An Appeal from the Country to the City.

IT begins; Most brave and noble Citizens: And a little lower; With you we stand, and with you we fail; your ex­ample directs our Conduct, &c. Now if the greeting had been to the Club of Subscribers, that which follows would have been much more Consequent; for it is a great Truth, that the Conspirators of both sides must expect to stand and fall together; and that the Factions in the Country can never make any thing on't, without a Tumult in the City, to lead the Dance; which (God be prais'd) there is no fear of, and then for the Credit which this busie Mutineer can pre­tend to under this present Government, with the Noble Ci­tizens (as he claws them) I am perswaded, if the Author of the Appeal were but known to the Court of Aldermen and Common Councel, it might cost him Dear, the very Comple­ment. Not but that in so At first he claws the City, but here you see his Com­plement does not hold long, likening some of them to Horse-turds. great a body, there may be some few little Fellows a float too, that cry out with the Horse-turds among the Apples, in the Emblem, How we Apples swim.

In the next clause, the Scriber gives to understand that he has read Hodge upon the Monument; and writing after that Copy, he follows the phansie of the Citizens looking about them from the top of the Pyramid. Now to match this dismal prospect of Imaginary Calamities to come, we shall give you a Parallel in a brief Summary of what this Na­tion has really suffer'd in Fact; and in Truth brought upon it self, by Here he be­gins to with­draw you from believing or fearing a Po­pish Plot. believing such stories as these, without either Foundation or Effect.

This Paral­lel is no other but an Ha­rangue for Po­pery, and a­gainst all the Protestants, under the name of Schismaticks First ( say I) Imagine you see the whole Nation in a Flame, and brought to the extremities of Fire and Sword, occasioned this second time by the same Schismatical and Re­publican Malice which embroil'd it before.

At the same instant, Phansie Decemb. 1659, once over again; whole droves of Coblers, Dray-men, Ostlers, upon Free-quarter with you, till some of your Wives and Daugh­ters are forc'd to Prostitute themselves for Bread; your Councels affronted by Armed Troops, and your fellow Citi­zens knockt on the head, like Dogs, at their own doors, for not so much as barking; your Apprentices discharg'd of their Indentures by an Arbitrary Power; your Houses Ri­fled; your Account-books examin'd; your As many times this Fid­ler hath done. Servants cor­rupted to Betray their Masters; your Persons clapt under Hatches, transplanted or thrown into nasty Dungeons; or (in mercy perhaps) your Throats cut, by the Name of Po­pish Dogs and Cavaliers: And all this only for refusing to Re­nounce God and your Soveraign.

Then represent to your selves the Thimble-maker, once again Lieutenant of the Tower; your Citizens clapt up; St. Pauls and Gresham-Colledge turn'd into Garrisons; orders for the demolishing of your Gates and Chains; and nothing less than Military Execution threaten'd you, unless you will re­deem your selves with 100000 l. a Given for the Peoples own servi [...]e and security, th [...]refore less grievous. month Contribution, towards the perpetuating of your Slavery.

[Page 5]Also casting your eye toward Cheap-side, Cornhil, Cha­ring-cross, Palace-yard, Tower-hill, nay, Whitehall it self: Imagine you see your Father, or some of your nearest Relations, your Citizens, the Nobility, Gentry; nay, the King himself, and his best Friends, under the hand of the Common Executioner, appealing to God, in whose Cause they dy'd, which was a frequent spectacle, when Rebels and Vsurpers, under the title of Reformers, reign'd last amongst us.

Phansie you behold those Beautiful Churches erected for the true Worship of God, abused and turned into Stables; the Pulpits into Juggling boxes to Hocus your Wives and Daughters out of their Bodkins and Thimbles; and nothing to be heard there but Heresie and Sedition, to the disho­nour of Christ, and scandal of Religion. The Ministers of Gods Holy Word cast out of their Livings by hundreds, and their Children expos'd to the wide World to beg their Bread; and not a Friend that dares open his mouth for them.

Your Women running with their Hair about their ears, one half to the Works like Pioniers, the other dancing At­tendance at some Merciless Committee, to put in Bail per­haps for some Malignant Friend or Husband; Men cover'd with Bloud, lost Limbs, and mangled Bodies, from Edg­hill, Branford, &c. and with horror of Conscience over and above; Altars Robb'd, Churches Demolish'd, and only the Walls left standing.

[Page 6] The sum of this parallel is, that he wrong­fully accuses a­nother of steal­ing an Ox, to justifie his own Theft of a Horse: & since he cannot have the impudence to clear his own Popish Party of a Plot, yet he hopes at least to exte­nuate their crime, by un­justly calumniating the Protestants. In Fine, What the Devil himself would do, were he here upon Earth, will in his absence infallibly be acted (if they may have their will) by his Agents, the Perjurious and Hypocritical Regicides; that Betray'd their Prince and their Country by the Solemnity of a Covenant, and Poyson'd the unwary People in that very Sacrament. Those who had so much Ingratitude and Baseness, not only to attempt, but take away the Life of a Prince so Indulgent to them as the late King was, who deny'd them nothing but his Crown, and his Blood, which afterward they took: These, I say again, that are so ungrateful to our present Soveraign, as after so much Mercy and Bounty to the Murtherers of his Father, and of his Friends, have now enter'd into fresh attempts up­on his Life, his Crown and Dignity, will hardly be less Cruel to any of his Majesties obedient Subjects.

Now to shew that this was written by a Papist, exa­mine the Ca­tholick Naked Truth, where you may find their usual way of writing is to set up their own Doctrine, by ma­king the Protestants and Fanaticks fall out. Now to shew you that this way of Incentive, to the Multitude is only the Old story new furbish'd, and not our Ap­pellants Mother-wit and Contrivance, as he would have the World imagine. See his Majesties Declaration of Aug. 12. 1642. Husbands Collection, pag. 540.

Upon a fair understanding of the whole, Sure this Author is in the Plot him­self, that he makes our pre­sent danger and the Plot to be but a Supposition or Vision, when both King and Parliament have declared it real. this suppo­sition of his is no more than the Counterpart of the old Story: and the Declamatory dangers that he foresees in Vision, were outdone by those sensible Cruelties and Oppres­sions that this poor Kingdom suffer'd in very deed.

If it be true, that these and fourty times more Cruelties were committed: And that the People were frighted into these Precipices only by shadows: If it be true again, that those Glorious Pretenders, when they had the King and his Papists (as they call'd his most Orthodox Friends) under foot; that these People, I say, never lookt further after Re­ligion; but fell presently to the As this Scribler would do our Abby Lands, were his Religion up­permost. sharing of the Church and Crown Revenues among themselves, It will concern every sober man to look well about him, and to make use of his Reason, as well as of his Faith, for Nor Papists, till just before a Parliaments dissolution. these Fore-boders seldom Croak but before a Storm.

There are just as many Affronts put upon the Govern­ment in these two Periods, as (in the Printed Folio) there are Lines in't. First, Upon the House of Commons; for a Re­presentative [Page 8] constituted, for the generality, of Here he sup­poses the best part of the House of Com­mons would lay the King­dom in bloud, whereas such men as he calls Good Members would lay the City in ashes. such men as our Appealer calls Good Members, would lay the Kingdom in Bloud, (which is manifestly the drift of the Li­bel from the one end of it to the other.) Secondly, The Ap­pellant Usurps upon the King's Authority; Many things are lawful, but not expedient; and 'tis evident by this, he fears nothing more than a Sessions of Parliament, therefore an enemy to the Government by Parliament. as if his Ma­jesty were bound to give an Account to every Libeller, why he Prorogues or Dissolves his Parliaments (which is a Privi­ledge inseparable from the Supreme Power) in all forms of Government. Thirdly, Not upon the King, but such as advise him to it, for we all know that the King can do no wrong. It is a Tacit Charge of Tyran­ny upon the King; for it is done (he says) whenever they come to redress the Grievances of the Subject. And lastly, He makes the King a Promoter of the Plot; but whether with more Indignity or Folly, it is hard to determine, ei­ther in the Intimation, or in the Supposal of his Majesty to be Felo de se, and a Party to the Conspiracy against his own Life. Since the Appeal first came out, hath not Dangerfield discover'd many new Plots, in order to the carrying on of the old one? The Plot (he says) will in all Probability take effect, and he is the occasion of it, that would not suffer these Parliaments to sit.

