, in whose House we lodg'd, would not discover us to one another, to the end we might take the more delight in our enterview, we met several times, and talk'd together at the same time without knowing each other, tho' we had formerly liv'd both together in the same College: whether our Countenances were really alter'd after a long Separation; or whether it were, that the Fashion of our Habits, which we were oblig'd to change, and in which we had never seen each other, made us appear quite different from what we were formerly. Nevertheless, by the force of long Consideration, and attentive Examination, we began to recal each other so well to mind, that we became convin • 'd of our former Acquaintance. And then it was, that we both abandon'd our selves to those pleasing Transports of Joy, that upon the like Occasions seize the Souls of two Persons, whom the Love of Jesus Christ has strictly united together.

After we had somewhat recover'd our selves from the Astonishment of such a happy surprizal, and had given each other a mutual Account of our past Adventures, I put him insensibly upon the design, which he had formerly propos'd of opening a new way into China through Grand-Tartary, and other Countries of Asia, which are so little known in Europe. Now in regard the had been extreamly zealous to know after what manner his design had been entertain'd in France, and whether it had been approv'd by our Superiours, he could not refrain from Tears, when I put into his hands the Orders, which I had been entrusted to deliver him, and told him my mind withal in these words; At length, dear Father, said I, Heaven has heard your Prayers. You are the Person, whom Heaven has ordain'd for that great Undertaking, of which you laid the design, and here is the Person made choice of to be the faithful Companion of your Labours: More then happy, if you and I can but discover this important Passage, or else lay down our Lives in obedience to the Call of God, which inspires us both with the same desires for the Advancement of his Glory.

No sooner did he understand these joyful Tidings, but he imparted to me all the prospects of his Consideration upon such an important design, and made me so deeply sensible of the great Advantages which might be expected from it for the Establishment of Religion, that he oblig'd me forthwith to take a Resolution never to abandon the Execution of this Enterprize whatever Accidents should intervene to cross it, as being then persuaded, as I am still, that Resolution and Constancy would assure us of infallible Success.

From that happy moment, we desir'd nothing more then to see our selves in a Condition to begin so pious a Work. But in regard the Affairs of the Missions of Armenia call'd him to Aleppo, and that the appointment of Heaven commanded me to Betlis, we could do nothing further then agree together, during our short stay at Diarbeker, upon the ways and means which it behov'd us to make use of the Execution of our Design so soon as might be.

All things thus agreed, he rejoyn'd his Caravan, and I mine, both well inclin'd on our parts, to leave nothing omitted that might contribute to the accomplishment of our Vows.

Thus while he travell'd towards Euphrates, I took the Road for Armenia; after I had pass'd the Tiger the first time, over a fair Stone-Bridge, about a quarter of a League fron the City of Diarbeker.

But I was not so fortunate the second time, A Machine made use of for the crossing of the River Tiger. that I was to cross it in a Wind-boat, which the People on the other side of the River got ready in a moment, so soon as they saw the Caravan appear. This Machine, which the People of the Country make use of, not only to Ferry over the Tiger, but also to-go by Water from place to place between Diarbeker to Bassora, where this River falls into the Sea, is no other then a fastning together of several Goatskins blown up, and join'd together on the four Sides, with as many long Perches ty'd very close together, and afterwards cover'd over with several Branches of Trees, that are carefully laid athwart.

When our Boat was ready, it was carry'd a good way above that place where we staid for it on the opposite Shoar; after which the Waterman lanching and getting into it, the Stream, which is very Rapid, whirld it down the River, and the strength of the Pilots Oars brought it just to our Feet. The Baggage was soon carry'd over, and then the Travellers got into the Boat with every one his Horse's Bridle in his hand; the Horse being unsaddl'd for the more easy convenience of Swimming. I follow'd the Crowd, because I would not be one of the last, but my being so hasty cost me dear. For not being inform'd of the Precautions, which it behov'd me to observe in standing upon those sort of Boats, I unfortunately set my Foot upon one of the Borrachio's or Leathern Goat-skin Baggs which was not cover'd, not knowing that by pressing it in that manner, I should cause it to sink. Upon which one of the Boat-men perceiving the false step I had made, without any more to do, took me by force and flung me back upon the Bank of the River, where he fulfill'd his Revenge of my Inadvertency, which certainly was no Crime; but God reserv'd another Tryal for me at this Passage, which was much more harsh and severe then that which I had suffer'd already.

For the Tiger, The Author like to be drowned. which the excessive Rains that year had extreamly swell'd, not being to be contain'd within its proper Channel, makes a second by the Inundation; which tho not so deep as the true Channel, is very broad however, and no less rapid then the real one. Now every body being got a Horse-back to foard it in the place that was shew'd us, I follow'd the File of those that were got before. But before I was got to the middle, my Horse that was weak and weary in striving to resist the impetuosity of the Torrent that began to be too strong for him, threw me into the Water, and the Stream which I was not able to resist, carry'd me a great way along with it: which had it not done, I had immediately been trod to pieces in under the Horses feet that follow'd behind. Immediately the People of the Caravan observing what had befallen me, threw themselves pell-mell into the River, Turks and Christians, and coming in time to my aid, drew me out of the Water; which however was not the last, nor the greatest Danger which I escap' • upon this occasion, as you will find by the sequel.

When all the Caravan were got over to the other side of the River, we descry'd a Camp of Curds, to the number of Five or six thousand Men. Now, in regard these wandring People are as formidable as the Arabs, and for that they are no way inferior to 'em in the Art of Robbing; we made it our business to get away as soon as we could out of their sight, to prevent their falling upon us with a Party too numerous for us to resist. Thereupon, as wet as I was, and as much reason as I had to shift me, my Conductor con •• rain'd me to follow the Caravan, who to secure themselves from those Robbers that would have shew'd 'em no Mercy, were forc'd to ride six whole hours together, to gain a little Village where they were certain of being secure.

There was no way, but to yield to necessity, and venture all at such a pinch as this, considering that whatsoever Course I took, I was equally expos'd to most terrible Events. And indeed 'twas impossible that any man should suffer more all the while that we were travelling to our Stage; the violent Shiverings, the cruel Soundings wherewith I was seiz'd all the way, in the coldest Season of the year, made such violent onsets upon me, that I never thought my self able to have held out against so many Hardships and Distresses at one time. But in the Evening, being arriv'd at the place where we were to stop for that Night only, I was carry'd by good Fortune to the House of a Christian, who became so mov'd with my deplorable Condition, that he omitted nothing of whatever he could think of, requisite to restore me to a little strength. And God gave such a Blessing to his Charity, that after I had rested for some hours upon a Bed, I found my self the next Morning strong anough to continue my Journey.

Hardly had we travell'd two Leagues, but we found our selves engag'd in the Mountains of Armenia, where the Snow lay as high as a Pikes length. Now, in regard those Mountains which we crost, are not altogether contiguous, they leave at the bottom, a narrow passage, through which we rode for some time by the side of a River that runs in the Vally, which separates the two Hills. As I rode along, I observ'd one thing very singular, tho it happens every year, as the People of the Country assur'd me. The Snow, which the heat of the Sun began at that time to melt, and whose heat the Reverberation of his Beams very much augmented, coming once to be dissolv'd, falls down with such a headlong impetuosity, that besides, that the Rapidness of the Flood ranverses all the Houses which it meets with, it forms a kind of a Mound in the midst of the River into which it discharges it self, which stops the Course of the Water for some time; so that when the Water comes to undermine that congeal'd Mass, it opens a Passage through it, and makes an Arch which serves instead of a solid Bridge to bear Travellers, and Beasts of Burthen, and so remains so long as the Cold and Frost continues.

We were above eight days before we could get clear of this dreadful mountainous Labyrinth; where the ways were somtimes so fill'd up with Snow, that our Horses fell down under us every step they took, so that we had employment enough to lift 'em up, and load 'em again; insomuch, tha • sometimes we could not go above a Leagn • a day, and that for the most part a foot leading our Horses by the Bridle.

But that which render'd our March mos • toilsome to me, was the steepness and rug • gedness of the Mountains, over which we were forc'd to scramble, there being neither Path nor Footstep to be seen, and some that we were constrain'd to clamber, were above a quarter of a League high. After all which Toils and Fatigues, at length we arriv'd at Betlis upon Easter-Monday the 22 • of April, a Month after our departure from Aleppo. Father Roche, who had notice some days before of my arrival, by some Horsemen that made more speed then the rest • met me at the Caravan-sera, or Inn belonging to the City, at the same time that I alighted, and carri'd me forthwith to th • House where he lay. Where while I continu'd, my only business was to study th • Turkish Language, unless it were some domestick Business which I took upon me, to th • end my Companion might have the more time to entertain his Neophites, or new Converts, whose extraordinary Zeal ravish'd me to that degree, that it was on • of my most pressing Encouragements to fi •• my self the soonest I could, to the end I might be in a condition to taste the Pleasures of a Missionary, when he has the happiness to recover a lost Sheep into the Flock of the Church.

While I was labouring with all diligence to procure this felicity to my self, we receiv'd Orders from Aleppo to quit this Mission, and to go and settle another at Erzerum, where there were very probable hopes of making greater progress then at Betlis, and with less danger of being turn'd out of our Employments, then in the Post where we were; whence we were constrain'd many times to part from one another to satisfie the Bacha of Wan, who was desirous to have some one of the Jesuits near him in the place of his Residence, which was twenty Leagues from Betlis, to attend him as his Physician.

For this Reason it was, that Father Barnaby went to Aleppo, there to lay before the Superior General of the Missions, the Inconveniences of such frequent Separations▪ which besides that they disturb'd the whole Order of our Ministerial Functions, were disadvantagious to the Christians of the Country, among whom there was more to be gain'd then among the Turks, who lie under a moral impossibility of being converted.

But this order, how reasonable soever it appear'd, did not a little perplex us, by reason of the difficulty and danger in the execution of it. For we were extreamly belov'd over all the City; the Emir, who was Chief Commander, had a great value for us, and look'd upon us as people that were very serviceable to him; so that we could not hope that he would ever consent to our departure. Therefore we thought it not our best way to ask leave to be gone, but rather privately to withdraw, without imparting our Design to any living Soul. But notwithstanding all the secret Measures we took to conceal our Departure, the Christians had notice of it; and presently applying themselves to the Emir, to the end they might the better engage him to detain us, told him all they could to our advantage, and more indeed then they knew.

For after they had laid before him the Charity of the Missionaries, in respect of their Sick People; their Ability in all sorts of Sciences, their holy and exemplary Life, they added, speaking of me, that there was lately arriv'd out of Europe a most skilful Clock-maker, who might be greatly serviceable not only to him, but to the whole City. There needed no more to oblige the Emir to call us before him. To which purpose he sent one of his Officers for us; from whom we understood the ill Offices which the Christians had done us, to constrain us to stay among 'em; and while we were expected at the Divan, our Armenians a little over-zealous, kept the Emir in a long Discourse concerning us; telling, among other things, to convince him of our extraordinary Vertue, That we were people so reserv'd and circumspect in all our Words and Actions, that ever since they knew us, though they had frequently convers'd with us, they never heard the smallest Oath escape our Lips. So that how greatly soever the Emir was prepossess'd in our favour, he seem'd to be surpris'd at what they told him; and in regard he had never convers'd with any but Turks, or very wicked Christians, who have their Vovallah continually in their Mouths,The common Oath of the Country. he was so perswaded, that that ill Habit was as natural to us, as to himself, or them, that immediately he laid a Wager with one of those that talk'd to him, of a Noble Turbant against a hunder'd Crowns, that he would make us swear in his presence. No sooner was the Wager laid, but we came into the Hall of Audience, and the Emir perceiving us, caus'd us to approach near his person, and having order'd us to sit down in his Divan, he put several cunning captious Questions to us, to draw us imperceptibly into the Snare, but all in vain; he could never bring us to speak a language that had to that time been always unknown to us.

But he was more satisfi'd with me upon the Subject of Clock-making, though I knew no more of that Art, then every body knows that will look to their Watches themselves, or have learnt to make some little amendments, when they are not overmuch out of order. I shew'd him one that I had brought with me out of France, and took it apieces Wheel after Wheel, that he might take time to consider the different Springs and Motions; and finding he had a mind to it, I presently made him an offer of it, being resolv'd to make use of it as the means which Providence had put into our hands to facilitate our departure.

In short,The Emir gives us permission to depart. After I had desir'd him that he would be pleas'd accept it, which he did without much importunity, I confidently discover'd to him our design of going to Erzerum, whether important business call'd me in great haste. I added, that in regard I did not sufficiently understand the Language to travel securely, that he would extreamly oblige me to let my Companion go along with me; and withall, that he would vouchsase me a small Convoy. I minded not his scruples and reluctancy at first, for I knew by his smiling look, and condescending countenance, that if I press'd him with a little more importunity, I should easily obtain what I expected from him. In short, whether it were that my Present had dazl'd him, or that God had mov'd his heart to favour us, he order'd the Pass which I demanded to be drawn up immediately; and sent me before my departure, a Horse ready saddl'd and bridl'd, worth double the Watch which I left with him.

After such an unexpected piece of good success, we prepar'd to be gone with a numerous Caravan, which had staid about ten or twelve days at Betlis, till the Emirs Custom-house Officers had discharg'd it, to carry several sorts of Merchandize to Erzerum, design'd for Persia.

This Journey lasted not above eight or ten days,Five Curds attach a numerous Caravan. nor did any thing happen considerable all the way, but one small Accident at the Passage over Euphrates. Five Curdes that lay in ambush set upon our Rear-guard with that good fortune, that they took away some Horses, and drove 'em before 'em through so many by-ways and turnings, that it was impossible to overtake 'em, and recover their Booty; which oblig'd us to be a little more watchful, and made the people, of which the Caravan consisted, more wary how they scatter'd one from another, then they were before; so that every body rode in his rank in good order; only the Turks retir'd three or four times a day from the gross of the Body, to say their Prayers by the Bank of some Rivolet, if they met with any in the Roads.

Which gives me an occasion to say, That the exactness which those Infidels observe in their Prayers, has made me many times bewail the Christians neglect of so pious and holy a Duty. 'Tis a thing hardly to be ever heard of, that a Turk who is never so little devoted to his Sect, lets a day pass, without performing this Religious Exercise at least three or four times; and the omission of it is look'd upon as a most heinous Crime among 'em. Moreover I can testifie, That two Turks happening to quarrel one with another in the same Journey, after they had revil'd one another with all the foul Language imaginable, one of 'em put the other to silence, by reproaching him that he had not pray'd to God all that day. How much were it to be wish'd that the same Sentiments were able to touch the hearts of so many Christians as we find in Europe, who are so far from believing such a holy Practice to be a Duty; that they think it a shame to pay to God, that Worship is so justly due to him. Now, in regard that Father Barnaby had written to us, that he would be at Erzerum, I met him there at the end of my Journey.

Erzerum, or Arzeron, is a City of Turkey, upon the Frontiers of Persia, seated in a pleasant Plain, about seven or eight Leagues in circuit, and border'd on every side with little Hills that rise insensibly one above another; out of which three Rivers rise, that I have seen, of the four that Holy Scripture assures us to have watred the Terrestial Paradise.

If Nile, which rises out of the Mountains of the Moon in Africa, were one of those Rivers, as some Interpreters have conjectur'd, it is a very difficult thing to determine where that delicious Garden should be, where God plac'd the First Parents of Mankind. But certain it is, that a more advantagious situation cannot be pick'd out by Mortal Eyes, then that of this City which we have made choice of for the settlement of our new Mission. 'Tis near about as big as Marseilles, encompass'd with a double Enclosure of Walls, after the Ancient manner, with a little high seated Citadel that commands it. The Subburbs are very large and well peopl'd: The Air is wholsome; the Water excellent, and in great plenty. In a Word, every thing concurs to make it one of the best Cities of the Ottoman Empire.

But that which is most of all to be consider'd, and which above all things put us upon resolving to settle there, is the vast concourse of all Nations that trade in Asia, more especially of the Armenians, who have a particular kindness for this City, which was formerly the Seat of their Kings; insomuch, that to this day there are to be seen the Ruins of the Palace where they kept their Court, with some beautiful Remains of the Patriarchal Church which they had built in honour of St. Iohn.

I understood by Father Barnaby, The Armenians inclin'd to quit their Errors. who was got thithe • some days before us, the willing dispositions, which he had found in the City, as well of the Turks as Christians, to befriend our settlement among 'em, while both strove to honour him with the Marks of their Esteem and Affection. And it may seem a wonder perhaps, that the Person, whom God has made use of to lay the Foundations of this important Mission, was once an unfortunate Renegat, who seems to have been guided to Erzerum, only to prepare the Hearts and Minds of the People, by prepossessing 'em as he did in our favour.

This Person,A Renegate srrviceable in the settlement of the Mission. who had been taken very young upon the Sea, afterwards turn'd Mabumetan, had not so far renounc'd the Christian Religion, but that he had preserv'd sufficient Idea's of it, to make him understand the falseness of that which either Interest or Force had constrain'd him to profess. So that when he understood who we were, he made no scruple to discover the Motives that had drawn us into Armenia. He gave us several Visits, and made it appear by the serious Discourses which he had with us, concerning the Affairs of Religion, that he was not so thoroughly convinc'd of that which he prosess'd, and that a little thing would make him embrace again the true Religion which he had forsaken. But in regard his time was not come, it seems as if Providence only made use of him to authorize our Functions, among a People by whom he was as much esteem'd for his particular merit, as he was respected for his Quality and Degree. And in regard his Employment gave him free and easie access into all Houses; he rais'd our Reputation so high by those things which he publish'd every where to our advantage, that we were look'd upon by all the Inhabitants as extraordinary persons. The Armenians more especially were so sensible of our Zeal, to prefer them before all other Nations of the East; that after they had met together to congratulate the happiness which we had procur'd 'em, and to testifie their sincere acknowledgment of so great a favour, they caus'd our Names to be enregister'd, as also the Year and Day of our arrival in the City, to preserve the memory of of it to perpetuity, in the publick Registers of the Church.

Such happy beginnings were afterwards attended with so many Blessings, that we were easily induc'd to acknowledge tha • God was pleas'd with the Post which we had chos'n; for there followed a great number of eminent Conversions; whole Families abjur'd their Schisms and their Errors, and a general Reformation of Manners appear'd in all those who were recover'd into the State of Grace. In a word their Piety and Zeal distinguish'd 'em so for above others, that were not so docible, that the difference of their Lives and Conversations that was to be observ'd in the ver • dawnings of their Conversion among 'em seem'd a sensible proof to several of the tra •• of our Religion. So that I had the pleasure during a stay of Six Months that 〈◊〉 made at Erzerum, to see that growing Church encreasing with so much success that I thought we had no reason to envy the Primitive Ages of Christianity. But i • was not so much the number of the Faithful that compos'd it, which render'd it considerable, as the Zeal with which it appear'd to be enliven'd. Their frequent coming to the Sacrament, their assiduity in Prayer, the Modesty, the strict union that reign'd among 'em, a certain Air of Sanctity that diffus'd it self thoough all their Actions, were the rising grounds that gave us an easy and delightful Prospect of our good success. So that I should have esteem'd my self happy to have enjoy'd all my life time, these savory Fruits of the Apostleship of Heaven, that had call'd me long before, together with Father Barnaby to cultivate the Lands of Tartary o'regrown with Weeds and Thistles, had not they oblig'd us to renounce that Consolation, by engaging us to enlarge our Conquests, and extend the limits of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ.

Upon this consideration it was that my Companion,Father Barnaby goes to Irivan. after we had left our Mission in so good a plight, parted from me for some time, with a design to go to Irivan; where his presence was necessary, not only to confirm the settlement there made some years before, but also to take certain measures with the Indians and Yousbecks, which usually resort thither, in order to the carrying on of our intended Enterprize. Besides, it requir'd four whole Months to regulate all things rightly, and to give me leasure to perfect my self in the Turkish Tongue, which I had begun to learn with good success.

No sooner was I in a condition by my self, to labour in the salvation of Souls, but I receiv'd order to follow him. But some few days before my departure, a little before Midnight we were surpris'd with an Earthquake, so furious, that there was hardly any body among us, who did not believe himself utterly lost.An Earthquake at Erzerum. I wak'd of a suddain, at what time the Beams and Girders of my Chamber were all in motion; and I was afraid more then once, that the Walls that seem'd to stoop forward, would have buried me under their Ruins: But there happen'd no ill consequences of this disorder. The Earthquake ceas'd in half a quarter of an hour; though it continu'd with a much more moderate shaking for eight days together, precisely at the same hour, that it began the first time.

In regard these sorts of Accidents are very usual in Armenia, by reason of the prodigious number of Mountains with which that Province is cover'd; the People of the Country have no other way to shelter and secure themselves from the dreadful consequences which they fear, but to leave the Cities, and abide in the Fields under Tents, till every thing be quiet: Yet sometimes they are surpris'd, notwithstanding all the care they can take. For in regard that the Earth many times cleaves and opens with the violence of the shogs of the Earthquake Matter, sometimes whole Villages are swallow'd-up in those parts where the motion is most sensibly perceiv'd; as they told me it befel a Village about seven or eight Leagues from the City. One time I met with a Mathematician, that was somewhat intoxicated with Copernicus's Philosophy; who was of opinion, that all these Violent Motions extreamly favour'd the Opinion of that Philosopher, who perhaps would not have fail'd himself to have made use of the same proof to have supported his Opinion; granting, that these motions were regularly made from East to West; as it is pretended, that they most generally happen to be.

After I had assur'd my self for some time that the Earthquake was absolutely over, and that it was no longer to be feard, I went to meet Father Barnaby, who only waited for my company, to set forward as soon as might be, to the end we might get to the Caspian-Sea time enough to embark in the Muscovite Vessels, which usually make choice of the beginning of the Summer to return to Astrakan.

Now in regard the Snow was not yet quite melted, and for that the Ways continu'd extreamly bad, the Caravan to which I had join'd my self, spent more time to get to Persia, then they were usually wont to do. I cannot tell whether the great desire which I had to leave Turky, made me think our Stage much more remote then indeed it was; but I never travell'd any Journey that seem'd more tedious to me then this; though knowing the Language then much better then before, naturally I ought to have found it more agreeable than any of the former. However, notwithstanding my extream Passion to get clear of the Grand-Signior's Territories, I was just upon the point of reingaging my self anew, through the Villainy of the Guards which we met upon the Frontiers, where they usually lie to exact the payment of the Duties going out, and coming in. For some Christian Merchants, who were returning out of Persia, understanding by some of their Acquaintance who belong'd to our Caravan, that I was an European, and a person in orders treated me with so much friendship, and so kindly caress'd me in the presence of the Turks, who had stop'd both them and us for the payment of our Toll, that they made 'em suspect me to be some considerable Traveller, and that there was something more than usual to be got out of me.

These people therefore beyond expression greedy of Mony, after they had agreed among themselves how they might put me to trouble, briskly and in a rude manner demanded of me wherefore, since I carry'd no Merchandize along with me, I was so desirous to go into Persia, whither onely Trade could invite a Stranger. To which I answer'd, That Affairs more important then Traffick drew me thither, concealing however the true Motive of my Journey. This was enough to convince 'em that I was not a person to be spar'd, and that it behov'd 'em to extort by main force, what they could not do fairly and honestly. Thereupon they endeavour'd to frighten me by all the ways their invention could suggest; to that purpose they thought they should easily bring about their Ends, by treating me as a Spie, and threatn'd to carry me before the Basha of Kars, which is a City of Turky upon the Frontiers of Persia, who would be sure, as they said, to cut off my head, if I did not take care to prevent my Misfortune by some inconsiderable Present; which was the only way to deliver me out of their clutches.

Now in regard I was well acquainted with the Conditions of these People, and besides deliver'd my self readily, I gave 'em to understand by my Answers, that I was better instructed in the Customs of the Country, than they imagin'd me to be; so that within a moment after, I was pleas'd to see 'em grown more calm. For when I told 'em I was not so much afraid of the Bacha with whom they menac'd me, because some days before I had seen his head, which was carry'd to Constantinople by a Kapigi-Bachi, they presently chang'd their Battery, and pass'd from threatnings to intreaties, to obtain by civility what they despiar'd to get by rudeness, teazing me without ceasing all the Night long; but finding me as resolute as they were importunate, they were forc'd to let me go the next Morning with the rest of the Caravan, which thirsted after Persia with as much eagerness as my self, in hopes to have to do for the future with a People far more reasonable then those we had left.

In short, I observ'd soon after the difference between the one and the other; for I no sooner set my foot upon the hithermost Territories of the Cha, but I was accusted by some Inhabitants of the Country, who after a thousand Caresses, congratulated my good Fortune in having escap'd the claws of the Turks; for whom they have as great an antipathy, as the Turks have a hatred for them.

And because they had had a confus'd information of the Victory which the Christians had obtain'd over the Enemies of our Religion and theirs; I gave 'em a more particular Relation of it; with which they seem'd to be so well pleas'd, that they would not fail to make Bonfires that Evening, to testify their joy for the good success of the Franks, whom God made his Instruments to humble and confound a people that so justly merited to be utterly exterminated. I was ignorant a long time of the Cause of this strange Aversion which these two Nations have one for another; but I learn'd it some time afterward from a notable Armenian; to whom I declar'd my wonder to see the Persians so embitter'd against the Turks; whom I thought till then more strictly united by the Ties of the same Religion.

I shall therefore give an account as near as I can, of what I discover'd in reference to the Animosity of the one against the other,The Antipathy between the Turks and Persians. and as to the difference of their Sentiments in matters of Religion. The unheard of Cruelties, which the Turks exercis'd upon the Persians some years since, the sacking of their Cities, the horrid Butcheries, which they committed, without distinction, of all sorts of Persons, in all Places through which they pass'd, made such a deep impression in the hearts of those miserable vanquish'd People, that the remembrance of 'em still remain'd fix'd in their minds. They could never pardon those who had no less inhumanly, and barbarously us'd 'em, then if they had been the declar'd Enemies of Mahomet, and the Alcoran; whose Doctrine nevertheless they all along pretended to follow with as much zeal and exactness, as the most zealous among the Musselmen. And these Embitterments are much more corroborated by that Idea which they have of the Turks, whom they believe to be in an Error, in point of Religion, though they differ one from another but in two Heads; which ought to excite our compassion so much the more, by how much the more ridiculous they seem to be.

In the first place the Turks, whom they call Sunni, own for real Prophets, three sorts of Mahomets, Osman Abdid, Beker, and Omar. The Persians dispute their Holiness, because they put Ali to death, whose Disciples they affirm themselves to be. Therefore in abhorrence of that Murther it is, that every time their Priests ascend to the top of the Tower of the Mosque, to call the people to Prayer, they always thunder out their Execrations against the three unnatural Prophets, that had no more respect and veneration for so holy a man as Ali, upon whom, next to Mahomet, they look as their great Master and Oracle. They invoke him in all their Exigencies, and upon all occasions; insomuch that they have these words continually in their Mouths, Martaz Ali; which among them is one of the most holy and devout Ejaculations they can make use of.

However some of 'em assur'd me, that their Devotion for Ali began to slacken, and that they made no scruple to address themselves to Omar, since a little Accident that fell out some years ago.

A Person of Quality being one day stuck fast in the Mire, together with his Horse, call'd Ali to his assistance, and conjur'd him with loud Supplications to help him out of the Mud; but Ali was deaf to his Cries, never minding in the least the unfortunate condition of the poor Gentleman: Who finding his Prophet so insensible of his Adversity, which he endeavour'd to make him understand by his redoubl'd Lamentations, at length in his despair address'd himself to Omar; whose Name he had no sooner pronounc'd as loud as he could tear his throat, but his Horse, no doubt, awaken'd and reviv'd with the extraordinary noise of that Barbarous Word, baul'd out with so much violence, renew'd his Efforts, and giving a spring, bounc'd clear out of the Mire where his Master and he had stuck a long time. Upon this Ali's unfortunate Votary, reflecting upon what had pass'd, began to be troubl'd with a hunder'd Scr • ples of Conscience, and to be disgusted at the false confidence which till then he had had in the pretended Great Protector of his Nation. In this Perplexity he repairs to one of the most Learned Mollha's that he knew, propos'd his Doubts, and desir'd to be speedily resolv'd: Who being an Eminent Doctor, when he had heard him, answer'd him coldly, to confirm him the more in the Faith wherein he saw him totterring, That he had no reason to wonder at what had happen'd; that Ali being a warlike Prophet, scorn'd to be found in a place so unworthy of a Conqueror, as that wherein he had invok'd him: Whereas Omar being a poor-spirited Fellow, as he well knew him to have been, minded no other Posts than Sloughs and Quagmires, where he might be able to succour miserable wretches that flung themselves blindly into his Arms.

This Answer for the present setl'd the Gentleman's discomposure of mind; but afterward his Scruples twingd him with greater violence then before, so that he could not forbear abandoning himself wholly to his first Motions of revenge and despight, inveighing against Ali, and every where proclaiming the Effects of Omar's Potent Protection, who had reliev'd him in such a desperate case of necessity. However the common people continue their Veneration to Ali, and abominate the other three Prophets, of which Omar, being the Person whose Memory is most detested, is look'd upon as a Monster among the Persians, who never use his Name but in their anger and fury; as our Libertines have recourse to the Devil in their hasty and choleric Passions.

Secondly, The Persians believe, that there are several considerable Errors and Abuses crept-in among the Turks in the observation of the Alchoran, the chiefest of which concerns their coming prepar'd to Prayer. Both the one and the other agree in this Point; That no man ought ever to say his Prayers without being purifi'd before hand; but they do not agree upon the manner of Purification. For the Turks, after they have stript their Arms quite bare, let the Water glide insensibly from their Fingers ends to their Elbows; whereas the Persians begin at the Elbows, and end at the extremities of the Fingers: For which they cite the Authority of the Alcoran, which clearly sets down the Practice of that Ceremony and how it ought to be perform'd.

These are the ridiculous Ceremonies which I learnt as soon as I set foot in Persia, which movd me so much the more, to see that a Nation otherwise so docible, and altogether endu'd with Reason, yet so blind and stupid in matters of Religion.

But if I had a heart pierc'd through with grief to find so many souls redeem'd with the precious Blood of Christ, not only insensible of their unhappiness, but intoxicated beyond expression, with a thousand fabulous Stories and Prejudices; I could not chuse but feel some consolation the nearer I approach'd to Erivan, in seeing our Saviour's Cross set up in the places adjoining to that first City of Persia; where notwithstanding all the Machinations of the Devil, Christ has some adorers; whose Faith, tho strangely sophisticated, however is not utterly extinguish'd.

Of all the parts of Asia, where Christianity still shines, with something of lustre, and where the Profession of it is allow'd with most Liberty, Ichmiazin, without contradiction is the place; a large Borough of the Upper Armenia, four little Leagues from Irivan. The Turks usually call it VchKlisse, or the Three Churches; because that besides the Great Church, from whence the place derives the Name it bears, there are two other very near it.

The first is that which appears within the Enclosure of a fair Monastery, Ichmiazin the Patriarchal Seat of the Armenians. where the Patriarch of the Armenians has c his usual Residence, in society with fifty or sixty Monks that are under his Government. It is consecrated to the Incarnate Word, which according to common Tradition gave the Draught of it to St. Gregory, Sirnam'd the Illuminator, who was ordain'd the first Patriarch of the Armenians by Pope Silvester, by whom he was likewise acknowledg'd for his Father and Master; and happy had she been, had she preserv'd in the primitive Purity that Religion which that Holy Apostle taught her.

The two other Churches distant from the former about Eight hunder'd Paces each, are nothing near so magnificent, nor so well kept in Repair. They are dedicated to two Holy Roman Virgins, Ripsima and Cayanna, who fled into Armenia, during the Ninth Persecution, and suffer'd Martyrdom in the same places where those two Churches are built.

The great Church stands in the middle of a large Court, round about which, in the form of an Half-Moon, are built three Piles of Lodgings, wherein are the Cells of the Monks. The Treasury is very rich, the Ornaments magnificent, the Place to be admir'd, as well for the great number of consecrated Vessels, of which some are of Massy Gold, as for the vast bigness of the Crosses, the Branches and Lamps, which assuredly would be no dishonour to the most stately Churches of Europe.

In this place it is, where it would be of great importance to settle a Mission, which is passionately desir'd by the greatest part of the Bishops of the Country. And two Missionaries, equally Zealous and Learned, that would but earnestly apply themselves to unfold after a clear and methodical manner, the Doctrine of our Faith, would not a little contribute to unite that Nation to the Roman Church, in regard that Ignorance rather then Obstinacy retains 'em in their Errors. This would be a work becoming the Charity of those generous Souls that seek with so much Care all Opportunities, to signalize their Zeal and arde • Affections for Jesus Christ.

From Ichmiazin I got to Irivan, not above three Leagues distant from it. By the way, I had the pleasure to have a sight of the famous Mount Ararat; where, 'tis believ'd, the Ark of Noah rested after the Deluge.

I know not, whether Iohn Struys, wh • makes so pleasant a Description of it in the Journal of his Travels, so heedfully consider'd it, as he would make us believe. For my part, having time to observe the S ••• tion of it, during near a Month's stay 〈◊〉 Irivan, and having inform'd my self with as much exactness of all the particulars of that Mountain, I cannot without indignation read what that bold Adventurer has written. For besides the manifest Contradictions, which it is easy to observe in his fabulous Travels, which however he assures us he perform'd himself over that Mountain, altogether inaccessible; he places it not above fifty Leagues from the Caspian Sea; whereas in truth it lies above a hundred and fifty Leagues distant from it.

NOtwithstanding all the great care which the Ancient Geographers took to make known unto us that vast extent of Northern Countries that lye between the Obi, and the Famous Chinese Wall, we must acknowledge that they have had but very ill Success. Some have said nothing at all concerning 'em; and others desirous to speak more then they knew, have given us their Conjectures instead of real Truths. Nor have the Moderns been more lucky, in regard that to outdo those that went before 'em, all that they could do was to fill up the vast wide spaces with Forests, or several horrible Deserts.

'Tis to the Zaporoges Cosacks, The Cosacks Zaporoges, the first Discoverers of the Countries beyond the Obi. that is to say, to those Cosacks that inhabit beyond the Borysthenes, that we are chiefly beholding to the particular knowledge we have of those Countries, which were anciently look'd upon as so many dreadful solitudes, into which no mortal could ever enter without exposing himself to inevitable destruction; yet are now so well known, that people Travel there with as much ease as in any other part of Europe.

These people having been subdu'd by the Muscovites, and yet unwilling to submit to the Victors, took a resolution to quit their Country, which they could not defend. To which purpose they advanc'd in great Numbers to the Volga, and so went by Water to Cazan; from whence it was easie for 'em to advance as far as Irtibs; Whence they continu'd their March to the Confluence of Irtibs and Zobol; where they built a City which is call'd by the Name of the Last River. Afterwards they enlarg'd their Dominions, and possess'd themselves of all the Countrey that adjoins to the River Obi, which is properly call'd Siberia, from the word Siber, which in the Sclavonian Language signifies the North.

The few Commodities which they had for the subsistence of life,Why they submitted to the Muscovites. and the necessity of Vending their Sable Martins, oblig'd 'em afterwards to Accommodate with the Musco •• tes, and to surrender themselves under their subjection, tho the Mountains and Rivers which divide the Countrey, secur'd them from all Assaults which the Muscoveites could make upon 'em. And the Muscovites have made a vast advantage of this Countrey since they possess'd it, through the care which they frequently take to send their Yachutchiki, or Hunters of Sable Martins; the number of which they augment every day, by banishing into the places where those Creatures are caught, not only the Malefactors of the State, but also the Officers and Boyars who have not behav'd themselves well in their Employments, or of whom they have any reason to be afraid.

Now in regard this gainful sort of Hunting of these precious Creatures has engag'd 'em to advance farther and farther in bopes to discover still more lovely Martins; they have at length found out wherewith to content themselves in an Island of the River Yamour, of which they made themselves the Masters some years since, and where they have also built a Fort, which has occasion'd the present War between them and the Chineses.

Now then as to the manner of Sable-Hunting it is thus perform'd:The manner of Sable-Hunting. There is a Regiment of Soldiers sent into the Countrey where these costly Creatures are found, which usually stays there seven years. And every week a Collonel commands a certain number of Hunters, that seek 'em out in the little Islands to which they retire. They kill 'em with a kind of Cross-bow, for fear of spoiling or endamaging the Furr, should they make use of Fire Arms. Now in regard there is an extraordinary diligence to be observed in this sort of Hunting, the Officers are permitted to let the Soldiers be concern'd in it, and to divide with 'em the surplusage which they are bound to kill for the Czars profit, which makes those employments very considerable. For a Collonel may get Four thousands Crowns in seven years service, and an under Officer proportionably: But a common Soldier never gets above Six or Seven hunder'd Crowns, tho he be at all the trouble.

Besides these Sable Martins, which are very plentiful over the whole extent of this vast Countrey between Muscovy and China; there is also another sort, which are of equal Value, and no less Beautiful. These are the Skins of Black Foxes, which are no where to be seen but in Siberia and Kitay: and which 〈◊〉 sought after with as much 〈…〉 •• gard they come to a sure Market, 〈◊〉 • ear a very great Price. I know not whether it be the scarceness, or the colour of the skin, that mak • s it so highly esteem'd; but when any body comes to buy one, the owner will not let it go but upon condition the Purchaser shall fill it with as many Crowns as it will hold.

Though ir is a long while, that this Trade has been settl'd in Muscovy, 'twas none of their faults, that it was not formerly as great as it i • now. For, before the discovery of these Sable-Martins, they were contented all over the Kingdom with common Furrs; and, unless it were the Ermin-Furr, which only Persons of Quality made use of, they knew no other sort. But since the discovery of these Creatures so much sought after, which fell by chance, rather then cunning, into their hands; they have made appear such an eager thirst to satisfie their Avarice at the expence of those, whom they have found profusely fond of this sort of Ornament, that they have made no scruple to engage 'emselves in those forlorn Countries, in hopes to find wherewithal to enrich 'emselves.

By the means of all these their irregular Incursions, it was, that they laid open several New Roads, which led 'em insensibly into China. Now in regard, that those, who have happen'd to hit upon the way to the Borders of the Country, have every one taken Roads quite different the one from the other; so they have been able to inform us which are those that are most certainly to be depended on for security and shortness. And here we shall give an account of what the Relations which are kept in the Chancery of Moskow more particularly instruct us.

The first Road that carries a Traveller by Land into China, is that through India and the Mogul's Country; which the great number of Robbers, and the vast Deserts that are to be cross'd over, render very dangerous, and almost impracticable. We are beholding to the Jesuits for the knowledge of it, whom those dangers have no way discourag'd. The Tartars of Astrakan and Bokara, have sometimes taken this Road; but then they have been very careful to joyn with a numerous Caravan.

The second is that which the Merchants of Bocara take, who Travel through the Cities of Samarkan, Kaboul, Kachemire, and Tourafan, and several other Cities of the Yousbecs, from whence they go to Barantola, which the Residence of Dala • -Lama renders the most considerable of all the Cities of the Greater Tartary. But this Road is not a little difficult by reason of the Sands that are to be cross'd, and because of the Calmoues that infest the Roads But the Muscovites make choice of this way without any scruple: And they have been often known to fall down from Tobolsk to Bocara through Cazan, on purpose to Travel this Journey with the Yousbecks, notwithstanding the easiness of going to China by the River Ohi.

The third is frequented by the Yousbeck Tartars, by the Trading Calmucs, and the Muscovites also. From Tobolsk, you ride along by the Lakes that yield great quantities of Salt near Irticks and Kama; after which you Travel for some time by Water upon the first of these two Rivers as far as a City call'd Sinkamè, where you continue your Journey by Land through the Territories of the Kalmouc's and Moguls, as far as Kokutan, which is not above Eight or Ten days Journey, from the Famous Wall which separates China from Great Tartary. Neither is this Road without some difficulties, as want of Water, and molestation of the Calmoues, unless well provided to make a stout resistance. However, the Taiso Ajonka, who is the Kan, or chief Captain of the Horde of Tartars, who have no fix'd Habitations but live after the manner of the Ancient Scythians, might, if he pleas'd, secure this way, and make it safe for Travellers, which sometimes he will vouchsafe to do for the sake of some little Presents. And from Kokutan, you may enter into China through many Gates of this great Wall.

The fourth supposes, that you pass through Tobolsk and go by Water upon the Obi, and the Szelinga as far as the City of Szelingui, from whence you Travel by Land through the Countrey of the Monguls. From this last-mention'd City it will require Eight weeks time to reach the place where the Kan of Bechroesaim, and the Coutoussta-Lama reside. From whom, by the Intermediation of some few Civilities, you may obtain Guides and Carriages, and a good Convoy to carry you to China. This Road the Muscovites have held ever since the war between them and the Chineses near the River Yamour; and it is the safest and most commodious way of all the rest. Only you must make provision of Water and Wood in some places: And though you may sometimes meet upon the Road with Robbers, they are neither so Cruel nor so numerous as in other parts.

The fifth is that which the Envoy of Muscovy, Spartarius made choice of for China; and then you must pass through Siberia to get to the City of Nero-Zinki upon the River Szilk • ; after that you go to D • uri not far from the Kiver Naiunai, from whence you continue your Road to Cheria that lies upon the entrance into China. The distance is equal from Nerc Zinski to Dauri, and from Dauri to Cheria.

If you will believe this Relation, of which I have thus far given a faithful Copy, this Road is as safe as it is short; for that from Nerc Zinski to the River Argus that falls into the Yamour, you shall meet all along with the Yachutchiki, or Martin-Hunters: After which you pass through the Territories of certain Monguls, who are terribly afraid of the Muscovites. But it is not probable there is now so much security, as formerly, in passing through those Monguls; for that Travellers at this time either take a little higher through Albazin, and fetch a compass to get from thence into China, or a little lower, passing from Szelingui, through the Territories of Beckroesaim.

The sixth is also through Nerczinski and the Mongul; from whence you Travel on to the Lake Dalai; or you may go from Nerczinki to the Lake in one Week. There you meet with the Emperor of China's Subjects, who have manur'd all the Lands that lye about the Lake; from which you may go in three Weeks to China upon Wagons drawn with Oxen. Out of this Lake Dalai it is, that the River Argus, a very fair River, takes its rise. It is Navigable all along, and carries you by Water to the River Yamour, into which it falls. Near the River Argus are several Mines of Silver and Lead; and there it is that a considerable Tayso whose Name is Sebdenkan resides, who is bound to find Convoys for the Musoovites that Travel for China three times a year, and to secure the Road that they may Travel it in so much the shorter time.

To all these Relations we ought to join one more, which affords us a very ample knowledge of all the People that inhabit the Countries joining upon China, which was imparted to us by a person of good Reputation, who had it out of the Treasury of Moskow, and to which so much the more credit may be given, because it agrees exactly with the Annals of China which are at the end of Confucius's Philosophy, Printed but a while since by Father Couplet the Jesuit, and which is also conformable to the Report of all such Travellers who have try'd the greatest part of all those Roads of which we have made a description.

The first Nation is that of the Bogdoi, The Bogdoi. by the Chineses call'd the Eastern Tartars, and whom the Monguls call Niouchi, or Nuchi. Their Country is of a very large extent, under several Tayso's, or Kans. There is in Bogdoi, a particular Province which the Muscovites call Diutchari, and the Monguls Diourski. It is seated between the Eastern Seas, and the great Rivers Chingala, and Yamour. The people that inhabit it, tho tributary to China, were not formerly very well known: For in regard they had no Prince of their own, they were not look'd upon as very considerable. Nor were they indeed either truly known or fear'd, till they had made an Invasion into China, and subdu'd Six Provinces. At what time they had made themselves absolute Masters of that spacious Empire, had not the Yousbecks come to succour the Chineses, or rather expell'd the Bogdoi and settl'd themselves in their Places.

Which when they had done, they set upon the Throne the Family of Ivena; which after it had Reign'd till the Year 1368. was expell'd by the Chineses, who then Enthron'd the Family of Tayminga. That Family sway'd the Scepter peaceably till 1644, at what time the same Diutchari re-enter'd China, and at length utterly subdu'd it. Chunchi, their Prince was the first Emperor of that Nation, and the Chief of the Family of Taitsingua, who Reigns at present in China.