The Appellants meaning is, that the Popish Plot is so no­toriously Publique, there's no Concealing of it, and so far we are agreed: Here he dis­guises himself, and would be thought a Pro­testant forsooth For we have had Legal Tryals, Proofs, Ver­dicts, Sentences, and Legal Executions in the Case. But yet to my thinking, we have had also as Competent By this I guess he had a hand in the late forg'd Plot. Evi­dences of another Plot under that, as a body would wish. But whoever crosses the second Plot, is presently Libell'd, as a Friend to the former. What do we hear, what do we read, what do we see, but Seditious Discourses, Scandalous Invectives, and Mutinous Practices against the Government? Is not the King's Administration, and his Authority publick­ly Arraigned? And is not his Sacred Life struck at in this [Page 9] way of Proceeding? First, None of these Principles are in the Ap­peal, therefore not to his pur­pose. They expresly tell the World that his Majesty Misgoverns. Secondly, They lay it down for a Maxim, that the People may call him to Account, in case he does Misgovern. And this being admitted, the next point is, directly (by an undeniable Consequence) to Arraign him as a Traytor to the Sovereign People. But the Faction it self expounds its own meaning. Private ma­lice of some Relation of that Person, whom the Bi­shop had hang'd after promise of par­don, revenged his bloud upon the Bishop; so as the whole Party is not to be blamed. What have they to say for that Inhumane and Execrable Murther acted upon the late Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews in Scotland, and to their Declaration against the King himself; which was follow'd with an Open, Actual, and Form'd Rebellion? Because the unarm'd Scotch Rabble took up Arms a­gainst some few that op­pressed them, and made a de­claration of their grievan­ces, therefore he would have us forget the Popish Plot that is in Eng­land. This is a Plot that, me-thinks, a Man may see without his Spe­ctacles; and according to our Appellant's conceipt, they began by force to justifie it, for fear all should come out.

To follow him in his Politiques, he tells us further in the passage above-recited, that to facilitate the Papists work, Not upon that score do we think him banish'd, but upon some false furmises sug­gested to his Majesty by his Popish Ene­mies, although they did it with that design. his Majesty Banishes the Persons most capable of Opposing it. So that he makes his Majesty evidently a Party to the Plot; or at best, no more than a King upon a Chess-board, to be turn'd and carry'd which way the Gamester pleases: Beside; the putting of the Illustrious Duke of Monmouth in the head of Popish Troops, in contradiction to himself.

And why [ be not dismaid] Where's the danger, I beseech you? Witness Willoughby's Relation: Witness the Priests daily taken. All this is but to lull us asleep, for them to devour us. The Popish Plot is Master'd; and there's hardly a Roman Catholique dares shew his head: Nay, and for want of Popish matter to work upon, the Church of Eng­land it self is made Papal and Antichristian. And whoever looks narrowly into this business, will find these Bugbears to [Page 10] be of the Appellant's own making. What is all this, but Curse ye Meroz over again: He claps the Rabble on the backs, and spits in their mouths, and without more adoe, turns them loose upon the Government? The first hour (says he) &c. This is ap­parently false, for the words are, The first hour you hear of the King's untimely end, which I think▪ supposes the King's Murder, and may be so understood by any but our Clodpate Au­thor. Here's no Supposition of the King's Murther to qualifie the matter▪ but the thing so Positively pronouns'd, as if he himself were of the Conspiracy. If King James, when he had secret no­tice of the Gunpowder-Treason, had seem'd to dis­believe it, this Answerer would have esteem'd it the part of a good Subject to have been quiet, and suffer'd the King and Parliament to have danced in the Air, rather than to have been so presumptuous a Presbyterian, as to prevent it by a clamour for Justice against the Popish Traitors. So that without any Ifs or Ands, the Murther is given for Granted; and upon this Instigation, the least Rumour in the world that way, puts the People upon a General Massacre, which the bare report lately of the French appearing before the Isle of Purbeck, had like to have done in several places. Now if they should Arm upon such a mistake, or but an hour too soon, it were enough to put the whole Nation in Bloud again: And then his Orders to the City, to be ready with their Arms at an hours warning, are as Peremptory, as if he had the Command of the Militia: Here he tells you his design, which is, That when the Papists have murder'd the King, it may be laid upon the Presby­teriant. Beside that, if a Fanatique should Murther the King, the Papists are to be Punish'd for't. Because (says he) every English Papist is in the Plot, at least in his good wishes. And it is no less proba­ble on the other side, that Sure as can be our Author here was to have been one of the Evidences in this feign'd Presbyterian Plot. every Unrepenting Covenanter is in the Counterplot; for upon that Covenant it was, that they founded the Destruction, and the Dissolution of the Government: And it behoves us to beware of King-killers on the one hand, as well as on the other. Now see how he goes on.

What a wonderful strain of Logick is this? Draw your Swords (says he) and go to the Devil for Company, for the Papists keep no Faith with Heretiques. This was the Song of 41: and he that would see what Faith the Covenanters [Page 11] kept, either with God, King, Church, or People, has no more to do than to compare their Leagues and Protestations with their actions.

Here's a very fair and round distribution of the Cities Enemies, into I'le lay my life he is pain­ted in some of these Chara­cters, if not in all; that make him so out of humour with this descrip­tion. Younger Brothers, Dependants upon the King; Friends to the Church, and into Profest Papists: And the Here be pleas'd to observe, that he divides the Kingdom but into two parts: the on [...] (as he says) consisting of Mutiniers and Schismatiques, by whom he has all along mean [...] no other than Fanatiques: the other party, of Loyal Servants and Subjects of the Govern­ment, into which Classis he must by consequence design to rank the Papists, for that he [...]e [...] no room for them elsewhere. whole Kingdom it self is again split into Two Parties, the one consisting of Mutiniers and Schismatiques; the other of the Loyal Servants and Subjects of the Government, which under the three first Heads, he brands as the Cities Enemies. These Men he Charges with lessening the Plot, with resem­bling the present times to Forty-one, and talking of another [Page 12] Forty-eight. Now how is it possible but the Positions of Forty-one, should put us in mind of the Rebellion of Forty-one; and the Regicidal Principles of Seventy-nine, mind us of the Regicide it self of Forty-eight. For these Principles and Practices are nothing in the World but the Venom of the Old Cause swallow'd and Spew'd up again: and See how bravely he pleads here for our Client the Conclave? any thing for mo­ney: he can Fiddle to all Governments. all the Treasons of the Consistory are cast upon the Conclave: As if the Murther of Charles the First, by the Treachery of Mock-Protestants, were ever the less Detestable, because the Two Harries of France were Assassinated by Profest Papists. These are the Puritan Iesuits, that turn the Bible into a Nose of Wax; that make God the Author of Sin; that Depose and Murther Kings by a Text; and Intitle their Sacrilege and Treason to the Inspirations of the Holy Ghost. Polemical discourse, An­glicè, Scolding, or Billingsgate is the whole Argument of this Book. These are the Straight-lac'd Christians, that make less scruple of Robbing the Altar, than of Kneeling at the Communion: They can swallow the Blood of Widows and Orphans, and yet Puke at a Surplice. Let me ask the worthy Gentlemen of the City now, which of the two carry'd them the easier, the Schismatical and Sacrilegious, or the Episcopal Tan­tivy? Or which they take for the more dangerous Ene­mies, our Appellants young Beggarly Officers, or their Old Acquaintances, Pen, Fulks, and their Fellows, who violently thrust out the gravest and most Substantial of their Citizens, (as the late King has it) and took in Persons of desperate Fortunes and Opinions, in their places. Let them compare the Appellants Courtiers too, with the Old Sequestring, Plun­dring, and Decimating Committees; with their Court-Mar­shals, and Major-Generals: when London was made little better then a Shambles; and their Merchants only Cash-keepers to the Tyrants at Westminster; and then against his Over-hot Church-men, we'l set the Mechanique Pulpiteers and Tub-Preachers; that not only divided the People from their Soveraign, but All against poor Prote­stants, and not one censure of the Papists: this is too gross; examine his Faith by his Works. Wives from their Husbands, Children from their Parents; and Preacht away Apprentices, by Droves into Rebellion: Carrying the Schism through Church and State, into private Families. This is the Blessed change that is now propounded, and laid before us.

There is no doubt of the danger of the Papists; but still while the Government has One Enemy in Front, it is good to secure the Flank and Rear, from another: So that the Cities only safety lies in the mean, betwixt the two Ex­tremes of Popery, on the One hand, and Libertinism on the Other. The Former (he says) can never be effected, but by a Popish Successor, or the French Arms. See now how this hangs together: the same Faction clamour'd against the late King just at this rate; He forgets Secretary Windebank's Orders in sa­vour of them. and yet there was no pro­spect at that time, of a Popish Successor, but yet Popery was charg'd (most injuriously, as all the World can witness) upon the King himself. And then for the French Arms, so far was his Majesty from calling them in to his assistance, that upon the Scottish Rebellion they were Sollicited and Implor'd into a Confederacy against him. And yet we remember to our griefs, that those very Rumours and Apprehensions of Popery, even when there was not any Danger of it, cast us all into Confusion. And now our Appellant, to shew how good an English-man he is, as well as a Subject, enters his Protestation a little lower in the same Paragraph, that he would rather of the Two, Live under a French Conqueror, then the Duke as Successor.

I must acknowledge (says he in the next clause) that there is some Coherence between the Beginning of the Late Civil Wars, and this our present Age: For as well then as now, the Ambi­tious Papists, and French Faction were the chief, nay the only Incendiaries, which set us all in flame.

That the French Cardinal did Artificially improve the Turbulent Humour of the English and Scottish Schismaticks, to the advancing of the Interest of France, and to the Em­broyling of these Kingdoms, I make no question: But to call them the Only in that place sig­nifies no more but that had it not been for Popery, all had been quiet. Only Incendiaries, is to give the Lye to the constant current of History, and the known Certainty of Fact, even within our own remembrance. How were the Pa­pists and French Factions concern'd in the Scottish Uproar of 1637. and a hundred Sacrilegious Tumults, after that, [Page 14] in the course of the Rebellion? and to set him right now in his Calculation of his Majesties French friends, we shall in­form him, that the King's Principal supplies of Men, Arms, Money, and Ammunition, were furnished from Holland.

He tells us further, that the Catholique Cause, like the Chesnut in the Fable, hath ever since Q. Marys days been in the Fire: and that both then, and now, the Papists make use of the Episcopal, and Court-parties claw, to take it out; the First of these, they allure to their assistance, by the Fright of Presbytery; the Latter by the apprehension of a Republique, tho' nothing is less Designed, or more Improbable.

'Tis a hard case to have to do with an Adversary that has neither Candor in his Reports, nor any force of Argument in his Reasonings; and yet it is the more tolerable here, because it is all that either the Story or the Cause will bear. Did not Aaron himself the High-Priest turn and com­ply with the Peoples Idola­try, in helping them to a gol­den Calf? what has been, may be again. He makes the Episcopal and Court-Party to be the Passive Instru­ments of the Church of Rome, for the advance of Popery, ever since the Reign of Queen Mary: which is so notorious a mistake, that Queen Elizabeth, and the Hierarchy in Her Reign oppos'd the Errours, and the power of that Church, with all possible constancy, and Resolution. King James made himself famous by his Pen, as well as by his Practices, upon the same Subject. The Late King lost his Life in the defence of the Reformed Religion, and his Majesty that now is, hath manifested his affection to the Church of England, (as by Law Establisht,) in despight of all Calumnies, and through extream difficulties, with the highest Acts of So­lemnity Imaginable. And now on the other side, let but any man trace the History of the Schismatiques, from Queen Mary to this Instant; and the restlesness of that Faction will appear, through every step of his way; and that For that the Separatists (as he calls them) were then in most danger. when­soever the Papists prest upon the Government, on the One hand, the Separatists never fail'd of pinching it on the Other. Machiavel (who was per­haps as old, though not so wise as this Scribler) plainly shews, that England can never long continue a Republick, by reason of the [...]oo great corruption and scarcity of publitk Spirits in the Nation. And yet again whereas he talks of the fright of Presbytery, and the apprehension of a Republique, as nei­ther designed, nor probable, there's no man of Thirty years of Age, but knows the contrary; and that this Nation was actually enslav'd to that Double Tyranny, under pretence of [Page 15] delivering us from the danger of Arbitrary Power, and Po­pery. Nay, and but two lines further, he charges the Late King for countenancing Papists, no less than This: which to every honest man is constructively a Vindication of them Both. Nay, he goes so far toward the owning of a dislike for the Form of our Government it self, that he says, no Go­vernment but Monarchy can in England ever support, or favour Popery, As who should say, this Author loves Monarchy for Popery's s [...]ke. as who should say; A Common-wealth would put us out of fear on't.

He says again, Pag. 3. that the Parliament Party never Entertain'd any Papists, unless under a Disguise; and yet we never heard of any more of them, than the King's Heads­man in a Masque. We could shew him several Instances of the contrary; but no man is so sensless, as to imagine that the King was Depos'd, pursu'd, rob'd, taken, condemn'd and put to Death, by a hundred thousand Priests in Visors: we have nothing to say to the Loyalty of the Papists; but yet Still for the Papists. the Incongruity of our Appellants charge upon them, we cannot but in Honesty and common reason, take some notice of, Especially when the Dust of his Objection flies in his own Eyes.

Not worth God-a-mercy. Putting the Case now, that they serv'd the King on­ly for their Own Ends: We have an acknowledgment yet, that there was Loyalty, and good service in it, however qua­lified: and we know that there were All this is in behalf of Pope­ry. many Brave, and Eminent men among them, that lost their Estates and Lives in that service. If it lyes as a reproach upon them, that they did not serve the King out of Loyalty, that which they did, was yet better than not serving him at all; and better, in a higher degree still, than fighting against him. But sup­posing now that they had no known Papists in their Army, the Case is not one jot mended; for they were all Schisma­tiques then; and it is worth the Observation, that not a man drew his sword in that Cause, who was not a Known Sepa­ratist; and that, on the other side, not one Schismatique ever struck stroke in the King's Quarrel: The One side con­tending according to their Duty, in favour of the Law, and the Other against it.

[Page 16]Our Appellant lyes open to another Objection in the clause above-recited. He says, The conse­quence extend­ed further than at first design'd. the Commotion was only found­ed upon an Opposition to that Party. How came it then, that they seiz'd the Crown, and Church-Lands; put the King to Death, plunder'd, sequester'd, and beheaded his Protestant Friends, if the Opposition was only to Popery? But we have seen their pretences, and we have felt the meaning of them.