In all the Province of Bogdoi, you shall meet with none but houses of Earth, as also in the Province of Dauri; which people drive a great Trade in Sables and Black Fox-Skins, as likewise in Ginseng Roots: But they are not rich in Cattel; their Horses are very small; nor do their owners ever shooe 'em. As for the people themselves, they resemble altogether the Krim Tartars, both in Features of Face, as in Stature and Proportion of Body: But they are much more Polite and Civiliz'd, by reason of the Great Trade which they drive with the Chineses.

To speak properly, they are of no Religion; yet you shall see several among 'em that wear Crosses, which they call Lama's. And indeed they have a great inclination to the Christian Religion, and there are not a few who are already become Catholicks. They have no kindness either for the Mahumetans, or the Nestorians, because they formerly succor'd the Western Tartars when they were repell'd by the Chineses. However, since that time, the Mahumetans have settl'd themselves in China, insomuch that there are a great number of 'em at P • king, where there are Seven Mosques without the City; and where they also speak the Persian Language more commonly then that of Turky.

As for the Language of the Bogdoi, 'tis very like the ordinary vulgar Speech that is spoken in Persia; their Characters also very much resemble one another; but they write and read from the top downward like the Chineses, and moreover they have above sixty Letters in their Alphabet.

The Rivers of Argus, Yamour, and Chingala, afford great Store of Rubies and Pearles, which the People continually fish for. Altho they are not ignorant of Guns and Powder, yet they are not much in use among 'em, whether their great Artillery which is but very leudly cast, are too troublesome to be mov'd from place to place, or whether it be that they find no great Effects of 'em, because their Powder, the Composition of which they understand but by halves, is but of little strength. And it is observ'd, that the Tartars, who are become Masters of China, begin to degenerate from their ancient Valour.

Next the Eastern Tartars, lies a vast and spacious Country to the West, which is call'd Mongul. The Country of the Monguls. It begins at the Western Sourses of the River Yamour, and extends it self to the Calmouc Tartars, Westward, confining upon Turquestan to the South-East, and upon China to the East, and they are seperated from the Culmouc's by wide Desarts, which are as good as so many Ramparts. They have three Princes, whom they call Kan's or Tuiso's, and who are all three of the same Family; so that they keep a good Correspondence together; Civil Wars very rarely happen among 'em. On the other side, they frequently send Presents one to another, and when any on of 'em is attacqu'd, the rest immediatly arm to his Relief. The chiefest of these Kans is call'd T • hetchinga, whose Territories border upon Bogdoi and China. But you see neither Town nor Villages, only certain Houses dispersed here and there, and those very few in number. So that these Monguls are continually making Incursions round about the Lake Dalai, or into the Lands that lye upon the River Szelinga. this Kan has several Taiso's under him, among whom is the Becroesain Kan, who borders upon the River beforemention'd.

In these Territories it is, that the Coutousta Lama has his Residence. This Coutousta, who to speak properly, is no more then the Vicar of the Dalaè-Lama, or Lama-Lamalom, is the Patriarch of the Monguls, who adore him like a Deity, as having an extraordinary Veneration for all the Lama's. The same Mongul's keep a good Correspondence with the Muscovites, by reason of their Neighbourhood to Siberia. They are naturally very mild, and addicted to peace; 'tis very rare to see 'em quarrel one with another; or if any contest arises among 'em, the Coutousta, who follows 'em whereever they ramble, appeases the difference either by his own Authority, or by such Judges as he ordains among 'em whereever they cluster together. They are very wealthy, especially, in Cattel, and drive a great Trade with the Muscovites. For their Country is water'd with a great number of Rivers, that wonderfully enfertilize their Medows and Pasturages, and all empty themselves into the Szelinga; and would they but take the pains to manure their Lands, they would bear all sorts of Fruit.

The Second Kan is call'd Octieroikan; and the Third D'Ian-Gari; but in regard there is no great Commerce driven with these two last, they are nothing near so well known as the former. The Monguls have a great Antipathy against the Bogdoi, because they made themselves Masters of China; but they can do 'em no harm, because they are not acquainted with the use of Fire-Arms.

The Calmoucs The Calmoucs. possess all that vast extent of Country that lyes between Mongull and the Volga as far as Astrakan, and they are divided into an infinite number of H • rdes, which have every one their particular Kan.

The Principal of all these Kans, The Kan of the Calmoucs. is he who is call'd Otchiourtican, who pretends to be descended from the Famous Tamerlain. He is very Potent, and therefore forces the Muscovites and the Yousbecks to pay him a certain Tribute, or else he would be continually Harrassing their Countries. 'Tis also reported that he is very Magnificent, that he goes always clad in White, and never eats but serv'd in Gold Plate. We saw at Moscow a French Officer who had been in the Tent of this same Kan, when he lay at Astrakan, at the Head of a Hundred Thousand Tartars to demand his Tribute, who confirm'd all that has been said concerning his Magnificence, only that he never saw him make use of either Gold or Silver Plate.

The Calmoucs have no Cities nor fix'd Habitations, but only live in Tents made of Felts, which are very neat, and very commodious; nor is there any Nation so nimble at Camping and Decamping in an instant as they, there being no Nation so much accustom'd to it, in regard they never stay long in a place, and are always making Incursions.

They are all Idolaters, as well as the Mongulls, and all the rest of the Nations of Great Tartary as far as the Indians; and every one of these Pagan Nations acknowledge for the Head of their Religion the Dalaè-Lama, The Dalaè-lama Patriarch of the Idolatrous Tartars. or Lamalamalow, except those of Bokara and Samarkand, who make Profession of Mahometism.

This Impostor has his Residence in the Kingdom of Sanshut, which extends from the Mongulls, the Calmoucs, and Turquestan, between China and Persia to the Indies. The Capital of his Territories is the City of Barantola, where there is a Temporal Prince also call'd Deva; but the Dalaè lives in a Fortress call'd Beatalaè, that stands very near the same City. 'Tis not to be imagin'd how he is in a manner worshipp'd over all Tartary. They send from all parts to desire his Benediction, and when he goes into China, he is receiv'd with more then ordinary Honours.

The Jesuit Adam Schall us'd all his endeavours to disswade the Emperor from going to meet him, or to pay him any respect. But the Emperor, as much convinc'd as he was that the Dalaè was an Impostor, durst not follow the Jesuit's Counsel, but after he had heap'd upon him all imaginable Honours and Favours, sent him back loaden with Magnificent Presents.

The Tartars are fully perswaded that the Dalaè never dies, Tartars believe the Dalaè never dies. but that he renews like the Moon. To make this out, so soon as the Dalaè lyes at the point of Death, they that are about him, make diligent search for a Lama, the likest to him that possibly they can find, and so soon as the Head of their False Religion is dead, they set him up in his Room, and carefully conceal the deceas'd Body, which they affirm to be renew'd in his Successor. M. Tavernier reports the same thing of the King of Thebes; but there is some probability that he was misinform'd, he not having been upon the place, as the Muscovites who make this Relation were, and who drive a very considerable Trade with the Tartars; from whom they learnt moreover, that this Dalaè is never suffer'd to be seen by any body, unless they are willing to pay him all the Honours which they give him themselves; prostrating themselves before him, and adoring him as a God. This Relation adds, that the Chineses call the Tartars Totai, because they have not the Letter R in their Language. Nor do I know why we call 'em Tartars, seeing that in Poland, Muscovy, and even in Tartary it self, they abridge the Name, and call 'em only Tatar.

It appears by what I have said of the Kingdom of Tanchut, The Delaè-lama is the Famous Presse-Jean. that the Dalaè-lama is without all contradiction that same Famous Preste-Iean, concerning whom Historians have written so variously. In a word, since that Title, and whatever many Authors have said of him, can be attributed to no Person more justly then to this Dalaè-lama, 'tis more natural to acknowledge him in this Country of Asia, where he has always been, then to seek him out in Habyssinia, where he never was.

'Tis also an understanding Observation of F. Kirker, who in his Polite Piece, touching the Particulars of China, after he has describ'd the Manners and Customs of the different people that encompass that wide Empire, demonstrates the Ingenuity of the Portugueses in the search which they have made after this so extraordinary Prince, and so well known in the world under the Name of Preste-Iean, of whom they publish'd so many particular things.

To clear this part of History which is altogether perplex'd, and at the same time to undeceive those who may have suffer'd themselves to be prepossess'd by all those fabulous Tales that have been utter'd abroad as real Truths, they are to understand, that while the Portugueses were in search of the East-Indies, Iohn the Second sent one of his Subjects, by Name Peter de Coulan, to discover 'em by Land, and particularly charg'd him to inform himself where that same Preste-Iohn, so much talk'd of in Europe reign'd, yet not knowing in what part of the World his Empire lay.

The design of Iohn the Second was to have made an alliance with him, perswaded as he was, and according as he had heard it reported, that he was a potent Prince, and profess'd the Christian Religion. In obedience to his Princes Orders Peter de Coulan pass'd into Asia, and penetrated a great way into India, where he learnt many things of great importance and curiosity: But notwithstand all his diligence, he could not hear of Preste-Iohn, nor meet with any body that could tell any Tidings of him; only coming to Caire, in his return homeward, he heard, that in Ethiopia, beyond Egypt, there reign'd a Rich and Potent Prince. Who every time he shew'd himself in publick, had a Cross carry'd before him, and that he was a declar'd Protector of the Christians.

Now in regard these Marks agreed with the Character that had been given him, to discover the Prince he was in search of, there needed no more to perswade that Traveller into a belief of what he most of all things in the world desir'd to know. So that he made no farther doubt but that Preste-Iohn was that same Monarch of the Abyssins, and he believ'd it so truly, that he wrote his Discovery into Portugal without any farther Examination▪ Nor were they more scrupulous at Lisbonne, where the news was receiv'd with a great deal of joy and applause. Upon which they who sail'd into Africa the following years, prepossess'd with this Opinion, contributed not a little to confirm it by their Relations; so that as false as it was, the Mistake was soon spread all over Europe.

Now though this same stupid Error was refuted by several learned persons, and tho the falshood of it might be easily discover'd by what Damian de Goez, Nicolas Godigno and Baltazar Tellez have written of it, as being perfectly inform'd of every thing that concern'd Ethiopia, where they had been long resident, yet I cannot forbear to observe with F. Kirker, that the Latin Chronology of the Kings of Habyssinia makes no mention of Preste-Iohn; and therefore all the Authors of any Antiquity that have taken occasion to mention him, still place him in Asia, tho they cannot agree in what part of the World he reign'd, no more then they can about the original of his Name.

A Modern Author imagins Preste-Iohn to be a Corruption of Preste-Arkan, that is to say, King of the Adorers. Others with as little reason derive it from the Latin, Pretiosus Iahannes. Some would have it to be, that as the Name of Caesar was common to all the Roman Emperours, so Iohn was no less common to these Princes we speak of; and that they bore that Name in honour of the Prophet Ionas, to which the Eastern people afterwards added the Title of Priest, or Preste; not that these Kings were really dignifi'd with the Sacerdotal Character, but because they had usually a Cross carry'd before 'em, as Protectors of the Christian Religion.

But Scaliger's Conjecture seems to me more probable then all the rest, where he says, That Preste-Iean was a corruption of the Persian Word Prestegiani, which signifies Apostolic; that it was very likely that the Europaeans who traffick'd into the East, having heard confusedly of that Prince, whom they heard frequently call'd Padischah Prestegiani, gave him by chance the Name of Preste-Iean, which sounded very like to Prestegiani, of which they understood not the real signification.

As to the part of Asia, where Preste-Iean reign'd, methinks there is no reason to doubt of it, considering what the Ancient Authors have written. For upon a strict examination it will be found, that the greatest part of these Authors place him in that vast Country which extends it self from the Mogul, towards the East and North as far as China: Which is that▪ which St. Antonius sufficiently makes appear in the Third Tome of his History, where speaking of the Tartars, he observes that their Emperor sent a puissant Army under the command of his Son, to subdue those people that inhabited the lesser India; which Conquest being accomplish'd, the victorious Tartars advanc'd against the Christians who inhabited the Greater, or the Upper India; but that their King call'd Preste-Iean by the Vulgar, having drawn his Forces together, march'd against 'em, and overthrew 'em.

This is also that which Paul the Venetian, who knew the Country better then any body, tells us more distinctly, as having resided several years at the Court of the Great Kan of the Tartars: For the Kingdom of Tenduc, or as others read it, Tanchut, this Kingdom, I say, where Marcus Paulus places Preste-Iohn, is still in being, if we may believe those who have travell'd through it, and lies between China and the Empire of the Great Mogul. Which perfectly agrees with the Sentiments of those who have made Preste-Iohn to reign in Kitay; seeing that as I have already observ'd, it is not to be thought that by Kitay the Ancients meant China only, or some particular Kingdom; it being sufficiently probable that they comprehend under that name all the Country that lies between Obi, the Volga, and China, as the Muscovites understand it at this day.

The only thing▪ that seems to raise some doubt in what we have said concerning Preste-Iohn is this; that Preste-Iohn and the people under his subjection were Christians, whereas the Country that lies between the Mogul and China is now full of Mahometans and Idolaters. But certain it is that things were not always in the same posture as now they are, but that the Christian Religion once flourish'd in these barbarous Countries, where now Infidelity prevails.

'Tis known that St. Thomas, after the Apostles had made a division of the Universe among themselves, departed from India, to cultivate those Unbelievers; that he penetrated into the most remote parts of it, and dy'd at length at Meliapor. And some Authors have written, not without some probability, that China it self receiv'd the Gospel by the Ministry of that Holy Apostle. However it were, there is no question to be made, in my Opinion, but that the Faith might be dispers'd in Countries more on this hand toward the West, in regard there is a Country which the Moors, profess'd Enemies of the Christians, still in derision call Kiaferstan, or the Country of the Infidels, the Inhabitants of which are call'd Christians of St. Thomas to this day; who tho they have forgot their Ancient Christianity, yet still retain certain Customs that sufficiently demonstrate what Religion their Ancestors profess'd. For beside that they baptize their Children, they have painted in their Churches, and beare upon their Foreheads three Crosses of a Red Colour, being a Tincture squees'd out of Sanders-Wood.

But tho it might be true, that presently after the Birth of Christ, the Gospel might not be promulgated in these Barbarous Countries, yet certain it is that it was preach'd there in the succeeding Ages. The celebrated Monument that was found in China in 1625. near the City of Siganfu, is an invincible proof of what I say. For it is observ'd, that Six hunder'd years after Christ, the Syrian Priests having scatter'd themselves all over Asia, had divulg'd the Christian Law in the Extremities of the World, where their Zeal for the Glory of God drew 'em. And Hay • on, a Christian Author, who was of the Blood Royal of the Kings of Armenia, testifies, That in the Thirteenth Age, Tartary was full of Christians; that Cublai their Emperor embrac'd the Christian Faith; and that his Brother who had been a Christian for some time, enter'd into a Religious War for the sake of Religion, against the Caliph of Babylon, won Palestine from the Mahometans, reinthron'd the King of Armenia, being expell'd his Territories by those cruel Enemies of Christianity, restor'd to peaceful freedom those people whom the Infidels had proscrib'd and banish'd, and rebuilt a great number of Churches at his ow costs and charges; and all this at the sollicitation of the Princess his Wife, who glory'd in being descended from one of the Three Kings that came to adore Christ, when but newly born.

This was the same Hae • on, who wrote to St. Lewis, when he lay in Cyprus at the time of his first Expedition for the recovery of the Holy Land. St. Antonin also, in whose History may be seen that Letter of the Tartar Prince, observes that St. Lewis sent him, under the Character of Ambassadors, two Monks of the Order of St. Domini • , with very rich Presents, among which was a piece of the true Cross, and a Canopy of State of an extraordinary value, upon which were embroider'd in Gold, the principal Mysteries of the Life of Christ.

This happen'd in the year 1256. and about forty or fifty years after, that is to say, toward the beginning of the fourteenth Age, several Franeiscan Monks being sent to the Great Kan, visited all parts of the Kingdom of Thibet, which is next to that of Tanchut, and converted a great number of Infidels and Pagans.

Father Andrada, a Porteguese Jesuit, travelling also into these Countries in 1624. reports that the people had still an Idea of the Christian Mysteries, tho confus'd and corrupted; that they us'd among themselves a sort of Confessiion, feeble Remainders of the Faith which they had formerly embrac'd, and which by degrees was utterly extinguish'd.

There is no doubt then, after what has been said, but that the Kingdom of Tanchut, not having been always Idolatrous as now it is, the Delaè-Lama who at present resides there, may be the true Successor of the famous Preste-Iohn, who reign'd there formerly; and it is no less probable, that that same Monarch happening to change as the Religion corrupted, became sometime after Head of a new Religion which degenerated at last into Idolatry.

'Tis true, that he is not a Temporal Prince; but that may be the effect of the Wars and Revolutions that happen in all Kingdoms. However it were, he is still in high veneration among all the Eastern people, who acknowledge him for the Head of their Religion. And that which is farther remarkable is this, that he bears the Name of Lama, which in the Tartar Language signifies a Cross: And the Bogdoi, who conquer'd China in 1644. and who are subject to the Dalaè in all matters of Religion, wear always Crosses about 'em, which they call Lama's also, and for which they have an extraordinary Respect, which sufficiently demonstrates that they were formerly instructed in those Mysteries, of which that sign is in some measure an eternal Memorial.

Besides these different sorts of Tartars, Other Tartar People. of which I have spok'n, there are others who are called Ostiaki, Bratski, Iacuti, and Tongusi, who are scatter'd all along the Lakes and Rivers that lye between Siberia and the Country of the Monguls. But in regard they have all the same Physiognomy, and use the same Language as the Calmoucs, 'tis very probable that they are only some separated Hordes, that having been domesticated by degrees, by conversation with the Muscovites, at length became subject to their Dominion. They are all swarthy complexion'd, but more inclining to Olive-Colour then Black. Their faces are usually broad, falling in below, and jutting out above; their eyes are small, but sparkling and full of fire; their noses short and very flat, with little hair either upon their upper Lips, or Chins: Their Stature somewhat above the common size, well set, and clean limb'd, with an Air stern and resolute, without any thing of Cruelty or Savageness. Their Habits are for the most part all alike, consisting of several Sheep-skins sow'd together, which they fit to their bodies in the form of Vests, and gird about their Wastes with a Cord, wherein hangs their Bow and Quiver, with which they go always arm'd. They shave their Heads to the very Crown, where they preserve a Tuft thick enough to make a double lock, one of which hangs down before, the other behind; having no other covering for their heads, then a round Bonnet of the same with their Habits, on the top of which they wear a Tuft of Red Silk, or of some other Colour: Which is the mark by which you may distinguish the different Hordes; every one having a particular Colour to difference the one from the other. But they that live in the Places where the Martins are taken, make themselves Garments of those Furs, as also of Dogs-skins, of which they keep a vast number; and sometimes they join both together, and make the one serve for a Lining to the t'other, wearing the Sables, tho the richer and more beautiful, innermost, and the Dogs-hair outermost; not believing it just, that the Dog who stops and catches the Martin, should be debas'd below the Martin, but that he should be always preferr'd after his death before his Enemy, which he vanquish'd when alive.

It may be easily judg'd by the Enumeration▪ which I have made of the different sorts of Tartars▪ which inhabit all the Countrey that lies between the Obi and China, that the Muscovites, being assisted by the Cosaques, found no great difficulty in opening a way from Siberia to this great Empire. For in regard they met with no body that would, or was able to dispute the Passage with 'em; and moreover, for that the people, which they had subdu'd either by mildness, or by force of Arms, had some kind of Correspondence with all the Hordes that are dispread on both sides, by their means they have made all their Discoveries, and at length have advanc'd by different Roads to the very Confines of China, where they have also built some Fortresses, the better to secure their Conquests.

The farthermost of all these Fortresses is Albazin, Albazin three weeks journey from Pekin not above three weeks journey from Pekin, tho it be above three months Travel remote from Moscow. It is seated upon the River Yamour; which was the occasion of the present War between the Chineses and Muscovites; while both the one and the other claim'd a Right to fish for the Pearls, of which that River produces great store; and hunt the Martins, that are very numerous in an Island of that River.

But in regard of the vast distance between that Frontier and Moscow, will not permit the Muscovites to send Recruits sufficiently considerable to support a War, which the nearness of it to China, renders easie to the Tartars who are Masters of it, the Czars thought it more expedient to propound an Accommodation, then to expose an Army to all the Hazards and Hardships which of necessity they must undergo, before they can get to the Confines of the Empire. Nor did the Chineses refuse the Proposals that were made 'em. They sent an Ambassador a good way beyond the Great Wall that separates their Territories from the Western Tartars, and join'd two French Jesuits with him, of the number of those whom the K. of France sent about six years ago to the extreme parts of the world, to serve the Ambassadors as his Interpreters; but as yet we know not the success of the Negotiation.

If we may judg by a Letter which a German Officer who was then in Garison in a place upon the River Yamour, wrote to one of his Friends at Moscow, who imparted it to us, 'tis very probable, that those Affairs are more embroil'd then ever. But in regard that Letter is before the last Endeavours of the Muscovites to obtain a Peace, and for that their Ambassador was not then arriv'd at the appointed place of meeting, there is little heed to be given to what that Officer then wrote: however, it gives us a good account how affairs stood about four years ago. We thought, said he, that the Ambassador sent from Peking some days since, was come with a design to conclude a Peace with us: But we have been surpriz'd at the Proceedings of that Ambassador, who after he had stopt three days near Albazin, without proposing any thing, retir'd of a sudden. We make no question therefore, that being arriv'd upon the Frontiers with a great army, but that the War will be soon rekindl'd, and prove more bloody then before; so that we stand very strictly upon our Guards, &c.

From Dauri upon the Confines of China, Iuly 15. 1688.

But whatever may be the Issue of the War, we may assure our selves by what I have said, That the Road from Muscovy to Chinae, is no Chimera nor impracticable thing; and that it would be likewise the most commodious and shortest way, were there but never so little reliance upon the Muscovi • es, who after several Journeys have made themselves such absolute Masters of all the Roads that lead thither, that they take indifferently sometimes one and sometimes another, according as their occasions prompt 'em.

I know, they did not presently accomplish their design, and that it cost 'em a world of Trials and Experiments, before they could find out all the means to secure themselves and others in their passage; but in regard they spar'd for nothing to bring about this Discovery, and that they have been careful from time to time to send away Supplies of Hunters to view and take an account of Countries through which they thought new ways might be open'd, they have so levell'd and remov'd all Difficulties, that they make no more of going to China, then of travelling to Arch-Angel or Astrakan.

This Reflection, which some perhaps would not vouchsafe themselves the leisure perhaps to make, when they imagin'd the way from Moscow to Peking neither safe nor easie, may serve to adjust and reconcile the several Ruttiers or Cards that have been drawn these several years ago; and to explain at the same time, after what manner divers Ambassadors sent from one Court to another, came to spend some more time then others, in this Journey, which some have finish'd in four or five months, while it has cost others near eighteen.

In short, The principal aim of the Muscovites in these sorts of Ambassies having always been to discover the vast extent of Land that lies between their Territories and the Empire of China, 'tis no wonder, if they who were entrusted with this affair, travelling as they did like true Adventurers, rather then sedulous Ambassadors, have shew'd less earnestness to arrive with speed at their journey's end, then to consider the nature of the Countrey through which they travell'd, and the course of the Rivers which they met with upon the Road.

'Tis to be thought, that 'twas in this manner that the Knez Theodore Iacowitz Boicow travell'd from Tobolsk to Peki • in 1653. at what time the Czar sent him his Ambassador to China: For in regard he mounted up the River as he did, as far as the Springs of the Irtish, I know not what should make him turn out of the way so much to the right hand, had he not had private Orders rather to mind looking after the Establishments all along the River, then to treat with the Chineses, for whom the Muscovites had little or no esteem at that time.

However it were, the Merchants who are more for their own then the Czar's Interest, perform this Journey at present so safely, Muscovites never spend above four months in going to Peking and returning to Moscow. and in so little time, that for the most part they never take up above four months in going to Peking, and returning to Moscow. And this we learnt about three years since from certain Merchants who set out of Peking after they had heard Mass in the Jesuits House, upon St. Peter and St. Paul's day, and got to Moscow much about All-holland-Tide, the same year, where they staid till the end of Winter, to join the Caravans at Zobalsk, from whence they duly set out every year.

After all these convincing Proofs and Demonstrations, upon which I thought my self bound to insist thus particularly as I have done, I make no question but the Reader will abandon all the false Idea's which he had conceiv'd touching the distance of Eu • ope from China, and suffer himself to be convinc'd, that of all the ways that lead to that flourishing Empire, that which the Muscovites make choice of now-a days, is both the safest and the shortest.

But besides these Advantages, which are not a little to be consider'd, the convenience of carriage contributes very much to mitigate the Fatigues inseparable from these sorts of Journeys. Usually you set forward from Moscow toward the end of February; and in regard the Snow by that time is become more beaten and solid, by reason of the great number of Sledds that pass continually to and fro at that time, far more then at the beginning of the Winter, Travellers in less then three Weeks get to the Capital City of Siberia, tho it be eight hunder'd Wersts, or three hunder'd and fifty French Leagues off.

There they stay some time for the thaw, to take the Sudais, or Vessel which carries 'em by Water in the Rivers which they meet with on this side, and beyond the Obi; which thaw if it happens later then usually, then they continue their Journey by Land till they come to a H • rde of Tartars, who are call'd Ostiaki, and are subject to the Muscovites.

There they change their manner of carriage, and take a new sort of carriage much more nimble and commodious then the former which are sent back to Tobelsk: For whereas the Sledds made use of by the Muscovites are always drawn by one Horse, whose keeping is somewhat troublesome and chargeable, to the other Sledd they only fasten a Reine Deer, such as the Samoedes make use of in their Winter-Travels; and to make 'em go more swift, they tie a great Dog behind, that scaring the poor Beast with his barking, sets her a running with that speed, as to draw her Burthen no less then forty Leagues a day.

But that which is more wonderful as to these sort of Sledds,Sledds that Sail▪ by Land with the Wind. they are also driven along by the Wind sometimes over the Land cover'd with Snow, sometimes over the Ice of frozen Rivers, as our Vessels, that sail upon the Sea. For in regard the Country beyond Siberia is open and extreamly level as far as Mount Gaucasus, the people who inhabit it making use of this advantage to spare their Beasts, have so order'd their Sledds, as either to be drawn along by the Reine-Deer, or else to carry Sails, when the Wind favours 'em.

This manner of Carriage is so much the more commodious, in regard you meet with no interruption in your Travels. For as in a Barque you have recourse to Oares, when the Wind slack'ns, or proves contrary, so the Deer and the Dog labour when the Air is calm, but are put into the Sledd when the Wind serves to drive it along.

Thus, so long as the Ice continues to bear, you come to the River Genessai, where the Muscovites have built a City of the same Name for the convenience of Travellers; and there it is that you take Boat to remount the two great Rivers Tongusi, and Augara, which rise out of the Lake of Baikala, The Lake of Baikala. and which are commonly allow'd to be 500 Wersts in length, and forty broad. 'Tis said, that the Water of this Lake is extraordinary clear; and that notwithstanding the depth of it, you may clearly discern the colour of the Stones that lie at the bottom.

It is encompass'd with several high Mountains, where the Snow lies all the Summer long, as well as in the midst of Winter. And doubtless this it is that constrains Travellers to spend many times seven or eight days in crossing it, tho it be not above eight Leagues over. For this Lake being, as it naturally ought to be, the general Rendezvouz of various Winds that blow through the hideous Rocks with which it is environ'd, 'tis to be thought that when they happen to blow from several points at the same time, they must put the Vessels which they meet, to a great deal of trouble, and that it requires and extraordinary forefight, or good luck, to prevent a stop for some time.

After you have quitted this Lake, if you please you may enter into a River call'd Scheling • , and then going still by Water, you meet about fifty Leagues from the mouth of it, with a City of the same Name, which the Muscovites built to facilitate the passage of their Car • vans: or if you rather chuse to land immediately after you have cross'd the Lake, then you find your self among the Monguls that lie to the South, of whom you buy Mules and Dromedaries to continue your Journey to the first City of China, to which you come after fifteen days travel.

After this manner the most part of the Muscovite Merchants travel, that traffick with the Chineses. By which 'tis plain, that all the Countries that were formerly but confusedly known under the Name of the Grand Tartary, are neither so desert, nor so untill'd, as people to this day imagine; and that the not taking the benefit that might have been taken by a narrower search, has been a considerable loss; those Countries being water'd with a great many fair Rivers, and furnish'd with so many valuable Commodities as are daily discover'd.

Not to speak of Rubarb, Azure-stone, and Castors, which are very plentiful among the Yousbecks and Monguls; the Sables and Black-Foxes that are taken all along the Rivers of Obi, Tongusi, and Angara; the Ginseng-Roots, the Pearls and Badian which the River Yamour- affords, the Silver and Lead-Mines near Argus, the Muscovites have found out, more especially in the Lands that advance more to the North, several other Rarities, wherein they drive a considerable Trade.

Besides Furs of all sorts, which they fetch from all Quarters, and of which the sale is so great, that the City of Gen • ssia alone pays every year to the Grand Duke's Treasury fourscore thousand Roubles custom, which amounts to near Sixscore thousand Crowns of French Money; they have discover'd a sort of Ivory, which is whiter and smother then that which comes from the Indies.

Not that they have any Elephants that furnish 'em with this Commodity (for the Northern Countries are too cold for those sort of Creatures that naturally love heat) but other Amphibious Animals,The Behemot furnishes the Muscovites with Ivory. which they call by the Name of Behemot, which are usually found in the River Lena, or upon the Shores of the Tartarian-Sea. Several teeth of this Monster were shewn us at Moskow, which were ten Inches long, and two in Diameter at the Root: Nor are the Elephants Teeth comparable to 'em, either for beauty or whiteness, besides that they have a peculiar property to stanch Blood, being carried about a person subject to bleeding. The Persians and Turks who buy 'em up, put a high value upon 'em, and prefer a Scimiter or a Dagger Ha • t of this precious Ivory before a handle of Massy Gold or Silver.

But certainly no body better understands the price of this Ivory, then they who first brought it into request; considering how they venture their Lives in attacking the Creature that produces it, which is as big and as dangerous as a Crocodile.

They were beholding for the discovery of this to the Inhabitants of a certain Island,The first Colonies that peopl'd America came out of Tartary. out of which, if the Muscovites are to be believ'd, issu'd the first Colonies that ever peopl'd America. And thus much we learnt upon this subject from the Vayvode of Smolensko, whose Name was Mouchim Pouckhim, a person of as great a wit as a man can well meet with, and perfectly acquainted with all the Countries that lie beyond the Obi, as having been a long time Intendant of the Chancery of the Government of Siberia.

After he had ask'd us in a Discourse which we had with him, in what manner we thought that America came to be first peopl'd, upon the general Answer which we gave him, grounded upon the common Opinion; he gave us to understand that he had a Conjecture more probable then any of ours.

There is, said he, beyond the Obi, a great River call'd Kawoina, into which another River empties it self, by the Name of Lena. At the mouth of the first River that discharges it self into the Frozen-Sea, stands a spacious Island very well peopl'd, and which is no less considerable for hunting the Behemot, an amphibious Animal, whose Teeth are in great esteem. The Inhabitants go frequently upon the side of the frozen Sea to hunt this Monster; and because it requires great labour and assiduity, they carry their Families usually along with 'em. Now it many times happens, that being surpriz'd by a Thaw, they are carry'd away I know not whither upon huge pieces of Ice that break off one from another. For my part, added he, I am perswaded that several of those Hunters have been carry'd upon these floating pieces of Ice to the most Northern parts of America, which is not far off from that part of Asia which juts out into the Sea of Tartary. And that which confirms me in this Opinion is this, That the Americans who inhabit that Country which advances farthest toward that Sea, have the same Physiognomy as those unfortunate Islanders, whom the over-eager Thirst after Gain exposes in that manner to be Transported into a Foreign Climate.

We might add to what the Vaivode told us, that there are also in that part of America several of those Creatures that are so common in Muscovy, more especially Beavers, which might have been Transported thither after the same manner. And this Conjecture seem'd to me to be so much the better grounded, in that it is frequently to be seen in Poland, that such great pieces of Ice keep whole and entire, from Warsaw, till they come to fall a great way into the Baltic Sea. But it would be requisite, for the better confirmation and assurance of a matter of this importance, to be well inform'd of the Language of those People that so nearly resemble the Islanders in Face and Body; for if there were any thing of Affinity between their Languages, methinks there should no farther question be made of the Conjecture.

We might have learnt many other Curiosities of this Vaivode, who without doubt is the most Accomplish'd Person in all Muscovy, but that we were afraid of awaking his jealousie by multiplicity of Interrogatories: And besides, we observ'd by some answers which he made us, that he was fearful of creating himself trouble at Court, where his extraordinary Merit had already rais'd him many Enemies, and therefore we forbore to press him any farther.

Some People perhaps may wonder, considering the great numbers of Rivers which come from China, that the Muscovites take no more benefit of the advantages that seem to offer themselves for setling a more safe and easie Trade then that by Land with the Chineses and Iapanners; but in my opinion they ought not to be blam'd for preferring the course they take before any other. For beside that they have but very little Experience in Sea Affairs, they have met with Obstacles never to be surmounted in those Rivers, whose Names are hardly known in Europe.

To make out this yet more apparent, you must know, that there are in the Country that lyes beyond Siberia, four principal Rivers that fall into the Frozen Sea, or the Sea of Tartary, and into the Sea of Iapon; not to speak of an infinite number of others that discharge themselves into the latter, as may be seen in the Map of Siberia, which is a faithful Copy of that which is preserv'd in the Chancery of Moscow.

The most Westerly of all these Rivers is Obi, after which as you Travel to the East you meet successively with Genessai, Lena and Yamour. But as considerable as they are either for the abundance of Water, or the extent of their course, there are so many inconveniences to surmount, if you go by Water, and so many hazards to undergo at the mouths of every one, that the Merchants always rather chuse to Travel by Land into China then to go by Sea.

For to speak something in particular of every one of these Rivers;The Mouth of the Obi dangerous. the Obi is extreamly dangerous at the mouth of it, by reason of the horrid heaps of Ice with which it is pester'd almost all the year long; and the Muscovites still bear in mind the misfortune of the Hollanders, who by reason of their being engag'd too far in the Frozen Sea lost several of their Ships toward Nova Zembla.

The River of Genessai, besides the inconvenience which is common to it with the Obi, Genessai no less inconvenient. has one particular, which consists in Nine Water-falls, which the Muscovites call Poroki, or Poroges, and are distant several Leagues one from another; and therefore because there would be a necessity of unlading the Vessel as many times as there are Water-falls to pass, the Merchants have reason sufficient to avoid all that trouble, and take a more convenient Road.

'Tis true the course of the River Lena is more uniform, but the mouth of it is no less difficult and dangerous to pass then that of the Obi; for though it be not so much pester'd with Ice, yet the great number of Rocks and Shelves will afford no safety for Vessels of very small Burthen; only some flat-bottom'd Gondola's will venture to pick up certain black and white Fish which they find among the Rocks, and make use of for several occasions.

As for the Yamour, which is the most Easterly of all, and falls into the Sea of Iapon, though it have none of those annoyances, that render the other Rivers unpassable, yet in that part where it mixes with the Sea', there grows such a prodigious number of Sea-Bulrushes, that you would take the mouth of it for a real Forest. An Obstacle, that might perhaps be remov'd were the Rushes like those, which commonly grow in our Rivers▪ But the People have assur'd me, that they are of such an excessive bigness, that a man can hardly grasp one of 'em with both his Arms; by which you may guess that it would be as great a labour to clear that passage, as to cut down and grub-up a whole Forest.

However these Rivers, notwithstanding they are so full of Obstacles and Difficulties, yet are of great use to the Muscovites for the more commodious crossing those vast Countries that lye between Siberia and the Empire of China: For besides that they Travel more easily over 'em, when they are Frozen, then they can by Land, where the Roads can never be so level, they are much more conveniently Navigable toward their Sources, then toward the end of their Courses. And though you may meet with some Falls of Water in rowing upward against the Stream, yet they are neither so deep nor so dangerous as those that are nearer the mouths of the Rivers.

But that which is more remarkable where these Water-falls are, is this, that all the circumjacent Air seems to be as it were Embalm'd, casting forth such a pleasing Fragrancy round about, as if the most exquisite Persumes had spread themselves over all the adjoining Fields. If what those Travellers assure us, from whom we learnt these particulars, be true, 'tis no difficult thing to unfold this Riddle. For they affirm, that on the tops of those Rocks that cause these Water-falls, there grow most Odoriferous Flowers, and those in great abundance. To which may be added, that as ordinary Perfumes never diffuse their Odours more powerfully then-when they are frotted, or held to the Fire, so the Air being thus persum'd, diffuses a stronger scent, being agitated and heated by the motion of the Water precipitating with such a rapidness, then that which exhales in places where there is nothing but an undisturb'd and quiet calm.

Here it is that I ought to say something of Siberia, had I any thing particular to observe concerning it; but there is nothing remarkable that distinguishes it from the rest of the Provinces of Muscovy, unless it be the excessive Cold it is subject to, by reason of the extraordinary elevation of it. Moreover, as I have sufficiently observ'd how the Muscovites won it from the Cosaques, I have nothing more to add to what I have said, but that any man may be easily convinc'd by the multitude of Towns and Villages that are in it, that that same Province of Muscovy is not so wild nor so desert as it is commonly thought to be.

Moreover, what I have hitherto discours'd concerning the different Roads that lead to China, and the various Countries through which a Traveller must pass in his way thither, are sufficient, if I am not mistak'n, to give the Reader at least some Idea of the greater Tartary, so little known to this day, and concerning which no man dares over-curiously inform himself in Muscovy for fear of giving a Jealousie to that Nation, on, the most distrustful and suspicious of any other perhaps in the World; so that we were forc'd to observe our measures to discover that little which I have made known. And 'tis very probable, that, had we come to Moscow in a Conjuncture less favourable, we had not learn'd so much. But in regard the Muscovites werethen designing to send an Embassadour into France, to sollicite the King to enter into the League, which they were then about to conclude with Germany and Poland against the Ottoman Empire, we gave our selves a little more liberty to obtain those Informations we desir'd, then at another time we durst have done.

But as the Embassy encourag'd us to be less reserv'd in our inquisitiveness, so the Muscovites made use of it as a reason and pretence to refuse the Passage we had been requesting ever since we arriv'd at Moskow. However, that their Ambassador might be the better receiv'd in France, they made it their study to find a fair pretence to be civilly rid of us, and at the same time to engage us to return back into France, there to represent the advantages that might accrue to our Nation by a free Passage through Siberia. Nor was it long before they met with one to their wish. For having learn'd by the Commissioners who examin'd us, according to custom, that we were come out of Persia into Muscovy without any Letters of Recommendation, nor indeed without any Passports; they told us, That since they could not have any assurance in us, in regard we had no Authentick Testimonials, 'twas a great trouble to 'em, that they were forc'd to refuse us, what they plainly saw we requested only out of our Zeal for the Glory of God, and the Salvation of Souls; that they were deeply sensible of all the Hardships we had endur'd in so tedious a Journey, upon no other motive then that of the Conversion of the Chineses: But in regard they were oblig'd by the Maxims of their State, not to grant free Passage through their Territories, but to Persons that they knew, we were not to think it strange that they requir'd some Assurances from us before they allow'd us that Permission.

They added, to mitigate the extremity of our sorrow occasion'd by this denyal, that we had a fair opportunity to return into France, for that they were just a sending thither one of the Principal Lords of the Court; and therefore if we would take the advantage of going along with him, he should make it his business when we came home, to joyn with us, in order to the procuring from our King such Passports and Recommendations as were necessary for the success of our Enterprize.

How much in vain soever we knew it to be to signify the least reluctancy to their complemental Proposal, we ceas'd not however to press 'em with all the importunity imaginable, not to expose us to so many delays, and consequently to those great expences which they might so easily spare us; that since they were convinc'd of the Kings sincere Zeal for the Service of God, they had no reason to question but that they would do him a most acceptable kindness, in facilitating the means for us to go and Preach the Gospel in the remote extremities of the Earth.

But notwithstanding all this, having receiv'd a precise Order to be gone, which Prince Gallichin also imparted to us in the Czar's Name, there was no farther contending; we must resolve to depart, and prepare our selves for a Voyage quite different from what we had design'd some years before. Nevertheless, we would not Embark in company with their Ambassador: For in regard we mistrusted the success of his Negotiations in France, we thought it our surer course to manage our business by our selves, rather then to concern him with us in the least.

To this purpose, we went to wait upon him before we left Moskow, nor was he sorry to see us. And therefore being willing to inform himself before his departure of several things in relation to France, he sent us Sleds about Ten a Clock at Night, to the end he might discourse us more freely at Night, and to avoid his being check'd by the Court, which prohibits all the Boyars, who have any Employments, to have any Communication with Foreigners, under any pretence whatever.

We staid with him near Three Hours; and in regard he ask'd us with a great deal of Civility what course we thought was most proper for him to take, to the end he might be kindly receiv'd in France; we told him frankly, That one of the surest ways, was to shew an open-hearted generosity and impartial disengagement in all his Conduct; without which, people under his Character were never esteem'd in the French Court; and there was no question to be made, but that for want of these precautions, his Predecessors had not met with that satisfaction with which they flatter'd themselves. But whatever we said, we found him but very little enclin'd to listen to us upon that Subject; and all the while we were discoursing with him, his People were busy below in the Court, lading several Waggons with Furrs, the sale of which we knew to be the principal end of his Ambassy.

Now in regard there is but very little Money stirring in Muscovy, nor indeed any at all to be seen but what comes out of Foreign Countries; it behoves 'em therefore, since they have not enough to Trade among themselves, to fetch it in by the Sale of their Furs of all sorts into Foreign Parts, which is the best Revenue the Czars have. For which reason it is, that they cannot live without sending into remote Countries a Numerous Troop of Merchants, under the protection of an Ambassador, who, besides that he defrays their Charges in all Countries where he goes, frees 'em also from the Payment of Custom, which would eat up a great part of their Gains, were they oblig'd to pay the rigor of what might be demanded from 'em.

'Tis true, the person, of whom I spake, and who is one of the most considerable Princes of Muscovy, and one of the best headpieces in the Empire, would not have been sorry perhaps to have seen himself rid of this same Train of Merchants luggage, which he readily foresaw would be prejudicial to him in the conclusion; and, as he is a person in love with Honour beyond the common rate of the Muscovites, he would have been glad to have been in condition to support his Character. But the interest of the Court, to which it behov'd him to sacrifice his own, would not permit him to do otherwise then had been practis'd all along. So that he was oblig'd to put himself at the head of several Merchants, who then assume the Title of Gentlemen: A Title however, which they can easily throw aside, when they are to act the Pedlers in the Sale of their Skins.

Two days after this Nocturnal Visit, we departed from Moskow in company with a Muscovite-Boyar, who was returning home to his own house upon the Frontiers of Lithuania; and who, having been formerly a Roman Catholick himself, preserv'd a kindness still for us that were so.

Yet, notwithstanding that the Muscovites refus'd to let us pass thorow their Territories, we did not despair of reviving our designs upon the Promise they made us, to grant us the favour that we demanded, so soon as they should understand, that our King approv'd our enterprize. And with this prospect it was, that my Companion and my self took the way of Poland, in company with the Muscovite-Boyar, already mention'd, who shew'd us all the Civilities imaginable upon the Road; no less kind to a Dominican Fryer, that Travell'd along with us, being entrusted with Letters from the Cha of Persia to the Pope and the Emperor.

The Letter to the Pope was enclos'd in a Purse of Cloth of Gold, and that to the Emperor in another of Cloth of Silver. And the substance of both was an Answer to certain Letters, which those two Potentates had written at the same time to the Persian Monarch, exhorting him to take the benefit of the success, wherewith God had bless'd their Arms, to recover those Places, which the Turk had wrested from the Persian some years before. But the Cha, it seems, was unwilling to regain his losses at the expence of his ease and pleasure, to which he sacrific'd all other considerations in the world. Besides that, the Atamadoulet, or Prime Minister of the Persian Empire, could by no means be induc'd to make War against the Ottomans; whether it were, that he were doubtful of the success, or whether he were willing, that the Grand Signior should think himself beholding to him, for having diverted so furious a storm from his Empire; And perhaps, more then this, he was no less glad of the opportunity to testify to the Ottoman Sultan, the Devotion, which he had for the Religion of the Sunni, as much a Persian as he was; and notwithstanding, that the Duty of his Employment bound him to be, at least in outward shew, one of the most Zealous Defenders of Aly's Sect.