He insists upon Dr. Du Mou­lin will satisfie any in this matter. the Papists desiring Oliver to accept of the Crown. There [...]s a little Book that will inform us better concerning that transaction. It's call'd Monarchy asserted, consisting of a Collection of Speeches upon that debate.

It will be easily granted, that this is in a high degree the Old-Play Reviv'd, but we are too well acquainted with the circumstances of the present Plot, to carry the resemblance thorough. That which the Fanatiques then Acted, was laid on the Papists; and when they had master'd the King, under the Calumny of a Papist, they Murther'd him as a Prote­stant. The Question at present is not the Certainty of One Plot, but the Superfoetation of another: For it is compossible enough, that a Papist may be before his Majesty with a Dag­ger, and some rank Enthusiast behind him with a Pistol.

This Story in the Appeal was unanswera­ble, and there­fore not to his purpose. He proceeds with a Story of Mr. Claypool, not at all to our purpose; and then gives us further, an account of the Papists design in Scotland; who first by their Councels pro­cured the poor Inhabitants to be Oppress'd, and then sending their disguised Priests, and Emissaries amongst them, encou­rag'd the poor silly Natives to Mutiny against those Oppressions, hoping to cast the Plot upon the Presbyterians

If the Power, Number, and Industry of these Emissaries be such as our Appellant would have us believe, As if half a hundred Priests would set thou­sands of silly people toge­ther by the ears. a man would think there should hardly be a Rat-trap in the three Kingdoms, without a Priest in't. Let us but lay together several Circumstances in this Appeal concerning the Miracu­lous Influences of these men upon all sorts of People, and it will be a hard matter to represent any thing more Comical. First, he says, that the Papists have already made sure of [Page 17] all the Young Beggarly Officers, or Souldiers, Courtiers, and Over-hot Church-men; Fol. 2. Secondly, he makes them to have an Absolute Dominion over the King and his Councill; for they have made him Banish those Officers (he says) that should lead the people up against the Popish Army. Thirdly, they govern all the Conventicles in the Kingdom, as our Ap­pellant will have it. And Fourthly, they procur'd the Scots to be Opprest, and after that shifted hands, and made them rebell; and all this is every man bound to believe, as the Thirteenth Article of his Faith. Now can any thing be more wonderful, then that these people that can turn the King and his Councill with a Twine thread; that have so absolute a Command of the Multitude; and can set Governours and Subjects handy-dandy, to Box one another like Punchinello's Puppets, when they please: It may be policy requires them to let some few die, rather than discover their Power at pre­sent. is it not a wonderful thing (I say) that these men with all this Interest, are not yet able to save a Priest from the Gallows; or any single person of the Party from the Exact Rigour of the Law. Have they only a Power to do the Government Mischief, and themselves no Good? We insist the more earnestly upon this Point, be­cause the comfort of Humane Society is totally destroy'd, if we come once to be transported, by these stories, into a Com­mon Diffidence, every man of his Neighbour; and put into such a condition, by the Entertainment of these Jealousies, that there will be no longer any Faith, or Confidence in Man­kind; for fear of He makes the Papists in­visible and fictitious Evidence, and defames the Kings Evidence. these Invisible and undistinguishable Enemies in our daily Conversation.

Now to support, and fortifie himself in his Opinion; he says farther, that not only Dr. Oates mentions this-in his Evi­dence, but that the Papists themselves were so well assured of the Scotch Rising, before it happen'd, that at the Disbanding of this late Popish Army, many of the Officers and Souldiers had secret Orders not to sell their Horses, but to be in a readi­ness, for that they should have occasion to use them again within a Fortnight, and so it happen'd; for within a Fortnight after the Disbanding, the Rebellion brake out in Scotland: So well acquainted were the Authors of this Mischief, with the time when it would happen:

[Page 18]With the Appellants leave, Very true, for how could Dr. Oates say they had done it, before they had? we all agree that he only mentions their design, which was effected long since he gave in his Evidence. Dr. Oates only Reports what these Agents Design'd to do, and the Hopes of their succeeding in it; but says nothing positively, that I can find, of what they had done: and in his Thirty fifth Deposition, ex­presly makes their Project to be the weakening of both the Presbyterian, and Episcopal Faction: As to the casting of the Plot upon the Presbyterians, it was not so well contriv'd (me thinks) as it might have been: For it is no Clearing of the Papists from One Plot upon the Kings Life, the charging of the Presbyterians with another.

Then there's another slip; he will have the Papists privy to the Scotch Rising, because at the Disbanding of the Popish Army, some Officers were order'd not to sell their Horses, &c. First, it is not Because not required; but many can ju­stifie it upon Oath. prov'd that they had any such Orders: Secondly, he calls it a So call'd, because many of the Officers were Papists. Popish Army; and implies, that these Orders were given to Popish Officers, which Officers either went upon the service or not: If they went, they over­threw their own design; for he makes it the Papists Inte­rest to entertain those Tumults, and these Gentlemen made it their business to suppress them. If they did not go, their Orders were to no purpose. But why does the Appellant call it a Popish Army? He should do well to wash his Mouth, after so foul and scandalous an expression.

But now let us change hands; and see if it be not more probable that the Fanaticks knew before-hand of that Rising, then the Papists. For though we had at that time greater apprehensions of the French then ever, The Parlia­ment chiefly desired their disbanding: so as he accuses them for being privy to the Scotch Insurrection. yet the impor­tunities of some people were so violent for the immediate disbanding of the Army, that it lookt like a design to remove that Block out of the Scots way. The next passage is a little mysterious.

He says, that it was likely the Scots would be beaten by the Kings Forces, that (says he) it might make both Them and Us less apt to Rise upon any account whatsoever, So that here is a This tacit Confession is as improper an expression, as exposition. tacit Confession, that the Appellant found some in­convenience in this discouragement to a joynt Rebellion: And so he goes on, saying, that if this had been a Fanatical Plot, the same Party would certainly have risen in England at the same time. But this, under favour, will not hold; for the Scots tumulted in 37. and appeared in actual Rebellion in 38. [Page 19] whereas their Brethren in England did not take up arms till 41, though privy to and confederate in the Tumults of 37. He lays it down for granted in the next Line, that the Papists Murthered the Late King, and so proceeds in these words.

Now to give the Devil his due, Who knows but many of them were Pa­pists in dis­guise, like our Author? however, they might like Pon­tius Pilate, de­liver him up to be crucified, and then wash their hands of his death. I cannot find so much as One Papist in the whole List of the Regicides; and yet I have turn'd over all the Acts and Ordinances; Walkers In­dependency; and in one word, the whole History of those times; and can hear no news of them. Take notice, that it is not the question here whether or no the Papists would have scrupled it upon a fair Occasion; but whether or no, in the Truth of the Fact, it was the Papists that did it: and I do not think it Fair, to hang one Man, or Condemn one par­ty for anothers fault. This is an Answer to his own former Pa­rallel, wherein he goes to vin­dicate the Pa­pists, by accu­sing the Fana­ticks. Put the case one man steals a Horse, and another robs a Church, 'tis no vindication of the Horse-stealer, to discharge him of the Sacrilege; no vindication of him that rob'd the Church, to acquit him of the Horse-stealing; but it were a high injustice to charge one offender with the crime of another. Howbeit he here endea­vours to justifie the French's ill usage of his Majesty, yet being unable to disprove our Civili­ties to the French as false, he takes no notice of it. His following Reflections upon the Ill-usage the Royal Family received in France when his Majesty was abroad, and the good Offices which France has received from hence in requital, are only meant for a sly and invidious Reproach upon the Government, and there is more of flourish in them then matter of weight; only he has one speculation not to be past over.