But whatever reason the Cha of Persia had, not to be swai'd by all the reasons which the Embassadors from several of the European Princes laid before him; certain it is, that his Answer to the last Letters, which he receiv'd from 'em, imported no more, but that there was still a vail before his eyes, that hinder'd him from seeing clearly into all those Affairs, that were propounded to him. And this was the purport of those, wherewith that German Dominican was entrusted, in whose company we cross'd one part of Muscovy, Lithunia, together with the White-Russia, and parted at length at Warsaw, where we arriv'd the 12th. of March in the Year 1686. about Eleven Months after Father Barnaby and my self set out of Irivan.

IF the constancy God inspires amidst the greatest Misfortunes, that seem most to oppose our designs, is a sensible proof that God approves them, we have a great deal of reason to believe, that the discovery of a way to China by Land, which we had undertaken, has been agreeable to him, since, that far from being disgusted, by all the difficulties we have met in it, we never had greater hopes of Success, than at the time when they seemed altogether desperate.

After the refusal we had from the Muscovites, we had but one resourse for the execution of our Project, which was to follow Count Syri into Persia, whose good Intentions, seconded by his admirable Qualifications, promis'd us a more prosperous, and more certain Success, than that we had flatter'd our selves with till then.

Indeed,Our perplexities at our return from Muscovy. it was a very great risque, to venture on so long a Journey, after all our pass'd Fatigues; a thousand dangers seem'd to attend our enterprize of going for Constantinople, at a time when the War between the Christians and the Infidels, seem'd to shut up all the Avenues thither; but what can be impossible, when seconded by the Grace of God, we abandon our selves to the care of Providence? Notwithstanding the dangerous conjunctures of that time, we took our measures to pass into the East, and to leave no means unattempted to succeed therein.

We apply'd our selves at first to the Emperour's Envoy,The Emperour's Envoy refuses us Passes. call'd Ierowski, who was at Warsaw at that time, thinking he would not refuse us the Pass-ports we wanted to go to Vienna, from whence we might easily repair to Buda, and from thence to the first City, possess'd by the Grand Seignior, upon the Danube.

Some Political Reasons having hinder'd that Minister from favouring our Designs, Heaven fortunately inspir'd us with the thoughts of applying our selves to the Great General of Poland, We apply our selves to the Great General of Poland. whom we only knew by the extraordinary and admirable things, we had formerly been told, and were still daily publish'd about him. The Civility and Kindness he express'd to us, the first time we had the honour to speak with him, soon convinc'd us of the truth of those reports; and we had leasure to discover in the sequel, during two Months time, in which we conversed with him, that his Reputation, tho' great, was much below his Merit.

This Lord, the most lovely,He receives us very kindly. and the most belov'd of any in Poland, being inform'd with all our past Adventures and with the Motive which made us apply our selves to him, made us very sensible, from that very moment, that he took a great deal of Interest in our Concerns, and how much he desir'd we should rely upon him for the execution of our Enterprise. My dear Fathers, said he, embracing us, being French-Men, Jesuits, and Missionaries, as you are, you need not question but I will be proud to serve you: Whatever vexation you have received from the Muscovites, by the refusal of the Passage you desn'd of them, I cannot be displeas'd with them, for the trouble they have occasion'd you, since it affords me an opportuninity to serve you. As the only favour your Zeal requires, is to put you in a way to reach Constantinople, assure your selves, that I will get you thither. If you have no business here, prepare your selves to go to Leopold with me, and there we will take all necessary measures for the Jonrney you undertake for the Glory of God.

Tho' Father Beauvollier, and my self,We follow him to Leopold, where he entertain'd us two Months, at his Palace. were extreamly tired with the fatigues of our return, and stood in want of rest, we receiv'd new Vigour, upon the agreeable assurances our generous Protector was pleas'd to give us, and we follow'd him full of Joy and Confidence to Leopold, which is the place of his usual Residence.

As soon as we came there,He dispatches two Couriers to secure us a Passage from Poland to Constantinople. he dispatch'd two Couriers, the one to the Hospodar of Woldavia, and the other to the Bashaw of Caminiec, who were best able to favour our Passage at that dangerous time.

Besides his Application to remove all the difficulties that stood in our way,We receive extraordinary marks of his kindness, during our abode with him. he extended his care to our Persons, with an extraordinary kindness. Being sensible that we had suffer'd considerably in our last Voyage of Muscovy, he omitted nothing that was capable to restore us to our former Health, in order to enable us to perform that we were shortly to undertake.

He entertain'd us in his own Palace, in which he gave us a fiue conveniont Apartment, and would in no wise permit us to Lodge with our Fathers, that are settl'd at Leopold. We remain'd there about two Months, in expectation of the return of the Couriers; during which time, we sensibly discover'd the singular favour we had receiv'd from Heaven, in the Potent Protection of the incomparable Palatin of Russia, whose Holy Example serv'd as much to animate our Zeal for the Service of God, as his Eminent Qualifications, to challenge our admiration of him.

This Illustrious General,Character of the Great General of Poland. whose Heroick Actions have render'd his Name as formidable to the Enemies of the Faith, as venerable in all Europe, possess'd, to the highest degree, all the advantages of Mind and Body, that may concur towards the forming of an accomplish'd Heroe. His Air is Noble, his Port Majestick, his Heart Great, his Genious Incomparable, his Humour Agreeable, his Behaviour Charming; he is Learn'd, Curious, Magnificent, Liberal, Prudent in all his Military Expeditions, Undaunted in Danger, Bold in all his undertakings for the good of his Religion, and the advantage of the State.

But that which surpasseth all his Noble Qualifications, is, the solid Piety he professes, the which he joyns so admirably to the Functions of his Place, that he passes for the Bravest and most Religious Lord in Poland He daily allows himself two or three hours for Prayer, he hears several Masses every Morning, he employs a considerable time in reading of Books of Devotion, he often participates to the Holy Misteries, and always disposes himself to that great Action, by a Rigorous Fast. Altho' he is a severe observer of Vertue, his Conversation is sweet and ingaging: He argues incomparably well upon all Subjects, insomuch that every body delights in his Conversation; he loves to be among the Learn'd, and is seldom without some about him. Above all, he delights in discoursing of Mathematicks and History. We have often had the honour to pass the best part of the Night with him, to observe some Constellations, and some Planets, with several fine Mathematical Instruments he sometimes employs. Besides all this, he has a very particular Respect for our King.

Having thus described some of the Vertues of the Illustrious Iablonowski, no body will be surpriz'd at the high Reputation, wherewith Heaven rewards his Merit, and has given him the most accomplished Family, that can possibly be seen. Besides, the two Palatines of Plock and of Posnania his Daughters, who are two Models of Vertue for all the Polish Ladies to imitate, he has three Sons, who, like their August Father, are the delights of all Poland.

The two first have already some of the most considerable employments in the Army, where they distinguish themselves, not only by their Bravery, and other excellent Qualifications, but also by their Regular Christian Behaviour, for which they gratefully acknowledg • themselves indebted, in part, to th • good Education they have receiv'd in th • Colledge of Lewis the 14th. The third • who begins already to imitate his Brothers likewise promises much. The Wit an • Vivacity he discovers in his tender years are infallible signs of what he will prov • one day, after having received the same Education with his lovely Brothers, whose room he is coming to supply. I have never had the happiness to see the Vertuou • Mother of those Children; she dv'd 〈◊〉 little before my first arrival in Poland; but by all the Commendations I have heard of her, and by what I have learn • from the Incomparable Palatine, her Husband, I do not in the least wonder at the Vertue of their Noble Off-spring.

While we began to enjoy the sweets,Endeavours are us'd, in vain, to make the Great General of Poland Iealous of us. of the Potent Protection of our generous Benefactor, we were inform'd, with a great deal of trouble, that the Emperour's Envoy, I have already mention'd, us'd all his Interest to cross our designs, and to create Jealousies about us. He was not satisfied with having refus'd us the Passports we had desir'd of him, but he us'd, moreover, his utmost endeavours, both by word of Mouth and in Writing, to ruin our Credit with the Great General of Poland. Nay, more, he prevail'd with Persons of great Note to do the same. They did all they could to perswade him that we were dangerous Spyes; and publickly reported, that we had taken the exact Plan of the strongest places in Poland, to make a present of them to the Grand Seignior.

But all their attempts prov'd vain, the Person they went about to perswade, having too much Sence and Generosity to be impos'd upon by them. Notwithstanding their earnest Sollicitations, the Motives of which we did not discover till we came into Moldavia: We still receiv'd new favours from the great Palatin of Russia, who, far from forsaking us, daily loaded us with fresh Obligations, being fully perswaded that their Animosity against us was very ill grounded. He sufficiently testify'd, on all occasions, that his Sentiments were much more advantagious for us, than those they endeavour'd to inspire in him; and that he was very well satisfy'd with the uprightness of our Intentions, by the extraordinary care he took to secure us the Passage, which his Zeal for the Glory of God inclin'd him to procure for us.

The two Couriers, we had expected so long, being arriv'd with the most favourable answers we could expect, the Great General thought it more proper for us to go by the way of Moldavia, than that of Caminiec, whether he judg'd the first less dangerous, or whether he did not confide so much in the Basha, with whom he had no great acquaintance, as he did in the Hospodar, whom he look'd upon as his particular Friend.

The Sequel soon made us sensible,God's Providence over us, in the Choice the Great General of Poland mad for us, in the choice of the way of Moldavia, instead of Caminiec. that this determination was a very particular effect of the Providence of God over us: For soon after our arrival at Yassy, which is the Metropolitan of Moldavia, we heard that some Armenians, who had not been able to joyn us to pass from Poland to Constantinople, had unfortunately met a Party of Tartars, near Caminiec, who had plunder'd them, and beaten them to that degree, that they remain'd half dead upon the spot.

Besides these Judicious precautions, which testify'd the Zeal of our incomparable Benefactor for the success of our Journey,His obliging care, 〈◊〉 have us safely conducted to Constantinople. he gave us many other sensible proofs of his goodness, before our departure. He did not only Equip us, and give us whatever was necessary to defray the Charges of our Journey, but he oblig'd us, moreover, to take one of his Servants along with us, to be our Guide and Interpreter as far as Constantinople, and a Guard of thirty Moldavian Troops, whom he charg'd not to leave us, until they had conducted us to the Hospodar. He writ to that Prince, and other Persons who could facilitate our Journey, in such a manner, that we were received every where, as if we had been his Children.

But as considerable as all these favours were, nothing made more impression upon us, than the Tenderness and Affection he express'd to us at parting: It wrought so powerfully upon us, that it was impossible for us to express our gratitude to him, for all his extraordinary favours, otherwise than by our Signs and Tears, to which this Noble Lord shew'd us that he was not insensible.

Being thus loaded with the Liberalities of the great Palatin of Russia, Having cross'd Pokutia, we arrive at the confines of Moldavia. and accompanied by several of his Attendants, we cross'd part of Podolia, and of Pokutia, and lastly arriv'd at the Castle of Iablonow, from which the Illustrious Family of the Iablonowski derives its Name. There we took the Guard which accompany'd us to a small City of Moldavia, call'd Campolongo, which the Great General has made himself Master of, since the beginning of the War between the Poles and Turks, to keep the Moldavians in awe, and to hinder them from making Incursions upon his Lands.

Before we reach'd thither,We cross the Forest of the Boukovines, famous by the glorious actions of the Great General of Poland. we were oblig'd to engage our selves in the famous Forest of the Boukovines, the extent of which contains above forty Leagues, the same which has been made so famous by the great Victories the Great General of Poland gain'd there, some years ago over the Turks and Tartars, which came with numerous Forces, commanded by Sultan Galga, with an intention to make an Irruption into Poland.

The Passage of the Forest is very difficult,The Passage of it is dangerous and uneasie. the Roads are bad and narrow, and the Ground is soak'd every where by a foul. Marshy Water, which renders them almost impracticable. However, we were necessitated to pass through it, and to follow those oblique disagreeable Roads, the end of which I thought we should never have seen. But the illness of the Way was not the thing that troubled us most; the surprize of the Thieves alarm'd us yet much more: And as soon as we were got a pretty way into that horrid Sollitude, we discover'd several Separate Bands of them; but our Conductors being known to them, their Companions no sooner perceiv'd them but they retir'd.

Thus we got safe out of the Boukovines, and enter'd into the Plains of Moldavia, where we Travell'd some time with more satisfaction, than we had done in the gloomy Forests we came out.

Moldava is one of the Finest and Pleasantest Provinces in Europe. Description of Moldavia. There are great Plains water'd by divers Rivers, the chief of which is the Moldava, which has turnings and windings, not unlike the Seine; and seems, throughout its whole extent, to carry Plenty every where. Those Waters would certainly render those Plains very Fruitful, and would contribute to make that Province one of the Richest in Europe, were it less expos'd to the Insults of the Turks and Tartars; but the Forces, that the one and the other of them continually send through it, to defend Caminiec, have destroy'd it so much, that it lies unmanur'd in many places, for want of Inhabitants to Cultivate it, especially in the Eastern part, which confines to Tartary, where such of the Inhabitants that live in the open Country, are oblig'd to dig Lodges under Ground, to avoid the fury of those implacable Enemies of Christianity.

Having cross'd those Plains without any difficulty,Our arrival at Yassy, the Metropolitan of Moldavia. we arriv'd at Campolongo, where we took a fresh Guard, which Conducted us with as much Fidelity and Success as the first, to the Metropolitan of Moldavia. When we came near to it, we sent our Interpreter before, according to our Orders from the Great General of Poland, to present our humble Respects to the Hospodar, until we were in a condition to do it our selves.

We really expected much from the Recommendations of the Grand General, and the Letters he had given us for that Prince; but yet had we been able to foresee the effect they were to produce, we should have begg'd that Palatin to moderate his kindness, and to spare us a little more. The Hospodar, who had more regard for the pressing Letters of the General, than for our Character of Religious, put no bounds to his Respects; and I question whether he could have done more to the Ambassadors of the greatest Prince on Earth.

As soon as he had notice of our arrival,How were we receiv'd by the Hospodar. he assign'd us a convenient house, and the same day he sent us one of his Secretaries, to Congratulate our Arrival, and to let us know that he was impatient to see us. The next day he sent us his Coach, and a Guard of fifty Souldiers, together with the Lord Chancellour's Son to be our Interpreter: We were Conducted in this manner to his Palace, where the Hospodar expected us. All the Militia was in Arms in very good order, from our Lodgings to the Court. Being alighted, we found two Gentlemen who tarry'd for us to lead us to the Audience. They lead us under the Arms up a pair of Stairs of about thirty steps, and so into the great Hall, where the Barons of the State did commonly Assemble. There were a great many of them there at that time; we saluted them as we pass'd along, and then went up to the Prince's Closet, at the Door of which we met the Master of the Ceremonies, who introduc'd us.

As soon as we appear'd,The Conversation we had with him. the Hospodar arose from his Throne, and stept forward to receive us. He entertain'd us with all the Civility imaginable, above two hours long.

We made our Compliment to him, to which he answer'd in a very obliging manner; after which, having commanded us to sit down, he turn'd the Conversation upon the Conquests of our King, of which we gave him a particular account, wherewith he was very much delighted, as it appear'd by the obliging words he spoke to us, as we were going; seeming then to have forgot his Rank and Dignity, Dear Fathers, said he to us, since the King, whom you have the honour to belong to, and under whose Influence you are going to Preach the Gospel to the utmost extremities of the World, is so accomplish'd a Monarch, that he challenges admiration from all the Earth, I beg your Friendship as a Favour, that I may have the satisfaction, for the future, to reckon among my Friends two Subjects, and two Mathematicians, belonging to so great a Monarch.

We did not expect to receive such honours at that Prince's Court; and though we had foreseen it, we could not have avoided it, considering the great Recommendations he had receiv'd from the Great General of Poland, who had written to him, and to all the Officers of his Acquai • tance, to receive us like his own Children, and to be as tender of us as of his own Eyes.

It was the Hospodar's Interest to receive us as he did,The true Motive that induc'd the Hosspodar to receive us as he did. thereby to cover the Conspiracy he was framing against Poland, the which we discover'd soon after our arrival, notwithstanding all their precautions to keep it from our knowledge. I will relate the reality of this Intrigue in few words, the which this Envoy Ierowski design'd to keep us ignorant of, by opposing our passage through Moldavia.

Constantin Cantemir Hospodar of Moldavia, being conscious of the piece of Treachery he had been guilty of four or five years ago towards the King of Poland, fear'd with reason, that should his Territories once be subjected to that Crown, the King would be reveng'd of the infidelity he committed during the Campaign of Budziac: He had promis'd the King, who advanc'd as far as Iassy, the Metropolis of his Territories, to take an Oath of Allegiance to him, and solemnly to acknowledge his dependancy on Poland, and to supply his Army with all necessary Provisions: But while he amus'd that Prince within a League of the City by the Deputies he continually sent to him, he fled another way with the Inhabitants, who carry'd away whatever they could remove. The King enter'd the City with his Army, which committed great Spoils there, and reduc'd it to the miserable Condition in which we have seen it.

This violence of the Souldiers, tho just,The Emperours makes Propositions to them, to put themselves under Protection of the Government. contributed very much to incense the Moldavians against the Poles, and particularly a considerable number of Grecians who are the chief Boyers of that little Court. They willingly hearken'd to the Propositions that were made to them from the Emperour, by a Deputy who was sent thither on purpose, and they promis'd each other an inviolable secrecy, which they swore upon the Holy Gospel. The Hospodar oblig'd the Illustrious Mir • n Lord High Chancellour of the State, to take the same Oath, altho' both he, and all his Family, and the Great General of Moldavia his Kinsman seem'd very much affected to the Interest of Poland, but he could not oblige him to Sign that Treaty, without reiterated menaces of cutting-off his Head, and to extirpate his Family, which is the most considerable in that Province.

This Treaty,Articles of the Treaty between the Emperour, and the Hospodar. which had been lately concluded, and which all the Boyars had been oblig'd to Sign, consisted of five Articles.

I. The first was, that Moldavia should be under the Protection and Dependancy of the Emperour, for which tke Hospodar should be oblig'd to pay him a Tribute of Fifty Thousand Crowns.

II. The Second, That the Emperour should furnish him a sufficient Body of Men to force the Poles out of Campolongo, and other Places of Moldavia in which they kept Garrisons, and that he should assist him, whenever he should be ingag'd in War against Poland.

III. The Third, That the said Emperour in his Treaty of Peace with the Port, should oblige the Grand Seignor to set the Hospodar's Eldest Son at Liberty, whom he kept as an Hostage at Constantinople.

IV. The Fourth, That the Principality of Moldavia should be Hereditary to the Descendants of the Hospodar.

V. The Fifth, Finally, that the Emperour should allow the Schismaticks the free Exercise of their Religion, and that he should never press the Moldavians to be re-united to the Roman Church.

This Treaty was just concluded when we arriv'd at Iassy, The Agent who manag'd this Treaty, is concern'd at our Arrival. and the Agent who had been imploy'd about it, was very much concern'd at our coming there, lest we should disabuse the Court from all the false Reports he had spread against France, to gain his Ends the better. And indeed we did so, even before we had heard any thing about the Treaty, and discover'd the falsity of the News he had spread that the French had been totally Defeated near the Danube, thereby, as he thought, to give a greater Idea of the Emperour's Power.

We had the satisfaction to see that Court absolutely undeceiv'd in what related to France, during our short abode there, and to inspire them with Sentiments very different from those they had before our Arrival. And this without doubt was the Reason which induc'd the Hospodar to treat us yet more respectfully, and with greater kindness at our last Audience, than he had done at the first. I am apt to believe that his Proceedings at that time put him to a great loss at present: But the Evil is done, and I doubt it will not be long before he finds the effect of it, and that the Polanders, or the Turks, to punish him for endeavouring to withdraw from under their Dominions, will totally ruine that wretched Principality, the which without having had any War, is at present the most ruinated Province in Europe.

The Hospodar detain'd us a Week at Iassy, The Hospodar gives us Letters and Passports for the Seraskier of the Turks. for the expediting of the Letters and Passports we wanted to go to the Serasquier, who was Incamp'd upon the Danube, on the Confines of Moldavia, We receiv'd them at last at the coming out of the last Audience the Hospodar was pleas'd to give us, with the Ceremonies that were us'd in the first.

While we were imploy'd about our departure,Before our departure from Jassy, we receive a Letter from the Great General of Poland. we receiv'd with a great deal of joy, a Letter from the Great General of Poland, which satisfy'd us, that he had not forgot us during our absence, and that he preserv'd the same tenderness for us, which he had formerly given us such signal proofs of. Altho' it proceeded from a Heart a little too prepossess'd in our Favour; I cannot forbear incerting it here, to avoid the just reproaches I should be liable to, should I suppress any of the Favours we have receiv'd from that Great Man, who has put no bounds to his kindness towards us: It was conceiv • d in these terms.

The Consolation we receiv'd by the generous assurances the General of Poland gave us,We cross the remainder of Moldavia, and arrive at the Turkish Camp. of the continuance of his kindness, supported us in all our Journey. We departed from Iassy with the Convoy the Hospodar gave us, and after four days March we arriv'd at Galatz, which is a small Town Situate upon the Danube, where we found a Bark ready, which conducted us safe to the Turkish Camp, which was about 5 hours distant from thence.

As soon as the Seraskier's Lieutenant receiv'd notice of our arrival, he assign'd us a House in the nearest Burrough to the Camp, and sent some Ianissaries to secure us against the injuries we might have receiv'd from the Souldiers of the Army. He us'd us thus Civilly, because he had been inform'd by our Convoy that we were French-men, and that the King had done us the Honour to send us with the Quality of his Mathematicians.

The next day the Seraskier from whom we had desir'd an Audience to deliver the Letters we had receiv'd from the Hospodar, The Seraskier gives us an Audience. sent us a Chaoux follow'd by three Ianissaries, with two Turkish Horses Richly Harnass'd, to conduct us to him, and thereby to evidence the great Respect the Ottomans bear to our Great Monarch.

As we had been oblig'd to disguise our selves, to pass more securely through all those Schismatical Infidel Countries, where our Cloathing would have expos'd us to many affronts, we found our selves once more engag'd to play a part that did not please us, the which we retain'd no longer, than while we judg'd it proper to advance the Work of God, which we had undertaken.

We went in State, being conducted by the General's Officers to deliver the Letters we had receiv'd from the Hospodar of Moldavia. The Seraskier who expected us under his Tent, surrounded by all his Icoglans Richly attir'd, receiv'd us with an air altogether grave and serious, according to the Custom of the Turks, and having answer'd our Complement pretty civilly, he told us that he had order'd his Kiaia to give us satisfaction in what we had to propose to him. We were better pleas'd with the reception of this Lieutenant of the Turkish Army,We Visit his Lieutenant. than with the Seraskier's. Although he was a Grecian, and an Apostate, he treated us with all the Civility imaginable: He presented us at first with the usual Liquors, and Perfumes; he was very well pleas'd with our Letters of Mathematicians, and having some Skill himself in Geometry, and Astronomy, he oblig'd us to entertain himself a considerable time, and propos'd some questions upon those Matters to us.

While we were imploy'd in explaining them to him, a young Man enter'd his Tent in great heat,A vexatious Adventure, which happen'd to us in the Turkish Camp. who having kiss'd his Vest, deliver'd some Letters to him from the Seraskier, that had been intercepted some days before near Kaminiec, the which he had receiv'd that very moment. They had been taken from a Polander, disguis'd like a Tartar, and they having observ'd a Crown in the Seal, imagin'd streight that they came from the King of Poland, and that we, who were lately come out of that Prince's Territories, would undoubtedly know the Contents of them.

The Seraskier's Secretary, who was a wretched Renegado, came into the Tent where we were, with this wicked supposition, and shew'd us those Letters, and would needs have it that we were acquainted with the Secret that was hid under Ciphers which he did not understand. He us'd his utmost endeavours to discover the Mystery thereof, he put several odd questions to us, and forgot nothing that he thought might put us to a loss. However, we clear'd our selves, notwithstanding all his Malicious Interrogations, and having acquainted the Ki • ia, how much our profession was oppos'd to all Worldly Intrigues, which we had long since forsaken, to apply our selves intirely to the Service of the true God; we told him, to disabuse him quite, that those Letters came from the King our Master's Ambassadour in Poland, and that they were written to him that he was sending to the Port, who would be very much surpriz'd to hear that the Courier who carry'd them had been thus unjustly stop'd. We acquainted him at the same time, in presence of the Secretary, with the difference of the Coronets that are us'd in Europe upon Coats of Arms, and explain'd to them in general the manner of using Cyphers, which they seem'd very well pleas'd with; and it also made them sensible that it was impossible for us to unravel the Mystery of the Cyphers they saw, which caus'd so much jealousie in them.

However, notwithstanding they seem'd satisfy'd with our Sincerity,The Turks being jealous of us, confine us. this unhappy Adventure created a thousand suspicions in them to our disadvantage; but whereas our Letters of Mathematicians had gain'd us some credit among them, they caus'd us to be conducted back to our house, in the same Order we came from thence; altho' at the same time, to be the more sure of us, they gave us some new Ianissaries, and order'd them to have a watchful eye upon us, and not to suffer any body to speak to us.

This precaution did not hinder some Renegadoes,Some Reneg • d • es being tr • ubled in mind, come to us by stealth. whom the News of our arrival had check'd, to come to us by stealth; and whereas they seem • d exceedingly concern'd at the unhappy Condition in which they were oblig'd to live, after their having basely abandon'd their Religion, we endeavour'd to encourage them, and perswaded them to take such measures as were necessary, to draw them out of it as soon as could be. The Turks themselves being mov'd by a certain Curiosity, often deceiv'd the assiduity and vigilance of our Guards: We had several Conferences with them about Religion; which convinc'd us, that it was a vulgar Erour to believe, that a Mahometan never enters into any Dispute; and that it is not lawful for him to propose any doubt in case of Religion, tho never so desirous to inform himself of the truth of that which he professes, and to know those, that are opposite to it.

In the mean while, as we heard nothing from the Chiefs, and that we were still kept very close, tho' otherwise we receiv'd no other ill treatment from them, we desir'd a new Audience from the Kia • a, to know what Resolution had been taken in our Case. He receiv'd us as kindly as at the first time, and having Discours'd us above four hours, upon several Mathematical Questions, he assur'd us that they only tarry'd for the return of a Courier, whom they had sent to the Grand Visier to dismiss us, since they durst not permit us to go any further, without leave from him.

However, this was only a put-off, and had we tarry'd until the return of the Express, whom they pretended to have sent, we should have tarry'd long enough in their C& but the Abbot Girardin having been inform'd by a Spy, how we were us'd by the Turks, complain'd to the Grand Visier about it, who order'd us to be put at Liberty again, after five Weeks Confinement.

The Seraskier having receiv'd Orders by an Express to release us,The Seraskie • releases us by the Grand Visier's Order. had no sooner acquainted us with the Orders he had receiv'd from the Port, but we immediately cross'd the Danube, and instead of going through Romania, where we fear'd some new Adventure, we Embarqu'd upon that River for Kili, which is a little Town of the Lower Arabia, where we were assur'd to meet with a Saique ready to Sail for Constantinople.

In going down towards the Mouth of that River, we met a Bark, which carry'd the Pay of the Ianissaries: This Encounter prov'd advantageous to us: for one of them who had undertaken to conduct us thither, made the more hast, in order to return time enough to receive his pay.

As soon as we came thither, the Patron of the Saique being inform'd of our design, came to offer us a place aboard his Vessel, we agreed about our Passage, and dispos'd our selves to go away the next day, he having assur'd us that he would tarry no longer. He kept his word punctually, and weigh'd Anchor at the appointed time, and having reach'd the Mouth of the Danube, we tarry'd a whole day there for a favourable Wind, to set out to Sea.

In the mean time our Captain and his Men remain'd upon the Watch all Night for fear of being surpriz • d by the Cossacks, One makes a st • p at the mouth of the Danube. who often come to that place,The Cossacks come sometimes in small B • ats, to attack the largest Ships. there to insult the Ships they can attack with advantage: To this end they straggle up and down in light Sloops, that are so little, that they cannot contain above one Man: They are cover'd at top by a well stretch • d Leather, which hinders the Water from getting into them; a Cossack sits in the middle of it with a pair of Oars to guide himself, and has his Arms by him to Comb • t in case of necessity. A hundred of those small Boats sometimes surround a Ship, in order to make themselves Masters of it; and thus one is often expos'd to be surpriz • d by those dangerous Pirates, unless one be in a Condition to make a good defence, and stand continually upon ones Guard.

The next day a North East Wind arising,We reach the Black-Sea. soon carry'd us in open Sea, which cannot be done easily, by reason that the Danube being very shallow at the Mouth of it, it must be continually sounded, and great care taken to avoid the Banks of Sand that are very dangerous, as we found it soon after our having weigh'd our Anchors. The third day of our Navigation, towards night we discover'd the Coast of Asia, and perceiv'd the Beacon that stands at the Entrance of Bosphorus: We discover the Beacon of the Black-Sea, after three days Navigation. but whereas it was night we were oblig'd to tack about for fear of stranding somewhere or other.

This Precaution seem • d really necessary,The Pilot's want of Experience exposes us to the danger of a Shipwrack. but yet it had like to have cost us our Lives; for while the Men were imploy'd about it, the Wind and the great Sea, against which the Turks know not how to defend themselves, agitated our Ship to that degree, that we were upon the point of being Shipwrack'd, but every body put a hand to work not to be lost in the Port; we pass'd all the Night in that agitation and fear, and it prov'd the worst that ever I pass'd in my Life.

However, we continu'd to steer our Course the next day at break of day,Ouer arrival at Constantinople. and being got happily into the Canal, we discover'd the Great and Famous City of Constantinople, the Prospect of which is incomparably fine. We advanc'd as far as the Port of Galata to dis-imbark, and being come a-shoar, we went directly to the Jesuit's House.

We were inform'd there with the arrival of Monsieur de Chateau Neuf at Gallipoli, We tarry there for Monsieur de Chateau Neuf the King's Ambassadour at the Port. where he was stopt near three Weeks by contrary Winds. We were oblig'd to tarry for him, to deliver some Letters of Consequence to him, from the great General of Poland, and to obtain an Order by his means from the Caimacan of Constantinople, for the safety of our Passage into Persia.

Having obtain'd it, and being almost upon the point of our departure,A new accident stops our Project. I was unfortunately seiz • d for the third time in less than a year, with a cruel spitting of Blood, which broke all our. Measures, the Physicians and our Fathers obliging me to go back into France, to endeavour my Cure.

While the Ship, that was to carry back Madam de Girardin, after the decease of the late Ambassadour her Husband, was preparing to go away, I employ'd the little time I had left, to prepare my self also: At that time above Six Score Christian Slaves Saved themselves, one of which had the Confidence to fling himself on board our Ship before the face of his Aga, who was passing by in a small Boat: On the 23d of October we hois'd our Sails, the Ambassadrice, and the Abbot Girardin her Brother-in-Law being come on Board, who were receiv'd with the discharge of all the Cannon, which eccho'd throughout the whole Bosphorus.

Whereas the Man of War call'd the Adventurer, which was to carry us,The Captain's Ord •• s for the Regulation of their Course. had engag'd to Convoy a Bark and a Tartane which were going back into France. They weigh'd their Anchors as soon as she, having first receiv'd the following Orders from our Illustrious Captain for the regulation of their Course, and for what they were to do in case of a Combat, Viz.

In case the Adventurer prepares for a Combate, he shall signifie as much by a Blue Pennant under the fane of his Main Mast, whereupon both Ships shall likewise prepare for it.

In case the Adventurer thinks fit the two Ships should go before him, he shall put a White and Red Pennant under the fane of his Mizen Mast, in which case they shall place themselves in a file before him, and when he shall remove it, they shall return behind him as before, and Sail like him.

In case he would have them to remain under the Wind, he shall put out a Blue and White Pennant at the end of the Yard of the great Scuttle.

In case he would have them keep above the Wind, he shall place a White Penn • nt under the fane of the Top-gallant.

In case he would have the Masters to burn their Ships, and to come on board of him with their Sloops, he shall signify as much by placing a Red Pennant at the end of the Main Yard.

In case he would have them to look out for a Neighbouring Harbour, he shall put out a white Streamer at the end of his Mizen Yard,

When he shall desire to speak with the Bark, he shall put out a Blue Pennant at the end of his Ancient-Staff, and his Flag in the same place, to call the Tartane

All things being thus dispos'd, and the Signals as aforesaid given, we pass • d the Seaven Towers at the beginning of the Night with a good Northerly Wind, the which blowing briskly, we soon cross'd the Sea of Marmora, and the next day being the 24th, we reach • d the Canal of Gallipoli betimes. We met the Ottoman Fleet there at an Anchor, compos'd of Eleven Great Ships only, in the middle of which appear'd the Ship of Captain Paul a Famous Pirate of Legorn very much disabled, who having fought some days before like a Lyon against the Algerines, and Turks together, was at last oblig'd to yield to their numbers, and to surrender after an obstinate Combat.

As soon as we perceiv'd this Fleet,An Officer is dispatch'd to the Captain Bassa to agree about the Salutation. we sent out an officer of the Ship to the Captain Bassa, to agree about the Salutation: but that General having answer'd that the Grand Seignior's Ships never return'd any Salute while they lay at an Anchor; we pass'd by without any Ceremony on either side, and we came immediately over against the Old Castles, where we were oblig'd to Anchor, to tarry for the Tartane, that had not been able to follow us. We pass'd the night very quietly in that place, and the next day being the 25th, we set Sail again about Nine in the Morning with a fair Wind. We Saluted the Old Castles as we pass'd by with five Cannon shot, to which they answer'd with nine sharp: we did the same passing by the two new ones, which answer'd with as many Shot as the former.

I am now very sensible that I was in a very great Errour,The Castles of the Dardanella are not so strong as they are reported to be. when I imagin'd, that those Castles were impregnable: Nothing can be more simple than those Forts; the which, excepting some Ramparts, have nothing that can defend them. The truth is, there are some large Pieces of Cannon in them, the effects of which appear'd to me very inconsiderable. The rebounds of the Boulets of the Old Castles indeed reach'd far beyond the middle of the Canal, but those of the last could hardly reach it. What should hinder eight or ten great Ships, that may easily pass there upon the same Line, from covering themselves on the Flanks on both sides, with other Ships, and from Steering their Course as far as Constantinople?

As soon as we got out of the Canal,We pass over against Tenedo, Troy, Metelin, and Schio. of which those four Forts defend the Entrance, we discover'd the Isle of Tenedo, together with the City that bears the same name, without being able to observe any particular thing there, or in the Famous City of Troy, which stands opposite to it. Virgil tells us more of it in his Verses, where he describes the ruines of it, than we could find by our Eyes. The Wind continuing to blow briskly, we soon after discover'd the Isle of Metelin, and having during the Night pass'd the Golf, one must pass, steering ones Course towards Smirna, we found our selves the next day overagainst Schio.

The North Wind having sorsaken us there,The Wind becomes contrary. we had a Calm for three or four days, which was follow'd by a Southerly Wind, which being directly contrary to us, we try'd in vain to reach the Canal, that lies between the Isles of Schio and Ipsera; and, the Sea being very rough at the same time, we were oblig'd to steer above those two Isles, in order to reach the Port of St. George of Schirro, where we thought fit to put in for considerable Reasons.

Having lost two Passengers since we embarqu • d,The ill weather, and the fear of a Plague, obliges them to put in at St. George of Schirro. and being fearful of a Contagious Distemper among our Men, by reason of some Plague-Sores that had been observ'd about one of those that dy'd, Monsieur de la Roque-Perin our Captain resolv'd to Anchor in the Port that is form'd by that Island, in order to cause his Men to be visited, and to ease the Ambassadrice, who was very ill by continual Vomitings occasion'd by the tossings of the Ship.

We enter'd happily into it, and having found a good ground, we drop'd our Anchors, and undesignedly allarm'd a small French Bark that likewise Anchor'd there. However, we put out our Colours to reassure her, but she looking upon it as a Snare to catch her, durst not draw near us. While time was allow'd her to satisfie her self who we were, the Commissary of our Ship was sent on Shoar, to get some Provisions, by reason that ours began to fail. Some Officers follow'd him to divert themselves with Hunting: In the mean while the Patron of the Bark, which we had discover'd to be French by her Colours, which she hung out having descry'd ours, not coming up to us, like the other Ships that had follow'd us, we sent a Sloop to her to mind her of her duty. Whereupon the Patron immediately weigh'd Anchor, and having Saluted our Ship in passing by her, he came on Board to Salute our Captain, who straight caus'd a Strapado to be prepar'd for him, for having tarry'd so long to submit to the King's Colours. But my Lady Ambassadrix obtain'd his Pardon, and he came off with the fear.

The same day about Eight at night the Hunters being come back from the Village of St. George, A satal Accident happen'd to the Commissary of our Ship. brought us the • ews of the fatal death of our Commissary, who was kill'd by one of our Store-keepers, who shot him in the Right Shoulder, of which wound he dy'd upon the Spot. This Accident stop'd us l • nger than we had design'd; for whereas our Captain was resolv'd to secure the wretch who had committed the Murther, and had made his escape, he thought fit to send an Officer a shore, with a Company of Souldiers, to Summon the Chief Magistrate of the Village to use his utmost Endeavours to secure the Murtherer, thereby also to oblige his Islanders to deliver him into his hands. The said Officer and his Men arriv'd two hours before day at the Village, the Inhabitants whereof, were terrify'd at the Ringing of the Allarum-Bell, and at the sight of our Souldiers. Five or Six Hundred Grecians dispers'd themselves immediately in all the parts of that small Island, and at last found the unhappy Fugitive, who being brought back to the Ship, was put in Irons, until he could be Try'd in due form.

While some were imploy'd in search of him,We put out to Sea, and go to Anchor near Argentiere, to enquire the Algerine Fleet. the deceas'd was Bury'd on the Sea-Shore, near a little Chappel, built as 'tis most likely, by the Inhabitants of the Country: After which we weigh'd our Anchors, and put out to Sea with a favourable Wind, which in a short time enabled us to double the Golden Cape, and to discover the Isle of Argentiere, where we Anchor'd, in order to inquire about the Fleet of Algier, which we had all along been in dread of, not having as yet been able to hear any thing about the Conclusion of a Peace, between that Republick and France.

We remain'd two whole days in that Road,We meet the Venetian Fleet and could not put out to Sea until the Second of November, upon which, being favour'd by a fair Wind, we pass'd by the Isles of Sapienza, having met the Venetian Fleet by the way, Steering towards Coron: having pass'd the Golf of Venice, we discover'd the point of Sicilly towards night. However, we were somewhat disquieted all Night, about a Fire we perceiv'd at a distance; some imagin'd it was the Lanthorn of a Ship that Conducted some Squadron, which oblig'd us to stand upon our guard, and to prepare our Artillery in case of need: Others on the contrary affirm'd, that this Fire proceeded from Mount Gibel, which was within ken; but the next day we discover'd the falsity of our Conjectures, when we came over against the Cape of Passaro. The Spaniards keep a Garrison there in a kind of Fort, which they have built for the security of the Coast, and as soon as they discover any Ship, they are oblig'd to light Beacons from space to space, to warn the Country People to precaution themselves against the Pirates that land but too often there.

While we doubled that Cape, M. de Persin put on the Signal to give notice to the Barks, and the Tartane to draw near to his Ship, to be in a posture of defence, in case the Spanish Gallies should appear. Some time after we discover'd the Isle of Maltha, We pass over against Maltha. which lies about 20 Leagues from Cape Passaro. We met with a Storm in that place, which was follow'd with some Whirlwinds, and great Claps of Thunder, after which the Wind becoming favourable to us, we advanc • d as far as the Isle of Panteleria, which notwithstanding the smallness of it, yields very considerable Revenues to the Spaniards who are Masters of it. We remain'd two days in sight of that Island, being surpriz'd by a great Calm there, occasion'd by the extraordinary heat of the weather; but a Southerly Wind happily arising, we continu'd our Course, and soon after discover'd the Cape of Bonae.

It is a point of Africk where there is no Fort,Precauti • ns of those of Tunis to desend their Coasts. but those of Tunis keep a Beacon there for the security of their Ships, and of the Inhabitants of the Country, which a Maharbou or Dervich, who makes Penance there, takes care to kindle, to give notice, by as many fires as he makes, of the number of Sails he discovers.

On the left hand of this Cape, stands the Fort of Galipa, scituate upon a very high narrow Promontory, almost inaccessible, where the Cannons that are very numerous, are capable to defend the place from all parts, and to hinder the approaches of the Enemy. While we were considering all this, the South-East-Wind encreas'd to that degree, that we did run about three Leagues an hour, and we soon lost sight of the Isles of Sembrow. Had it continu'd, we had soon come within sight of Sardinia; but about Midnight it turn'd to North-West, and tormented us strangely all the remainder of the Night.

This tossing and rowling of the Ship which agitated us by turns,We are oblig'd to put into Barbary by stress of Weather. discompos'd us extreamly, and the Contrary Winds, which from time to time occasion'd Whirlwinds, took from us all hopes of doubling the Isles of St. Peter so soon as we had expected, and the Wind still rising more and more, insomuch that we could no longer resist it, we were oblig'd to put into Barbary, which we did on the 14th of November, and dropt our Anchors over against Portofarine, which is a pretty good Haven, and where the small City of the same name, is pretty well Situated to shelter Ships from the great North-west, and Westerly-Winds. It is built at the foot of a high Mountain, upon a Peninsula, where the Ships may Ride securely. It belongs to those of Tunis, whose Capital City is not above 7 Leagues from thence, and there is no other way to it but through Goletta, where the Famous City of Carthage formerly stood; from whence you enter into a fine Lake, upon which Tunis is Built.

The North-West-Winds, which the Provencals call Mistral, oblig'd us to remain in that Road the 15th, and 16th. However we did not remain idle there: Some of our Men went into a small Island, where while some were shooting Pidgeons, which were very plenty there formerly, others imploy'd themselves in Fishing with Success. They took a Sea-Calf, which they wounded with Fire-Arms, and then made an end of him with Stones. The Flesh of it not being eatable, they only took the Skin to make Muffs and Pouches with it. They brought it aboard with the Head fix'd to it. The Skin was about the largeness of a small Oxe's Hide: The Hair of it was extraordinary thick and smooth, blackish at the top, with two large whitish spots under the Flanks,A Sea Calf is taken. it had no sign of a Tail, and the four Extremities were limited with the four Finns, which this Animal equally uses in the Water, and on the Shoar, where it often spoils the Vines. Every one of the Finns was arm'd with five pretty large black Nails. The foremost appear'd considerably, whereas the hindermost were hardly seen, being cover'd with the Skin, and much smaller than the first. The Head resembles that of a Lyon, or a Leopard, excepting only that you can see no Ears it has. I us'd my utmost Endeavours to discover the Conduit of Sound, and could not discover it until I had laid the head quite bare, and then I perceiv'd two small hairy Conduits, within three or four fingers breadth of the Eye, which abutted to two little holes almost imperceptible, which I discover'd with a Probe upon the Skin. Its Tongue is very short and thick, the Jaws and Nostrils are like a Bulls, whose Bellowing it imitates exactly, as I was told by those who took it, and heard it as it was strugling for Life.

While we were thus agreeably imploy'd in our Ship, we discover'd four Sail coming from behind the point of the Mountain which covers the Road where we had Anchor'd, which frighten • d us at first; but we soon recover'd our fright, seeing them keep very close to the Shore; whereby we sound that they were only Privateers. And indeed it was only a Squadron of four small Ships belonging to Tunis, which were going to Porto-Sarino, with a Prize they had taken, which our Adventurer would have regretted Eternally, had he not been Inform'd soon after, that a Peace was concluded with Algier.

We heard the next day that Mezzomorto Dey of Algier had pass • d before us in one of those four small Ships. Mezzomorto is taken by four Privateers of Tunis. A Sedition among his People, had oblig'd him to flie in a little Bark, in which having been surpriz'd near the Golf of Palma, by those four Brigantines that were Cruising thereabouts, he was carry'd to Portofarino, and from thence to Tunis, where he was kept a while.