Here he pretends to tell us of our miseries, and from whence in a great measure they proceed; but The dan­ger of the Kings person', Religion, and Government, by reason of the Plot; together with the many Jesuitical Fires, loss of Trade, and danger of the French power, are none of them Calamities to our Author? who would rejoyce at them, as being a Papist, and would therefore have us think them all imaginary and remote, till they really happen. it would [Page 20] puzzle a man to find out what these present Calamities are, more then the froward and fantastical apprehensions of re­mote and imaginary Evils: Nay, the very fear it self is coun­terfeited as well as the danger, and the men that dress up these goblins to fright the silly multitude, they do but laugh at them themselves. Our State Empericks do with our Politique, as our Physicians do with our Natural Bodies (for there are Intoxicating Opinions as well as Passions) they make their Patients many times stark raving mad with that which they are not one jot affected withall themselves. Do we not live (or if we will, at least, we may) in Peace and Plen­ty, under the protection of a Gracious & a Protestant Prince, and under the blessing also of so particular a providence, that when all our Neighbours have been at fire and sword round about us, this Nation has been yet exempt from the common calamities of Christendom? And shall we now expose and abandon our present quiet and security only for future possibilities, and make our selves certainly miserable before-hand for fear of being miserable hereafter? Who­soever soberly considers what we enjoy on the one hand, and what we fear on the other, comparing and examining both parts with their due and reasonable circumstances, he shall find all attempts and proposals of popular prevention of reformation, to be as wild a project, All this page is V [...]x praet [...]rea n [...]h [...]l, nothing but florid non­sence, wherein he compares the fear of his Majesties death, to the fear of Corns and Chilblains. as if a man should cut off a leg or an arm for fear of corns and chilblains. But what if our fears were yet juster then they seem to be? how many things may yet intervene, according to the or­dinary course of humane affairs, to disappoint the danger? as Meaning the Duke's death, the King's survi­ving, and the Duke's conver­sion: as if no man must take care for the future, because there is a bare possibility of suc­ceeding without it. Mortality, Survivorship, change of thought, &c. or can the Appellant prescribe us any Remedy, that is not worse then the disease? shall a man cast himself from the top of Bow, for fear of tumbling down stairs? shall we de­stroy Protestantism for fear of Popery? or a Good Govern­ment for fear of a bad One? shall we run the hazzard of Damnation, for fear of Oppression? Nay, what if our pre­sent apprehensions were Gratify'd? New ones would yet succeed into their places: For the Rage of Jealousy is [Page 21] boundless and Incurable. And so we found it Still harp­ing upon the same string, so that this Pam­phlet is no­thing but Tau­tology and Po­pery. A man would guess that this Au­thor was once so near hang­ing, as to have a Presbyterian Rope about his Neck, that makes him so much inveigh against them. in the Late Rebellion, which was built upon the same Foundation. Never so mean and so despicable a slavery, as that which we then brought upon our selves for fear of slavery. Never was any Papacy so Tyrannical, and so Ridiculous together, as that Persecuting, and Non-sensical Presbytery, which we had in Exchange for the best temper'd Ecclesiastical Government upon the face of the Earth. Were not Those blessed days when our Divines had Salesmen, and Mechaniques for their Tryers; and the Laity a supercilious Company of Classical, and Congregational Noddies for the Inspectors of our Lives and Manners: When Tone, and Lungs, without either Learning, or Honesty, were the distinguishing Marks of a Gifted Brother? Methinks the very Memory of these servile and profane Indignities should put the bare thought of the Second part of it out of Countenance.

And he seems as much out in the pretended Cause of our Calamities, as he was in the Calamities themselves. Did our Pr [...]nces never live in France? There were no Princes Educated abroad in the Late Kings time, and yet the same clamour to a Tittle. But if the Appellant had been so minded, he might have given us a much more Rational account of our misfortunes, then he has done. He might have charg'd them upon those people, who in truth, first sent the young Princes into Exile, and then kept them there; and have at present a design upon the Exercise of the same Arbitrary power again, which they would be thought to fear. They began with a cry against Popery, but they concluded in the Because one King was (as he says) mur­der'd by Pro­testants, there­fore our Au­thor would have us fear them more than the Pa­pi [...]ts, who have murder'd ma­ny: so partial is a Pap [...]st in his own cause. Murther of the King; the dis­lution of the Monarchy, and the perpetual Exclusion of the Royal Family, as may be seen in their Proclamation of Jan. 30.48. for Inhibiting any person to be King. Where­as Charles Stuart King of England, (say they) being for the Notorious Treasons, Tyrannies, and Murthers, committed by Him in the Late Unnatural and cruel Wars, condemned to Death, &c. It is remarkable, that though they possest the people against his Majesty, as a Papist, there is not one word of Religion in the Reasons, of their putting him to death.

The Appellant comes now to shew his Reading, in two passages out of Philip de Comines, with an application of [Page 22] his Observations upon them. The former concerning certain English Pensioners; which Lewis the Eleventh of France kept in Pay. Now though I cannot agree the hun­dreth part of those Persons to be Pensioners, which out of an envy to the Government, the Common people are instru­cted to call so; yet I shall never differ with him upon this point, that the Money of Lewis the Fourteenth may perhaps have been current in England, as well as that of Lewis the Eleventh was. The other story is that of Lewis the Eleventh to Charles Duke of Burgundy in the Case of Campobache. The French King advertizes the Duke of Burgundy (they being then in hostility) that the Count Campobache was a Traytor to him: But the Duke would not believe it. And there was one Cifron also, who was of the Plot with Campobache: This same Cifron, being taken prisoner by the Duke before Nancy, and condemned to dye; gave the Duke to under­stand, that he had a most Important secret to communicate to him. But the Duke neither giving admittance to Cifron, nor credit to the King; lost his Life afterward, and his Do­minions, by being too incredulous. Male dum recitas, incipit esse tuum: you your self ap­ply it. The Appellant applies this to his Majesties Case, in Language so course and scan­dalous, that there is no repeating of it. And what does all this amount to, but that a I wish he had here shew'd us some example of a Prince ruin'd by over-cau­tion; or shew'd us some Argu­ment why the Duke of Bur­gundy had come to the same end, if he had credited the Kings ad­monition: abund [...]us cau­tela non nocet. Prince may as well be undone by believing too much, as too little? If he had Trusted either less to Campobache, or more to the King, it had come all to a purpose. He will have his Majesty in danger for not belie­ving enough of the Popish Plot: But his Royal Father was Ruin'd on the other side, by not believing enough of the Pres­byterian Plot. And God grant that his present Majesty may only believe so much of that Plot over again, as may stand with his honour and safety. But it appears in this place, by the coursness of the Appellants Expressions, and by the byass of the whole Libel throughout, that he is not so much concern'd for the Kings believing or not believing, as Evil to him that Evil thinks, to fasten a scandal upon his Majesty, by perswa­ding the People, that the King does not believe it; and consequently to possess them, that his Majesty is a fa­vourer of Popery, though never any Prince in Christendom gave more Convincing and Irrefragable Proofs of the contrary.

[Page 23] This passage of the Duke of Burgundy (he says Fol. 4.) may be very much to our purpose, to shew you, Was it not an old obser­vation of the Ancients, Quos Jupiter vult perdere hos prius dementa [...] that when God designs the destruction of a King or People, he makes them deaf to all discoveries be they never so obvious. And having Level­led the Application in particular, he speculates in general terms (toward the bottom of the leaf) upon the whole matter.