The next day being the 17th of November, We reach Sardinia, and Anchor before Cagliari. we put to Sea again with a S. W. Wind, and continu'd our Course towards Sardinia, after having discover'd the Isle of Guerite, otherwise call'd Fratelly, by reason of two small Points that are discover'd from afar. At Night the Wind fail'd us, and then turn'd against us to a North West: However, we still endeavour'd to continue our Course, and notwithstanding a great Sea that tormented our Ship exceedingly, we made a shift to reach the Cape of Poule, near the Gulf of Cagliari.

We were oblig'd to tarry all the Night at the Cape, for fear of coming too near the shoar. The next day betimes we advanc'd into the Gulf, there to Anchor and to refit our Ship which was much disabled by the preceeding days Wind and Sea.

While our Men were imploy'd in refitting our Ship,Strange Adventure of Mezzomorto's Wife. the City of Cagliari which stood before us, made us reflect on the dismal Adventure of Mezzomorto's Wife, the same who pass'd before us two or three days before. That Queen was Daughter to the President of Cagliari, who was sending her under the Conduct of one of her Brothers into Spain, there to be Marry'd to one of the Grandees of the Kingdom. They were no sooner got out of the Port, but they were surpriz'd by the Algerines, who having taken them without any difficulty, carry'd their Prize directly to Algier. The young Slave pleas'd Mezzomorto, who omitted nothing on his side to gain her. She made use of that Dey's kindness for her to obtain leave for her Brother to go back to Sardinia there to fetch their Ransom, which that Prince granted her; but still without discontinuing his pursuits, against which this Generous Heroin defended her self bravely. Finally, the Brother came back, after some Weeks absence, and paid the Ransom that had been agreed on, for his Sister, and for himself; which being done, this young Maid, who till then had express'd so much bravery of Mind, seeing the Ship ready to set Sail, chang'd her resolution all of a sudden, and turn'd Mahometan to Marry the Dey, who is at present as well as her self, Chastiz'd for her Insidelity, and his Abjuration of the Christian Faith.

The following day being the 20th, we put out to Sea again, in order to endeavour to reach the Isles of St. Peter, which were about a hundred Miles distant from us. The Wind having been long uncertain, at last became favourable for us, and we doubled a considerable part of that great Island before Night, but it soon turn'd about again, and made us pay severely for the short repose we had enjoy'd part of the day. Never was any Ship more agitated by Wind and Sea than ours was at that time, or expos'd to more frequent Whirl-winds, and never did any Man take more pains than M. de Perin on that occasion. Heaven rewarded him the next day for his assiduity and vigilancy, for the preservation of those that had been committed to his Charge.

It was on the 21st of November, being the day of the Presentation of the Virgin, that we discover'd about break of day a Ship, at sight of which we immediately prepar'd for a Combat. When we came within ken, we putout our Colours to oblige her to discover her self; but she not answering our expectation, we fir'd some Guns at her which made no Execution, by reason that we were at too great a distance. The Wind driving her upon us against her will, she endeavour • d to deceive us by putting out French Colours; but we soon discover'd the Cheat, by her endeavours to avoid us, and to Steer another Course. We began anew to fire briskly upon her, whereat they being extreamly daunted, she made a contrary motion to what she had done till then. Whereupon we immediately pull'd in all our Sails, to allow her time to surrender; she was no sooner come up to us, but our Captain commanded the Patron to put out his Long-Boat, and to come on board of him. The Wretch obey'd and confess'd that he was a Majorcan, and that his Ship was a good Prize. Monsieur de Perin receiv'd him very kindly; and in order to secure his Prize the better, he caus'd all the Money, and all the Men that were in her to be brought on board his own Ship, and sent some of his own Men in their room, with an Officer to conduct her during the rest of the Voyage.

Tho' this Encounter was very happy, we could not forbear pitying the Fate of one of the Passengers that was taken on Board that small Ship. It was a Man of 70 years of Age, who having made great Efforts to raise the Ransom of an only Son, who had been long a Slave at Algier, had embarqu'd himself at Majorca, in hopes of freeing him securely. The misfortune he had had of being taken and strip'd twice by Privateers before in going to Algier upon the same account had not discourag'd him, and he was returning thither again with Joy and Confidence, when he unfortunately fell into the hands of an Enemy he little thought on.

After this Expedition, we made up to the Gulf of Palma, there to tarry for an Easterly Wind, which we stood in need of, and to allow the Sea time to Calm. All things happen'd according to our desires, for having had a very quiet night where we rode, the next day being the 22th, an Easterly Wind arose, which having carry'd us by the three Rocks that are over against that Gulf, which are call • d by the Names of the Bull, the Cow, Having happily pass'd the Isles of Sardinia, and of Casica, we discover'd the Coast of Provence. and the Calf, made us double the Isles of St. Peter in an instant. We lost sight of them the following night, and found our selves at break of day at the Extremity of Sardinia. That very day we pass'd the Mouths of Boniface, where our Ship was very much tormented by a great Sea; but finally, we got happily out of them by a favourable Wind, which having enabled us to double the Isle of Corsica in a short time, we discover'd the Coast of Provence. However, notwithstanding our carnest desire of coming soon ashore, we were oblig'd to sustain the rage of the N. W. Winds for some few days, and to tarry at the Isles of Yera, until the Sea was grown calmer, so to continue our Course safely. Finally, the Sea being calm'd, tho not so soon as we desir'd it, we arriv'd at Toulon on St. Andrew's day,We arrive at Toulon the 30th day after our departure fro • Constantinople. where we apply'd our selves, as soon as we had dropt our Anchors; in the first place to return our most humble thanks to Almighty God, for the happy success of our Navigation.

It may be easily concluded from the faithful sincere Relation I have given of my Travels, that those who dedicate themselves to an Apostolical Life, must make provision against all the disquiets that attend their Employment. I leave to the Learned and Zealous the liberty of judging of the design that has been form'd for several years of opening a passage by Land into China, thro' the Great Tartary, and other Countries, into which the Lights of Faith have not yet been able to penetrate.

I am sensible that most of those who only Judge of things by the exterior part, will perhaps Condemn my long Travels, since they have been of no use to the principal end I did propose, and that I have never had the happiness of seeing those happy Countries, the Spiritual Conquest of which, had so much flatter'd my hopes: But besides that, I find a great Consolation in the Example of the Apostle of the Indies, whom Heaven thought fit to stop, when he thought himself nearest to it: I am sure, that those who will reflect on the different ways through which God Almighty's Providence has been pleas'd to lead me, will be oblig'd to confess that all my Misfortunes have perhaps serv'd as much to advance the Glory of his Name, as the most happy and most easie success could have done.

And tho' we have not met with that full Harvest, we expected to gather in our Travels, after being arriv'd to the term of our Mission, yet we have convinc'd our selves by the small taste we have had of it; of the pleasure one injoys in Christning an Infidel, in Instructing an Idolater, in Converting a Heretick, and in gaining a Sinner; the more than Paternal Tenderness of the great Master whom we serve, having afforded us those occasions, to apply our selves more fervently to his Service.

But tho' we had not found all those supernatural Consolations amidst all our Fatigues, the happy Tidings we have receiv'd since of the particular Blessings Heaven has been pleas'd to pour upon our Travelling Companions, who have expected us long in Persia, and in Turkey, does sufficiently recompence us for all our past Labours, and makes us sensible that we have not been stopt in the midst of our Career, without a particular design of Providence. It will appear evidently by the Comfortable Letter we have receiv'd from Hispaan, from one of those fervent Missionaries whom God seems only to have detain'd in that Metropolitan of Persia, to reunite the Armenians to the Catholick Church, who have express'd so much Earnestness and Zeal for the Holy See, on the occasion of the Jubilee, which our Holy Father Pope Alexander the 8th of Blessed Memory, granted to all the Faithful, after his Exaltation to the Soveraign Pontificate. Here are the Contents of it word for word.

HAving receiv'd the Letters, whereby a Jubilee was granted us, from our Holy Father, Pope Alexander the VIIIth. We thought our selves oblig'd, to make use of that favourable conjuncture, to set forth the Authority of his Holiness, to the utmost of our Power, and at the same time, to Establish several Doctrines of our Holy Faith, in a City, which we may call the Geneva of the Armenians, and the Seat of their Heresie. In order to succeed in an Enterprise so necessary for the Glory of God, and so advantageous to all Christians, whether Catholicks, or Hereticks; we concluded, that our best way, was to act jointly with all the Missionaries, that are numerous in this place; and particularly with Monsieur Pidou, Titular Bishop of Babylon, who in Quality of Apostolical Vicar, represents his Holiness's Person in this Kingdom of Persia.

In order to take just measures, and to do all things with Order and Edification during that Holy time; we thought fit to divide the Exercise of the Jubilee, in the three Catholick Churches that are at Iulfa, the first and most Ancient of which, is ours, not only free for the Francs, whose Parish it is, but also for the Armenians who frequent it. The second is, that, which they call here, the Church of the Cherimanis, who are five Brothers, the chief Catholicks, and most considerable Armenians of the Country. The Church is Officiated with a great deal of Zeal and Prudence, by the R. R. F. F. the White Fryars, the Provincial of which, whose Jurisdiction extends as far as the Indies, resides in this place. The third, is that of the Reverend Fathers the Dominicans, which is vacant by the Death of a Religious, who was an Armenian by Birth, come from Abbenner, Monsieur Samson Missionary of Hamadam, has taken the care of that Church upon him, until it be provided for.

All things being thus regulated by the general Approbation of every body; we pitch'd upon the first Sunday in Lent to make the overture of the Jubilee, and the third to close it. But first, we got his Holiness's Bull Translated into the Armenian Tongue, and we made three Copies of it, which we Adorn'd, with his Holiness's Coat of Arms in Gold, to please the Armenians, who have a great Veneration for those kind of Bulls, when they come to them from the Pope, or from the Patriarch, and they call them Letters of Benediction.

The Overture of this Jubilee should of right, have been perform'd in one of the Franc Churches, to make the Armenians sensible, that they ought to expect all their Jurisdiction from the Roman Church, as from the Spring-head: But whereas, the main end of this Jubilee, was to make, both the Ancient Catholicks, and Hereticks, whose Conversion we aim'd at, sensible, that the Francs and the Armenians, were but one and the same in Jesus Christ; we made no difficulty, to allow the Armenians to have that Overture made in their Budding Church, and to conclude it in ours, provided, that while a Function should be perform'd in one Church, all the Missionaries should assist at it, and assemble all the Catholicks of both sides there.

Thus the Overture of the Jubilee was made on the first Sunday in Lent, being the 24th of March, in the Armenian Catholick Church of the Cherimanis, where a world of People repair'd from all parts, to assist at the Reading of the Letter of Benediction, of the Holy Pontif of the Universal Church, and to learn at the same time, whas was to be done, to profit of the Favour he imparted to all Christians. The Latin Clergy, compos'd of twelve Missionaries, all with their Copes on, and as many Franc Scholars, all with Surplices, having the Lord Bishop of Bagdat at the head of them, appear'd there on one side, and on the other the Armenian Clergy, compos'd of three Priests, four or five Deacons, and abundance of Children, imploy'd in the Service of that Church, having at their Head two Vertabiets, Catholick Arch-Bishops, who declar'd themselves of late, for the Roman Church.

This Solemnity began with High Mass, which was Sung in Latin, with Dean and Sub-Dean, by my Lord of Bagdat, assisted by the other Missionaries, and our Scholars, who on that occasion, did all things with as much Exactness, Regularity, and Decency, as if it could have been done in one of our Cathedrals in France; at the Offertory, the Arch-Bishop Michel, who resides in the Church of the Cherimanis, advanc'd to the middle of the Altar, and put his Holinesse's Bull upon his head, after which he read it with a laudible voice, and explain'd it in few words: In the next place the R. F. Hely Provincial of the R. R. F. F. the White Fryars, who possesses the Armenian Tongue perfectly, made a very fine Sermon, to explain the importance thereof more at large, and at the same time to inform the Armenians, who are lately come to our Communion, what a Jubilee is.

The Explication of the Bull being ended, the Arch-Bishop took it into his hand again, and made every body kiss it, and put it upon their heads out of respect, beginning by the Clergy, and ending by the Franc and Armenian Catholicks. The Mass ended, and the Benediction of the Holy Sacrament given by my Lord of Babylone concluded that first action, which was one of the most Solemn of the Jubilee, by the sincere and indissoluble Union it created between the two Franc and Armenian Churches, to the admiration of the Hereticks, and extream joy and satisfaction of the Catholicks.

The next day being the Monday of the first week in Lent, all the Service was perform'd in our Church, which was as well adorn'd as ever I saw any in France, with great Tents of China Satin, Damask, and Tafeta, which set it off incomparably well. In the morning I sung High Mass there, the which was follow'd by the Benediction of the Holy Sacrament according to Custom. In the Evening after Complyne was Sung,Part of the Popish Even Song. the Reverend Father Provincial of the White Fryars made an excellent Controversie upon the marks of the true Church, at which abundance of Hereticks were present out of Curiosity. The Controversie was held in the form of a Thesis, maintain'd and defended by the same Father, and Combated by the Assistants. My Lord Bishop Argumented first, I was the second, and Father Cherubin of the Order of St. Francis was the third, and all in the Armenian Tongue. The manner of explaining things debated on both sides by way of Syllogisms was very agreeable to the Principal Armenians in that City, who have a great deal of wit, and are capable of those kind of Disputes, particularly by reason that their Litteral Tongue, as well as the Arabian, does not want necessary Terms for that way of Arguing. The Controversie being ended, the R. F. Gaspar, a White Fryar, Preach'd upon the Enormity of the Mortal Sin, and after Sermon, this second day ended with the Benediction of the Holy Sacrament.

On the Tuesday every body repair'd to the Church of the R. R. F. F. Dominicans, Administred by Monsieur Samson in the absence of those Fathers, and every thing was done there as it had been done at ours, excepting the Controversie. In the Morning High Mass was sung there: The Benediction given. In the Afternoon the Complyne was Sung. The R. F. Cherubin Preach'd upon the importance of Salvation. The Benedictioa follow'd as in the Morning, which ended the day.

On the Wednesday, which was the third day of the Armenians Great Fast, we return'd to the Church of the Cherimanis, there to Celebrate the Ceremony of the Ashes, which we thought fit to give them, in order to use them incensibly to the Holy Practices of the Church of Rome. Monsieur Samson, who has an excellent Tallent for Languages, explain'd that Ceremony to them by a very fine Sermon. After which my Lord Bishop of Bagdat perform'd the Ceremony of the Ashes, and Administred them to every body. High Mass was Sung with Dean and Sub-Dean, by our R. F. Superiour, and all being ended, Coga Mourat, who is the third of the Cherimanis, would needs treat the Missionaries, as Coga Marvara his Brother had done the preceeding Sunday: That which afforded most matter of Consolation in those two Banquets of Devotion, was, That these Gentlemen, out of humility and respect would needs serve us at Table themselves, with their Children, who are the Chief of that City, and all made Gentlemen by the King of Persia, out of consideration of the Services their Ancestours have done to the Crown. The Repast being ended, we went back to Church, where Father Hely made a Controversie, as he had done before with us, about the State of Souls after Death. This Controversie was necessary to Cure the Armenians of their Errour, in believing that the Souls after the separation neither go immediately to Heaven, nor Hell, nor yet in Purgatory; but that they are preserv'd in a certain place which God assigns them, until at the Day of the Universal Judgment; they are sent to their Eternal Abode, either Happy, or Unhappy, according to the Merit of their Actions. The Controversie was very Solemn again, my Lord Argumented in it as before, and after him our R. F. Superiour, and the R. F. Gaspar White Fryar. The Benediction being given, and the Complyne ended, every body retir'd.

On the Thursday, Friday, and Saturday, High Masses, and Predications were perform'd as before, still with a great Concourse of People, insomuch that there was a necessity of Preaching twice a day, as had been done the Monday and Tuesday before, and as we did all the following week. On the Monday, which was the day on which the Service was to be perform'd in our Church, the Arch-Bishop Michael Vertabiet Preach'd about the Wrath of God, which extends so far as to Condemn a Soul to the dreadful Pains of Hell On the Friday the R. F. Provincial of the White Fryars, Preach • d upon the Torments of the Damn'd, and the Eternity of Hell Fire against the Errour of the Armenians, who are of Opinion, that after some time God will have mercy on the Souls that are in Torment, which they ground upon some Traditions of their own, and the Translation of their Fathers, whereby they are taught that Jesus Christ by his Holy Passion, and by his Triumphant Resurrection has vanquish'd and destroy • d Hell. This Sermon was Preach'd in the Church of the R, R. F. F. Dominicans.

The following day which was the Saturday I Preach'd in the Church of the Cherimanis, the terrible but yet certain truth of the small number of the Elect, which surpriz'd every body; so much the rather, because I shew'd them that it was not only to be understood of the Insidels and Hereticks, but also of the Christians and Catholicks. I observ • d in this place, what I had formerly observ • d in France, in my Missions among the Hugonots, that the best way to Convert Hereticks and Schismaticks, is to Preach Eternal Truths to them, and the terrible Maximes of our Religion; which being expos'd to them plainly, but yet pathetically, strikes them, and obliges them to declare here, what I have often heard them say in France: Our Ministers and our Vertabiets deceive us, and we have never heard this from them.

The same Saturday I did what I had done before. I went from House to House to Inculcate what had been said in the Churches, and to dispose every body to gain the Jubilee. But I went particularly among the Slaves, and other abandon'd Persons, to the end that both Rich, and Poor, Blind, and Lame, all might participate to that great Banquet of the Father of the Family, whi •• was preper'd for all. They began to bring Women to me who desir'd to be Converted, and who having never been Confess'd by any Catholick Priest, were willing to make their Abjuration in the Tribunal of Penitence.

The second Sunday in Lent, which was also the second Sunday of the Jubilee, was very solemn, by reason of the Office that was perform'd in the Church of the R. R. F. F. Dominicans; High Mass was Sung there by my Lord of Pidou, who afterwards Preach'd an Excellent Sermon upon the Subject of Receiving the Sacrament unworthily. That Prelate is sufficiently known in France, both by the Greatness of his Birth, and by the Missions he has made in Poland, especially at Leopold, where jointly with the Famous Clement Galant Theatin, his Master, he has establish'd a very fine College, maugre all oppositions, for the instructing of the Armenians. As this Prelate is perfectly acquainted with the Errours of the Armenians, having read all their Books, besides his being very well vers'd in their Tongue, he Combats their Superstitions in a way which they can no wise answer. The Devotion was great on the day that Prelate Preach'd. A Controversie was held in the Afternoon upon the particular Judgment, and the rest as before.

The next day, being Pope St. Gregory's Day, so much Reverenc'd by all the Eastern Nations, and even by the Armenians, whose Schism and Heresie he Condemns, absolutely ordering all People to submit to the four first Oecumenical or General Councils, and consequently to that of Chalcedon, in the same manner as they submit to the four Evangelists: We thought it Very necessary to render the Name and Memory of that incomparable Doctor of the Church yet more Famous in a Place where his Authority could be of use. Therefore his Festival was Solemniz'd with all the Pomp that could be in our Church; where all the Religious assisted with their Copes on, and our Scholars in Surplices, as the Seminarists are in France. High Mass was Sung by Monsieur Samson, and Celebrated with all the Regularity and Exactness imaginable. And whereas he speaks the Armenian Tongue perfectly well, he made a very moving and very pressing Sermon about the Love and Charity we ought to have towards our Enemies. He shew'd a Crucifix, and drew Tears from all the Auditors. The rest follow'd as before.

On the Tuesday there was nothing extraordinary.

The Wednesday was Famous by a solemn Service we made for the Souls of the Dead, in order thereby to Establish the Truth of Purgatory, which the Armenians reject. We had erected a Monument in the middle of the Church, very neat, and very full of Lights. The Altar was cover'd with Black Velvet and Satin. The R. F. Provincial of the White Fryars Sung High Mass upon it, and Preach'd about Purgatory. He shew'd that the practice of Praying for the Dead, was very necessary, and Holy. After which the Solemn Absolution was pronounc'd round about the said Monument, and all ended with the Benediction of the Crucifix, which was expos'd, as it is Customary, in several of our Churches in France.

All these Ceremonies being practis'd with Majesty and Devotion, move the Armenians extreamly, and inspire them insensibly with Love for our Holy Religion. For which Reason, they say that Rome is above all, and that they see nothing like it among them; they confess freely, as I have already observ'd, when they hear us Preach, that their Vertabiets who are Reverenc'd among them as their Chief Doctors, cannot do it; thus by degrees they fall off from them, and join with us, out of Esteem and Affection.

The Morning Service being thus ended, a Controversie was held in the Afternoon, about the same Purgatory. The Armenians, who had relish'd the preceeding Disputes, came to propose their difficulties themselves, to the end, that they might not have any thing to reproach themselves with upon that Subject. Finally, to show that the Union we desir'd to Establish between the Latin and Armenian Church, was not only an Union in relation to Living Persons, but that it ought also to extend to the Dead; we went all in a Body to the Church-Yard, to pray upon the Graves of the Armenian Catholicks. The Armenian Priests, who Officiate at the Catholick Church of the Cherimanis, perform'd at the Graves of ours, what we had done at theirs.

The Thursday and Friday pass'd as usually, excepting, that my Lord Preach'd on the Friday at the Cherimanis, upon the Subject of Receiving the Sacrament Worthily; and at Night, the R. F. Hely, made another Controversie upon the two Kinds, which the Armenians pretend ought to be Receiv'd at the Holy Communion, and upon the obligation that lies upon the Catholick Priests, to put Water into the Chalice at the Holy Sacrament of the Mass. The Armenian Priests and the other Assistants, propos'd their difficulty upon the Article with more heat than before.

On the Saturday, the concourse of People was very great in the Church of the R. R. F. F. Dominican, but especially of Armenian Catholick Women, being drawn thither by the report, that the Armenian Catholicks where to Sing Mass, and to perform a Solemn Service there. It was perform'd with all the Majesty their Church is capable of, which indeed, neither wants fine Musick, nor fine Ceremonies, as I have often seen it my self, especially at Iehmiarin, which is their Patriarchal Church, where their Patriarch and other Arch-bishops and Bishops Officiate, with an Order and Exactness, little inferior to that which is practis'd in many Churches of France. Monsieur Samson Preached upon the Subject of Back-biting and Reviling.