We shall put him together now, and make English of him, First, he makes the Duke of Burgundies Case, in his Deaf­ness to Discoveries, to be the Kings. Secondly, He infers from that Deafness, that God has Design'd his Majesty to De­struction. Thirdly, he takes upon him to Philosophize upon the Reasons of Princes Incredulity in such Cases; and very fairly represents his Majesty as a Party in-the Conspi­racy, and consenting to the Introduction of a New Govern­ment and a New Religion, though not privy to the Plot of taking away his Own Life. Only he concludes with a [ But this I hope is not Our Case] in such a way of What a way of Reasoning is this? Doubting as implies Believing. And so much for the first point.

The Second Motive (he says Fol. 5.) which may incline a Prince to disbelieve the Report of a Plot, is, from his Own Good Nature, and Clemency; which makes him not believe any ill of those to whom he has been so kind. But this is a fal­lacious way of arguing.

[Page 24]Now by his Favour, This is not so much an Argument from Good Nature, on the One side, as from the Tye of Gratitude, on the Other: but whether way soever it be taken, the Late King found it indeed a very fallacious way of argu­ing: for almost all his Acts of Grace, and bounty, turn'd to his mischief, as appears in his Majesties Declaration, of Aug. 12. 1642. when after delivering up his Ministers to Impeachments, his Concessions in the business of the Star-Chamber, High-Commission Court, Ship-Money, Forest-Laws, Stannery-Courts, Tonnage and Poundage, Con­tinuance of the Parliament, &c. they improv'd all these Trusts, and Condescensions even to the formal taking away his Authority, Revenue, and Life. And those particularly whom his Late Majesty Oblig'd to the highest degree, laid the foundation of his Ruine. Nor is the ingratitude of the same party to the Son less notorious, then the other was to the Father: None flying so fiercely in the face of the Kings Authority and person, as those that stand indebted to the King for their Lives and Estates; who yet act as confident­ly, as if one Rebellion might be placed in Justification of another. For they do now afresh and in publick avow the methods and practises of the late Times; while the true sons and servants both of the English Here he practises that Popish Do­ctrine of Merit in Temporals, as well as Spi­rituals; when vainly boasting of his own de­serts, he doth implicitely tax both King, Church and State with in­gratitude. Church and State, lie in the dust, waiting for the righteous Judgment of the Lord in want, and patience. Now if according to the Ap­pellants Rule those are the most dangerous, to whom the King has been most kind, that danger must be understood of the Fanatiques; for otherwise the Appealer runs the Haz­zard of a Premunire, upon the Act for the safety of the Kings Person, in scandalizing his Majesty for a favourer of Popery. It is not yet that the general Rule fails, because of this Ex­ception: For the greater the Obligation, the greater in reason ought to be the confidence, though the Appellant seems to be of another opinion.

This is an admirable fetch of his, to prove his Royal High­ness [Page 25] dangerous to his Majesty, because he is both a Friend and a Brother; and still the Nearer, the more dangerous: as if the King were safer in the hands of his Enemies, then of his Friends. But he expounds himself, that they are more dangerous, in respect of greater Confidence, and fairer Oppor­tunities. There is no fence against that danger, but utterly to cast off and renounce all the Bonds, and Dictates of Soci­ety and Good Nature. I think any reasonable man will confess, that a Papist at this time is a dangerous companion. We must contract no Friendships, and trust no Relations, for fear they should cut our Throats. How much more wretched then the very Beasts, has our Appealer at this rate made Mankind, by poysoning the very Fountain of Humane Comforts? Nor is it a Friend that be­trays us; but an Enemy, under that appearance: By which Rule an Episcopal, a Fanatical, a Popish Friend, are all equally dangerous: For a Man has no more security of a Friend under one denomination, then under another. But the Appellant in this place speaks of the danger of a blind Friend­ship; that is to say, a kindness that is taken up without any consideration, or Choice, and runs on without fear or wit: which in this application, must either be very little respect­full, or altogether Impertinent.. He produces instances of perfidious Favourites and Relations: as if there were no other to be found in Nature. By his Argument, because One Woman poyson'd her Husband, all men should destroy their Wives: Because One Son supplanted his Father, all Pa­rents should drown their Children like Kitlins. Because One Younger Brother offer'd violence to his Elder, there should be no longer any Confidence, or Faith maintain'd among Brethren.

As to the Argument, this is only the Second Part to the same Tune; and a Particular Instance improv'd into an Universal Exception. This Argu­ment in the Appeal holds only against such Friends or Relations who are suspected to have attemp­ted our Lives. There are Wicked Husbands, Wives, Children; Let there be no more Marrying. Men have been poyson'd in the Sacrament, in their Cups, and Dishes; shall we therefore never receive the Communion, nor Drink, [Page 26] nor Eat? There have been Tyrants in all forms of Govern­ments, shall we therefore have no Government at all? And moreover, as this way of Reasoning Lessens all the Bonds of Humane Trust, and Concord, and runs us back again in­to Mr. Hobb's Original State of War, so does it as little serve the Appellants purpose, even if it were admitted. First, The Temptation of a Crown does not work upon any Man, either as a Brother, or as a stranger: but equally upon Both; and more, or less, as the man is more, or less Consciencious or Ambitious. So that the danger arises from the And from [...]is Religion, if Popery. Hu­mour of the Person, not from the Relation. Nay Secondly, The Danger is Greater, from a Popular Faction that has no Right at all to a Crown, than from a Legal Pretendent to it, upon a Claim of Descent. For the One only waits his Time, according to the course of Nature, whereas the Other presses his end by the ways of Bloud and Violence, having no other way to compass it: He makes it yet a stronger argu­ment, where there is but One Life betwixt a Successor and Three Kingdoms: The gain and expectati­on which is di­vided among the populace, is not of such power, as when united in one single person, who has all by the others death. Especi­ally at this time they can wish nothing more than the King's Death, a Papist being to succeed him; for every Englishman ought to desire the King should live as long as the Duke of York, or any other person: Now if the King does live as long as the Duke, then the Duke can never be King; therefore every Englishman ought to desire the Duke may never be their King. But does not this Argument hold as strong on the other side? There was only the King's Life be­twixt the Faction of 1641, and the Three Kingdoms, which Life they took away, and so possest themselves of his Do­minions. Their pretence was only a Reformation of Abu­ses; with Horrid, and Multiply'd Oaths, that they designed Only the Glory of God, the Honour of the King, the Pre­servation of the Protestant Religion His Majesty (they said) was misled by Popish Counsels; and their Business was no more than to rescue him out of the hands of Papists, and bring him home to his Parliament. And what was the Event of all? A Gracious Prince was Murther'd, and 500 Tyrants set up in his stead: Our Religion, and Our Laws were Trampled upon; and the Free-born English-men sub­jected to a Bondage, below that of Gaily-slaves: The whole Nation becoming a Scandal, a Hissing, and a Scorn, to all our Neighbours, round about us.

But what were these People, all this while? If we may credit the Appellant, they were Priests and Iesuits; Or at [Page 27] least, Papists: But the King tells us, they were Brownists, Anabaptists, and Other Sectaries; Preaching Coachmen, Felt-makers, &c. The Act for Indempnity gives us a List of the Regicides: The Act of Uniformity stiles them Schisma­tiques, and throughout the whole History of their Acts, and Ordinances, there appear none but Dissenting Protestants: The Church of England being the Only Sufferer, betwixt the Two Extreams. And these People had the Interest of the Two Crowns in prospect too; which the Appellant descants so Jollily upon: Here he takes no notice of the Jesuitical K [...]ng-killing Principles; all his design be­ing to render Protestants odi­ous. Almost every Pulpit promising Salvation to the Fighters of the Lords Battels against the Lords A­nointed, with a Cursed be He (at the End on't,) that doth the work of the Lord Negligently.