The Saturday, abundance of People began to take the Sacrament at the Cherimanis; but the most Solemn Action of all the Jubilee was, the last which was perform'd in our Church, for the conclusion of it, we took all necessary measure to render the general Communication that was to be perform'd the most Solemn that possibly could be, and to Solemnize the Procession of the Holy Sacrament, that was to conclude all with Success, Pomp, and Devotion. In order whereunto, we Adorn'd our Church beyond what it was before, and took from the other Churches, all the Ornaments that could contribute to render that Festival the more Solemn. As for the out-side, we dispos'd the walks of our Garden in such a manner, that the Holy Sacrament might pass very conveniently through them. At the same time we prepar'd all things necessary to make a Volly of Shot, with the Muskets and small pieces of Ordinance, of a reasonable size, which we fortunately found among our Francs: We caus'd a very fine Canopy to be made, adorn'd with a fine Curtain of green Damask, supported by four painted sticks, adorn'd with four fine knobs ont he top, without mentioning the neatness of the Altar we had Erected in the middle of the Garden, to serve as a Repository or Resting place for the Holy Sacrament.

The Report of this Solemnity, assembled such a prodigious number of People, betimes in the Morning, that our Church was immediately fill'd up; in so much, that we were oblig'd to place Ladders, for People to get up into the Galleries. In the mean time, the Missionaries were imploy'd in all parts to Confess People. The time of the Service being come, those that were to Officiate, where plac'd in such a manner, that the Latin Clergy was on the Right, in the Quire, and the Armenian Clergy with two Vertabets and an Arch-Bishop, on the Left; both the one and the other were Dress'd according to the Custom of their Country, with Surplices, Stoles, and Copes. The Spectacle charm'd every body. High-Mass was begun with more Solemniry than ever. The Bishop Officiated with the Deacon and Sub-Deacon: When they came to Gloria in Excelsis, it was first Sung in Latin, and then in Armenian: The Epistles and Gospels were Sung in the same manner. After our Creed, an Armenian Priest made a Solemn Profession of Faith, in the Name of all the Members of his Church, sounding the Name of Alexander the VIIIth, whom they acknowledg'd as their Chief and Pope: That being done, our young Scholars Sung their Himns in French, and the young Armenians Answer'd them in their own Tongue. This variety of Singing of Hymns, and Praises offer'd to God, lasted as long as the Mass, in so much, that every body Triumph'd with Joy to see that Union, which had never been seen before in that City, where besides their Natural Aversion to the Francs, they are the most obstinate in their Heresie of any in all Armenia. But the general Communion which was perform'd at the same time, was a spectacle capable to rejoice the very Angels. The young Children, both Armenians and Francs, were the first that drew near the Holy Table, and after them, the Men and Women separately. During all this time, the Church sounded with Franc and Armenian Hymns. Never was so much Devotion, or so many Communicants seen at once in Iulfa, or in all Armenia. The Francs and Armenians, Embrac'd each other mutually, with all the Testimonies imaginable of a sincere Kindness and Union. Publick Prayers were made for all Christian Princes; in fine, notwithstanding all the opposition of the Heretical Vertabiets, who continually Exclaim'd and Preach'd against us, and declar'd all those Excommunicated who should come to our Assemblies; above two or three hundred Armenians Communicated at this Jubilee. There were also several general Confessions, and I receiv'd some of them, which gave me a great deal of comfort. As soon as the general Communion was perform'd, I went away with my Surplice and Stole, to conclude the Jubilee by a Sermon, upon the Subject of Relapses; in which, I show'd them, that that Sin is the greatest Sin in the world, and that which is the most opposite to the Glory of God, and to the Infinite Goodness of our Saviour, to the Honour of the Church, and to the Salvation of Mankind; in a word, the Sin, which of all Sins, makes us most despicable in this Country, to the Infidels and Hereticks: At the end of the Sermon, I made use of the Idea Moses us'd, to remind all these fervent Catholicks, of the Promise they had just made to God; placing the Franc Catholicks on one side, and the Armenian Catholicks on the other, pronouncing to them, the Maledictions and Benedictions contain'd in the Book of Deuteronomy. The Sermon and Mass being ended, we began to dispose our selves for the Procession.

It was contriv'd in this manner: An Armenian Novices, or such as Minister to the Priest at Mass. Acolyte, bearing a fine Banner, march'd at the head: He had two other Armenian Acolytes at his sides, dress'd according to the custom of their Church; after them, came a Franc Acolyte, bearing a fine large silver Cross: He had two other Franc Acolytes at his sides, with Surplices on, bearing two fine silver Candlesticks; after which, came the Armenian Acolytes, Deacons, and Sub-Deacons, and after them our Acolytes, with lighted Wax-Candles. The Priests follow'd in the same order, with Copes on. Two Armenian Vertabiets preceeded the Holy Sacrament, one of them was an Arch-Bishop, follow'd by two Acolytes, casting Incense continually before it. My Lord Bishop of Bagdat, carry'd the Holy Sacrament under a Rich Canopy, supported by four Catholicks, two of them Francs, and the other two Armenians, all four the most considerable of their Nation. When the Procession appear'd in our Garden, which is one of the finest in Iulfa, the Holy Sacrament was saluted by a volly of small Shot, and of Ordinance plac'd to that end. It continu'd in this Order as far ar the Altar, we had Erected in the middle of the Garden, where after a little rest, we gave the Benediction of the Holy Sacrament, and then we had a second discharge of our Artillery. Finally, we went back to the Chuech, while the Air was fill'd with the Latin Hymns, and Armenian Canticles, which succeeded each other. The Procession being come into the Church, and the Solemnity was concluded, by a third Benediction of the Holy Sacrament, and a third discharge. There never was a greater concourse of People. nor more earnestness express'd, than there appear'd that day, to see Jesus Christ Triumph in the middle of his Enemies. The Women who are extremely reserv'd here, forgot the custom of their Country in some measure on that occasion: For being Transported with the same Zeal that mov'd Zachy, when he mounted on the wild Fig-Tree, they clamber'd upon the Lattices that are fix'd against the walls of our Garden, to behold that Edifying Ceremony, the like of which they had never seen. Indeed, I can affirm, that I never saw so comfortable a fight in my Life before, and the Tears of Joy which I spilt on that occasion, made me forget all the Sufferings we had undergone in the former Persecutions.

All things having succeeded so well, we thought fit to conclude all by a Treat we made for the Armenian and Franc Clergy, in order to keep them in an indissoluble Union. But it was a very modest Treat, altogether like to those of the Primitive Christians, in which a thousand Blessings were given to his Holiness, and to the Roman Church. Finally, the Zeal of that day was so great, that after Dinner we were oblig • d to Sing Vespers solemnly, at which I desir'd Monsieur Samson to give us one Sermon more, to satisfie the Auditors who desir'd it. He Exhorted them to preserve and maintain the Union that had been made. The Sermon was follow'd by the Benediction of the Holy Sacrament.

Thus pass'd our Jubilee. I may say without Lying, that comparatively, I have never seen any better perform'd in France. The number of those who Confess'd themselves, and took the Sacrament, has been very considerable, considering the Country in which we are. Several Persons are come to us to abjure their Errors. Those who were only Catholicks out of Policy before, have convinc'd us that they were really Converted. We have had the satisfaction to see a perfect Union among them. The good Party has been extreamly strenghten'd. Two of the seven Vertabiets that are at Iulfa, have declar'd for us, and a third is a true Catholick, at the bottom of his Soul. Our Enemies are surpriz'd, to see the Blessings that God pours upon us, after so many Persecutions they have rais'd against us, in order to ruin us, and drive us out of Iulfa. The Calanier our mortal Enemy begins to be better Natur'd: The great Vertabiet of this City can hardly harm us for the future, and we do not question, but we shall be able to Establish the Kingdom of Jesus Christ here. Finally, the next day after the conclusion of the Jubilee, which was the day of great Saint Ioseph, Protector of our Church, the Cherimanis sent me word that they were resolv'd to build us a larger Church, and that they would provide for it themselves: This News rais'd our Joy to the utmost degree, and that it was encreas'd the next day, when the chief of those Gentlemen confirm'd his promise to me, assuring me that in few days he would come to us himself to take proper measures about it; in order to which, Brother Balee, who is an excellent Architect, will be very useful to us, either to give us a good draught, or to help towards the putting of it in Execution. Blessed be the Son who turns all things to his Glory, and to the Advantage of his Servants.

UPON the Relation of the Mahometan mention'd in Xaverius's Letters, Pimenta, Father Visitor of the Iesuits, sent notice thereof to the Pope, and Spaniard. They hearing of such a mighty Christian Nation, the Vice-Roy of India was Commanded to follow Pimenta's Directions, who employ'd Benedict Goez, a Portuguese Jesuit in that Discovery: Furnish'd like an Armenian Merchant, and changing his Name to Abdula Isai, which latter appellation signifies a Christian. Thus obtaining the Great Mogul Achabar's Letters Patents to his Vice-Roys, and Governours, as also to the Neighbouring Princes, he departed in Company with one Isaac an Armenian, from Lahor the sixth of Ianuary, 1603. Every Year there is a Caravan of Merchants that pass out of these parts into the Kingdom of Cascar, about 500 together, for their better defence against Robbers. With these he joyn'd himself, and in a months time came to Athec in the same Province of Lahor. After the passing of a River, and a months stay, he came in two months to Passaur, from whence Travelling to a certain small Town, they met with a Hermite, who told 'em, that about 30 days Travel from thence lay the City of Capherstam, into which no Saracen might be permitted entrance; but Ethnicks might enter except into their Temples. He tasted also of their Wine, of which that Countrey was very fertile. They likewise go to their Temples in Black.

In the place where they met the Hermit they stay'd 20 days, and were forc'd to hire 400. Souldiers of the Governour for their defence. in 25 days they Travell'd from thence to Gtrideli, the Merchants keeping Arm'd upon the tops of the Hills, and the Carriages in Valleys, to prevent Thieves that are accustom'd from the tops of those Hills to stone the Travellers: However, they were assail'd, and many wounded by those Robbers.

After 20 days more they came to Cabul, where they stay'd eight months. At this place there happen'd into their Company the Sister of Mahomet Can, King of Cascar, by whose Country they were to pass toward Cathay. She was call'd Agehane; Age being an Honourable Title annex'd to her Name, as a Pilgrim to Mecca, from whence she was then but newly return'd, and being in some want, borrow'd 600 Ducats in Merchandize of Goez, which she afterwards repaid in Merchandize more proper for Cathay: That is to say, in a kind of Marble, by some call'd Iasper, by the Chineses Tuscé, which is of two sorts; the one taken out of the bottom of the River Cotan, by such as Dive for it, as they do for Pearls, being like to great Flints: The other, meaner, and drawn out of the Mountain call'd Consangui Cascio. The Solitariness of the Place, distant from Catan 20 days Travel; and the hardness of the Stone which they mollifie with Fires over the place, make it very dear: And the Merchants that purchase this Priviledge of the King, carry along with 'em a Years Provision for their Labourers.

From Cabul they went to Ciarcar, where the Mogull's Patents, by virtue of which they hitherto had been Tribute-free, were neglected by the unruly Borderers; from thence to Parua, the last Town in subjection to the Mogull. After five days stay, they pass'd in 20 days over exceeding high Mountains to the City of Aingharan, and in 15 days more to Calcia, where the People resemble the Hollanders. After a Journey of ten days more, they came to Gialalabath, where the Bramins exact Custom, granted 'em by King Bruarate. Fifteen days after, they got to Talhan, where by Civil Broils, they were stay'd for a Month, the Calcians being in Rebellion. From thence they Travel'd to Cheman, under Abdulahan King of Samarhan, Burgavia, Bacharate, and other Confining Kingdoms, where the Catlians rob'd 'em of a great part of their goods. After 8 days troublesom Travel they came to Badascian, where they were fleec'd a second time; neither were they free at Ciarciumar, which was their next Resting Place; from whence in ten days they arriv'd at Serpanel, a Desart place, and 20 days after to Sarcil, a Country full of Villages. In two days Journey from thence, they reach'd Ciecialith, a Mountain all cover'd with Snow, where in six days Travel many of the Company perish'd with cold.

From thence they attain'd to Tanghetar, in the Kingdom of Cascar, and in 15 days after to Iaconich, which Journey was likewise so tiresom, that Goez lost six Horses. From thence he went to Hiarchan the Royal City of Cascar, in November, 1603. a Mart Famous for Concourse of Merchants, and variety of Merchandize. He Presented the King with a Watch, a Looking-Glass, and other European Presents, and thereby obtain'd his Letters Patents for furtherance of his Journey.

From thence he went with the Caravan Basha, who purchases his place of the King at a dear rate, about the midst of November, 1604. to Iolci, Hancialix, Alceghet, Hagabateth, Egriar, Marcetelec, Thalec, Horma, Thoantac, Mingrieda, Capetalcol, Zelan, Sarc Guebedal, Cambasci, Aconsersec, Ciacot-Acsu in 15 days; a very tedious way over Stones and Sands. In this Journey they pass'd the Desart of Carcathay. Thence • hey Travel'd to Oitograch Gazo, Casciani, Dellai, Saregabedal, Ugan, and Cucia. And • ftr a Months stay there, in 25 days more • o Cialix, Govern'd by the King of Cascar's • ase Son, with whom at first he had some difference about Religion, which was pa • ify'd with a Gift. And in a Disputation with the Mahumetan Doctors, before him • he Vice-Roy sided with Goez, affirming • hat the Christians were the true Muzzelmen, and that their Ancestours profess'd that Law; a thing worthy to be observ'd. Here • e met with some Merchants in their return from Cathay, who gave him an account of Ricci, and some other Jesuits at Pequin; and • ere it was that he learnt first of all that China was Cathay. At his departure from Cialix, the Governour gave him Letters of Pass, and inscrib'd him a Christian, according to his desire; at which a Mahumetan Priest very much wonder'd, assirming, that theirs with the Region, shifted also their Religion.

In 20 days they came to Pucian, then to Turphan a Fortify'd City; thence to Aramuth, and so to Camul, the last City of the Kingdom of Ciales. In nine days we came from Camul to the Northern Walls of China, where they stay'd 25 days, expecting the Vice-Roy's Answer for their admission, at a place call'd Ciaicuon. And then being entred the Walls, they came in one days Journey to the City Socieu.

All the space between Cialis, and the Borders of China is subject to the inroads of the Tartars, which is the reason that Merchants Travel in the day time in great fear, looking out ever and anon, to see whether the Coasts be clear, and Travelling in the Night with great silence and Secresie. They found several Saracens slain in the High way. The Countrey People they seldom kill, but Rob them of their Cattel: As for Corn and Rice, they hold it food for Beasts, and not for Men; and feed upon Flesh, living a hundred years.

The Saracens in these parts are effeminate, and might easily be subdu'd by the Chineses, if they would attempt it. On the West parts of China stands a Wall, rais'd on purpose to exclude the Tartars, and two fortify'd Cities with strong Garrisons, having their Peculiar Vice-Roy, and other Magistrates; Canceu, the Capital of the Province Scensi, and Soceu, which is divided into two parts; of which, the one is Inhabited by Saracens, who Trade there for Merchandize; the other by the Chineses, whom the Saracens there call Cathayans. Every Night the Saracens are enclos'd in their own City, in other things like the Chineses, subject to the same Laws and Magistrates. Neither may any Foreigner return to his own Country, who has liv'd there Nine Years. Every sixth Year Seventy two Commissioners come according to an Ancient Custom, to pay a kind of Tribute to the King: This the pretence, but the intent is to enrich themselves with Merchandize, as being maintain'd under that pretence, during their stay, at the King's Charge.

Into Soceu, Goez came at the end of the Year 1605. and there met with other Saracens returning from Pequin, who inform'd him of the Jesuits there residing; adding withal, that the King did not Sell, but pour'd without measure a daily allowance of Money into their hands. Which I mention the rather, to shew, that a Man must be sparing of Credit to Saracen Travellers, and Merchants. But Goez could not in a long time certifie these his Fellows of his Arrival, as being ignorant of the Chinese Names, and it was some Months Journey from Soceu to Pequin, and the Winter Cold is there very extream. However, in that bitter Season, they sent one of their Converts a Chinese, call'd Iohannes Ferdinandus, who after a tedious Journey found Goez lying on his Death-Bed, when he brought him the Letters from the Society. Eleven days after he dy'd, not without suspicion of Poyson given him by the Saracens, to make themselves Masters of his Goods: Besides, that they have a Custom, that if any one Dies by the way, his Goods are shar'd among the rest. His Companion the Armenian was sent from Pequin to Macao, and thence into India; and being taken by the Hollanders in the way to Sincapura, was Redeem'd by the Portugueses, and return'd to Ciaul, where he still Lives, as our Author Trigautius affirms.

TO the Lord, Emperour, and Grand Duke. The Gold'n King receiv'd your Letter. In former times (Great Lord) it came to my Hearing, that your Princely good Embassadors, sought out a way or passage to come to me; since which time, it is now thirteen Years; but then the People of Iskicgi, Tubents, Mattara, and black Kolmacks, would not suffer your Princely good Embassadors to come to me. Since that time, ten of your Majesties People are come to me, and I have sent to you Ickmen Kickenga, to do Obeysance to your Majesty, and see your Princely Eyes, whom your Majesty vouchsaf'd to do their Obeysance, and see your Princely Eyes. And to me, you sent of your Grace, three Cups of Silver, a Bow, a Sword, two Guns, and two Garments; all which, you. Princely Favours I have receiv'd, and what shall be proper for your Majesty from hence, I will furnish you withal. I am farther to request of your Majesty, in regard the Embassadors do pass between us in a very miserable and poor Condition, by Reason there are now some small Wars between us and the black Colmacks, and for that there are but very inconsiderable Garrisons at Tobolsko, nor in the Castles of Tomo, Tarko, or among the Barban People; now therefore if your Majesty will favour me, and defend me, with these People, from Karakula, and be pleas'd to enter into a War on your side, as I am engag'd on mine, that matter will be remedy'd between us, and all Kindnesses continue betwixt us. By which means and by your Princely Favour, Embassadors may continually pass between us. Juan Turchan Varchies, and Andrei Turchan Varchies, conducted two of your Majesties Messengers into the Dominions of Cathay, according to your Majesties Command, and they are return'd to me again out of Cathay. Also (Great Lord) there is come to me, the Zurchad of Labaia, and I have sent you together with my Presents, the said Turchan Labar, and Kitibacshij Anchaij, and with them ten Men, with two Men of Sirgos. By their Letter you will understand, that there is sent to your Majesty, three Leopards with their Claws, a red and yellow Damask upon a Gold Ground a piece of Velvet, and an Ambling Horse. And I am humbly to request your Majesty, if it be your Majesty's Pleasure to do the favour, to grace me for your own Honour, with a Garment of Cloth of Gold, and of divers Colours, fine Garments of fine Cloth, a Head-piece, a Shirt of Maile, a Sword, a Bow, twenty Guns, a Flaggon of Gold, a Kettle of Silver, and five sorts of Pretious Stones, of each one, a Iennet, a Dwarf, with Workmen to make Guns and Powder, and two thousand sand Pence. Your Majesties Name is become Renown'd and Famous every where; therefore it is, that I do Reverence to your Majesty, because many Kings of many Countries have spread abroad the Fame of your Majesties Name far and near. And I request, that Embassadors may come and go between us; and if it be your Majesties favourable Pleasure, I desire you to dispatch these my Embassadors with speed to me back again.

Anno 1620. the 23d of September, in the Emperors Dominions at Soldata, a Cosack of Siberia, Nam'd Euashko Petlin, being Examin'd concerning his Travels, made the following Report. The last year, said he, being the Year 1619. the Boyaren, and Vayvod Knez Euan Simonowick Koorockin sent him from the Castle of Tomo, together with his Companion Andrashko, to conduct the Altine King's Embassadors, as also to enquire into the Kingdoms of Cathay. They went from the Castle of Tomo about the 9th of May, and Travell'd from Tomo to Kirgis, with much expedition, in ten days; in which Kirgis Reigns a Kan, who is subject to the Emperour's Majesty, whose Name is Nemi, and who gave them Victuals and Postage. Through this Territory of Kirgis they Travell'd half a day together, and reaching to the Dominions of Mutalla, came to the Altine King, who gave them Provisions, allow'd 'em Postage, and dispatch'd 'em from thence. After which, they Travell'd through his Dominions for five weeks together, and reach'd the Country of Sheremugali, were Reigned a Queen call'd Manchika, who order'd Provisions and Postage to be allow'd 'em. In this Country of Sheremugali, or Sheromogula, they Travell'd four days, and then came into the Dominions of Catay, call'd Crim, where stands a Wall built of Stone fifteen fathoms high, by the side of which Wall they Travell'd ten days, and saw several petty Towns and Villages belonging to Queen Manschika; but in all those ten days they saw no People upon the wall. At the end of those ten days, they came to the Gate, where lye very large pieces of Ordnance, discharging Shot as big as a Man's Head. This Gate is guarded by a Watch of three thousand Men, and Merchants come with their Goods to Traffick at the Gate, and bring their Horses to sell to the Catay Men; but are not permitted to come within the walls, except very few at a time. Thus their whole Journey from Tomo Castle to this Gate, took up twelve Weeks, besides some days that they stood still; and from the Gate, to the great Empire of Catay ten days, and so arriv'd at the City or Castle of Catay, about the beginning of September; where they were lodg'd in the Great Embassador's House. During their stay in Catay, which was four days, they were Visited by a Secretary, attended by two Hundred Men upon Asses, well Apparell'd, and Entertain'd and Feasted 'em with Sack, and other sorts of Wines, and told 'em that the Emperour, or King Tambur, had sent him to know what Business had brought 'em into the Dominions of Catay. To which they made Answer, that their Great Lord and Emperour had sent 'em to acquaint themselves with the Dominions of Catay, and to wait upon the King of the Country: But the Secretary reply'd, that without Presents they could not be admitted into the King's Presence; and withal gave 'em a Letter; which Letter they brought with 'em to Tobolsko, and from thence they were sent with it to the Emperour's Majesty. They left Cathay about the Twelfth of October, and arriv'd at the Castle of Tobolsko about Whitsontide, in the Year, 1620.