There is no more in This, than that most Princes Believe, upon the Common Inducements that move all men of Rea­son whatsoever, to Believe; Viz The Probability of the matter in Question, and the Credit of the Witnesses. Now as to the Popish Plot; we shall give him these Two Points for Granted, but without discharging a Plot likewise, on the Other hand, upon the same Principles, and no less preg­nant Evidence. But he means it, and blames nothing in the said Plot, but the ill con­duct of it, cal­ling it only sil­ly, but not im­pious. We do not speak here of the Popish Plot, which the Papists would most sillily have turn'd upon the Presbyterians; (the shallowest Contrivance certainly that ever was hatch'd, and the most palpable Imposture:) But we speak of a Plot that was Bred and born in the Fanatical party; Witnesses come from St. Omers. whereof we have as many Witnesses almost as Readers; in Forty Libels of That Leaven, and Extraction: Beside several Open and Violent attempts upon the Govern­ment, which do unanimously bear Testimony against them. The Following parts of This Paragraph are wrought into such a Complication of Zeal and Scandal (one Snap at the King, and another at the Plot) that every period is a Bait: And whoever touches upon it, is sure of a Hook in his No­strils. Under Colour of Asserting and making out the Truth of the Plot, (which no sober man doubts of) he throws Dirt upon his Majesty and his Ministers, for dodging, and [Page 28] Imposing upon the People, in favour of it. One while too Much comes out, another while too Little. The Frequent Dissolutions and Prorogations of Parliaments (he says ex­presly) 'Tis not said were, but did prevent their Tryals, and that no man can deny. were to prevent the Tryal of the Lords: And so the Squib runs sputtering on, from the King to his Privy Councel; Thence, to his Courts of Justice; and in One word, Why? be­cause he print­ed it. the whole Story comes to no more than a Politi­cal abstract out of Harris's Domestick Intelligence.

But why these Pamphlets to the Multitude? First, There's no fear of the peoples running into Popery: For 'tis their Horrour and Aversion. Secondly, There's no need of Con­vincing Them of the Truth of the Plot: How fearful he is left a Pope should be burnt; or Papist upon the ac­count of the Plot be affront­ed. But rather to keep them from Extravagances, upon the Jealousies and apprehensions they conceive of it already. Thirdly, There's no need neither of calling Them to our assistance, toward the suppressing of it: For the sifting and Examining of this Conspiracy, with the bringing of the Confederates to Pub­lique Justice, is a great part of the business of the Govern­ment. So that these Libels cannot be reasonably understood to have any Other than these Two ends. First, To Teaze and Chafe the Rabble into a Rage, disposing and preparing them to entertain any occasion for uproar and Tumult. Secondly, When their Bloud is up against 'Tis to be supposed, he has a dispensation for that word Detestable. This Detesta­ble Plot, with the Contrivers, Promoters, and abetters of it; what does he, but turn the Rancour of That Outragious Humour upon the King, Privy Councel, Courts of Justice; and Briefly, all his Friends; by marking Them out for Par­ties in the Treason: And so rendring his Majesty, and his Government Odious, by these Malicious Insinuations, and endangering the Peace of the Publique, to the Highest Degree?

The Appellants Observation and Inference is this, that the Popish Plot is to be Believ'd, because it squares with the Principles and Interest of the Party. We are better informed [Page 29] in the History and Doctrine of Massacres, and Regicides, then to question the Malice of the Jesuitical Positions, or the credibility of the Plot here in Debate: and so we shall yield him in the Hellish Tenet, which he insists upon, of Murther­ing KINGS, and a Hellish Tenet it is indeed; and as Hellish undoubtedly in a Schismatique, as in a Jesuit. For his Quarrel otherwise is to the Faction, not to the Maxim, which is equally Dangerous and detestable in all Factions. Now wheresoever we find the same Principles, we have the Appellants leave honestly to suspect the same Designs.

Was not this the Doctrine of the Fanatiques from Forty, to Sixty? And did they not make good their Doctrine by their Practise? Did they not declare the King Accountable to the People? And did they not put him to Death, upon that Foundation? We have the very Journals themselves of those Times, to prove what we say: beside the Damned Harmony of their best received Authors to that purpose. He cannot here quote his Authors, be­cause all these Principles were taken out of the Iesuits Mo­rals, which he here fixes on the Fanaticks. We propound (say the Remonstrants) that the Person of the King may be speedily brought to Justice, for the Treason, Bloud and Mischief he is Guilty of. An Act (says another) agreeing with the Laws of God, Consonant to the Laws of Men, and the Practices of all Well-order'd States and Kingdoms. Let Justice and Reason blush (says another) and Traytors and Mur­therers, Parricides and Patricides put on white Garments and Rejoyce as Innocent ones, if this man (speaking of the Late King) should escape the hands of Justice and Punishment. The Government of England (says a Fourth) is a Mixt Monar­chy, and Govern'd by the Major Part of the Three Estates assembled in Parliament. Whensoever a King (says a Fifth) or other Superior Authority, Creates an Inferior, they invest it with a Legitimacy of Magistratical Power, to punish themselves also, in case they prove Evil Doers. It is Lawful (says a Sixth) for any, who have the Power, to call to account a Tyrant or wicked King; and after due Conviction, to Depose and put him to Death, if the Ordinary Magistrate have deny'd to do it. Detrahere Indigno, &c. It is not for private persons to Depose a wicked Governour; but that the Universality of the People may Lawfully do it, I think no body questions.

These Seditious Positions, with many more, (and some worse, perhaps) were publiquely Printed and avow'd before [Page 30] his Majesties Return. And the very same Principles, with Pestilent Additions to them, have been expos'd by the same Party, in the face of the Sun, since his Majesties Restauration. And there is scarce a Pamphlet without something of this Mixture, that comes from any of the Private and Pragma­tical Intermeddlers in the present Controversie. So that the Principles are the very same, as to the Quality and Ingredi­ents, under several Colours. And so much for their Principles: Now to their Interests.

In his following way of Reasoning; under the Counte­nance of proving it to be the Papists Interest to Murther the King, he does all he can in the world, by a side-wind, to possess them with the Necessity of doing it; and conse­quently, to force them upon it: Only, as good luck is, the Arguments will not bear that stress. I should not dare to speak his words after him, if it were not, Here he does the Au­thor of the Ap­peal no small honour una­wares, in ma­king his Book so generally approv'd of. First, that the Libell is already, by several Impressions of it, made as Publique as a News-Book. And Secondly, that his Propositi­ons are erected upon a false Bottom▪ Upon which two Considerations, we shall presume to insert only two Periods of his, upon this Subject.

It falls out Happily that the force of his Argument does not come up to the Drift of it. But the Weakness of the One, takes off the Edge of the Other. Everyman that has but so litte w [...]t as our Author, knew the Papists Interest before: so that I conceive this was written only to de­monstrate the danger his Majesty is in. He tells the whole world, that the Papists have no way in the Earth to save themselves, [Page 31] but by the Murther of the King. The One half of this spoken in a Corner to a Knot of Priests and Jesuits, and fairly prov'd upon a man, would be as much as his Head's worth. And is the Crime ever the Lesse for doing the same thing in Publique, where the Provocation is stronger? These Dis­courses are not to pass for Simple Declarations of a mans Opinion; but Artificial Encouragements rather, and Advises, toward the doing of the thing; especially coming from the Pen of a Person that calls himself Why might not the Author of the Appeal, like some of the Popes, take a Name upon him contrary to his Nature. Junius Brutus, and recommends himself to the City by the Borrow'd name of a King-killer. Tho' I cannot inform my self of any of that Family that lives near Richmond.

His First Argument runs thus. The King wants money; and there's none to be got, but either of the Papists, or of the Parliament. The Parliament, he says, will give his Majesty none; and therefore the Papists will Murther him to save Charges. This is a Policy far fetch'd: The Fathers Head (we know) was set at a Price, but we hope better of the Sons: Now in his prejudging the Parliament, upon an Assumption that the King gets not a penny of Mony of them, but upon such and such Terms; You are well acquainted sure with the Author, to know his thoughts. he does not so much speak his thought, as vent his Proposition; rather Desireing, then Foreseeing that the Houss of Commons will hold the King to such unhappy Conditions. And then he finishes his Con­templation with this Conclusion, that the Papists will never forgive his Majesty, for what he has done already. Wherein, First, he Contradicts himself, in supposing the King an En [...]my to the Papists, whom he has hitherto in­sinuated to be their Friend. And Secondly, instead of proving the Papists Design against the King in this Par­ticular, he advances One of his Own.

Now if he would have come roundly up to the Point of the Papists Interest, he should have told us of the Ecclesi­astical Dignities and Preferments that the Church of Rome has confer'd upon their Emissaries into his Majesties Do­minions: And he should have expounded it to the people, what pains they take, and what Hazards they run, only in the playing of their Own Game, and making way to their advantages in Reversion. This is so great a truth, that most of the serious Catholiques themselves reflect fa­miliarly upon these Busie People, as the common troublers [Page 32] of the Peace of Christendom: But then I should have oppos'd an Interest also on the Fanatiques side, to ballance this. For they have their Reversionall prospects too: their sequester'd Livings and Estates; their plunder'd goods, their profitable Offices and Commissions, Crown and Church Lands, &c. And they wait for their day again as impatiently as the Jews do for their Messias. Nay to keep their title still a foot, they stand fast to their Old Covenant still, I hope he doth not esteem all that are for Magna Charta, to be Fana­ticks. as the Fanatiques Magna Charta; by which they pretend to make out a Religious claim to all the advantages they got by sacriledge and oppression. So that their principles and interests lying indifferently against the Establisht Order both of Church and State; there will be no need of casting either faults upon the other.

After a worse then Astrological Determination upon the Kings Fate; he bestows another Cast of his Cunning upon the City and Citizens of London, I think sad experience hath already justified this hint, which he calls malicious, as if he thought himself con­cern'd in Firing; 'tis evi­dent his prin­ciples would let him. which (he says) is in danger to be consum'd by Fire. It is a lewd and a seditious Hint, in both these Cases, the putting of it into the head, as it is much in the power of any profligate and desperate villain, to verify his calculation. Besides that in telling the Citizens what they are to expect, he does at the same time, Counsell the Papists what to do. They will burn London; (he says) First, as the only United force, able to withstand Arbitrary Government, and without that, Popery can never prevail,

If Popery cannot come in without Arbitrary Government, if the Iesuits design the burning of London, as the only United force that can withstand that power: either there is no fear of Popery and Arbitrary Government, and (consequently) of such a design taking place in this King's Reign; or the whole calumny falls directly upon his Majesty himself: or otherwise, if the Appellants prospect looks forward into the future, what's the meaning of all these Alarms, so unsea­sonably, to trouble our present peace with the sickly Visions of things to come? And he should have done well also to have expounded himself a little upon the United Force that should withstand, and the Arbitrary Government to be with­stood? For otherwise, it may be taken for the sounding of a Trumpet to a Rebellion. Here he pleads for Ar­ [...]trary Go­ [...]nment. For the Arbitrary Govern­ment which he phansies to himself, must be exercised either [Page 33] by a Lawful Prince, or by an Vsurper: If by the Former▪ his Tyranny is no Warrant for our opposition; if the Latter, there's no appearance of any other Vsurpation, then (as we shall see presently) of his own setting up.

The passage now is plain English; and as many indigni­ties upon the Government, crouded into one sentence, as could well be brought together. Here is First, an Exhor­tation to a Rebellion. For the Prince here in question, against whom the sword is to be drawn, can be no other, upon his supposition, The Sword is in the Ap­peal no where bid to be drawn but a­gainst a Popish Successor, and that too when the King is murdered. So that at the worst it is but Treason by An­ticipation, which is not mention'd in our Law. than actually the King. And let him take his choice now whether it shall be intended of his present Majesty, or of his Successour. It is a Rebellion against the King that now is, in the one Case, and against the Next King in the other: And Secondly, It is not only a simple Rebellion, but (to the scandal of the Reformation, and particularly of the Church of England) a Rebellion founded upon the Do­ctrine of the Protestant Religion: Thirdly, It is no other then (as he himself has worded it) the Hellish Tenet of Murther­ing Kings, in a disguise: only a Jesuitical Principle in Mas­querade. It is, Fourthly, a Condemnation of the practices and submissions of the Primitive Christians, and the whole story of our Protestant Martyrology.

He says, Thirdly, that the City is too powerful for any Prince that Governs not by the love of his people, which no Popish Suc­cessour can expect to do. This is the very Translation of his Name-sake, Junius Brutus, in his Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos. If the Prince fails in his promise (says he) the people are ex­empt from their obedience. The contract is made void, and the right of obligation is of no force. It is therefore permitted to the Officers of a Kingdom, either all, or some good number of them, to suppress a Tyrant. Here's a great deal of virulence in his Discourse, without one word of weight, to countenance it. For the well-being of this City is so essentially requisite to the well-being of this Kingdom, that the very charge of the Government is not to be defray'd without it. So that [Page 34] it is the interest of all Governours to cherish, and support it. Here he trifles away some half a score lines more about the Fire; and then, from the danger of the City, advances to the further danger accruing to the Citizens, as well as to the whole Kingdom, upon the King's untimely Death.

Does he suppose this confusion upon the death of the King; or the burning of the City, or before, or after? Notwith­standing this Authors flatte­ry of his Grace and the City, yet their wis­dom will cer­tainly unmask him; whom if I knew, 'tis probable I might get a hundred pound for taking a Jesuit. Or has he consulted either the Illustrious Person, or the Ho­nourable City (that he makes so bold with) to know whether or not the one would accept of such a Commission upon the Appellants terms, or the other offer it? the Character that he is pleas'd to bestow upon his Grace, for his Quality, Courage, and Conduct, is not unknown to any man that ever so much as heard of his Name. But the Appellant never considers that all these glorious circumstances are point blank contradictions to his design. How can he imagine that so brave a Person can ever stoop to so mean a thought; and suffer himself, by a Prostitute Libell, to be inchanted out of his Honour, reason, and Allegiance? Or that the most Eminent City of Christendom for purity of Religion, Loyalty to their Prince, Power, Good Govern­ment, Wealth and Resolution, should be cajol'd out of all these blessings and advantages, by the Jesuitical Fanaticism of a Dark-lanthorn-Pamphlet? But to what end is all this clutter? the Appellant has a mind (it seems) to I cannot perceive the Author of the Appeal has any such design a­gainst the King, but ra­ther the con­trary; since both by the Title, Argu­ments against the Plot, and Prayer for the King at last, he seems to aim at nothing more than his Maje­sties preserva­tion, whom I pray God de­fend from the hands and counsels of all su [...]h evil men 25 this Author. change his Master. He who hath the worst Title (he says) ever makes the best King; which is a very fair proposition for setting up of a worse Title, in his Majesties place. From hence he goes forward, still computing upon his Majesties death, as a thing to be taken for granted; and so recommending himself to the most worthy Citizens, he finishes his Appeal.